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THE 
 
 VIRGINIAN HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 AFEICAN COLONIZATION. 
 
 By Rev. P. ^SLAUGHTER. 
 
 " Africa gave to Virginia, a Savag6 and a Slsive ; Virginia gives back to Africa a Citiaen 
 and a Chriatiau." — Henry A. Wise. 
 
 RICHMOND : 
 
 MACFARLANE & FEKQUSSON. 
 
 1855. 
 
363 
 
 ll^m^t 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 TO THE 
 
 VIRGINIAN HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 
 
 AFRICA IN AMERICA. 
 
 A 2>robIem : America in Africa ; its solu- 
 tion in part. Eemarlable series of 
 events leading to the formation of the 
 Colonization Society. Extraordinary 
 concurrence of politiciajis of all parties 
 and christihns of all creeds. Apparent 
 instances of Providential intervention. 
 Injudicious defences of Slavery: the 
 true ground upon ichich to rest our pe- 
 culiar institution. The Colonization 
 Society a true exponent of public senii- 
 inenf, and a response to repeated de- 
 mands of the General Assembly. Colo- 
 nization and AboUtion antagonistic : 
 Colonization a safety-valve to the ship 
 of State ; Abolition the bursting of the 
 boiler. Colonization stamped iciih the 
 broad seal of the Commonwealth by ten 
 General Assemblies in the course of fif- 
 ty years ; and sustained by the authori- 
 ty of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Mar- 
 shall, and nearly all the governors of 
 the State, and by a greater number of 
 eminent Virginians than ever concurred 
 in favor of any other measure of State 
 policy. 
 
 In the year 1607 three English ships 
 were driven by stress of weather into the 
 capes of Virginia ; and, having ascended 
 the James River, effected the first perma- 
 nent settlement of the white race upon 
 the North American continent. In the 
 year 1(120, a Dutch man-of-war ascended 
 the same river, and landed at the same 
 
 place twenty African slaves. And now 
 for the first time, the white man, the 
 black man, and the red man stood face to 
 face, and gazed upon each other in the 
 New World. 
 
 From that moment these three races 
 started upon a new career, which is now 
 in the process of development before our 
 eyes, and which is destined, in our hum- 
 ble judgment, to fulfil upon a large scale 
 that remarkable prophecy uttered thous- 
 ands of years before by the Patriarch 
 Noah, when, standing upon the mount of 
 inspiration, and looking down the course 
 of future time, he proclaimed : " God 
 shall enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell 
 in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall 
 be his servant," 
 
 The contemplation of the career upon 
 which these three races started at that 
 eventful moment will teach us some inter- 
 esting and instructive lessons. There was 
 the white man, the type of Christian civ- 
 ilization. He began immediately to in- 
 crease in the most rapid and wonderful 
 manner. In a very few years, he pene- 
 trated every river that opened its mouth 
 into the Atlantic Ocean ; he ascended 
 every hill, passed every mountain, pour- 
 ed along the valleys, and spread over the 
 continent. But not only has he subdued 
 the wilderness, and made those vast soli- 
 tudes, hitherto unbroken save by the war- 
 whoop of the Indian and the scream of 
 the eagle, vocal with the hum of industry 
 
 "This article was written for the Southern Literary Messenger by the author of this History, 
 and appeared January, 1856. 
 
IV 
 
 IXTBODUCTION. 
 
 and the songs of christian prai?e ; but he 
 has accomplished a revolution AThich has 
 no parallel in the annals of the world ; 
 and laid the foundation of governments 
 •which havefco model upon the face of the 
 globe. The kings of the old world are 
 looking with awe and disquietude upon 
 this "new Kome rising in the West ; the 
 foreshadows of whose greatness yet to be 
 are extending darkly and heavily over 
 their dominions, and obscuring the lustre 
 of their thrones." 
 
 Where are the other parties to this in- 
 teresting meeting? The red man has re- 
 tired before the rising tide of white pop- 
 ulation ; receding from the Blue Kidge 
 o the Alleghany, from the Alleghany to 
 the Mississippi ; and disappearing from 
 each in quick succession, like §now be- 
 fore the sun. He may linger for a few 
 years on our western horizon, but is des- 
 tined ere long to make his " ocean grave 
 with the setting sun." Ilis history is an 
 instructive instance of the effect of leav- 
 ing an inferior in contact with a superior 
 race, and in the enjoyment of its own 
 wild liberty. Had the African been left 
 like tlie Indian, in his native freedom, his 
 would have been the fate of the Indian.* 
 But in the mysterious Providence of God, 
 tlie African was " bound to the car of the 
 Anglo-American," who has borne him 
 along with him in his upward career, pro- 
 tecting his weakness and providing for 
 his wants. Accordingly, he has grown 
 with our growth and strengthened with 
 our strength, until he is numbered by 
 millions instead of scores ; and if the ac- 
 cession by immigration had not been ar- 
 rested, the black might have surpassed 
 the white population. In the meantimCi 
 the black man has been trained in the 
 habits, manners and arts of civilized life, 
 been taught the christian religion, and 
 been gradually rising in the intellectual 
 and moral order, until he is far above his 
 race in their native seats. In these facts 
 we see traces of the designs of an all- 
 wise Providence, in permitting the black 
 man to be brought here and subjected to 
 
 the discipline of slavery tempered by 
 Christianity, and regulated by law. Veri- 
 ly, if there had been no other end of such 
 a procedure, this " seeming sharp Provi-^ 
 dence of God would have been highly 
 justified." But as we proceed, we shall 
 see new and more beautiful instances of 
 design as the history of the race is evol- 
 ved under the Providence of God. 
 
 No sooner had we taken our place as 
 an independent power among the nations, 
 and begun to legislate for ourselves, than 
 a new phenomenon attracted the atten- 
 tion of our legislators ; viz: the class of 
 free colored people. The thirteen colo- 
 nies which adopted the Declaration of In- 
 dependence were slaveholders; When 
 these colonies became States, they reserv- 
 ed their sovereign power over the ques- 
 tion of slavery. In the exercise of that 
 sovereignty, seven of the original thirteen 
 in process of time emancipated their 
 slaves. Many individuals in the South- 
 ern States emancipated a still larger num- 
 ber. This anomalous class soon attracted 
 the public attention. Mr. Jefferson pre- 
 pared a comprehensive plan of coloniza- 
 tion in 1776 ; but nothing definite was 
 done, probably because when the report 
 of the committee of revision was acted 
 upon, Jefferson, its chairman, was in 
 France, and Pendleton and Wythe, two 
 of its members, were on the bench. In 
 after years, the subject was repeatedly 
 discussed in the legislature, and became 
 a matter of grave consultation and cor- 
 respondence between the President of the 
 United States (Jefferson) and Page and 
 Monroe, governors of Virginia. The 
 Genejral Assembly, in 1800, 1802 and 
 1805, passed resolutions upon the subject; 
 and opinions were interchanged between 
 the President of the United States, the 
 governors of Virginia, and the General 
 Assembly,, as to the comparative advan- 
 tages of our South-western frontier, of the 
 West Indies, and of Africa, as a site for 
 the proposed Asylum for free negroes. 
 Our difiiculties with foreign powers now 
 supervened, and arrested these interest^ 
 
 * In the Northern States the free negroes are declining in nnmbcrs, notwitlistanding the acces- 
 sion to them of fugitive slaves. The heaviest abatement has been in the last twenty years, the po- 
 riod of the most strenuous eflbrts of the Abolitionists. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 •Ing proceedings. Mr. Jefferson, howev- 
 er, continued to agitate the subject from 
 his retirement at Monticello ; saying, in 
 1811: "I have long made up my mind, 
 and have no hesitation in saying, that I 
 have ever thought this the most desirable 
 measure that could be adopted for draw- 
 ing off this part of our pojoulation; most 
 advantageous for them as well as for us. 
 Going from a country possessing all the 
 useful arts, they might be the means of 
 transplanting them among the inhabitants 
 of Africa; and Avould thus carry back to 
 the country of their origin the seeds of 
 civilization; which might render their so- 
 journ here a blessing iu the end to that 
 country." 
 
 So soon as the country was again at 
 peace, the public mind reverted with re- 
 newed interest to the subject of coloniza- 
 tion: and in December 181G, the General 
 Assemblypassed the following resolutions 
 by a majority of 137 out of 146 votes in 
 the House of Delegates ; and with hut one 
 dissenting voice in the Senate: 
 
 " Whereas, the General Assembly of 
 Virginia has repeatedly sought to obtain 
 an asylum beyond the limits of the Uni- 
 ted States for such persons of color as 
 have been or may be emancipated under 
 the laws of this Commonwealth, but have 
 hitherto found all their efforts frustrated, 
 either by the disturbed state of other na- 
 tions, or by domestic causes equally un- 
 propitioua ; they now avail themselves of 
 a period .when peace has healed the 
 wounds of humanity, and the principal 
 nations of Europe have agreed with the 
 United States in al)olishing the slave 
 trade (a traffic which this Commonwealth, 
 both liefore and after the revolution, sed- 
 ulously sought to extirpate,) to renew this 
 effort: therefore 
 
 Bcsolvcd, That the executive be reques- 
 ted to correspond with the President of 
 tlie United States, for the purpose of ob- 
 taining a territory on the coast of Africa, 
 or at some other place not within any of 
 the States or Territories of the United 
 States, to serve for an asylum of such 
 persons of color as are now free and de- 
 sire the same ; and for those who may be 
 hereafter emancipated within this Com- 
 monwealth: and that the Senators and 
 Representatives of this State in the Con- 
 gress of the United States be requested 
 to exert their best efforts to aid in the at- 
 tainment of that ol>ject." 
 
 These resolutions, which are substan- 
 tially a copy of those of 1802 and 1805, 
 contain the whole idea of the Coloniza- 
 tion Society, as now embodied. But 
 something more than mere political ex- 
 pediency, or even piotives of humanity, 
 was necessary for the realization of this 
 idea. Grand epochs in the history of 
 man's amelioration are signalized by 
 higher motives than those which dictate 
 mere human policies. Christianity is tho 
 mainspring of that intricate mechanism 
 which is bearing the earth along from its 
 wintry and torpid position, and bringing 
 it under the influence of serener heavens 
 and an awakening Spring. It was not 
 until the spirit of God breathed the 
 breath of life into the speculation of tho 
 politician that it became an organized 
 and living body in the form of the "Col- 
 onization Society." Let us look back for 
 a moment, and see how this new element 
 entered into the combination, and secur- 
 ed that indispensable condition of suc- 
 cess, the co-operation of christians and 
 politicians to the same end. 
 
 The conversion of Central Africa to 
 Christianity had long been an insoluble 
 problem to the christian church. The 
 "Sun of Righteousness," in making his 
 sun-like circuit of the earth, had visited 
 other lands, and even illumined the fron- 
 tiers of Africa ; but not a ray had pen- 
 etrated the laud of the Black man. Ethi- 
 opia was still the " Xiobe of Nations, 
 childless and crownless in her voiceless 
 woe." In response to her mute appeal, 
 missionaries, Catholic and Protestant, 
 casting behind them " all countryships, 
 and all the sweet charities of Home," 
 went forth, for two centuries, with the 
 heroic purpose of planting the " ensigns 
 of the Gospel" within this intrenched 
 carajD of Satan. The result was a per- 
 fect failure ; and the bones of a noble ar- 
 my of martyrs bleached their burning 
 sands. To human view, the land seemed 
 doomed ; but not to the eye of faithi 
 which saw, through these frowning Prov- 
 idences, " Ethiopia [in the language of 
 the Propliet] stretching out her hands 
 unto God." Many christian hearts were 
 still anxiously revolving the problem ; 
 
yi 
 
 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 and to tliem the happy thought was sug- 
 gested (as we believe, by the spirit of 
 God,) of returning to the land of their 
 fathers christianized Africans bearing the 
 ark of God, and all the institutions of 
 christian civilization. Happily, there was 
 a class of these persons (the free negroes) 
 to whose going no objection could be op- 
 posed. Indeed, all interests, social and 
 political, conspired to favor the sugges- 
 tion. Thus, politicians and christians 
 (each unconscious of what the other was 
 doing) started from different stand-points 
 and, proceeding upon different times of 
 argument, came to the same conclusion 
 at the same time.* 
 
 Accordingly, politicians of all parties 
 and christians of all creeds assembled in 
 the city of Washington soon after the 
 passage of the Virginia resolutions, and 
 laid the foundation of the Colonization 
 Society; burying under its corner-stone 
 all party feelings in politics, and all sec- 
 tarian jealousies in religion. What but 
 the over-ruling Providence of God could 
 have produced this conjuncture of cir- 
 cumstances and union of minds ?t 
 
 It was a happy coincidence, that the 
 year of the establishment of the Coloni- 
 zation Society was the year of Jas. Mon- 
 roe's accession to the Presidency of the 
 United States. We have seen Monroe's 
 active co-operation, while governor of 
 Virginia, with Jefferson, then President 
 of the United States, in stimulating and 
 shaping those acts of the General As- 
 sembly of Virginia which led to the for- 
 fnation of the Colonization Society. We 
 shall now see his agency in a higher 
 sphere, in executing those laws of Con- 
 gress which were perhaps indispensable 
 
 to the estalilishment of the Colony itself. 
 It was hardly possible for a private so- 
 ciety, with small pecuniary resources, 
 and working with such rude materials, 
 to make a permanent plantation upon a 
 distant and barbarous shore. J And it was 
 not likely that the government of the 
 United States would take the responsibil- 
 ity of such a measure, although Jeffer- 
 son, Madison, IMonroe and ]Marshall all 
 concurred in the opinion of its expedien- 
 cy and constitutionality. But that Di- 
 vine Providence whose ways are not as 
 our ways had (as it seems to our short 
 sight) laid f:ir back in the legislation of 
 Congress a train of causes whose effects 
 made it the interest of our General Gov- 
 ernment to co-operate with the Coloniza- 
 tion Society. The act of Congress pro- 
 hibiting tlie foreign slave trade after 1808 
 contained a provision placing Africans 
 recaptured by our Navy at the disposition 
 of the legislature of any State within 
 whose territory they might be landed. 
 Under this provision, the legislatures of 
 several States sold a number of recap- 
 tured Africans into slavery. In 1819, 
 two delegates from Virginia, Messrs. 
 Mercer and Floyd, reported a bill repeal- 
 ing those provisions which enabled a 
 State to defeat the intention of Congress 
 in prohibiting the slave trade. The law 
 of 1819 committed all recaptured Afri- 
 cans to the custody of the marshals of 
 the United States tintil they could he re- 
 stored to their oion country. It also au- 
 thorized the President of the United 
 States to appoint agents upon the coast 
 of Africa, to receive these Africans ; and 
 appropriated §100,000 to carry its provi- 
 sions into effect.^ The legislation of 
 
 *The proceedings of the General Assembly of Virginia up to 1816 had been in secret session. 
 Dr. Hopkins conceived the idea of substituting negroes for white misssionaries to Africa in 1789. 
 
 t Among the persons most active in the measures leading to the formation of the Society were 
 Rev. Dr. Findley of New Jersey, Bishop Meade of Virginia, and Messrs. Key and Caldwellof the 
 District of Columbia. Henry Clay presided at the meeting on the 21st of December; and address- 
 es were delivered by him and Jolin Randolph of Roanoke. Judge Washington was made Presi- 
 dent ; and among the vice-presidents were Clay, Crawford, Andrew Jackson, Bishop Meade and 
 John Tyler of Virginia. 
 
 tThe Society had borrowed money to pay the expenses of 31ills and Burgess in searching for a 
 site for the colony. Gen. Mercer in Baltimore, and Bishop Meade in Virginia, raised more than 
 $10,000 to replace this sum. 
 
 tFor the details of these events, see 2nd chap, of the Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Congress having thus devolved upon the 
 government of the United States a ne- 
 cessity for providing an asjdum for re- 
 captured Africans, it became the interest 
 of the General Government to co-operate 
 with the Colonization Society, whose be- 
 nevolent designs were just ripe for exe- 
 cution. We cannot tell how it strikes 
 others, but for ourselves, we recognize 
 with reverence in these proceedings what 
 seem to us unmistakeable indications of 
 a Divine Providence presiding over and 
 " shaping the ends" of individuals and of 
 nations. 
 
 The beneficent interpretation of this 
 law of Congress by Mr. Monroe, and the 
 kind offices of Capts. Wadsworth, Stock- 
 ton and Spence, of the Navy, acting un- 
 der his orders, enabled the Society to 
 overcome the formidable obstacles to the 
 successful plantation of the colony at 
 Cape Mesurado. It was in acknowledg- 
 ment of these services that the capital of 
 the infant settlement was called Monro- 
 via. 
 
 In 1820 (just two hundred years after 
 the landing of the blacks at Jamestown,) 
 the Elizabeth sailed for the coast of Af- 
 rica, with eighty-three emigrants and a 
 few white men, who had volunteered to 
 be pioneers in this doubtful and perilous 
 experiment. We will not stop to recite the 
 affecting story of their adventures, which 
 in many incidents were strangely like 
 those of the first settlers of Virginia. 
 The time may come when their heroism 
 may be fitly commemorated by the muse 
 of History, 
 
 Altho' no sculptured form should deck the 
 
 place, 
 Or marble monuments those ashes grace, 
 Still, for the deeds of worth which they have 
 
 done, 
 Shall flowers unfading flourish on their tomb.* 
 
 Only one-third of a century has elapsed 
 since the little company of free negroes 
 
 pitched their tents in the African wilder- 
 ness, and the result is the Republic of 
 Liberia, whose independence has been 
 acknowledged by most of the leading na- 
 tions in the world. Colonizationists have 
 been charged with painting too flattering 
 portraits of this young republic. We 
 admit that this has sometimes been done. 
 Exaggeration is the child of enthusiasm, 
 as enthusiasm is generally the parent of 
 novel and bold enterprises. But if the 
 friends of Lil:)eria have extenuated her 
 •failings, her enemies have " set down 
 much in malice." If our pictures are 
 sometimes overwifwrfght, theirs are often 
 caricatures. If toe are enthusiasts, tliey 
 are fanatics, if fanaticism be, according 
 to a great philosopher, " enthusiasm in- 
 flamed by hatred."! But if we set aside 
 the prejudiced witnesses on either side, 
 and take only the disinterested testimo- 
 ny of our naval officers, we shall find ev- 
 idence enough to at least encourage a 
 rational hope that our experiment will 
 succeed. Commodores Stockton, Perry, 
 Cooper, Lavallette, Read, Mayo, Grego-- 
 ry, and we believe every officer who has 
 commanded a squadron upon the coast of 
 Africa; with Commanders Marston, 
 Lynch, Foote, Rudd, and many other 
 subordinate officers, unite in bearing 
 witness to the general contentment, com- 
 fort, and spirit of improvement which 
 reign in Liberia, justifying, in their opin- 
 ion, the confident expectation that the 
 settlement will endure, and furnish a 
 happy home for all of our colored people 
 who may seek an asylum there. J 
 
 But whatever conflicting opinions may 
 be entertained upon this subject, the fol- 
 lowing facts are undeniable: there exists 
 upon the coast of Africa a Republic of 
 free blacks from the United States, orga- 
 nized after the American model. They 
 live under a constitution recognizing the 
 principles of civil and religious liberty, 
 
 * Gurley's Life of Ashmunis, a noble and eloquent tribute to these humble but heroic pioneers. 
 
 tThe hatred of an Abolitionist is never so intense as when a colonizationist is the object of it. 
 
 t All who desire full information upon this point should take the trouble to read the letters of 
 these officers, Gurley's Report to the State Department, Lynch and Pinney's Observations, and 
 Lugenbeel's Sketches of the Climate, Diseases, Geography, Productions, and general condition oJ" 
 Liberia. 
 
VllI 
 
 INTRODUCnOK. 
 
 Avhich lie at the base of our own institu- 
 tions, and -which are not enjoyed by any 
 other people under the sun. They have 
 a President, who is elected every two 
 years; and senators and representatives, 
 who are elected annually. These elec- 
 tions have been for many years conduct- 
 ed with order and according to law. The 
 annual messages of the President com- 
 pare favorably with similar documents 
 from the governors of our States, and 
 breathe a more enlarged and elevated 
 tone of morals and statesmanship than 
 many of the latter documents. They 
 have courts oj' Justice, in which the laws 
 are administered with dignity and intel- 
 ligence. They have printing presses and 
 newspapers; high schools and common 
 schools; and many churches, which are 
 vocal every Sunday with the sound of the 
 gospel, and with songs of praise. They 
 have driven the slave trade from five hun- 
 dred miles of the coast ; thus accomplish- 
 ing with the Dove of Peace what the 
 Lion of Great Britain and the Eagle of 
 America, floating at the mastheads of 
 proud squadrons, have failed to achieve.* 
 They have extended their jurisdiction 
 over a hundred thousand natives, who 
 have renounced many of their savage 
 customs, and are being gradually trained 
 in the arts of civilization.! 
 
 They have advanced the base of our 
 missionary operations across the Atlan- 
 tic; and make the centre of African 
 missions coincide with what was late- 
 ly the centre of African barbarism. They 
 have provided an asylum for the exile, a 
 home for the homeless, and a nursery of 
 indigenous missionaries, who can live in 
 a clime fatal to the white man. 
 
 When we compare the feeble instru- 
 ments by which these results have been 
 wrought, and the short time in which 
 they have been working, with the im- 
 mense expenditures of " civilization and 
 missionary societies" for two hundred 
 
 years before the founding of Liberia, it 
 seems little less than a miracle, and looks 
 like one of those instances in which the 
 great Disposer of events chooses the 
 weak and foolish things of the world to 
 confound the wise and mighty. 
 
 In this view of it, African colonization 
 is a great Christian mission, which has 
 the fervent prayers of christians of all 
 creeds in Virginia, and it is annually 
 commended with unanimous voices by 
 Methodist Conferences, Baptist Associa- 
 tions, Presbyterian Synods, and Episco- 
 pal Conventions; who look upon it as 
 "God's plan" for the regeneration of Af- 
 rica. J 
 
 But while this is the great leading end 
 of the Colonization Society, the fact lohicTi 
 vitalizes it, it carries in its train many 
 other benign results which enlist in its 
 support the Philosopher, the Philanthro- 
 pist, and the Politician. The Philoso- 
 pher regards it as an interesting experi- 
 ment to test the capacity of the negro for 
 self-government. He sees that the Afri- 
 can under the discipline of slavery has 
 risen far above the stature of his ances- 
 tors in their native land ; and he knows 
 that man in a state of conscious inferi- 
 ority cannot unfold his powers any more 
 than a plant in the dark or under the 
 shade. He must, in the language of Mr. 
 Webster, come out. He must feel his 
 equality. He must enjoy the shining 
 sun in the heavens as much as those 
 around him, before he feels that he is in 
 all respects a man. The Philosopher 
 thinks that in Liberia the negro has a 
 favorable theatre for the full trial of the 
 experiment; and he watches with anxie- 
 ty the solution of the problem. 
 
 The Philanthropist sees in Virginia 
 fifty tliousand human beings (the free 
 negroes) in a state of physical, mental, 
 social and moral degradation in melan- 
 choly contrast with other classes of our 
 people. They are nominally free, but 
 
 * It is universally admitted that the slave trade has been banished from the whole Liberian coast. 
 
 t One native has been already a representative in the Assembly; and the kings and head men 
 are sending their children to school, 
 t That these great bodies of christians are till of one mimi iijion this subject is one of the most 
 
 remarkable facts in our history. 
 
IKTBODUCTION. 
 
 IX 
 
 enjoy none of the privileges of freedom 
 but the license of doing nothing. "Plac- 
 ed beneath the white man, on the one 
 hand, and nominally above the slave, on 
 1^0 other; in contact -with both, but in 
 union with neither ; they cannot be 
 reached by the strong motives which im- 
 pel either class to exertion and honest 
 courses. All of the most lucrative and 
 honorable pursuits of life are closed 
 against them. They feel none of those 
 nobler sentiments of our common nature 
 which bid us, even in servitude, to cling 
 with grateful reverence and affection to 
 our benefactors and superiors. They do 
 not even feel that salutary fear of im- 
 pending punishment which, while it does 
 not in itself morally elevate the slave, at 
 least keeps him from idleness, and urges 
 him to honest and orderly habits. 
 Crushed by the combined agencies of su- 
 perior capital and intelligence and the 
 competing power of organized slave la- 
 bor, itself wielded by intelligence and 
 aided by capital; crowded out of the 
 humbler occupations of life; with noth- 
 ing of liberty but its name, and all of 
 slavery but its blessings ; with no coun- 
 try of his own, a social outcast and a po- 
 litical outlaw ; the free negro, conscious 
 of the irredeemable degradation of hia 
 lot, grows reckless of a future from 
 which he has nothing to hope or fear, be- 
 comes discontented in his feelings, dis- 
 honest in his habits, and desperate in his 
 crimes. Under these circumstances, they 
 fill our jails with prisoners, our courts 
 with criminals, and our penitentiary with 
 convicts.''* 
 
 We are so organized by our Creator, 
 that, unless our moral sense is perverted 
 by sophistical reasoning, we cannot but 
 feel a compassion for our unfortunate 
 fellow-creatures ; especially when they 
 lie in the dust at our feet, and are com- 
 pletely subject to our power. The sym- 
 pathies which spring up spontaneously 
 in our bosoms at the sight of such ob- 
 jects, and prompt us to extend our hands 
 
 for their relief, are honorable to the hu- 
 man heart, however they may be some- 
 times brought into contempt by sickly 
 sentimentalists, who do homage to this 
 virtue by canting about what they do not 
 feel. There ^are thousands of men in 
 Virginia, worthy of all respect and hon- 
 or, who have for half a century been re- 
 volving this problem of the destiny of 
 this daily blackening mass of free ne- 
 groes in our State. The result has been 
 the suggestion of several schemes for 
 their and our relief. It has been propos- 
 ed to reduce them to slavery, as the most 
 humane expedient. A proposition so 
 opposed to the genius of our institutions 
 and to the spirit of the age, is not likely 
 to be seriously entertained by the legis- 
 lature of Virginia, as indeed it could not 
 be justified upon any recognized moral 
 or American political principle, and could 
 be vindicated only by the "tyrant's plea" 
 of absolute necessity, a contingency 
 which has certainly not yet arisen. Shall 
 we amalgamate with them ? All the in- 
 stincts of our nature repel the sugges- 
 tion. Between us and them " there is a 
 great gulf fixed." Until the Ethiopian 
 can change his skin, no human power 
 can ever bridge that gulf so that we can 
 stand upon the same social and political 
 platform. No: the white man and the 
 free negro — 
 
 Stand and frown upon each other. 
 Like cliffs that have been rent asunder, 
 And neither heat nor frost nor thunder 
 Shall ever do away, I ween, 
 The marks of that which once hath been. 
 
 Another alternative is, to colonize them 
 by force in the Northern States. As a 
 measure of retaliation, this would be a 
 just^ judgment upon the insane Aboli- 
 tionists. But even if the scheme were 
 practicable, we have no right to" sport 
 with these helpless creatures by making 
 them the ministers of our vengeance. 
 But the project is impracticable; for the 
 subtle casuists of the North make a re- 
 
 *Froml800to 1829, crimes among the free blacks were more than three times as many as 
 among the whites ; and four and a half times more numerous than among the slaves. From 1829 
 to the present time, the proportion has regularly increased. See Penitentiary reports, as quoted 
 in Mr. Howard's memorial, 
 B 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 fined distinction between free negroes 
 and fugitive slaves. The latter, coming 
 to them upon "underground railroads," 
 they w^elcome with open arms ; while the 
 former, coming in open day, are repelled 
 with indignation and contempt.* Again, 
 as a matter of policy, nothing could be 
 more inexpedient than such a disposition 
 of our free negroes ; who would become 
 correspondents of their friends here, ex- 
 citing among them a spirit of discontent 
 and insubordination; and facilitating the 
 escape of fugitives. And then, every ex- 
 ile would add fuel to the flames already 
 raging so fiercely in the North, and 
 threatening with parricidal wickedness, 
 to set fire to and consume the great tem- 
 ple of " American liberty." In confir- 
 mation of this view, we may adduce the 
 authority of the governor elect of Virgi- 
 nia ; who said in his late letter to Dr. 
 Adams : " looking to the ends of ultimate 
 colonization, and the true policy of the 
 States at home, I toould prohibit hy law 
 the future emigration of the free colored 
 pojndation from our State to the free 
 States. Dr. Drake was right in his 
 views of our laws driving away the free 
 negroes to the free States. It has been 
 one of the most baneful causes of Aboli- 
 tionism in the North." 
 
 The question returns, what can be done 
 with these miserable creatures? Our 
 laws are bearing upon them with more 
 and more sti'ingency every year; tending 
 to drive them beyond our borders. In 
 the same proportion, the legislation of the 
 North is shutting the door in their faces ; 
 and no way of escape remains but the 
 "way of the sea." Shall we drive them, 
 like the herd of swine possessed with 
 devils, down "the steep," to be drowned? 
 Justice and mercy both protest against the 
 needless sacrifice. Shall we not rather 
 
 avail ourselves of the open door disclosed 
 to us by the Colonization Society, and 
 use its economical! agency in conveying 
 these helpless people across the interve- 
 ning waters to the asylum which Provi- 
 dence, in apparent anticipation of the 
 exigency, has prepared for them In their 
 fatherland? 
 
 But it has been said, that it is not an 
 act of humanity to send the free blacks 
 to so inhospitable a clime. We confess 
 that we have had some misgivings upon 
 this point, founded upon the distressing 
 mortality which has befallen some compa- 
 nies of emigrants to Liberia. But farther 
 reflection and more accurate information 
 have dissipated our doubts. Tropical 
 Africa Is the cradle of the negro race ; 
 and nothing seems to us more Improba- 
 ble than that the original seat of a peo- 
 ple Is not a fit habitation for them. But 
 the conclusion is not warranted liy the 
 facts in the case. The mortality in ques- 
 tion can, in nearly every instance, be 
 distinctly traced to the Inadequacy of the 
 provision made for their comfort, or to 
 the indiscretion of the emigrants, in 
 rashly exposing themselves, during their 
 acclimation, to the sun by day and tho 
 dews by night. These are contingencies 
 to which emigrants to every new clime 
 are liable ; and in these cases may some- 
 times implicate the proper authorities In 
 criminal negligence of the duties confid- 
 ed to them. Again, a comparison of tho 
 colonization of Liberia and of Virginia 
 will be most instructive and convincing. 
 A single passage from Howison's History 
 of Virginia will suffice: "In 1609, Capt. 
 Smith left at Jamestown 490 persons 
 with abundant supplies. Indian ambus- 
 cades were in every hedge. The settlers 
 were afraid to go out for food or recrea- 
 tion. Famine with all its horrors was 
 
 * Witness the Black laws of Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, and Delaware; and the Hon. Mr. Sawver'a 
 speech in the HoHse of Representatives, defending his constituents for the expulsion of John Ran- 
 dolph's negroes. A Virginian not long ago purchased a large tract of land in Ohio upon which he 
 intended to settle 200 slaves, but his design was defeated by these laws. 
 
 t The Colonization Society has sent to Africa about 3,500 emigrants ; which, at $50 each, would 
 have cost the State $175,000 ; whereas, there has not been drawn from the State treasury by the 
 Colonization Society during the whole period of its history, more than $20,000; the remainder hav- 
 ing been supplied by donations in this and other States. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 80on among theiu, and disease and death 
 followed iu its train. They ate the skins 
 of horses, the bodies of Indians, dogs, 
 and vermin. Of 490 persons, GO only 
 survived." The first two expeditions to 
 our shores were overwhelmed at sea. 
 The third eifected a landing in 1G56 ; and 
 in five years wfis extinct. The fourth was 
 successful, after a series of cruel distresses 
 whose recital fills the mind with horror. 
 If disasters had attended the coloniza- 
 tion of Liberia similar to those which oc- 
 curred at Jamestown and Plymouth, and 
 which have signalized many removals 
 from Virginia to our Southern and Wes- 
 tern States, our enterprise would have 
 been overwhelmed by the curses of those 
 who have no tears to shed over the young, 
 the beautiful, and the brave, whose bones 
 bleach the prairies of the West and the 
 shores of the Gulf of Mexico and the 
 Pacific Ocean. ■'^ 
 
 But, it is said, that the growth of Li- 
 beria and the operation of the Coloniza- 
 tion Society are too slow. This objec- 
 tion is characteristic of this age, and of 
 the American people. We are impatient 
 of results that are long in coming. Eve- 
 ry thing, now-a-days, that is worthy of 
 doing, must be done with the speed of 
 lightning and the energy of an earth- 
 quake. This is an age of "expresses" 
 and electric telegraphs, but noc of mira- 
 cles. Time is an indispensable element 
 in human progress ; and an omen of last- 
 ing grandeur and renown. French Re- 
 publics may spring up in a night, like 
 enchanted palaces in Arabian tales ; but 
 America was more than 150 years old be- 
 fore she declared her independence. Time 
 was, when it was proposed to offer boun- 
 ties to quicken immigration to our shores; 
 and now, the emigration from the old 
 world to the new is such as the world has 
 never seen since the first dispersion of 
 
 mankind. Emigrants are swarming over 
 in crowds like the travellers to eternity ; 
 "Avhile thot-e who are left behind seem to 
 feel a melancholy restlessness, like a bird 
 whose wing is crippled at the season of 
 migration ; and a voice like that heard 
 before the final destruction of Jerusalem 
 seems to proclaim in their ears — 'arise! 
 let us depart hence!' " The present indi- 
 cations are, that T)y the time the resour- 
 ces of Liberia shall have been developed, 
 and she shall have acquired a capacity 
 of assimilating large numbers of our free 
 blacks, the pressure upon them from a 
 combination of causes will have become 
 so intense, that a spontaneous movement 
 will take place to Africa, like that of the 
 pauper population of Europe to our own 
 shores. A million and a half of poor 
 Irishmen migrated from Ireland in five 
 years. An exodus like this would soon 
 carry our 400,000 free blacks to Africa.f 
 But in Virginia, we have to deal with a 
 much more practical proposition. The 
 average increase per annum of the free 
 negroes in Virginia, from 1830 to 1840 
 was two hundred and twenty-nine and 
 one-fifth ; and from 1840 to 1850, it was 
 411 per annum. The cost of transport- 
 ing these, at §60 each, would be §24,600. 
 But if we deduct from this annual in- 
 crease the number of those (amounting in 
 1850 to more than 200) who were eman- 
 cipated and allowed to remain in the State, 
 the remainder would be less than the 
 number actually sent to Liberia from 
 Virginia in 1854. If, moreover, a judi- 
 cious discrimination was made between 
 the old and infirm, and the young and 
 vigorous ; removing the latter, and suf- 
 fering the former to spend the barren re- 
 mainder of their days among us, it is 
 clear, that all our free blacks could be 
 soon removed, except a small and com- 
 paratively inofifensive remnant. 
 
 * The present writer, who has taken some pains to inform himself, has no hesitation in express- 
 ing the opinion that it is not humane to send emigrants indiscriminately to Liberia; and, except in 
 case of peculiar fitness, he would not recommend the sending of emigrants who have no means of 
 support other than that which the Colonization Society can furnish. 
 
 t Thousands of dollars are annually remitted by the Irish in America to their friends in Ireland, 
 to pay for the transportation of the latter to the United States. A similar process was begun in 
 Liberia ; and will increase. This fact explodes the objection suggested by the expense of coloniz- 
 ing our free blacks. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 But it is said, that colonizationists have 
 affinities with Abolitionists. This charge 
 we uuequivocally and indignantly deny. 
 To refute it, it is only necessary to refer 
 to the fundamental article in the consti- 
 tution of the Society, which declares its 
 exclusive design to be the removal of the 
 J'ree colored people, with their own con- 
 sent, to Africa. We challenge the pro- 
 duction of a single official act or senti- 
 ment of the Virginia Society inconsis- 
 tent with this principle. On the contra- 
 ry, this Society has taken every fit occa- 
 sion of reiterating these principles.* In 
 the very heat of the abolition debate in 
 1832, in the General Assembly, when so 
 many wise men were swept from their 
 moorings by the anti-slavery tide, this 
 Society met in the Capitol at Richmond, 
 and passed unanimously the following 
 resolution: "Resolved, That we deem it 
 expedient at this time to renew our 
 pledges strictly to adhere to that original 
 feature of our constitution which con- 
 fines its operations to the removal of tlie 
 free people of color only, with their own 
 consent." Again, it is a significant fact, 
 that during this debate, which, in the 
 language of the Richmond Enquirer, 
 " had broken the seals which had been 
 put for fifty years upon the most delicate 
 subject of State concernment," the most 
 prominent colonizationists in the House, 
 as Broadnax,Gholson, Brown, and others, 
 were the leaders on the anti-emancipation 
 side. At the same time. Garrison, the 
 arch-fiend of Abolitionism, published a 
 book in which he maintained and illus- 
 trated the following proposition : " the 
 Colonization Society is the friend of the 
 slaveholder, and the apologist of slavery: 
 it is the enemy of immediate emancipa- 
 tion : it traduces the free colored people, 
 and would exile them from their native 
 land : it rivets the chains of the slave, 
 and quiets the conscience of the slave- 
 holder." In a tract issued by the Ame- 
 rican Anti-Slavery Society, it is objected 
 to the Colonization Society, that it had 
 its origin in Virginia: "that its first 
 President was Judge Washington of Vir- 
 
 ginia : that its managers were owners of 
 slaves :" that John Randolph said, " it 
 tended to secure the master's property in 
 slaves:" that Henry Clay said, "I am a 
 slaveholder, and consider that kind of 
 property as inviolable asanyother:" that 
 W. S. Archer said, "it involves no intru- 
 sion on property, nor even on prejudice:" 
 that Henry A. Wise said, "the original 
 principle of the Society was friendship 
 to the slaveholder:" that its managers 
 say, "we are restrained by the terms of 
 our association from making emancipa- 
 tion an object: the rights of masters are 
 sacred in our eyes ; and it would be as 
 humane to throw negroes overboard, as 
 to free them in this country :" that its 
 first President, Washington, sold fifty of 
 his slaves in New Orleans: that its se- 
 cond President, Chas. Carroll, bequeath- 
 ed 1,000 slaves at his death: that Hen- 
 ry Clay "left his slaves in bondage twen- 
 ty-five years, and then to be sent to Li- 
 beria:" that colonization "retards eman- 
 cipation, and enhances the value of 
 slaves:" and finally, "that the enemies 
 of slavery were the enemies of coloniza- 
 tion," 
 
 The Hon. Henry A. Wise, in 1838, thus 
 graphically contrasts the principles of 
 Abolition and Colonization : " The Abo- 
 lition Society denounces slavery as a sin, 
 summons the abstract principles of right 
 and justice, and an imaginary law of 
 Heaven, to destroy the holiest obligations 
 of political right and justice, founded 
 upon constitutional compact : appeals to 
 prejudices and passions the most danger- 
 ous because the most fanatical ; influen- 
 ces the public mind by threatening to de- 
 molish all social relations ; arouses reli- 
 gious zeal in a crusade against peace and 
 order and union : preaches insurrection 
 to the slave, and calumniates and curses 
 the slaveholder : opposes the colonization 
 of the free man of color in a land where 
 he may be the fellow of man ; and pro- 
 poses his amalgamation here, in the land 
 of his degradation, with those to whom 
 the association is abhorrent and revolting. 
 The Colonization Society sacredly regards 
 
 'See "Virginian History of African Colonization," pas«m. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 slavery as a civil institution of the coun- 
 try which, upon the principle of the les- 
 ser yielding to the greater good, cannot 
 be attacked by the law of humanity, and 
 must be sustained from reasons of poli- 
 cy : defends all the eternal principles of 
 right, and religiously promotes the obvi- 
 ous decrees of heaven, while it faithfully 
 obeys the laws of the State : appeals to 
 the reason and enlightened consciences 
 of men ; and to that peaceful religion 
 which ever interposes to ameliorate the 
 condition of all men : hushes discord, and 
 by a charm preserves our peace by recon- 
 ciling our moral duties with our political 
 rights and interests : invokes the love of 
 union ; teaches obedience of servants : 
 inspires the slaveholder with confidence, 
 and addresses itself alone to his affec- 
 tions : guards his title to his property, 
 and its enjoyment ; and thus obtains for 
 the slave indulgence which the slackened 
 cord of confidence yields without fear; in- 
 cidentally facilitates voluntary emanci- 
 pation by sloughing off the free colored 
 people, always in the way of freedom to 
 the slave : aiid is a sword to pierce Aboli- 
 tionism. And above all these special 
 benefits, its great aim is that which makes 
 the grandeur of its cause rise to sublim- 
 ity, — to make light shine out of darkness, 
 to colonize a nation of freemen in their 
 fartherland,out of our kitchens of slaves." 
 The charge of abolition affinities against 
 the Colonization Society, derives its sem- 
 blance of plausibility from the fact that 
 some colonizationists have advocated the 
 society as a means of ultimately extin- 
 guishing the institution, and some sen- 
 tences have inadvertently crept into the 
 documents of the American Society sug- 
 gesting schemes of emancipation. But 
 these were private opinions, and not au- 
 thorized expositions of the principles of 
 the society. To obviate such occurrences 
 
 in future, the Rev. Mr. Slaughter, one of 
 the delegates from Virginia, at the last 
 anniversary of the American Society, of- 
 fered the following resolutions, which 
 Avere passed with but one dissenting voice 
 in a board composed of representatives 
 of all the State Societies. "Whereas, 
 the exclusive design of the Colonization 
 Society, as declared in its constitution, 
 is to remove theyree colored ])eople ; and 
 whereas, in carrying out this principle it 
 has been ordered that all suggestions 
 and schemes of emancipation shall be 
 excluded from the documents of this so- 
 ciety : and whereas, it is necessary to the 
 consummation of this policy that the 
 same principle should be applied to the 
 conduct of our public meetings ; there- 
 fore, Resolved, That the executive com- 
 mittee should have strict regard to this 
 principle in all arrangements for our pub- 
 lic meetings." When the State of Vir- 
 ginia shall succeed in inducing Congress 
 to pass such conservative resolutions, it 
 will be time enough for a Virginian to 
 cast the first stone at the Colonization 
 Society.* 
 
 We respectfully submit, that the fore- 
 going facts and reasonings show that the 
 chief political objections to the Coloniza- 
 tion Society have arisen frum a misap- 
 prehension of its history and principles, 
 and go far to establish the conclusion that 
 the " Divinity that shapes our ends" 
 has shut us up to this policy as a poli- 
 tical and social necessity. They also 
 beautifully illustrate the sagacity of the 
 framers of our machine of self-govern- 
 ment ; who seem to have foreseen all the 
 results of its wonderful workings, and 
 provided such guards as would best tend 
 to give it " perpetual motion.f 
 
 What a blessing it would be to our 
 distracted country, if all the American 
 people would adopt the views of Jefferson, 
 
 * It miglit be added, tliat the American is not the Virginian Society, and that the latter is no 
 more responsible for the acts of the former, than the State of Virginia is responsible for the acts of 
 the Congress of the United States. 
 
 t If any scheme of policy is thoroughly Virginian, it is the scheme of African Colonization. We 
 have seen it suggested by Jefferson ; its nurture by Monroe, Madison and ftlarshall ; by the Gene 
 ral Assemblies of 1800, 1802, 1804, 1805 and 1816. If our space sufficed, we would adduce the acts- 
 of Assembly in 1825 and 1828; of 1833, 1849 and 1853; and cite the commendations of Govs. Tyler, 
 McDowell, Gilmer, Floyd, Pleasants, Smith, Johtison and Wise, and of other eminent Virginians, 
 
XIT 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Madison, Monroe and Marshall, and rally 
 round the Colonization Society, as the only 
 rational and peaceful solution ofthevexcd 
 question of Africa in America. Wc have 
 no hope of extremists on either side ; but 
 surely the majority of the American 
 people are rational and patriotic men ; 
 and we would invoke in the name of that 
 constellation of great men who illumi- 
 nate our records, all who respect them- 
 themsclves, who respect the rights of 
 persons and of property, the rights of the 
 States and the union of the States, to 
 come together upon this conservative and 
 constitutional platform. Abolitionists are 
 a one-idea party, demented about an ab- 
 straction, without the slightest reference 
 to the modifications which every princi- 
 ple undergoes in 2oractical and complica- 
 ted application. They are compelled to 
 admit that abstractions are often wholly 
 reversed in practice. You may hear them 
 urging that, whilst "thou shalt not kill" 
 is a true law in morals and religion, yet 
 killing may become an imperative duty 
 in certain circumstances. " And yet 
 these men seize hold of the abstraction 
 that all men are free and equal, and run 
 it like a ploughshare through society ;" 
 releasing the wife from the husband, the 
 citizen from the sovereign, and the ser- 
 vant from the master ; until humanity, 
 which had been washed in the baptism 
 of Christianity, shall again wallow in the 
 mire of barbarian licentiousness. " They 
 run their fiery abstraction into the leaves 
 of the bible ; and if it testify not to the 
 one idea, it must 1)0 burnt like a witch." 
 Again, the ungodly constitutions by which 
 slavery is tolerated must be torn down, 
 and society be reconstructed upon free 
 and socialistic principles. 
 
 Now, to meet and overthrow these mis- 
 chievous fallacies, it is not necessary to 
 take our position at the opposite extreme. 
 We need not deny the unity of the hu- 
 man race, and, excluding the negro from 
 the pale of the human family, degrade 
 him to the level of the monkey, thus 
 contradicting the word of God, which 
 says that He "has made of one blood all 
 the nations of men, to dwell upon all the 
 face of the earth." Neither is it neces- 
 sary to pour contempt upon all al)str ac- 
 
 tions. Truth, justice, God himself, are 
 abstractions ; and these have their pro 
 per place in the world, and their proper 
 functions in moral reasoning. The max- 
 im in medio tutissimus ibis applies here. 
 The truth, as we apprehend, will be found 
 in a brief and perspicuous exposition 
 contained in a late letter to ourselves by 
 the mo8t profound and comprehensive 
 thinker in Virginia. He says : "When 
 Christ came into the world, it was full of 
 kingdoms. That these should be held 
 together was indispensaTde to the exis- 
 tence and progress of society. Society 
 cannot adxancQ per saltum ; it must ad- 
 vance by degrees. So, also, it must be 
 improved for the most part by a power 
 operating from loitliin. External ameli- 
 orations which outrun the internal, do no 
 good ; witness the South-American re- 
 publics, and the history of France. To 
 improve society, we must plant the prin- 
 ciple of improvement within it, and let 
 it leisurely and without violence work 
 itself out to the surface ; amending last 
 of all the municipal arrangements. This 
 is the general rule. Now, Christ came to 
 set up a kingdom not of this world. It 
 was not of the same class with existing 
 kingdoms ; it was not to be their rival 
 nor their fellow. It was to be compre- 
 hensive of them all ; taking possession of 
 them, and leaving them all their exter- 
 nal features and peculiarities, except as 
 these might be gradually and silently 
 modified by its permeating and all-per- 
 vading influence. Among these external 
 relations, I set down war, the political 
 relations of men, domestic slavery, and, 
 in a certain sense, divorce. Now, in re- 
 gard to these, there is a certain ideal 
 state which all would call perfection, and 
 which may be realized, perhaps, in the 
 Millennial times, and in the meantime 
 to be approximated. This state we would 
 call absolute right, and it consists in the 
 total removal of some of the things named, 
 and the modification of others. To bring 
 about this state of things, so far as the 
 present time is concerned, was the ob- 
 ject of the setting up of Christ's king- 
 dom. And that object will not fail. It 
 may tarry, but it will come at last. But 
 how is Christianity to realize in the actual, 
 
INTRODUCTIOK 
 
 XV 
 
 this beautiful and infinitely desirable 
 ideal? It must not precipitate matters ; 
 that would prove disastroiis. It would 
 be like plucking up the tares before the 
 proper time. As the defects and abuses 
 of society referred to are governmental, 
 to assail them directly would be to bring 
 the kingdom of Christ in direct collision 
 with the kingdom of this world ; which 
 would be most pernicious several ways. 
 Humanly speaking, it would exterminate 
 the church of Christ ; for men would 
 fight against it without restraint of con- 
 science ; looking at it as a mere earthly 
 interest. Aside from this, the eflfect upon 
 the world itself would be most blinding : 
 Christ's kingdom is not wealth, nor poli- 
 tical sagacity, nor military prowess ; but 
 righteousness, peace, and joy in the Holy 
 Ghost. Above all, it would set aside 
 those positive precepts which Christ has 
 given in regard to the powers that may 
 be over us. In all this, Christianity is 
 regarding the expedient. Just as divorce 
 was allowed to the Jews, though the true 
 idea, the 7'igM, in regard to marriage, 
 was otherwise ; so Christianity forbears 
 to press things which it hopes to see real- 
 ized hereafter in the world. In fixing 
 her eye on the right, she maintains a high 
 aim, and makes provision for progress : 
 in regulating the pursuit of that object 
 by the expedient, she has a wise refer- 
 ence to the nature of man and the condi- 
 tion of the world, as fallen ; and takes 
 care that the progress shall not be check- 
 ed. Right gives an onward motion to the 
 car ; expediency keeps it from running 
 off the track. Each is indispensable in 
 its place ; neither can be omitted : nor 
 can their order and mutual relations be 
 interfered with without consequences 
 which self-love, benevolence and con- 
 science must recoil from. To present the 
 subject properly would require much ex- 
 planation and expansion ; and if I was 
 writing to one who could read what I 
 have written in a captious spirit, I would 
 add many limitations, checks and illus- 
 trations." These are words of wisdom. 
 They are like apples of gold in pictures 
 of silver. If they could be incorporated 
 into the creed of the American people, 
 they would explode into air the ultraisms 
 
 in which our land is so fruitful. Politi- 
 cal, ecclesiastical and socialistic agitators 
 would learn the folly of attempting to re- 
 alize in the actual of this " day and gen- 
 eration," the beautiful ideal of the mil- 
 lenial state. The development of human- 
 ity cannot be forced as gardener's force 
 plants in a hot-house. Normal develop- 
 ments are more gradual. The application 
 of these principles to the subject is plain. 
 If slavery be an evil it cannot be cured 
 in a generation without inflicting greater 
 evils. External ameliorations which 
 outrun the internal are mischievous. Let 
 us rather adore that God whose woun- 
 drous alchemy " out of evil educes good." 
 Let New Englandcrs ponder the words of 
 Webster when speaking on this subject 
 he said, " I sometimes contemplate with 
 amazement and adoration events which 
 have occurred through the cupidity and 
 criminality of men, designed nevertheless 
 by their Creator to work out great ends 
 of beneficence." And Virginians should 
 heed the words of Jeflerson, when he said 
 " In the disposition of these unfortunate 
 people the^ first rational object to be dis- 
 tinctly kept in view is the establishment 
 of a colony on the coast of Africa which 
 may introduce among the Aborigines the 
 arts of civilization and science and thus 
 render them more good than evil in the 
 long run." 
 
 What is to be the destiny of the entire 
 black population in America we cannot 
 tell. The statistics of the census show 
 that they are gravitating towards the trop- 
 ics in a current as steady as the flow of 
 the Mississippi. Many of them will 
 doubtless long linger in the land of the 
 sugar-cane and cotton-plant. With the 
 Anglo Saxon for their guide, they may 
 pass the Isthmus and spread over the 
 valley of the Amazon, or like the crew 
 of the fabled Phantom ship, they may be 
 
 Wanderers o'er eternity, 
 Whose bark rides on and on, 
 And anchored ne'er shall be. 
 
 That the destination of many of them is 
 Africa, we have no doubt. In the moan 
 time we are comforted by the conviction 
 that their bondage here has been a bless- 
 ing to them and is fraught with blessings 
 
XVI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to their fatherland. In the energetic 
 langviage of H. A. Wise, " however crim- 
 inal may have been the traders who from 
 lust of gold brought them here, the slaves 
 in the United States are in bodily com- 
 fort, civilization, Christianity and actual 
 personal freedom, worth all the princi- 
 palities, powers and people of Africa ; 
 and slavery in the United States has 
 been the most efiScient missionary to the 
 Heathen in the last two centuries. Not 
 by going to Africa and rearing altars 
 there at first, but by bringing their 
 fathers here and preparing priests to go 
 back to Africa and bear the christian 
 torches through the darkness of her 
 night. The black missionary to black 
 Africa, like to like. And the Colony of 
 
 Liberia coming directly out of slavery is 
 another trophy far exceeding that of any 
 similar moral enterprise of the age. 
 These results are worth all the suffer- 
 ings and burdens of their savage ances- 
 tors, who would have expired without 
 bearing fruits meet to repair their coun- 
 try and race for the evil out of which 
 has come good enough to justify the 
 ways of God to the master and to the 
 slave. The destiny of the black popula- 
 tion of the United States is towards Af- 
 rica, my authority is God's providence 
 against futile and impious attempts of 
 human Babel builders upon earth. His 
 servants had better be about their mas- 
 ter's work." 
 
INDEX 
 
 TO THE 
 
 HISTOHY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION IN VIRGINIA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 History of African Colonization from its first 
 suggestion by Thomas Jefferson in 1776, 
 through all its modifications by the Gene- 
 ral Assembly of Virginia in 1800, 1801, 
 1802, 1805, and 1816, to its full develop- 
 ment in the American Colonization Society 
 at Washington in 1817, including the cor- 
 respondence of Jefferson, President of the 
 U. S., with Monroe and Page, governors of 
 Virginia, Henry Clay, Frank Key, Fenton 
 Mercer, Dr. Findley, Bishop Meade, Wil- 
 liam H. Crawford, John Randolph of Roa- 
 noke, John Taylor of Caroline, and An- 
 drew Jackson. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The agency of President Monroe in the 
 plantation of Liberia — Rev. Messrs. Bur- 
 gess and Mills exploring tour — Mercer 
 and Meade's mission — Act of Congress 
 prohibiting slave trade in 1808 — Recap- 
 tured Africans carried into the State of 
 Georgia and sold — Bishop Meade's mis- 
 sion to Georgia — William H. Crawford's 
 advice — Agency of Mercer and Floyd, 
 representatives from Virginia in passing 
 act of Congress of 1819 — bearing of that 
 Act upon Colonization — Seeming Provi- 
 dential interventions in bringing about co- 
 operation of General Government and 
 Colonization Society in planting Colony 
 of Liberia — Rev. Mr. Bacon — Captains 
 Stockton and Spence's kind offices under 
 Monroe's orders in choosing site and pro- 
 moting establishment of the Colony — Dr. 
 Ayres U. S. agent — Chief town of Libe- 
 ria called Monrovia, after President Mon- 
 roe. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Era of local societies in Virginia, auxiliary 
 to American Colonization Society of Rich- 
 
 mond and Manchester, Judge Marshall 
 President — Other officers — Officers of So- 
 cieties in Norfolk, Fredericksburg, Peters- 
 burg, Alexandria, Isle of Wight, Hamp- 
 ton, Sussex, Albemarle, King William, 
 Dinwiddle, Amherst, Berkeley, Nanse- 
 mond, Buckingham, Nelson, Fluvanna, 
 Harpers' Ferry, Wheeling, Frederick, Ka- 
 nawha, Augusta, Powhatan, Loudoun, 
 Charlestown, Shepherdstown, Rocking- 
 ham, Lynchburg, Mecklenberg, Campbell, 
 Bedford, Rockbridge, &c — Meetings of 
 Richmond Society in 1824, 1825, 1826— 
 Reports — Addresses of Robert G. Scott, 
 Mr. Rutherfoord, John Y. Mason, Judge 
 Upshur, &c. — Memorial to General As- 
 sembly — Appropriation of $800 for bene- 
 fits of colonists by General Assembly of 
 Virginia — General Blackburn's speech — 
 Rockbridge Society — Memorial of Powha- 
 tan Society — Efforts to divert emigration 
 to Hayti — Comparison of Hayti with Li- 
 beria. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Richmond auxiliary changed into indepen- 
 dent State Society, 15th Dec'r, 1828— 
 Report — Resolutions of Mr. Rutherfoord 
 and Wm. H. Fitzhugh, Judge May of Pe- 
 tersburg — Constitution of Colonization 
 Society of Virginia, Judge Marshall pres- 
 ident, other officers — Petition from Peters- 
 burg Society and Colonization Society of 
 Virginia, presented to Legislature by John 
 F. May and John Rutherfoord, &c. — Re- 
 port of Committee in General Assembly, 
 by John F. May, its chairman — Speeches 
 of Messrs. Rives, Harrison, Toler and 
 Mosby before Lynchburg Society, of N. 
 M. Blackburn at Fredericksburg, of Bish- 
 op Meade at Winchester, and Rev. A. 
 Broadus in King William, Alexandria, &c. 
 — Addresses of Rev. Messrs. Harrison, 
 
XVllI 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Walton and Cornelius, and Mr. Woart — 
 Augusta Society— Death of D. Sheifey— 
 Death of Judge Washington and W. H. 
 Fitzhugh — Speech of Gen. Walter Jones 
 and G. W. P. Custis. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Rise of Northern Abolitionism — Coloniza- 
 tion and Abolition antagonistic — Doings of 
 Abolitionists — Mercenary pamphlets — 
 Gov. Giles' Message — Richmond Enqui- 
 rer — Letter of H. Gray Otis of Boston to 
 the Governor of Virginia — Wm. L. Gar- 
 rison — Relation between Abolitionists and 
 Southampton Insurrection, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Gov. Floyd's message to Legislature about 
 Southampton Insurrection — Richmond 
 Enquirer — Debate on Abolition and Free 
 Negroes in House of Delegates — Bill pass- 
 ed by House of Delegates and rejected by 
 Senate — Sketch of Debate — Ayes and 
 Noes. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Caucus and results of Debate on Emancipa- 
 tion in General Assembly in 1831-32 — 
 Sketch of public opinion on Slavery — The 
 course of Delegates from Virginia in Con- 
 vention — First draft of Declaration of In- 
 dependence — Letters of Jefferson, Madi- 
 ison and Marshall on Colonization — Views 
 of B. Watkins Leigh and Professor Dew, 
 of William and Mary — Annual Meeting 
 of Colonization Society of Virginia in 
 1832 — Promulgation of its Principles and 
 Designs — Judge Marshall, John Tyler, 
 Andrew Stevenson and Wm. S. Archer 
 elected delegates to American Coloniza- 
 tion Society — Speech of Mr. Archer — 
 Richmond Enquirer and Whig — The only 
 immediate result of debate on abolition in 
 1832 was a more stringent law on Slaves 
 — A lesson to Abolitionists. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 18.eaction in public sentiment on the subject 
 of emancipation — Dew's pamphlet and 
 Harrison's article — American Quarterly — 
 Professor Dew's argument — The main ob- 
 ject in changing public opinion — His view 
 of Coloni?;ation Society erroneous — Its true 
 
 design set forth in its Constitution — Any 
 other views only private opinion — Report 
 of committee of House of Delegates on 
 Colonization, February 1833— Mr. Gil- 
 mer's amendment — Passage of act mak- 
 ing appropriation to the Society — Ayes 
 and Noes — Society encouraged — R. G. 
 Scott's circular — Anniversary of Bedford 
 Colonization Society — New Society in 
 Mecklenburg — Extract from Richmond 
 Whig — Master scheme of age. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sayings and doings of Abolitionists — Their 
 fusions ever against Colonization Society 
 —Protest against Colonization Society in 
 England, signed by Wilberforce, Daniel 
 O'Connell and others — Anti-Slavery tract 
 assigning objections to the Colonization 
 Society — Meetings in the South and at the 
 North against incendiary doings of Aboli- 
 tionists — Course of Rev. Mr. Tracy of 
 of Boston — Revenue of Society in Virgi- 
 nia — Conservative course of Colonization 
 Society of Virginia — Mr. Maxwell's and 
 Edv/ard Colston's resolutions — Withdraw- 
 al of Gerrit Smith from Colonization So- 
 ciety, because he could not pervert it to 
 anti-slavery purposes. 
 
 CHAPTER X- 
 
 Reverend Mr. McKenney's agency — Young 
 Men's Colonization Society of Richmond 
 — Anti-Abolition resolution of Coloniza- 
 tion Society of Virginia — Death of Chief 
 Justice Marshall, president of Coloniza- 
 tion Society of Virginia — Wm. H. McFar- 
 land's resolution and address on the occa- 
 sion — Eulogy of Rev. Wm. Atkinson on 
 the great Virginian Colonizationists, Jef- 
 ferson, Madison, Monroe, Marshall, Fitz- 
 hugh, and Brodnax — Death of Jas. Madi- 
 son, President of the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society — Tribute to him by the Soci- 
 ety — Letter of Mrs. Madison, &c — John 
 Tyler elected President of Colonization 
 Society of Virginia — Names of Vice-Pres- 
 idents and managers, &c — Rev. C. W. 
 Andrews elected agent — (colonization 
 meeting in Richmond — Mr. Andrews' 
 resolutions — Addresses of Rev. Drs. Plum- 
 mer and Jeter. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 XIX 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Petition to Legislature for amendment of act 
 of 1833 — Report of select committee Ja- 
 nuary 30, 1837, by Mr. Watkins— Extract 
 from Fredericksburg Arena — Petitions 
 from Augusta and Rockingham — Rich- 
 mond Whig — Annual meeting, 1837 — 
 Hall of House of Delegates crowded — 
 Judge May presided — Mr. Andrew's Re- 
 port — Speeches of Messrs. Marshall of 
 Fauquier, Randolph of Albemarle, Ander- 
 son of Botetourt, Smith of Culpeper and 
 Maxwell of Norfolk — Rev. Mr. Gurley's 
 proposition to plant a colony to be called 
 New Virginia. 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 Events of 1837 — New Virginia — Petitions 
 from Shenandoah — Report of Committee 
 on Finance by Mr. Rives — Annual Meet- 
 ing m 1838 — Address of President Tyler 
 — Mr. Andrew's Report — Speech of Gen. 
 Bayly of Accomac, and of Messrs. Rives, 
 Baxter, Maxwell and Henry A. Wise. 
 
 CHAPTER XIH. 
 House of Delegates, and petitions for amend- 
 ment of Act of 1833 — Rev. Messrs. An- 
 drews and Balch — Annual Meeting of 22d 
 February, 1839 — Hall crowded to over- 
 flowing — Hon. John Tyler in the chair, J. 
 C. Crane, secretary — Speeches of Wm. 
 Smith of Culpeper. B. H. Smith of Ka- 
 nawha, J. T. Anderson and T. W. Gilmer 
 and Rev. Mr. Balch— Elliott Crepon — 
 Speeches of William C. Rives, Rev. Mr. 
 Gurley and Mr. Morehead — Mr. Knight's 
 agency — Sermon of Rev. James Craik — 
 Correspondence between Judge Upshur 
 secretary of State and Mr. Fox British 
 Minister — Tyler, Wise and Rives dele- 
 gates to American Colonization Society — 
 Annual Meeting of 1845 — Gov. McDow 
 ell's address—Interregnuum—Extract from 
 American Repository — Reorganization of 
 Colonization Society of Virginia in 1849, 
 Mr. McFarland in the chair — Speeches of 
 Bishop Johns, Messrs. Busche, Maxwell, 
 Reeve, James and the Rev. Mr. Tinsley — 
 R. B. Boiling elected President — Other 
 officers — Declension of Mr. Boiling — Gov. 
 Floyd elected President and accepts — 
 Rev. Wm. Atkison elected gen'l agent — 
 
 Rev. Mr. Baily's memorial — Rev'd Mr. 
 Slaughter's address to Legislature — Mes- 
 srs. T. H. Ellis, J. C. Crane and F. James 
 committee, and Rev. Mr. McLain's state- 
 ment and address to Board of Managers- 
 Annual meeting in 1st Presbyterian church 
 Rev. Mr. Moore's — Gov. Floyd in the 
 chair — Letters from Henry Clay, R. W. 
 Thompson and Joseph R. Underwood — 
 Speech of Mr. Latrobe — Rev. P. Slaugh- 
 ter, General agent — Passage of Mr. Dor- 
 man's bill making appropriation to Colo- 
 nization Society — Definition of Society's 
 position on subject oi slavery. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Annual meeting of 1851 — Mr. Slaughter's 
 report received by secretary, Mr. B. Mi- 
 nor — Vote of thanks to general agent — 
 Mr. R. G. Scott's resolution — Speeches of 
 John Janney, Tazewell Taylor, Judge 
 Moncure, Mr. Dorman and Mr. Samuel 
 Chilton and Davie — Rev. Mr. Starr and 
 Rev. Mr. Bailey's services acknowledged 
 Annual meeting of 1852 — Gov. Floyd in 
 the chair — Speeches of Rev. T. V. Moore, 
 Rev. Mr. Read, Bishop Payne of Africa, 
 and John Howard, Esq.-Rev. Mr. Tin.->ley— 
 Mr. Howard's Memorial — Establishment 
 of Colonizationist as organ of Colonization 
 Society of Virginia — Emigrants and rev- 
 nue — Mr. Slaughter's documents fer the 
 Society, containing Mr. Howard's memo- 
 rial — Correspondence with officers of the 
 Navy and sketch of African Coloniza- 
 tion — Annual meeting of 1853, Mr. Mc- 
 Farland in the chair — Mi. Slaughter's re- 
 port — Speech of Hon. Mr. Thompson of 
 Indiana — Debate in House of Delegates 
 on free negroes — Divers schemes propos- 
 ed — Bill reported from Committee of 
 Courts of Justice, by T. B. Miller— Pas- 
 sage of the bill, copy of it — Mr. John M. 
 Speed's services — Members of Coloniza- 
 tion Board — Gov. Johnson's Message — 
 Workings of the law — Annual Meeting, 
 1855 — Mr. Slaughter's statement — 
 Speeches of Rev. Dr. Doggett, Rev. Mr. 
 Gurley, and Rev. Dr. Burrows — Mr. 
 Slaughter's resolutions — Rev. Dr. Lee's 
 speech — Revenue and emigrants — Elec- 
 tion of Col. John Rutherfoord as Presi- 
 dent, other officers. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Africa and America — Their Providential re- 
 lation — The lesson it teaches — African 
 Colonization a great missionary scheme — 
 Remarkable agreement of Churches upon 
 the subject — Proceedings of Churches in 
 Virginia — The failure of white missions 
 before the settlement of Liberia — Sierra 
 Leone — Wesleyan, Baptist, Episcopal, 
 Presbyterian and other stations within and 
 without the limits of Liberia — Testimony 
 of Bishop Scott of Methodist, and of Bish- 
 op Payne of the Episcopal church, and of 
 Rev. Mr. Bowen of Baptist church. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 The Geography of Liberia, Montesudo, 
 Grand Bassa and Sinou counties, Monro- 
 via, Georgia, Caldwell, Virginia, Ken- 
 tucky, Millsburg— The St. Paul's, Junk, 
 Stockton and St. John's rivers — Marshall, 
 Bassa, Edina, Upper and Lower Bucha- 
 nan, Bexley, Sinou, Greenville, Readville, 
 Lexington, Louisiana, Maryland, Cape 
 Palmas, Harper, Cavalla, &c — Captains 
 
 Lynch and Foote of the U. S. Navy — Dr. 
 Lugenbeel, Rev. Messrs. Pinney and Gur- 
 ley — Cavalla Messenger. 
 
 CHAPTER XVir. 
 
 Testimony of eye witnesses of Liberia — 
 Rev. Messrs. Gurley and Pinney, and Dr. 
 Lugenbeel — Of the Missionaries — Of the 
 Navy officers. Commodores Stockton, Per- 
 ry, Mayo, Lavalette, Read, Crepon and 
 Gregory — Commanders Lynch, Foote, 
 Marston, Rudd, and Purser Bradford — 
 Comparison of Colonization of Virginia 
 and Liberia, and of our Southern and 
 Western States and Liberia. 
 
 CHAPTER XVHI. 
 
 A chain of eminent Virginian authorities 
 who have expressed opinions in favor of 
 the Colonization Society, running through 
 the whole course of our History from 1776 
 to the present time, including men of all 
 parties in politics, and all creeds in reli- 
 gion. 
 
THE VIRGINIAN 
 
 HISTORY OF AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 
 
 Chapter I. 
 
 Who kmnvs not that truth is next t<> tlie Al- 
 mighty. Give her but room and do not bind her. 
 Lot her and falsehood grapple. Who ever knew 
 truth to be put to the worrit in a free and open 
 encounter. — Milfnv. 
 
 History of Colonizaiion from the first sugges- 
 tion of the idea by Thomas Jefferson, in 
 1776. Through all its modifications by 
 the General Assemblies of Virginia in 1800, 
 1802, 1804 and 1816, tmti I its full devel- 
 opment in the American Colonization Soci- 
 ety, at Washington, in 1817 — inchidingthe 
 correspondence of Thomas Jefferson, Presi- 
 dent of the United States, with Monroe and 
 Page, Governors of Virginia. 
 
 It is curious to see how an idea, thrown 
 nut by a great mind, goes on revolving in the 
 world, setting other minds to work and from 
 the contact receiving new directions and im- 
 pulses, until it expands into a scheme of 
 policy deeply affecting the fate not merely 
 of individuals, but of continents and races 
 of men. Just as we have seen a small stream 
 of water springing from a mountain side and 
 flowing at first with a force barely sufficient 
 to overcome the pebbles it meets in its way, 
 yet after receiving tributaries from other 
 sources, acquires a resistless might which 
 sweeps away all opposing obstacles, and 
 mingles with the world of wafers wlin.-e tides 
 beat upon every shore. 
 
 The scheme of African (.'olonizatinn is 
 such an idea. Springing from the ger- 
 minant genius of Tliomas Jefferson, it has 
 gradually made its way into legislative halls 
 and Christian churches, and is now attract- 
 ing the attention and challenging the regard 
 of the civilized Avorld. 
 
 In the General Assembly of 1776, a com- 
 mittee was appointed to revise the laws of 
 the State. This committee consisted of Tho. 
 Jefferson. Edmund Pendleton, Geo. Wythe, 
 
 George Mason and Ludwell Lee. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson tells us that he prepared an amend- 
 ment to be submitted to this committee pro- 
 posing a comprehensive plan of Colonization. 
 The committee, we believe, did not report 
 until 178.5, when Mr. Jefferson was in France 
 and Pendleton and Wythe upon the bench. 
 The seed of Colonization was nevertheless 
 sown and soon began to germinate. In 1787, 
 Dr. Thornton (of Virginia) published an ad- 
 dress to the free negroes, offering to lead 
 them in person to Africa. 
 
 This being the suggestion of a private in- 
 dividual, had no visible results. The subject 
 was still working unseen in the minds of 
 men, and after the lapse of thirteen years, it 
 reappeared in the public councils. It is an 
 interesting study to trace it through all its 
 phases, as it gradually wrought itself out into 
 a definite form. This we arc happily ena- 
 bled to do by public documents, the first of 
 which is a resolution of the House of Dele- 
 gates, which was passed almost unanimously 
 and in the following words : 
 
 //; llie Hon-ic nj' DclrAiules. Dfcr-iitlicr \)\, 1800. 
 
 Resolved, That the Governor be requested 
 to correspond with the President of the Uni- 
 ted States on the subject of purchasing lands 
 without the limits of this State, whither per- 
 sons obnoxious to the laws or dangerous fo 
 the peace of society may be removed. 
 
 A copy from tlie House of Delegates. 
 
 WILLIAM WIRT, Clerk H. D. 
 
 This resolution is sonicwhat obscure. The 
 Hou>o of Delegates seemed to hesitate in 
 giving lull expression to all that was in their 
 minds. It needs a key to unlock its mean- 
 int^. The Letters of Jefferson and Monroe, 
 and the explanation r,( the House in 180'2 
 supplies this key. 
 
 Mr Monroe, being then Governor of Vir- 
 ginia, in compliance with the foregoing reso- 
 
g 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 lution. addressed the following letler to Mr. 
 Jefferson, then President of the United 
 States : 
 
 Richmond, Jane 15, 1801. 
 
 Sir : I enclose you a resolution of the 
 General Assembly of the Commonwealth, of 
 the last session, by which it is made my 
 dut}' to correspond with you on the subject 
 of obtaining, by purchase, lands without the 
 limits of this State to which persons obnox- 
 ious to the laws or dangerous to the peace 
 of socief}' ma}' bo removed. This resolution 
 was produced by the conspiracy of the slaves 
 which took place in this city and neighbour- 
 hood last year, and is applicable to that de- 
 scription only. The idea of such ati acquisi- 
 tion was suggested bv motives of hum.anity, 
 it h'eini; intended bv iiieaii^ therf^of to pro- 
 vide an alternate mode of punishment for 
 those described by the resolution, who, under 
 the existing law, -might be doomed to suffer 
 death. It was deemed more humane, and, 
 it is hoped, would be found in practice not 
 less expedient, to transport such ollenders 
 beyond the limits of the State. 
 
 It seems to be the more obvious intention 
 of the Legislature, as inferred from the reso- 
 lution, to make the proposed acquisition of 
 land in the vacruit Western territory of the 
 United States; but it do-'^s not appear to nie 
 to prechule one without the limits (jf !lie 
 Union. If a friendly Power would designate 
 a tract of country witliin its jurisdiction, 
 either on this contincMit or a noighliouring 
 i land, to which we might send such persons, 
 il i< not improbable the Legislature might 
 prefer it. Jn any event, an alternative could 
 not be otherwise than desirable, since, after 
 maturely weighing the conditio)i and ndvan- 
 tages of each position, the Legislature might 
 still prefer that which appeared to it most 
 eligible. 
 
 It is proper to remark, that the latter part 
 of the resolution, which proposes the remo- 
 val of such persons as are dangerous to the 
 peace of society, may be understood as com- 
 prising many to whom the preceding mem- 
 ber does not apply. Whether the Legisla- 
 ture intended to give it a more extensive im- 
 port, or, rather, whether it contemplated re- 
 moving from the country any but culprits 
 condemned to suffer death, I will not pretend 
 
 to decide. But, if the more enlarged con- 
 struction of the resolution is deemed the 
 true one, it lurnishes. in my opinion, a strong 
 additional motive why the Legislature, in 
 disposing of this great concern, should com- 
 mand an alternative of places. As soon as 
 the mind emerges, in contemplating the sub- 
 ject, beyond the contracted scale of provi- 
 ding a mode of punishment for offenders, 
 vast and interesting objects present them- 
 selves to view. It is impossible not to in- 
 volve in it the condition of those people, \.\w 
 embarrassment they liave already occasioned 
 us, and are still likely to subject us to. We 
 perceive an existing evil, which commenced 
 under our colonial .system, with which we 
 are not properly chargeable, or, if at all, not 
 in the present degree: and we acknowledge 
 the extreme difficulty in remed\'ing it. At 
 this point the mind re>ts with suspense, and 
 siH'veys with anxiety obstacles which be- 
 come moie serious as we approach them. It 
 is in vain for the Legislature to deliberate on 
 the subject, in the extent of which it is capa- 
 ble, with a view to adopt the system of pol- 
 icy which appears to it most wise and just, 
 if it has not the means of executing it. To 
 lead to a sovnid decision, and make the re- 
 sult a hapi^y one, il is necessary tiiat the 
 field of practicable expedients be opened to 
 its election on the widest possible scale. 
 
 Inder this view of the subject, 1 shall be 
 happy to be advised by you whether a tract 
 of land ill the Western territory of the Uni- 
 ted States can be procured for this j)urpose. 
 in what quarter, antl on what t(M-ms - And, 
 also, whether a friendly Power will permit 
 us to remove such j)ersons within its limits, 
 with like precision as to the place and con- 
 ditions .' It is possible a friendly Power ma}' 
 be disposed to promote a population of the 
 kind referred to, and willing to facilitatc-the 
 measure by co-operating with us in the ac- 
 complishment of it. It may be convenient 
 for you to sound such Powers, especially 
 : those more immediately in our neighborhood, 
 on the subject, in all the views which may 
 appear to you to be suitable. 
 
 You will perceive that I invite youratten.- 
 
 tion to a subject of great delicacy and im- 
 
 ; portance, one which, in a peculiar degree, 
 
 { involves the future peace, tranquility, and 
 
 j happiness, of the good people of this Com- 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 monwealth. I do it, however, in a confi- 
 dence that you will take that interest in it 
 which we are ta\to;ht to expect from your 
 conduct through life, which gives you so 
 many high claims to our regard. 
 
 With great respect, I have theonour tobe, 
 &c., JAMES MONROE. 
 
 Thomas .Jefferson, 
 
 President of the Uaiied iSlalts. 
 Mr. Jefferson's answer to Mr. Monroe's 
 letter is dated November 24, 1801, and is as 
 follows, viz. 
 
 Wasltingtoii, Xoccmbcr 24, 1801. 
 
 Dear Sir : I had not been unmindful of 
 your letter of June loth, covering a resolu- 
 tion of the House of Representatives of Vir- 
 ginia, and referred to in yours of the 17th 
 instant. The importance of the subject, and 
 the belief that it gave us time for considera- 
 tion till the next meeting of the Legislature, 
 have induced me to defer the answer to this 
 date. You will perceive that some circum- 
 stances connected with the subject, and ne- 
 cessarily presenting themselves to view, 
 would be improper but for your and the leg- 
 islative ear. Their publication might have 
 an ill effect in more than one quarter; in 
 confidence of attention to this, I shall indulge 
 greater freedom in writing. 
 
 Common malefactors, I presume, make no 
 part of the object of that resolution. Neither 
 their numbers, nor the nature of their of- 
 fences, seem to require an}' pi'ovisions be- 
 yond those practised heretofore, and found 
 adequate to the repression of ordinary crimes. 
 Conspiracy, insurgency, treason, rebellion, 
 among that description of persons who 
 brought on us the alarm, and on themselves 
 the tragedy of 1800, were doubtless within 
 the view^ of every one ; but many, perhaps, 
 contemplated, and one expression of the res- 
 olution might comprehend, a much larger 
 scope. Respect to both opinions makes it 
 my duty to understand the resolution in all 
 the extents of which it is susceptible. 
 
 The idea seems to be, to provide for these 
 people by a purci)ase of land ; and it is ask- 
 ed whether such a purchase can be made of 
 the United States, in their Western territo- 
 ry r A very great extent of countr}' north of 
 the Ohio lias been laid off into townships, 
 and is now at market, according to the pro- 
 
 visions of the acts of Congress, with which 
 you are acquainted. There is nothing which 
 W'ould restrain the State of Virginia, either 
 in the purchase or the application of these 
 lands ; but a purchase by the acre might, 
 perhaps, be a more expensive provision than 
 the House of Representatives contemplated. 
 Questions would also arise, whether the es- 
 tablishment of such a colony within onr lim- 
 its, and to become a part of our Union, would 
 be desirable to the State of Virginia itself, or 
 to the other States, especially those who 
 would be in its vicinity? 
 
 Could we procure lands beyond^ the limits 
 of the United States, to form a receptacle for 
 these people } On our Northern boundary the 
 country not occupied by British subjects is 
 the property of Indian nations, whose titles 
 would be to be extinguished, with the con- 
 sent of Great Britain ; and the new settlers 
 would be British subjects. It is hardly to be 
 believed that either Great Britain or the In- 
 dian i)roj)rietors have so disinterested a re- 
 gard for us as to be willing to relieve us by 
 receiving such a colony themselves ; and as 
 much is it to be doubted whether that race 
 of men could long exist in so rigorous a cli- 
 mate. On our Western and Southern fron- 
 tiers Spain holds an immense country ; the 
 occupancy of which, however, is in the In- 
 dian natives, except a few insulated spots 
 possessed by Spanish subjects. It is very 
 questionable, indeed, whether the Indians 
 would sell — and nearly certain that she would 
 not alienate the sovereignty. The same 
 question to ourselves would recur here also 
 as did in the first case : Should we be will- 
 ing to have such a colony in contact w^ith 
 us .' However our precedent interests may 
 restrain us within our own limits, it is impos- 
 sible not to look forward to distant times, 
 when our rapid multiplication will expand 
 itself beyond those limits, and cover the 
 whole Northern, if not the Southern conti- 
 nent, with a people speaking the same lan- 
 o-uage, governed in similar forms and by 
 similar laws. Nor can we contemplate with 
 satisfaction either blot or mixture in that 
 surface. Spain, France, and Portugal, hold 
 possessions on the Southern continent, as to 
 w^hich I am not w'ell enough informed to say 
 how far they might meet our views. But 
 either there or in the Northern continent, 
 
{) 
 
 The Virgitiian History of JJfrican Colonization. 
 
 should the constituted authorities of Virginia 
 fi\ their attention of preference, I will have 
 the dispositions of those Powers sounded in 
 the first instance. 
 
 The West Indies oiler a more probable and 
 practical retreat for them. Inhabited alrea- 
 dy by a people of their own race and colour — 
 climates congenial with their natural consli- 
 tntion, insulated from the other description 
 of men — nature seems to have formed these 
 islands to become the receptacles of the 
 blacks transplanted into this hemisphere. 
 Whether we could obtain from the European 
 sovereigns of those islands leave to send 
 thither the persons under contemplation, I 
 cannot say ; but I think it more probable 
 than the former proposition, because of their 
 lieing already inhabited more or less b}' the 
 ^ame race. The most promising portion of 
 them is the island of St. Domingo, where the 
 blacks are established into a sovereignty de 
 facto, and have organized themselves under 
 regular laws and government. I should con- 
 jecture that their present ruler might be will- 
 ing on many considerations to receive even 
 that description which would be exiled for 
 acts deemed criminal by us, but meritorious 
 perhaps by him. The possibility that these 
 exiles might stimulate and conduct vindic- 
 tive or predatory descents on our coast, and 
 facilitate concert with their brethren remain- 
 ing here, looks to a state of things between 
 that island and us not probable, on a contem- 
 plation of our relative strength, and of the 
 disproportion daily growing ; and it is over- 
 weicrhed by the humanity of the measures 
 proposed, and the advantages of disembar- 
 rassing ourselves of such dangerous charac- 
 ters. Africa would offer a last and undoubt- 
 ed resort, if all others more desirable should 
 fail us. Whenever the Legislature of Virginia 
 shall have brought its mind to a point, so 
 that I may know exactly what to propose to 
 foreign authorities, I will execute their wishes 
 with fidelity and zeal. I hope, however, 
 they will pardon me for suggesting a single 
 cjuestion for their own con>ideration. When 
 we contemplate the variety of countries and 
 of sovereigns towards which we may direct 
 our views, the vast revolutions and changes 
 of circumstances which are now in a course 
 of progression, the por^tibilities that arrange- 
 ments now to be made with a view to any 
 
 particular place may at no great distance of 
 time be totally deranged by a change of sov- 
 ereignty, of government, or of other circum- 
 stances, it will be for the Legislature to con- 
 sider whether, after they shall have made all 
 those general provisions which may be fixed 
 by legislative authority, it would be reposing 
 too much confidence in their Executive to 
 leave the place of relegation to be decided 
 on by them, and executed with the aid of 
 tlie Federal Executive .^ They could accom- 
 modate their arrangements to the actual 
 state of things in which countries or powers 
 may be found to exist at that day, and may 
 prevent the eflect of the law from being de- 
 feated b}^ intervening changes. This, how- 
 ever, is for them to decide. Our duty will 
 be to respect their decision. 
 
 Accept assurances, ^c. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 (iusrniol- .MoMiOK. 
 
 From this letter we learn that Mr. Jefl'er- 
 son gave the resolution of 1800 a broader 
 construction than its terms express. He 
 doubtless had information from private sour- 
 ces of the views of members, and therefore 
 he said, '• That respect to all opinions made 
 it his duty to understand the resolution in all 
 the extents ol which it is susceptible." 
 
 Upon the reception of Mr. Jefferson's let- 
 ter, Ml'. Monroe communicated it to the 
 House of Delegates, accompanied with the 
 following message, evidently intended to 
 elicit a more full expression of the object 
 which they had in view, in their first resolu- 
 tion. The message is as follows : 
 
 Sir : I have the pleasure to communicate 
 to the General Asscmbl}^ a copy of m}^ cor- 
 respondence with the President of the United 
 States, in compliance with the resolution of 
 31st December last, relative to the purchase 
 of lands without the limits of the State, to 
 which persons obnoxious to its laws or dan- 
 gerous to the peace oi society may be re- 
 moved. As it was known that the United 
 States had lands for sale in the territory lying 
 between the Ohio and iMississippi, a propo- 
 sition to make the acquisition by purchase 
 conveyed the idea of a preference for a tract 
 in that quarter : but as such preference was 
 not declared, and a liberal construction of 
 the resolution admitted a greater scope, I 
 
The Virginian History of ^ifrican Colonization. 
 
 thought it my duty to open the subject in 
 that light to the President. His reply has 
 stated fully and ably the objections which 
 occur to such an establishment within the 
 limits of the United States. He also presents 
 to view all the other places, on the continent 
 and elsewhere, which furnish alternatives, 
 with the advantages attending each, and as- 
 sures us of the promptitude that he will co- 
 operate in carrying into effect whatever plan 
 the Legislature may adopt in reference to 
 the object contemplated. It remains, there- 
 fore, for the General Assembly to explain 
 more fully the description of persons who 
 are to be thus transported, and the place to 
 which it is disposed to give the preference. 
 As soon as its sense is declared on these 
 points, I shall hasten 1o communicate the 
 same to the President, and shall not fail to 
 lay the result before you at your next session. 
 It is proper to add, that it is the wish of the 
 Presideut that the communication be consid- 
 ered as coniidential. 
 
 I am, sir, with great rcspccl and esteem, 
 your very humble servant, 
 
 JAMES MONROE. 
 
 * 
 
 This led to the following explanation by 
 the House of Delegates, passed January 16, 
 1802, and agreed to by the Senate. January 
 23, 1802. 
 
 hi Ihr IhMist' lit' l)c/C(/aics, Salurdaij. Jauvari/ IC 
 ' 1802. 
 
 The Legislature of the Commonweal! h. 
 by their resolution of December last, having 
 authorized the Governor to correspond with 
 the President of the United States relative 
 to the purchase of lands without the limits of 
 this State, to which persons obnoxious to the 
 laws or dangerous to the peace of society 
 might be removed, from which general ex- 
 })ressions a difference of construction has 
 prevailed, to reconcile Vv'hich, recourse must 
 be had to the actual state of things which 
 produced the resolution ; therefore, resolved, 
 that, as the resolution was not intended to 
 embrace offenders for ordinary crimes, to 
 which the laws have been found equal, but 
 only those for conspiracy, insurgency, trea- 
 son, and rebellion, among those particular 
 persons who produced the alarm in this State 
 in the fall of 1800, the Governor be request- 
 ed, in carrying the said resolution into effect 
 
 upon the construction here given, to request 
 the President of the U^nited States, in pro- 
 curing the lands, to prefer the continent of 
 Africa, or any of the Spanish or Portug•uc^e 
 settlements in South America. 
 
 Resolved, also, that the Governor be re- 
 quested to correspond with the President of 
 the United States, for the purpose of obtain- 
 ing a place without the limits of the same, to 
 which free negroes or mnlattoes, and such 
 negroes or mulattoes as may be emancipated, 
 may be sent or choose to remove as a place 
 of asylum : and that it is not the wish of the 
 Legislature to obtain, on behalf of those who 
 may remove or be sent thither, the sover- 
 eignty of such place. Resolved, also, that 
 the Governor lay before the next General 
 Assembh' the result of his communication, 
 to be subject to their control. 
 
 WILLIAM WIRT, C. H. D. 
 January 23, 1802. — Agreed to by the Senate. 
 
 H. BROOKE, C. S. 
 A cujjy. — Test : 
 
 JAMES PLEASANTS, .Ik. ('. //. D. 
 
 Here, lor the first time, li)e meaning' of 
 the House (jf Delegates distinctly emerges 
 into view, and Mr. Jefierson's broad con- 
 struction of the resolution of 1800. is proved 
 to have been sound. These resolutions con- 
 tain the whole idea of the Colonization So- 
 ciety as it is now embodied. Measures are 
 proposed for obtaining a place without the 
 limits of the United States, to which free 
 negroes and mulattoes and such as may be 
 emancipated, may be sent, or choose to re- 
 move, as an Asylum, and Africa is designa- 
 ted as the place. 
 
 Here the matter seems to have rested, 
 until the year 1804, when Mr. Jefferson ad- 
 dressed a letter to IMr. Page, the then o-qv- 
 ernor of Virginia, in which he himself relin- 
 quishes the idea of St. Domingo, and speaks 
 of the territory of Louisiana, just purchased 
 by the American government. The letter is 
 as follows : 
 
 \Vntshinylo)t, Decmnbfr '11 , \^{)\, 
 
 Deah Sir : Resuming the subject of the 
 resolutions of the House of Delegates of D, - 
 cember 31st, 1800, January 16th, 1802, and 
 February 3d, 1804, I have it not in my pow- 
 er to sav that any change of circumstances 
 
6 
 
 The Virgimmi History of African Colonization. 
 
 has taken place which enables me yet to pro- 
 pose any specific asylum for the persons who 
 are the subjests of our correspondence. The 
 island of St. Domingo, our nearest and most 
 convenient recourse, is too unsettled in the 
 conditions of its existence to be looked to as 
 yet for any permanent arrangements ; and 
 the European nations have territories in the 
 same quarter, and possess the same kind of 
 population. Whether the inhabitants of our 
 late acquisition beyond the Mississippi, or 
 the National Legislature, would consent that 
 a portion of that country should be set apart 
 for the persons contemplated, is not within 
 my competence to say. 
 
 My last information us to Siena Leone is, 
 that the company was proposing to deliver 
 up their colony to their Government. Should 
 this take place, it might furnish occasion foi- 
 another effort lo procure an incorporation of 
 ours into it. An attack during the war has 
 done the settlement considerable injury'. 
 
 I beg you to be assured thai, having the 
 object of the House of Delegates sincerely 
 at heart, 1 will keep it under my constant \ 
 attention, and omit no occasion which may I 
 occur of giving it effect. i 
 
 Accept my affectionate salutations, and 
 assurances of great respect and considera- 
 
 tion. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 'iiMir I^AC;:. 
 
 This letter led to the following resolution 
 of the House of Delegates, dated December! 
 3, 1804, and agreed to by the Senate, Janu- 
 ary 22, 1805. " 
 
 General Assembly begun and held at the 
 Capitol in the city of Richmond, Virginia, on 
 Monday the third day of December, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and four, and of the Commonwealth the 
 twenty-ninth : 
 
 Resolved, That the Senators of this State 
 in the Congress of the United States be in- 
 structed, and the Representatives be request- 
 ed, to exert their best efforts for the purpose 
 of obtaining from the General Government 
 a competent portion of territory, in the coun- 
 '.vy of Louisiana, to be appropriated to Ihe 
 rcsicience of such people of colour as have 
 been or shall be eu^ancipated in Virginia, or 
 may hereafter become dangerous to the pub- 
 
 lic safety: Provided, That no contract or ar- 
 rangement respecting euch territory shall be 
 obligatory on this Commonwealth until rati- 
 fied by the Legislature. 
 
 H. HOLMES, 
 Speaker of the House of Df If gales. 
 Agreed to January 22d, 1805. 
 C. TAYLOR, 
 Speaker of the Senate. 
 A copy. — Test : 
 
 JAMES PLEASANTS, Jn., C. H. D. 
 
 On the suggestion contained in Mr. Jef- 
 ferson's letter, the Legislature had their at- 
 tention entirely turned to a portion of the 
 vacant territory of Louisiana. And as their 
 resolution contained instructions to the seii- 
 ator.s in Congress, and a request to the rep- 
 resentatives of the State, to endeavour to 
 procure such a territory, it was sent by Gov- 
 ernor Page to them, accompanied by the fol- 
 lowing note. viz. 
 
 h'u-hhK'iid. Fthiuary 2; lSur>. 
 
 Gentlemex ; I have the honour to enclose 
 a resolution of the General Assembly, for an 
 explanation of which i beg leave to refer you 
 to the copies of letters which passed between 
 the President of the United States and Gov- 
 ernor Monroe, and to one written by the 
 President to me, and by this mail transmitted 
 to our Senators in Congress ; but, for more 
 satisfactory information, I would refer you to 
 the President himself, to whom I shall apol- 
 ogize for requesting you to trouble him on 
 this occasion ; but I know that he will with 
 pleasure give you all the information you 
 may require. From the nature of the deli- 
 cate business contemplated in the resolution, 
 you will see the propriety of its being con- 
 sidered confidential. 
 
 I am gentlemen, willi great respect, your 
 obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN PAGE. 
 
 Thf h'c/irc.'^ritlaiiirs j'j-oiii luyiiiia in Coiiffrc^-.--. 
 
 Our difiiculties with France and England 
 now superseded and arrested, at this point, 
 those interesting proceedings. But there 
 was at least one eminent politician whose 
 mind was not diverted from the contempla- 
 tion of this imj)ortant subject by the ap- 
 proaching war with England. This fact, with 
 other items of information, is disclosed in a 
 letter from Mr. Jefftrson to Mr. Lynd upon 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 the subject of Ann Mifflin's project of a col- 1 they were then in treat}' with the govern- 
 ment to take the establishment off their 
 hands ; but that in no event should they be 
 willing to receive more of these people from 
 
 ony in Africa. The letter is as follows — 
 
 MoniiceUo, January 21, 1811. 
 
 Sir : You have asked my opinion on the 
 proposition of Ann Mifflin, to take measures 
 for procuring on the coast of Africa an es- 
 tablishment to which the people of colour of 
 these States might, from time to time, be 
 colonized, under the auspices of different 
 governments. Having long ago made up 
 my mind on this subject, I have no hesita- 
 tion in saying that I have ever thought that 
 the most desirable measures lohich could be 
 adopted for gradually drawing off this part of 
 our population — most advantageous for them- 
 selves as well as for us. Going from a coun- 
 try possessing all the useful arts, they might 
 be the means of transplanting them among 
 the inhabitants of Africa ; and would thus 
 carry back to the country of their origin the 
 seeds of civilization, which might render 
 their sojournment here a blessing in the end 
 to that countr}'. 
 
 I received, in the last year of my entering 
 into the administration of the general govern- 
 ment, a letter from the Governor of Virginia, 
 consulting me, at the request of the Legisla- 
 ture of the State, on the means of procuring 
 some such asylum, to which these people 
 might be occasionally sent. 1 proposed to 
 him tiic establishment of Sierra Leone, in 
 which a private company in England had al- 
 ready colonized a number of negroes, and 
 particularly the fugitive.s from these States 
 during the revolutionary war; and at the 
 same time suggested, if that could not be ob- 
 tained, some of the Portugue'^o in South 
 America as most desirable. 
 
 The subsequent Legislature approving 
 these ideas, I wrote the ensuing year (1802) 
 to JNIr King, our minister in London, to en- 
 deavour to negotiate with the Sierra Leone 
 company, and induce them to receive such 
 of these people as might be colonized thither. 
 
 He opened a correspondence with Mr. W 
 
 and Mr. Thornton, secretary of the company, 
 on the subject; and, in 1803, I received, 
 through Mr. King, the result ; which was 
 that the colony was going on in but a lan- 
 guishing condition ; that the funds of the 
 company were likely to fail, as they received 
 no return of profit to keep them up ; that 
 
 the United States, as it was that portion of 
 settlers who had gone from the United Slates, 
 who, by their idleness and turbulence, had 
 kept the settlement in constant danger of 
 dissolution, which could not have been pre- 
 vented, but for the aid of the Maroon negroes 
 from the West Indies, who were more indus- 
 trious and orderly than the others, and sup- 
 ported the authority of the government and 
 its laws. 
 
 I think 1 learned afterwards that the Brit- 
 ish government had taken the colony into 
 their own hands, and I believe it still exists. 
 
 The effort which I made with Portugal, to 
 obtain an establishment from them, within 
 their colonies in South America, proved also 
 abortive. 
 
 You inquired, further, •■' whether I would 
 use my endeavours to procure such an es- 
 tablishment, secure against violence from 
 otjier powers, and particularly the French."' 
 Certainly, I shall be tvilling to do any thing / 
 can to give it effect and safet}-. 
 
 But I am but a private individual, and 
 could only use endeavours with individuals ; 
 whereas the A'ational Government can ad- 
 dress themselves at once to those of Europe, 
 to obtain the desired security, and will un- 
 questionably be ready to exert its influence 
 with those nations to effect an object so be- 
 nevolent in itself, and so important to a great 
 portion of its constituents; indeed, nothing 
 is more in he wished, than thai the United Slates 
 would themselves undertake to make such an 
 establishment on the coast of Afriea. 
 
 Exclusive nf motives nf humanity, the 
 commercial advantages to be derived from it 
 might defray all its expenses ; but for this 
 the national mind is not prepared. It may, 
 perhaps, be doubted whether many of these 
 people would voluntarily consent to such an 
 exchange of situation, and but few of those 
 who are advanced to a certain age in habits 
 of slavery would be capable of governing 
 themselves. This should not, however, dis- 
 courage the experiment, nor the early trial 
 of it. And propositions should be made, 
 with all the prudent caution and attention 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 requisite to reconcile it to the interest, the 
 safety, and prejudice of all parties. 
 
 Accept the assurance of my respect and 
 esteem. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 A treaty of peace having been concluded 
 with Great Britain, in 1815, the public mind 
 reverted ^vith renewed interest to the subject 
 of C/olonization. Charles Fenton Mercer 
 was at that time a member of the House of 
 Delegates. He accidentally became ac- 
 quainted with the acts of the Legislature in 
 secret session of ISOO, 1802 and 1804. He 
 imputed the failure of those resolutions to 
 the secresy with which they were passed, 
 and determined, if re-elected, that he would 
 renew them at the nextsession. The Legis- 
 lature adjourned on the ^Hth of February, 
 1816. 
 
 After the adjournment, he w'ent to Wash- 
 ington, where he met with Elias B. Cald- 
 well and Francis S. Key. to whom he com- 
 municated his intentions. They promised 
 their co-operalion. INlr. Key said, if neces- 
 sar}' he would if possible get a seat in the 
 Legislature of Maryland and offer similar 
 resolutions. The Legislature of Virginia re- 
 assembled on the 17th of November, 1816. 
 Mr. Mercer moved his resolutions on the 12th 
 of December, preceding his motion, (for 
 greater dispatch,) with one to close the doors 
 of tiie House. After a day's debate, the 
 resolutions were adoj)(e(l by a majority of 
 137 votes out of 116. On the 11th of De- 
 cember, the injunction of sccresy was re- 
 moved, and the resolutions were sent to the 
 Senate and passed that body on the 93d of 
 December with but one dissenting \'oice. 
 The resolutions are a.'- follo^v^ : 
 
 '• Whereas the General Assembly of Vir- 
 ginia has repeatedly sought to obtain an As}-- 
 lum beyond the limits of the United States 
 for such persons of color as have been, or 
 may be, emancipated under the laws ot this 
 commonwealth, but have hitherto found all 
 their efforts frustrated either by the disturbed 
 state of other naiioiis, or by domestic causes 
 
 equally unpropitious, they now avail theia- 
 selves of a period when peace has healed 
 the wounds of humanity and the principal 
 nations of Europe have agreed with the gov- 
 ernment of the United States in abolishing 
 the African slave trade, (a traffic which this 
 commonwealth, both before and after the 
 Revolution, zealously sought to extirpate,) 
 to renew this effort. 
 
 Therefore, Resolved, That the Executive 
 be requested to correspond with the Presi- 
 dent of the United States for the purpose of 
 obtaining a territory on the coast of Africa, 
 or at some other place not within any of the 
 States, or territories of the United States, to 
 serve for an asylum of such persons of 
 color as are now free, and desire the same, 
 and for those who may be hereafter emanci- 
 pated within this commonwealth, and that 
 the Senate and Representatives of this State 
 in the Congress of the United States be re- 
 quested to exert their best efforts to aid in 
 the attainment of the above object. 
 
 St. G. Tucker, C. PL D., and 
 
 Keeper of the Rolls of An." 
 
 In the meantime Francis Key, Bishop 
 IMeade, Dr. Findley and others, had been 
 pondering the .subject of African Coloniza- 
 tion. These, with Elias B. Caldwell and 
 other persons of like minds, assembled in 
 the city of Washington on the 21st of De- 
 cember of the same year, and recommended 
 the formation of (ho Ameriron Colonization 
 Society. 
 
 Mv. Clay ])residc(l at (ho meeting, and 
 stirring addresses were made by him, and 
 by INIossrs. Caldwell and Randolph of Roan- 
 oke. A Committee was appointed to pre- 
 sent a memorial to Congress. John Ran- 
 dolph was on that committee. The Society 
 held its first meeting on the 27tii of January, 
 1817, and elected its officers. Judge Bush- 
 rod Washington, of Virginia, was made Pres- 
 ident, and among the Vice-President's were 
 Clay, Crawford, Jackson, Meade, and John 
 Tavlnr of \'irn:inia. 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization 
 
 9 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Thr airency of James Monroe in t/ie plantation 
 of the Colony of Liberia. 
 
 It was a happy coincidence that the year 
 of the formation of the Colonization Society, 
 was the year of James Monroe's accession 
 to the presidency of the United States. We 
 Iiave seen in the preceding narrative, Mr. 
 Monroe's active cooperation while Gover- 
 nor of Virginia, with Thomas Jefferson, then 
 President of the United States, in stimula- 
 ting and shaping those acts of the General 
 j'Lssembly of Virginia, which led to the for- 
 mationv of the Colonization Society. We 
 shall now see his agency in a new and high- 
 er sphere, in executing those laws of Con- 
 gress which resulted in and were, perhaps, 
 indispensable to the establishment of the co- 
 lony itself. In these events we shall disco- 
 ver another example ol the apparent super- 
 intendence of Divine Providence over this 
 whole scheme, in making individuals and 
 States, Politicians and Christians, each mo- 
 ved perhaps by a diflerent reason, co-operate 
 in bringing about one result. 
 
 It was hardly possible for a private socie- 
 ty, with small pecuniary resources, and work- 
 ing with such rude materials, to make a per- 
 manent plantation upon a distant and bar- 
 barous shore. The Society had already bor- 
 rowed money to pay the expenses of Messrs. 
 Mills and Burgess in searching for a site for 
 the colony. To replace this money, Charles 
 Fenton Mercer procured, by personal solici- 
 tations in Baltimore, the sum of $4,500, and 
 Bishop Meade raised a still larger sum in 
 Virginia. After discharging this debt, the 
 sum remaining in the treasury of the societ}' 
 was utterly inadequate to the proposed en- 
 terprise, even if a private association had 
 been competent to effect the necessary nego- 
 tiations with foreign powers. It was not 
 likely that the government of the United 
 States would take the responsibility of such 
 a measure, although Jefferson, Madison, 
 Monroe and JNIarshall all concurred in the 
 opinion of its expediency and constitution- 
 ality. 
 
 But that Divine Providonce, Vv'hose ways 
 
 are not as our ways, had, (as it seems to our 
 short sight,) laid far back in the legislation 
 of Congress a train of causes, whose effects 
 made it the interest of the Government of 
 the United States to co-operate with the Col- 
 onization Society. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States de- 
 nied to Congress the power of prohibiting 
 the importation of Slaves into this country, 
 until the year 1808. Anticipating this peri- 
 od, Congress, in 1807, passed an act prohib- 
 iting the slave-trade. This act wa'- to go 
 into operation in 1808, so soon as the Consti- 
 tutional limitation expired. 
 
 This law, while it imposed heavy penal- 
 ties upon all persons who should buy or sell 
 any recaptured African, also contained a pro- 
 vision placing those captives who should be 
 brought into the territory of any particular 
 State, in the power of the Legislature of 
 such State, to be disposed of at its pleasure. 
 Under this provision, the Legislatures of 
 several Southern States actually sold a num- 
 ber of recaptured Africans. 
 
 Wm. H. Crawford, then Secretary of the 
 Treasury, informed the Colonization Society 
 that the State of Georgia had recently sold 
 a number of those Africans, who had been 
 recaptured under the law of 1808, the pro- 
 ceeds of whose sale, amounting to $.50,000, 
 was then in the Treasury of the State unap- 
 propriated, and that there was a company of 
 them then advertised for sale. Mr. Craw- 
 ford, who was a Vice-President of the Soci- 
 ety, advised it to send an Agent to Georgia 
 to solicit a release of these captives, and the 
 transfer of the $50,000 to their treasury. 
 Bishop Meade kindly volunteered for this 
 mission. 
 
 A law of Georgia had provided that if pre- 
 yious to the sale of any recaptured Africans 
 the Colonization Society would undertake to 
 convey them to Africa, they should be deliv- 
 ered to the Society. 
 
 Bishop Meade succeeded in releasing the 
 captives, but not in recovering the money. 
 
 Charles Fenton Mercer, the neighbour and 
 personal friend of Mr. Monroe, called the 
 attention of the President to the inconsisten- 
 cy of the titles of the Acts of Congress of 
 1808 and ISIS, with these proceedings in 
 Georgia. 
 
 Mr. Morrer in conpornlion with his col- 
 
10 
 
 The Virfyhnaii History of African Colonization. 
 
 league, Dr. Floyd of Virginia, had a bill re- 
 ported in Congress, repealing those pi'ovi- 
 ^iions, which enabled a State to defeat the 
 intention of a law of Congress. This hill 
 became the law of 1810, whicli conimittcd 
 all recaptured Africans to the custody of the 
 Marshals of tlie United States, until they 
 could be returned to their own country. It 
 also authorized the President of the United 
 States to appoint Agents upon the Coast of 
 Africa to receive them, and apjnopriated 
 $100,000 to carry its provisions into pffbct. 
 
 It will be ])erceived that the Legislation of 
 Congress had devolved upon the government 
 of the United States a necessity for provid- 
 ing tin Asylum for recaptured yVfricans. It 
 thus became the interest of the General Gov- 
 ernment, in carrying out its own policy, to 
 cooperate with the Colonization Society, 
 whose benevolent designs were just ripe for 
 execution. 
 
 We cannot tell how it strikes others, but 
 ior ourselves we recognize with reverence in 
 these proceedings, what ."^eem to us unmis- 
 takeable indications of a Divine Providence 
 presiding over and " shaping the ends" of 
 individuals and of Nations. 
 
 li was fortunate for humanity, and espe- 
 cially for America and Africa, that the exe- 
 cution of this laAv devolved upon James 
 Monroe. This good man put a liberal inter- 
 pretation upon this act of Congress, as he 
 had previously done upon an act of the Gen- 
 eral Assembly of Virginia. He communi- 
 cated his interpretation to Congress and with 
 its acquiescence, he carried the law into ef- 
 fect, by placing in the hands of the Society's 
 Agent, Mr. Bacon, a large sum of money 
 before the sailing of the Elizabeth with the 
 Hrst company of emigrants. The Explo- 
 ling Agents had selected the isle of Sher- 
 bro as the site of the r;oloiiy, and thither 
 the first emigrants were conveyed. The 
 heroism of this little company in volun- 
 teering as the pioneers of this bold adven- 
 ture, has a sublime moral, which perhaps in 
 after times may be fitly commemorated by 
 the muse of History. i 
 
 The Agents of the Society and of the Gov- 
 ernment, with about twenty of this little 
 
 company, soon fell victims to the climate and 
 the treachery of the natives. The survivors 
 tied to Sie.'-ra Leone. At this crisis the cause 
 of Colonization again felt the beneficent ef- 
 fects of !\lr. Monroe's liberal construc- 
 tion of the lav.', which it was his duty to ex- 
 ec ufe. 
 
 " When the Elizabeth had been v.'iecked, 
 their stores exhausted and hope had well 
 nigh gone, (.'apt. Wadsworth of the Navj', 
 under the orders of the President, came to 
 their relief. He repaired their schooner and 
 from his own stores and those of his brother 
 officers, he supplied tlieir immediate wants 
 and reanimated their hopes. Under like or- 
 ders Captain (now Commodore) Stockton, in 
 company with the United States' Agent, Dr. 
 Ayres, purchased the present site of the 
 Colony and removed the remaining colonists 
 to it. Capt. Spence who succeeded him, 
 with like orders, built for them a stone tower 
 to protect them against the infuriated na- 
 tives and left them in security and comfort."* 
 
 It was not without reason that Chancellor 
 Harper, " one of the first orators that Virgi- 
 nia, his native State, ever produced," paid 
 to Mr. Monroe the following just tribute at a 
 meeting in the capitol at Washington in 1824. 
 
 I will now (the colony had just been nam- 
 ed Liberia) ollei- another resolution, with a 
 different objeci. It is not only to give a name 
 to the principal town in our infant settlement, 
 but at the same time to mark our gratitude 
 to that venerable and distinguished man to 
 whom it is more indebted than to any other 
 single man. It is perfectly well known that 
 but for the wise and liberal use he has been 
 pleased to make of the great power confided 
 to him, all our efforts would have been una- 
 vailing. As an acknowledgment of his high 
 services, I make the following motion : 
 
 Resolved, That the town laid out and estab- 
 lished at Liberia, shall be called and known 
 by the name of Monrovia, as an acknowledg- 
 ment of the important benefits conterred on 
 the settlement by the present illustrious Chif I 
 Magistrate of the United States. 
 
 • Speeoli of U'iiioral Mercer, to wlium wc arc 
 indebted for many of the foregoing facts in the 
 liistory of events, of whioli lie niii;lit snv -with 
 truth, quomm vmcpui parfifiii. 
 
The Virginian History of Jlfriaai Colonization. 
 
 11 
 
 Chapter 111. 
 Tilt Era of Jluxiliuni Societies in Virginia. 
 
 I think it not premature for us to prom- 
 ise, that if before many 3'ears. the author- 
 ship of this plan imply responsibility, \n- 
 ginia will be ready to bear it; if it impart 
 honor Virginia will claim \i.~-Speech of Jesse 
 Harrison, of Lynchburg, in 1828. 
 
 The interval of time between the estab- 
 lishment of the American Colonization So- 
 ciety at Washington, in 1817, and the or- 
 ganization of the Colonization Society of 
 Virginia at Richmond, in 1828, as an inde 
 ])endent State institution, was the epoch of 
 auxiliary societies. The number of auxiliary 
 societies formed during this time will show 
 what a strong hold this subject had taken on 
 the public mind, and how rapidly and widely 
 it spread until it pervaded the whole com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 We reproduce the naines of the oIKcers 
 and managers of these societies, that the pub- 
 lic may see who are entitled to share in tjie 
 responsibilities of lliis measure, if it " im- 
 plies responsibility, or to claim its honors if 
 honors are to be imparted." We are not 
 without hope that these reminiscences of by- 
 gone days may stir uji the sonr? to finish the 
 work of which (heir honored fathers laid the 
 Ibundations. 
 
 AUXILIAIIV COLOMZATION :!>OCtETY, 
 RICHMOND. 
 
 Chief Justice Marshall, President. 
 
 James Pleasants, John Tyler, VicePres. 
 
 T. C. Howard, Secretary. 
 
 B. Brand, Treasurer. 
 'Managers. — R. G. Scott, Jno. Rutherfoord, 
 J. H. Eustace, James Blair, D. J. Burr, W. 
 Barret, W. Cowling, J. E. Heath, W. Crane, 
 H. Ni'ilson, 5k.c. 
 
 MJRFOLK. 
 
 James Ninuno, President. 
 
 Rd. E. Parker, S. Foster, Vice Pres. 
 
 Managers. — J. INIcPhail, J. Cowdery, T. 
 C. Broughton, Rev. N. Davis, Rev. H. W. 
 Ducachet, J. French, R. L. Green, S. K. 
 Kollock; D. G. Fisk, Alex. Gait, J. Hendren, 
 R. C. Jennings, H. Shields, R. Soutter, R. B. 
 Stance, H. Woodis. 
 
 Wm. Maxwell, Secretary. 
 
 FREDERICKSBT'RG. 
 
 Judge Lomax, President. 
 
 John Gray, John Scott, !). Grinnan, Rt. 
 Lewis, Vice Presidents. 
 
 Managers-. — Rev. E. C. McGuire, Dr. W. 
 Browne, W. A. Knox, R. T. Thorn, P. Har- 
 rison, M. Forbes, J. S. Wellford, John Hart, 
 Sam. Gordon, F. Johnson, W. C. Beale, &,c. 
 PETEKSBIRG. 
 
 Dr. R. Field, President. 
 
 Rev. A. Syme, Judge May, Vice Pres. 
 
 G. P. Disosway, Treasurer. 
 
 Wm. M. Atkinson, Secretary. 
 
 Managers. — John Grammar, F. G. Yancey, 
 Min. Thrift, W. H. Macfarland, T. Young, 
 E, Pescud, Wm. Clarke, Tho. Robinson, T. 
 Shore, Ben. R.ice, A. B. Spooner, J. Taliafer- 
 i-o, Hugh Nelson, Dr. J. C. Pegram. 
 AI.EXANUKIA. 
 
 John Roberts, President. 
 
 Rev. Mr. Harrison, Rev. S. Cornelius, V. 
 Presidents. 
 
 Managers. — W. Gregory, T. Smith, T. 
 Sanford, J. Douglas, N. Fitzhugh, John With- 
 ers, J. Cornell, J. G. Nichols, Geo. Johnson, 
 C. Page. 
 
 IS[>E OF WIGHT COUNTV. 
 
 Dr. George Butler, President. 
 
 Dr. Geo. Wilson, Major A. Woodley, Vice 
 Presidents. 
 
 Col. W. H. Woodley, Secretary. 
 
 John WoiTible, Treasurer. 
 HAMPTON. 
 
 Rev. John S. Westwood, President. 
 
 Alatmger.'i.'—Rov . W. Gilliam, L. H. Reed, 
 Sam. Watts. 
 
 W. J. Simpkins, Secretary. 
 
 W. S, Arraistead, Treasurer. 
 SUSSEX COUNTY. 
 
 John Cargill, President. 
 
 Major Wm. Parham, Vice President. 
 
 Col. George Blow, Secretary. 
 
 W. Parham, Treasurer. 
 
 ALBEMARLE COUNTY'. 
 
 General .1. H. Cocke, President. 
 
 Wm. C. Rives, T. W. Gilmer, James Ter- 
 rell, Vice Presidents. 
 
 J. B. Carr, Treasurer. 
 
 KINti WILLIAM COUNT V. 
 
 John Roane, President. 
 
 Rev. Robert Semple Rev. A. Broaddut, 
 lice Presidenti-. 
 
12 
 
 The Virginian History of Africmi Colonization. 
 
 C. W. Taliaferro, Secretary. 
 Dr. W. Gwathmey, Treasurer. 
 
 DINWIDDIE COL NT V. 
 
 D. G. Hatch, President. 
 
 Wm. B. Thompson, Vice Prcsidml. 
 
 R. B. Booth, Secretary. 
 
 B. Anderson, Treasurer. 
 
 Managers. — John Atkinson, J. Wainwright, 
 R. C. Booth, D. Muir, AV. H. Cousins, J. N. 
 Fisher, R. V-. Tucker, S. Thomi^son, J. H. 
 Harper. 
 
 AMHERST COUNTY. 
 
 Rev. C. H. Page, President. 
 
 Wm. Duncan, R. S. Ellis, Vice Presidents. 
 
 S. R. Davies, Treasurer. 
 
 S. M. Garland, Secretary. 
 
 Managers.— Y.. A. Cabell, H. M. Garland, 
 Wm. Watson, A. B. Davies, Dr. J. P. BroAvu, 
 VV. S. Crawford, Ed. Winston. 
 
 BERKLEY COUNTY. 
 
 P. C. Pendleton, President. 
 
 Ed. Colston, M. Locke, Vice Premdents. 
 
 T. Davis, J. Rogers, Secretaries. 
 
 J. K. Wilson, Treasurer. 
 
 Managers. — Alex. Cooper, M. T. Hunter, 
 J. Doll, A. Hlbbard, B. C. Wolf, John Stro- 
 ther. Rev. C. C. Kranth, J. T. Brooke, J. M. 
 Brown, A. Sortwell, J. N. Riddle, W. Evans. 
 
 NANSEMOND COUNTY. 
 Jos. Prentiss, President. 
 Rev. J. Keeling, R. Cox, J. Riddirk, M. 
 Riddick, Vice Presidents. 
 J. T. Kilb}', Secretary. 
 Arthur Smith, Treasurer. 
 
 BUCKINGHAM COUNTV. 
 J. M. Walker, President. 
 Rev. T. Burge, Vice Presidont. 
 J. Staples, Treasurer. P. B. Phelps, 
 
 NELSON COUN'I'Y. 
 
 Rev. J. Boyd, President. 
 
 J. M. Martin, Vice President. 
 
 Col. A. Brown, Treasurer. 
 
 James Garland, Secretary. 
 
 .Managers. — Rt. Rives, R. Whitehead, C. 
 Perrow, L. W. Harrie, Dr. R. Kincaid, Rev. 
 J. Paul, Rev. J. Shepherd, R. C. Cutler, 
 Lucas P. Thompson. 
 
 FLUVANNA COUNTY. 
 
 General Cocke, President. 
 E. J. Magruder, Rev. W. Timberlake, B. 
 G. Payne, J, Timberlake, Vice Presidents. 
 
 Managers. — G. Morris, G. A. Strange, J. 
 Winn, J. Stillman, J. Currin, Dr. G. M. 
 Lewis, Dr. B. M. Jones, C. W. Jones, M. 
 Tutwiler, S. F. Morris. 
 
 IIARI^ERS FERRY. 
 
 J. Stubbleficld, President. 
 Wm. McGuire, A. Beckham, E. Wager, 
 R. Humphreys, Vice Presidents. 
 J. U'^ark, Treasurer. 
 J. P. McGuire, Secretary. 
 
 WHEELING. 
 
 Noah Zane, President. 
 
 Rev. W. Wiley, Rev. J. Armstrong, Rev. 
 H. Furlong, J. Harvey, A. Caldwell, Vice 
 Presidejits. 
 
 Managers, — S. Sprigg, E. J. Lee, J. Camp- 
 bell, R. Simms, A. Woods, J. C. Smith, R. T. 
 Custis, W. F. Peterson, Dr. J. T. L-win, D. 
 Hubbard, S. McSullen, D. B. Bayless, R. C. 
 Woods, B. McMeehon. 
 
 T. Woods, Treasurer. 
 
 R. McKee, Secretary. 
 
 FREDERICK COUNTY. 
 
 Nat. Burwell, President. 
 
 Obed Waite, Treasurer. 
 
 Aug. C. Smith, Secretary. 
 
 KANAWHA COUNTY. 
 
 Philip P. Thomson, President. 
 
 Hon. Lewis Summers, John L. Fry, Vice 
 Presidents. 
 
 Joseph Lovell, Treasurer. 
 
 Edwai'd S. Eddy, Secretary. 
 
 AUGUSTA COUNTY. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Conrad Speece, President. 
 
 Rev. James C. Wilson, Rev. Dr. Danie! 
 Stephens, Vice Presidents. 
 
 Managers. — Hon. Archibald Stuart, Wil- 
 liam Bell, Daniel Sheffey, Charles A. Stuarf, 
 John H. Peyton, Samuel Clarke, James A. 
 M'Cue, John M'Cuc, David Gilke.«;on, Jr.. 
 William Kinney, Jr., J3avid W. Patterson. 
 Nicholas C. Kinney. 
 
 William Clark, Secretary. 
 
 Joseph Cowan, Treasurer. 
 
 POWHATAN COUNTY'. 
 
 Col. James Clark, President. 
 
 William Old, Rev. Edward V.^\A\A. Vi.\- 
 Presidents. 
 
 John B. Tinsley, Seer el a ry. 
 
 Joseph Davis, Trei/'ri/rer. 
 
 Maiiagers. — ^^William Pope, Joseph Hobson, 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 13 
 
 Rev. Dan. A. Penick, Thomas Scott, Joseph 
 Davis, John Daniel, William L. Montague, 
 William Sublitt, John Gilliam. 
 
 I.OUUON COUiM'Y. 
 
 James Monroe, President. 
 
 Samuel Murray, Ludwell Lee, Israel Jan- 
 ney.. James Moore, Mahlon Taylor, Samuel 
 Nichols, Isaac Brown, Sydney Baily, Johnson 
 Cleaveland, Burr Powell, James Heaton, 
 William Elzey, William N'oland, Vice Presi- 
 dents. 
 nR. D. Henderson, Treasurer. 
 
 Richard H. Lee, Secretary. 
 
 CHARLESTOWN, JEFFERSON COUNTY. 
 
 Doctor Samuel I. Gramer, President. 
 
 Bushrod C. Washington, Adam Weaver, 
 Henry S. Turner, John T. A. Washington, 
 George W. Humphreys, Nathaniel Craighill, 
 Vice Presidents. 
 
 Robert Washington, Treasurer. 
 
 John Marsliall, Secretary. 
 
 SHEPHERDSTOWN. 
 
 James S. Lane, Piesident. 
 
 John Baker, Vice President. 
 
 John Cookus, Treasurer. 
 
 Geo. C. P. Kranth, Secretary. 
 
 ROCKINGHAM COUNTY. 
 
 Hon. Daniel Smith, President. 
 
 Doctor Peachy Harrison, Major John Ken- 
 ney, Rev. Daniel Baker, Col. Samuel H. Lew- 
 is, Vice Presidents. 
 
 Dr. Peachy Harrison, James Bush, Sees. 
 
 David Steele, Treasurer. 
 
 LYNCHBURG. 
 
 Rev. John Early, President. 
 
 Rev. William S. Reid, Rev. F. G. Smith, 
 }'ice Presidents. 
 
 Robert Toler, Secretary. 
 
 John Caskie, Treasurer. 
 
 Managers. — John Victor (Mayor), Will. J. 
 Holcombe, David R. Edley, Samuel Brans- 
 turd, Elijah Fletcher, James Newhall, N. M. 
 Taliaferro, John D. Urquhart, Chris. Umfree, 
 John Thurmon, David G. Munell, Dr. John 
 J. Cabell. 
 
 MECKLENBURG COUNTY. 
 
 Thos. M. Nelson, President. 
 
 Managers.— A. W. Venable, S. V . Wat- 
 kins, Ed. R. Chambers, Col. J. Baptist. 
 
 CAMPBELL COUNTY. 
 T. Wilson, President. 
 
 BEDFORD COUNTY. 
 
 F. F. Lef'twich, President. 
 
 ROCKBRIDGE COUNTY. 
 
 Capt. R. White, President. 
 
 There were many other Auxiliary Socie- 
 ties in Virginia, composed of the largest 
 slave holders and most respectable citizens 
 of the State. We regret that we have not 
 just now an accurate list of them. Every 
 one who knows Virginia, will accredit the 
 foregoing names as fair repiesentatives of 
 the intelligence, moral worth and property 
 of the several counties in which they lived. 
 
 If we possessed the records of these So- 
 cieties they would, doubtless, contribute many 
 interesting materials to the illustration of our 
 history. We have fragments of reports, me- 
 morials and other documents of these auxi- 
 liaries, to which we shall have occasion to 
 refer in the j^rogress of our work. 
 
 The only Society in this State whose re- 
 cords are preserved entire, is the " Rich- 
 mond and Manchester Society." "^ 
 
 On the 4th of November, 1823, the citi- 
 zens of Richmond and Manchester met in 
 the Hall of the House of Delegates, for the 
 purpose of considermg the propriety of form- 
 ing a society, auxiliary to the American Col- 
 onization Society. Wm. H. Fitzwhylson 
 was called to the chair, and James E. Heath 
 appointed Secretary. After an address by 
 the Rev. R. Randolph Gurley, a Society wa.s 
 organized by the adoption of a constitution, 
 and the election of officers, whose names 
 have been already reported. 
 
 It was an auspicious omen for the Society, 
 that such a man as Chief Justice Marshall, 
 who by his valor in the field and liis wisdom 
 in council, his simple manners and spotles.-< 
 life, had won a National reputation, and in- 
 spired a universal esteem, was found willing 
 to lend to it the weight of his great name 
 and character. And it was an edifying ex- 
 ample to his countrymen, to see the Chief 
 Justice of the United States as punctual in 
 attending the meetings of a benevolent so- 
 ciety, and presiding over its deliberations 
 with the same meekness of wisdom and ap- 
 parent interest, as he did over the Supreme 
 Court. The board of managers not only 
 passed resolutions, but in token of their ear- 
 nestness, appointed from among themselves, 
 committees to solicit subscriptions and dona- 
 
14 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 tions in each ward of the City and of Man- 
 chester. They fixed the 24th of June, as 
 the day of tlie first general meeting of the 
 Society, and requested Messrs. H. E. Wat- 
 kins, Robert Douthat, R. G. Scott and John 
 Rutherford, 1o make addresses in exposition 
 of tlie views and purposes of the Society. 
 
 On the 24lh, the Society met and were 
 addressed with earnestness and eloquence 
 by Messrs. Rutherford and Scott. Mr. Fitz- 
 whylson read the annual report, in which the 
 managers express their gratification at the 
 encouraging facts in the history of the 
 Colony and of the Society. Its Affairs they 
 say " are managed by gentlemen as distin- 
 guished for talents, virtue and patriotism as 
 any in the Union. IMen of the first stand- 
 ing in the country are daily strengthening its 
 interests by accessions to its lists of subscri- 
 bers. The government of the United States 
 has vouchsafed its patronage, and in several 
 instances, rendered imjiortant aid to the Co- 
 lony. The removal of the Colonists from 
 Sherbro to Mesurado (Liberia) has greatly 
 conduced to their security, health and com- 
 fort. A vessel has just sailed from James 
 River with one hundred emigrants, to the fit- 
 ting out of which this Society has materially 
 contributed. Tiiese auspicious circumstan- 
 ces in the incipient stage of such a serious 
 enterprise, compreiiending witliin the sphere 
 of its operations, such a variety of interests, 
 feelings and opinions, ought to add fervor to 
 hope, and energy to exertion ; and if favor- 
 ed by the benign approbation of the great 
 and awful being in whose dispensations are. 
 the issues of all things, it cannot fail of be- 
 ing uhiraately crowned witii a success, hon- 
 orable to the present and beneficial to future 
 "'enerationi'. The receipts of the Society 
 for the ten v.-eeks elapsing ^ince its forma- 
 tion, were $5'27. 
 
 On motion of Dr. iNIayo, Mes«>rs. Scott and 
 Rutherford were requested to furnish the 
 Secretary wWh. a copy of their addrejse? to 
 be publi^lif^'l with the Annual Report. 
 
 Duriii'.-; tii.> year intervening between the 
 present and the next general meeting, the 
 Board of Managers continued to meet regu- 
 larly for the transaction of business, and their 
 minutes are generally signed by the Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 On the 17th of January 1825, the Society 
 held the next jjeneral meeting. 
 
 The annual report was read. In this doc- 
 ument the managers disavow all interference 
 with private rights and declare the single 
 purpose of "the society to be to afford to 
 such free persons of color as choose to emi- 
 grate, the means of transportation to Africa, 
 and to provide for their comfort for a reason- 
 able period. 
 
 That our society has arrested the attention 
 of our most intelligent citizens and com- 
 manded their approbation is proved by the 
 fact that more than twenty societies now ex- 
 ist in Virginia, six of which have been form- 
 ed in the past year. At our last annual meet- 
 ing we had 38 life members, and 36 annual 
 subscribers. Now we have 4.5 life members 
 and 110 annual subscribers. In a few days 
 another vessel is expected to sail from James 
 River with 75 emigrants, to the expense of 
 whose outfit this brancli of the society will 
 contribute one third." 
 
 The tide of emigration among tlie free ne- 
 groes had, during the past year, increased 
 into a strong current. Applications so far 
 exceeded the means of transportation, that 
 the society was cmbarassed in making selec- 
 tions. Advantage v/as taken of tliis fact and 
 a strong effort was made to divert the cur- 
 rent from Liberia to St. Domingo. An agent 
 came over from Hayti with tempting offers, 
 and succeeded in inducing many respectable 
 colored persons to try their fortunes in the 
 West Indies. The managers notice this fact 
 and saj', "they would not willingly do any 
 thing to damp the hopes oi the emigrants to 
 Haj'ti ; but they do not think it inappropri- 
 ate to make a few suggestions for their con- 
 sideration. The emigrant to Hayti will have 
 the advantage of an old settled government, 
 but on the other hand he will find a strange 
 people, speaking another language, and a 
 government in whose administration for 
 many years he cannot hope to have a voice : 
 this government havinp; an established State 
 religion new to him. 
 
 In Africa he will find as productive a soil 
 and as salubrious a climate — a people s])eak- 
 ing the ?ame language, professing the same 
 religion, and governed by laws dictated by 
 themselves. And then in Liberia they will 
 aid in extinguishing the nefarious slave 
 
The Virginian History of African Coloniznfion. 
 
 15 
 
 liade" The managers also enumerate the 
 
 benefits to the white and tlie black races — 
 to America and to Alrica — which are likely 
 to flow from the success of Liberia, and sug- 
 gest the propriety of applying to the State 
 and Fetleral governments for aid. 
 
 ■'The Society, (they isay,) only undertook 
 io prove from actual experiment, the prnctica- 
 hilitij of the enterprise, so that the Govern- 
 irieni migiit not squander tljt pul)lic money 
 in a chimerical design," N.c. 
 
 It was also determined to rneuiorialize the 
 Legislature for aid to the Colonists in the 
 form of implements of husbandry, &.C., from 
 the Penitentiary. A committee consisting 
 of Judge Marshall, Gov. Pleasants, Messrs. 
 INIunford, Scott and Rutherford was appoint- 
 ed to prepare the memorial. John Tyler 
 was requested to present it to the House of 
 Delegates. The application was successful. 
 The General Assembly, on the 10th of Feb- 
 ruary, passed an act appropriating $.500 in 
 goods to be estimated at the lowest cash 
 price at which such things were sold at the 
 Penitentiary Store. 
 
 At a meeting of the managers on the ItJtii 
 of December, Messrs. Heatli, Fitzwylson 
 and Nicholas were instructed to prepare a 
 Report for the next annual meeting, and 
 Messrs. Upshur, Scott, Rutherford and Wat- 
 kins were requested to deliver addresses. 
 
 The General Meeting was held on the 
 16th of January, 1826. 
 
 The Report congratulates the Society upon 
 its increasing numbers — on the accession of 
 distinguished citizens who have adorned the 
 councils and exalted the reputation of the 
 country. It institutes a striking comparison 
 between the early histories of Virginia and 
 Liberia — draws a graphic picture of the de- 
 graded condition of our free negroes, and 
 represents the benefits to us and to them ol 
 their removal to Liberia, and rejoices in the 
 prospect of thus extinguishing the " execra- 
 ble slave trade" — "that monument of the 
 cupidity and cruelt}' of civilized nations." 
 
 Messrs. John Y. Mason, Upshur, Watkins, 
 Douthat, Jacksou and other members of the 
 Assembly, are requested to take charge of 
 the memorial asking^ Le^rislative aid. 
 
 On the 1st of March, under the auspices 
 of Mr. Upshur, a bill passed the Legislature 
 
 by a majority of 41, making a donation to 
 the colony of $800 in articles manufactured 
 at the Penitentiary. Gen. Blackburn, of 
 Bath, said in the course of the debate : " I 
 would vote tor $5,000. Could I believe, (he 
 added,) that a century hence, this little col- 
 ony v.'ould resemble one of the small colo- 
 nies on the shores of this continent, it would 
 cheer my dying hour. This s'.ibject has been 
 connected with tlie Missouri question — it has 
 nothing to do with it. It has been called an 
 Abolition Society with u.< little reason." 
 
 On the -^Oth of January, 1827, the Society 
 had its annual meeting. In the Report the 
 managers say, •■ Our Society, assailed as it 
 has been by opposition, varied according tu 
 the local prejudices of its foes, has proceed- 
 ed with all the success the most sanguine 
 could anticipate. Its views though happily 
 conceived and clearly expressed, have heen 
 exaggerated or misrepresented. No -argu- 
 ment has been fairly opposed to it but its 
 impracticability — an ussei-tion refuted by the 
 experiment. All other opjjosition seems to 
 have arisen I'luni groumlless jealousy or cause- 
 le.ss alarm." The Board of Managers met 
 as usual for the transaction of business du- 
 ring the year. Messrs. Rutherford, Burr ami 
 Crane were instructed to prepare a report 
 for the next general meeting. Messrs. Ruth- 
 erford and Heath were requested to prepare 
 a naemorial to the Legislature, and JMessrs. 
 R. G. Scott, Thomas Marshal and Edward 
 Colston were desired to deliver addresses at 
 the next anniversary, which had been ap- 
 pointed for the 17th of December, upon 
 which occasion Mr. Rutherford presented a 
 very able Report from which we can only 
 make a few brief extracts. " The fears of 
 the timid — the misconceptions and prejudi- 
 ces of the ignorant — the misrepresentations 
 and denunciations of the determined foes of 
 this scheme have all conspired to retard and 
 distract the laudable efforts of its patrons. 
 Regardless, however of all impediments and 
 inditFerent to all reproaches — conscious of 
 the purityof our intentions and ti'ustingin the 
 protection of a wise and merciiul Providence, 
 we have advanced steadily to the consumma- 
 tion of our object. The gloomy predictions 
 of our opponents have been falsified — the 
 tears and prejudices of the well-meanino^, 
 but misguided, have been dispelled, while 
 
16 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 the scoffs and reproaches of malignity have 
 been in a measure silenced bj- success." 
 "Virginia will not abandon a scheme to 
 which she gave the iirst impulse. We can- 
 not doubt but that while the policy of her 
 laws expels from her territory all emancipa- 
 ted slaves, she will do what she can to pro- 
 cure them an asylum. Justice and humanity 
 require this at her hands, and we cannot be- 
 lievn that an appeal to the justice and human- 
 ly of Virginia will be made in vain." 
 
 The Hon. John Marshall, John Tyler and 
 R. G. Scott, were appointed to represent this 
 Society at the approaching anniversary of 
 the American Colonization Society at Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 Special efforts were made during this year 
 to raise funds for the transportation of a lar^-e 
 company of emigrants from Richmond. 
 
 The committee to prepare a Report for 
 the next general meeting, were instructed to 
 consider the expediency of changing this 
 Society into a State Society to be composed 
 of the present members and of delegates 
 from other societies in this State. 
 
 The Rockbridge Auxiliary Society had 
 been for several years in active operation. 
 At its anniversary of this year it promulged 
 the following excellent sentiments in its Re- 
 port. The scheme of our society is not a 
 new one. When the sages of the Revolu- 
 tion directed our affairs, the General Assem- 
 bly of Virginia adopted it, and would have 
 proceeded with it as the proper business of 
 government if they could have procured a 
 foreign territory adapted to the purpose. The 
 scheme itself is a simple one. It is to le- 
 store the free people of color with their own 
 \ consent to the land of their forefathers. 
 There is to be no meddling with propei ty in 
 slaves. The rights of masters are secured 
 in the eyes of the society. The tendency of 
 the scheme and one of its objects is to se- 
 cure slave-holders and the w-hole Southern 
 country against certain evil consequences 
 growing out of the present threefold mixture 
 of our population. If slaveholders should 
 choose to liberate their slaves the society 
 will take them. Every thing is voluntary. 
 We can perceive nothing in these principles 
 to alarm the timid or offend the conscien- 
 tious. There are many slaveholders who 
 have been roMrnined from liberalinsr thoir 
 
 slaves by considerations of humanity and 
 policy. The}' do not believe that they would 
 be benefitted by manumission here, and it is 
 inexpedient to swell the number of the free 
 colored people. 
 
 The Society in Powhatan seems to have 
 been a very zealous one. Among the docu- 
 ments which proceeded from it, was a me- 
 morial from which we quote a few paragraphs 
 illustrating its conservative tone and its strong 
 common sense views. 
 
 Memorial of the Auxiliary Society of Pow- 
 hatan county, Va., to the General Assembly 
 of Virginia : 
 
 " It has been said that the Society, under 
 the specious pretext of removing a vicious 
 and noxious population (the free negroes,) is 
 secretly undermining the rights of private 
 property. This is the objection expressed 
 in its full force, and if your memorialists 
 could for a moment believe it to be true in 
 point of fact, they would never, slaveholders 
 as they are, have associated themselves to- 
 gether for the purpose of cooperating in this 
 work ; and far less would they have appear- 
 ed as memorialists before the Legislative bo- 
 dies of a slaveholding State. And if any 
 instance could now be adduced in which the 
 Society has ever manifested an intention to 
 depart from the avowed object for which it 
 was originally instituted, none would more 
 willingly and reacHly withdrav/ from it their 
 confidence and support. But from the time 
 of its formation to the present lime, all its 
 operations have been directed exclusively to 
 the promotion of its one grand object namely 
 the colonization in Africa of the free people 
 of color. It has always protested, and 
 through us it again protests, that ii has no 
 wish to interfere with the delicate and im- 
 portant subject of slavery. // hns never in a. 
 solitary mstance addressed itself to the slave. 
 It has never sought to invade the tranquilli- 
 ty of the domestic circle, nor the peace and 
 safety of societ}-. It would regard the inter- 
 ference of Congress on this subject as uncon- 
 stitutional, and as a flagrant usur])ation of the 
 rights of the slave-holding States. There is 
 no occasion therefore why the people of 
 Virginia should be hostile towards the Soci- 
 ety, since it has so often and so solemnly 
 disclaimed all intention of intermeddling 
 either directly oi- inflirectl}' with the private 
 
The Virginian History of Jifrican Colonization. 
 
 property of individuals, and since no instance 
 of departure from its original design has-- 
 • ver occurred. 
 
 In connection with this subject, we beg 
 leave to mention, that the General Assembl}^ 
 of Virginia, in 1805, pas^sed an act forbid- 
 ding emancipated slaves to remain within the 
 commonwealth longer than 12 months, un- 
 der pain of forfeiting their freedom- This 
 law, odious os it may appear at first view, 
 wa.s doubtless dictated by sound poHcy, and 
 the friends of colonization would deprecate 
 its repeal. It has restrained many masters 
 from freeing their slaves, and thus contribu- 
 ted to check the growth of an evil already 
 too orreat. Some overlooking: all considera- 
 tious of policy and prudence, and yielding 
 -inly to the strong impulse of their own feel- 
 •ngs, do not hesitate to turn loose their slaves 
 upon society, who generally in a short time 
 become a burden to themselves and a nui- 
 sance to all around them. But in denying 
 these people a residence in Virginia, the 
 General Assembly provided no asylum else- 
 where, and hence it has come to pass that 
 petitions after petitions are annually presen- 
 ted to the Legislature. The rejection of 
 these petitions (except in extraordinary ca- 
 ses) has led to notorious evasions of the law 
 above referred to. Now the Colonization 
 Society comes seasonably in aid of this abuse, 
 by opening on the coast of Africa a safe and 
 hospitable asylum to which maybe removed 
 not only such persons of color as are born 
 free, but such as may be made free by the 
 act of their owners. The consequence will 
 be that the man who may desire from what- 
 "ver motive to give freedom to his slaves, 
 instead of casting them unfriended and pen- 
 niless upon the community as was often the 
 case formerly, will send them to Liberia at 
 •jnce blessing themselves and our own coun- 
 try. And when the advantages of this scheme 
 shall be more fully developed, the act of 
 1805 will cease to be evaded. The General 
 Assembly will no longer be annoyed with 
 petitions from free people, and mamimission 
 cease to be what it now is, an injury to ike 
 slave and a curse to the country. Signed in 
 behalf of the society. 
 
 JAMES CLARKE. Pres. 
 John B. T^sly, Sec, 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Richmond and Manchester auxiliary 
 changed into an Independent State Society , 
 called the Colonization Society of Virginia, 
 and new constitution adopted, S)C. 
 
 At a meeting of the Richmond and Man- 
 cester Society auxiliary to the American 
 Colonization Society, held in the hall of the 
 House of Delegates, on the 1.5th of Decem- 
 ber, 1828, Judge MarshaU having taken tlu^ 
 ch.iir, J. H. Eustace was appfointod secreta- 
 ry. R. G. Scott, on the part of the Board 
 of Managers, read the Annual Report, f^lv- 
 iiig an encouraging account of the opera- 
 lions arid present state of the Society which 
 had contributed $816 10 to the cause of the 
 Parent Society during the preceding year. — 
 The Report represents that by the diffusion 
 of correct information, the public mind had 
 been in a great measure disabused as to the 
 real objects of the Society, and the clouds 
 of prejudice were passing nvvay. 
 
 Tiie managers take leave to suggest lo tiif- 
 meeting, that they are of opinion, the clit^nge 
 of this Society into a State Society, c-r tb.e 
 creation of a State Society, to which the 
 other Societies in the State should be atrxiii- 
 ury, and annually send delegates, would be 
 atteufitd wiih very beneficial cfiTect^v. The^ 
 therefore earnestly recommend this rpeasurt. 
 
 The deep interest which Virginia has \v. 
 the success of tiiis Society, and the favora- 
 ble expression of her opinioiis hereiofore oi: 
 the subject, induce the Managers to recouj- 
 mend that an applicaiioji should be mads to 
 the present General Assembly for Turther 
 aid. Nor can the Managers doubt of the 
 success of the application, when the objects 
 and views of the Society are properly under- 
 stood and v.'iien it is recollected, that the 
 laws of Virginia forbid emancipation ; but 
 upon condition thai the emancipated slave 
 shall remove, except in rare cases. Is it nor 
 just then, that the means of removal should 
 be facilitated and afforded? To Virginia an 
 appeal of justice has never been made in 
 vaiis ; and when sustained by philanthropy, 
 humanity and policy, we are not permitted 
 to doubt of its success- 
 
The Virginian History of ^ifrican Colonization. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Rutlierfoord, the follow- 
 ing resolution u.Ts ndopted : 
 
 f\cso/vc(/, Tlinl the nienibers of the Leg- 
 islature and all others present, who may be 
 nirmbprs of anv Colonization Society, or 
 disposed to favor the general objects thereof, 
 be, and they are hereby invited, to partici- 
 pate ill the (jplibcrations of this meeting. 
 
 Mr. .lohi) F. May, of Petersburg, present- 
 ed to the meeting the following resolution of 
 
 ilie Pefersl)urg Auxiliary Colonization Soci- 
 ety : 
 
 At the annual luceling of the Petersburg 
 x\iixiliary Colonization Society, the follow- 
 ing resolution was unanimously adopted: 
 
 Resolced, That this Society respectfully 
 suggest to the Richmond and IManchester 
 Society, whether great advantages would not 
 result from the reorganization of that Socie- 
 ty on the plan of a State Society, and that 
 A^ice President John F. May, bo requested to 
 attend that meeting, and communicate to it 
 his resolution. 
 
 Whereupon, uu motion of Mr. Rutlier- 
 foord, seconded by Mr. Wm. H. Filzhugh of 
 Fairfax, the following preamble and resolu- 
 tion were adopted : 
 
 Whereas, it is represented to the present 
 meeting, that the great object which induced 
 the establishment of this and the other So- 
 cieties in Virginia, auxiliar}' to the Ameri- 
 can Colonization Society, would be more 
 clTectually advanced throughout this Com- 
 monwealth by an Auxiliary State Society, to 
 be composed of a parent institution in this 
 city, and such auxiliaries thereto, a.-- may 
 hereafter be formed : 
 
 Be it therefore, resolved, 'I'hal a committee 
 he appointed to amend the constitution of 
 this Society, and that the same >hall hereaf- 
 ter be called " The Coloni/.aliou Society of 
 Virginia.' 
 
 A Conimilt'^e was accurdingly aj)poiutfd, 
 who presenieii to the meeting a Constitution 
 Hinended as ;itbre.-^aid, which being consider- 
 ed, was appro\ed and adopted as the ( "on- 
 -titulion of the Odoiiizatinii Sncie-iv of Vir- 
 innia, a,«. follow?, to w il : 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIE- 
 TY OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 Art. lot. The Society shall be denonunal- 
 ed the Colonization Society of Virginia. 
 
 Art. 2d. Any person who shall contribute 
 two dollars annually to the funds of the So- 
 ciety, shall be a member, •nid the payment 
 at any one time of not less than ten dollars, 
 shall constitute membership for life. 
 
 Art. .3d. The officers of this Society shall 
 be a President, twelve Vice-Presidents, a Re- 
 cording Secretary, a Corresponding Secre- 
 tary, and a Treasurer, who with twelve other 
 members, shall compose a Board of INIana- 
 gers. They shall be elected annually, and 
 shall be competent to fill any vacancies which 
 may occur in the Board from resignation or 
 otherwise. Five members shall constitute a 
 quorum for business. 
 
 Art. 4th. Every Society within the Slate, 
 which shall become auxiliary to this Society, 
 shall be entitled to send three representa- 
 tives to attend and vote at all the meetings 
 o[' the Society. 
 
 Art. 5th. The Ofhcers of this Society not 
 resident in Richmond, and the Secretaries of 
 Societies auxiliary to this, sliall be ex officio 
 correspondents thereof, and the Board of 
 Managers shall, as soon as practicable, and 
 annually thereafter, appoint one or more ad- 
 ditional correspondents in eveiy county and 
 corporation in the Commonwealth. It shall 
 be the duty ol' the correspondents to com- 
 municate to the Corresponding Secretary 
 from time to time, any information calculated 
 to promote the interests of the Society. 
 
 Art. olh. Annual meetings of the Society 
 shall hi held in Richmond, at such time du- 
 ring the session of the Legislature, as the 
 Managers may appoint. 
 
 Art. 7th. This Constitution may be altered 
 only at a regular meeting, and by a vote of 
 two-thirds of the members present. 
 
 On motion of Mr. l>urr, (in pursuance of 
 the recommendation of the Board of Mana- 
 gers) it was Resolved, That in conlbrmity 
 with the rccommetidation of tjie Annual 
 liepdrt. 111 ajiply to tlie (icnera! Assembly at 
 this s('s>i(»ii fur :ii(l. ihf iMaiKigers be in- 
 structed to prt'pcuf Liiul pie-^ent a ^fi•mori:ll 
 for that puriiose. 
 
The Vtrginirui Histonj of Jlfrican Colonizalion. 
 
 19 
 
 The Society tlien proceeded to the appoint-] the peace of the country and the prosperity 
 mciit of othcors for the riisuiii- year, when | of the Colonization Society of Virginia. Up 
 the followii)- i:onllrnuM. u r-ir- dulv oleclcd, | to this point the cause had been (luietly and 
 i^^^^.j^. " " ! gradually working its way to public tavor, 
 
 John Marshall, Prcsidciil ; .lame.'? Madi- 
 son, Janie; 
 Tyler, Willi 
 
 Gen. Briscoe G.Baldwin, Philip Doddrigc, ^,^^ ^^^^^^ ^^.^^ suddenly changed. As a 
 Huffh Nelson, Gen. Win. H. Broadnax, 
 
 and would have probably soon become the 
 
 ...K...V..., . ,c.<,.,.. .. .^. , established policy of the State. But incen- 
 
 .sMonroo, James 1 casans, ^^^ \ ^^-^^ ^^^ ^,^ ,^ Uirow fire-brands into 
 dham H. iMtzhugh, John I. May, ! ^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^,. ^^^^. .^^ community, and 
 
 William Maxwell 
 Vice P)-es-idcnis. 
 
 Benjamin Brand, TrrcM'rc. 
 
 William Barret, SccreUtry: 
 
 \ Dr. Thomas ATa?!sie, 
 
 strong indication of public !«cnturient, we 
 ask attention to the following able report of 
 ■A committee of tlm General Assembly of 
 Virginia. It is a thorough and able exi)osi- 
 tion of the prmciples, purposes, history and 
 
 John ButliPifoord, Corrcsjioiv/in>: 'V'^w- ; ^j.^gp^j-t^ y|- ^\^^, Colonization Society. 
 
 lury 
 
 The history of the subject does not fur- 
 
 And Wm. H. Fit/.uhylson, Robert G. j nish a more comprehensive and statesman- 
 Scott, Hall Ncilson, John fl. Eustace, Jas. j like discussion than does this report. 
 Blair, William Crane, David I. Burr. Jas. E. On the 28th of December 18-28, iNIr. John 
 Heath, Nicholas Mills, James Caskie, Thomas F. May presented a petition from the Colo- 
 C. Howard and Fleming James, r/.? oMe/- nization Society of Petersburg, and Col. John 
 ManaiTcrs. \ Kutherfoord presented one from the Coloni- 
 
 Resolved, That .500 copies of the Report, 
 together with the Constitution and Proceed- 
 ings of the Meeting, be printed in pamphlet 
 form, and that a copy thereof be forwarded 
 to all the oHicer 
 Society. 
 
 Resolved, That the Editors in the city be 
 requested to publish the proceedings ol" this 
 meeting in their respective papers. 
 
 Ami then the Society adjourned. 
 
 JOHN H. EUSTACE. 
 
 Secretary, i)ro tem. 
 
 zation Society of Virginia, asking legislative 
 aid to promote the views of the Society in 
 colonizing the free people of color. These pe- 
 titions were, withone from the Powliatan So- 
 iml correspondents of the K^'-ety now referred .ui motion of Mr. May, to 
 
 a select committee --to examine the matter 
 thereof, and report their opinion to the House 
 of Delegates. The committee consisted of 
 John F. May, John Rutherfoord, Wm. M. 
 Rives, Wm. H. Fitzhugh, Philip Doddridge 
 and Messrs. White, Brown, Nelson. Boyd, 
 Anderson and Tyler. The rejwrt wa- a> 
 follows : 
 
 The Colonization Society ol' Virginia now 
 commences its career as an independent 
 State organization. It is no longer the Ame- 
 rican Colonization Society. The Virginia 
 society is more distinct from and independent 
 of the American Society than the State of 
 Virginia is of the United States of America. 
 
 The design of this new organization was 
 to make Richmond instead of Washington 
 the centre of operations in Virginia. There 
 was a growing jealousy in the South of all 
 interference with any question touching the 
 colored race by any person or association, 
 without the territory of Virginia, and not 
 identified in principles, interest and sympa- 
 thy with our people. The wisdom of this 
 conclusion was soon made clear by the dis- 
 astrous influence of Northern ag,itatioii upon 
 
 Report of Ike Coiiuaiilcc to v^liom v^trc if er- 
 red the Memorials and PetUions of ike So- 
 cieties auxilicri/ to tlir .'hiirricoii Cnlomza- 
 iion Society. 
 
 The committee to whom were referred the 
 several memorials and petitions from the So- 
 cieties auxiliary to the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society, have, according to order, had 
 the same under consideration, and having 
 given to the subject that attentive reflection 
 which its importance, and connection with 
 the best interests of the Commonwealth de- 
 mand, have come to the following report ami 
 resolutions thereupon : 
 
 The evils resulting from the condition ol 
 the free coloured population amongst us, earlv 
 aroused the anxiety, and attracted the atten- 
 
20 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 tion of our predecessors in the administra- 
 tion of this government. Resolutions at sun- 
 dry time passed both branches of the Legis- 
 lature, in secret session, to which your com- 
 mittee cannot more particularly allude, as 
 the injunction of secrecy has never been re- 
 moved. In pursuance of these resolutions, 
 however, Mr. Monroe in 1801, being then 
 Governor of Virginia, entered into a corres- 
 pondence with Mr. Jefferson, the President 
 of tjje United States, consulting him on the 
 means of procuring an asylum beyond the 
 limits of the United States, to which that 
 description of our population could be sent. 
 In consequence of this correspondence, and 
 the approval by the Legislature, at its subse- 
 quent session, of the plan suggested by Mr. 
 Jefferson, instructions were given to our Min- 
 ister in London, to endeavour to make some 
 arrangement with the Sierra Leone Compa- 
 ny, by which they should receive such of 
 our free coloured population as might be col- 
 onized there. All of this was in accordance 
 with the secret resolutions of the Lesislature, 
 at its session of 1800, as is ascertained by a 
 letter from Mr. Jefferson, giving an account 
 of these transactions, annexed to a report 
 made in the House of Representatives of the 
 United States, March 3, 1827. Difficulties 
 arising in the negotiation, and our ov,-n poli- 
 tical relations assuming a threatening char- 
 acter, the subject was dropped for a time, 
 but was again resumed by the Legislature, 
 lit its session of 1816-17, when peace was 
 restored to the world, and o resolution passed 
 almost unanimously, in the following words : 
 •' Whereas the General Assembly of Virgi- 
 nia, have repeatedly sought to obtain an 
 asylum, beyond the limits of the United 
 States, for such persons of colour as had been 
 or might be emancipated, under the laws of 
 this Commonwealth, but have hitherto found 
 all their efforts frustrated, either by the dis- 
 turbed state of other nations, or domestic 
 causes equally unpropilious to its success : 
 
 .''They now avail themselves of a period 
 when peace has^healed the wounds of hu- 
 manity, and the principal nations of Europe 
 have concurred with the Government of the 
 United States, in abolishing the African 
 Slave Trade, (a trafHc which this Common- 
 wealth, both before and since the revolution, 
 zealously sought to terminate) to renew this 
 
 effort, and do therefore resolve, that tae Ex- 
 ecutive be requested to correspond vvith the 
 President of the United States, for the pur- 
 pose of obtaining a territory on the coast of 
 Africa, or some other place, not within any 
 of the States, or Territorial Government of 
 the United States, to serve as an asylum for 
 such persons of color as are now free, and 
 may desire the same, and for those who may 
 be hereafter emancipated within this Com- 
 monwealth ; and that the Senators and Rep- 
 resentatives of this State in the Congress of 
 the United States be requested to exert their 
 best efforts, to aid the President of the Uni- 
 ted States in the attainment of the above ob- 
 ject : provided that no contract or arrange- 
 ment respecting such territory shall be obli- 
 gatory on this Commonwenlth. until ratified 
 by the Legislature." 
 
 This resolution indicated, in the opinion of 
 your committee, a fixed determination on the 
 part of Virginia to undertake, and carry into 
 effect this great scheme, even with her own 
 unassisted means ; and they think it proba- 
 ble, a reliance, not only on the great moral 
 influence of a Commonwealth so deeply in- 
 terested in this question, but also on her pe- 
 cuniary aid, mny have had considerable in- 
 fluence in fouufi'ing the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society, At all events, the formation 
 of this Socicfj , soon after the passage of the 
 above resolution, having precisely the objects 
 indicated by the Legislature, viz : the colo- 
 nizing, with their own consent, the free peo- 
 ple of colour on tlie coast of Africa; your 
 committee cannot but consider, an event high- 
 ly propitious to the views of the Legislature. 
 Many difficulties must necessarily have oc- 
 curred in any attempt to execute this design 
 by Virginia alone, fn the first place, if left 
 to her public means, without any organized 
 plan for eliciting private benevolence, pecu- 
 niary embarrassments might have enfeebled 
 our exertions and frustrated the design, by 
 withdrawing the necessar}'- means in timf. 
 of public difficult}^ Secondly, had she been 
 successful, each State might have had its 
 Colony, which would necessarily have resul- 
 ted in the extreme weakness of some, and 
 probably in an unhappy jealousy and rivalry, 
 which would have endangered all- Thirdly, 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization, 
 
 n 
 
 had the Colony been undertaken by the 
 State in b.-^r sovereign character, it must 
 have been treated as herpossession, support- 
 ed and defended by her, and subjected to all 
 her relations of^peace and war : such a de- 
 pendency upon one only of twenty-four as- 
 sociated sovereignties, possessing individu- 
 all}"^ no power to hold diplomatic relations 
 with any power, no right of maintaining any 
 separate naval or military force, in line 
 having no national existence as it regards for- 
 eign nations, would not only have presented 
 a curious anomaly in our political system, 
 but probably have met with insuperable dif- 
 ficulties in the execution. 
 
 The formation of the Society, by concen- 
 trating the e.iertions of the humane through- 
 out the Union, to which may be added at 
 pleasure, the munificence of the States, and 
 by directing emigration to a single point, has 
 obviated the two first objections. As to the 
 third, tlie Colony not being subjected to the 
 sovereignty either of a State, or of the Union, 
 ought not to be subjected to our relations of 
 peace and war ; audit is confidently believed, 
 that nothing is wanting to secure its entire 
 neutrality in any conflict w'e may hereafter 
 have with a foreign power, but an under- 
 standing of its true condition. It is believed, 
 that nothing but effectual aid on the part of 
 this Government is wanting, to enable the 
 Society to fulfil all the humane, as well as 
 political views of Virginia, on this interest- 
 ing subject. 
 
 Convinced of a coincidence in views be- 
 tween ihe Legislature and the Societ}-, your 
 committee next turned their attention, with 
 much anxiety, towards its operations, its 
 present condition, and its future prospects, 
 to discover in these the evidences of it? ca- 
 pacity to fulfil its design?. 
 
 They find, that but eleven years have 
 elapsed since its formation ; that a want of 
 acquaintance with the actual condition of 
 Africn. was then almost universal ; that the 
 Society had to commence its operations by 
 obtaining accurate information of the coun- 
 try to be colonized ; at a time when the anx- 
 ious, impatient expectatiouH of its friends, 
 compelled it to do something towards the at- 
 tainment of its objects, even before the 
 knowledge necessary to prevent misfortune 
 
 could be acquired. It is not surprising, there- 
 fore, that untoward events threw a tempora- 
 ry cloud over its commencement. Since 
 then, a better knowledge of the country has 
 enabled them to procure a territory health- 
 ful, fertile, and sufficiently extensive for all 
 ths purposes of such an asylum as has been 
 contemplated by Virginia. Fortifications 
 have been erected, a town actually built, 
 plantations opened, many public works com- 
 pleted, and such a number of Colonists seat- 
 ed there, as in the opinion of our committee 
 dissipates all speculation as to the practica- 
 bility of their plans. They are also con- 
 vinced, that the Society have conducted 
 their operations with so much prudence, as 
 to sive no cause of alarm to the holders of 
 slaves, for the security of this property. 
 
 Your committee have next turned their at- 
 tention to the internal condition of the Col- 
 ony, to discover what hope it affords of im- 
 proving the condition of that part of our pop- 
 ulation, proverbially degraded at home, upon 
 whom it is intended to operate, could they 
 be induced to embrace the humane views of 
 the Society, and the Legislature. The first 
 object of their inquiry, as most interesting to 
 human enjoyment, was the health of the 
 Colonists, and although from the mortality 
 which has prevailed amongst the whites em- 
 ployed in this great undertaking, they are 
 convinced the climate is peculiarly inimical 
 to them, yet, since their removal to the 
 present situation, the health of the blacks is 
 believed to have been as good as is usually 
 enjoyed by other Colonists, Persons remo- 
 ving from a cold, or temperate, to a tropical 
 climate, must expect some sickness before 
 they become acclimated, but your committee. 
 find here, the most humane and salutary ar- 
 rangements, to lessen the danger and suffer- 
 ing incident to this change. Large and 
 comfortable receptacles for new Colonist.^ 
 have been provided, where the constant at- 
 tendance of a person skilled by long experi- 
 ence in the treatment of this disease, with 
 all the medicines and comforts necessary to 
 their condition, are furnished the Colonist? 
 upon their arrival, until they pass this peri- 
 od ; such has been the success of this treat- 
 ment, that amongst the last Colonists from 
 Virginia, a mortality not exceeding three per 
 cent, has occurred, and that falling exciu- 
 
22 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 .sively upon very 3^oung children or ^very 
 aged persons. Wlien this season of trial has 
 passed, the health enjoj^ed by the (Colonists 
 is believed, from the reports of the agent and 
 from other sources of information, not to lie 
 surpassed by tlie same population any where. 
 When your committee compare the suffer- 
 ings of the Colonists at Liberia, with those 
 encountered in the iiist attempts to plant 
 this great nation, they see abundant cause ol 
 gratitude to Divine Providence, rather than 
 despondency. The (irst three attempts to 
 colonize Virginia, entirely failed, and the 
 Colonists perished almost to a man. The 
 first permanent settlement was made at 
 Jamestown in May, 1607, and consisted of 
 about 100 persons : in the course of the year, 
 they were reduced to 38 ; they were rein- 
 forced by the arrival of 120 persons, v>ith 
 provisions and instruments of husbandry. 
 Great exertions were made by the proprie- 
 tors to sustain this Colony, and in 1609, 500 
 emigrants arrived, yet in May, 1610, it con- 
 sisted of but 60 persons. Fresh supplies of 
 men and provisions were sent from England, 
 and large sums of mone}' expended in furth- 
 erance of the object, and yet in 1624, seven- 
 teen years after the foundation of the Colo- 
 ny, when the charter was vacated, the Colo- 
 ny consisted of but 1800 souls; although 
 more than 9000 persons had been sent hith- 
 er from England ; and a sum exceeding 1.50, 
 000/. (666,000 dollars) had been expended in 
 the pursuit. Your committee will not con- 
 sume the time of the House in detailing the 
 disasters of New England, but will compare 
 with this history of our Commonwealth, a 
 view of the African Colony. There have 
 been expended by the Society about $70,000. 
 There have been transported from the Uni- 
 ted States in their vessels about 1000 Colo- 
 nists. To these must be added about 160 
 re-captured Africans, sent back by the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States, who settled in 
 the Colony, 17o natives rescued from slavers 
 by the Colonists, and about 50 native chil- 
 dren going to school in the Colony, making 
 about 1385 souls. From the latest informa- 
 tion your committee can receive, when those 
 who are Jiow on their way, and who are in- 
 chuled in the number stated above, to have 
 been sent out by the Society, shall have ar- 
 rived, in eleven vears from the foiniution of 
 
 the Society, and six from the permanent lo- 
 cation of the Colony, their population will 
 consist of 1343* souls. Your committe are 
 therefore iiy no meanti dissatisfied with the 
 prospects of health to the Colonists. 
 
 This important point ascertained, your 
 committee next turned their inquiries towards 
 the security of the Colonists trom hostile at- 
 tacks. They Jind that in its infancy, when 
 the military means of the Colony were at 
 their lowest, and their defences incomplete, 
 two combined attacks were made upon it, by 
 the native tribes, which w^ere repelled with 
 great spirit. Since then, their numbers have 
 incrc'iised ten fold, their fortifications have 
 been completed, their militia organized and 
 disciplined, and provided as they are with 
 the means, have on several occasions shown 
 themselves not wa!iting in the Avill, nor the 
 power to defend themselves. There is, too, 
 ample evidence that the natives are pacific, 
 that the moral influence of the Colony is 
 rapidly increasing over them, and that the 
 ties of mutual benefits, and commercial in- 
 tercourse, have left among them but little in- 
 clination to disturb those relations of peace 
 which have been established with their now- 
 powerful neighbor, even should they forget 
 the lesson taught them, by its stern resis- 
 tance in inl'ancy. The power of the Colony 
 itself; the presence of ships of war contin- 
 ually hovering in those seas to suppress the 
 slave trade ; and of commercial vesssels tra- 
 iling to that coast, afford ample security in 
 the opinion of your committee against pirat- 
 ical attacks. 
 
 With regard to territory, a large extent, 
 embracin"; several navigable creeks and 
 rivers, has been obtained, which is capable 
 of producing corn, guinea corn, millet, rice, 
 cotton, sugar, coffee, with other valuable pro- 
 ducts, and of sustaining horses, cattle, hogs, 
 goats, sheep, and other useful animals, equal 
 to the demands of a large population ; and 
 no doubt this may be extended as their wants 
 may require it. The commerce of the Col- 
 ony has increased to an importance which 
 will surprise those who have never inquired 
 into 1li(^ 'ubject : only two circnmstances 
 
 " 'I'iif liiiiiiber siiiied in Mr'. (■"iiiIi^n '.-i Iriiri, iui.l |ailj 
 iislied ill llif- Jke|iuit, wu-; i'SA'-',. We have vtiiluicd to 
 euiTect I lie vwiiw- [biditor. 
 
The Virginian Histonj of African Colonization. 
 
 23 
 
 evincing whicli will be mentioned. From] tablished, and by law all the children arere- 
 the reports of the Agent, Mr. Ashmun, who quired to be educated. The effect, as the 
 yoiu- committee take pleasure in saying, ap- Agent reports, is, that there is no instance of 
 
 pears to be a highly intelligent, dispassion 
 ate, zealous, and pious man, it appears, the 
 exports of the Colony for six months, from 
 the 1st of January, to the 1.0th of June, 1826, 
 ;uTiounted, in value, to $43,980, upon which 
 a profit was realized to the Colonists, of $21, 
 990. In the month of July of the same 
 year, a cargo of goods, worth $11,000, ar- 
 rived at Liberia from Portland, wliich was 
 sold and wholly paid for in ten days, the 
 regulations of the Colony prohibiting, under 
 pain of forfeiture, any imported goods being 
 sold on credit. The result of this state of 
 prosperity is, that every description of la 
 hour is well paid, and a poor Colonist arri- 
 ving Avithout money or any trade, can for his 
 ordinary daily labour, command from 7.5 to 
 12.5 cents per day, whilst those who have 
 good trades, receive $2. As a further evi- 
 dence of this propriety, the Agent mentions 
 the fact, that of the 142 re-captured Afri- 
 cans who arrived in August last, all had ob- 
 tained, within seven days, such wages and 
 employment in the Colony, as no longer to 
 be a charge upon the Government. Not- 
 withstanding these evidences of prosperity, 
 the Legislature will perhaps be surprised^ to 
 hear, that your committee have good reason 
 to believe, that several of the Colonists have 
 acquired fortunes of from five to ten thou- 
 sand dollars each. 
 
 Satisfied on these imporlant points, ^our 
 committee next directed its inquiries to the 
 political and moral state of the Colon}-, to 
 discover if they were such as tt) promise a 
 complete development of these physical ad- 
 vantages, and find, from the annual reports 
 of the Society, and the accounts received 
 from the Agent, that a form of Covernnient 
 has been adopted, with which tlie ])cop!eare 
 perfectly content, which extends to lliem 
 perfect ecjualily of rights and M'ciirity ol 
 properity, and in which tliey ha\(' ;i> large 
 a partici|)atioii a 
 
 a child five years old, unless it be some late 
 emigrant, who cannot read : and how great- 
 ly the Colonists themselves appreciate this 
 blessing, will be felt, when it is known they 
 contribute $1,400 yearly, to support the sys- 
 tem. Indeed, your committee have the au- 
 thority of the Colonists themselves, in a late 
 impressive address to the free persons of col- 
 our in the United States, for saying, that 
 such is tlie equity with which the Govern- 
 ment has been administered by the Colonial 
 officers, such the liberty and equality of 
 rights which prevails among them, such the 
 effect of removing them from that continu- 
 ally depressing sense of inferiority, to which 
 they have heretofore been exposed ; that 
 perhaps there exists no where a happier, or 
 more contented community. From the re- 
 ports of the Agent, your committee feel jus- 
 tified in reportmg too, a high stale of morals 
 in the Colony. Churches have been erec- 
 ted ; sobriety, industry and good order pre- 
 vail ; and the fact is developed, that even 
 this degraded population needs only th.e or- 
 dinary motives and incitements to exertion, 
 to elevate their characters far above any 
 moral worth we liave been accustomed to as- 
 sign to i(. 
 
 From tiiis review of the history, present 
 condition, and future prospects of the Col- 
 ony, your committee can feel no hesitation 
 in earnestly recommending it to the free peo- 
 ple of colour in Virginia, as a proper asylum 
 for them and their children: and as holding 
 forth to them, a fair pros})ect of that wealth, 
 resijectability and moral improvement, v/hich 
 in the I'nited Stales thev can never attain. 
 They feel assured that no motives of policy 
 could induce Iheni lo give this recommenda- 
 tioji, did they not t)elie\(i true, feelings of 
 ])hilanthropy and Ijenevoleiice towards that 
 species of our poj)iiIaliun, supported them \\\ 
 (•unq)alil.l<- witli llieirjif^ -piipy ■j,,r^\n most -olemnly re[>eat to the 
 l.reseni cDndition. 'V\\v Socicly will tloiibt- |Yc(- (-(jloured |.c(.plc ut' \'irginia their belief, 
 less extend this p-.irlicipatlMii. -.i- ihf < 'okj-. jj);,( Jn AiVic;! .iloiic can Ihcv (■njt>y thai com- 
 nists beciiim' (|iialiHc([ tu fverci-c; new [tris i-j |j1c|(' cinaufipatin;! Iroiii u degrading etpiali- 
 Icges, ami bv a wise .system (if instructiou Ity, which in a gieater oi- less degree per- 
 ai-e prejiarinvc them toi' il. Schools are es- vades the I'liilcMl Stale-, if not in the laws, 
 
24 
 
 Tht Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 in the whole frame and structure of society 
 and which in its effects on their moral and 
 social state is scarcely less degrading than 
 slavery itself. In Africa, there is a reason- 
 able prospect of health, security for life and 
 property, perfect equality of condition, a 
 government, in the rights and benefits of 
 which all participate, and ample means of 
 acquiring by industry, independence, com- 
 fort, and even wealth. 
 
 Fully convinced of the benefits likefy to 
 accrue to our free coloured population from 
 emigration to this Colony, your committee 
 have next inquired into the motives of poli- 
 cy which should induce this Legislature to 
 extend such pecuniary aid to this Society, 
 as would enable them to transport those who 
 may be disposed to go, and to hold out 
 such motives as will be decisive with this 
 population to remove thither. The evils re- 
 sulting to us from their remaining here are 
 but too well known, and us policy compels us 
 to place impediments in the way of gratify- 
 ing those feelings which often prompt to the 
 emancipation of faithful slaves, humayiity 
 would require us to furnish some asylurn to 
 which they may be sent, with benefits to 
 themselves, and gratification to their benevo- 
 lent owners. The prevalence of the free col- 
 oured population amongst us, has compelled 
 the Legislature to engraft on its Criminal 
 Code, provisions of peculiar harshness in re- 
 lation to them, inconsistent with the general 
 mild spirit of our laws ; and the expense of 
 these criminal prosecutions, forms no small 
 item ip our general expenditure. Your com- 
 mittee think also, that as part of a system 
 of poor laws, a small sum annually applied 
 to their transportation, would be both hu- 
 mane and politic. Great Britian, and per- 
 haps other European nations, are seeking re- 
 lief from the burden of their poor, by trans- 
 porting at public expense, a portion of those 
 incapable of obtaining subsistence at home, 
 to other regions where it is more easily pro- 
 cured ; and the same policy may be advan- 
 tageous to us. with regard to unquestionably 
 the most degraded part of our population, 
 who can never amalo:araate with the preat 
 body of the nation. The number of free 
 negroes in Virginia, was, at the last census, 
 about 80,000 ; the average increase may be 
 set down at 3^- per cent, amounting to about 
 
 1 820. The whole cost of subsistence and 
 j transportation to the Colony is $30, which 
 would make the cost of transporting the 
 whole increase of this population, about 
 $25,000 per anum. The situation of the 
 Colony, however, renders so large an acces- 
 sion to their population at present, by no 
 means desirable, and your committee believe 
 a well concerted combination of public mu- 
 nificence, with private benevolence, united 
 with a moderate tax on this species of popu- 
 lation, to be applied exclusive to the aid of 
 such as are willing to emigrate, would abun- 
 dantly supply all the means that could now 
 be prudently or beneficially used by the So- 
 ciety. The adoption of this plan is there- 
 fore earnestly recommended, as likel}' to con- 
 tribute not only to the general, but really to 
 the pecuniary interests of the Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 There j:> unt; other circumstance to which 
 your committee will advert, as connected 
 with the policy of this measure. Any new 
 avenue for our productions, must be greatly 
 desirable, in the present embarrassed stalf 
 of our commerce. Many of these Colonists 
 going from the South, will carry with them 
 many of our habits and wants. Their exten- 
 ded means of gratifying these will produce 
 an increased demand for our products. Their 
 trade with the interior, which is rapidly ex- 
 tending, promises to open some market, par- 
 ticularly for our tobacco. Several small ship- 
 ments of this article, and of flour, have al- 
 ready been made by citizens of Richmond, 
 for which profitable returns have been made. 
 By the last commercial regulations of Great 
 Britain, the direct intercourse in our own 
 vessels, from the United States to their Col- 
 ony of Sierra Leone, is prohibited, whilst the 
 vessels of Liberia would have iree. access 
 there. The growtli of the Colony then 
 would not only create a great demand fo) 
 nail?; iron, lumber and building materials foj- 
 themselves, but would afford the means of 
 continuing a commerce with Sierra Leone, 
 which must otherwise be lost. The return? 
 for these cargoes "would be gold dust, ivory, 
 cam wood, palrn oil, beeswax, and dye stuffs, 
 derived from the trade with the natives, and 
 at no distant day sucrar, coffee and tropical 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 25 
 
 fruits in abundance, the production of the 
 Colony itself 
 
 In every light tlien in which your commit- 
 tee can view this subject, they think it enti- 
 tled to the aid of this Legislature. They 
 feel a pride in connecting Virginia with the 
 very foundation of this great scheme of phi- 
 lanthropy, and see nothing in its progress to 
 alarm, but much to elevate their hopes, not 
 only of its ultimate success, but of its future 
 benefits. In these views they are strength- 
 ened by the increased contributions tlie So- 
 ciety has received from a benevolent public, 
 and the increased importance thus given to 
 its operations. During the last year 533 new 
 colonists have been sent out ; 391 at the ex- 
 pense of the Society ; the residue, consisting 
 of re-captured Africans, transported at the 
 expense of the United States. Nothing 
 therefore but increased means, seems neces- 
 sary, to give increased usefulness to their 
 operations, and your committee beg leave to 
 report the following resolutions : 
 
 1. Resolved, That it is expedient to appro- 
 [iriatc a small sum annually in aid of the 
 Society for Colonizing the Free People of 
 Colour on the Coast of Africa. 
 
 2. Resolved, That it is expedient to provide 
 by law for a moderate tax on the free people 
 of colour in tlie State of Virginia, to be ap- 
 plied in aid of such as are willing to emi- 
 grate to Liberia, from this Commonwealth. 
 
 For reasons w^hich will be disclosed in the 
 next chapter, nearly three years elapsed be- 
 fore the Colonization Society of Virginia had 
 another meeting. This wc regard as a for- 
 tunate circumstance, as it shows the wisdom 
 and prudence with which it was conducted 
 and entirely frees it from the suspicion of 
 having been accessary to the tragical events 
 of 1831. It is true tliat the auxiliaries at 
 Alexandria, Lynchburg, Staunton, Frede- 
 ricksburg, Charlottesville and perhaps at 
 some other points were still in operation. 
 But such records of their proceedings as 
 were published, breathe such a conservative 
 tone as to place their managers high above 
 the imputation of contributing in any degree 
 to the exciting of a spirit of discontent and 
 insubo/dination among the colored people. 
 Amonj^ the admirable addresses which were 
 made before these auxiliaries, we have read 
 with much pleasure those of Met-srs. Har- 
 
 rison, Rives, Toler and Mosby of Lynch- 
 burg — of Messrs. Marye and Blackford at 
 Fredericksburg, — of Bishop Meade of Fred- 
 eric and the Rev. Andrew Broaddus of King 
 William. 
 
 The fourth anniversary of the Lynchburg 
 Society was celebrated on the 1st of August 
 1829, and a very appropriate address made 
 by VVm. M. Rives, Esq. The report notices 
 the valuable co-operation of this Auxiliary 
 in the work of Colonization. 
 
 The fifth annual meeting of the Alexan- 
 dria Society was held in St. Paul's church 
 on the 14th of April, 1831. Addresses were 
 made by the Rev. Messrs. Harrison, Walton 
 and Cornelius, and by Mr. Woart. The re- 
 port speaks in very encouraging terms of the 
 progress of public sentiment and of the mul- 
 tiplication of Auxiliary Societies. 
 
 The sixth annual meeting of the Augusta 
 Society was celebrated on the 23d of May, 
 1831. The report speaks in touching terms 
 of the sudden death of the Hon. Daniel Shef- 
 fey, and bewails the loss it has sustained by 
 an event depriving their society of one of its 
 earliest and warmest friends and most effi- 
 cient officers. 
 
 The proceedings oi these auxiliaries were 
 in entire harmony with the policy of the 
 Colonization Society as declared in its fun- 
 nauiental law, viz : the removal to Liberia of 
 tlie free negroes, and of such other persons 
 as masters acting spontaneously might choose 
 to emancipate. While some of the speakers 
 indulged in the hope that in tlie distant fu- 
 ture slavery might be gradually extinguished, 
 they all agree in protesting most vehemently 
 against any purpose of interfering in the 
 question of our domestic institutions. As an 
 example of their general tenor upon this 
 topic, Charle's L. Mosby in a speech before 
 the Lynchburg Society in the summer of 
 1831, used the following strong language — 
 " Equally absurd and false is the allegation 
 that this society seeks to disturb the rights 
 of property and to interfere with the well 
 established relation between master and 
 slave. If any man should avow such pur- 
 poses as these, and seek to hide himself un- 
 der the authority of this Society, he is a 
 base traitor to its principles and its worst 
 enemy. Let him stand or fall by the verdict 
 of an outraged community, but do not make 
 
26 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 liable for his acts a great institution whose 
 real friends will be the first to discounte- 
 nance him, and to brand upon his foreliead 
 in indelible characters, this is a traitor to his 
 country and the cause of humanity." 
 
 The cause of African Colonization liad re- 
 cently sustained a severe loss in the death 
 of two eminent Virginians — the Hon. Hush- 
 rod Washington, President/ of the American 
 Society, and of William H. Fitzliugh, one of 
 its earliest friends and most generous patrons. 
 
 At a meeting of the An^erican Society at 
 Washington, in June 1830, General Walter 
 Jones in a very impressive speech portrayed 
 the high character of the venerable Judge 
 Washington and eloquently expressed the 
 grief which nof himself only but tlie Society 
 and the country felt at this loss. Ho con- 
 cluded by oftering the following resolution, 
 which was unanimouslv :idn])1cd: 
 
 Resolvf:d, Tliat this Society entertains a 
 deej) sense of the loss which it has sustain- 
 ed by the decease of its venerable President 
 the Hon. Bushrod Washington, and that it 
 will cherish an affectionate remembrance of 
 his intellectual and moral worth. The Rev. 
 R. Randolph Gurley in the rc])ort added : 
 Tiie venerable President of this Society ex- 
 pired in Philadelphia, on llie 26tli of Novem- 
 ber. Called unanimously at the request of 
 this institution to ]jreside over its delibera- 
 tions, he gave to it not merely the influence 
 of his opinion and the weight of his name, 
 but repeatedly by liberal pecuniary contri- 
 butions, evinced his intense interest in the 
 object it was established to promote. Not 
 as a profound and sagacious statesman only 
 did he contemplate it, but with the enlarged 
 views of a philanthropist and the expanded 
 benevolence and pious confidence of a chris- 
 tian. In an address delivered at the first an- 
 nual meeting of this Societ}', he said, "Among 
 all the magnificent plan lor the improvement 
 and happiness of mankind, th'el:e is perhaps 
 none upon which we were more confident- 
 ly implore the blessing of heaven than this. 
 Whether we consider the grandeur of the 
 object or the wide sphere of philanthropy it 
 embraces, or whether we view the present 
 state ot its progress, we may discover in each 
 a certain pledge thatthe same benignant hand 
 
 which has made these preparatory, arrange- 
 ments will crown our efforts with success. 
 
 The jnanagers feel it to be impossible to 
 present even an outline of the character ot 
 this eminent man — occupying for more than 
 30 years a seat in the highest judicial tribu- 
 nal of the country. Exhibiting on all occa- 
 sions the attributes of a sound, comprehen- 
 sive and learned mind; fulfilling his arduqus 
 duties with regal integrity and cloudless hon- 
 or ; no words of ours can increase the pub- 
 lic regret for his loss nni- add to the bright- 
 ness of his fame. 
 
 In Jan. 1831, i\Ir. c;. W. P. Ciistia said 
 upon tlie occasion of vlie deatli of Wm. H. 
 Fit'/lmgh— " Sir, our lot has fdlen on calfim- 
 ilous limes. Scarcely had we doffed our 
 mourning garments for our venerable Presi- 
 dent, wlio so long and so worthily filled our 
 chair, and who bore his illustrious name with 
 many of the higli dignities and all the mild 
 cliarities, pure and lime honored to the grave, 
 than we must again put on the insignia of 
 sorrow, (brio the 'Insatiate Archer' has sped 
 another shafl and another of our chiefs is 
 hurried to an untimely tomb. He was one 
 of tlie earliest and most faithful laborers in 
 our vineyard. He spared neither time nor 
 talents in the service of our cause, and by 
 his last will ami testament left an imperisha- 
 ble monumeul of his friendship and sympa- 
 thy for the whole African race. Yes, sir, and 
 wh^i in fiiture times powerful Liberia in the 
 pride and in the enjoyment of freedom and 
 happiness, shall erect in her capitol tokcii- 
 of gratitude in memory oi'hcr early benefac- 
 tors, the name of Fitzhugh will be graven ' 
 thereon in characters of pure and high re- 
 lief 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The rise of Morlhcm Abolilioiiism — Coloai- 
 zntion and Abolition antagonistic — >S'?/6- 
 pemion of proceedings of Colonization ISo- 
 ciety of Virginia from December, 1828, to 
 June 1831 — Southampton Tiagcdy traced In 
 its true cause — Goi\ Giles — the Mayor of 
 Boston, Si'c. 
 
 The Colonization Society had been grad- 
 ually winning its way to the conficence of 
 Virginians as a wise measure of Stiite poli- 
 cy, and a deserving object of Christian 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 27 
 
 charity. It could point with pride to the 
 names of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, 
 Monroe, Tyler, and many other names of 
 the highest authority. It had been stamped 
 several times with the broad seal of the 
 Commonwealth in the form of divers acts of 
 the General Assembly. It was cheered by 
 the unanimous voice of Christians of all 
 creeds, and had a fair prospect of becoming 
 the settled policy of the State. But this fair 
 prospect was soon overcast with a cloud 
 charged with angry lightnings — this har- 
 mony marred by the voice of discord. 
 
 The demon of abolition now appeared in 
 American history in the forms and under the 
 names of the "Liberator," the "African 
 Sentinel," and the " Genius of Universal 
 Emancipation." 
 
 No two things were more opposed than 
 the Genius of Colonization and the Genius 
 of Abolition. The former is Concord with her 
 horn of plenty, the latter Discord, Daughter of 
 Night and Sister of Revenge and Death. The 
 one is the olive-branch — the otiier is the 
 hoarse the gentle 1 ove returning to the ark 
 with raven exulting in the Deluge. The former 
 is Peace — the latter is Bellona with her of- 
 ferings of blood. The one is the gentle zephyr 
 wafting its treasures to the liaven where 
 they would be — the otiier is ihe hurricane 
 lashing the ocean into foam and covering 
 its surface with wrecks, and its caverns 
 with the bones of the dead. — Madison1|tind 
 Marshall were the types of the one— Gar- 
 rison air^ ^^/^''"-r lh^ rpprcsontatives of the 
 other. 
 
 These iiionoiiiaaiaco forgetting (hat all (he 
 great movements of Providence like those of 
 Nature Avere slow, became impatient of the 
 gradual breaking of the day and would so 
 quicken the wlieels of time as to precipitate 
 noon upon midnight. Accordingly they be- 
 gan to forge and throw into the peaceful ho- 
 som of Southern society firebrands with the 
 view of lighting up the ilame of insurrec- 
 tion. The venerable Dr. Alexander of 
 Princeton, New Jersey, in his history of Af- 
 rican Colonization, says : "About this time 
 .the zeal of the Abolitionists had become ex- 
 ceedingly warm, and great excitement was 
 produced both at the North and the South 
 by the publication of inflammatory pamphlets 
 containing highly colored descriptions of the 
 
 cruelties exercised towards the slaves in the 
 Southern States ; and caricatures were pre- 
 pared calculated to make a strong impression 
 on the imagination of the people. A pam- 
 phlet was printed in Boston, written by one 
 Mr. Walker, which actually aimed to excite 
 the slaves to insurrectioji, and did not hesi- 
 tate to exhort them to take vengeance on 
 their owners by imbruing their hands in 
 their blood. Copies of these pamphlets were 
 sent by mail into the Southern country." 
 
 Many of these incendiary pamphlets an- 
 swering the above description were collected 
 and deposited in the State Library of Rich- 
 mond. The Secretary of State has kindly 
 given us access to them, and we have re- 
 cently looked through them all. There are 
 among them many numbers of the Liberator, 
 the Genius of Universal Emancipation, sev- 
 eral caricatures in the form of handkerchiefs, 
 a variety of anti-slavery tracts and cate- 
 chisms teaching the most atrocious doctrines. 
 Our attention was specially arrested by a 
 pamphlet entitled " An a})pcal to the colored 
 citizens of the world and particularly of the 
 United States of America," written in 1820, 
 and re-prmted in Boston in 1829. This 
 pamphlet fell into the hands of Chief Jus- 
 tice Marshall, President of the Colonization 
 Society of Virginia, and was given by him 
 to the governor of this State. 
 
 We extract from it the following precious 
 gems : " Some of you whites will yet curse 
 the day in wliich you live. IMy color will 
 yet root some of you from the face of the 
 earth. You may doubt— so did the Sodom- 
 ites until God rained fire down upon them." 
 The fruits ot' these infpndiai y innrbinntions 
 soon began to appear. 
 
 In December 1829, (iov. Ciilcs in ins mes- 
 sage to the General Assembly, says: '-that 
 during ihe jiast summer a spirit of dissatis- 
 faction find insubordination was manifested 
 by some of the slaves in different parts of 
 the country from this place to the Seaboard, 
 and considerable excitement was produced 
 in a few neighborhoods. 
 
 The Richmond Enquirer of tiie 28th of 
 January 1830, said about " three weeks ago 
 the House of Delegates went into closed 
 doors in consequence of a message from the 
 governor communicating a pamphlet printed 
 in Boston, and addressed to people of color. 
 
28 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 We should have taken no farther notice of 
 this matter if we had not reason to believe 
 that a systematic design has been formed for 
 circulating these pamphlets exclusively 
 among the colored people," 
 
 The copy in question was found in the 
 house of a free man of color after his death 
 by the Mayor. We learn from the Savan- 
 nali papers that about fifty copies had been 
 sent to that place for distribution, and that 
 they had fallen into the hands of the mayor, 
 who sent them to the governor, and he to the 
 Legislature, who had passed a very strin- 
 gent bill upon the subject, making the circu- 
 lating incendiary pamphlets a capital offence. 
 
 The Savannah papers give some extracts 
 from this pamphlet, displaying the ferocious 
 spent of the author. They call upon tliese 
 poor ignorant creatures to wash their hands 
 in the blood of the wliites. And so very 
 obnoxious is the wiiole pamphlet that the 
 Boston Sentinel reprobates it in the severest 
 manner and justifies the law of Georgia. 
 
 On the first of February, 1830, Governor 
 Giles communicated to the Legislature of 
 Virginia a letter from Harrison Gi-ay Otis, 
 Mayor of Boston. 
 
 On the 1st February 1830, the Speaker of 
 the House of Delegates presented the fol- 
 lowing communication from the Governor of 
 Virginia : 
 To the Honorable Linn Banks', 
 
 Speaker of the House of Delegates. 
 
 In compliance with the advice of the Ex- 
 ecutive Council, I do myself the honor of 
 transmitting herewith a copy of a letter from 
 the Hon. Gray Otis, Mayor of Boston, cov- 
 ering a copy of a letter addressed by him to 
 the Mayor of Savannah in answer to one 
 received by him from that gentleman, re- 
 specting a seditious pamphlet written by a 
 person of color in Boston ; and circulated 
 by him in other parts of the United States. 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 WM. B. Gn.ES. 
 
 To the Governor of Virginia. 
 
 Sir : Perceiving that a pamphlet publish- 
 ed in this city has been a subject of animad- 
 version and uneasiness in Virginia as well as 
 in Georgia, I have presumed that it might 
 not be amiss to apprise you of the sentiments 
 and feelings of the city authorities in this 
 
 place, and for this reason I beg leave to send 
 you a copy of my letter to the Mayor of Sa- 
 vannah in answer to one from him. You 
 may be assured that your good people can- 
 not hold in more absolute detestation the 
 sentiments of the writer than do the people 
 of this city, and as I verily believe the mass 
 of the New England population. The only 
 difference is that the insignificance of the 
 writer, the extravagance of his sanguinarj' 
 fanaticism tending to disgust all persons of 
 common humanity with his object, and the 
 very partial circulation of his book prevent 
 the afl^air from being the subject of excite- 
 ment, and hardly of serious attention. I 
 have reason to believe that the book is dis- 
 approved of by the decent portion of the 
 colored people, and it would be a cause of 
 deep regret to all my well disposed fellow- 
 citizens if a publication of this character 
 and emanating from such a source should be 
 thought to be countenanced by any of their 
 number. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Your obd't serv't, 
 H. G. OTIS, 
 Mayor of the city of Boston. 
 Boston, Feb. 10, 1830. 
 
 To the Mayor of Savannah. 
 
 Sir : Indisposition has prevented an ear- 
 lier reply to your favor of the 12th of De- 
 cen-jjipr. A few days before the receipt of 
 it, the pamphlet had been put into my hands 
 by one of the aldermen of this city — it not 
 having been circulated here. I perused it 
 carefully in order to ascertain whether the 
 writer had made himself amenable to our 
 laws, but notwithstanding the extremely bad 
 and inflammatory tendency of the publica- 
 tion, he does not seem to have violated any 
 of our laws. It is written by a free black 
 man whose names it bears. He is a shop- 
 keeper and a dealer in old clothes, and in a 
 conversation which I authorized a young 
 man to hold with him he openly avowed the 
 sentiments of the book and authorship. I 
 also hear that he declares his intention to 
 circulate these pamphlets by mail, at his own 
 expense if he cannot otherwise effect his 
 object. You may be assured, sir, that a dis- 
 position would not be wanting on the part of 
 the city authorities here to avail themselves 
 
The Virginian, History of African. Colonization. 
 
 ad 
 
 of any lawful means for preventing this at- 
 tempt to throw firebrands into your country. 
 We regard it with deep disapprobation and 
 abhorrence. But we have no power to con- 
 trol the purpose of the author,and Avithoutthat 
 we think that any public notice of him and 
 his book would make matters Avorse. We 
 have been determined, however, to publish 
 a general warning to Captains of vessels 
 against exposing themselves to the conse- 
 quences of transporting incendiary writings 
 into yours and the other Southern States. 
 I have the honor to be 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 H. G. OTIS. 
 
 The communication was laid upon the ta- 
 
 ble. 
 
 In this connection we may cite a paragraph 
 from an article by the Rev. R. Randolph 
 Gurley having a direct bearing upon the 
 point which we have adduced the foregoing 
 documents to prove. In April 1831, Mr. 
 Gurley a? Secretary of the American Colo- 
 nization Society, said, " there will be found 
 in our list of donations, one hundred dollars 
 from James Madison. This great and hon- 
 ored man approves and sanctions the object 
 of our institution. Will the enemies of our 
 Society in South Carolina, and will the rash 
 and deluded youth who is scattering firebrands 
 from Boston which may do mischief beyond 
 his comprehension, deem as nothing the 
 opinion of such men as Madison and Mar- 
 shall, illustrious alike for their wisdom and 
 virtues. 
 
 In June 1831, Wm L. Garrison delivered 
 an address to the colored people in Philadel- 
 phia, New York and other cities. We have 
 now before us a copy of the second edition, 
 dated in June. In the preface to this print- 
 ed address, he says : "I am determined to 
 give slaveholders as much uneasiness as pos- 
 sible. They shall hear me, and of me, and 
 from me in a tone and with a frequency 
 which shall make them tremble. He recom- 
 mends the observation of the ensuing 4th 
 of July as a day of lasting and prayer 
 to the coloured people of the United States. 
 He denounces the Colonization Society, and 
 calls on them to resolve on death rather than 
 transportation. The colored people of the 
 South, he says, are entitled to every incli of 
 
 Southern territory, having Avorn themselves 
 out in its cultivation. 
 
 In the Liberator for July 1831, the editor 
 printed a song supposed to be sung by slaves 
 in insurrection. The editor in calling atten- 
 tion to it, asks : " Will Southern NuUifiers 
 do us the favor to read it to their slaves !— 
 We shall see." 
 
 This song begins — 
 
 See tyrants, see your empire shakes, 
 Your flaming roofa the wild winds fan, 
 Stnng to the soul the negro wakes. &c. 
 
 The last lines are : 
 
 Up Africa, the land is free, 
 Our battle cry is Libert}', 
 Oh, strike for God and vengeance now, 
 Fly tyrants fly, 
 Or stay to die. 
 
 These papers and others, specimens of 
 which are now deposited in the Library of 
 Virginia, were circulated throughout the State 
 by mail and also by emissaries in j^erson, as 
 shown by documents now on file in the Ex- 
 ecutive Department. 
 
 In the following month of August, the in- 
 surrection occurred in Southampton, Virgi- 
 nia, by which sixty persons, chiefly helpless 
 women and children, were butchered by 
 night, by a company of negroes whose brains 
 were fired by the ardent spirits of Alcohol 
 and Abolition. In announcing the news of 
 this insurrection in the Liberator of the 3rd 
 of September, 1831, the editor has a flaming 
 article which seems to us almost a confession 
 of the participation of Northern Abolitionists 
 in this foul tragedy. 
 
 If we could spare the space we would re- 
 produce the whole article as one of the most 
 cold-blooded and heartless declamations that 
 was ever made by a human being under 
 such circumstances. He quotes some verses 
 from the Janu'ry number of the Liberator and 
 adds : " What we have so long j^redicted at 
 the price of being stigmatised as an Alarm- 
 ist and Declaimer lias begun its fulfillment. 
 
 The first step of the earthquake which is 
 to shake down the fabric of oppression has 
 been made — the first drops of blood which 
 arc a prelude to the deluge from the gather- 
 ing clouds have fallen. In our number for 
 January we alluded to the hour of vengeance. 
 Read the accounts of the insurrection and 
 
30 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 say if our prophecy is fulfilled. What was 
 imagination in January i.s now bloody reality. 
 
 Again he says, they (the insurgents) de- 
 served no more censure than the Greeks in 
 breaking the Turkish yoke or the Americans 
 in shedding British blood. 
 
 Such are some of the links (still remaining 
 in Virginia) of that chain of evidence which 
 connects the Immediatists of the North as 
 they were pleased to call themselves witli 
 the Southampton insurrection. Out of their 
 mouths we condemn them. If so plausible 
 a case is made out at this distance of time 
 from such of these incendiary publications 
 as happened to fall into the hands of the 
 Governor of Virginia, and to be preserved 
 by him — it raises a strong presumption that 
 if all the fact were known the proof would 
 be complete. 
 
 Now mark the contrast presented by the 
 Colonization Society of Virginia. While 
 these troubles were brewing, she had but one 
 meeting, and assigns as a reason for the sus- 
 pension of proceedings, that the' " public 
 mind had been absorbed by discussions 
 growing out of the formation of a new State 
 government, and to the rekindling of preju- 
 dices in reference to the design of the So- 
 ciety Avhich therefore preferred to await a 
 period of repose when reason should silent- 
 ly assert its empire and prejudices yield' to 
 the course of events and the convictions of 
 experience." 
 
 NoTii. — It was i)iovcii at llic trial of llic Sautlmiujitoii 
 insurgents that certain free negro preachers had been on 
 mission through North Carolina, and lower Virginia, and 
 that one of them was at Jcrusaicui the night before the 
 insurrection. There are several letters on the Ileconl, 
 and particularly one from Judge Scmple to this effect. 
 There arc also on file in the ofiice letters fiom I'hila- 
 delphia and other cities to the Governor of Virginia, warn- 
 ing him of the machinations of Abolilionist;5 to create 
 discontent and rebellion among our servants. There arc 
 letters too fVcnn j)Ostmastcrs and other persons in \'irgi- 
 nia transniitling to the Executive incendiary ijanijililcts 
 taken from negroes and intercejitcd letter?^, all of ihc 
 eame tone. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Gov. Floyd' n Message io the Legislature about 
 the Southampton Insurrection. Debute on 
 Abolition and on removal of free negroes. 
 Acts passed by House of Delegates and re- 
 jected by Senate, Sic. 
 
 Resolved, That this society deems it expe- 
 dient at this time to reneio its pledges to the 
 public strictly to adhere to that original fea- 
 ture in the Constitution, which confines its 
 operations to the removal of the free people of 
 color only, with their own consent. — [Resolu- 
 tion of Colonization Society of Virginia, Jan. 
 iWi, 1832. 
 
 " The seals are broken which have been 
 put for fifty years upon the most delicate and 
 difficult subject of State concernment. We 
 publish speeches in the House of Delegates 
 to-day which at no other period could have 
 been delivered but with closed doors. In the 
 same spirit, the press fearlessly speaks. Let 
 Legislators, Politicians and Editors speak 
 with forbearance towards each other, and 
 with the utmost discretion in the presence of 
 persons whose destinies are dependent upon 
 the discussion." 
 
 Such was the spirited language of the ven 
 erable Editor of the Richmond Enquirer, on 
 tiie 19th of January, 1832, pending the Abo- 
 lition debate in the House of Delegates. We 
 are indebted to the columns of the same pa- 
 per for the following synopsis of the debate. 
 We trust that no person will suspect us of 
 reviving the memory of this debate for any 
 purpose but the illustration of our subject. 
 Its relations to our history will be clearly de- 
 fined in a subsequent chapter. In the mean 
 time it is but just to all parties to say that in 
 our opinion no man of that day should be 
 judged by the lights of the present genera- 
 tion. That was the flood-tide of anti-slavery 
 feeling in Virginia, and the tide has been eb- 
 bing ever since. We do not make this re- 
 mark to shield the Colonization Society. It 
 needs no defence. In the very heat of this 
 debate, the Coloni2:ation Society of Virginia 
 jnet in the Capitol and solemnly renewed its 
 pledge to adhere to its first principle of lim- 
 iting its operations exclusively to the coloni- 
 zing with their ovvu consent the free colored 
 people only, and although it had warm friends 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 31 
 
 on both sides of the question debated, yet it 
 is a significant fact that the most prominent 
 Colonizationists in the House, as Brodnax, 
 Gholson, Marshall, Brown and others, were 
 the leaders on the ,/lnii- Emnncipation side. 
 
 Extract from Gov'r Floyd's .Message, Dec'r 
 6, 1855. 
 
 '73 I 
 
 Whilst wo are onjoj'ing the ainnitiaucu of 
 
 the last season, reposing in the peace and 
 quiet of domestic comfort and safety, we 
 were suddenly aroused from that security, by 
 receiving information that a portion of our 
 fellow-citizens had fallen victims to the re- 
 lentless fury of assassins and murderers, even 
 v.'hilst wrapped in profound sleep, and that 
 those bloody deeds had been perpetrated in 
 a spirit of wantonness and cruelty unknown 
 to savage warfare even in these most revolt- 
 ing times. 
 
 In August last, a banditti ol' slaves, con- 
 sisting of but few at first, and not at any 
 time exceeding a greater number than sev- 
 enty, rose upon some of the unsuspecting 
 and defenseless inhabitants of Southampton, 
 and under circumstances of the most shock- 
 ing and horrid barbarity, put to death sixty- 
 one persons, of whom the greater number 
 were women and helpless children. Much 
 of ihat bloody work was done on Monday 
 morning ; and on the day following, about 
 10 o'clock, the last murder was committed. 
 The citizens of that and the adjaceut coun- 
 ties promptly assembled, and all real danger 
 was s[)cedily terminated. 
 
 The conspiracy was at first believed to be 
 general ] wherefore I was induced to call 
 into service a force sullicient to crush at a 
 single blow all oppressing power, whatever 
 might be its strength. To this end detach- 
 ments of light infantry from the 7th and 54lh 
 Regiments, and from the 4th Regiment of 
 Cavalry and 4th Light Artillery, under Brig- 
 adier General Eppes, who had been desired 
 lo assume command, and call out his Brig- 
 ride. Arms and ammunition were amply 
 furnished and thrown into all the counties, 
 which were suspected of disalfection. — 
 Two regiments in Brunswick and Greens- 
 ville were called into service by their com- 
 
 them with the power to do so, for such pur- 
 poses. 
 
 These troops being within the Brigade 
 commanded by Brigadier General Wm. H. 
 Brodnax, that officer assumed the command 
 and remained in the field until all danger 
 had passed. 
 
 It gives me groat [ileasure to communicate 
 to the General Assembly, the high satisfac- 
 tion I feel in bearing testimony to the zeal, 
 promptitude and dispatch with which every 
 officer discharged his duty, and the cheerful 
 alacrity with which every ofiicer obeyed the 
 call of I lie law. 
 
 Though the call upon the light troops was 
 so promptly obeyed, yet before their arrival 
 the revolt was subdued, and many of these 
 deluded fanatics were either captured or 
 placed beyond the possibility of escape ; 
 some had already been immolated by an ex- 
 cited people. 
 
 I fee! the highest gratification in aiiding, 
 that the readiest aid was afforded by Commo. 
 Elliott of the United States Navy, and a de- 
 tachment of sailors from the ship Natchez, 
 under his command, who, though, notwith- 
 standing they had just returned from a long 
 and distant cruise, repaired to the scene of 
 action with a highly creditable alacrity. — 
 Much is also due to Col. House, the com- 
 manding officer at Fortress Monroe, for the 
 promptitude with which lie dispatched a 
 portion of his force to our aid, under the 
 command of Lieut. Col. Worth, to whom 
 similar praise is due, as likewise to the offi- 
 cers and soldiers under his command, lor the 
 promptitude with which they also repaired 
 to our aid, so soon as it came to their know]- 
 edTC. All necessity for their co-operation 
 had ceased before they reached their point 
 of destination ; but they are not the less en- 
 titled to commendation on that account. 
 
 All of those who participated in the blootly 
 tragedy have expiated their crimes by under- 
 going public execution, whilst some, who 
 had been condeinned, luive been reprieved 
 for reasons which were deemed satisfiictory. 
 There is much reason to believe that the 
 spirit of insurrection was not confined to 
 
 manding olhcers, and under the law vesting [the county of Southampton, many convic- 
 
32 
 
 The Virginian History of Jifrican Colonization. 
 
 lions have taken place elsewhere, and some 
 few in distant counties. 
 
 From the documents whicli I herewitli lay 
 before you, there is too much reason to be- 
 lieve these plans of treason, insurrection and 
 murder have been designed, planned and 
 matured by unrestrained fanatics in some of 
 the neighboring States, who find facilities in 
 distributing their views and plans amongst 
 our population, either through the post office 
 or by agents sent lor that purpose through 
 our Territory. 
 
 Upon inspecting these documents;, and 
 contemplating that state of things which 
 they are intended to produce, I felt it my 
 duty to open a correspondence with the Gov- 
 ernors of some of the neighbouring powers 
 of this Confederacy, to preserve, as far as 
 possible, the good understanding which ex- 
 ists, and which ought to be cherished be- 
 tween the different members of this Union. 
 The result of this correspondence will be 
 made known to you as soon as it is ascer- 
 tained. 
 
 The most active among ourselves, in stir- 
 ring up the spirit of revolt, have been the 
 negro preachers. They had acquired great 
 ascendancy over the minds of these fellows, 
 and infused all their opinions, which had 
 prepared them for the development of the 
 final design ; there is also some reason to 
 believe those preachers have a perfect un- 
 derstanding in relation to these plans 
 throughout the eastern counties, and have 
 been the channels through which the inflam- 
 matory papers and pamphlets; brought here 
 by the agents and emissaries from otiier 
 States, have been circulated amongst our 
 slaves. The facilities thus afforded for plot- 
 ting treason and conspiracy to rebel and 
 make insurrection, have been great. Through 
 the indulgence of the magistracy and the 
 laws, large collections of slaves have been 
 permitted to take place at any time through 
 the week for the ostensible purpose of in- 
 dulging in religious worship, but in many in- 
 atances the real purpose with the preacher 
 was of a different character. The sentiments 
 and sometimes the words of these inflam- 
 matory pamphlets, which the meek and char- 
 itable of other States have seen cause to dis- 
 
 tribute as firebrands in the bosom of our so- 
 ciety, have been used. What shall be thought 
 of those fiends, who, having interest in our 
 community, nevertheless, seek to excite al 
 servile war ; a war which exhausts itself in 
 the massacre of unoffending women and 
 children on the one side, and on the other, 
 of the sacrifice of all who had borne part in 
 the savage undertaking. Not only should 
 the severest punishment be inflicted upon 
 those disturbers of our peace whenever they 
 or their emissaries are found in our reach — 
 but decisive measures should be adopted to 
 make all these measures abortive. The pub- 
 lic requires the negro preachers to be si- 
 lenced, who, full of grievance, are incapable 
 of inculcating any thing but notions of the 
 vilest superstition, thus preparing fit instru- 
 ments in the hands of the crafty agitators to 
 destroy the public tranquility. 
 
 As the means of guarding against the pos- 
 sible repetition of these sanguinary scenes, I 
 cannot fail to recommend to your early at- 
 tention the revision of all the laws intended 
 to preserve, in due subordination, the slave 
 population of our State. In urging these 
 considerations upon you, let me not be un- 
 derstood, as expressing the slightest doubt 
 or apprehension of general results. All 
 communities arc liable to sulicr fiom the 
 dagger of the murderer and midnight assas- 
 sin, and it behooves them to guard againsi 
 them. With us the first returning light dis- 
 pels tiic danger, and soon witnesses the 
 murderer in chains. 
 
 Though means have been taken by tlio^r 
 of other States to agitate our community and 
 discontent our slaves, and incite them to at- 
 tempt an unattainable object, some proof is 
 also furnished, that for the class of free peo- 
 ple of colour, they have opened more en- 
 larged views, and urge the achievement of a 
 higher destiny, by means for the present less 
 violent, but noi difiering from those present- 
 ed to the slaves. That class of our commu- 
 nity, the laws have heretofore treated with 
 indulgent kindness, and many instances of 
 solicitude for their welfare have marked the 
 progress of legislation. If the slave is con- 
 fined by law to the estate of his master, as 
 it is advisable he? should be, the free people 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 33 
 
 of colour may nevertheless convey all the 
 incendiary pamphlets and papers with which 
 we are sought to be inundated. This class, 
 too, has been the first to place itself in hos- 
 ile array against every measure designed to 
 • emove them from amongst us. Though it 
 will be indispen3al)ly necessary for them to 
 withdraw from this community — yet, in the, 
 spirit of kindness which has ever character- 
 ized the Legislature of Virginia — it is sub- 
 mitted whether, as the last benefit we can 
 confer upon them, it may not be wise to ap- 
 propriate annually a sum of money, to aid 
 in their removal from this Commonwealth. 
 Whilst recent events had created appre- 
 hensions in the minds of a few, some agita- 
 tion was also more extensively felt, therefore 
 it was deemed prudent to arm the militia in 
 a manner calculated to quiet all apprehen- 
 sions, and arms were accordingly furnished 
 to nearly all the regiments on the eastern 
 Irontier. The uant of them upon ihis sud- 
 den emergency was so sensibly felt by those 
 in the vicinity of Norfolk, as to induce Com- 
 modore Warrington, in command of the Na- 
 vy Yard at Gosport, to distribute a portion of 
 the public arms under his care, that gallant 
 and patriotic officer did not hesitate to as- 
 sume the responsibility of this step, and it is 
 gratifying to perceive that his conduct has 
 met the approbation of the public function- 
 aries. The policy of disarming the militia, 
 it is believed, was pursued as a measure of 
 economy, as the men and ofticers had been 
 culpably negligent in their attention to their 
 preservation, so that many were lost or by 
 neglect became unfit for service. Now, how- 
 ever, the necessity for preserving them has 
 been distinctly felt, and a doubt cannot be 
 entertained that more care will be taken of 
 them inthe future, we could not weigh the ex 
 pense incurred by thi.^ measure, against the 
 possible sacrifice of life, much less the pos- 
 sible repetition of thr; s-'-Pur-^ rif S'>nffi;ivnn. 
 ton. 
 
 House of Delegates, ( 
 Dec'r 6, 1831. ^ 
 
 Ou motion of Mr. Fisher, (the same being 
 modified on motion of Mr. Brodnax,) order- 
 ed that so much of the Governor's Message 
 as relates to the insurrectionarv movements 
 
 Qf the slaves and the removal of the free per- 
 sons of colour beyond the limits of this com- 
 monwealth, be referred to a committf»e of 
 Messrs. Broadnax, Fisher. Cob, Wood of Al- 
 bemarle, Roane, Moore, Newton, Campbell 
 of Brooke, Smith of Frederick, Gholson, 
 Brown, Stillman, and Anderson of Notto- 
 way, with leave to report by bill or other- 
 wise. 
 
 Mr. Fisher presented a petitition of \he 
 citizens of Northampton, relative to the same 
 subject, which was ordered to be referred to 
 the same committee. 
 
 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 
 
 Mr. Cloode submitted, according to nuuci- 
 given yesterday, the following resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the select committee raised 
 on the subject of slaves, free negroes, and 
 the melancholy occurrences growing out of 
 the tragical massacre in South Hampton, be 
 discharged from the consideration of all pe- 
 titions, memorials and resolutions, which 
 have for their object the manumission of per- 
 sons held in servitude under the existing 
 laws of this commonwealth, and that it is not 
 expedient to legislate on this subject. 
 
 Mr. Randolph moved to amend the re.-5olu- 
 jion by striking out all after the word Sov^// 
 Hampton, and inserting in lieu thereof, the 
 following : 
 
 be instructed to inquire into the ex- 
 pediency of submitting to the vote of the 
 qualified voters in the several cities, towns, 
 boroughs and counties of this commonwealth, 
 the propriety of providing by law, that the 
 children of all female slaves, who may be 
 born in this State, on or after the 4th of July, 
 1840, shall become the property of the Com- 
 monwealUi, the males at the age of 21 years, 
 the females at the age of 18, if detained by 
 their owners within the limits of Virginia, 
 until they shall respectively arrive at the ages 
 aforesaid, to be hired out until the net sum 
 arising therefrom, shall be sufljcient to defray 
 the expenses of their removal beyond the 
 limits of the United States, and that said 
 committee have leave to report by bill or 
 otherwise. 
 
 Mr. Goode .•supported at considerable length 
 the immediate decision of the question em- 
 braced in the resolution. It was a subject of 
 great anxiety to a large portion of the people 
 
34 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 of the State. He considered it his impera- 
 tive duty to move that the committee be dis- 
 charged from the consideration of the aboli- 
 tion of slavery, in order to allay the doubts 
 and excitement now existing and to jjrevem 
 the property of our citizens from being im- 
 paired by the agitation of a question v/hich 
 threatened the confiscation of that property. 
 He believed the committee would come to 
 the same conclusion as was aimed at by his 
 resolution — that nothing fshould be done, 
 which he argued must be admitted on all 
 hands, from the fact that the Legislature had 
 not the power to act efficiently on the sub- 
 ject, nor had the funds required for so great 
 an undertaking. By continuing to entertain 
 the subject hopes would be cherished in the 
 coloured population, which must be disap- 
 pointed, and the present anxiety of the citi- 
 zens be prolonged. 
 
 Mr. Bryce of Frederick, opposed both the 
 resolution and the proposed amendment. 
 He argued that the committee having gone 
 on with the consideration of petitions on this 
 subject, a report ought to be had from them, 
 to be sent out to the people, that they might 
 decide on the question. 
 
 Mr. Moore in a speech of great length op- 
 posed the resolution, and offered various ar- 
 guments in favor of acting energetically and 
 at once upon the subject of the abolition ol 
 slavery, which he looked upon as the heavi- 
 est curse that could be inflicted on a people 
 and to which he attributed the depressed con- 
 dition of many parts of the State. He com- 
 batted several of the opinions expressed by 
 Mr. Goode, and went into a discussion of the 
 disastrous effects to be anticipated from neg- 
 lecting to remove the slave population — ci- 
 ting detailed estimates of the relative increase 
 of white and black population; he contended 
 that the military force required to keep the 
 slave population in subjection, the effects of 
 slavery upon the morals of the whites, the 
 prosperity of the State and the security of 
 the lives and property of the citizens ; with 
 various other considerations, presented pov/- 
 erful reasons for urging the Legislature to act 
 promptly and boldly on the subject. 
 
 Mr. Boiling expressed himself opposed to 
 the resolution. The Committee had the whole 
 subject before them, and hoped a report would 
 be had from them, he stated with much clear- 1 
 
 ness and force the evils of slavery, and urged i 
 a variety of reasons for legislating with a view 
 of forming some measure for its gradual re- 
 moval. In reply to the argument that the 
 lights of property must not be touched, he 
 ;irgued that the civil rights of the people and 
 the public safety required, whenever any des- 
 cription of property became a nuisance, that 
 its abatement should be considered a fair ob- 
 ject of legislation. 
 
 Mr. Randolph regretted that the main sub- 
 ject of the deliberations of the Committee 
 had been presented to the House at this 
 time, and hoped it would not be considered 
 hastily. He had not submitted his amend- 
 ment as a fae-brand to stir up discussion, but 
 to afford some tangible question to the House, 
 and to propose a submission of the question 
 to the people. He expressed a different 
 opinion from that of Mr. Goode in relation 
 to the cause of excitement among the peo- 
 ple which he thought did not arise from 
 the consideration of the question by this 
 House, but from the transactions in South 
 Hampton. Something he argued must be 
 done, in relation to this question, as it would 
 be folly to remain with folded arms, and 
 close our eyes to the future, with the sagacity 
 of the Ostrich, which believes itself safe 
 when its head is hidden. It was impossible 
 to check the progress of public opinion on 
 this subject — and it was better to meet it 
 energetically, than be forced to act by a rep- 
 etition of the masacre at South Hampton. 
 
 Mr. Gholson said that as it was not anti- 
 cipated that a vote would be taken on the 
 resolution to-day and as the usual hour of 
 adjournment had arrived he would move the 
 resolution and amendment be laid on the ta- 
 ble and that when the house adjourn it ad- 
 journ to meet to-morrow at 12 o'clock, both 
 motions having been agreed to. On motion 
 of Mr. Gholson the house adjourned. 
 
 Richmond Enguirer, December Wh, ISS,'^. 
 
 HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 
 
 Thursday, January 12t/i 1832. 
 
 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 
 
 Mr. Gholson moved that the resolutio-. 
 presented by Mr. Goode on Wednesdav 
 and the amendment to it offered by Mr. Rait 
 dolph, be taken up. 
 
 Mr. Haly Burton opposed the motion, a" 
 
Tht Virginian History of African CoUnxzaiion 
 
 35 
 
 lading to the unprofitable discussion of Wed- 
 nesday, and expressed a hope that these res- 
 olutions would be suffered to lie on the table. 
 
 The motion to take up was supported by 
 Messrs. Roane, Gholson, Goode and Brod- 
 nax, when Mr. Haly Burton withdrew his 
 objections. 
 
 Mr. Randolph opposed the motion to take 
 up. After a few remarks from Mr. Carter of 
 P. W. who expressed a hope that the resolu- 
 tion would be voted upon without further 
 discussion. Mr. Witcher sustained the mo- 
 tion, and on his motion the Ayes and Noes 
 were ordered. 
 
 After some further discussion, in which 
 Messrs. Ciiandler, Randolph, Witcher, Sims 
 and Giiolson took part, tlu ote Avas taken 
 and decided in the affirruutive as follows : 
 Ayes 116, Noes 7. 
 
 The resolutions being th'en before the 
 House, after a short conversation between 
 Messrs. Bryce of Goochland, Gholson and 
 Randolph, which resulted in a withdrawal by 
 the latter of his amendment, Mr. Newton 
 observed that the amendment could not be 
 withdrawn without unanimous consent. He 
 objected to its withdrawal. Mr. Gholson 
 then addressed the House in a long argu- 
 ment upon the main subject, considering it 
 with much eloquence and ingenuity in all 
 Its bearings, and sustaining the resolution of 
 Mr. Goode. 
 
 He was replied to brielly by Mr. Rives, 
 who argued forcibly in favour of the amend- 
 ment of Mr. Randolph. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax said, that a.i many other 
 members as well as himself, were desirous of 
 speaking on this subject, it would be impos- 
 sible to get through to-day. He therefore, 
 moved the adjournment, which was carried, 
 and 
 
 The House adjourned. 
 
 Friday^ January \Zth. 1832. 
 
 ABOLITION OP SLAVERY. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the resolution 
 of Mr. Goode to discharge the Committee 
 on the subject of Free negroes &c., from 
 the consideration of the subject of emanci- 
 pation &.C., and the amendment thereto oi" 
 Mr. Randolph, were taken up, and Mr. Brod- 
 nax addressed the House in a speech of 
 nearly ihice hoiU3 length. He declared | 
 
 himself equally opposed to the resolution 
 and amendment — stating his firm conviction 
 that something must be done to avert con- 
 sequences which were otherwise inevitable ; 
 but that a plan for this purpose ought to 
 have as its polar principles. 
 
 1st, That not a slave should be manumit- 
 ted without being deported from the Stale. 
 
 2nd, Nothing should be attempted which 
 could affect injuriously the value or security 
 of property. 
 
 3rd, That the State should take Ivom no 
 citizen a slave without the consent of the 
 owner. 
 
 Mr. B. then went into various arguments 
 to show the impolicy of the plan presented 
 by Mr. Randolph, and to prove that by a 
 measure of the Legislature, providing for 
 the transportation to the Colony of Liberia, 
 of 6000 free negroes annually, at an expen- 
 diture of $200,000, the increase of the col- 
 ored population might be kept down, and 
 the threatened evils prevented. 
 
 Mr. Bruce followed Mr. Brodnax, and op- 
 posed the resolution of Mr. Randolph, re- 
 plying to the remarks of Messrs. Rives, 
 Moore and others, and sustaining the reso- 
 lution of Mr. Goode. 
 
 Saturday, January Wth. 1833. 
 
 " ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
 
 On motion of Mr. Powell, the resolution 
 of Mr. Goode, discharging the Committee of 
 Free Negroes Sic, from the consideration of 
 the subject of the emancipation of slaves, 
 and the amendment offered to it by Mr. Ran- 
 dolph, was taken up. 
 
 Mr. Powell addressed the house, and wcs 
 followed by Messrs. Daniel, Faulkner and 
 Marshall. 
 
 Monday, January \Qth. 1S32. 
 
 "ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
 
 Mr. Roane (entitled to the floor, as mover 
 of the adjournment on Saturday) moved the 
 resolution and substitute, on the subject of 
 the emancipation of slaies, be now taker, 
 up; but withdrew his motion at the sugges- 
 tion of Mr. B/yce of G. to admit of the 
 presentment of a report from the Select 
 Committee on Slavery and Free negroes— 
 v/hich was subsequently presented by Mr. 
 Brodnax, as follows ; 
 
 'The Select Coniraitie?, t5 v.Iicm .vss re- 
 
36 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 ferred certain memorials praying the passage 
 of some law providing Jbr the gradual abo- 
 lition of slavery in the commonwealth, have, 
 according to order, had the same under con- 
 sideration, and have come ic> the following 
 resolution thereupon : 
 
 " Resolved, as the opinion of tlio Coni- 
 uiittee, that it is inexpedient for the present 
 Legislature io make any legislative enact- 
 ment for tlie abolition of Slavery." 
 
 In presenting this lepoil, Mr. Brodnnx 
 disavowed for himself and his colleagues, 
 any intention to impede, retard, or give a 
 different direction to the discussion of the 
 resolutions which had thus far been debated. 
 It would have been a contemptible littleness, 
 of which he would not have been the instru- 
 ment, to have endeavoured, by the presenta- 
 tion of this report, to check the free course 
 of a discussion, in which certain gentlemen 
 had already engaged, and in which others 
 were prepared to express themselves. There 
 would be no difficulty in proceeding with the 
 debate. There was no reason why the gen- 
 rjeman from Albemarle should not move his 
 substitute as an amendment to this report. 
 So far from this report having been introduced 
 to favor iiny views of the members of the 
 Committee, Mr. B. could refer to the maw. 
 uanimous gentleman from Rockbridge, who 
 would state that it was presented at his re- 
 quest. 
 
 Mr. Moore said that it was but justice to 
 the chairman and members of the committee 
 to say, that he had requested that the report 
 might be presented to the House, as he wished 
 to have the whole sul)ject before the House 
 at once, to bo decided upon finally. 
 
 Mr. Bryce of G. moved that the report be 
 now taken up, which having been agreed to, 
 Mr. B. oflercd the following as an aniend- 
 ment : — 
 
 Protbundiy sensible of fhc great evils 
 ■arising from the condition of the colored 
 population of this Commonwealth ; induced 
 by humanity as well as policy to an immedi- 
 ate effort for the removal, in the first place, j 
 as well of those who are now free, as of such j 
 as may hereafter become free, believing that' 
 this effort, while it is in just accordance with 
 ?he ■.:entim6nt3 of the community on the sub- 
 
 ject, will absorb all our present means; and 
 that a further action for the removal of the I 
 slaves should await a more definite develop- 
 ment of public opinion. Resolved Sec. 
 
 Mr. Bryce said he moved this amendment / 
 for the reason that, being declaratory of the ' 
 opinion, that at some future time, when the 
 feelings of the people, which were progress- 
 ing and- increasing, should have developed 
 themselves, it would be in the power of Vir- 
 ginia, and her duty, to remove the colored 
 population— li would prevent the effect o' 
 the bare aninrnciation of the report. He 
 wished the report of the Committee to de- 
 clare that when we should possess the means 
 of doing it, we v.'ould take measures to re- 
 move the whole evil — with a view to show to 
 the world tliat we look forward to the time 
 when the final abolition of slavery shall take 
 place — and that we will go on, step by step, 
 to that great end. He hoped all those who 
 wished for the final removal of the colored 
 people, would vote for this amendment. 
 
 Mr. Moore rose to move that the report 
 and amendment be laid on the table, because 
 it had been understood that this report should 
 not interfere with those gentlemen who came 
 prepared to debate the previous propositions. 
 
 Mr. Bryce said that in justice to himself it 
 was proper to state that he contemplated no 
 interference in the debate on the resolution 
 and substitute presented on this subject. But 
 he wished to present distinctly to the House 
 his view of it. The wide range which had 
 been allowed gentlemen in that debate had 
 embraced every possible topic connected 
 with it. The same range would be allowed 
 in discussing this question, nor was it offered 
 to stifle discussion, which would undergo no 
 restriction by the adoption of the preamble. 
 If the gentlemen from Rockbridge would ex- 
 amine it, he would find that every topic could 
 be discussed in considering the preamble at 
 well as upon any other proposition. H' 
 knew that gentlemen desired to discuss th'^ 
 substitute of the gentlcnan from Albemarle, 
 and that proposition might with propriety be 
 brought into the debate on the preamble. 
 
 Mr. Gholson regretted that at the present \ 
 time the gentleman from Goochland had ] 
 presented this amendment. He knew that I 
 It was not strictly in order, and the Houce i 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 37 
 
 might be placed in the awkward predicament 
 of adopting the substitute of flie gentleman 
 Irom Albemarle along with the preamble. 
 He wished the propositions first presented 
 might be debated. The preamble of the 
 gerrtleman presented a new question. It 
 went to declare that although the present 
 Legislature did not consider it expedient to 
 set upon the subject of abolition, it was pro- 
 per that some future Legislature should act. 
 The oriirinal resolution ought first to be dis- 
 cussed and decided ; and the resolution and 
 preamble afterwards taken up. 
 
 Mr. Preston objected to the consideration 
 of the preamble at this time. He believed 
 that by taking up the Report of the Commit- 
 tee the original resolutions were both super- 
 seded — they were taken from before the 
 House. He hoped that a motion would be 
 made to reverse the resolutfen reported by 
 the Committee, and refer it back to them, 
 with directions to bring in a bill for the grad- 
 ual emancipation of slaves. For that pur- 
 pose he hoped the gentlemaiPfrom Rock- 
 bridge would withdraw his motion to lay on 
 the table. 
 
 Mr. Moore withdrew the motion. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax said that there seemed to him 
 no enibarrassment in getting at this subject. 
 The questions were the same. Any gentle- 
 man, who argued that the reportought to be, 
 or not to be adopted, would be for one or 
 other of the original j)ropositions. He hoped 
 therefore, that the gentleman from Hanover 
 would be allowed to proceed. 
 
 Mr. Randolph could not agree with the 
 gentleman from Brunswick or Montgomery. 
 He was acting with many other gentlemen, 
 and he believed a majority of the House 
 agreed with him on the general question. 
 He knew that, novice as he was in public 
 debate — having never in his life addressed 
 a dozen men a half a dozen times, — he had 
 assumed a task of no mean importance. He 
 felt that he had attempted a duty for which 
 all the habits of his life had left him unpre- 
 pared—and that he was opposed to those 
 v/ho were covered with the laurels of for- 
 mer victories. He felt his weakness, but as 
 it was, having entered the arena, he was 
 determined to go on in the cause he had 
 adopted. 
 
 Mr. Carter cf Frmce William ob?ers'ed, 
 
 that he presumed the gentleman at his right 
 (Mr. Preston) would be very glad to with- 
 draw the proposition of the gentleman from 
 Albermarle. But so excellent a target ought 
 not to be withdrawn until some other gen- 
 tleman should have an opportunity to take a 
 shot at it — not that he (Mr. Carter) was de- 
 sirous to participate in the discussion. He 
 hoped, however, that the report and amend- 
 ment v/ould be laid on the table, and he 
 made that motion. 
 
 Mr. Preston trusted the gentleman did not 
 intend to imply that he (Mr. P.) had pursued 
 an improper course — (Mr. Carter disavo\ved 
 any such implication.) Mr. P. alluded to 
 the course this subject had taken in the 
 House — the petitions originally, presented — 
 their reference — and the resolution intro- 
 duced by the gentleman from Mecklenburg 
 (Mr. Goo5e.) 
 
 That resolution proposed the discharge of 
 the Committee from the further considera- 
 tion of this subject; but the Committee 
 having reported, and thereby having dis- 
 charged themselves from the further consid- 
 eration, the subject of the resolution was no 
 longer before the House. How could gen- 
 tlemen fire at a target which had been re- 
 moved ? The red hot shot of the gentleman 
 from Prince William had no longer a mark. 
 He, therefore, in order to continue the dis- 
 cussion, moved that the House disagree 
 with the resolution of tlie Committee, and 
 that the report be referred back to them 
 I with instructions to bring in a bill providing 
 for the gradual emancipation of slaves in 
 this Commonwealth. 
 
 Mr. Bryce was not in the habit of being 
 troublesome to the House, but he would of- 
 fer a few words. He argued that the posi- 
 tion of the subject v>;as not materially changed 
 by the presentation of the Report and his 
 amendment. He hoped the resolutions 
 would not be taken from the consideration 
 tion of the House ; but the first question was 
 on the preamble, and then the resolution;! 
 could be decided. All those who agreed 
 with him that the Legislature ougnt to act on 
 the subject of emancipation might vote with 
 him and all those who wished a bill to be re- 
 ported might also vote with him, without the 
 least inconsistency — and also move to bring 
 in a bill In regard to the remark of the 
 
38 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonisiaiion. 
 
 gentleman from Brunswick, he believed he 
 had been long enough a member oi the 
 House to understand the rules, nor did he 
 think he had violated them. He believed 
 all the objects of gentlemen would be an- 
 swered by considering the preamble. 
 
 Mr. Campbell of Brooke said that, although 
 he was not very deeply versed in the rules 
 of the House, he believed all could see the 
 object of the preamble and its effect. The 
 Committee reported that it was inexpedient 
 to act upon the question of abolition ; and 
 the preamble stated their reasons for arriving 
 at that conclusion. Should those, then, who 
 desired to reverse the resolution, defer it un- 
 til they should have adopted the reasons 
 why the Committee had reported against ac- 
 ting upon the subject? The friends of ac- 
 tive measures were not there to be en- 
 trapped. The proposition of the gentleman 
 from Montgomery v.^as the only correct one. 
 How was it possible to go on to discuss a 
 resolution to discharge from further conside- 
 ration of the subject the Committee, who 
 had pre-judged the question? It would be 
 idle to discuss such a proposition. He was 
 opposed to laying the Report on the table, 
 and in favour of the motion of the gentle- 
 man from Montgomery, because it brought a 
 tangible question before the House. 
 
 Mr. Newton hoped the motion to lay the 
 report and amendment on the table would 
 prevail. The gentleman from Albemarle 
 (Mr. Randolph) had introduced to the House 
 a subject of the most astounding character; 
 and he hoped the House Avould allow that 
 monstrous proposition to be discussed. The 
 gentleman from Albemarle had prepareil 
 the laurel for his brow, and Mr. N. did not 
 wish to deprive him of the honor of wear- 
 ing it. But he wished to be allowed to 
 write upon this wall, his solemn conviction 
 that the gentleman from Albemarle had 
 proposed a question which struck at the 
 foundations of a Republican Government. He 
 wished to present his vieAvs of this proposi- 
 tion, which brings us back to an absolute 
 Democracy. He hoped that the question of 
 abolition Avoukl now be considered and deci- 
 ded. 
 
 Mr. Williams put the question to the gen- 
 tleman from Goochland, whether the same 
 liberty of debate v;culd be allowed in dis- 
 
 cussing the preamble as the original resolu- 
 tions. He spoke to the question of order. 
 He trusted, that after so many gentlemen 
 had been heard — after the question had been 
 debated for several days, a new subject was 
 not to be introduced to distract that discus- 
 sion. The West had been spoken of in in- 
 vedious terms in this debate, and remarks 
 that had been made in a debate on the ori- 
 ginal question, ought to be replied to in con- 
 tinuation of the same subject. He believed 
 that, however clear and microscopic the 
 topics might be, which the gentleman con- 
 sidered embraced in this debate, they would 
 expand to such an extent that they could not 
 be embraced by the vision of any man. He 
 hoped the gentleman from Hanover would 
 be allowed to proceed. 
 
 Mr. Moore remarked, that if the gentle- 
 man from Goochland pressed the adoption 
 of the preamble at this time, although in fa- 
 vor of it, he, (Mr. M.) must vote against it. 
 
 Mr. Mille^^f P., rose, not to debate this 
 question, but to endeavour to relieve the 
 House from Parliamentary difficulty. The 
 resolution of the gentleman from Mecklen- 
 berg embraced two propositions — the one to 
 discharge the Committee from the further 
 consideration of the subject of abolition, 
 and the other declaring it inexpedient now 
 to legislate on the subject. The substitute 
 of the gentleman from Albemarle embraced 
 a specific proposition. Those propositions 
 had been discussed, and he thought it better 
 that the debate should be continued upon 
 them. The second proposition of the gen- 
 tleman from Mecklenberg was the same as 
 that of the resolution of the Committee. It 
 states that it is not expedient to legislate at 
 all on the subject, while the report declares 
 it not expedient to legislate on it at this time. 
 The former opened the question a little wi- 
 der than the latter ; otherwise they were the 
 same. He thought it therefore advisable to 
 lay the report on iao. table, and allow the de- 
 bate to proceed. 
 
 Mr.. Carter of P. W. rose to move that the 
 1 House take up the Avhole subject — report an 
 I amendment — resolution and substitute. 
 
 Mr. Bryce expressed his willingness to 
 withdraw his amendment, with the under- 
 standing, that before the report was finally 
 
The Virginian Hisiary of African Colomzaiion. 
 
 89 
 
 should be deci- 
 
 acted upon, his proposition 
 ded by the House. 
 
 Mr. Marshall was happy that the preann- 
 ble was withdrawn. He agreed with the 
 gentleman from Goochland as to the propri- 
 ety of that preamble, but at present it was 
 not the subject on which the House could 
 act. 
 
 Mr. Bryce having withdrawn his amend- 
 ment, the question was taken to lay on the 
 table and decided in the negative — Ayes 60. 
 Noes 62. 
 
 Mr. Preston moved that the resolution re- 
 ported from the Committee be amended by 
 striking out the word "inexpedient" and in- 
 serting the word " expedient," so as to re- 
 verse the decision of the Committee. 
 
 Mr. Roane then addressed the House at 
 considerable length, and was followed by 
 Messrs. Wood of Albemarle, and Preston. 
 
 At the conclusion of these speeches, 
 
 Mr. Knox said he had been pleased and 
 surprised, and astounded, at the opinions 
 which he had heard expressed this day. 
 Such was now the position of things, that 
 every man was called on imperiously to 
 stand to his post. But perceiving that the 
 House was exhausted, and the hour a late 
 one, he moved the adjournment. 
 
 Tuesday, January 17, 1832. 
 "ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
 On motion of Mr. Newton, the report of 
 the Committee on Slaves and Free Negroes 
 was taken up. 
 
 Mr. Knox addressed the House on the 
 subject, and was followed by Messrs. Sum- 
 mers and Chandler. 
 
 Wednesday, January 18, 1832. 
 
 "SLAVES, FREE NEGROES," &c. 
 
 Mr. Dabney presented a petition of sun- 
 dry citizens of the count}'- of King WilUara, 
 for the removal of the free people of color 
 from the Commonwealth, and for the pur- 
 chase of a portion of the slaves, and their 
 removal. 
 
 Mr. Dabney remarked, in presenting this 
 petition, that he regretted it had not reached 
 him earlier, and before the committee on the 
 subject had reported. He had arrived at 
 the same conclusion with the committee, 
 that nothing could be done beyond the re- 
 
 moval of the free negroes. But in compli- 
 ance with the will of his constituents, he 
 might be willing to go so far as to agree to 
 the passage of a law for sending out of the 
 country all slaves voluntarily emancipated. 
 But beyond this he could not go. 
 
 Mr. Sims moved to lay the petition on the 
 table, which was opposed by Mr. Dabney, 
 who urged its reference. 
 
 Mr. Sims replied, observing that as there 
 was now before the House a motion to dis- 
 charge the committee from the further con- 
 sideration of the subject, and as a report 
 from the committee had already been pre- 
 sented, he thought it improper to refer this 
 petition. 
 
 The petition having been read on motion 
 of Mr. Moore, Mr. Sims withdrew his mo- 
 tion to lay on the table, and it was referred. 
 
 " ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
 On motion of Mr. Brown, the report of 
 
 the Committee on the subject of Slavery, 
 
 and the amendment thereto of Mr. Preston, 
 
 was taken up. 
 
 Mr. Brown addressed the House in a 
 
 speech of about two hours in length, and 
 
 was followed by Mr. Garland. 
 
 Thursday, January 19, 1832. 
 
 "ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
 On motion of Mr. Williams, the report of 
 
 the Committee on Slaves and Free Negroes, 
 
 adverse to any measure on the subject of 
 
 emancipation, was taken up. 
 
 Mr Williams addressed the House, and 
 
 the remainder of the day was occupied by 
 
 Mr. Shell. 
 
 Friday, January 20, 1832. 
 
 " ABOLITION OF SLAVERY." 
 On motion of Mr. Randolph, the report of 
 
 the Committee on Slaves, Free Negroes, &c., 
 
 and the amendment of Mr. Preston were 
 
 taken up. 
 
 Mr. Randolph addressed the House at 
 
 great length, and was followed by Messrs. 
 
 Newton and Berry. 
 
 Tuesday, January 24, 1832. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Goode, the report of 
 the Committee on Slaves and the amend- 
 ment offered by Mr. Preston were taken up. 
 
 Mr. Goode addressed the House in sup- 
 port of the Report, and in defence of the 
 course he had taken, in a speech of about 
 
40 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 two hours in length, and was followed by 
 Mr. Jones. 
 
 Mr. Moore then spoke at considerable 
 length in reply to various members. 
 
 Wednesdav, Jamtmy 25t/i, 1832. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Wilson of B. the Report 
 of the Committee on the colored population, 
 and Mr. Preston's amendment thereto, was 
 taken up. 
 
 Mr. Rutherfoord explained the reasons on 
 which he should vote against the amend- 
 ment. 
 
 Mr. Boiling addressed the House at much 
 length. 
 
 Messrs. Patteson of C, Brooker, Brodnax, 
 Jones, Ball, Gallagher, Roane, Gholson and 
 Moore continued the debate. 
 
 Mr. Rives said he merely wished to point 
 out to the gentleman from Montgomery (Mr. 
 Preston) the anomalous position in which the 
 house was placed by his motion to amend 
 the report. Mr. R. did not believe there 
 was a member in the House who was in ft • 
 vor of legislating upon the subject of aboli- 
 tion this year. In saying this he did not re- 
 gret that the debate upon the subject had ta- 
 ken place ; on the contrary, he thought it 
 would be highly beneficial. Yet, ifthis mo- 
 tion were to be voted upon as the measure 
 of the friends of abolition, this result would 
 happen ; it would be entered on the Journal 
 that the House voted for acting this year — 
 at the same time every member, when asked 
 the question, said he was not in favour of 
 acting. The report seemed to him fully in 
 accordance with the views even of those 
 members who were in favor of abolition. 
 He could not speak positively, but he did 
 not think there was a member from a coun- 
 ty east of the Ridge, who would vote for the 
 amendment. There were many gentle- 
 men who like himself would declare that 
 their opinions were not changed as to the 
 subject of abolition, but who did not wish to 
 have it put dovv^n on the Journal that they 
 were read}^ for action now, when in reality 
 they were not. The whole subject was still 
 before the Committee, and a vote upon the 
 Report would procure the sense of the House. 
 
 Mr. Preston declined Vvithdrawing his mo- 
 tion. He wished the House to decide wheth- 
 er they would adopt some preliminary mode 
 
 of action. If any scheme should be pre- 
 sented which did not meet his approbation, 
 he should not consider himself pledged by 
 his vote for the amendment, to vote for it. 
 
 Mr. Rives said that if the gentleman 
 w'ould submit a motion to recommit the re- 
 port to the Committee, with instructions to 
 report upon a plan of abolition, it would meet 
 the views of the House. If the amend- 
 ment was agreed to, the Committee would 
 as a matter of course be instructed^to bring 
 in a bill, — while there was not, he believed, 
 a single member who thought a plan could 
 be presented for which they would be will- 
 ing to vote. The gentleman from Montgom- 
 ery shakes his head, said Mr. R. I believe 
 he is alone, if he is prepared to go for any 
 plan of abolition at this time. ' 
 
 Mr. Wilson of B. said, that as voting for 
 the amendment would imply no pledge to 
 vote for any particular measure that would 
 take from the citizen his property, he should 
 vote for the amendment. A large number 
 of the citizens of Botetourt were convinced 
 that the existence of slavery was an evil, 
 and desired the adoption of some measure 
 which should tend to its ultimate r<!?moval. 
 They had asked that something should be 
 done — nor could he return to them and say 
 that he had made no exertion to meet their 
 wishes. He should, therefore, vote for the 
 amendment. 
 
 Mr. Witcher said he did not rise to make 
 a speech. He had listened to all the speech- 
 es which had been made on this subject, 
 with the most profound attention, and he 
 now rose to make a motion, the first he had 
 made since this question came before the 
 House. His motion was that the Report and 
 amendment be indefinitely postponed. Ho 
 made this motion because if the House vo- 
 ted out. — as he had no doubt they would — 
 :he amendment of the gentleman from 
 Montgomery, discussion would be excited 
 by other attempts to amend. He wished to 
 prevent this, and he also wished, if possible, 
 to obtain the vote of each member, pro or 
 con, on the question of abolition. 
 
 The question being then put on the indefi- 
 nite postponement, it was negatived by th( 
 following vote : 
 
 Ayes. Messrs. Banks (Speaker,) Grinalds. 
 Booker, Campbell of B., Pate, Gholson 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 41 
 
 Shell, Patteson of B., Daniel, Halyburton, 
 Richardson, Patteson of C, Pendleton, Broad- 
 U8, Wilson of C, Brodnax, Ritchie, Ball, 
 Chilton, Stillmon, Hale of F., Woods of F., 
 BryceofF., Smith of F., Smith of G., Spen- 
 cer, Bruce, Sims, Graveley, Jordan, Shield, 
 Gallaher, Harwood, Hcoe, Dabney, Carter 
 of L. and R., Poindexter, Street, Hudgins, 
 Goode of M., Knox, Webb, Cabell, Fisher, 
 Harvey, Anderson of N., Davis, Witcher, 
 Swanson, Miller, Dupuy, Sand, Lhands, Car- 
 ter of P, W., Carson, Cobb, Crump, Har- 
 grave, Newton and Brown — 60. 
 
 Noes. Messrs. Drummond, Wood of A., 
 Randolph, Persinger, Garland, McCue, Brooke, 
 Cameron, Faulkner, Goode of B., Anderson 
 of B,, Wilson of B., Campbell of B., Boiling, 
 Spurlock, Rives, Jones, Marshall, Stephen- 
 son, Helms, Wood of Fred., Snidow, Bryce 
 of G., Erskine, Carskadon, Boston, Roane, 
 Mullen, Williams, Johnson, Mayo, Beriy, 
 Summers, Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllhaney, 
 Cordell, Caldwell, Smith ofM. J., Billingsly, 
 Henry, Vawter, Preston, Chandler, Leigh, 
 ■^Fitzhugh, Parriott, Robertson, Hiner, Gilli- 
 land, Zinn, Hart, Moore, McDoweil, Mc- 
 Mahon, Cline, Jessee, Kilgore, Bare, Powell, 
 Moncure, Gillespie, McCoy, McCullock, 
 Keller, Morriss, Crockett, King and Ruther- 
 foord— 71. 
 
 The question then recurring on Mr. Pres- 
 ton's amendment, it was determined in the 
 negative by the following vote : 
 
 Ayes, Messrs. Drummond, Randolph, 
 Persinger, Garland, McCue, Brooke, Came- 
 ron, Faulkner, Goode of B., Anderson of 
 B., Wilson of B., Campbell of Brooke, Boil- 
 ing, Spurlock, Jones, Stephenson, Helms, 
 Wood of F., Snidow, Hail, Erskine, Carska- 
 don, Boston, Williams, Johnson, Mayo, Sum- 
 mers, Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllhany, Cor- 
 dell, Caldwell, Smith of M., and J., Billings- 
 ly, Henry, Vawter, Preston, Fitzhugh, Par- 
 riott, Robertson, Hinor, Gilliland, Zinn, 
 Hart, Moore JMcDowell, McMahon, Cline, 
 Jessee, Kilgore, Bare, Gillespie, McCoy, 
 McCullock, Keller, Morriss, Crockett — 58. 
 
 Noes. Messrs. Banks (Speaker,) Grinalds, 
 Wood of A-, Booker, Campbell of Bedford, 
 Pate, Gholsori, Shell, Patteson of B., Rives. 
 Daniel, Halyburton, Richardson, Patteson of 
 C, Pendleton, Broadus, Wilson of C, Brod- 
 nax, Ritchie, Ball, Chilton, Mar.^hall, StiU- 
 
 inan, Hale, Wood of Franklin, Bryce of F., 
 Smith of F., Smith of G., Bryce of G., Spen- 
 cer, Bruce, Sims, Roane, Mullen, Graveley, 
 Jordan, Shield, Gallaher, Berry, Harwood, 
 Hooe, Dabney, Carter of L. and R., Poin- 
 dexter, Street, Hudgings, Goode of M., Knox, 
 Webb, Cabell, Chandler, Leigh, Fisher, Har- 
 ve}', Anderson of N., Davis, Witcher, Swan- 
 son, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, Carter of 
 P. W., Carson, Cobb, Pov/ell, Moncure, 
 Crump, Hargrave, Nev/ton, King, Brown 
 and Rutherfoord — 73. 
 
 Mr. Bryce of G., then offered the pream- 
 ble — proposed by him at a former stage of 
 the discussion, and sustained it by some 
 brief remarks. 
 
 Mr. Booker moved to postpone the report 
 and amendment until the 31st. March. Re- 
 jected, Ayes 5Q. Noes QQ. 
 
 Mr. Sims opposed the preamble at some 
 length — some further discussion took place, 
 in which Messrs. Bryce of Goochland, 
 Witcher, Miller, Brodnax, Brown, Marshall 
 and Gallaher took a part — the question was 
 taken on the preamble, which was adopted 
 by the following vote : 
 
 A3^es. Messrs. Grinalds, Randolph, Per- 
 singer. Garland, McCue, Brooke, Cameron, 
 Faulkner, Goode of B., Wilson of B., Camp- 
 bell of Brooke, Boiling, Spurlock, Rives, 
 Jones, Wood of F., Bryce of F., Snidov.% 
 Bryce of G., Hail, Erskine, Carskadon, Bos- 
 ton, Roane, Mullen, Williams, Johnson, 
 Gallaher, Berry, Sum.mers, Hooe, Allen, 
 Hays, Lawson, Mcllhaney, Cordell, Cald- 
 well, Smith of M. and J., Billingsly, Henry, 
 Vawter. Preston, Chandler, Leigh, Fitzhugh, 
 Parriott, Robertson, Hiner, Gilliland, Zinn, 
 Hart, Moore, McDowell, McMahon, Cline, 
 Jessee, Kilgore, Bare, Powell, Moncure, Mc- 
 Coy, McCullock, Keller, Crockett, King, 
 Rutherfoord, 67. 
 
 Noes. Messrs. Banks (Speaker,) Wood of 
 A., Patteson of B., Daniel, Halyburton, 
 Richardson, Patteson of C, Pendleton, Broad- 
 ers, Wilson of C, Brodnax, Ritchie, Ball, 
 Chilton, Marshall, Stillman, Helms, Hale of 
 F., Woods of Franklin, Smith of F. Smith 
 of G., Spencer, Bruce, Sims, Gravelly, Jor- 
 dan, Shield, Harwood, Dabney, Carter of L. 
 and R., Poindexter, Street, Hudgings, Goode 
 of M., Knox, Webb, Cabell, Fisher, Har- 
 vey Anderson of N-, Davi?, Witcher, Sv;an- 
 
42 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 son, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, Carter of 
 P. Wm.. Carson, Cobb, Crump, Hargrave, 
 Gillespie, Newton, Brown, 60. 
 
 The question then recurred on the resolu- 
 tion of the Committeo, and wa.s decided in 
 the affirmative without a division — and the 
 question being taken on the Report of the 
 Committee as amended, it was adopted by 
 the following vote — the Ayes and Noes hav- 
 
 well of those who are now free, as of such 
 as may hereafter become free ; believing 
 that this effort, while it is in just accordance 
 with the sentiments of the community on 
 the subject, will absorb all our present 
 means ; and that a further action for the re- 
 moval of the slaves should await a morcv 
 definite development of public opinion. 
 Resolved, as the opinion of this Commit- 
 
 ing been ordered on motion of Mr. Ritchie, j tee, that it is inexpedient, for the present 
 
 Ayes. Messrs. Grinalds, Randolph, Per- 1 to make any Legislative enactments for the 
 
 singer, Garland, McCue, Brooke. Cameron, j abolition of slavery. 
 
 Faulkner, GoodeofB., Wilson of B., Carnp-: 
 
 bell of B., Boiling, Spurlock, Rives, Jones, 
 Wood of F., Bryce of F., Snidow, Bryce of 
 G., Hail, Erskine, Preston, Roane, Mullen, 
 Williams, .Johnson, Mayo, Gallaher, Berry, 
 Summers, Hooe, Allen, Hays, Mcllhaney, 
 Cordell, Caldwell, Smith of M. and J., 
 Henrj', Vawter, Preston. Chandler, Leigh, 
 Fitzhugh, Parriott, Robcrt'-on, Hiner, Gilli- 
 land, Zinn, Hari, Moore, McDowell, .?vlc- 
 Vlahon, Cliiie, Jessee, Kilgorc, Bare, Pow- 
 ell, Moncure, McCoy, McCulIock, Keller, 
 Crockett, King, Ruthorfoord — 6'4. 
 
 Noes. Messrs. Bank.s (Speaker.) Wood ot 
 A, Booker, Campbell of B., Pate, Gholson, 
 Shell, Patteson of B.. Daniel Halyburton, 
 Richardson, Patteson of C, Pendleton, 
 Broadus, Wilson of C. Brodnax, Ritchie, 
 Ball, Chilton, Marshall, StilimarL Helms, 
 Hale of F., Woods of F., Smith of F., 
 Smith of G., Spencer. Bruce, Sims, Grave- 
 ly, Jordan, Shield, Harwood, Dabnej-, Car- 
 ter of L. and R., Poindexter. Street, Hudg- 
 jngs, Goode of M., Knox, Webb, Cabell, 
 Fisher, Harvey, Anderson of N., Witcher, 
 Swanson, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, Car- 
 ter of P. W.. Car.son, Cobb, Crump. Har- 
 grave, Gillespie, Newton, Brown, 59. 
 
 The Report as amended is as follows : 
 
 The Select Committee, to whom was re- 
 ferred certain memorials praying the pas- 
 sage of a law providing i'^ir Ihe gradual abo- 
 lition of slavery in ihis Commonwealth, 
 h'-;.ve.. according to order, had the same 
 under consideration, and submit the follow- 
 rng report and resolution : 
 
 Profoundly sensible of the great evils ari- 
 sing from the condition of the colored popu- 
 hilion of this Commonwealth : induced by 
 humanity ay well as policv to an immediate 
 Hjfort foi' tlje removal in the first place, as 
 
 Chapter VH. 
 Debate in the General Assembly of Virginia 
 
 upon the removal of free negroes, Si'c. Mea- 
 sures proposed in the House of Delegates. 
 
 Subsiiiute of Mr. Morgan of the Senate. 
 
 Votes upon the various propositions. 
 
 FrabAY, .January 27///. 1832. 
 •TREE NEGROES.'- 
 
 N\\\ Biodnax, from the Committee on the 
 Slaves and Free Negroes, introduced a bill 
 to provide for the removal of the free per- 
 sons of color iVom this Commonwealth. 
 
 Mr. Miller said the importance of this bill 
 made it proper that it should be printed. 
 
 Mr. BrodnsK said that it had been contem- 
 plated by him, that, at some appropriate 
 sta'!:e of the proceedings on this bill, it would 
 be necessary to print it ; but ho thought the 
 principle on which tlie House would act 
 should fir.st be ascertained. 
 
 Mr. Marshall .^aid that two courses were. 
 to be considered — one leading to a compul- 
 sory measure lor the removal of free per- 
 sons of colour, — the other a more benignant 
 method of proceeding. The course which 
 the House would take would, he had no 
 doubt, accord with the views of the gentle- 
 man from Powhatan, but that question had 
 best be first acted on. 
 
 Mr. Miller said, that if the quebtion wd> 
 now before the House, whether the mea^urp 
 should be compulsory or otherwise, the Com- 
 mittee had better ask instructions. He was 
 not now prepared for any compul.sory mea- 
 sure. 
 
 On motion ot'Mr. Brodnax.lhc Clerk pro- 
 ceeded to read the bill. 
 
 JMr. Williams said, that every gentleman 
 must know the objects of this bill — and he 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 43 
 
 thought the reading of it ought to be de- 
 ferred, as the House, from the excessive 
 coldness of the weather, was now very thin. 
 He therefore moved to lay the bill on the 
 table, which was agreed to — Ayes 45, Noes 
 45 — the Speaker voting in the affirmative. 
 And the bill was, on motion of Mr. Wil- 
 liams, ordered to be printed. 
 
 Monday, Jannary 30///. 1832. 
 
 The foUow'ing resolution, reported by the 
 Committee on Free Negroes, was taken up 
 and agreed to : 
 
 Resolved, That it is expedient to apply to 
 the General Government to procure a terri- 
 tory or territories beyond the limits of the 
 United States, to which the several States 
 may remove their free colored population. 
 
 At a subsequent period of the proceedings, 
 Mr. Brodnax moved the re-consideration of 
 the vote on the above resolution — observing 
 that it was not the intention of tjie Commit- 
 tee to [)ress the consideration of this resolu- 
 tion, until the bill relative to the removal of 
 free persons of colour should have been ac- 
 ted upon ; as it would be unnecessary to pro- 
 vide a territory for their reception unless the 
 Legislature should determine upon their re- 
 moval. 
 
 Messrs. Williams and Moore opposed the 
 re-consideration. 
 
 Tuesday, January 31, 1832. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the bill pro- 
 viding for the removal of free persons of 
 color from this Commonwealth, was taken 
 up, and read twice. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax moved that the bill be com 
 mitted to the whole House, and made ihe 
 order of the day for Monday next. 
 
 Mr. Witcher was opposed to referring the 
 bill to the Committee of the Whole, as the 
 discussion would in that case be had tAvice 
 over. The House in Committee of the Whole 
 was always thin; and he thought that it was 
 better to allow the bill to come before the 
 House, and hoped the gentleman would with- 
 draw his motion. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax .«aid it was not possible to 
 suit every one ; many gentlemen were in 
 favor of referring the bill to a Committee of 
 the Whole, and he was among the number. 
 There was one feature of the bill on which 
 there was a great diversity of opinion, and 
 
 that must be settled before the bill could be 
 definitely acted upon. There was no dan- 
 ger that on so interesting a subject the 
 House would be thin. In case the bill was 
 presented to a Committee of the Whole, it 
 would not necessarily be discussed over 
 twice, as, if the principle were settled, the 
 remaining provisions of the bill were mere- 
 ly necessary details. Gentlemen who had 
 anything to say, would express themselves 
 at one time or another. He should therefore 
 prefer that the bill should go to a Committee 
 of the Whole. 
 
 Mr. Witcher argued that the bill had bet- 
 ter be brought before the House at once, and 
 the principle could there be decided on ; and 
 the subject could be referred back to the 
 committee which brought it in, with instruc- 
 tions to bring in a bill conformably to the 
 decisions of the House. 
 
 Mr. Carter of P. W. hoped the motion 
 would not be withdrawn. He should sup- 
 pose that this question would not be liable 
 to the objection of the gentleman from Pitt- 
 sylvania, as its importance would insure a 
 full attendance. It was only less important 
 than the question which had already been 
 discussed. If it were on the score of econ- 
 om}', it was hardly applicable to a compre- 
 hensive plan like this. He had heard it 
 said, and he thought with justice, that the 
 Legislature of Virginia often squandered 
 both time and money in attempting to gel at 
 the most economical way of doing things. — 
 He hoped it would not be so in the present 
 case. 
 
 Mr. Witcher said he wished, if this ques- 
 tion went to the Committee of the Whole, 
 that the House would mark whether he or 
 tlie other gentlemen were in the right. 
 
 The question on referring to the Commit- 
 tee of the Whole, was decided in the atfirm- 
 ativc. and the bill was made the order of the 
 day for Monday next. 
 
 Monday, February 6, 1832. 
 REMOVAL OF FREE NEGROES. 
 On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the order of 
 the day being a bill to provide for the remo- 
 val of the free coloured population from thi.-: 
 Commonwealth, was taken up, and the House 
 resolved itself into a Committee of the 
 Whole. xMr. Millar iu the Ghair. 
 
44 
 
 The Virginian History of Jtfrican Colonization. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax said that the main question I 
 presented to the committee was the princi- j 
 pie embraced in the first section of the j 
 bill, whether the removal of this class of 
 persons should be compulsory or not. He 
 hoped, therefore, that some gentleman, op- 
 posed to a compulsory measure, would move 
 to amend that section, and thus bring the 
 question at once before the committee. 
 
 The following is the first section of the 
 bill: 
 
 Be it enacted, S)C. That all persons of co- 
 lour within the Commonwealth, who are now 
 free, or who may hereafter become free 
 therein, shall, in the manner, in the order, 
 under the limitations, and with the excep- 
 tions hereinafter provided, be removed from 
 this State to Liberia, or such place or places, 
 on the western coast of Africa, as may be 
 approved and designated by the Central 
 Board of Commissioners for the removal of 
 free persons of color, hereinafter constitut- 
 ed : or to such other place or places beyond 
 the limits of the United States, as may by 
 law hereafter be designated ; and after such 
 removal, shall be supported, in cases of in- 
 dividuals destitute of the means beyond an 
 extent hereinafter defined, at the expense of 
 the State, for such reasonable periods of 
 time, and to such amount, as hereinafter 
 specified and provided. 
 
 Mr. Campbell of Brooke moved to amend 
 that section, by adding after the word ' shall' 
 in the third line, these words, "with their 
 own consent." 
 
 Mr. Brodnax opposed the amendment at 
 considerable length. Mr. Marshall express- 
 ed himself opposed to the compulsory fea- 
 ture of the bill. Mr. Fisher opposed the 
 amendment. Mr. B. of G. was in favor of 
 the principle of the amendment, and after 
 some conversation between him and Mr. 
 Campbell of Brooke, and further discussion, 
 in which Messrs. Marshall, Carber of P. W., 
 Brodnax, Chandler and Bryce took part, the 
 latter moved to amend the amendment, so 
 as to remove the compulsory operation, of 
 the bill from those only who are now free 
 and entitled by law to remain in the State, 
 but to coerce the removal of such as are 
 now within the Commonwealth, in violation 
 of the laws, and such as may become free 
 hereafter. 
 
 After some further debate, the amend- 
 ment to the amendment v/as rejected, and 
 the question being taken on Mr. Campbell's 
 motion to amend, it was agreed to — Ayes 
 66, Noes 42. 
 
 Mr. Witcher moved to strike out the first 
 section of the bill, which he supported with 
 some remarks — rejected : when, on motion 
 of Mr. Brodnax, the committee rose and re- 
 ported. 
 
 The question then recurred in the House 
 upon the adoption of the amendment of the 
 committee. 
 
 Mr. Bryce moved to amend the amend- 
 ment, so as to provide that free negroes "en- 
 titled by laws now in force to remain in this 
 Commonwealth, shall, with their own con- 
 sent, and all such who are not now allowed 
 to reside here," and all who shall hereafter 
 become free, shall be removed, &c. 
 
 Mr. Morris moved the indefinite postpone- 
 ment of the bill, and on his motion, the ayes 
 and noes having been ordered, the vote re- 
 sulted in the negative, as follows : 
 
 Ayes. — Messrs. Campbell of Bedford, 
 Spurlock, Stephenson, Hale of Franklin, 
 Woods of Franklin, Wood of Frederick, 
 Snidow, Hail of Grayson, Bruce, Boston, 
 Johnson, Graveley, Street, Goode of Meck- 
 lenburg, Knox, Billingsley, Adams, Witcher, 
 Swanson, Gilliland, Zinn, Hart, Jessee, Kil- 
 gore. Bare, Carson, Gillespie, Morris — 28. 
 
 Noes. — Messrs. Banks, (speaker,) Grin- 
 aids, Wood of A., Randolph, Booker, Gar- 
 land, McCue, Brooke, Cameron, Faulkner, 
 Goode of B., Anderson of B., Wilson of B., 
 Campbell of B., Gholson, Patteson of B. 
 Boiling, Rives, Daniel, Tod, Halyburton, 
 Patteson of Chesterfield, Broadus, Wilson of 
 Cumberland, Brodnax, Jones, Ritchie, Ball, 
 Chilton, Marshall, Stillman, Smith of Fred- 
 erick, Smith of Gloucester, Bryce, Ers- 
 kine, Spencer, Sims, Carskadon, Roane, 
 Mullen, Mays, Jordan, Shield, Gallaher, 
 Berry, Summers, Harwood, Hooe, Carter of 
 L. and R., Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllheney, 
 Cordell, Caldwell, Poindexter, Hudgins, 
 Smith of Mason and Jackson, Henry, Vaw- 
 ter, Preston, Webb, Cabell, Chandler, Leigh, 
 Fisher, Harvey, Fitzhugh, Parriott, Robert- 
 son, Hiner, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, 
 Carter of Prince William, Moore, McDow- 
 ell, McMahon, Cline, Cobb, Powell, Mon- 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 46 
 
 cure, Crump, Hargrave, McCoy, McCullocli, 
 Keller, Newton, Crockett, King;. Brown and 
 Rutherfoord— 94. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the bill and 
 amendments were laid on the table. 
 
 Tuesday, February 7, 1832. 
 On motion of Mr. Marshall, the bill pro- 
 viding for the removal of the free people of 
 color from this Commonwealth, was taken 
 up, witk the amendment adopted in Commit- 
 tee of the Whole, and the amendment to 
 that amendment offered yesterday by Mr. 
 Bryce of G. 
 
 Mr. Miller moved that the bill be recom- 
 mitted to the committee which brought it in, 
 with instruction so to amend the same as to 
 provide for the gradual removal of the free 
 people of color beyond the limits ol this 
 Commonwealth : First, of those who are en- 
 titled by the present laws to remain, but who 
 are willing to remove ; secondly, of those 
 who may be manumitted by their masters 
 for the purpose of removal ; and that the 
 committee further provide that such free 
 people of colour as are now residing in the 
 different counties of this Commonwealth 
 contrary to law, and are not willing to re- 
 move beyond its limits, shall be hired out 
 until a sufficient sum be raised by the hire of 
 each to remove him or her out of this Com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 A long discussion took place on this mo- 
 tion, in which Messrs. Miller, Bryce of G., 
 Marshall, Brodnax and Brown, on whose 
 motion it was laid on the table. 
 
 Discussion then arose on the amendment 
 to the amendment of the Committee of the 
 Whole, proposed by Mr. Bryce of G., (as 
 reported yesterday, )in which Messrs. Brown, 
 Bryce, Campbell of Brooke, Jones, Brodnax, 
 Williams and McDowell took part, when the 
 question being put, Mr. B.'s amendment was 
 rejected. — Ayes 49, noes 77. 
 
 The question then recurring on the amend- 
 ment of the Committee of the Whole, after 
 considerable debate, in which Messrs. Ghol- 
 son. Wood of Albemarle, and Witcher took 
 part, the ayes and noes were ordered, on 
 motion of Mr. Roane, and the vote was as 
 follows : 
 
 Ayes. — Messrs. Drummond, Randolph, 
 Persinger, McCue, Brooke, Cameron, Camp- 
 bell of Bedford, Pate, Goode of Berkeley, 
 
 Campbell of Brooke, Gholson, Patteson oi 
 Buckingham, Spurlock, Rives, Daniel, Jr., 
 Patteson of Chesterfield, Ball, Chilton, Mar- 
 shall, Stephenson, Stillman, Hale of Frank- 
 lin, Wood of Fred., Bryce of Fred., Bryce 
 of Gooch., Erskine, Sims, Carskadon, Pos- 
 ton, Mullen, Johnson, Gallaher, Berry, Sum- 
 mers, Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllhaney, 
 Cordell, Caldwell, Smith of Mason and Jack- 
 son, Billingsly, Henry, Vawter, Preston, 
 Webb, Cabell, Leigh, Parriott, Robertson, 
 Hiner, Gilliland, Miller, Zinn, Dupuy, Land, 
 Carter of P. Wm., Hart, McDowell, McMa- 
 hon, Cline, Jessee, Bare, Carson, Cobb, 
 Powell, Gillespie, McCoy, Keller, Newton, 
 King— 71. 
 
 Noes. — Messrs. Banks (Speaker) Grinalds, 
 Wood of Albermarle, Booker, Garland, 
 Faulkner, Anderson of Botetourt, Wilson of 
 Botetourt, Boiling, Dickinson, Halyburton, 
 Richardson, Pendleton, Broaders, Wilson of 
 Cumberland, Brodnax, Jones, Ritchie, Helms, 
 Woods of Frederick, Smith of Frederick, 
 Snidow, Smith of Glou., Hail of Grayson, 
 Spencer, Bruce, Roane, Williams, Gravely, 
 Jordan, Shield, Harwood, Hooe, Dabney, 
 Poindexter, Stre ^t, Goode of Meek., Chan- 
 dler, Fisher, Harvey, Davis, Adams, Witch- 
 er, Swanson, Shands, Moore, Kilgore, Mon- 
 cure, Crump, Hargrave, Morris, Crockett, 
 Brown, Rutherfoord — 54. 
 
 The amendment adopted makes the first 
 section of the bill read as follows : " That 
 all persons of colour within this Common- 
 wealth, who are now free, shall, with their 
 own consent, in the manner, in the order, 
 &c," be removed from this State to Liberia, 
 &c. 
 
 Mr. Williams moved to amend the 13th, 
 section of the bill, by appending to it the 
 following : " and that the sums to be appro- 
 priated for the removal of said free persons 
 of colour shall be levied on slaves and free 
 negroes." Rejected. 
 
 The motion of Mr. Miller to recommit, 
 &c., (above cited) was then taken up and 
 agreed to. Ayes 83, Noes 40. 
 
 Wednesday, February 15th. 1832. 
 On motion of Mr. Brodnax, the substitute 
 for the bill providing for the removal of free 
 persons of colour from this Commonwealth, 
 was taken up. (A long and animated de- 
 bate took place on the various amendments 
 
46 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 proposed, of which we can give only a 
 
 brief glance at the principal points.) 
 
 Mr. Wilson of B. moved to amend the 
 substitute by striking out the words " one 
 hundred thousand dollars," from the 10th 
 section, (the appropriation for 1833) and to 
 insert instead, fifty thousand dollars. Mr. 
 W. thought that if the appropriation was so 
 large, it would go in advance of public sen- 
 timent. It was better to appropriate .50,000 
 dollars for 1833, and the same sum for each 
 year thereafter. 
 
 Mr. Bryce proposed the division of the 
 question so as to decide first upon striking 
 out, which was acceded to by Mr. Wilson. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax had no objection to the mo- 
 tion, as a test whether the House was in 
 earnest as to the measure. But to fill the 
 blank v;ith a smaller sum, would be to des- 
 troy the bill. 
 
 Mr. Wilson of B. defended his motion. 
 If too large an appropriation was made, 
 propositions would probably be made next 
 year to repeal the act altogether. It was 
 better to effect the object bj' degrees. 
 
 Mr. Campbell of Brooke thought public 
 sentiment was in favor of efficient action. 
 The additional taxation required would be 
 but trifling, and would not demand that the 
 taxes should be higher than they were pre- 
 vious to last year. 
 
 Mr. Bryce of G. supported the motion. 
 He believed it was the object of the bill to 
 remove the free negroes to Liberia. If so, a 
 large sum would not be required, as he was 
 informed that the Colony could not receive i 
 a larger number than 30 or $40,000 would I 
 remove this year, and 50 or $60,000 after- 1 
 wards. j 
 
 Mr. Daniel was in favor of the removal ; 
 but the House was not sufficiently directed 
 by the people to authorize the levying of 
 heavy taxes for this object. It ought to be 
 deferred until next year. He was therefore 
 in favour of striking out. 
 
 The motion was then agreed to. 
 
 Mr. Crockett moved to fill the blank with 
 $90,000. He thought the original sum was 
 not too much. He believed the gentleman 
 from Botetourt v/as mistaken as to the course 
 of public sentiment, and that this measure 
 ought to be made effectual. 
 
 Mr- Preston said that he should vote 
 
 against the proposition, and should also 
 move to strike out the provision for an an- 
 nual appropriation of $200,000 after 1833. 
 Future Legislature ought not to be pledged 
 by this act, and a small sum ought to be ap- 
 propriated until it was ascertained what 
 amount would be required. He did not 
 know that his constituents would agree to 
 the taxation of all description of property 
 for this object. H he should represent them 
 next year, he should know their views and 
 could act accordingly. 
 
 Mr. Marshall said that there was a blank 
 for the sum to be appropriated this year, and 
 the sum for 1833 would be perfectly under/ 
 the control of the next year's Legislature.! 
 They could reduce it if too large. He thoughlj 
 with the gentleman from Montgomery, that 
 the sum of $200,000 for after years ought 
 to be struck out and left blank. An appro- 
 priation for 1833 was necessary to carry out 
 the plan. 
 
 Mr. Carter of P. W. said, if less than 
 $90,000 was inserted, it would nullify the 
 bill. A friend of his had said the other 
 day, that he was friendly to the measure, if 
 he could be assured that all the free negroes 
 would be removed ; but he was opposed to 
 the removal of a part. Mr. C. observed 
 that this was an experiment and if it suc- 
 ceeded, the whole would be removed. 
 
 Mr. Preston thought the very argument of 
 the gentleman from P. W. afforded reasons 
 for confining the appropriation to a small 
 amount. This was, as was said by that gen- 
 tleman, merely an experiment, and until it 
 had been tested, the State ought not to em- 
 bark too deeply in it. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax said, that the plan could not 
 be effected without means. He thought 
 that gentlemen did not act consistently, who 
 had opposed the coercive plan, upon the 
 supposition, that sufficient numbers would be 
 willing to go, and now wished to deny the 
 means of deporting those who should be 
 willing. It was not proposed to send them 
 to Liberia alone, as other places were con- 
 templated. All that was v/anted was money, ' 
 the lever which Archimides wanted to lift 
 the world. The taxes required would not be 
 too heavy. Mr. B. made some statements 
 by which he computed, that about 1.5 cents 
 on each freeholder would compass the whole 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization ■ 
 
 47 
 
 amount. He believed the people were in i through the country and preach up the re- 
 favour of the measure, and would not re- moval, were to be paid. 
 
 fuse to supply tlie means. 
 
 Mr. Wilson of B. made some explanations 
 and opposed the motion of Mr. Crockett. 
 
 Mr. Campbell of Brooke expressed a be- 
 lief that the people would sustain the mea- 
 sure. He illustrated the position that the 
 additional taxation required for this object 
 would not be heavily felt,— it would be in 
 the ratio of 2 cents addition on a horse. He 
 wished this measure to be the stepping stone 
 to a greater object. 
 
 Mr. Bryce asked what was to be done 
 with $90,000 if it were appropriated. He 
 replied to the remark of Mr. Brodnax as to 
 the consistency of those who wished to re- 
 duce the amount. He did not think coer- 
 cion necessary, nor did he think $100,000 
 necessary. He thought the statement of the 
 gentleman from P. W., that this was an ex- 
 periment, correct, and he therefore argued 
 that the appropriation need not be so large 
 as was proposed. 
 
 Mr. Brodnax rejoined. 
 Mr. Carter of P. W., explained his previ- 
 ous remarks. He had said that this was to 
 be an experiment, but it would be to insure 
 its failure, to refuse sufficient means. If the 
 whole amount appropriated was not needed, 
 the surplus would remain in the Treasury. 
 Mr, Crockett .said that they had gone on 
 thus far, without a formal consultation of 
 public opinion, and he believed in accor- 
 dance with the wishes of the people; nor 
 did he think they would complain nl the ne- 
 cessary appropriations. 
 
 Mr. Bryce of G. said he had been informed 
 that the Colony at Liberia could not receive 
 over 600 individuals this year, and double 
 that number next year. 
 
 ^Ir. Marshall said he had been informed 
 that 1000 could be received this year, 2000 
 next year, and 3000 the year after. 
 
 Mr. Bryce said he believed the numbers 
 stated by the gentleman from Fauquier in- 
 cluded the whole number from the United 
 States. Mr. B's statement included only 
 those which could be received from Vir- 
 ginia. He could not say what would be 
 the compensation of agents ; but he believed 
 those attached to the Colonization Society 
 would receive nothing. Mr. B. considered 
 the computation of $35, per capita for de- 
 portation &c., too small. 
 
 Mr. Marshall said that the computation of 
 the gentleman from Goochland was founded 
 upon the consideration of the capacity of the 
 colony to receive emigrants in its present 
 condition ; but if the State of Virginia en- 
 tered into this measure, its means would at 
 once be increased. Whatever sum was ap- 
 propriated, it was absolutely necessary that 
 provision should be made for the protection 
 of the colonists against the sun and rain after 
 their arrival. He believed that $35, would 
 be amply sufficient for each emigrant. Tf 
 Virginia joined in aid of the Society, there 
 was no knowing how much money would be 
 usefully employed. For this reason, he 
 wished that the sum of $80,000 might be in- 
 serted. 
 
 Mr. Summer;; should vote for the motion 
 
 Mr. Bolhng stated many considerations j ^f ^j^e ^-entleman from Wythe. He shou'd 
 
 on which they ought to remove the free ne- 
 groes. Ample means for the object ought 
 to be provided. He felt chagrined that gen- 
 tlemen who had warmly advocated a much 
 greater enterprise should now recoil at this 
 comparatively trifling measure. 
 
 have voted for one hundred thousand dol- 
 lars, and indeed for a larger sum. He held 
 it expedient, in commencing such a plan, that 
 amole means should be provided. The ob- 
 ject was not only to remove free negroes, 
 but to encourage manumission throughout 
 
 Mr. Preston rejoined, and some expiana-ithe United States, and pave the way to the 
 tions took place between Messrs. Boliin;;; and ! ultimate removal of Ihe slaves themselves. 
 Preston. iln commencing such a scheme, Virgiaia 
 
 Mr. Witcher had heard the o-entieraan' should shew to the Vv-orld she was now in 
 from Goochland ask hov>; $90,000 were to ^ earnest. She should not put her foot into 
 be expended — and Mr. W'. asked how $60, the water and draw back again, but launch 
 000 were to be applied, and how much the 'forth with boldness and energy. He believed 
 agents, who were to be appointed to go there was no want of persons who were 
 
48 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 willing to go, and he was of opinion that a 
 sufficient number of Colonists could be ob- 
 tained from this city, to absorb the whole 
 $90,000. 
 
 The question being then taken upon Mr. 
 Crockett's motion, it was decided in the af- 
 firmative. 
 
 Ayes 67, Noes 54. 
 
 Mr. Brown moved to amend the bill by 
 striking out the 5th. and 7th. sections which 
 provide for the removal of slaves manumit- 
 ted by their masters, without a provision for 
 their removal. He was in favor of remo- 
 ving all the free negroes, but when it was 
 considered that the whole of our disposable 
 funds would be absorbed for the next ten 
 years, by the removal of those already free, 
 he was opposed to increasing the class, by 
 allowing owners to manumit their slaves 
 with no provision made for their removal. 
 Mr. Brown \vent at length into various I'ea- 
 sons for his motion. 
 
 Mr. Campbell of Brooke hoped the mo- 
 tion would not prevail. If it did, unless he 
 were convinced of its expediency by future 
 reasoning, he should go against the whole 
 bill. To strike out these provisions would 
 have the effect entirely to prevent manumis- 
 sion. 
 
 Mr. Marshall said that the bill provided 
 that no slave should be manumitted without 
 immediate measures taken for his deporta- 
 tion. To strike out these sections would 
 have the effect to discourage manumission 
 Avith deportation. If manumitted without 
 the means of removal, it Avas declared that 
 they should be hired out until the sum 
 should have been raised. In no case were 
 they to remain as freemen in the State. 
 
 Mr. Gholson supported at considerable 
 length the motion of Mr. Brown. It was in- 
 tended to make it incumbent on those, who 
 emancipated their slaves, to provide means 
 for their removal, and to do away the hiring 
 out by the public agents. It would be far 
 better foi /^ master, when he determined 
 to manumi nis slave, to retain him for a 
 time sufficient to raise from his labour the 
 sum required for his deportation. This 
 would cause them to be removed immediately 
 on becoming free. In most instances, the 
 emancipator Ava? able to pay for their reino- 
 moval . 
 
 Mr. Brodnax warned gentlemen, if the3' 
 pressed this motion, that it would jeopardise 
 the bill. He did not agree wuth the gentle- 
 man from Brunswick, that the emancipator 
 would generally be able to pay for their de- 
 portation. There were many Avho would 
 manumit their slaves, if means for their re- 
 moval were furnished by the State, but who 
 could not, with the additional burthen of re- 
 moval. He hoped the gentleman would not 
 press the amendment, or that the House 
 would object it. 
 
 The motion to amend was then decided in 
 the negative. Ayes 41, Noes 60. 
 
 Mr. Goode moved to strike from the 10th. 
 section, after the appropriation for 1833, the 
 provision for $200,000 annually thereafter, 
 which was assented to by Mr. Marshall and 
 Mr. Brodnax, who said that this sum was in- 
 serted by the Committee to carry out their 
 plan ; but as that plan had been deranged by 
 previous amendments, he should vote for 
 this motion. Agreed to. 
 
 Mr. Marshall moved to fill the blank in 
 the 10th. section, for an appropriation for the 
 present year, with $35,000, as he had been 
 told by the gentleman at the head of the 
 Committee of Finance, that a surplus of 
 that amount was in the Treasur}^ and could 
 be appropriated without resorting to taxation. 
 
 Mr. Bryce of G., (Chairman of the Com- 
 mittee of Finance) said that the sum could 
 be appropriated, and he believed it would be 
 ampl}^ sufficient for the present j^ear. Agreed 
 to. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Bryce of G., a blank in 
 the 10th. section, providing a sum for the 
 erection of places of shelter for the recep- 
 tion of the colonists at Liberia, was filled 
 with It), 000 dollars. (This is part of the 
 35,000 dollars and not extra appropriation. 
 
 The motion to amend was adopted. 
 
 An amendment w^as also adopted leav- 
 ing the sum to be paid for the deportation of 
 each colonist discretionary with the Central 
 Board of Commissioners — and a motion of 
 Mr. Witcher to strike out the clause, em- 
 powering the Board to pay a reasonable com- 
 pensation to agents &c., was rejected. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Bryce of G., the first 
 section was amended, by striking out after 
 the word •' removed" these words, "to Li- 
 beria or Luch other place or places on the 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 49 
 
 Western Coast of Africa," and inserting in 
 their stead these words: "beyond the lim- 
 its of the United States, to such places as 
 may be approved and designated by the 
 Central Board,"' Sec, so as to make the choice 
 of places to which they shall be sent, dis- 
 cretionary with the Board. 
 
 Various other amendments of minor im- 
 portance were adopted, when the substitute 
 as amended, was agreed to, and ordered to 
 be engrossed for a third reading. 
 
 Thursday, February Itiih, 1832. 
 
 The engrossed bill to provide for the re- 
 moval of free persons of colour from this 
 Commonv/ealth was read a third time ; and 
 the Ayes and Noes having been ordered, on 
 motion of Mr. Helms, it was passed by the 
 following vote : 
 
 Ayes. Messrs. Banks (Speaker) Grinalds, 
 Randolph, Booker, Garland, McCue, Brooke, 
 Cameron, Campbell of B., Pate, Anderson 
 of B., Wilson of B., Campbell of B., Ghol- 
 son. Shell, Patteson of B., Boiling, Daniel, 
 Dickinson, Halyburton, Patteson of C, Wil- 
 son of C, Jones, Ritchie, Ball, Marshall, 
 Stillman, Wood of F., Bryce of F., Smith of 
 F., Smith of G., Bryce of G., Erskine, Spen- 
 cer, Sims, Roane, Jordan, Shield, Gallaher, 
 Berry, Summers, Harwood, Carter of S. and 
 R., Allen, Hays, Lawson, Mcllhaney, Cor- 
 dell, Caldwell, Poindexter, Hudgings, Smith 
 of M. and J., Vawter, Preston, Vv^'ebb, Chan- 
 dler, Leigh, Fisher, Harvey, Parriott, Rob- 
 ertson, Miller, Dupuy, Land, Shands, Carter 
 of P. W., McDowell, McMahon, Cobb, Pow- 
 ell, Moncure, Hargrave, Keller, Newton, 
 Crockett, King, Rutherfoord, Rives, Brod- 
 nax, 79. 
 
 Noes. — Messrs. Parsinger, Good of B., 
 Spurlock, Richardson, Pendleton of C, 
 Broadus, Chilton, Stephenson, Helms, Hale 
 of F., Snidow, Hail of G., Bruce, Carska- 
 don, Boston, Mullen, Johnson, Graveley, 
 Street, Goode of Isl., Knox, Billingsly, Hen- 
 ry, Byrne, Fitzhugh, Davis, Adams, Hiner, 
 Witcher, Swanson, Gilliland, Zinn, Cline. 
 Jesse, Kilgore, Bare, Carson, Gillespie, Mc- 
 Coy, McCullock, 41. 
 
 AN ACT, 
 
 Providing for the removal of free persona of 
 colour from this Commonwealth. 
 Be it enacted by the General Assemblj', 
 that such of the free persons of colour in 
 this Commonwealth, as shall hereinafter be 
 designated and classified for the purpose, 
 shall, in the manner, in the order, and under 
 the regulation hereinafter provided, he re- 
 moved from Virginia to Liberia, or to such 
 other place or places beyond the limits of 
 the United States, as may be approved and 
 designated by the Central Board of Commis- 
 sioners hereinafter constituted ; and suppor- 
 ted for such reasonable time, and to such 
 amount, as hereinafter specified and provi- 
 ded at the expense of the State. 
 
 2. For the purpose of supervising and 
 regulating the necessary arrangements and 
 operations for effecting the objects of this act. 
 the Governor, the members of the Council 
 of State, and the Treasurer, for the time be- 
 ing, shall be, and they are hereby constitu- 
 ted ex-offices, a Board of Commissioners, to 
 be called and designated " The Central 
 Board of Commissioners for the removal of 
 free persons of colour," of whom the Gov- 
 ernor shall be President, and any three of 
 whom shall be a quorum, with power and 
 authority to discharge and perform any or 
 all of the duties prescribed by this act, or 
 which may hereafter be assigned to the 
 Board by law. 
 
 3. The said Central Board of Commission- 
 ers shall have power and authority to ap- 
 point and employ agents resident in Nor- 
 folk, Richmond, Petersburg, or other conve- 
 nient places in the State, as they may find it 
 convenient and necessary, for the purpose of 
 chartering vessels, procuring necessary sup- 
 plies, collecting and shipping emigrants, su- 
 perintending their embarkation, selecting 
 among a superabundant number of applicants 
 for transportation the proper descriptions 
 and classes of those to be preferred ; or per- 
 forming any other duties, deemed by the 
 said Board essential to effect the objects of 
 this act. And the said Central Board of 
 commissioners shall have power, either di- 
 rectly, or through their agents, to contract on 
 the part of the State with any individual, 
 company or society, for the transportation of 
 the said free persons of colour, or any of 
 
50 
 
 Th« Virginian Histmy of ^ifrican Colonization. 
 
 them, and their temporarj' support thereaf- 
 tpr, as hereinafter provided, and by their or- 
 der to draw t'rom the public treasury, to be 
 audited and paid, as other public expendi- 
 tures are now required hy law to be settled, 
 from time to time, as the purposes of this 
 act may render it necessary, any sum or 
 sums of money not exceeding the annual 
 appropriation by law for the then current 
 year for the purposes aforesaid. And the 
 .-aid Board of Commissioners shall also have 
 pov;er to prescribe and define, in orders for 
 that purpose, to such subordinate agents, the 
 particular duties to be performed by either 
 or all of them, and require such returns of 
 (he manner in which they shall have res- 
 pectively performed their duties, as the said 
 Hoard may deem expedient. And the said 
 Commissioners, or their agents, shall have 
 power to require and take from any person 
 or pei-sons, entrusted with money or goods 
 for any purposes prescribed herein, bonds 
 under such penalties, and with such condi- 
 tions and securities, as they may deem best 
 calculated to enforce the due execution of 
 the trusts confided to them. And the said 
 Board of Commissioners shall also have full 
 power and authority to take from an agent, 
 or agents, to whom funds are confided, or 
 by whom other duties are assumed, bonds 
 with such penalties, conditions and securi- 
 ties as aforesaid, as they may deem it expe- 
 dient to require. 
 
 4. The said subordinate agents shall, un- 
 til provision be made by law for a regular 
 compensation for their services, receive such 
 'imount annually, as the said Central Board 
 'hall deem it reasonable and just to allow, 
 f.o be paid on their order, and of the annual 
 appropriations hereinafter provided. 
 
 5. In effecting the removal of free per- 
 ons of colour as aforesaid, the appropriation 
 
 for each year shall be exclusively applied in 
 f.he first instance, to the removal and subse- 
 rjuenf. temporary support as hereinafter pro- 
 vided, of those free negroes and mulattoes, 
 who are entitled by existinglaws of the State 
 to remain in it, but who voluntarily consent 
 to remove, and apply to the said Central 
 Board, or its agents, for the means of trans- 
 portation. The next class which shall be 
 preferred for deportation, after all the appli- 
 cants cf the former class at anv time shall 
 
 have been provided for, shall consist of such 
 free persons of colour, as are now residing 
 in the Commonwealth contrary to law, but 
 these shall in like manner be exhausted; the 
 next class, which shall be selected, shall 
 consist of those who may hereafter be man- 
 umitted for the purpose, but for whose re- 
 moval, the former owner shall have made no 
 provision. Those negroes and mulattoes 
 v.'ho may hereafter be emancipated for the 
 purpose, and for whose removal and tempo- 
 rary support tlie former owner shall have pro- 
 vided sufficient means, and those who not 
 being entitled to remiain in the State, but not 
 consenting to remove, shall have been hired 
 out until a suHicient sum is raised to defray 
 the expenses of their removal, and subse- 
 quent temporar}- support as aforesaid, as 
 herein provided, shall bo removed by the 
 Board, as soon as they mav find it practica- 
 ble and convenient. 
 
 6. Every free negro and mulatto, hereto- 
 fore emancipated, and now remaining in tfeis 
 Commonwealth contrary to law. and their 
 descendants so remaining, but failing to con- 
 sent to be transported, as aforesaid, shall, by 
 order of the Court of the county or corpora- 
 tion, in which they or any of them may be 
 found, be hired out by the Sheriff, Sergeant 
 or other proper officer, for such time as will 
 raise a sum sufficient to defray the amount 
 of expenses, as estimated, from time to time 
 by the Central Board of Commissioners, nc 
 cessary for his, her, or their transportation, 
 and subsequent temporary support as afore- 
 said, provided such time do not exceed two 
 years ; and the amount so raised shall regu- 
 larly, as may be prescribed by the said Boar(i 
 of Commissioners, be accounted for and paid 
 by such sheriffs. Sergeants or other officer-, 
 to such agent oragents of the said Board, as 
 may be appointed to receive it, with a state 
 ment of the names of the individuals fro!i* 
 whose hire every item was raised. And 
 every sheriff, Sergeant or other officer, who 
 shall fail so to account for and pay !?uch 
 hire, when required so to do, by the said 
 Central Board, or any authorized agent, shall 
 •forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dol- 
 lars, to be recovered on motion, after ten 
 days notice b}^ the ."aid Board, or any of it.« 
 agents, for the use of the Board, before any 
 Court of record withm v/hose territorial ju- 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization* 
 
 51 
 
 risdiction such officer shall reside. Every 
 free negro and mulatto, who shall thus have 
 been hired for two years, but the amount of 
 whoie hires shall not be equal to the estima- 
 ted expenses of transportation and subse- 
 quent temporary support as aforesaid ; and 
 all such females or children, as would not 
 hire lor any amount, or whose support would 
 be chargeable, shall be forthwith removed as 
 aforesaid, at the charge of the Commonwealth, 
 next in order to the class secondly herein- 
 before designated, provided, that no male 
 above the age of forty five years, or female 
 above the age of forty years, shall be trans- 
 ported without his or her free consent, un- 
 less the court of the county or corporation 
 in which he or she resides, shall order his or 
 her removal ; and provided also, that no 
 husband and wife shall be separated, though 
 they belong to different classes as above enu- 
 merated, where each is willing to be re- 
 moved ; and in all cases where parents of 
 any age are transported, their children un- 
 der the age of sixteen if males, and fourteen 
 if females, shall be removed with them. 
 And the said Central Board of Commission- 
 ers shall have power, directly, or through its 
 agents as aforesaid, to exercise a sound and 
 humane discretion, as to the inclusion or ex- 
 clusion of any particular individuals, in any 
 particular shipment, and so to order and reg- 
 ulate all m.atters connected with the duties 
 lierein prescribed, as may, in theirjudgment, 
 be best calculated to effect the great objects 
 of this act. 
 
 7. And when any free persons of colour, 
 belonging to the third class above enumera- 
 ted, being such as shall have been hereafter 
 emancipated for the purpose of transporta- 
 tion, but for whose removal the former own- 
 er shall have made no provision, cannot be 
 re:noved by the said Board of Commission- 
 ers, or their agents, by reason of the two 
 previous classes entitled toprefercnce having 
 consumed, in their removal and subsequent 
 temporary support, the whole sum appropri- 
 ated by law for the then current year, the 
 said free persons of colour shall then be 
 hired out, in tiic .-ame manner, and by the 
 same officers a^- herein before provided, and 
 under the same liabilities and accountabili- 
 ties, for such time not exceeding two years, 
 as to enable the hires, together with any sub- 
 
 sequent appropriation at the disposal of the 
 said Commissioners, not pre-occupied by 
 previous classes, to amount to a sum suffi- 
 cient to effect the removal and subsequent 
 temporary support of the said free persons of 
 colour ; whereupon they shall be transported 
 as in other cases. 
 
 8. And for a declaration of what tempo- 
 rary support, immediately subsequent to 
 transportation, shall be provided, and !br 
 what period of time it shall be continued to 
 the emigrants as aforesaid : Be it further 
 enacted, that the said Central Board of com- 
 missioners, shall have authority through 
 their agents aforesaid, or any of them, to 
 furnish either to the emigrants in per.«ion, or 
 to such officer or other person, about to go 
 with the said emigrants, and for theii- tem- 
 porary support and accommodation on their 
 arrival at the port of their destination, either 
 money, clothing, food, tools of trade, or 
 other necessary articles, in whole or in part, 
 deemed more useful to them, to such aii 
 amount as the said Board may designate. 
 
 9. The said Board shall also have author- 
 ity to advance, from time to time, out ot' 
 each annual appropriation, any sum not ex- 
 ceeding ten thousand dollars, for the erec- 
 tion of receptacles or temporary shelter.- for 
 the accommodation and comfort of the emi- 
 
 Urants on their arrival at the places to which 
 I they shall be removed. 
 
 i 10. The sums of money hereinafter appro- 
 jpriated shall be disbursed under the authori- 
 jty in this act prescribed, in the removal ami 
 
 subsequent temporary support as aforesaid, 
 jof as many free persons of colour, annually, 
 [having due regard to the classification as 
 
 aforesaid, as can for those amounts be so 
 'transported and temporarily supported. And 
 I for the purpose of carrying into execution 
 
 the various purposes of this act, the sum ol 
 'thirty five thousand dollars -ihall be, and th* 
 i same is hereby appropriated, to be applied 
 I to these purposes during the present year, 
 ISO far, as in the opinion of the said Board o( 
 i Commissioners, the same can be judiciously 
 .applied to thcui within the year- The ^uH) 
 iof ninety thousand dollars shall be, and thi- 
 
 same is hereby appropriated, to be applied ti' 
 I these purposes, in and for the year one thou- 
 j sand eight hundred and thirty three. And 
 I if in tlie upinion of thft <aid iioaid ct (*otri- 
 
52 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 missioners, the sum appropriated, for any 
 given year, cannot judiciously and advanta- 
 geously be used and applied during the year 
 to the objects aforesaid, or if any portion 
 thereof shall from any cause remain une.x- 
 pended in any one year, the unexpended 
 l)a!ance shall be carried forward as an addi- 
 tion to, and liable to disbursement, v;ith the 
 appropriation of the succeeding year. 
 
 This act shall commence and be in force 
 from and after the passage thereof 
 
 SENATE OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 Feb. 21. Mr. Dromgoole reported that the 
 committee had considered the bill providing 
 for the removal of free persons of color and 
 made an amendment thereto. 
 
 Feb. 21t/i. The bill was taken up and a 
 substitute proposed by Mr. Morgan and also 
 amendments by Messrs. Dromgoole and Hun- 
 ton, of which 185 copies were ordered to be 
 printed. Substitue. 
 
 March 5th. Mr. Booker moved the inde- 
 finite postponement of the bill. Upon this 
 motion the ayes and noes were demanded. 
 
 Jlr/es. Thorn. Campbell, Nat. Alexander, 
 Geo. Booker, Jos. Wyatt, E. Boyd, George 
 Cowan and Jes. Edgington. 
 
 .^^e?. W. C. Holt (Speaker,) S. H. Par- 
 ker, Ch. Cocke, Ch. Hunton, D. W. Patter- 
 son, J. Pennybacher, C. S. Morgan, F. E. 
 Rives, J. G. Joynes, L. T. Dade, H. L. Opie, 
 D. McComas, A. Beirne, J. B. Harvie, W. 
 Basye, J. Cravens, J. M. Whoster, Geo. C. 
 Dromgoole, Wm. Armistead, H. G. Winston, 
 Wm. M. McCarty, C Beale and Wm Mc- 
 Comas. 
 
 Mr. Dromgoole moved to amend the 5th 
 section of said bill by striking out the fol- 
 lowing words : " When these shall in like 
 manner be executed, the next class which 
 shall be selected shall consist of those who 
 shall hereafter be manumitted for the pur- 
 pose, but for whose removal the former own- 
 er shall have made no provision." Disagreed 
 to by equal division, ayes 15, noes ^5. Mr. 
 Dromgoole moved to amend the 5th section 
 by striking out the following words, '■ Who 
 may hereafter be emancipated for the pur- 
 pose, and for whose removal and temporary 
 subsequent support the former owner shall 
 have provided sufficient means. Disagreed 
 to, aves 16, noes 17. Mr. Harvie moved to 
 
 strike out from 6th section the word " shall," 
 and insert in lieu thereof the word " may." 
 Ayes 5, noes 26. 
 
 Mr. Booker moved to strike out from 5th 
 section these words, " The next class which 
 shall be preferred for exportation, after all 
 the applicants of the former class at any time 
 shall have been provided for, shall consist of 
 such free persons of color as are now resi- 
 ding in the Commonwealth contrary to law. 
 but who may consent to be transported.'" 
 Ayes 11, noes 20. 
 
 March lih. Mr. Dromgoole moved to 
 strike out from the fifth section of the bill 
 these words, " And those who not being en- 
 titled to remain in the State, but not consent- 
 ing to remove, shall have been hired out un- 
 til a sufficient sum is raised to defray the ex- 
 penses of their removal and subsequent tem- 
 porary support as aforesaid as herein provi- 
 ded " Ayes 14, noes 16. 
 
 Mr. Booker moved to strike out the 10th 
 section of said bill. Mr. Rives moved to 
 amend said proposed amendment by striking 
 out from said section the word ninety. Ayes 
 27, noes 4. Mr. Winston moved to insert 
 the word fifty. Ayes 17, noes 14. 
 
 Mr. Rives moved to strike out the words 
 fifty thousand dollars is hereb}^ appropriated 
 to be applied to these purposes for the year 
 1833. Ayes 12, noes 19. 
 
 The que.stion then recurring on the motion 
 to strike out the 10th section, it v.'as disa- 
 greed to. Ayes 9, noes 22. 
 
 Mr. Hanson proposed to amend by insert- 
 ina: after the 5th section the following words. 
 " Whenever application shall be made to said 
 central Board for aid in the removal of any 
 free persons of color, either directly or 
 through any Agent of the saia Board, such 
 application shall be accompanied with a par- 
 ticular statement of the age and sex of the 
 class to which they belong, and of the coun- 
 ties in which they reside. 
 
 " It shall be the duty of the said Board to 
 keep a correct list of all such applicants, and 
 in the expenditure of the fund hereinafter to 
 be provided, to apportion the disbursement 
 as nearly as may be consistently with the 
 other provisions of this act, among the sev- 
 eral counties, cities. Sec, of this Common- 
 wealth, from which such applications shall 
 proceed according to their free colored popu- 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 lation respectively." Agreed to, ayes 16, 
 noes 13. 
 
 Mr. Joynes proposed further to amend the 
 bill by inserting after the 6th section this 
 proviso, That nothing in this act shall be 
 construed to repeal any part of the act of the 
 7th of April, 1831, concerning slaves, free 
 negroes and mulattoes. 
 
 Mr. Patterson moved to amend the 6th 
 section, by striking out from the word ' shall,' 
 after the word 'aforesaid' included, and in- 
 serting in lieu thereof the following : ' Be 
 proceeded against in all respects as directed 
 by the provisions of the act of the 7th of 
 April, 1831.' Agreed to. 
 
 March lOtk. On motion of Mr. McComas, 
 the vote rejecting Mr. Dromgoole's amend- 
 ment of March 7th, was re-considered and 
 the amendment was adopted. Ayes 17, noes 
 13. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Dromgoole the 7th sec- 
 tion was stricken out. 
 
 Mr. Patterson moved to amend said bill by 
 inserting in lieu of the 7th section the fol- 
 lowing: " No slave shall hereafter be eman- 
 cipated for any purpose, except upon the con- 
 ditions &.C. of the act of the 7th of April, 
 1831, concerning slaves, free negroes and 
 mulattoes, and if any shall be emancipated 
 contrary to the provisions thereof to take 
 effect after the death of the testator without 
 any power for transportation of such manu- 
 mitted slave, the legal representative shall, 
 if there be no other lien by law on the liber- 
 ty of such emancipated slave, hire out him, 
 her or them until a sufficient sum shall be 
 received for the transportation and support 
 of any free person of color. Provided that 
 said Board shall in no case pay for the trans- 
 portation of any free person of color who 
 nhall be able to pay these expenses out of his 
 own resources. Disagreed to, ayes 13, noes 
 17. 
 
 Mr. Morgan offered the following substi° 
 tute : 
 
 Be it enacted by the General Assembly of 
 Virginia, That such of the free negroes and 
 mulattoes in the Commonwealth, desiring to 
 move beyond the limits of the United States, 
 as the courts of the counties and corpora- 
 tions, respectively, within which they may 
 reside shall think proper to provide for, shall 
 be removed to such place or places, beyond 
 
 the limits of the United States, as the Gov- 
 ernor shall designate, and be supported after 
 their removal for a reasonable time, at the 
 expense of the counties and corporations, re- 
 spectively, from whence they shall have been 
 so removed ; and the manner, regulations 
 and conditions for the removal, and subse- 
 quent temporary support of such persons, 
 shall be presented by the Governor. 
 
 2nd. It shall be the duty of each county 
 and corporation court, in the month of May, 
 in every year, to consider and decide on the 
 propriety of providing for the removal and 
 subsequent temporary support of such of the 
 free negroes and mulattoes, as in the opinion 
 of the court ought to be removed with their 
 own consent. The court shall decide that 
 they will or will not provide for the removal 
 aforesaid, and their determination shall be 
 entered of record and be final for that year. 
 If it shall be their determination to provide 
 for the removal of any of the said persons, 
 they shall make an order declaring what 
 classes and description of free negroes, and 
 mulattoes shall be removed at public expense, 
 what number of persons they will provide 
 for that year, and the amount of money they 
 will allow for the removal and temporary 
 support of each person, which shall in no 
 case be less than $30 00. And it shall be 
 the duty of the clerk to register in a book to 
 be provided and kept for that purpose, the 
 name and description of each person who 
 shall apply, at any time before, or during the 
 next succeeding term of the court, at which 
 said next term, it shall be t.he duty of the 
 court to ascertain the number of the appli- 
 cants, their classes and descriptions ; and if 
 there be more than were authorised at the 
 preceding term, or any not coming within 
 the classes and descriptions so authorised, 
 they shall designate among the applicants 
 those to be removed ; and immediately levy 
 on the subjects of taxation within the county 
 or corporation by a fair and equal perientum, 
 on the amount of the public revenue for that 
 year, a sum sufficient to effect the objects 
 aforesaid, and to defray the expenses of pro- 
 viding for, collecting, and paying the money 
 so levied into the treasury of the State. The 
 clerk shall as soon as practicable thereafter, 
 under the order and instruction of the court, 
 deliver to tlie sheriff, or other collector of 
 
54 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 the money so levied, as shall be necessary 
 to enable him to collect the same ; and also 
 transmit to the auditor of public accounts a 
 copy thereof, to enable him to settle with the 
 sheriff or collector, and also transmit to the 
 Governor a copy of the register of the per- 
 sons to be transported. For the services the 
 court shall make tj\e clerk a reasonable al- 
 lowance, to be certilied and paid on the or- 
 der of the Governor, out of the money after 
 it shall have been received in the treasury. 
 The sheriff or other collector shall have the 
 same power and authority to enforce the pay- 
 ment of the said levy, be allowed the same 
 commi.-sions for the collections and payment 
 into the treasuiy, at the time of paying the 
 revenue, and be under the same responsi- 
 bilities, fines and penalties, by motion or 
 otherwise, Avhich noAv are or hereafter may 
 be, provided b}' law in relation to the collec- 
 tion and payment of the public revenue. 
 
 3d. The auditor of public accounts, and 
 the treasurer shall open separate books and 
 accounts for the transportation fund. They 
 shall charge this fund with all sums of money 
 paid for the purpose of being applied under 
 the provisions of this act, whether the same 
 shall have been raised by levy as aforesaid 
 or by donation, and it shall be credited by all 
 sums disbursed under the orders of the Gov- 
 ernor. There shall be separate accounts 
 opened between each county and corpora- 
 tion and the fund, so as to exhibit at all times 
 the exact amount of money received to the 
 credit of each county and corporation, nnd 
 also the amount disbursed for the transporta- 
 tion of free negroes and mulattoes there- 
 from. The treasurer shall receive all mo- 
 nies which shall be paid into tlic said fund, 
 and account for, and pay the same in the 
 warrants of the auditor of public accounts. 
 The whole fund bhall be under the direction 
 and control of the Governor, for the benefit 
 of the emigrante, and in the administration 
 thereof he shall apply the money paid in 
 from each county and corporation as nearly 
 as practicable for the removal and temporary 
 support of the emigrants from them respec- 
 tively, in such manner as in his opinion will 
 be best calculated io etrecl the objects in 
 view. 
 
 'Uh. The Governor shall have full power 
 and authority to appoint as many agents, to 
 
 be compensated out of the transportation 
 fund, as shall be proper for the purpose of 
 collecting the emigrants, chartering vessels 
 and doing and performing all things necessa- 
 ry in relation to the removal of the persons 
 aforesaid, to such place or places beyond the 
 limits of the United States, as he shall desig- 
 nate, and for their subsequent support for 
 such reasonable time thereafter as he may 
 think proper. The Governor by himself, and 
 his agents, shall have full power and author- 
 ity to make, and by all legal ways and means 
 to enforce all contracts necessary and proper 
 to effect the transportation and support of the 
 persons aforesaid, and in so doing to use or 
 pledge the transportation fund as to him may 
 seem proper. 
 
 5th. The Governor shall, as far as practi- 
 cable, cause to be removed all persons who 
 shall have applied to the courts and Leen 
 provided for by levy ; but should the levy 
 of any county or corporation be insufficient 
 for the removal and temporary support of 
 the number of persons admitted by the court, 
 the Governor or some agent shall determine 
 who among the applicants shall be removed ; 
 and if from any cause persons provided fur 
 shall not be removed, the court shall admit 
 and order the removal of an equal number 
 of other free negroes and mulattoes. 
 
 6th. It shall be the duty of the Governor 
 of this Commonwealth, as soon as practica- 
 ble, to open a correspondence w'lih. the Pres- 
 ident of the United States to ascertain from 
 the latter all the information he may be 
 pleased to communicate in relation to the 
 state and condition of the inhabitants of the 
 Western Coast and interior of Africa, the 
 quality and products ol" the soil, the general 
 character of the country, and its adaptation 
 to improvements and the art of civilization, 
 the situation and magnitude of its Capa., 
 Bays and Rivers, and the character of the 
 climate, and such other information as in hi.-- 
 opinion n?3y be calculated to show the prac- 
 ticability and propriety of colonizing fret- 
 negroes and muiattoes; and to ascertain what 
 part of the country, if any, may be occupied 
 for that purpc^e, consistent with the rela- 
 tions between the United States and foreign 
 nations. Stales and Powers, and if no part 
 sustained for that purpose can now be occu- 
 pied, consistent with the present relations be- 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 55 
 
 tween the United States and foreign Nations, 
 States and Powers, whether any, and if any, 
 what part may be procured tor that purpose, 
 and the time, manner and terms thereof; 
 which correspondence and information, when 
 procured, the Governor shall lay before the 
 General Assembly." 
 
 And on the question being put thereupon, 
 it was disagreed to by the Senate — Ayes 15, 
 noes 16. 
 
 Extract from the journal of the Senate, 
 March 10th, 1832. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Causes and results of the abolition debate in 
 the General ^dssembly of Virginia in the 
 session of 1831-32; its effect upon public 
 opinion and upon the cause of African Col- 
 onization in Virginia . Letters of Jeffer- 
 son, Madison and .Marshall. Views of B. 
 Wutkins Leigh and Professor Deir. S\'c. 
 
 We have now reached a stand-point 
 whence we can look calmly around ns, and 
 form a just estimate of the causes and eflects 
 of the debate upon the gradual abolition of 
 slavery in Virginia. We repeat that in our 
 opinion, we should not judge the past by 
 the lights of the present generation. That 
 was the culminating point — the llood tide of 
 anti-slavery feeling which had been gradually 
 rising for more than a century in Virginia 
 and was then precipitated upon us before its 
 lime by the South-Hampton convulsion. 
 
 Great Britain was engaged hi the slave 
 trade belore the Colony of Virginia was 
 planted. Queen Elizabeth, Charles I. and II, 
 James II. and William III. all encouraged it. 
 
 Virginia was among the foremost in wnr- 
 ring against it. Judge H. St. George Tuck- 
 er of Williamsburg, in his notes on Black- 
 stone's Commentaries, has collected twenty- 
 three acts of Assembly imposing duties on 
 the importation of slaves from 1669 to 1772. 
 In the latter year most of these acts were 
 re-enacted and the Assembly presented aj 
 petition to the throne earnestly imploring I 
 the "paternal assistance" of his Britannic I °" ^^'^ P^°P°^''^^^" was, ayes-xYew Hamp- 
 majesty to avert from the Colony the •■ great '^^^ire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, 
 calamity" arising from the importation of | ^"""' Carolina, North Carolina. Georgia, 
 slaves, " a trade of iireat inhumanilv," and ^oe^~- Virginia, New Jersey, Pelln^yIvania 
 
 In the first draft of the Declaration of In- 
 dependence Mr. Jefferson incorporated the 
 following clause in his enumeration ofwrongs 
 done us by the King of Great Britain. It 
 wasstrickenout in defference to the Delegate? 
 from South Carolina. " He has waged cruel 
 war against human nature itself, violating 
 its most .^acred rights of life and liberty in 
 the persons of a distant people who never 
 offended him; captivating and carrying thein 
 into .slavery in another hemisphere or incur- 
 ring a miserable death in their transportation 
 thither. This piratical warfare — the oppro- 
 bium of infidel powers — is the warfare of the 
 Christian King of Great Britain. Deter- 
 uiined to keep open a market where men 
 should be bought and sold, he has prostitu- 
 ted his negative for suppressing any Legisla- 
 tive attempt to prohibit and restrain this exe- 
 crable commerce, and that this assemblage of 
 horrors might want no fact of distinguished 
 dye, he is now exciting those very people 
 to rise in arms against us, to pnrchase that 
 liberty of which he has deprived them by 
 murdering the people on whoui he also ob- 
 truded them, thus paying otf former crimes 
 committed against the liberty of one peo- 
 ple with crimes which he urges them to 
 commit against the lives of another." 
 
 Mr. Madison says this clause was stricken 
 out ill compliance to South Carolina and 
 Georgia who wished for a time to continue 
 the trade — " Our Northern Brethren too (he 
 adds,) I believe felt a little tender under those 
 censures, for though their people had but lew 
 slaves, yet they had been pretty considerable 
 carriers of them to others ! 
 
 George Mason of Virginia said in the fed- 
 eral coni^ress. ' This infernal traffic oriai- 
 nated in the avarice of British Merchants." 
 Mr. Madison in the same debate objected tn 
 postponing the prohibition of the trade to 
 the year 1808, saying " so long a term will 
 be more dishonorable to the American char- 
 acter than to say nothing about it." The vntt. 
 
 a " pernicious commerce." The prayer did 
 not avail. 
 
 and Delaware. 
 
 The History of the country shows that 
 
56 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 Virginia representatives took the lead in car- 
 rying those measures in 1808, and again in 
 1819, &c., which led to tl;e extinction of the 
 slave trade, which was prohibited by the 
 United States thirty years betore it was by 
 Great Britain. Virginia therefore, in the 
 language of Professor Dew, has nothing to 
 reproach herself with. She truly stands upon 
 this subject like the Chevalier Bayard sans 
 peur ei smis reproche. 
 
 From the year 1776 to 1832 the prevalent 
 sentiment was that slavery was not entailed 
 on the State forever. Durinij this period 
 none of her economists, with the single ex- 
 ception perhaps of Mr. Giles, has defended 
 the abstract right of slavery. The opinions 
 of Washington, Mason, Jeflerson, Madison, 
 Monroe, Marshall, Randolph, and indeed of 
 all our leading statesmen of this era are well 
 known, and had been frequently expressed. 
 
 As late as 1824 Mr. Jeflerson in a letter 
 to Jared Sparks fully exposed his views 
 of emancipation — the mature result, he said, 
 of his reflections for forty-five years upon 
 the subject. 
 
 TO JARED SPARKS. 
 
 Monticello, Feb. 4, 1824. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I duly received your favour of the 13th, 
 and with it, the last number of the North 
 American Review. This has anticipated the 
 one I should receive in course, hut have not 
 yet received, under my subscription to the 
 new series. The article on the African col- 
 onization of the people of color, to which 
 you invite my attention, I have read with 
 great consideration. It is indeed a fine one, 
 and will do much good. I learn from it 
 more, too, than I had before known, of the 
 degree of success and promise of that colony. 
 
 In the disposition of these unfortunate 
 people, there are two rational objects lo be 
 distinctly kept in view. 1. The establish- 
 ment of a colony on the coast of Africa, 
 which may introduce among the aborigines 
 the arts of cultivated life, and the blessings 
 of civilization and science. By doing this, 
 we may make lo them some retribution for 
 the long course of injuries we have been 
 committing on their population. And con- 
 
 sidering that these blessings will descend to 
 the "■ naii natoi-v.m, et gui nasceniur ab illis,' 
 we shall in the long run have rendered them 
 perhaps more good than evil. To fulfil this 
 object, the colony of Sierra Leone promises 
 well, and that of Mesurado adds lo our pros- 
 peel of success. Under this view, the Col- 
 oni'/ation Society is to be considered as a 
 missionary society, having in view, however, 
 objects more humane, more justifiable, and 
 less aggressive on the peace of other nations, 
 than the others of that appella'ion. 
 
 The second object, and the most interest- 
 ing to us, as coming home to our physical 
 and moral characters, to our happiness and 
 safety, is to provide an asylum to which we 
 can, by degrees, send the whole of that pop- 
 ulation from among us, and establish them 
 under our patronage and protection, as a sep- 
 arate free and independent people, in some 
 country and climate friendly lo human life 
 and happiness. That any place on the coast 
 of Africa should answer the latter purpose, 
 I have ever deemed entirely impossible. 
 And without repeating the other arguments 
 which have been urged by others, I will ap- 
 peal to figures only, which admit no contro- 
 versy. I shall speak in round numbers, not 
 absolutely accurate, yet not so wide from 
 truth as to vary the result materially. There 
 are in the United States a million and a half 
 of people of colour in slavery. To send off 
 the whole of these at once, nobody con- 
 ceives to bo practicable for us, or expedient 
 for them. Let us take twenty-five years for 
 its accomplishment, within which time they 
 shall be doubled. Their estimated value as 
 property in the first place, (for actual property 
 has been lawfully vested in that form, and 
 who can lawfully take it from the possessors?) 
 at an average of two hundred dollars each, 
 young and old, would amount to six hundred 
 millions of dollars, which must be paid or 
 lost by somebody. To this, add the cost of 
 their transportation by land and sea to Mes- 
 urado, a year's provision of food and cloth- 
 ing, implements of husbandry and of their 
 trades, which will amount to three hundred 
 millions more, making thirty-six millions of 
 dollars a year for twenty-live years, with in- 
 surance of peace all that timC; and it is im- 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 57 
 
 possible to look at the question a second 
 time. I am aware that at the end of about 
 sixteen years, a gradual detraction from this 
 sum will commence, from the gradual dimi- 
 nution of breeders, and go on during the re- 
 maining nine years. Calculate this deduc- 
 tion, and it is still impossible to look at the 
 enterprise a second time. I do not say this 
 to induce an inference that the getting rid of 
 them is forever impossible. For that is nei- 
 ther my opinion nor my hope. But only 
 that it cannot be done in this way. There 
 is, I think, a way in which it can be done ; 
 that is, by emancipating the after born, leav- 
 ing them, on due compensation, with their 
 mothers, until their services are worth their 
 maintenance, and then putting them to in. 
 dustrious occupations, until a proper age for 
 deportation. This was the result of my re- 
 flections on the subject five and forty years 
 ago, and I have never yet been able to con- 
 ceive any other practicable plan. It was 
 sketched in Notes on Virginia, under the 
 fourteenth (paery. The estimated value of 
 the new-boni infant is so low, (say twelve 
 dollars and fifty-cents) that it would proba- 
 bly be yielded by the owner gratis, and would 
 thus reduce the six hundred millions of dol- 
 lars,*the first head of expense, to thirty-seven 
 millions and a half: leaving only the expen- 
 ses of nourishment while with the mother, 
 and of transportation. And from what fund 
 are these expenses to be furished r Why 
 not from that of the lands which have been 
 ceded by the very states now needing this 
 relief? And ceded on no consideration, for 
 the most part, but that of the general good 
 of the whole. These cessions already con- 
 stitute one fourth of the states of the union. 
 It may be said that these lands have been 
 sold ; are now the property of the citizens 
 composing those states; and the money long 
 ago received and expended. But an c(piiv- 
 alent of lands in the territories since acipiired, 
 may be appropriated to that object, or so 
 much at least as may be sufticient ; and the 
 object, although more important to the slave 
 states, is highly so to the others also, if they 
 were serious in their arguments on the Mis- 
 souri question. The slave states, too, if 
 more interested, would also contribute more 
 
 by their gratuitous liberation, thus taking on 
 themselves alone the first and heaviest item 
 of expense. 
 
 In the plan sketched iu the Notes on Vir- 
 ginia, no particular place of asylum was 
 specified ; because it was thought possible, 
 that in the revolutionary state of America, 
 then commenced, events might open to us 
 some one within practicbale distance. This 
 has now happened. St. Domingo has be- 
 come independent, and with a population of 
 that color only ; and if the public papers are 
 to be credited, their Chief offers to pay their 
 passage, to receive them as free citizens, rind 
 to provide ihem einploynient. 
 
 This leaves, then for the general confedera- 
 cy, no expense but of nurture with the mother 
 a few years, and would call, of course, for a 
 very moderate appropriation of the vacant 
 lands. Suppose the whole annual increase 
 to be of sixty thousand efl'ective births, fifty 
 vessels, of four hundred tons burthen each, 
 constantly employed in that short run, would 
 carry oil" ihc increase of every year, and the 
 old stock Yv'ould die olf in the ordinary course 
 of nature, lessening from the commence- 
 ment until ils final disappearance. In this 
 way no violation of private right is proposed. 
 Voluntary surrenders would probably come 
 in as fast as the means to be provided for 
 their care would be competent to it. Look- 
 ing at my own state only, and I presume not 
 to speak for the others, I v.erily believe that 
 this surrender of property would not amount 
 to more, annually, than half of our present 
 direct taxes, to be continued fully about 
 twenty or twenty-five years, and then grad- 
 ually diminishing for as many more until 
 their final extinction; and even this half tax 
 v.'oiild not be paid in cash, but by the deliv- 
 ery of an object which they had never yet 
 known or counted as part of their property : 
 and those not possessing the object will be 
 called on for nothing. I do not go into all 
 the details of the burthens and benefits of 
 this operation. And who could estimate its 
 blessed effects ? I leave this to those who 
 will live to see their accomplishment, and to 
 enjoy a beatitude forbidden to my age. But 
 I leave it with this admonition, to rise and be 
 doinsr- A million and a half srH '.vithin 
 
58 
 
 The Virginian History of Jlfncan Colonizaiion. 
 
 their control ; but six millions (which a ma- 
 jority of those now Jiving will sec them at- 
 tain,) and one million of these fighting men, 
 will say, ' we will not go.' 
 
 I am aware that thid subject involves some 
 constitutional scrui)les. But a liberal con- 
 struction, justified by the object, may go far, 
 and an amendment of the constitution, ihe 
 whole length necessary. The separations of 
 infants from their mothers, too, would pro- 
 duce some scruples of humanity. But this 
 would be straining at a gnat, and swallowing 
 a caniel. 
 
 I am much pleased to see that you have 
 taken uj) the subject of the duty on imported 
 books. T hope a crusade will be kept up 
 against it, until those in power shall become 
 sensible of this stain on our legislation and 
 shall wipe it from their code, and from tlic 
 remembrance of man, if possible; 
 
 1 salute you with assurances of higlj res- 
 pect and esteem. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 in December 1831, just before the debate 
 111 the General Assembly Chief Justice Mar- 
 shall and ex-president Madison published 
 their views upon the questions then agitating 
 the public mind in the form of letters to the 
 llcv. R. Randolph Gurley. 
 
 MoNTPELiER, December 29, 183d. 
 Dear sir : I received, in due time, your 
 letter of the 21st ult. and with due sensibili- 
 ty to the subject of it. Such, however, has 
 been the eftect of a painful rheumatism on 
 my general condition, as well as in discjuali- 
 fying my fingers for the use of the pen, that 
 I could not dp justice "to the principles and 
 measures of the Colonization Society in all 
 the great and various relations they sustain 
 to our own country and to Africa," if my 
 views of them could have the value which 
 your partiality supposes. I may observe, in 
 brief, that the Society had always my good 
 wishes, though with hopes of its success 
 less sanguine than were entertained by others 
 found to have been the better judges ; and 
 that I feel the greatest pleasure at the pro- 
 gress already made by the Society, and the 
 encouragement to encounter remaining dif- 
 ficulties afforded by the earlier and greater 
 smea already overcome. Many circumstan- 
 
 ces at the present moment seem to concur 
 
 ill brightening the prospects of the Society 
 and cherishing the hope that the time will 
 come, when tiic dreadful calamity which has 
 so long afllicted our country and filled so 
 many with despair, will be gradually re- 
 moved and by means consistent with justice, 
 peace and the general satisfaction : thus 
 giving to our country the full enjoyment of 
 the blessings of liberty, and to the world the 
 full benefit of its great example. I never 
 considered the main difficulty of the great 
 work as lying in the deficiency of emanci- 
 pations, but in an inadequacy of asylums 
 for such a growing mass of population, and 
 in the great expense of removing it to its new 
 home. The spirit of private manumission 
 as the laws may permit and the exiles may 
 consent, is increasing and will increase ; and 
 there are suflicient indications that the pub- 
 lic authorities in slave-holding States are 
 looking forward to interpositions in differ- 
 ent forms that must have a powerful effect. 
 With respect to the new abode for the emi- 
 grants, all agree that the choice made by the 
 Society is rendered peculiarly appropriate by 
 considerations which need not be repeated, 
 and if other situations should not be found 
 eligible receptacles for a portion of them, 
 the prospects in Africa seem to be expand- 
 ing in a highly encouraging degree. 
 
 In contemplating the jDecuniary resources 
 needed for the removal of such a number to 
 so great a distance, my thoughts and hopes 
 have been long turned to the rich fund pre- 
 sented in the western lands of the Nation, 
 which will soon entirely cease to be under a 
 pledge for another object. The great one in 
 qucston is truly of a national character, and 
 it is known that distinguished patriots not 
 dwelling in slave-holding States have viewed 
 the object in that light and would be willing 
 to let the national domain be a resource in 
 efl'ecting it. 
 
 Should it be remarked that the States, 
 though all may be interested in relieving our 
 country from the coloured population, they 
 are not equally so ; it is but fair to recollect, 
 that the sections most to be benefitted, are 
 those whose cessions created the fund to ho 
 disposed of. 
 
 I am aware of the constitutional obstacle 
 which has presented itself; but if the gene- 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 59 
 
 lal will be reconciled to an application of the 
 territorial fund to the removal of the colored 
 population, a grant to Congress of the ne- 
 cessary authority could be carried, with little 
 delay, through the forms of the Constitution. 
 Sincerely wishing an increasing success to 
 the labors of the Society, I pray you to be 
 assured of my esteem, and to accept my 
 friendly salutations. 
 
 JAfJES MADISON. 
 
 Richmond, Jjlc. 14, 1831. 
 
 Dear Sir : I received your letter of the 
 '7lh, in the course of the mail, but it was not 
 accompanied by the documents you men- 
 tion. 
 
 I undoubtedly feel a deep interest in the 
 success of the Society, but, if I had not long 
 since formed a resolution against appearing 
 in print on any occasion, I should now be 
 unable to comply with your request. In ad- 
 dition to various occupations which press on 
 me very seriously, the present state of my 
 family is such as to prevent my attempting 
 to prepare any thing for publication. 
 
 The great object of the Society, I pre- 
 sume, is to obtain pecuniary aids. Applica- 
 tion will undoubtedly be made, I hope suc- 
 cessfully, to the several State Legislatures by 
 the societies formed within them respective- 
 ly. It is extremely desirable that they should 
 pass permanent laws on the subject, and the 
 excitement produced by the late insurrection 
 makes this a favorable moment for the friends 
 of the Colony to press for such acts. It 
 would be also desirable, if such a direction 
 could be given to State Legislation as might 
 have some tendency to incline the people of 
 color to migrate. This, however, is a sub- 
 ject of much delicacy. Whatever may be 
 the success of our endeavors to obtain acts 
 lor permanent aids, I have no doubt that our 
 applications for immediate contributions will 
 receive aUcntion. It is possible, though 
 not probable, that more people of color may 
 be disposed to migrate than can be provided 
 for with the funds the Society may be ena- 
 abled to command. Under this impression 
 I suggestf d, some years past, to one or two 
 of the Board of Managers, to allow a small 
 additional bounty in lands to those who 
 would pay their own passage in whole or in 
 part. The suggestion, however, was not ap- 
 proved. 
 
 It is undoudtedly of great importance to 
 retain the countenance and protection of the 
 General Government. Some of our cruizers 
 stationed on the coast of Africa would, at 
 the same time, interrupt the slave trade — 
 a horrid traffic detested by all good men, and 
 would protect the vessels and commerce of 
 the Colony from pirates who infest those 
 seas. The power of the government to al- 
 ford this aid is not, I believe, contested. 1 
 regret that its power to grant pecuniary aid 
 is not equally free from question. On this 
 subject, I have always thought, and still 
 think, that the proposition made by Mi . 
 King, in the Senate, is the most unexcep- 
 tionable, and the most effective that can be 
 devised. 
 
 The fund would probably operate as rap- 
 idly as would be desirable, when we take 
 into view the other resources which might 
 come in aid of it, and its application would 
 be, perhaps, less exposed to those constitu- 
 tional objections which are made in the 
 South than the application oi money drawn 
 from the Treasury and raised by taxes. The 
 lands are the property of the United States, 
 and have heretofore been disposed of by the 
 government under the idea of absolute own- 
 ership. The cessions of the several States 
 convey them to the General Government for 
 the common benefit without prescribing any 
 limits to the judgment of Congress, or any 
 rule by which that judgment shall be exer- 
 cised. The cession of Virginia indeed 
 seems to look to an apportionment of the 
 fund among the States, " according to their 
 several respective proportions in the general 
 charge and expenditure." But this cession 
 v/as made at a time when the lands were be- 
 lieved to be the only available fund for paying 
 the debts of the United States and support- 
 ing their Government. This condition has 
 probably been supposed to be controled by 
 the existing constitution, which gives Con- 
 gress " power to dispose of, and make all 
 needful rules and regulations respecting the 
 territories or the property belonging to the 
 U. States. It is certain that the donations 
 made for roads and colleges are not in pro- 
 portion to the part borne by each State of 
 the general expenditure. The removal of 
 our colored population is, I think, a common 
 object, by no means confined to the slave 
 
60 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 State*, although they are more immediately 
 interested in it. The whole Union M'onid be 
 strengthened by it, and relieved from a dan- 
 ger, whose extent can scarcely be estimated. 
 It lessens very much in ray estimation, the 
 objection in a political view to the applica- 
 tion of this ample fund, that our lands are 
 becoming an object for which the States are 
 to scramble, and which threatens to sow the 
 seeds of discord among us instead of being 
 what they might be — a source of national 
 wealth. 
 
 I am, dear sir, 
 
 With great and respectful esteem, 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 .T. MARSHALL. 
 
 \So have recited thr; foregoing facts and 
 re-j)roduced the letters of Jeffers^on, Madison 
 and Marshall to show what had been the pre- 
 vailing tone of public sentiment in Virginia — 
 from 1776 to 1832 upon this vexed question 
 of slavery. Mr. Jefferson it will be observed 
 distinguishes between the Colonization ofi 
 free negroes and the emancipation of slaves 
 He was in favor of colonizing the free ne- 
 groes in Africa, as " the greatest of mission- 
 ary schemes." But he was also an einanci. 
 pationist, looking to the ultimate extinction, 
 of Slavery in Virginia. He did not how- 
 ever regard it as a practical thing to colo- 
 nize our entire black population in so distant 
 a land as Africa. His ()lan was to send ihe 
 free negroes to Africa and the slaves to the 
 West Lidiei. Mr. Jefferson should not be 
 confounded with modern Abolitionists. They 
 insist upon immediate abolition, he was in 
 favor of ^rar/^a/ emancipation. They deny 
 the right of property in slaves — he distinct- 
 ly recognized it and would compensate mas- 
 ters for the loss of it. They will not have 
 emancipation with deportation, he would not 
 emancipate without deportation. Ex-presi- 
 dent Madison and the Chief Justice, were like 
 Mr. Jefferson, colonizatiouists. The former 
 was President of the American and the 
 latter of the Virginian Society when the 
 ibregoing letters were written. These letters 
 liovvever were not official expositions of the 
 views of the Societies, but mere expressions 
 of their private opinions upon the topics 
 then agitating the public mind iu Virginia. 
 Like all the Virginia Statesmen of the Revo- 
 iitionary era, they thought slavery an 
 
 evil whose gradual and ultimate extinction 
 was a consummation devoutly to be wished. 
 They did not think the Colonization Society, 
 competent to effect such a result even if 
 that had been a legitimate object of its la- 
 bours. They looked to the aid of the fede- 
 ral government, and it was a remarkable 
 coincidence that without concert their minds 
 had been revolving with favor the plan sub- 
 mitted by Rufus King to the Senate of the 
 United States on the 15th of February 1825. 
 This plan proposed that after the existing 
 debt of the United States (for the payment 
 of which the public lands had been pledged) 
 had been paid off the whole of the public 
 land of the United States with the nett pro- 
 ceeds of all future sales thereof should con- 
 stitute a fund to aid the emancipation and 
 removal of such slaves and free negroes as 
 by the laws of the States respectively might 
 be allowed to be emancipated or removed 
 beyond Jhe limits of the United States. Mr. 
 Madison said that he was aware of the con- 
 stitutional objections that might be urged to 
 such a measure, but that if the people were 
 in favor of it, an amendment of the consti- 
 tution might be easily carried through all the 
 forms of law. 
 
 \x\ view of these and other facts in our 
 history it is not surprising that a debate 
 upon the subject of emancipation should 
 have sprung up in our J^egislature. Under or- 
 dinary circumstances it might have been 
 posti)oned for many years. It was not ex- 
 actly a natural and normal development. 
 It was precipitated by the " affair of South- 
 ampton. Under the stimulating iniluence of 
 that event, petitions were sent from several 
 counties asking the intervention of the Leg- 
 islature in the disturbing question of sla- 
 very and the newspaper Press with mucii un- 
 animity and spirit echoed the voice of the 
 Petitioners. 
 
 It is not easy at this distance of time to 
 tell whether the Press and the petitioners re- 
 flected the general sentiment. In the col- 
 umns of the newspapers we find reports of 
 meetings in some counties in favor of eman- 
 cipation and of "indignation meetings," in 
 other counties complaining of the newspa- 
 pers and protesting against the agitation ( I 
 the subject. Among the men of note wiio 
 entered the lists against the emancipationists 
 
The Virgiman Histoi ij of African Colonizatioti. 
 
 61 
 
 was B. Watkins Leigh who wrote a series of 
 articles in the Richmond Enquirer under the 
 signature of " Appomattox." These arti- 
 cles in vigor of thought, in elegance of dic- 
 tion, and in pungency of satire, make the 
 nearest approximation to " Junius," of any 
 thing in Virginia literature. Mr. Leigh, 
 though a man of strong prejudices was the 
 very soul of honor and took a special pride 
 in being accurate in his facts. He was a 
 close obsferver of the debate and he expres- 
 ses the opinion that the Editors, Politicians 
 and Petitioners were a long way ahead of 
 public sentiment. According to his state- 
 ment, these petitions might be distributed 
 into the following classes and numbers. 
 
 1st. Petitions, from eleven hundred and 
 eighty-eight citizens in twelve counties, 
 praying that some provision should be made 
 by law for the removal of the free negroes 
 fi-om the State. The views of these persons 
 Mr. Leigh said were obviously hostile to all 
 schemes of emancipation whatsoever, and their 
 petition did not seem to attract any serious 
 attention. 2nd. Petitions were presented 
 from three hundred and seventy-eight citi- 
 zens praying that an eflort should be made 
 to procure an amendment of the Constitu- 
 tion authorizing the Federal Ciovernment to 
 assist in ridding us of the black population. 
 
 3rd. Two County Colonization Societies 
 and three hundred and sixty-six citizens of 
 four counties sent inemcrials and petitions, 
 suggesting, (I state their general objects as 
 I understand it,) measures first for the remo- 
 val of the free negroes and then of slaves 
 hereafter to be emancipated by their owners 
 or purchased by the public at a fair price, 
 with a view to Colonization. 
 
 A Petition from sixty-one citizens of War- 
 wick, the prayer of which I interpret to mean 
 that " something may be done." 
 
 Petitions from Buckingham and Loudoun 
 signed by twenty-seven men. A petition 
 from Augusta signed by three hundred and 
 forty-three women. 
 
 A memorial of a meeting in Albermarle 
 and one from a Society of friends in Hanover 
 praying for abolition of slavery, some upon 
 Mr. Randolph's plan and some in general 
 terms. 
 
 Such is Mr. Leigh's analysis of the number 
 and character of the petitioners to the Gene- 
 
 ral Assembly. He is accordingly very se- 
 vere upon the Orators and the Editors whom 
 he charges with reflecting the opinions of a 
 very small fragment of the masses of people 
 in Virginia. 
 
 Several writers in the newspapers and par 
 ticularly a member of the Assembly under 
 the signature of Jeflerson questions the ac- 
 curacy of his statements. But as no specific 
 mistatement is pointed out, it was probably 
 a very near approximation to the truth. And 
 yet there can be but little doubt that there 
 was quite a favorable disposition in the pub- 
 lic mind towards some plan of emancipation 
 if VLuy jjracticable plan could have been de- 
 vised. It will be observed that Mr. Leigh 
 distinguishes between the jietitioners for 
 emancipation and deportation with due re- 
 gard to all the rights of property and peti- 
 tioners for abolition without any recognition 
 of those rights. He classes the Colonization- 
 ists amongst the former. Indeed it is a no- 
 ticeable fact that there seem to liave been but 
 two of some thirty or forty County Coloni- 
 zation Societies who are included amonor 
 the petitioners at all, and they are represen- 
 ted as respecting the rights of property and 
 all their constitutional obligations. The 
 Colonization Society of Virginia seems to 
 have pursued a very prudent and conserva- 
 tive course for in the very heat of the debate it 
 assembled in general meeting in the Capitol 
 and passed the following resolution which 
 shows that it had not been carried away by 
 the tide of popular excitement. The follow- 
 ing is an extract from the minutes, viz. 
 " The annual meeting of the Colonization 
 Society of Virginia, was held in the Capitol 
 on the 11th. of January 1832. General 
 William H. Brodnax in the chair. 
 
 On motion it was resolved that the Socie- 
 ty deems it expedient at this time to renew its 
 pledges to the public strictly to adhere to 
 that original feature in its constitution which 
 confines its operations to the removal of the 
 free people of color only, with their own con- 
 sent. 
 
 At the same time the Society fippoinicd 
 Delegates to a meeting of the American 
 Colonization Society to meet in Vt'ashiniiton 
 in a few days. 
 
 Among these Delegates were (Jhief Jus- 
 tice Marshall, Hon. John Tyler, Andrew 
 
62 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 Stephenson, T. Walker Gilmer and Hon. 
 William. S. Archer. 
 
 These Deletrates attended the meetin'r at 
 Washington. William S. Archer made a 
 speech in the course of which he said the ob- 
 ject of this Society involves no intrusion on 
 the rights of property nor even upon preju- 
 dice. It sought the removal to a better 
 state of a people who had ceased to be pro- 
 perty, &c. From an anomalous condition of 
 anathema, this excellent association is la- 
 boring to remove the free blacks to plen- 
 ty industry and independence and these 
 countless retinue of blessings. He main- 
 tained that this Society was a blessing to the 
 slave and the slave-holder. Although the 
 condition of the slave is better than that of 
 the free black, yet the latter is a perpetual 
 incitement to discontent to the former. 
 When the slave steals it is from sympathy 
 with the destitution of the free black or to 
 trade with him. 
 
 The removal of the free black would ben- 
 efit him, benefit the master and benefit the 
 slave. 
 
 Mr. Archer said that he was not one of 
 those who (however desirable it was in ab- 
 stract speculation) looked to the complete 
 removal of slavery from among us. If that 
 (consummation devoutly to be wished,) was 
 feasible at all, it was at a period too remote 
 to warrant the expenditure of contemplation 
 and contribution now. 
 
 " But a great benefit, short of this, was 
 within reach, and made part of the scope of 
 operation, of the plan of the Society. The 
 progress of slavery was subjected to the ac- 
 tion of a law, of the utmost regularity of ac- 
 tion. Where this progress was neither 
 stayed, nor modified by causes of collateral 
 operation, it hastened with a frightfiil rapidi- 
 ty, disproportioned, entirely, to the ordinary 
 law of the advancement of population, to its 
 catastrophe, which was repletion. If none 
 were drained away, slaves became, excej)t 
 under peculiar circumstances of climate, and 
 production, inevitably and speedily redun- 
 dant, first to the occasions of profitable em- 
 ployment, and as a consequence, to the fac- 
 ulty of comfortable provision for tJiem. No 
 matter what the humanity of the owners, 
 fixed restriction on I heir resources must 
 transfer itself to the comfort, and then the 
 
 subsistence, of the slave. At this last stage, 
 the evil in this form had to stop. To this 
 stage (from the disproportioned rate of mul- 
 tiplication of the slaves — double that of the 
 owners in ihis country) it was obliged, 
 though at diflerent periods, in different cir- 
 cumstances, to come. When the stage had 
 been reached, what course or remedy re- 
 mained ? Was open butchery to be re- 
 sorted to, as among the Spartans with the 
 Helots ? Or general emancipation, and in- 
 corporation, as in South America ? Or aban- 
 donment of the country by the masters, as must 
 come to be the case in the West Indies r 
 Either of these was a deplorable catastro- 
 phe. (Jould all of them be avoided, and if 
 they could, how r There vi'as but one way, 
 but that might be made effectual, fortunate- 
 ly ! It was io provide and keep open a drain 
 for the excess of increase beyond the occa- 
 sions of jifofitahle employment. This might 
 be done eflectually by extension of the plan 
 of the Society. The drain was already 
 opened. All that was necessary would be, 
 to provide for the enlargement of the chan- 
 nel, as occasion might demand To this end, 
 aid was looked for, from the Government of 
 the United States. This would require, Mr. 
 Archer thought, an .nmendment to the Con- 
 stitution to authorize it, a resource of pre- 
 carious reliance. But the resources of the 
 States within which the evil was found, were 
 entirely adequate lo the object. The Legis- 
 latures of thirteen States, had committed 
 themselves in approval of the scheme of the 
 Society. To these we were authorized to 
 address ourselves. That was the object ol' 
 the resolution he had to submit. The Soci- 
 ety had done all that private association 
 could be expected, all that it could be bound 
 to do, in leading the way, and demonstra- 
 ting the feasibility (in this case the easy fea- 
 sibility) of the object. The residue must be 
 done, the outline be filled up, by public ca- 
 pacity. The Society had fulfilled, consumma- 
 ted, its proper and only requirable office — 
 had filled the measure ol' its duty and repu- 
 tion. It remained, now, for the State Legis- 
 latures to take up their part of the function, 
 and to redeem the pledge which so many of 
 lliem had given. To these he had now to 
 propose we should address ourselves, it 
 could not be, he hoped, without effect. 
 
The Virginifm History of Ajrican Colonization. 
 
 63 
 
 " Mr. A. l.ad been stating the 'case in the 
 supposition, that after the present class of 
 free blacks had been exhausted, by the ope- 
 ration of the plan he was reconiniendins', 
 others would bo supplied for its action, in 
 the proportion of the excess of coloured 
 population it would be necessary to throw 
 off, by the process of voluntary manumission 
 or sale. This effect must result inevitably 
 from the depreciating value of the slaves en- 
 suing their disproportionate muitiplication. 
 The depreciation would be relieved and re- 
 tarded at the same lime, by the process. 
 The two operations would aid reciprocally, 
 and sustain each other, and both be in the 
 highest degree beneficial. It was on the 
 ground of interest, therefore, 'the most indis- 
 putable pecuniary interest, that he addressed 
 himself to the people and Legislatures of the 
 slave-holding States. The great principles 
 of philanthropy involved, was indeed to them 
 as to the other quarters and Legislatures of 
 the Union — a powerful re-inforcing conside- 
 ration. But he put the case directly, to the 
 clear sense of interest, of this portion sus- 
 taining directly the pressure of the evil. 
 His (]\Ir. A's) plan was disembarrassment 
 by each State, of the portion of the evil 
 which belonged to it, first, as it existed, af- 
 terwards as it accrued, by the exertion of 
 the proper resources of the State, which he 
 maintained, would be adequate, if the com- 
 mencement of the process were no longer 
 delayed. The longer this was delayed, not 
 only did the mass to be wrought on, become 
 more ponderous by augmentation, but the 
 resources of operation more waning, from 
 declining productiveness of the property. 
 This then was the time to invoke the com- 
 mencement of state action. There was 
 another reason. Large and overwhelming 
 evils induce inertness and torpor in the pub- 
 lic mind, which it demands some signal in- 
 cident or catastrophe to awaken, and direct 
 to salutary action. This has been the case 
 in an especial manner, with the portentous 
 evil in question. A recent and most tragi- 
 cal catastrophe, of which his own State had 
 been the scene, had now put the public 
 mind wide awake, to the interest of this 
 great subject, in every quarter. The mo- 
 ment ought not surely to be lost. Men 
 could now say as they were wont, of the ev- 
 
 tremest peril and crisis of this evil, they 
 
 will not come in our day. 
 
 ''It was demonstrated by proof of fright- 
 ful validity that the peril impended, that the 
 crisis might come on any day. No ! he was 
 wrong ! It was not in the day that his form 
 of horrors ever disclosed itself. It came in 
 the night — disclosed itself in the midnight 
 glare of habitations in which every form of 
 outrage and butchery had previously been 
 wreaked, on every form of life and helpless- 
 ness, even to the sleep of the cradle. To 
 avert the remotest prospect of evil of this 
 character, what exertion ought to be omit- 
 ted ? What sacrifice or expenditure de- 
 clined ? None that gave even faint promise 
 of aid ! In this view, invoking on all exer- 
 tions in the cause, the blessing which 
 must rest on their motives, he proposed the 
 resolution which had been sent to the Chair." 
 
 Although the agitation of this delicate 
 subject was a perilous experiment, whose 
 immediate effect was painful, yet we do not 
 now deprecate it because it seems to us to 
 have been one of those critical processes 
 through which the Body-Politic must occa- 
 sionally pass in its restoration from a morbid 
 to a healthy condition. It had been a com- 
 mon sentiment in Virginia from the founda- 
 tion of the government, that Slavery was a 
 "moral, political, and social evil." The miiids 
 of our leading men, without distinction of 
 party in Politics or Religion, had been anx- 
 iously revolving schemes for its ultimate ex- 
 tinction. If Southern men had been left 
 alone with this subject, no human sagacity 
 can now tell to what conclusions they would 
 have come in process of time. 
 
 Under these circumstances Northern fa- 
 natics began to throw fire-brands amongst 
 us. These lighted the flames of insurrec- 
 tion, and the "panic" which ensued M^as felt 
 by the House of Delegates, which in the 
 language of the Richmond Inquirer, " broke 
 the seals which for fifty years had imposed 
 silence upon the most delicate subject of 
 State concernment." Statesmen in the halls 
 of Legislation, Politicians in the columns of 
 Newspapers and Philosophers in the acade- 
 mies of Science entered the lists, and the 
 pross teemed with orations, editorials and 
 
64 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 essays of all sizes from the fugitive sheet to 
 the ponderous pamphlet. 
 
 The Richmond Whig said that the debate 
 in the House of Delegates was marked by 
 an eloquence that would have illustrated the 
 classic days of Athens. The columns of 
 the Inquirer and of the Whig and other 
 newspapers were illuminated with brilliant 
 editorials and communications. Professor 
 Dew from his retirement at William and 
 Mary sent forth a pamphlet in justification of 
 Slavery marked by uncommon powers of 
 reasoning and great wealth of illustration. 
 The gifted Jessee B. Harrison of Lynchburg 
 responded, in the "American Quarterly," 
 with great eloquence of diction and in the 
 most calm and philosophical spirit of In- 
 quiry. 
 
 This " spirit of Inquiry" was every where 
 abioad busily inspecting the foundations of 
 Southern Society, and the result was a gene- 
 ral conviction that our peculiar institution 
 was a " Political, Social and Moral Ne- 
 cessity." 
 
 We do not think that any impartial person 
 can read these discussions, (now when the 
 heat and smoke of the contest has given 
 way to a serene atmosphere,) without seeing 
 that the Pro-Slavery advocates had the best 
 of the argument. The Emancipationists ut- 
 terly failed to bring forward any national 
 and practicable scheme of Abolition. 
 
 The result was a powerful reaction in the 
 public mind, which involved in some degree 
 of the odium attached to Abolition every 
 scheme touching the colored race, however 
 innocent it may have been. Consequently 
 the bill for colonizing the free negroes which 
 passed the House of Delegates by a decisive 
 vote, was lost by a few voices in the Senate- 
 
 The only practical effect of all this excite- 
 ment to be seen in the legislation of the ses- 
 sion was a bill for the suppression of seditious 
 writings and curtailing the privileges of the 
 colored population bond and free. 
 
 Let the misguided Abolitionisis hear that, 
 and learn a lesson of humility and practical 
 wisdom and humanity from the experiment. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Reaciio7i in public sentiment — Essay on Sla- 
 very by Professor Deio — Article in Ameri- 
 can Quarterly by Jesse B. Harrison. 
 
 The effect of the general discussion elici- 
 ted by the debate upon Abolition in the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, was a powerful reaction in 
 public opinion upon the subject of slavery. 
 The anti-slavery tide was arrested at it.-- 
 flood, and began rapidly to ebb. The docu- 
 ment which chiefly contributed to this result 
 was an Essay upon Slavery, by Professor 
 Dew of William and Mary College, in which 
 the whole subject was treated with profound 
 ability, and illustrated with great wealth of 
 learning. In this essay the folly of a gene- 
 ral emancipation without deportation and 
 the impracticability of deporting so large a 
 population were clearly demonstrated. 
 
 Soon after the publication of Professor 
 Dews pamphlet, an article of signal ability 
 appeared in the American Quarterly Eeview 
 based on the speech of Thomas Marshall of 
 Fauquier, designed to shew that slavery was 
 the essential hindrance to the prosperity of 
 the slave-holders, with particular reference 
 to Virginia. This article was M^-iiten by 
 Jessee Burton Harrison of Lynchburg. It 
 was reprinted in the form of a pamphlet and 
 generally circulated in Virginia. The ver- 
 dict of the people after deliberately looking 
 at both sides of the question as exhibited by 
 these eloquent advocates, was decidedly in 
 favor of the general principles maintained 
 by President Dew. This reaction in public 
 sentiment involved at first tbe cause of Col- 
 onization. The reason of this was that some 
 of the over-sanguine Colonizationists had 
 put forward the Colonization Society as com- 
 petent to effect in time the deportation of 
 the entire black population. Colonization 
 and Abolition had been thus confounded in 
 the public mind It ^uas against this aspect 
 of Colonization, that Professor Dew levelled 
 his tremendous batteries. As Professor Dev»' 
 interpreted the design of the Colonization 
 Society, his argument was unanswerable and 
 fatal. But in truth the picture of the soci- 
 ety which he had in view being painted by 
 over-ardent Colonizationists, was a mere car- 
 ricaturo. The Society declares in its fnnda- 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 65 
 
 mental law that its exclusive design is to re- 
 move from the United States, such free ne- 
 groes as will consent to go. When a master 
 acting spontaneously liberates a slave, he is 
 then a free negro and within the sphere of 
 our operations. Any views transcending 
 these limits are private opinions and should 
 never have been incorporated into any offi- 
 cial documents of the society. 
 
 If all the Colonization Societies and their 
 friends had kept this law, the cause would 
 have escaped the mountains of prejudice 
 which at times have well nigh crushed it. 
 
 When the smoke of the fierce conflict of 
 opinion passed away, and mens minds subsi- 
 ded into their wonted repose, the Coloniza- 
 tion Society of Virginia was seen under its 
 true colors and its real purposes rightly ap- 
 preciated. Accordingly it again approached 
 the General Assembly with a respectful me- 
 morial Vv^hich was referred to the Committee 
 on Finance. 
 
 On the 9th of February 1833, the Com- 
 mittee on Finance in the House of Delegates 
 made a Report concluding with the follow- 
 resolution : 
 
 Resolved as the opinion of this Committee, 
 That the several petitions, to wit : of the 
 auxiliary Colonization Society of Bucking- 
 ham, soliciting an appropriation of money to 
 aid the American Colonization Society in re- 
 moving free persons of color, and such slaves 
 as may be voluntarily emancipated, from this 
 State to Liberia ; of the American Society, 
 for coloniKing the free people of color of the 
 United States in Africa or elsewliere, setting 
 forth its objects, progress, and complaining 
 of the want of funds, to remove many ap- 
 plicants residmg in this State, and mooting 
 the consideration of the General Assembly ; 
 of sundry citizens of Norfolk county, asking 
 an appropriation of a liberal sum, annually, 
 in aid of the transportation of the free peo- 
 ple of color of Virginia to the land of their 
 ancestors ; four petitions of sundry inhabi- 
 tants of Fauquier, asking that an act may 
 pass, providing in whatsoever manner the 
 General Assembly may prescribe, the an- 
 nual appropriation of such sum in aid of col- 
 onizing the free people of color of this Com- 
 monwealth, as will comport with the magni- 
 tude of the subject and the re^^ourceL; of the 
 State ; of sundry citizens of the Borough of 
 
 Norfolk, praying a liberal annual appropria- 
 tion from theTreasur}^ in aid of the Society 
 for colonizing free persons of Color in Afri- 
 ca, be rejected. 
 
 The fifth resolution being under conside- 
 ration, a motion was made by Mr. Gilmer to 
 amend the same by striking therefrom the 
 words, " be rejected," and inserting in lieu 
 thereof the words, "is reasonable," where- 
 upon a motion was made by Mr. Lewis that 
 the farther consideration of the said resolu- 
 tion and proposed amendment, be indefinite 
 postponed ; and the question being put there- 
 upon, was determined in the negative. Ayes 
 57, noes 57. 
 
 Wed.vesday, Feb. 27th, 1833. 
 
 Extract from proceedings of H. of Delegates. 
 
 An engrossed bill making approprialiouii 
 for the removal of free persons of color, was 
 read a third time, whereupon a motion was 
 made by Mr. Sims, that the further conside- 
 ration of said bill be indefinitel}^ postponed, 
 and the question being put thereupon, was 
 determined in the negative. Ayes 41, noes 
 
 A blank therein was then filled ; and the 
 question being put upon its passage, was de- 
 termined in the affirmative. Ayes 72, noes 
 48. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Goode, (seven of the 
 members present concurring,) ordered, that 
 the Ayes and noes upon the said question be 
 inserted in the journal. The names of the 
 gentlemen who voted in the affirmative are : 
 Messrs. ililey, Colburn, Gilmer, Randolph, 
 Garland, Stuart of Augusta, McCue, Magne, 
 Preston, Faulkner, Henshaw, Miller, Wilson 
 of Botetourt, Campbell, Gholson, McComas, 
 Dickerson, Pendleton, Thornton, Broadnax, 
 Jones, Daniel, Marshall, Payne, Barton, Ear- 
 ly, Smith of Gloucester, Watkins of Gooch- 
 land, Alderson, Stewart of Greensville, 
 Vance, Roane of Hanover, Mullen, Goff, 
 Kincheloe, Mayo, Holleman, Gregory, Gal- 
 laher, Berry, Fry, Hooe, Carter of Richmond 
 and Lancaster, Heiskell, Hays, Beard, Har- 
 rison, Taylor, Poindexter, Roy, Alexander, 
 Charlton, Webb, Cabell, Collins, Dunton, 
 Harvey, Parriott, Leffler, Roberti,on, Hines, 
 Nash, Brown of Preston, McDowell, Moore. 
 
66 
 
 The Virginian Hidory of African Colonization. 
 
 McMuIlen, Griffin, Crump, McCoy, Stur- 
 inan, Myberj and Rutherfoord — 72. 
 
 Ajid the names of the gentlemen Vv'ho vo- 
 ted in the negative are, Messrs. Banks, 
 (Speaker,) Booker, Shell, Patteson of Buck- 
 ingham, Yancey, Bearing, Cheatham, Rich- 
 ardson, Patteson of Chesterfield, Wilson of 
 Cumberland, Ritchie, Stephenson of Fayette 
 and Nicholas, Helms, Hale, Woods, Bruce, 
 Sims, Sloane, Gravely, Harwood, Dabney, 
 Street, Shands, Boothe, McMahon, Cline, 
 Macfarlane, Bare, Newman, Thompson, Ste- 
 venson of Spotsylvania, Conway, Pegram, 
 George, McCulloh, Stanger, and Brown of 
 Petersburg — 48. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Gholson, (a member vo- 
 ting in the majority,) the fifth rule of this 
 house was suspended, for the purpose of re- 
 considering the vote just passing the said 
 bill ; and the question being put thereupon, 
 was determined in the afhrmative. 
 
 The said vote was then reconsidered ; and 
 Mr. Brown of Petersburg offered a clause by 
 way of a ryder to the said bill, which was 
 read the first and second times. 
 
 The same is as follows: '-Provided that 
 no payment shall be made by the said board, 
 under the provisions of this act, for the trans- 
 portation of any other than persons of color, 
 who are now free and born, and residing 
 within this Commonwealth, or their descen- 
 dants." 
 
 And the question being put upon engross- 
 ing the same and reading it the third time, 
 was determined in (he affirmative— Ayes S7, 
 noes 35. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Goode, (seven of the 
 members present concurring,) ordered, tliat 
 the ayes and noes upon the said question be 
 inserted in tlie journal. 
 
 The names of the gentlemen who voted 
 in the affirmative, are Messrs. Banks (Speak- 
 er,) Riley, Coleburn, Booker, Stuart of Au- 
 gusta, Miller, Gholson. Shell, Patterson of 
 Chesterfield, Pendleton, Thornton, Wilson 
 of Cumberland, Broadnux. Jones, Butcher, 
 Payne, Hale, Woods, Smith of Frederick, 
 Earle, Emmons, Smith of Gloucester, Wat- 
 kins of Goochland, Stewart of Greensville, 
 Bruce, Vines, Slonnr>, Roane of Hanover, 
 iMalloiy, (^ofi; Kincheloo, Mayo, Gravely,! 
 
 HoIIeman, Gregory, Gallaher, Harwood, 
 Hooe, Carter of Lancaster and Richmond, 
 Poindexter, Street, Roy, Smith of Mason and 
 Jackson, Goode, Willey, Alexander, Charl- 
 ton, Webb, Cabell, Murdaugh, Collins, Dun- 
 ton, Harvey, Liffler, Dale, Adams, Hiner, 
 Witcher, Swanson, Nash, Watkins of Prince 
 Edward, Shands, Boothe. McMahon, Cline, 
 McMullen, Bare, Newman, Thompson, Grif- 
 fin, Stephenron of Spotsylvania, Conway, 
 Crump, Pegram, McCoy, Sturman, Maybery, 
 Slanger, King, Brown of Petersburg and 
 Rutherfoord — 87. 
 
 And the names of the gentlemen who vo- 
 ted in the negative are Messrs. Gilmer, Ran- 
 dolph, Garland, McCue, Maysc, Preston, 
 Faulkner, Henshaw, Wilson of Botetourt, 
 Campbell, McComas, Daniel, Marshall, Ste- 
 phenson of Fayette and Nicholas, Helms, 
 Alderson, Vance, Berry, Fry, Heiskell, Hays, 
 Beard, Harrison, Taylor, Henry, Sherrard, 
 Parriott, Robertson, Cachley, Brown of Pres- 
 ton, McDowell, Moore, Macfarlane, George 
 and McCulloh— 35. 
 
 The question was then put upon passing 
 the said bill, witli the ryder, and was deter- 
 mined in the alfirmative — Ayes 68, noes 51. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Broaddax, (seven of the 
 member present concurring,) ordered that 
 the ayes and noes upon the said (juestion be 
 inserted in the journal. 
 
 The names of the gentlemen who voted in 
 the affirmative arc, Messrs. Banks, (speaker,) 
 Riley, Coleburn, Gilmer, Garland, McCue, 
 Mayse, Preston, Faulkner, Henshaw, Miller, 
 Wilson of Botetourt, Campbell, Gholson, 
 Shell, Pendleton, Thornton, Broadnax, Jones, 
 Marshall, Layne, Smith of Frederick, Earlc, 
 Smith of Gloucester, Watkins of Goochland, 
 McCamant, Alderson, Stewart of Greens- 
 ville, Roane of Hanover, Mullen, Gofi', 
 Kincheloe, Mayo, Holleman, Gregory, Gal- 
 laher, Berry, Fry, Hooe, Heiskell, Poindex- 
 ter, Roy, Alexander, Charlton, Webb, Cabell, 
 Murdaugh, Collins, Dunton, Harvey, Leffler, 
 Dade, Robertson, Hiner, Nash, Moore, Mc- 
 Mullen, Griffin, Stevenson of Spotsylvania, 
 Conway, Crump, Pegram, McCoy Sturman, 
 Maybeiy, King, Brown of Petersburg and 
 Riitherloord — 67. 
 
 And the names of gentlemen who votad in | 
 
The Virginian History of Jljricnn Colonization. 
 
 67 
 
 the negative are, Messrs. Randolph, Booker, 
 Patteson of Buckingham. Yancey, Dearing, 
 Cheatham, Ricliardson, Patteson of Cliester- 
 field, Wilson of Cumberland, Daniel, Ritch- 
 ie, Stephenson of Fayette and Nicholas. 
 Helms, Hale, Woods, Emmons, Bruce, Sims, 
 Vance, Sloane, Gravely, Hurwood, Hays, 
 Witcher, Swanson. Cackley, Brown of Pres- 
 ton, Beard, Harrison, Taylor, Street, Smith 
 of Mason and Jackson, Goode, Henry, Wil- 
 ly, Sherrard, Parrott, Adams, Watkins of P. 
 Edward, Shands, Boothe, McDowell, Mc- 
 Mahon, Cline, Macfarlane, Bare, Newman, 
 Thompson, George, McCuIloh and Slanger, 
 51. 
 
 Resolved, That the bill do pass, and that 
 the bill be an act making appropriations for 
 the removal of free persons of colour. 
 
 AN ACT 
 
 Making appropriations for the removal of free 
 
 persons of color. 
 
 (Passed March 4tli, 1833.) 
 
 1 . Be it Enacted by the General Assembly, 
 That the sum of eighteen thousand dollars 
 shall be, and the same is hereby appropriated, 
 to be paid annually, for the period of five 
 years, out of any money in the treasury, not 
 otherwise appropriated, for the purposes, and 
 in the manner herein after prescribed. 
 
 2. Be it further enacted, That the gover- 
 nor. Lieutenant Governor, first and second 
 Auditors, for the time being, shall be and 
 they are hereby constituted a board of com- 
 missioners, for the purpose of carrying into 
 eflject the provisions of this act, any two of 
 whom shall be a quorum for said purpose. 
 
 3. Whenever satisfactory proof shall be 
 produced to the said board of commission- 
 ers, that any number of free persons of cc)lor, 
 shall have been actually transported to the 
 colony of Liberia, or other place on the wes- 
 tern coast of Africa, or that they shall have 
 been embarked for transportation thither, 
 from within the limits of this commonwealth, 
 by the American Colonization Society, it 
 shall be lawful, and the said board of com- 
 missioners are hereby required to issue their 
 warrant on the treasury of this common- 
 wealth, for such sum or sums of money, as 
 may be necessary to defray tlie costs of trans- 
 povtin.fT and subsi^iting such free persons of 
 
 color for a limited time, on the said coast of 
 Africa, payable to the authorized and accred- 
 ited agent or agents of the said American 
 Colonization Society : Provided, that the sum 
 or sums which may, t>om time to time, be 
 thus expended, shall, in no one year, exceed 
 the amount hereby appropriated for such 
 year, and that the free persons of color who 
 may be removed, under the provisions of this 
 act, shall be selected from the diflereut coun- 
 ties and corporations of this commonwealth, 
 in proportion to the amount of revenue paid 
 into the public treasury by such county or 
 corporation, if such iree persons of color 
 can be found in such county or corporation, 
 willing to emigrate; but if the whole suna of 
 money hereby appropriated to each county 
 and corporation, shall not be annually applied 
 to the removal of such free persons of color 
 therein, because of their unwillingness to 
 emigrate therefrom, then the balance thereof 
 may be equitably applied, by the said board 
 of commissioners, to the removal of free per- 
 sons of color from other counties and cor- 
 porations : And provided further, that not 
 more than the sum of thirty dollars, shall be 
 allowed by said board of commissioners for 
 the transportation and subsistence as afore- 
 said, of any free persons of color, above the 
 age of ten years, and not more than the sum 
 of twenty dollars, for the transportation and 
 subsistence of any free person of color under 
 the said age of ten years. And the said 
 board of commissioners are hereby required 
 to keep an e.\act account of all moneys dis- 
 bursed under the authority of this act, and 
 to make an annual report thereof to the next 
 General Assembly, showing the ages and sex 
 of such free persons of color as may be trans- 
 ported from this commonwealth, and the 
 counties, cities or boroughs l>om which they 
 may have been respectively removed ; to- 
 gether with such other facts and suggestions 
 as they may rleem interesting or proper: 
 Provided, that no payment shall be made by 
 the said board under the provisions of this 
 act, for the transi)ortation of any other than 
 persons of color who are now free, and born 
 and residing i.i this commonwealth, or their 
 descendants. 
 
 4. This act shall be in force from and af- 
 ter the passage thereof. 
 
68 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 The passage of this act revived the hopes 
 of the friends of Colonization. The State 
 Societ}^ appointed a committee consisting of 
 R. G. Scott and others, to prepare and circu- 
 late an address with the view of stirring up 
 the County Auxiliaries, and calling the at- 
 tention of Ministers of the Gospel to the 
 taking up collections on the 4th of July to 
 relieve the embarrassments of the Society at 
 Washington. The Bockbridge society cele- 
 brated its seventh anniversary on the 4th of 
 July, and expressed its regret that the bene- 
 fits of the appropriation should have been 
 limited to negroes who were free at the time 
 of the passage of the act. The Wheeling 
 society expressed alike regret and suggested 
 a modification of the Act of Assembly, so 
 as to allow the appropriation to be applied to 
 the removal of all free colored people with- 
 out regard to the time of their emancipation. 
 The Albemarle society said we are invited 
 to lend our aid by the necessity of co-opera- 
 ting with our State Legislature in carrying 
 out the purposes of this liberal appropriation 
 of last session. 
 
 At the anniversary of the Bedford society, 
 on the 21st of July, sixty members were re- 
 ported with cheering prospects of a large ac- 
 cession. In the same month a new society 
 was formed in Mecklenburg, after an address 
 by A. W. Venable. Like movements were 
 made in other counties, but we do not hap- 
 pen to have a minute of their proceedings. 
 
 All the indications now promised that Col- 
 onization would soon become the established 
 policy of the State. The society had recov- 
 ered from the shock of the events of 1831-32. 
 Up to that time there had been a progression 
 in the emigration from Virginia to Liberia, 
 until the number of emigrants reached to 
 293 in one year. Under the influence of 
 those events the number ran down to 59 in 
 1833 and to one in 1835. There having 
 been a rise in 1834 by the liberation of 100 
 negroes by a gentleman of Virginia. The 
 renewed impulse given to the cause in 1833, 
 would probably soon have rolled the tide of 
 emigration, had not the Abolitionists again 
 disturbed the peace of the country by their 
 insane ravings. The Richmond Whig com- 
 menting upon the wild sheme of immediate 
 emancipation, and the renewed attempts of 
 the Abolitionists to excite hostility against 
 
 the Colonization Society, thus refers to the 
 state of public sentiment in 1833. " Ano- 
 ther revolution of public sentiment almost as 
 remarkable and much more intelligible has 
 occurred in the South in respect to African 
 Colonization. Its original opponents in that 
 quarter of the Union have generally ground- 
 ed their arms. Their opposition has been 
 subdued by reason and experience. They 
 have seen success crown the undertaking. 
 They behold the great good it is effecting to 
 both races, and they have been convinced 
 and converted. It is for that reason the 
 fanatics have thrown themselves against it. 
 In expended progressive and permanent ben- 
 efit to the human race, we believe it the 
 master scheme of this or any other age." 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The sayings and doings of the Abolitionists. 
 Their furious war against the Colonization 
 Society. Garrison, Wilheiforce, Daniel, 
 0' Connell, John Tyler, H. G. Otis. 
 " Who that has the heart of a christian, of 
 a patriot, or even of a man, must not depre- 
 cate any movements that threaten the public 
 peace, and endanger that Union, which is our 
 strength, our happiness, and our glory. Pro- 
 cul, oh procul este profani, would we exclaim 
 to those rash men who in the delirium of im- 
 agined philanthropy, would kindle or fan a 
 flame that would leave them (should heaven 
 ever again shed light upon their minds) only 
 to weep over the fragments and ashes of this 
 grand and holy temple of Liberty. 
 
 Rev. II. Randolph Gurley in 1833. 
 
 In the year 1832, at the very time that 
 some Southern men were charging the Colo- 
 nization Society with being an Abolition So- 
 ciety in disguise, William L. Garrison, the 
 champion of the Abolitionists, published an 
 elaborate indictment of the Colonization So- 
 ciety, containing the following counts, viz : 
 " The Colonization Society is the friend of 
 the slaveholder and the apologist for slavery ; 
 it is the enemy of immediate emancipation ; 
 it traduces the free colored people and would 
 prevent their elevation in this country ; it 
 seeks to exile them from their native land ; 
 it rivets the chains of the slave and quiets 
 the conscience of the slaveholders. These 
 and other like propositions are argued at 
 
The Virginian Hisiory of African Colonization. 
 
 6^ 
 
 length and the official documents of the So- 
 ciety and the speeches of its advocates are 
 cited in proof of them. 
 
 Garrison not content with waging a fero- 
 cious warfare against the society in America, 
 followed Mr. Cresson to England for the sake 
 of counteracting the influence of that gentle- 
 man, who had commended the cause of Af- 
 rican Colonization to the judgments and sym- 
 pathies of the leading British philanthropists. 
 In consequence of his misrepresentations, 
 Wilberforce, Daniel, O'Connel and others, 
 published what they were pleased to call a 
 " Protest against the American Colonization 
 Society." In this impertinent document 
 they object to the society upon the grounds 
 that " It fosters and increases the spirit of 
 caste already too predominant ; widens the 
 breach between the two races — exposes the 
 free colored people to practical persecution 
 and finally it is calculated to swallow up or 
 divert that feeling, as a christian nation and 
 a free country we cannot but entertain that 
 Slavery is incompatible with law the of God 
 and the well-being of man. On these grounds 
 therefore they say, while we acknowledge 
 ihe Colony of Liberia to be in itself a good 
 thing, we utterly repudiate the principles of 
 the American Colonization Society, which 
 in our judgment is not deserving of the coun- 
 tenance of the British public. 
 
 Signed, 
 
 William Wilberforce, Svffield. 
 
 Daniel 0' Connell. S. Lushington, M. P. 
 
 Tho. F. Buxton. Wm. Evans, M. P. 
 
 Sam. Gurney. James Cropper. 
 
 Geo. Stephen. William Allen. 
 
 This precious document was paraded with 
 great effect in the North and was perhaps an 
 encouragement to the mission of that au- 
 dacious emissary of British Abolitionists 
 (Thompson) Avho dishonored his country and 
 disgraced himself by calumniating Southern 
 slaveholders to Northern Abolitionists. 
 
 The Colonization Society has been pursu- 
 ed by the Abolitionists with the most relent- 
 less hostility. 
 
 It is a favorite theme of denunciation and 
 misrepresentation in their newspapers and at 
 their anniversaries. Their wrath never seems 
 to wax so hot as when a Colonizationist is 
 the object of it. 
 
 In a tract issued by the American Anti- 
 
 Slavery Society, now lying before us, it is 
 objected to the Colonization Society that " it 
 had its birth in Virginia and was founded by 
 slaveholders ; that its first President was 
 Judge Washington of Virginia, that its first 
 seventeen Vice-Presidents were from the 
 South ; that its managers were owners of 
 slaves ; that John Randolph spoke at its for- 
 mation and said that ' it tended to secure the 
 property of the master in the slave ;' that 
 Mr. Clay said, ' I am a slaveholder and con- 
 sider that property as inviolable as any other 
 property ;' that Wm. S. Archer said ' the 
 Society involves no intrusion on property, 
 nor even on prejudice ;' that Henry A. Wise 
 said ' the great original principle on which it 
 is founded is friendship to the slaveholder;' 
 that the Managers say ' we are restrained by 
 the terms of our association from making 
 emancipation our object ;' that the rights of 
 masters are secure in our eyes ;' that it 
 would be as humane to throw negroes over- 
 board as to free them in this country ; that 
 Judge Washington told his slaves that they 
 need not expect emancipation and soon after 
 sold fifty-four of them in New Orleans; that 
 the second President, Charles Carrol of Car- 
 rolton held through life and bequeathed at 
 his death a thousand slaves ; that Mr. Madi- 
 son another President left one hundred slaves 
 to his heirs ; that Mr. Clay directed that his 
 slaves should be held in bonds for twenty- 
 five years after his death and then be sent 
 to Liberia ; that Colonization retards eman- 
 cipation because the removal of the free 
 blacks enhances the value of the slaves ; and 
 finally that the enemies of slavery are the 
 enemies of the Colonization Society." 
 
 It would be easy to fill a volume with the 
 railings of the Abolitionists against the Col- 
 onization Society. 
 
 But these fanatical crusaders were not con- 
 tent with making war upon the Colonization 
 Society. Their hatred extended to the Con- 
 stitution and the Union which opposed in- 
 vincible barriers to the consummation of their 
 treasonable projects. Their presses teemed 
 with every form of incendiary literature, 
 from the little primer in which children were 
 taught that A. B. stood for abolition, to the 
 ponderous volume in which the Bible and 
 he constitution were expounded by iho 
 " new philosophy." 
 
70 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 In July 1835 the American Anti- Slavery 
 Society issued 175,000 copies of newspapers 
 and pamphlets, some of which were illustra- 
 ted with hideous carricatures of Southern 
 jnen, women and children, brandishing whips 
 and other instruments of torture over crouch- 
 ing slaves, and exulting in the sufferings of 
 their helpless victims. The United States 
 mail was the medium through which these 
 seeds of insurrection were sown broadcast 
 over the Southern States. The result was 
 an intense excitement among Southern peo- 
 ple. Meetings were called and measures 
 adopted suitable to the crisis in Richmond, 
 Norfolk, Fredericksburg, Lynchburg, and in 
 the counties of Fluvanna, Augusta and Glou- 
 cester, &c. At the Gloucester meeting John 
 Tyler, then a senator in congress, made a 
 powerful speech. Insurrectionary papers 
 whenever found were searched and burned. 
 Retaliatory measures were devised ; privi- 
 leges hitherto allowed to slaves were with- 
 drawn, and a more rigorous policy adopted. 
 The Richmond Compiler, of the 2nd of Au- 
 gust, 1835, said " the Abolitionists have 
 proved the worst enemies of the colored 
 race by their ill-judged interference." 
 
 The more conservative and patriotic people 
 of the North, disgusted with these revolu- 
 tionary proceedings of their fellow citizens, 
 assembled in public meeting and assured the 
 South of their sympathy and support. Con- 
 spicuous among them was the venerable Har- 
 rison Gray Otis of Boston, who came forth 
 from his retirement and in accents tremblinsr 
 with age, made a speech in Faneuil Hall 
 which covered him with glory. With the 
 most luminous reasoning he demonstrated 
 the revolutionary character of the Anti-Sla- 
 very proceedings, and lifted up his voice in 
 tones of such earnest remonstrance and made 
 such a patriotic and pathetic plea for the 
 Constitution and the Union, as must have 
 made a profound impression upon his hear- 
 ers. In concluding he said, " I witnessed 
 the adoption of the Constitution and through 
 a long series of years have been accustomed 
 to rely upon an adherence to it as the foun- 
 dation of all my hopes for posterity. It is 
 threatened, I think, with the most portentous 
 danger that has yet arisen : I pray it may be 
 dissipated — that the thirteen stripes may not 
 be merged in too dismal stains of black and 
 
 red, and that my grave may close over me, be- 
 fore Union descends into her's."' Among the 
 the persons who contributed to exposethe per- 
 nicious doctrines of the Garrison School, the 
 name of the Rev. Joseph Tracy, the present 
 efficient Agent of the Massachusetts Coloni- 
 zation Society should not be omitted. There 
 was danger at one time that a large and in- 
 fluential body of christians, in New England, 
 would be swept away from their moorings in ' 
 the Bible by the desolating tide of fanati- \ 
 cism. Mr. Tracy manfully stemmed the 
 tide, and helped to bring out into broad day 
 before the churches the dreadful fact that 
 the logical consequence of the anti-slavery 
 doctrine was the most frightful anarchy. The 
 party, however, soon split into factions and 
 began, in Mr. Tracy's phrase, " to say against 
 each other all that need be said." While 
 all this excitement was raging, the Coloni- 
 zation Society of Virginia was quietly pursu- 
 ing the even tenor of its way. Not a year 
 elapsed without some emigration from this 
 State to Liberia, although the number as we 
 have seen, was reduced from 292 in 1831 to ] 
 one in 1835. The contributions in money 
 were only $2,000 in 1834, and $3,000 in 
 1835, rising gradually in amount as the ex- 
 citement subdued, until in 1836 it reached 
 nearly $8,000. The Lynchburg Society 
 said truly in its report, " the greatest cause 
 which weakens the claims of Colonization, 
 is the infatuated and misguided efforts of 
 that portion of American citizens styling 
 themselves Abolitionists." 
 
 The conservative ground taken by the 
 Colonization Society during these troublous 
 times is well illustrated by the following 
 resolutions passed at its annual meetings in 
 1834 and 1835. 
 
 On the 20th of January, 1834, the follow- 
 ing resolution, moved by Mr. Maxwell, was 
 passed, " while wo regard the attempts of 
 certain Anti-slavery Societies [at the north 
 to propagate their false and fanatical princi- 
 ples within the limits of our Southern States, 
 as dangerous and pernicious in the highest 
 degree, we shall cordially v/eTcome the co- 
 operation of the people of all parts of the 
 Union in prosecuting the great enterprise of 
 African Colonization, which honestly and 
 fairly pursuing its single object, the removal 
 of all free people of color to Africa, operates 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 71 
 
 at the same time ii.cidentally to encourage 
 the emancipation of slaves, by furnishing 
 facilities for transporting them to the colony 
 of Liberia. 
 
 On the 7th of January, 1835, on motion 
 of Edward Colston, of Berkeley, it was re- 
 solved, that it is not true, as has been falsely 
 and injuriously asserted by some objectors, 
 that the movement of our Society is either 
 designed or at all likely to interfere in any 
 manner whatever with the rights of masters 
 over their slaves as established by law, but 
 on the contrary, it must rather tend to make 
 them more secure, while it shall be deemed 
 expedient to retain them, and at the same 
 time more dispose able for any purpose of 
 benevolence to which they may be applied. 
 
 In this connection we may appropriately 
 notice the withdrawal of Gerrit Smith from 
 the Colonization Society and the reasons as- 
 signed by him for this step. 
 
 "The Colonization Society has been and is 
 now far more interested in the question of 
 slavery than in the work of Colonization — 
 in demolishing the Anti- Slavery Society than 
 in bnilding up its Colony." 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Rev. Mr. McKen7ii/s agency ; Young Men's 
 Colonization Society, Richmond, and Anti- 
 Abolition resolutions of Colonization So- 
 ciety of Virginia. Death of Chief Justice 
 Marshall ; Resolutions of the Board of Man- 
 agers on the occasion ; Mr. Macfar land's 
 resolution and Mr. Atkinson' s eulogy of 
 Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Mar shall, Fitz- 
 hugh, Brodnax. Election of Officers for 
 1836. 
 
 Several facts were inadvertently omitted 
 under their proper dates, which may be ap- 
 propriately introduced at this stage of our 
 narrative. In the year 1832 a society was 
 formed in Richmond by the young men under 
 the auspices of Gustavus A. Myers, R. T. 
 Daniel, J. B. Macm.urdo and B. F. Watson. 
 It was called the Junior Colonization So- 
 ciety. We have no record of its operations, 
 except the fact that it issued an address to 
 the young men of the State, inviting them to 
 organize for a like purpose. 
 
 In August of the same year, the Rev. W. 
 McKenny of the Methodist church was ap- 
 
 pointed Agent of this Society, which he ser- 
 ved several years wath zeal and efhciency. 
 Soon after his appointment he prepared a 
 paper shewing the rise, progress and neces- 
 ity of African Colonization, with an appeal 
 in favor of the cause. One thousand copies 
 of this document were printed by order of 
 the Board. We regret that we have not suc- 
 ceeded in finding a copy of it as it might fur- 
 nish materials for the illustration of our sub- 
 ject. 
 
 In April 1835, a meeting of the citizens of 
 Richmond, friendly to the cause of Coloni- 
 zation was held for the purpose of devising 
 measures for carrying into effect resolutions 
 of the Society at Washington to raise $100,- 
 000. It was recommended to the Board of 
 Managers of the Colonization Society of 
 Viro-inia, to endeavor to raise $10,000 of this 
 sum, to be applied to the establishment of a 
 new settlement in Africa, to be called New 
 Viro-inia, and commending to the confidence 
 of our citizens Col. Hall an Agent of the 
 American Colonization Society in this State. 
 The Board, on the 8th of April, acceded 
 to the proposition and commended Col. Hall 
 as a person who from long experience and 
 intimate knowledge of his native State, would 
 be able to present the claims of the Society 
 in their proper aspect. At the same time 
 the Board passed the following resolution. 
 
 The opposition of the Abolition Societies 
 in the Northern States to African Coloniza- 
 tion, ought of itself to convince the peojjle 
 of the slave-holding States that Colonization 
 as patronised by this Society, is entirely dis- 
 connected with any project of immediate or 
 prospective emancipation. 
 
 This was the last occasion on which Chief 
 Justice Marshall presided. 
 
 At the next meeting of the Board of Man- 
 agers on the 28th of October, 1835, we find 
 on record the following resolution, viz : 
 
 Resolved, uiianimously. That the members 
 of this Board do cherish with affection and 
 respect the m.emoryof the late Chief Justice 
 Marshall, as Avell for the many virtues tiiat 
 adorned his character, as for the countenance 
 and support uniformly given by him to this 
 Society. 
 
 At the next annual meeting of the Socie- 
 ty, which was held in the Capitol on the 8th 
 
72 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 of January, 1836, the following resolution 
 was passed on motion of Wm. H. Macfar- 
 land, viz : 
 
 Resolved, That this Society in common 
 with the whole country, most deeply deplore 
 the death of John Marshall, her late illus- 
 trious President, her wise Counsellor and 
 beneficent Patron. 
 
 We regret that we have not a copy of the 
 remarks with which Mr. McFarland accom- 
 panied this resolution. This regret is deep- 
 ened by an allusion to those remarks in an 
 eloquent address delivered by the Rev, Wil- 
 liam Atkinson in illustrating the proposition 
 that the scheme of African Colonization was 
 supported by our most illustrious statesmen; 
 men as well qualified as any of their fellow- 
 citizens, to judge of the true interests of 
 Virginia, and whom malice had never char- 
 ged with disloyalty to their native State — 
 added, " of the living, sir, it might be invid- 
 ious to speak ; but I dare not sir, on such an 
 occasion, omit to name the Nestor of his 
 country — that illustrious man who while his 
 grateful heart contemplates the expanding 
 glories of his native land, is saddened by the 
 recollection that of the sages who laid the 
 foundation of her greatness, he alone re- 
 mains. It can be no disparagement of other 
 men to name the chief of living statesmen, 
 the President of the American Colonization 
 Society, James Madison. Of our own late 
 President (John Marshall) it would be unne- 
 cessary as it would be presumptuous for me 
 to say much, after the beautiful and touching 
 tribute wliich has been just paid to his mem- 
 ory by my friend who immediately preceded 
 me, (Mr. IMacfarlaud.) But, sir, I recollect 
 that he fell not alone. Almost at the same 
 moment that Virginia and this Society were 
 deprived of the illustrious Marshall, they 
 were called to mourn the untimely death of 
 one (Thomas Marshall) who with his name 
 and blood possessed also his moral excel- 
 lence ; a man who twelve months ago was 
 one of the lights and ornaments of this hall; 
 in a most trying station manifesting tiie most 
 honorable impartiality ; always respected, 
 always confided in, always loved ; when I 
 think of the almost simultaneous deaths of 
 these distinguished men, mv heart instinc- 
 
 tively takes up the lament of the sweet sing- 
 er of Israel over another father and another 
 son slain together on the mountains of Gib- 
 boa, ' How are the mighty fallen ; they were 
 lovely and pleasant in their lives and in their 
 death they were not divided.' When the 
 Colonization Society was established, Mr. 
 Jefferson had retired from public life. He 
 took no active part in any enterprise of a 
 public nature, except that noble institution 
 I which he left behind him as a monument 
 more durable than brass. But his correspon- 
 [ dence exhibits him as deeply imbued with 
 Colonization principles, and I am justified in 
 placing him in the same bright roll with 
 Madison and Marshall. To these must be 
 added another name venerable for wisdom, 
 virtue and patriotism — the name of one who 
 was twice the chief magistrate of Virginia, 
 and twice the chief magistrate of the Utiited 
 States. His early correspondence with Jef- 
 ferson, had impressed our principles deeply 
 on the understanding and heart of James 
 Monroe. He became President of the Uni- 
 ted States at the beginning of our operations. 
 All the aid which it was practicable for him 
 to give consistently with his Virginia princi- 
 ples of Constitutional construction, was cheer- 
 fully afforded during his whole term, and 
 though not the founder of the Society, it may 
 be truly said that but for him Liberia would 
 not have existed. Wm. H. Crawford and 
 Henry Clay, natives of our State, ceased to 
 be Virginians by residence, but they always 
 continued Southern men, and they were 
 among the most able supporters of the Colo- 
 nization cause. Among those of our states- 
 men who devoted their talents to the service 
 of Virginia, but never filled stations under 
 the Federal Government, have been many 
 who though less known to fame tlian their 
 compeers, have richly merited ail the honor 
 due to high talent, pure patriotism and ster- 
 ling moral principle. Among these our ^^- 
 ciety has found efficient friends. I diue nul 
 pass unnoticed Blackburn, the orator of the 
 Alleghany, whose wit has so often shaken 
 the gravity of this hall, while his pathetic 
 eloquence has moved the inmost soul of his 
 hearers. And how can I forget Fitzhugh, 
 who take him for all iu all approaches as 
 
The Virginiari History of Jlfrican Colonization. 
 
 73 
 
 nearly as any man who ever lived, the beau- j the purity and virtues of private life. With 
 ideal of a Virginia gentleman. Especially a character thus adorned, and a long life de- 
 
 should I be faithless to justice and to friend- 
 ship, if I should omit in this catalogue the 
 name of one who from my earl}' childhood 
 was the friend of my bosom, and for many 
 years my brother beloved in Christ, the name 
 of him who four years ago was the foremost 
 in pressing upon our Assembly the cause of 
 Colonization as the only safe policy for Vir- 
 ginia, the name of Brodnax, who by a mys- 
 terious dispensation of Providence was cut 
 down in the midst of his years and of his 
 usefulness, (too soon as to our bleeding hearts 
 it seemed) for his family, his friends, his 
 country, too soon for this Society, too soon 
 for the church of God, too soon for all but 
 himself. He was spared till those around 
 saw that through the influence of the Holy 
 Spirit he had become ripe for Herven, and 
 then amid the triumphs of faith and hope, 
 his emancipated spirit seemed rather like the 
 ancient Prophet to be borne to Heaven in a 
 chariot of fire than to suffer the common 
 doom of our fallen nature." 
 
 The sensibilities of the nation were pain- 
 fully excited in May 1836, by intelligence 
 that James Madison was ill. On the 27th 
 of June he dictated a letter to Professor 
 George Tucker. The letter was signed and 
 franked by himself. On the folio v,'ing day 
 he died as if in a gentle slumber. Mr. Mad- 
 ison was a strenuous and active friend of the 
 Colonization Society. We subjoin the pro- 
 ceedings of the American Colonization So- 
 ciety on the occasion of his death. 
 
 The following preamble and resolutions 
 were unanimously adopted: 
 
 Amongst the illustrious men to whom, un- 
 der Divine Providence, the people of this 
 great and prosperous Republic are indebted 
 lax their national existence, and for all the 
 blessings of a wise, free, and happy form of 
 government, not a name deserves to be held 
 in more grateful remembrance than that of 
 James Madison. To virtues which would 
 have honoured the brightest character of 
 Rome, he added the graces of tiie (Christian, 
 and combined at once and in the highest de- 
 gree the best attributes of the patriot with 
 
 10 
 
 voted to the service of country, he has at 
 length gone to receive the reward of both. 
 He has descended to the tomb full of years 
 and full of honors, and amidst the universal 
 regrets of his countrymen. Blessed indeed 
 is the memory of that man whose name a 
 whole people rise up with one heart and one 
 accord to honor. Participating as this Board 
 sincerely does, in the sorrow of their fellow- 
 citizens for a common loss, the mombers of 
 the American Colonization Society are call- 
 ed upon in an especial manner to mourn an 
 event which has deprived them of the Pre- 
 sident and honored head of their Institution, 
 his warm and constant attachment to which 
 was in consonance with the wisdom and phi- 
 lanthropy which distinguished him through 
 life. In testimony therefore of the profound 
 veneration and grateful respect in which his 
 memory is held by this Board, 
 
 Resolved, That the members of this Board 
 have heard with the deepest regret of the 
 decease pf their venerated fellow-citizen, 
 James Madison, late President of the United 
 States, and President of the American Colo- 
 nization Society. 
 
 Resolved, That the members of this Board 
 will wear the usual badge of mourning on the 
 loft arm for one month. 
 
 Resolved, That the next settlement which 
 shall be established in the Colony of Liberia 
 bear the name of Madison. 
 
 Resolved, That there be procured a bust or 
 portrait of the deceased, to be placed in the 
 office of the Board of Managers. 
 
 Resolved, That the President of the Board 
 transmit a copy of these resolutions to the 
 respected widow of the deceased sage, with 
 the assurances of the sincere condolence of 
 this Board in her great and irreparable loss. 
 JAMES LAURIE, 
 President of the Board of Managers. 
 A true copy from the minutes : 
 
 P. R. Fendall, Recorder. 
 
 Subjoined are the letters of the President 
 of the Board of Managers, communicating 
 the foregoing Resolutions to Mrs. Madison, 
 and her answer : 
 
47 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 Washington, July 21, 1836. 
 
 Mada?n : — The Resolutions which I have 
 ~* the honor to enclose, were passed unanimous- 
 ly by the Board of Managers of the Ameri- 
 can Colonization Societj^, of which the emi- 
 nent Patriot and Statesman, whose decease 
 led to their adoption, was the venerated Pres- 
 ident. On that Institution his exalted worth 
 shed a hallowed and benign influence, and 
 long and affectionately will his memory be 
 cherished by those who were encouraged by 
 his opinions and aided by his liberality in a 
 season of no ordinary difficulty and trial. 
 And it is animating to know that his rea-ard 
 for the society and his confidence in those 
 by whom its affairs have been conducted re- 
 mained unshaken to the very close of his 
 honourable and distinguished career — and 
 were so unequivocally expressed by him in 
 his will. 
 
 By this bereavement we have lost a tried 
 and imwavering friend. The loss we deeply 
 deplore. And what citizen of this great Re- 
 public, which he did so much to elevate, de- 
 plores it not? But that loss, madam, which 
 we so poignantly feel, must be felt with an 
 intensity of which we can form no adequate 
 conception by you — ijoti who were his com- 
 panion in the journey of life — yoze who shar- 
 ed so richly in the exercise of his social and 
 domestic virtues, — his partner in sorrow and 
 in joy. 
 
 The Resolutions enclosed evince the high 
 estimation in which the late lamented Presi- 
 dent of the American Colonization Society 
 was held by the Board of Managers of that 
 Institution ; and I have been directed to con- 
 vey to you the expression of our sympathy 
 and condolence on this melancholy occasion. 
 I feel myself honored in being the organ 
 of this communication : and embrace the 
 opportunity of expressing individually, my 
 sorrow for the heavy stroke, which in the 
 course of Divine Providence has fallen upon 
 you. May he by whom that stroke has been 
 inflicted, support you under it ! And at 
 length (may the day be distant !) when 3'ou 
 too shall be summoned hence, may it be to 
 
 the enjoyment of imperishable glory through 
 Jesus Christ our Lord! — 
 
 I have the honor to be, madam, &c. 
 JAMES LAURIE, 
 
 President Board of Managers Am. Col. Societij. 
 Mrs. Dolly P. Madison. 
 
 Vour first communication, my kind friend, 
 was duly received containing " an extract 
 from the Journal of the Board of INIanagers 
 of the American Colonization Society," of 
 which you are President, accompanied by 
 your impressive and excellent letter. But 
 finding my incapacity to answer notices from 
 Societies whose consideration and regard for 
 my lamented husband had induced them to 
 favor me with copies of their proceedings as 
 well as manifestations of their sympathy, I 
 had omitted my acknowledgments to you ; 
 which I now regret, as it appears from your 
 last letter that some anxiety rested upon 
 your mind on the subject of delay. This I 
 hope you will permit me to remove, by an 
 assurance of the deep sensibility with which 
 I perused the Rsolutions of a Society, so 
 highly estimated by him, for its wisdom and 
 its ])]iilanthropy. 
 
 Yours with great respect, 
 
 D. P. MADISON. 
 The Rev. Dr. Laurie. 
 
 Monfpelier, ^^vgusi il, 1836. 
 
 The following persons were elected offi- 
 cers of the Society for the year 1836, viz : 
 
 John Tyler, President. 
 
 James Aladison, James Pleasants, William 
 Maxwell, H. G. W^inston, Abel P. Upshur, 
 John H. Cocke, Edward Colston, Judge 
 Summers, S. S. Baxter, C. F. Mercer and 
 James M. Garnett, Vice-Presidents. 
 
 Joseph Mayo, Corresponding Secretary. 
 
 David I. Burr, Recording Secretai-y. 
 
 Benjamin Brand, Treasurer. 
 
 James E. Heath, John Hampden Pleasants, 
 Wm. H. Fitzwhylson, N. Mills, F. James, 
 H. A. Claiborne, H. Neilson, J. C. Crane, 
 Wm. H. Macfarland, James Gray, Gustavus 
 A. Myers, Managers. 
 
 Messrs. Macfarland, Claiborne, Burr and 
 James were appointed a committee to pre- 
 pare an address to the people of the State 
 upon the principles and purposes of the Col- 
 onization Society of Virginia. 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 75 
 
 Messrs. Myers and Pleasants were appoin- 
 ted to take charge of a memorial of the Ame- 
 rican Colonization Society, asking modifica- 
 tion of the act of March 1833 — said memo- 
 rial being by the late President, Judge Mar- 
 shall. 
 
 The Rev Charles W. Andrews was ap 
 pointed Agent of this Society. 
 
 On the 7th of April, a meeting was held 
 in the 2nd Presbyterian Church at Richmond, 
 and addresses were made by the Rev. Ch. 
 W. Andrews, the Rev. Mr. Jeter, the Rev. 
 Dr. Plummer and the Rev. Mr. Wood. On 
 motion of Mr. Andrews, the following reso- 
 lutions were adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That we regard the claims of 
 Africa to the sympathies of American Chris- 
 tians as among the most affecting claims ur- 
 ged by the Heathen world. 
 
 2. That we hear with peculiar satisfaction 
 the opening furnished in the good Providence 
 of God for meeting these claims, through the 
 enterprise of colonizing such of our free peo- 
 ple of color as may be disposed to emigrate. 
 
 3. That to all human appearance the best 
 interests of religion and humanity would be 
 promoted by the active prosecution of this 
 benevolent object. 
 
 4. That when this Society in all its ope- 
 rations is injurious to none, it is especially 
 beneficial to the South. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Petition to the Legislature ; Report of Select 
 Committee of Jan. 30, 1837; Extract from 
 Fredericksburg Arena ; Jlnnual Meeting of 
 1837 ; Extract from Report ; Speeches of 
 Alessrs. Marshall, Randolph, Anderson, 
 Smith and Maxwell. 
 
 The Colonization Society of Virginia peti- 
 tioned tlie Legislature of that State at its 
 present session lor a ciiaiter. The petition, 
 together with others on the subject of Afri- 
 can Colonization, was referred to a Select 
 Committee of the House of Delegates. 
 
 On the 30lh of January, Mr. Watkins, from 
 the Select Committee on the subject of Afri- 
 can Colonization, made the following report : 
 The committee to whom was referred the 
 petition of the Board of Managers of the 
 
 Colonization Society of Virginia, together 
 with a petition of divers citizens of Frede- 
 ricksburg, on the same subject, have had the 
 said petitions under their consideration, and 
 have come to the following resolutions there- 
 upon : 
 
 Resolved, That so much of the petition as 
 prays for the passage of an act to incorpo- 
 rate the said society (but subject to alteration 
 and repeal at all times) is reasonable. 
 
 Resolved, That so much of the petition as 
 prays for an amendment of the act of 1833, 
 making provision for the removal of free per- 
 sons of color from this State, and for a re- 
 moval of the restrictions which have hitherto 
 rendered that provision unavailing, is reason- 
 able. 
 
 On the 1st of February, a petition was pre- 
 sented to the House of Delegates, by Mr. 
 May, of Citizens of Petersburg, for aid to 
 the Colonization Society of Virginia, and 
 one by Mr. Willis, of the Colonization Soci- 
 ety of Lynchburg, asking aid from the Legis- 
 lature. 
 
 " We should deem it," says the able and 
 eloiiuerit Editor of the Fredericksburg Are- 
 na, " supererogatory to enter, at this day, on 
 the discussion of the merits of the coloniza- 
 tion scheme. Suffice to say, it is emphati- 
 cally a Virginia measure, and had its origin 
 in certain resolutions of the Legislature early 
 in the present century — that it has received 
 the support of our most enlightened states- 
 men and purest patriots, and that it com- 
 mends itself now to the munificent liberality 
 of the Legislature, by considerations which 
 cannot bo overlooked by any man solicitous 
 for tlic welfare of the good old Common- 
 wealth. We confine our views to the scheme, 
 as a politico-economical measure, in which 
 respect only, perhaps, statesmen mny legiti- 
 mately legislate upon it. Not that we are 
 insensible to the other glorious relations of 
 the enterprise. Who, that has a heart, could 
 view with indilierence the results that must 
 accrue to Africa herself, from the introduc- 
 tion of civilization and cliristianity, through 
 its instrumentality } And it is surely no ob- 
 jection to the scheme, that, afiecting benefi- 
 cially our social and political condition, it 
 passes from the thousands and hundreds of 
 thousands, who are its immediate beneficia- 
 
76 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 ries, and bears upon the destinies of a dis- 
 tant continent. 
 
 " Its blest effects low reaching to the earth, 
 its tow'ting summit lost beyond the thought 
 Of man or angel." 
 
 " With respect to Colonization in Virgi- 
 nia, a new era has dawned. The State So- 
 ciety has, for the first time, asked to be in- 
 corporated, and prayed legislative aid to a 
 plan lately broached of founding a new set- 
 tlement on the coast of Africa, to .be called 
 ' New Virginia.' The memorial of the soci- 
 ety, as well as a petition from citizens of 
 Fredericksburg praying aid to the cause, were 
 referred to a select committee, which has re- 
 ported favorably. We understand that a large 
 majority of both Houses are disposed to do 
 .something to aid the society, and we feel 
 persuaded, no measure would be more gen- 
 erally acceptable to the people at large." 
 
 Friday, Febrxiary 10. A petition was pre- 
 sented by Mr. Stuart, of citizens of the coun- 
 ties of Rockingham and Augusta, praying 
 an aj)propriation by the Legislature in aid of 
 the Virginia Colonization Society, and a re- 
 moval of the restrictions contained in the act 
 of the General Assembly passed in 1833. 
 
 The Richmond Whig of February 14, says : 
 The report of the Select Committee declar- 
 ing reasonable the petitions for the incorpo- 
 ration of the Virginia Colonization Society, 
 and aniending the act of 1833 so as to make 
 its provisions available, was agreed to by the 
 House of Delegates yesterday, and a bill or- 
 dered. 
 
 A meeting of the Virginia Colonization 
 Society was held at the capitol, on Wednes- 
 day evening, January 11, 1837. The audi- 
 ence was one of the most numerous and in- 
 tellio'ent ever convened in Richmond. Tiie 
 President being absent. Judge May was call- 
 ed to the chair. 
 
 The annual report was then presented and 
 read by the Rev. Chas. W. Andrews, general 
 agent of the society. 
 
 After noticing the early history of Africa, 
 the project of planting colonies there, con- 
 ceived in 1783 by Granville Sharpe, the foun- 
 der of Sierra Leone, the accessions in 1791 
 10 that settlement, of slaves taken by the 
 British army in our revolutionary war, and 
 
 first settled in Nova Scotia; the subsequent 
 accession, about the year 1805, of the Ma- 
 roons from Jamaica ; the extension of the 
 patronage of the British Government to this 
 colony in 1807 ; and the present number, 
 near 30,000, of its present population, the 
 report gives a brief history of the American 
 scheme of African Colonization. It adverts 
 to the support given to it by Mr. Monroe, 
 Chief Justice Marshall, Mr. Madison, and 
 other distinguished Virginians, and to the 
 deaths of two who were Vice Presidents of 
 the Virginia society — James Pleasants, for- 
 merly Governor of the State, and Horatio G. 
 Winston. It states that, prior to 1828, two 
 legislative appropriations in aid of it were 
 made ; and that though, in consequence of 
 the restrictions annexed to the act of March 
 4, 1833, but little benefit proceeded from it, 
 the amount of private donations had been 
 increased. "As far," it adds, "as public 
 sentiment can be ascertained, it is believed 
 that the whole community are desirous of the 
 success of this cause. Instances have oc- 
 curred, in which all the religious denomina- 
 tions of a town, closing their respective pla- 
 ces of worship on the sabbath, have assem- 
 bled at one place, io hear the claims of this 
 great work of Christian charity. 
 
 " The amount of funds raised during the 
 past yearshowsan increase over former years 
 which is truly encouraging. The amount 
 raised in Virginia during the year 1834 was 
 about $2,000, in 1835 about $3,000, and in 
 1836 the amount raised or subscribed is near 
 $8,000. Of this, $1,500 was from the estate 
 of the late General Blackburne, and other 
 considerable sums having been paid to the 
 present board, will not appear in the account 
 of the treasurer of this society. Between 
 $300 and $400, raised in Norfolk, is retain- 
 ed by the auxiliary society there, with the 
 hope of increasing it to such an amount as 
 will enable them to send a vessel, with emi- 
 grants to Africa, from that place. 
 
 "Many of the most prominent iiidividuals 
 in difllerent parts of the State have manifest- 
 ed a praiseworthy zeal in promoting the in- 
 terests of colonization." 
 
 On motion of Mr. Marshall, of Fauquier, 
 
 Resolved, That the report of the Board of 
 
The Virginian History of Jlfrican Colonization. 
 
 77 
 
 Managers be adopted, and printed under their 
 direction. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Thomas Jefterson Ran- 
 dolph, of Albemarle, 
 
 Resolved, That the members of this society, 
 in common with every member of the com- 
 munity, are deeply penetrated with regret for 
 the loss of their distinguished fellow-citizen, 
 James Madison, late the first vice president 
 of this society; and that they are called upon 
 to mention with gratitude his warm attach- 
 ment and munificent liberality to this institu- 
 tion ; and that they have heard, with pleas- 
 ure, the determination of the parent society 
 to call by his name the next settlement which 
 shall be founded in Liberia. 
 
 Mr. Randolph said, having known Mr. 
 Madison, sir, from my earliest childhood — 
 having known him in the full power of his 
 gigantic intellect, in the employments of the 
 highest ofiicial station, in the peaceful re- 
 tirement of private life, in its decline and 
 honored age, until he was gathered to his fa- 
 thers, loved and lamented ; having, in com- 
 mon with my countrymen, admired him for 
 his talents and services ; honored him for his 
 patriotism, and loved him as a great and good 
 man ; loving him myself with a truly filial 
 affection, I shall make no apology for present- 
 ing this slight testimonial of respect to his 
 memory. In looking around upon thjs nu- 
 merous audience, in beholding the drajjery 
 of mourning for his deatli still pendant from 
 (he chair in which you sit, I am warned that 
 any commendatory remarks, any attemj)t at 
 an appeal to your feelings, would be utterly 
 untimed and misplaced. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Anderson, of Botetourt, 
 
 Resolved, That this society adheres to the 
 object of its original institution, and is en- 
 tirely distinct from, and opposed to, those 
 foreign and fanatical associations which seek 
 to revolutionize the domestic relations of the 
 Southern States. 
 
 In support of this resolution, Mr. Ander- 
 son, after remarking on the object of the 
 " venerable patriots, philantropists, and chris- 
 tians, who laid the foundation of the Colo- 
 nization Society ; on their desire to melio- 
 rate tlie condition of the free negroes, (the 
 most degraded portion of our population ;) 
 to elevate them from their debased condition 
 to the standard of enlightened freemen and 
 
 citizens ; to afford an opportunity and hold 
 out an inducement to the liberal and humane 
 master, to emancipate his meritorious slaves," 
 adverted to the effect of the institution in 
 transmitting to Africa " our arts and sciences, 
 our free, useful, and enlightened institutions, 
 and our pure and sublime religion."' The 
 orator then characterized the colonizing 
 scheme as the most effectual means of sup- 
 pressing the horrible slave trade. In assert- 
 ing its opposition to abolition associations, 
 he used the following language : 
 
 Sir, I had been disposed to think that many 
 of my Southern friends were attaching too 
 much importance to these associations ; but 
 since their incendiary schemes have received 
 not only the countenance, but the approba- 
 tion and support of theExecutive department, 
 of at least one of the first States of this con- 
 federacy, it is time for the Old Dominion, and 
 all those who have common interest with her, 
 to be girding on their armor. Sir, this is a 
 controversy which cannot be settled by argu- 
 ment. The honor and safety of the South 
 require that the first onset should be met at 
 the point of the bayonet. In such a contest 
 I do not fear the result. In the present cri- 
 sis, it behooves the generous South to pat- 
 ronize, and liberally support, the coloniza- 
 tion scheme, for wc know the influence of 
 public opinion. It furnishes to our gallant 
 countrymen in foreign lands the most effec- 
 tual means to repel the insolent slanders and 
 groundless calumnies of abolitionists, as has 
 been recently most happily illustrated by the 
 controversy between our patriotic and talen- 
 ted Breckinridge and a distinguished Scotch 
 abolitinist. What American can read his 
 able aiid triumphant defence of his country- 
 men, against the false and diabolical attacks 
 of abolitionists, without feeling his heartburn 
 within him ? Sir, it is the true policy as well 
 as the duly of the South, to patronise with a 
 liberal hand the colonization scheme; and I 
 hope that our Legislature will, at the present 
 session, set an example to her sister States 
 worthy of imitation, by making a liberal ap- 
 propriation to this generousand nobleschcme 
 — an institution which breathes love (o God 
 and peace and good will to men. 
 
 Oji motion of Mr. Smith, of Culpeper, 
 Resolved, Tiiat the progress and present 
 condition of our colonies in Africa warrant 
 
78 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 x\\c li.opc which wc entertain, that they will 
 continue to flourish and promote all the best 
 interests of Africa, and the wiiole African 
 race. 
 
 The eloquent remarks of tliis gentleman 
 were closed as follows : 
 
 " Our sister Maryland has a magnificent 
 appropriation of $200,000 devoted to this 
 great object; but what have we done ? No- 
 thing, sir ! no, nothing to which we can ad- 
 vert with pride and pleasure. It is true, Mr. 
 President, we have a standing appropriation 
 of $18,000 a year; but this inconsiderable 
 sum is so shackled as to be unavailing. Let 
 the General Assembly, then, brush this obsta- 
 cle from, our path. So wide awake are the 
 people to the importance of colonizing our 
 free negroes — so deeply sensible of the jus- 
 tice and enlarged benevolence which prompts 
 their settlement on the shores of Africa, that 
 I doubt not they would cheerfully tjustain 
 their delegates here, in freely dipping into 
 the public crib, in aid of an object so dear to 
 the head and heart, whether regarded as one 
 of policy or humanity; I, at least, as the 
 honored representative of a people, both en- 
 lightened and benevolent, would net hcsitiite 
 to vote decided and. efficient aid. 
 
 " Mr. President, one more suggestion, and 
 I have done. The day on which our forefa- 
 thers first placed their fo(;t upon these shores, 
 at Jamestown, is celebrated as an anniversa- 
 ry. Lei the day on which the first settlement 
 was made in Africa be likewise thus com- 
 memorated. On that day, let every minister 
 of God, throughout the christian world, de- 
 liver appropriate addresses, and take up col- 
 lections, in aid oi" this great and sacred un- 
 dertaking. The appeal would not be in v;iin. 
 The sublimi; fact that, at the same moment, 
 ilnoughont this broad land, the servants of 
 llic Most Higli were making the same spirit- 
 stirring appeal, in aid of this holy work, 
 would ol ilseli" strike ihe chords of sympa- 
 thy in our souls, and be inevitably pruduc- 
 livo of the sweetest and haj)piest results. 
 
 " Sir, T could c-pcak upon this subject from 
 the rising lo the setting sun ; but 1 will not 
 longer detain you and this assembly. I move 
 the adoption of the resolution which I have 
 had the honor to submit." 
 
 On motion of Mr. Maxwell, of Noriblk, 
 
 Resolved, That the Managers of the Soci- 
 
 ety be, and they are hereby, instructed to 
 take pro])er measures for obtaining a suita- 
 ble tract of territory on the coast of Africa, 
 for the establishment of a new plantation, to 
 be called New Virginia; and to be settled 
 by free people of color, including manumit- 
 ted slaves, from our own State, as soon as 
 the necessary funds can be obtained for the 
 purpose, from the patriotic contributions of 
 our fellow-cilizens, and the generous aid of 
 the Legislature of our Commonwealth. 
 
 In offering this resolution, Mr. Maxwell 
 said, he begged leave to ofl'er a resolution, 
 for which the resolution which they had just 
 adopted, and the eloquent remarks which 
 they have heard in support of it, frotn his 
 friend from Washington, (Mr. Gurley,) had 
 most happily prepared the way, and which 
 he should submit to the meetino- with creat 
 pleastire, as it was in perfect accordance 
 with all the convictions of his understanding, 
 and with all the feelings of his heart. It 
 was in these words, [here Mr. M. read the 
 resoluion, and then proceeded.] 
 
 Mr. President, I am one of those who 
 hailed the first establishment of the Ameri- 
 can Colonization Society, about twenty years 
 ago, u'ith warm, and I may say, with enthu- 
 siastic delight. I thought then, sir, as 1 
 think now, that the object of the society — 
 the sole and single object which it had lion- [ 
 estly avowed, and which all will agree it has • 
 most j'aithfully and honorably pursued, which 
 \wi\ii to remove our free people of color, with 
 their own consent, from our country to the 
 coast of Africa, the land of their fathers — 
 was worthy ol" all sujq)ort, both as it prom- 
 ised to promote the welfare of the emigrants 
 themselves, and, at the same time, to libe- 
 rate our land from a part of its population 
 which it coulil well spare, and which it 
 would in fact be better without. And look- 
 ing beyond the immediate object of the en- 
 terprise to the inlluence which it would nat- 
 urally and evitably exert upon the institution 
 of slavery as it exists in our Southern State.--, 
 1 thought that the infiuence could be onh 
 salutary an<l benign ; for I saw at once, sir, 
 that it could only operate — as we see it ha;- 
 in fact operated — to enable and encourage 
 masters to manumit their slaves, simply by 
 removing all the obstructions and impedi- 
 ments which had previously prevented them j 
 
The Virginian tlisiory of African CotonizaUon. 
 
 79 
 
 from doing it, which had damned up, as it 
 were, "the genial current of their souls," 
 and leaving the stream to How on, in its own 
 natural and proper channel, to the ocean. 
 In this way, I thouglit it was obvious that 
 it must do great good ; for it must tend to 
 lessen at least, and if it was prosecuted with 
 proper spirit, might greatly lessen, and in 
 conjunction with other measures, which it 
 would perhaps suggest an aid, might ulti- 
 mately even remove entirely the whole of 
 that enormous evil under which our country 
 had so long groaned, and under which it 
 groans to this hour. I thought too, sir, as I 
 remember it was strongly argued at that 
 time, that the establishment of colonies of 
 these people, at diflerent points along the 
 coast of Africa, would do much to abolish 
 that most impious and infamous traffic, that 
 atrocious " piracy," as it has been most 
 justly enacted and branded to be — the slave 
 trade. And I thought, moreover, that whilst 
 we were prosecuting our enterprise, we 
 should be diffusing the benefits of our free 
 institutions, and all the blessings of our gra- 
 cious and glorious Christianity, through that 
 dark and benighted region of the world, with 
 tlie most happy effect. 
 
 " With these views, sir, 1 rejoiced with all 
 my lieart in the establishment of the socie- 
 ty. And I rejoiced the more in it, sir, be- 
 cause I knew that it had emanted in fact 
 from the counsel of our own State, from a 
 resolution wliich, as we have heard, had 
 been adopted but a short time before, by the 
 honorable body which holds its sessions in 
 this hall — by the House of Delegates of our 
 State. The society was thus the creature, 
 the child of Virginia; and as they tell us 
 that fabulous Minerva broke out full armed 
 from the head of Jupiter, so this fair, this 
 real divinity, I saw had sprung forth, not ex- 
 actly full armed, (for she was indeed most 
 peaceable and most amiable in all her as- 
 pects,) but full-formed, in all her wisdom 
 and all her charms, from the head, and from 
 the heart, of our virgin Commonwealth; 
 and I loved the beautiful daughter not only 
 for her own, but also ibr lier mother's sake. 
 
 " With th^se sentiments, sir, I have heard 
 from time to time, with great satisfaction, the 
 intelligence which we have received of the 
 progress of our cause, and of the growing 
 
 and flourishing state of the'colonies^which 
 we have heard this evening from the^report 
 which has been read, and which serve to 
 show us what we ha^ done, and what we 
 may do. And I have been particularly 
 pleased, sir, to see that Virginia has favored 
 and fostered these colonies, which are in 
 fact her own, with the care which she owed 
 them; for I cannot agree, sir, in the remark 
 that has been dropped, that she has not done 
 her part by them. The charge indeed has 
 been, not unkindly I am sure, but still I 
 must say most unjustly brought against her. 
 On the contrary, I think, and must say, that 
 we, the people of Virginia, have contributed 
 as liberally to them as those of any part of 
 the United States, according to our means. 
 I say according io our means ; for if we have 
 not given quite as much as some others, in 
 donations of money, we are not so rich as 
 some others. We are comparatively, in- 
 deed, if not positively, a poor people. We 
 cannot afford to give as much as those who 
 have got the wealth of the country in their 
 hands. But according to our ability, (which 
 I take to be the true measure of liberality,) I 
 maintain that we have given as generously 
 to this cause as those of any State in our 
 Union, even in vioney. And we have given 
 much more in men, in manumitted slaves, 
 who would have brought money in the mar- 
 ket, if their masters had not nobly preferred 
 giving them their freedom for nothing; for 
 nothing at least but the generous and godlike 
 pleasure of liberating them in this way. And 
 we have given some men to these colonies, 
 sir, whose value, whose services to them, have 
 been above all price, and one, particularly, 
 whom I may mention, now no more, (for 
 he died a martyr to the cause of infant lib- 
 erty in Africa,) who was worth more than 
 liis weight in gold — I mean the eloquent, the 
 pious, and the gallant Lot Carey, an emi 
 grant from this city, whose talents, whose 
 virtues, and whose devotion to the cause for 
 v/hich he lived, and in which he died, have 
 won the admiration of all who knew him, 
 or have heard of hinj ; and whose name, sir, 
 black as he was, shall brighten one of the 
 brightest pages in the history of Africa, and 
 of Virginia who gave him to her, to the end 
 of lime. So our citizens, I say, (or many 
 of them,) have done (heir duty tothi.s cause . 
 
so 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 and some of our utmost distinguished men, 
 (as we have seen,) have signalized their at- 
 tacliment to it by bene^ctions and bequests 
 which are worth infinitely more than the 
 mere money which they involved, from the 
 association and sanction of their memorable 
 names. 
 
 And our Legislature, too, has done some- 
 thing for it; not as much, indeed, as I could 
 have wished ; but still something worth re- 
 membering. It has given our emigrants, on 
 two different occasions, supplies of clothes 
 and implements of husbandry ; and it has 
 passed, two or ihree years ago, a generous 
 act making a liberal appropriation of ninety 
 thousand dollars, payable in five annual in- 
 stalments of eighteen thousand dollars each, 
 to promote and encourage the emigration of 
 free people of color from our own State to 
 Liberia. It is true, indeed, as the report has 
 reminded us, it unfortunately clogged this 
 noble grant with conditions, which have al- 
 most nullified it in fact ; but in so doing, it 
 has, I am sure, unwittingly defeated its own 
 design; and I cannot doubt for a moment 
 that it will, at a word, readily knock off 
 those inconvenient shackles from the act, 
 and set it free. And I think, too, I may 
 venture to predict, and almost promise for 
 it, that it will, at no distant day, do still more 
 for our aid, and something that shall be al- 
 together v/orthy of itself, and of our cause. 
 So I think, sir, there is no reason to com- 
 plain that our State has not done its part, 
 and its full part, with others, in this good 
 work. 
 
 Still I must confess, and do, that v>'c have 
 not ''done all that we ought to have done, 
 nor the half, nor the thousandth part, indeed, 
 considering the magnitude of the underta- 
 king, and our immediate interest in the 
 prosecution of it ; and I do most heartily 
 agree with my worthy friend from Washing- 
 ton, that the time is now fairly come, when 
 we ought to increase our exertions in this 
 noble cause. The success which has attend- 
 ed our past efforts, and the growing popu- 
 larity of our enterprise, do indeed warrant, 
 and ought to encourage us to put forth all 
 our strength to accelerate its course. In 
 sailor's phrase, we have got a good offing, 
 and we should no longer hug the shore, but 
 launch out boldly into the deep, and spread 
 
 our sails to the winds of heaven. The 
 ocean, you see, sir, smooths his waves be- 
 fore us, and Africa comes out fro lier 
 woods to welcome and embrace the ship 
 that comes laden with her sons and daugh- 
 ters, and with innumerable and incalculable 
 blessings for her race, and for all mankind. 
 In this spirit, I propose, sir, in the words 
 of the resolution, that we instruct our man- 
 agers " to take proper measures for obtain- 
 ing a suitable tract of territory on the coast 
 of Africa, for the establishment of a new 
 plantation, to be called New Virginia, and 
 to be settled by free people of color, inclu- 
 ding manumitted slaves, from our own State," 
 &c. I call it a new "plantation," sir, be- 
 cause it was the term originally applied to 
 our own colony, and I wish our new one to 
 be, as it v/ere, a slip from the old stock. I 
 mean, however, that our plantation shall be, 
 to all intents and purposes, a State — a 
 " free, sovereign, and independent State," 
 in all the fullest and freest sense of the term ; 
 yet not a solitary or single one, but bearing 
 some such relation to Liberia, and to the 
 American Colonization Society, of course, 
 as our State does to the United States, or to 
 the Union, aiul to the General Government ; 
 for we must have, in due time, a Union 
 there also; another constellation, sir, if you 
 please, of social stars, mingling their rays 
 together in another hemisphere. This is 
 the general idea, sir, which it is not neces- 
 sary, I suppose, to exjilain more particularly 
 .ust now. And the reasons which recom- 
 Jmend this proceeding are plain and strong. 
 I shall not detain you, however, at this late 
 hour, to state them at large ; but I will jus; 
 throw them out as briefly as possible. 
 
 And, in the first place, it appears to nie 
 that, by establishing a new and separate col- 
 ony of our own, we shall naturally feel a 
 new and particular interest in its welfare. 
 As it is, indeed, we do not throw these peo- 
 ple ofl" from us, as aliens unworthy oi our 
 regard. We do not throw them overboard, 
 as some seem to think, and leave them to 
 swim for their lives. No, sir, but we follow 
 them with our eye?, and our hearts, to that 
 distant shore ; and we sympathize with them 
 in all their fortunes and their fates. But, as 
 things are, we cannot see them quite so dis- 
 tinctly as we could wish ; for we often lose 
 
The Virginian History of Jlfricaa Colonization. 
 
 81 
 
 sight of them as they become mixed up in 
 t!ie mass of emigrants from other States. I 
 propose, then, to put them down in " a 
 suitable tract of territory," and keep them 
 tiiere together, that we may "-ee more clear- 
 ly what they are doing, and how they are 
 going on, and coming on; and brood over 
 them, as it were, with our whole hearts. 
 We shall know them all then, sir, almost 
 individually, by their names, (which are our 
 own names,) and look upon them, not as 
 outcasts, bin as brethren, whom we might 
 be a little ashamed, perhaps, to own for such 
 while here, but whom we may acknowledi^e 
 with affection, and even pride, in their prop- 
 er place. So we shall certainly feel a strong- 
 er interest in them than we do already. Of 
 course, too, we shall enlarge our liberality 
 to them. We shall give more to aid them 
 in going out, and to set them up in their 
 own land. 
 
 At the same time, our people of color 
 themselves, I am sure, will like this arrange- 
 ment. At present, we see, they are scat- 
 tered about amongst others, and are looked 
 u|)on, it appears, with rather jealous eyes, by 
 some of them ; for it seems, as we have just 
 heard, (and I own I liave been a little 
 amused to hear it,) they carry out with them 
 that passion for governing which they have 
 doubtless caught from us, (though they 
 could hardly show it here,) a inkling toman- 
 age public affairs, and have all things their 
 own way — only to have them right. But 
 others, it seems, are not quite willing to let 
 them ; and that is very natural, too. Well 
 then, sir, we will colonize them by them- 
 selves — we will set them down there togetli- 
 er ; and leave them to strive for the mastery 
 with one another; when the most eminent 
 and ethereal spirits amongst them will, of 
 course, mount ui) over the rest, by the mere 
 buoyancy of merit — pretty much as it is here 
 
 at home, where the best and w^^'««s^. yo» I u, vvltl^honor and "alfection, as their native 
 know, sir, are a/w'«ys uppermost— and that||J|^j,_ ^j^^ ^^-^y should they not? It is 
 will be all fair play, and all exactly right, in- j|.^,g ,i,py ^^-ere once slaves here, (or their 
 deed. In this way, then, we shall make our | ^.^^]j,^,.y before them were,) but we did not 
 free people of color more willing and ready L^^l^g jj^^^ go_ -yyg jij „ot ^q out to Afri- 
 to go out to their new plantation, which 1^^^ jo^ jl,g„^_ -yVe did not drag them away 
 
 make it more interesting to us, and more at- 
 tract ivo to them. We shall call it, you ob- 
 serve, sir, New Virginia ! And who does 
 not feel at once that there is something 
 sweet and stirring in the very sound of this 
 appellation ? I know, indeed, the poet has 
 s;,i(j — or rather has made a lovesick damsel 
 say— 
 
 " Wlml's in a tmiiie ? That which we call a rose, 
 Cy any other name would smell as sweet." 
 
 But, sir, I deny that there is either philoso- 
 phy or poetry in the assertion. On the con- 
 trary, sir, I maintain that the rose by any 
 other name in the world would not smell 
 half as sweet as it does by that very name of 
 rose which belongs to it, and which has been 
 associated with all its beauty, and all its fra- 
 crrance, from our earliest niemo.y 1 Sir, I 
 appeal to the hearts of all present on this 
 point. Who has not felt the charm of a 
 name, when linked v.'ith some charming ob- 
 ject, that was still more charming for its 
 sake ? So the rose shall be the rose still ; 
 and wo will call our new plantation New 
 Virginia, in preference to a sy and every 
 other name that we could find for it. And 
 this name wmU shed an interest over our new 
 colony, that will endear it still more to all 
 our hearts. We shall love our New Virgin- 
 ia, sir, as we love the Old. And these peo- 
 ple, sir, will love it too ; for they also love 
 our Old Virginia, as well as we. They go 
 out from it, we see, with reluctance, (with 
 rather more, indeed, than I could wish,) and 
 they look back to it from their new land 
 with grateful remembrance. I have myself 
 heard, with great pleasure, the warm expres- 
 sion of this feeling from some of their own 
 lips, and I have se3n it in the letters of oth- 
 ers. No, happy as they are in their new 
 country, and glad as they declare themselves 
 to be that they have got to it, still they can- 
 not forget Old Virginia, but still remember 
 
 will be ail their own; and more happy in it, 
 too 
 
 rom their country and their kin. We did 
 not fasten the chains of slavery upon them. 
 I may add, that there will be a charm in 'No, but they were brought bound to our 
 the very name of our new state, that will ! doors, by Dutchuien, and Englishmen, and 
 
 11 
 
82 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 Yankees — ay, sir, by llie f.illiers, perhaps, of 
 some of those very abolitionists who would 
 now tempi them to iheir niin. They were 
 sold to our fathers for slaves; but they fell 
 into the hands of kind and gentle masters, 
 who have liberated them, and sent them back 
 again to their own country ; and not the 
 lK)or miserable beings that they were when 
 they were lorn away from it ; but loaded 
 with favors, a thousand limes better than all 
 the spoils of the Egyptians, with the arts of 
 civilized life, and with the " unsearcliable 
 riches" of the gospel of Christ, (" a pearl," 
 indeed, " richer than all tlieir" barbarous 
 " tribes,") to " vindicate the ways of God 
 to man," and to show that even the ruthless 
 violence that wrenched them so cruelly from 
 their native shore, could be, and should be, 
 converted into a miracle of mercy and ot 
 blessing, by his redeeminor and restorinu- 
 grace. At any rate, sir, they do love our 
 Old Virginia, and I trust, therefore, will love 
 our New Virginia, and seek it too, the more 
 for its name. 
 
 Adopt, then, sir, the resolution which I 
 submit. Send it forth to the people of our 
 State, who will receive it with cordial appro- 
 bation. Appeal to our Legislature, now in 
 session, who tv'ill gladly aid our enterprise, 
 and perhaps endow our new plantation with 
 a generous grant. Address the members of 
 the society, and our fellow citizens generally, 
 calling upon them for new contributions to 
 our funds in behalf of this new object, and 
 there will not be a man, or woman, within 
 the four corners of our land, who will not 
 feel it to be a duty and a privilege to give 
 something, according to ability, to the estab- 
 lishment of a colony which shall be as a 
 mirror in which our Virginia shall see her 
 fairest face reflected back upon her, in bright- 
 er beauty, across the waves of the Atlantic ; 
 and in which all mankind shall behold tlie 
 grace and the glory of her justice, of her 
 generosity, of her patriotism, and of her piety, 
 displayed to all the nations of the earth, till 
 time shall be no more. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Burr, the Recording 
 Secretary, 
 
 Resolved, That this Society highly appre- 
 ciates the labors of their agent, the Rev. C. 
 W. Andrews, during the last year, and re- 
 commends to the Board of Managers to se- 
 
 cure, if practicable, a continuation of his 
 valuable services. 
 
 CHAPTER XIIT. 
 
 Events of 1837 ; Revenue of the Societij ; 
 Emigration ; Effect of propos%tionto plant 
 " JVev) Virginia" in Jlfrica upon the Libe- 
 i'ians ; Movements in Legislature of Virgi- 
 nia ; Jlnnual Meeting, January 1838 ; Gov. 
 Tyler's Address ; Speeches of Gen. Bayly ; 
 .Alex. Rives ; Mr. Maxwell arid Henry Jl. 
 Wise. 
 
 The Board of Managers of the Coloniza- 
 tion Society of Virginia, on the I7ih of Jan- 
 uary, 1837, appointed a committee to take 
 measures for carrying into efiect Mr. Max- 
 well's Resolution, to establish a " new plan- 
 tation" on the Coast of Africa to be called 
 "New Virginia." The usual circulars to the 
 Clergy and petitions and memorials to the 
 Legislature were prepared. 
 
 The news of the project for establishing 
 " New Virginia" in Africa, produced quite a 
 sensation among the Liberians, who express- 
 ed their gratification in a public meeting and 
 at the same time rebuked the Abolitionists 
 for their efforts to excite the prejudices of 
 the Liberians against the Colonization So- 
 ciety, 
 
 The revenue of the Colonization Society 
 of Virginia for this year, was $4,000, and 
 the number of Emigrants from Virginia, 
 about one hundred. 
 
 On the 3d of January, 1838, Mr. Crawford 
 presented to the General Assembly a peti- 
 tion from Shenandoah, asking that the act 
 of 1833 might be revived and amended, in- 
 creasing the apinopriation in aid of the Col- 
 onization Society and placing its disburse- 
 ment under the control of the Virginia soci- 
 ety, and applying it solely to the removal of 
 free persons of color born and residing in 
 this State. On the 23d of January, Mr. 
 Rives from the Committee on Finance to 
 whom this and other petitions were referred, 
 made the following report, viz : 
 
 " We have regarded with pleasing concern 
 the evidences of private and public interest 
 afforded by the number of these petitions, 
 and the anxious solicitude ihcy display for 
 alleviafinif the growino- evil of a free black 
 
The Virginian Hisiorij of Ajricaii Colonizuliun. 
 
 83 
 
 population in the State. The policy which 
 the General Assembly wisely and liiitnanely 
 established upon tliis subject and has since 
 constantly favored, will scarcely be abandon- 
 ed under such decided indications of popu- 
 lar support and approbation. Therefore 
 
 Resolved, That the prayer of these peti- 
 tions is reasonable." 
 
 The Annual Meeting of the Society was 
 held in the Capitol on the 10th of .January 
 183S. The Hon. John Tyler, President of 
 the Society took the chair and F. James was 
 ap])ointed Secretary. 
 
 Upon taking the chair, the President de- 
 livered the following brief and strikinaf in- 
 augural address, which fully sustained his 
 rcjMitation as a public speaker. 
 
 I\!ft Tyler on taking the chair said, lie 
 could not permit this, the first occasion on 
 which it had been in his power to attend a 
 meeting of the society since he had been 
 elected its President, to pass by, without ex- 
 pressing his grateful sense for the honors 
 conferred upon him. You have appointed 
 me, said he, the successor of one whose 
 name is destined to reach a remote posteri- 
 ty — of one who, in his j)rivate character and 
 conduct, furnished an exemplification of all 
 the virtues. John Marshall was among us 
 as one of us — plain, unostentatious and un- 
 assuming, he left US in doubt which most to 
 admire, his unaffected simplicity of charac- 
 ter, or his extraordinary talents. Filling the 
 highest judicial station — followed by the ad- 
 miration of his countrymen — exerting an 
 extensive influence by the mere force of his 
 genius, over jiublic opinion — his name fa- 
 miliar to the lips of the highest and most 
 humble of a people inhabiting a continent, 
 he seemed alone to be unconscious of his 
 own exalted worth. To be appointed the 
 successor of such a man, however great my 
 own unworthiness, is anhonor of which I have 
 cause to be proud. The very origin of the 
 Colonization Society is, in my memory, 
 identified with him. At its first meeting in 
 Washington, curiosity led me to be present; 
 notice had been given through the newspa- 
 j)ers of the proposed meeting at Brown's 
 hotel, and I was attracted thither by the de- 
 sire to hear what could be said in favor of a 
 scheme in which I was short-sighted enough 
 to regard as altogether Utopian. Let me 
 
 frankly confess myself — I did consider it in 
 its incipiency as but a dream of philanthropy, 
 visiting men's pillows in their sleep, to cheat 
 them on their waking. Chief Justice Mar- 
 shall, with some fifteen others, were present ; 
 but that small number exhibited a constella- 
 tion of talent. Henry Clay presided, John 
 Randolph addressed the meeting, and Wm. 
 H. Crawford was the first president of the 
 Colonization Society. Such was the begin- 
 ning of a society which now embraces thou- 
 sands of the most talented and patriotic men 
 in the country. We have been peculiarly 
 fortunate, gentlemen, in having to preside 
 over our deliberations, in this Hall, one tO 
 distinguished for all that can adorn a man, 
 as Chief Justice Marshall ; and at the same 
 time the privilege of acting in close commu- 
 nion with another of those men given by 
 God in his especial goodness, as a blessing 
 to mankind — I mean James Madison, so 
 lately one of our Vice Presidents. I am 
 not given much to that idolatry which too 
 often puts fetters on the mind, leading il to 
 consecrate errors in opinion because ad- 
 vanced and sustained by men of exalted 
 standing. — But surely I may be permitted to 
 say, that the opinions of two such men con- 
 curring, bear strong evidence of truth. 
 Their minds were of too substantial an or- 
 der to indulge in a mere vision. Their judf- 
 mentswere too profound to have been misled 
 by the deceptive lights of a mistaken philan- 
 thropy. While the horizon of the fiiturc 
 was clouded so that my own limited vision 
 could not penetrate it, ihey stood, as it 
 were, on a lofty mountain's top, and a beau- 
 tiful prospect was presented to their sight. 
 They saw the first landing of the pilgrims 
 on the desert shores of Africa — the busy 
 and the thriving rose up before their sight — 
 the hammer of the artizan sounded in their 
 ears — the hum of industry floated on the 
 breeze — songs of praise and thanksgiving 
 came over the distant waves — the genius of 
 civilization had penetrated the wilderness, 
 overthrowing in its progress the idol and the 
 altar, and rearing on their ruins temples to 
 the true and only God. All this they saw, 
 and all this vje now see. For myself, after 
 learning the successful landing'of the first 
 emigrants, and that they were speedily to be 
 followed by others, all my doubts vanished. 
 
84 
 
 The Virginian Histoi-y of African Colonization. 
 
 Tlie roality was before inc. The seed was 
 planted — spring- time canieand itvegetafed — 
 harvest-time and the crop was abundant. 
 ])iit a kw years .^ince and no voice of civil- 
 ization proceeded from Africa. Now thou- 
 sands of civilized beings liavc made it their 
 iiome, and the wilderness may be consi- 
 dered as reclaimed. The exhibits annually 
 made to the public of the state and condi- 
 tion of the Colony, are calculated to relieve 
 the mind of all doubt. The Colony is plant-' 
 cd, — advances with rapid strides, — and Mon- i 
 rovia will be to Africa what Jamestown and | 
 Plymouth have been to America. Happily; 
 their success is equally beneficial to all the ' 
 Slates. Nothing sectional enters into i'. 
 The saine spirit actuates all; the same poli- 
 cy governs all. The free black man is found 
 in Maine as well as in Louisiana. What 
 tlien shall retard the onward march of this 
 great cause .' Heretofore it has looked for 
 .'■uccess to private individuals and to the 
 state legislatures. My opinion is that it 
 should still look to them. To appeal to 
 Congress for aid, is to appeal to a body hav- 
 ing no power to grant it — a body of restric- 
 ted and limited powers, and fettered by the 
 terms of its own creation. From that source 
 it may get money, but it will lose friends, 
 and friends are more valuable to it than mo- 
 ney. I would not have it successful with- 
 out the concurrence of the States. Our own 
 State may be considered the pioneer in this 
 great work. On this subject she stands 
 proudly pre-eminent. She will doubtless 
 do her duty. Policy and humanity go hand 
 in hand in this great work ; united in the 
 accomplishment of the same object, they 
 cannot fail to succeed. Philanthropy, when 
 separated from policy, is the most dangerous 
 agent in human affairs. It is no way distin- 
 guishable from fanatacism. It hears not, 
 sees not, understands not. It is deaf, and 
 hears not the admonitions of truth and wis- 
 dom. It is blind, and walks over prostrate 
 victims, and amid the ashes of desolation, 
 without perceiving that its feet are stained 
 in blood, and that its garments are discol- 
 ored. It understands not, until the voice of 
 sorrow and lamentation, proceeding from the 
 sepulchre of man's fondest hopes and bright- 
 est expectations, arouses it to conscious- 
 ness. And is there not a spirit of that sort 
 
 now at work in our own fair land ? It is 
 the antagonist of that which we cherish. It 
 invades our hearths, assails our domestic 
 circles, preaches up sedition and encourages 
 insurrection. It would pull down the pillars 
 of the constitution, and even now shakes 
 them most terribly, — would violate the most 
 sacred guarantees, — would attain its object 
 by sundering bonds which bind and only 
 have power to bind these States together: — 
 the bonds of affection and brotherly love. 
 It seeks to excite inextinguishable prejudi- 
 ces in the minds of one-half of our people 
 against the other half. It acts in league 
 with foreign missionaries, and gives open 
 countenance to the people of another hem- 
 isphere to interfere in our domestic affairs. 
 It is sectional, altogether sectional ;» in a 
 word, it is the spirit of abolition. From 
 this place I denounce it, and this society 
 denounces it. The weapons which it uses 
 are the weapons of slander and abuse : — 
 not as to one sex or condition of existence 
 only, but all — all are abused and slandered 
 by it. It labors to induce the usurpation of 
 a power by Government, which would be 
 attended by the destruction of the Govern- 
 ment itself, in the substitution (if a work so 
 disastrous to the liberties of mankind could 
 be effected) of a consolidated government — 
 a mere majority machine — in place of the 
 happy federal system under which we live. 
 The opinion already prevails with many, that 
 theVovernmentis a unit, and the people a unit! 
 I care not from whence they derive sanction 
 for this — but this I will say, that whether such 
 sanction comes from the living or the dead — 
 from men in power, or men out of power, it 
 is false in theory and destructive in practice. 
 Each State, as to all matters not ceded by 
 compact, is as sovereign as before the adop- 
 tion of the constitution. What right then 
 have the people of one State to interfere 
 with the domestic relations of any other 
 Slate .^ what right to agitate in order to af- 
 fect their neighbors ? The reverend clergy, 
 too, they whose doctrine should evermore 
 be, peace on earth and good will to men, 
 are lending themselves to this pernicious 
 work. Tkey seek to enlist woman — she 
 who was placed upon the earth, as the rain- 
 bow in the heavens, as a sign that ihe temp- 
 est of the passions should subside. Woman 
 
The Virghiian History of .'Ifricnn Colonization. 
 
 85 
 
 is made an instrument to expel us from tiie 
 paradise of union in which wo dwell. What 
 will satisfy these ministers oi'a gospel which 
 alone abounds in love? Do they wish to 
 christianize the Heathen? to spread the 
 light of the gospel over the benighted places 
 ol the earth through the instrumentality of 
 this Society, that light may be brought to 
 shine where no ray of the gospel sun has 
 eeer yet penetrated ? Do they want a more 
 extended theatre for their labors than they 
 now cnjov ? VVe present them one entire 
 quarter of the earlli. We invile them to go 
 with us into the wilds of Africa — to sit down 
 by the side of the black man — to icach him 
 to raise his eyes from the earth on which 
 they are bent — lo look up to the heavens and 
 to ascend " through nature unto nature's 
 God." He works most inscrutably to the 
 understandings of men ; the negro is torn 
 from Africa, a barbarian, ignorant and idola- 
 trous ; — he is restored civilized, enlightened, 
 and a christian. The Colonization Society 
 is the great African missionary Society. In 
 my humble judgment it is worth more, twice 
 told, than all foreign missionary societies 
 combined. Already it has planted the cross 
 among the heathen, and kindled the fires of 
 civilization in the desert ; and that cross 
 will stand and that light be spread until a 
 continent be redeemed. All this is done 
 quietly and peaceably and with the acquies- 
 cence of society. Charity dictates and pol- 
 icy adopts — can any messenger of the Sa- 
 viour — can any lover of his race, look upon 
 this picture without delight? Will nothing 
 content him which is not done in violence? 
 Has he fallen in love with anarchy, that he 
 woos her so assidiously ? Are envy, malice 
 and all uncharitableuess become assistants 
 in the ministrations of the altar? Is frater- 
 nal feeling and family peace become odious 
 in his eyes? But I will dwell no longer on 
 these tilings. Our course, gentlemen, lies 
 plainly before us; we will steadily pursue 
 it"; we interfere with no relation in society. 
 In what seek to do we are justified alike by 
 the wisdom of the living and the dead, and 
 success full, ample and entire, must crown 
 the enterprize. 
 
 The annual report was then read by the 
 Rev. C. W. Andrews, late agent of the So- 
 ciety, which on motion of G. A. Myers, 
 
 Esq. was accepted and ordered lo be print- 
 ed. 
 
 General Bayly, of Accomac, offered the 
 following resolution: 
 
 Resolved, That we regard the removal of 
 the free people of color from the United 
 States to Africa, with their own consent, as 
 one of the most efficient means of securing 
 their ultimate peace, happiness, and pros- 
 perity. 
 
 Gen. Bayly remarked: Just before I came 
 to this meeting, Mr. President, I was reques- 
 ted to offer the above resolution and advocate 
 its adoption. JVotwithstanding, I was thus 
 suddenly called upon, I did not hesitate 
 lo comply with the reque&t ; for the truth of 
 the resolution was too apparent to require 
 either eloquence or argument to sustain it. 
 The laws of nil the slave holding states 
 permit emancipation. It has ever been the 
 policy of Virginia to allow the master to free 
 the slave. But since 1806 her laws have re- 
 quired all slaves thereafter manumitted, to 
 leave the Commonwealth. Though our 
 laws require all freed slaves to leave the 
 stale, as a condition upon their emancipa- 
 tion, even philanthropy itself has not provi- 
 ded an asylum for them in the United States. 
 What shall become of them ? Stern, un- 
 yielditig and just policy demands that they 
 should not remain in Virginia. But even 
 should she be disposed to relax the rigor of 
 her laws, ought they to remain within her 
 borders? Shall they be taken to the free 
 states, even when their laws permit it? \^ e 
 are not the enemies of emancipation when 
 it is voluntary on the part of the master and 
 when it can be effected without injury to 
 individuals and society. But when it has 
 been legally commenced, we desire to see 
 it consummated. This never can be done 
 as long as the negro remains in America. 
 He never can enjo}'^, here, the high preroga- 
 tives of a free man. He may cease to be 
 the slave of a single individual, but he will 
 continue to be the slave of the community, 
 whose oppressions will be greater and whose 
 protection will be less, than that of the in- 
 dividual master. I repeat: In America, 
 the black man never can be free ! — he never 
 can have the high-born feelings of a free- 
 man, — he must ever be a political and social 
 ^lave. The shackles never can fall com- 
 
86 
 
 The Virgiman History of African Colonization. 
 
 pletely from about liim, until he stands upon 
 the shores of Africa. 
 
 If, therefore, Mr. President, the negro 
 never can be free in America, and if free- 
 dom be necessary lo happiness and prosper- 
 ity, it seenis to me, that all philanthropists 
 should join to bear him lo Africa. 
 
 It will be perceived that the end aimed 
 at in the resolution, is not a mad or fanatical 
 one, lo be attained at the cost of the pro- 
 perty and life of the slave-holder and the 
 happiness and prosperity of society. The 
 end is no visionary one to Lc arrived at by 
 diabolical means. At the same lime that it 
 secures the ultimate happiness of the negro, 
 it does not destroy, but promotes that ol the 
 white man. We are not pursuing a phan- 
 tom. We are not seeking an imaginary bles- 
 sing for the negro, under the hypocritical 
 pretence of d'scharging a moral and reli- 
 gious duty, by means which will bring cer- 
 tain wo upon the white man. Were such 
 our course, we should expect lo be de- 
 nounced by the wise and good — we should 
 expect to be denounced by all such, as dia- 
 bolical or mad ! — We should exi)ectto bring 
 down upon ourselves the loathing of man 
 and the vengeance of God, who has never 
 pardoned evil, because even certain good 
 hath come of it. What, then, must be ilie 
 fate of him who does palpable and certain 
 evil, that an ideal and improbable good may 
 come of it ? 
 
 It will be observed, Mr. President, that 
 the resolution goes no farther than to de- 
 clare that the happinees and prosperity of the 
 free negro will be promoted by his removal 
 lo Africa. It might have been extendec'. 
 It might, with truth, have declared that the 
 removal of the free negro to Africa, would 
 j)romote ihe peace, prosperity and happi- 
 ness of the free negro and the white man — 
 of the slave-holder and the slave. But, Sir, 
 that view is not contained in the resolution, 
 and I forbear to comment upon it. I will 
 detain you no longer. Sir, for I am sure the 
 resolution will meet with the approbation of 
 all. 
 
 On motion of Alexander Rives, Esq., 
 of Albemarle, it was 
 
 Resolved, That considering the principle of 
 African Colonization as best responding to 
 the demands of Southern patriotism and 
 
 benevolence, and offering to the temperate 
 wisdom of all parlies, and every secfiou, a 
 common ground of resistance against the 
 mischievous and reckless enterprises of abo- 
 lition, we regard it as eminently entitled Ut 
 the confidence and patronage of the people 
 of Virginia. 
 
 After some farther eloquent remarks from 
 Mr. Rives, he thus alludes to the restriction 
 in the law of Virginia, of March 1833, con- 
 lining its operation lo people of color wlm 
 were free at the lime of its enactment: 
 
 The claims of this institution upon pmxife 
 generosity, have not been unheeded. We 
 have many gratifying evidences of the cor- 
 dial response, v/hich a liberal and sagacious 
 public, have, heretofore, made lo our earnest 
 clanns upon their support. But the impor- 
 tant, and practical question now arises 
 whether the spirit of ihe people should be 
 reflected by their representatives in this 
 hall — whether the nominal appropriation, 
 heretofore made by Virginia in aid of these 
 objects, shall be continued, and rendered 
 elhcient, by t-e removal of the restrictions, 
 which have so far defeated its expet)diture. 
 I am proud, Sir, to hnve occasion to bear 
 testimony lo you of the manifestations of 
 popular solicitude in behalf of a renewed 
 and unrestricted appropriation to these pur- 
 poses, which are daily reaching the body 
 of which I am a member. 
 
 Amid such cheering indications of public 
 favor, and such inspiriting auguries of ulti- 
 mate success, I feel, that I can add no stron- 
 ger motives of encouragement to increased 
 zeal, liberality and exertion, in the prosecu- 
 tion of our enterprise than are found in the 
 ready promptings of our own hearts. 
 
 On motion of Sydney S. Baxter, Esq. 
 it was 
 
 Resolved, That this Society has heard with 
 great pleasure of the successful effort of the 
 Legislature and citizens of Maryland toplant 
 a colony in Africa, and that it be recom- 
 mended to the Board of Managers to adopt 
 such measures as in their judgment shall be 
 besi calculated to promote the establishment 
 of a new colony, for the reception of emi- 
 o-rants from this State, as proposed at the 
 last annual meeting. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Maxwell, of Norfolk, 
 it was 
 
The Virginirm History of .African CoJomzation. 
 
 87 
 
 Resolved, That the coiitiiiiicd and increas- 
 int/ prosperity of our colonies in Liberiii, — 
 illustrating, as it does, the free and generous 
 spirit of our Commonwealth, and displaying 
 the pure and philanthropic genius of Chris- 
 tianity, in the fairest and brightest manner, — 
 is truly gratifying to all our hearts. 
 
 Mr. Maxwell said that he had come here i 
 this evening, (honestly) without intending 1 
 to address the meeting. Indeed he had re- 
 solved, as he thought, not to do so. But 
 alas! sir, said he, as you know, the resolu- 
 tion of a gentleman not to speak, is very 
 liUe that of a lady, (one of those rainbows, 
 sir, that you told us about a while ago,) not 
 to marry : — a resolution which, liowever 
 wisely and firmly made, is very apt to melt 
 away before the breath of the first agreeable 
 tempter that presents himself before her. 
 And even so it has been with me on this oc- 
 casion ; for I find, sir, that I cannot resist — 
 indeed I cannot — the temptation to say a 
 single word which has been addressed to me 
 by a flattering friend, I mean our late wor- 
 thy Agent, in the kind allusion which he 
 has made to me in the report whicli he has 
 read. For, he ttlls us in it — and it is really 
 the first time that I liave hoard of it — that 
 there has been a meeting in Lil)eria at which 
 mention has been made of my name, in 
 connexion with the remarks which I made 
 before our society here, at our last annual 
 meeting, in this hall, on moving the resolu- 
 tion to establish a new colony in that coun- 
 try, to be called New Virginia. Those re- 
 remarks, it seems, published from the press, 
 and borne on the wings of some sea-bird, 
 (some ship,) have found their way across 
 the Atlantic — undrowned in its swelling sur- 
 ges — and have awakened echoes in the 
 liearts of our freed-men there, who have 
 sent us back their cheering voices, to awa- 
 ken new echoes in our hearts again this 
 evening. Yes, sir, and I must confess that 
 1 feel myself not a little flattered to hear 
 that my said speech (such as it was) lias 
 been encored as it were, and spoken over 
 again on that shore. I am sorry, indeed, 
 that I do not know who the worthy gentle- 
 men was who did me the honor to])ersonate 
 me on that occasion ; but I trust that he was 
 some good honest l^ellow, — and a true Vir- 
 ginian to-boot ; and I hope also, sir, that he 
 
 was duly qualified to play his part with at 
 least as much grace as the original before 
 you at this present time. But however that 
 may be, I rnust say that I do feel truly grat- 
 ified by this compliinent, (which I know how 
 to appreciate,) and I will add, sir, by your 
 leave, that though I atn not perhaps without 
 some ambition, yet I shall never envy the 
 honors which you, sir, and other gentlemen 
 may acquire, from " the applause of listen- 
 ing Senates," or admiring Houses of Repre- 
 sentaiives, if I can be known, both here and 
 in Liberia too, as the faithful friend and con- 
 stant advocate of this noble and inspiring 
 cause. 
 
 Called upon, then sir, as I am; in this 
 way, and bound in duty, as I feel myself to 
 be, — like a guest at afeast who has just been 
 toasted — to make some acknowledgment for 
 the compliment that has been paid me, I 
 beg leave to give you a sentiment in the 
 shape of a resolution, in these words: [here 
 Mr. M read the resolution, and })roceeded.] 
 I shall not, however, by any means, attempt 
 to enforce this resolution by many words ; 
 for I know, indeed, that I may safely trust 
 it to speak for itself. Sir, we all feel at 
 once that we love this generous cause in 
 which we are engaged, not merely for its 
 own sake, but still inore for the honor which 
 it reflects upon our State. For, it is to her 
 counsel, in fact, as we choose to remember, 
 that our enterprise owes its origin. And it 
 is to her, too, mainly — or, at least, to emi- 
 grants from her domain, that Africa owes 
 those new settlements which she rejoices to 
 see established on her coast ; and which we 
 are happy to hear are growing and thriving 
 as we could wish. And we must and do 
 feel, sir, that "the continued and increasing 
 prosperity of those colonies" must, more 
 and more, " illustrate the free and generous 
 spirit of our Commonwealth." For, it must 
 serve to show to all the world, that our Vir- 
 ginia — the friend of Liberty — is always nat- 
 urally disposed to favor any and every un- 
 dertaking tliat can fairly promise to promote 
 her cause — with stfely and advantage nU con- 
 cerned. It will show at least that we — lier 
 sons and daughters — do not hold our freed- 
 iTien here in their actual state, by choice, 
 but from necessity ; and that we are ready 
 and willing to make our half-free people of 
 
88 
 
 The Virginian History of Jlfrican Colonization. 
 
 color (hardly that) all free, in the only inau- 
 ner in which we think it possible, under 
 circumstances, that we can make them so, 
 consistently with their real welfare, as well 
 as our own. And it will show, too, that 
 though we cannot suOer our bond-men to be 
 liberated, or rather emanci[)ated, here — that 
 is to continue here — when we know and feel 
 beforehand, from actual and ample experi- 
 ence, that it would not, and could not, be 
 good for them — nor for us, — to have them 
 mingled, or rather confounded, among us — 
 yet we are ready and willing to forward them 
 when fairly manumitted by their masters, to 
 their own father-land — which is the proper 
 place for them — and where they may be free 
 indeed. Yes, sir, and ■we can rejoice with 
 all our hearts, to hear from time to time, 
 that they are going on, fairly and bravely, 
 in their own way, copying our free institu- 
 tions, and all our proceedings ; and we can 
 look indeed upon their amusing imitations 
 of our actions, as parents look upon those of 
 their little children before them — for we 
 know, sir that those little children will, b}^- 
 and-by be men — and worthy of their sires. 
 But, with these sentiments towards them, 
 we must feel particularly pleased to hear, as 
 we do, that s-atisfied and delighted as they 
 are Vv'ith their new land, they yet continue 
 to cherish a grateful remembrance of tlieir 
 Old Virginia still. Sii-, the report has told 
 us with what joy they received the intelli- 
 gence of our intention to found a new colo- 
 ny in Liberia, which should bear her hon- 
 ored name ; and I am happy to be able to 
 illustrate their sentiments on this point, a 
 little more strongly, by a letter which I have 
 received myself from one of them — a cer- 
 tain William Draper, formerly of our good 
 town of Fredericksburg — a part of which I 
 must beg leave to read to you, (in spite of 
 its mention of my speech again, which I 
 hope you will excuse me for giving along 
 with the rest,) only to show the filial feel- 
 ing — the true Vii'ginia feeling, I may say — 
 which beats in all their breasts. It is en- 
 closed, you see, sir, in an envelope, (the 
 true congressional style, I believe ) and ad- 
 dressed to me. It is dated " Bassa Cove, 
 August 17, 1837," and reads thus : " Sir. 
 with much pleasure to me to wriie 3'ou this 
 few lines, and am in hopes that you and the 
 
 family are well. Sir, in reading one of the 
 Colonization Herald of Pennsylvania Socie- 
 ty, to my great joy I saw a piece Irom the 
 Christian Intelligencer ; the good people of 
 my old state are about to settle a colony on 
 the coast of Africa. Myself, I being a Vir- 
 ginian, born and raised in the town of Fred- 
 ericksburg, when I saw that the good people 
 of Virginia were about to plant a colony in 
 this country, I leave with you and the friends 
 of the cause to judge my feelings. True I 
 have been in this country thirteen years, 
 and returned on a visit in 1828. During my 
 visit I had the pleasure of seeing you in 
 Norfolk. Sir, we read your speech v.'ith 
 much pleasure, and we have witnessed all 
 that you have said concerning us and the 
 emigrants from other states." Here he re- 
 fers to the remark which I made in it, that 
 it was said that the emigrants from other 
 states were a little jealous of our colonists 
 from Virginia — accusing them, it seems, of 
 being rather too fond of having all things 
 their own way, (only of course, to 
 have them exactly right;) and you shall see, 
 sir, how he confirms my words. " A num- 
 ber of them do not like us ; but they can't 
 help themselves. We strive to do that that is 
 right, and no more. We have been the 
 founders of almost all the different settle- 
 ments, and there is some of us would leave 
 property if we could do no otherways, and 
 do all that we can for New Virginia. You 
 may ji^dge that there is some of us that 
 would not be satisfied in no other colony 
 while ever there was one called New Vir- 
 ginia." Such, sir, are the sentiments — 
 worthy of a true son of Virginia — which 
 beat in the bosom of that man ; and not in 
 his only, but, I am persuaded, in the bosoms 
 of all the colonists who have gone out along 
 with him from our state. And now, sir, 
 ought the}' not to endear those colonies still 
 more to us, and encourage us to continue 
 our care to them ; and prompt us, more par- 
 ticularly, to execute the plan which we have 
 conceived, of planting a New Virginia in 
 Liberia, to extend and perpetuate the glory 
 of the Old, in that country, and throughout 
 the world, to the end of time. 
 
 But, sir, we may also rejoice in the pros- 
 perity of these colonies — and ought to do so 
 still more — as it serves to "display the pure 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 89 
 
 and philanthropic genius of Christianity, in 
 the fairest and brightest manner" — to the 
 eyes of all mankind. Sir, if it was our Vir- 
 ginia that planted these colonies, it was 
 Christianity, let me tell you, that whispered 
 in her ear, and put it in her heart to do it. 
 It was Christianity, in fact, that planted our 
 old Virginia herself, in a former age ; and it 
 is the same benignant Power that has planted 
 Liberia — and that shall plant New Virginia 
 too — in our day — for a blessing to the whole 
 human race. It is she, indeed, sir, and not 
 woman, (lovely as she is, and dear to all our 
 hearts,) it is Christianity, sir, that is the 
 rainbow of the world ; — uniting heaven and 
 earth, and blending them both brightly and 
 beautifully together, in a sacred and eternal 
 covenant of peace and love. Aye, sir, and 
 you may see that rainbow now — spanning 
 the ocean that swathes our shore — and re- 
 conciling two continents that were some time 
 strange and hostile to each other, but are 
 now consenting and conspiring in this com- 
 mon cause. Yes, sir, America, (and our 
 Virginia foremost,) has sent the gospel to 
 Africa — by the hands of her own sons — by 
 men of her own race ; — a noble compensa- 
 tion for all the wrongs which she has done 
 her — and Africa has received the grace, and 
 is satisfied. So the cross has indeed been 
 planted on her shore, (beaming more bright- 
 ly than the sun ;) and it shall be carried tri- 
 umphantly into the interior — and through 
 all her bounds — by her proper missionaries — 
 to redeem and regenerate the land. Yes, 
 sir, and Christianity and Civilization shall 
 walk together through all the length and 
 breadth of her dominions — diffusing their 
 blessings around them — winning the poor 
 barbarians from their wild pursuits and j^ast- 
 imes, to all the happy engagements, and 
 sweet civilities of polished life — and "turn- 
 ing them from their dumb idols to the living 
 God ; — and in the language of sacred scrip- 
 ture, "the wilderness and the solitary pla- 
 ces shall be glad for them ; and the desert 
 shall rejoice and blossom as the rose." 
 
 The Hon. Henry A. Wise being present, 
 was called out by the audience and address- 
 ed the meeting as follows : 
 
 Mr. President, I find myself placed in a 
 very embarrassing situation. I have just 
 gotten out of the cars from the City of Wash- 
 
 ington. Upon arriving here, on a flying visit 
 with a friend to this city, I was for the first 
 time informed that this meeting was to be 
 held here to-night ; and being informed that 
 Low. were to preside, I was tempted to attend, 
 with the hope of hearing v^^hat we have all 
 listened to with so much pleasure, an address 
 from you, sir, without the least expectation 
 that I should be called on to make an address 
 myself. And, sir, I, a perfect stranger here, 
 must be pardoned if I am confounded by the 
 surprise of being thus called on so suddenly 
 to address an enlightened audience like this, 
 here assembled, without the least note of 
 preparation, either of thought or word, on a 
 subject so great and imposing as that of this 
 occasion. 
 
 But, sir, my embarrassment does not pro- 
 ceed alone froin the want of preparation to 
 meet the subject and the occasion. I feel 
 myself more embarrassed by the peculiar at- 
 titude which I have for several years past 
 assumed towards the Colonization Society. 
 At the outset of my career in life, sir, I left 
 this my mother State, and like many of her 
 sons, emigrated to the land of the West. 
 There, in the State of Tennessee, I was ap- 
 pointed the secretary of a State Colonization 
 Society, and I became the zealous and active 
 friend and advocate of the great original 
 principles of the design to secure and fortify 
 the institution of slavery itself by colonizing 
 the free people of color, particularly those 
 of the slave-holding States, on the shores of 
 Africa. After some years absence I return- 
 ed to this good old Commonwealth, and con- 
 tinued the friend of colonization until the 
 first session after I was elected a member of 
 the House of Representatives in the Con- 
 gress of the United States. 
 
 During the session of 1833 — '34, a meet- 
 ing of the parent society was held at Wash- 
 ington, at which there were sentiments open- 
 ly avowed and proceedings attempted which 
 alarmed many of the best and oldest friends 
 of the cause with apprehensions as to its 
 subsequent effects and tendencies, and which 
 caused myself, among others, to look on it 
 then and since with a jealous eye. You, no 
 doubt, sir, remember the meeting to which I 
 allude. It was the meeting at which the no- 
 torious Gerret Smith daringly insisted that 
 the ultimate object of the Colonization So- 
 
 12 
 
90 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 ciety should be to abolish slavery ; that the 
 norih should have the control of the society, 
 because its patrons from that quarter had 
 subscribed most of its funds ; forgetting, by 
 tlie by, that a single deed or will of volunta- 
 ry emancipation in the south gave tens of 
 thousands in property, where tlie most zeal- 
 ous northern philanthropists subscribed tens 
 n dollars and cents ; it was there he openly 
 avowed that the time had then come when 
 the institution should begin to move directly 
 towards the end he aimed at ; and, sir, it 
 was then and there that the Rev. Mr, Breck- 
 enridge denounced old Virginia as like Neb- 
 uchadnezzar's image — part iron or brass and 
 part clay, and ready to be broken in pieces ! 
 That meeting, 1 say, alarmed me, sir,^imong 
 others of the warm friends of this cause, and 
 has made me stand aloof at least for the last 
 our years, from an active co-operation in its 
 great work. Up to the present moment, in- 
 deed, I have been watching the tendencies 
 of the society, to see whether it woul^l be 
 safe for us of the south to participate in its 
 operations. I feared thai the sentiments and 
 influences of the Gerret Smith parly would 
 pervert the society from its original purposes 
 and ends; and, above all, f feared that colo 
 nization would be made to sow a seed of 
 disunion in the slave-holding States, at a time 
 when, soon after that meeting, the footsteps 
 of abolition across the Potomac were traced 
 in blood. 
 
 The scenes of the summer of 1835, when 
 the flaming torches of abolition were hurled 
 in our midst, kindling all the combustibles 
 of civil disorder, — threatening to burn down 
 our very post-offices and to consume the 
 reign of law, — founding the bloody and sum- 
 mary Lynch code on the cinders of its fires, 
 will not soon be forgotten in the south. And, 
 sir, it was, as you well know, at the session 
 of Congress immediately succeeding these 
 awful scenes, that it was thought the time 
 had come for the south to act in Congress 
 and, the time being auspicious, as I imagin 
 ed, to obtain a recognition of our guaran- 
 tees from the friends of a northern candidate 
 for the Presidency, I moved certain resolu- 
 tions in the House, in defence of the insti- 
 tutions of the slave-holding States. But, 
 notwithstanding the favorable moment and 
 all its immense aids of ambition and avarice 
 
 for offices and their ho)iors and emolument s 
 another so favorable, I fear, will never again 
 occur. I regret to say, without reproaches 
 now to any, that the south was utterly un- 
 successful, and defeated in obtaining from 
 Congress any declaratory pledges, whatever, 
 for the securit/ of its rights and the protec- 
 tion of its peace. The south itself was dis- 
 united, torn, divided and distracted. It was 
 then demonstrated that it was utterly impos- 
 sible to unite a majority in Congress on any 
 ground upon xvhich the slave-holding States 
 could safely stand. And, sir, I here proclaim 
 in the capitol of this slave-holding State — to 
 all whom it may concern — that now the same 
 truth prevails — the slave-holder cannot rely 
 upon any position of defence against abolition, 
 upon which a majority of the Senators and 
 Representatives of the whole people of the U. 
 States can be brought to unite! This truth 
 is solemnly confirmed by the discussion and 
 proceedings now at this moment agitating the 
 Senate chamber of the national capitol, and 
 now shaking the very pillars of the Consti- 
 tution and the Union. Take it iiome with 
 you — all of you — and reflect upon it serious- 
 ly and gravely. 
 
 Where then is our safety? In what does 
 our security consist ? — Sir, in one thing alone. 
 But one principle of action will save us and 
 ours: union among ourselves ! — the union oj 
 the whole South! The south must stand as 
 one man — firmly, fixed, united — presenting 
 an undivided front — an impenetrable pha- 
 lanx — uttering no threats — throwing back no 
 denunciations — the time of debating and 
 murmuring is past — but ready to act ; and, 
 though a minority, yet a minority united in 
 solid and solemn purpose, can and will deter 
 any majority which may ever threaten to at- 
 tack their peace, their property, their consti- 
 tutional rights, and their lives ! They should 
 unite as brethren, literally of the same faith 
 and the same fathers, on this vital question — 
 as men, women and children, involved in one 
 and the same common danger, and bound to 
 defend the same common honor, interests 
 and rights. Away, then, with all pitiful, petty 
 party divisions, at this crisis of our fate ! — 
 The man or politician who now would seize 
 on this fatal topic for personal, political or 
 party ends, should be " anathema marana- 
 tha!" Let the slave-holdinir States but be 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 91 
 
 united on this question, so infinitely above 
 all party strife, and they have nothing to fear 
 against all the world combined. 
 
 prejudices and passions the most dangerous, 
 because most fanatical, to release a portion 
 of mankind from an alleged cruel and op- 
 
 Sir, these were the reasons — the fear that 1 piessive bondage ; inllames and agitates the 
 the abolition party in the parent society might [public mind, by threatening to demolish all 
 
 succeed in perverting colonization from its 
 original design, coupled with the strongest 
 desire and conviction that nothing should be 
 permitted to divide the south — which have 
 caused me for a time to withdraw my humble 
 countenance and support from this cause. I 
 am even now somewhat skittish, I confess, 
 but Gerret Smith, who showed the cloven 
 foot but parlially in 1833 — '34, has since 
 been constrained to exhibit himself in his 
 true and glaring colors of an abolitionist — 
 his party has signally failed to swerve the 
 Colonization Society from its first princi- 
 ples — they have separated themselves from it 
 and joined to their own idols — they have 
 openly declared war against colonization, 
 and their hostility now tends to drive the 
 Colonization Society, if it ever began to de- 
 sert them, back to its original principles and 
 plans of operation, and to keep it pressed 
 close to those walls of safety. This has al- 
 most, if not altogether, allayed my fears and 
 revived my hopes concerning the great cause. 
 The line of demarcation is now too strongly 
 drawn, I hope, between colonization and 
 
 established social relations ; arouses a reli- 
 gious zeal in a crusade against the peace 
 and order and union of a nation ; teaches 
 and preaches insurrection to the slave ; en- 
 courages Lynch-la>v, and hallows the vic- 
 tims of its penalties with the glory of mar- 
 tyrdom ; calumniates and cuises the slave- 
 holder; hurls its incendiarism against his 
 life: attacks and attempts to render unsafe 
 the institution of slavery, and thereby tight- 
 ens the fetters of the slave and makes his 
 chains more galling ; opposes the coloniza- 
 tion of the free-man of color in a land where 
 the black man may be the fellow of man, 
 and advances the horrible amalgamation of 
 him, here in the land of his degradation, with 
 those to whom his mere association is con- 
 tamination the most abhorrent and revolting! 
 The Colonization Society sacredly regards 
 slavery as a civil institution of the country, 
 which, upon the principle of the lesser yield- 
 ing to the greater good, cannot be attacked 
 by the law of humanity, and must necessa- 
 rily be tolerated and sustained from motives 
 
 abolition ever to be crossed. Their princi- and reasons of policy ; defends all the eter- 
 ples are diametrically opposed to each other, ! nal and immutable principles of right, and 
 
 and their warfare will tend to press each to 
 occupy its appropriate ground and position. 
 The Colonization Society must now maintain 
 that great original principle upon which it 
 was founded : — " Friendship to the slave- 
 holder." Never let it be forgotten or de- 
 parted from. It stands in direct contrast to 
 that upon which, according to their own pre- 
 
 religiously promotes the obvious decrees of 
 Heaven, whilst it faithfully obeys the para- 
 mount laws of the State; appeals to the rea- 
 son and enlightened consciences of men, 
 and to that calm and peaceful religion which 
 ever righteously interposes to ameliorate the 
 various conditions of all men, and which 
 wisely wins the powerful to assist the weak — 
 
 tensions, and the construction of charity, tlie unbound, the bound ; hushes the din of 
 
 the abolitionists have founded their society — 
 " Philanthropy to the slave 1" 
 
 It is very obvious, sir, that these two prin- 
 ciples, as interjjreted by the respective socie- 
 ties, and applied to their actual operations, 
 tend to very different and opposite results. 
 The abolition society denounces :;]avery as a 
 sin; summons the abstract principles of right 
 
 discord, and by a charm preserves our peace 
 by reconciling our moral duties with our so- 
 cial and political rights and interests ; in- 
 vokes the love of union ; teaches and preach- 
 es obedience to servants; supports the iiim- 
 jesty of the laws by respecting public senti- 
 ment, and classes all the disturbers of the 
 public peace together, inspires the slave- 
 
 and justice, and an imaginary law of Hea. holder with confidence, and addresses itself 
 ven, to destroy the most holy obligations of; alone to his affections; removes the enemies 
 
 political right and justice, founded upon con- 
 stitutional compact among men; appeals to 
 
 of his peace and safety ; guards and renders 
 safe the title of his property and its enjoy- 
 
92 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 ment, and thereby obtains for the slave the 
 indulgences which the slackened cord of 
 confidence yields without cause or fear ; in- 
 cidentally facilitates voluntary emancipation, 
 by sloughing off the free colored j^opulation 
 always in the way of freedom to the slave ; 
 strengthens and upholds the friends of the 
 slave-holder where he needs friends most, 
 where there are no ties and associations of 
 slavery to plead for the institution, and where 
 in the north it is a sword to pierce abolition . 
 and, above all these special benefits, its great 
 aim is that which makes the grandeur of this 
 cause rise to sublimity — to make light shine 
 out of darkness, to colonize a nation of free- 
 7/1671 in their father-land out of our kitchens 
 of slaves ! 
 
 Yes, Sir, the existence and operation of 
 abolition but add to the special benefits of 
 colonization. It not only renders the insti- 
 tution of slavery secure at home among our- 
 selves, but it grants the only ground on 
 which our friends can stand in the non- 
 slaveholding states among our enemies who 
 are daily multiplying in numbers and in- 
 creasing in power. But, sir, I repeat that 
 the special benefits of this cause to this na- 
 tion are nothing compared with its general 
 benefits to all mankind, to all posterity, to 
 Africa, to the world. In contemplating the 
 vast, ultimate design and effects of this great 
 scheme of lighting up a whole land now 
 shrouded in the blackness of darkness, I 
 have often been struck with a thought which 
 justifies slavery itself in the abstract, and 
 which has made me wonder and adore a gra- 
 cious Special Providence. Aye, sir, a Spe- 
 cial Providence — bad a man as some may 
 have been taught to believe me to be — I, 
 Sir, even / do firmly, if not faithfully, intel- 
 lectually, if not religiously, believe in a 
 Great and Good Overruling Special Provi- 
 dence. And, Sir, I as firmly believe that 
 slavery on this contine?it is the gift of Hea- 
 ven to Africa. Is it unworthy of the Divine 
 purpose or impious to suppose that it was by 
 God intended to be the sun of the illumina- 
 tion of that land of night? — Cannot one well 
 see the hand of the Everlasting Almighty — 
 who worketh not in a day or generation — in 
 
 making one generation serve for another of 
 the same people ? — Is there ^.\^^hireligiously 
 wrong in making an idolatrous pagan sire 
 work out the civilization and Christianity of a 
 son 1 What mortal can say that the slavery 
 of the sire was not Divinely intended to be 
 the consideration — and is it any thing more 
 than a fair equivalent — for the arts of life 
 and the lights of truth to his posterity 1 — 
 Africa gave to Virginia a savage and a slave, 
 Virginia givFs back to Africa a citizen and a. 
 Christian! Against which does the balance 
 lie ? If this was not the divine will, let those 
 who object tell me, how came African slave- 
 ry here ? Sir, it is a mystery if not thus ex- 
 plained. When our fathers landed on the 
 shores of my venerable district, did they find 
 a population fair as the forests of the land ? 
 Who roamed those forests ? Were they too 
 not savages, ignorant, rude, barbarous and 
 uncivilized as the negro of Guinea's coast ? 
 Were they not as fit for slavery 1 Did not the 
 war of massacre, of tomahawk and scalping 
 knife give the fairest pretext for slavery by 
 the right of capture and subjugation ? Boast 
 as we may of the royal race of aborigines 
 who lorded it over this domain — of the kingly 
 Powhatan, the peerless Pocahontas — the 
 common Indians of North America were 
 just as fit for slavery, and ready here at 
 hand, as the savages of Africa's desert 
 strands — they were enslaved by the Yan- 
 kees. Why, then, were slaves brought 
 3,000 miles across the ocean, leaving our 
 neighbouring tribes of savages untouched by 
 yoke or chain ? Why but to return civiliza- 
 tion for slavery ? Who so fit to be the pio- 
 neer of civilization in Africa as the black 
 man ? Its light expires, has always gone out 
 in the hand of the white man. And what 
 will the civilization of Africa not do in the 
 end for mankind — for the world, its arts, its 
 science, its commerce, its peace and happi- 
 ness, and for freedom ? What new fields will 
 it not explore ? The subject is vast and un- 
 bounded ! I say then, Sir, send forth your 
 missionaries with light and love to the land 
 of night, until that " dry nurse of lions" 
 shall become the nursery of arts, and science, 
 and civilization, and law, and order, and re- 
 ligion ! 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization 
 
 93 
 
 Sir, I did not mean to say more than to 
 apologize for not making a speech, and to 
 thank, cordially thank, this meeting for its 
 flattering notice and kind attention.* 
 
 The speeches delivered at this meeting 
 exhibited a power and variety of eloquence 
 which has been seldom witnessed in the cap- 
 itol of the Old Dominion. The sentiments 
 
 of both parties appeared as its advocates in 
 the Capitol at Richmond, and represented it 
 in the general meeting at Washington. 
 
 The next annual meeting was held in the 
 Capitol at Richmond, on the 22nd January, 
 1839. The Hall of the House of Delegates 
 was crowded to overflowing, so that many 
 persons could not make their way into the 
 
 advocated by the speakers were responded Loom. The Honorable John Tyler, Presi 
 
 to with great enthusiasm on the part of the 
 audience. 
 
 * In a letter to the Secretary of the meeting, 
 relative to the foregoing speech, Mr. Wise says : 
 " The speech which I made at Richmond was in- 
 tended to express at the time only my own pecu- 
 liar views of Colonization, and advance the argu- 
 ments and reasons which recommended the cause 
 to me." 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 House of Delegates ; Rev. Messrs. Andrews 
 and Balch ; Annual Meeting of 1839 ; Ad- 
 dresses of John Tyler, Wm. Smith of Cul- 
 peper, B. Smith of Kanawha, and T. Wal- 
 ker Gilmer of Albemarle ; Elliott Cresson. 
 W. C. Rives' Speech; Mr. F. Knight's 
 agency ; Sermon of Rev. James Craik ; — 
 Tyler, Wise and Rives delegates to Annual 
 Meeting of 1845. Gov. McDowell's Ad- 
 dress and election as President; Extract 
 from Repository ; Reorganization of Colo- 
 nization Society of Virginia" in 1849 ; — 
 Correspondence of Messrs. Upshur and Fox; 
 Robert B. Boiling elected President; Mr. 
 Bailey's Memorial ; Mr. Slaughter's Ad- 
 dress ; Position of Society on Slavery ; — 
 Mr. Dorman's Bill, Sfc. 
 
 Numerous petitions were presented to the 
 General Assembly at each session for an 
 amendment of the act of 1833, so as to make 
 it available for the purposes of the Society. 
 Upon two occasions, as we have seen, the 
 House of Delegates passed bills in confor- 
 mity with these petitions, but for some rea- 
 son they were not acted upon by the Senate. 
 Notwithstanding the inefhcacy of this act of 
 Assembly from which so much was anticipa- 
 ted, the cause still prospered in Virginia un- 
 der the energetic agency of the Rev. C. W. 
 Andrews, and of the Rev. Thomas Balch, 
 who succeeded him. The leading politicians 
 
 dent of tiie Society took the chair, and J. C, 
 Crane acted as Secretary. The annual re- 
 port was read by the Rev. T. B. Balcii. Wil- 
 liam Smith of Culpeper offered the following 
 resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the present encouraging 
 and prosperous condition of Liberia is a mat- 
 ter of just congratulation to all the friends of 
 this great cause. 
 
 B. H. Smith of Kanawha offered the fol- 
 lowing resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the experience of the past 
 year has rendered more firm the conviction 
 that the Colonization scheme is worthy of 
 the regard of the patriot, the philanthropist 
 and the christian. 
 
 John T. Anderson of Botetourt offered the 
 following resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That while much has been done 
 and much more will be accomplished by vol- 
 untary donations, through the channels of 
 private benevolence, yet the magnitude and 
 importance of our object entitle it to the lib- 
 eral patronage of the Legislature of this 
 State. 
 
 Thomas Walker Gilmer, Speaker of the 
 House of Delegates, offered the followino- 
 resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the mild and redeemino- 
 spirit of Colonization is opposed to, and pre- 
 sents a striking contrast with the wild fanat- 
 icism of those who by the desecration of the 
 name of philanthropy, would subvert our 
 laws and sacrifice our happy institutions on 
 the altar of delusion. 
 
 The gentlemen severally offering these re 
 solutions, sustained them in addresses wor- 
 thy, (says a cotemporary,) of the " Old Do- 
 minion," and the auditory responded by fre- 
 quent bursts of applause, indicating a deep 
 interest in the subject. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Balch made an appeal to the 
 
94 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 liberality of the meeting for a pecuniary con- 
 tribution. The President then addressed the 
 meeting in answer to a call from all parts of 
 the House. The Richmond Whig of the 
 next day, said that the address of the Presi- 
 dent was characteristic for its fervid and flow- 
 ingeloquence ; and'his allusions to the mem- 
 ory of two of Virginia's distinguished sons 
 as patrons and devoted friends of Coloniza- 
 tion, Madison and Marshall, as well as his 
 strongly felt, and expressed interest in the 
 Cc use, excited deep emotion. 
 
 In June 1840, Mr. Elliott Cresson of Phil- 
 adelphia, a warm, untiring and able friend of 
 African Colonization, being on a visit to the 
 City of Richmond, was invited by the Board 
 ol Managers to deliver an address upon the 
 subject. Accordingly a meeting was called 
 in the Presbyterian church on Shockoe Hill 
 to liear Mr. Cresson. We presume that this 
 meeting took place, although we have no 
 note of its proceedings. 
 
 In June 1842, a convention of the friends 
 f African Colonization in the United States 
 was held in the city of Washington for the 
 purpose of concerting measures for giving 
 an impetus to the cause as a great national 
 interest. Able speeches vvere delivered by 
 Mr. Gurley, Senator Morehead of Kentucky, 
 Francis Key and Wm. C. Rives of Virginia. 
 Mr. Rives, said a cotemporary who heard 
 him, addressed the Convention in a speech 
 replete with able argument, and eloquence 
 of an order which high sentiments of Patriot- 
 ism only could inspire. We deeply regret 
 
 ur inability to present this speech to the 
 public. Mr. Rives alluded to the transient 
 nature of many of the political strifes of the 
 day, when compared with the permanent be- 
 neficence and glory of a scheme adapted to 
 
 1 aise the character and enlighten the pros- 
 pects of a race of men, and bring a whole 
 continent from barbarism to civilization and 
 Christianity. He spoke of the impossibility 
 of elevating the colored race in the United 
 States; the obstacles being too numerous 
 and fixed, to be overcome by any human 
 power. He discussed at some length the 
 doctrine of De Toqueville, that the social 
 union of two races so distinct as the white 
 and colored was not to be expected. He be- 
 
 lieved Colonization to be a " great and fruit- 
 ful idea," and that in time its benefits would 
 be spread throughout vast districts of Africa, 
 &.C. He spoke of the slave-trade, and urged 
 with great force the duty of our country to 
 do its part to suppress it, by aftbrding coun- 
 tenance to our African settlements, and 
 maintaining a squadron on the coast, &c. 
 He was more deeply than ever impressed 
 with the vast utility of the scheme, and that 
 it merited the support and favor of the States 
 and of the Nation, &c. 
 
 The speech was worthy of the great repu- 
 tation of the very able Senator, and excited 
 warm and universal applause. 
 
 In May 1843, Mr. Franklin Knight, an 
 agent of the American Society, laid before 
 the Board of Managers of the Virginia So- 
 ciety a proposition of the American Society 
 to raise $20,000 to purchase the territory in- 
 tervening between Cape Mount and Cape 
 Palmas, on the Coast of Africa. The Board 
 cordially aj)proved of the plan and resolved 
 to hold a meeting in the city of Richmond 
 to aid in its advancement. Messrs. Crane 
 and James, and the Rev. Mr. Norwood were 
 appointed a committee to cooperate with the 
 Rev. Mr. Knight in furthering his views. 
 
 In July of this year, the Rev. James Craik 
 of Charleston, Kenawha County, Virginia, 
 preached an able sermon to St. John's con- 
 gregation of which he was Rector. At the 
 request of his vestry, the sermon was pub- 
 lished in the African Repository, whose Ed- 
 itor in introducing it to his readers, expresses 
 his gratification in hearing that " public opin- 
 ion in Virginia and the South is becoming 
 more decidedly and earnestly directed to this 
 great question of elevated patriotism and 
 benevolence." 
 
 The Honorable John Tyler, President, the 
 Honorable Wm. C. Rives and Henry A. 
 Wise, Vice-Presidents, vvere appointed to 
 represent the Virginia Society at the Anni- 
 versary of the American Colonization Soci- 
 ety, in Washington, on the 16lh of January, 
 1844. 
 
 We may here appropriately introduce an 
 interesting correspondence between the Bri- 
 tish Minister at Washington and Judge Up- 
 shur then Secretary of State. Judge Upshur 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 was an eminent Virginian Statesman and an 
 officer and ardent friend of the Society. 
 
 Mk. Fox to Mr. Upsher. 
 
 Washington, Aug. 9, 1843. 
 
 Sir: I had recently llie honor to slate to 
 you, verbally, that her Majesty's Government 
 have, for some time past, been desirous of 
 ascertaining, authentically, the name and ex- 
 tent of the connexion subsisting between 
 the American colony of Liberia on the coast 
 of Africa, and the Government of the United 
 States. 
 
 Certain differences which have arisen, and 
 which, I believe, are still pending, between 
 British subjects trading with Africa on the 
 one hand, and the authorities of Liberia on 
 the other, render it very necessary, in order 
 to avert for the future, serious trouble and 
 contention in tliat quarter, that her Majesty's 
 Government should be accurately informed 
 what degree of official patronage and pro- 
 tection, if any, the United States Govern- 
 ment extend to the colony of Liberia; how 
 far, if at all, the United States Government 
 recognize the colony of Liberia as a national 
 establishment ; and, consequently, how far, 
 if at all, the United States Government hold 
 themselves responsible towards foreign coun- 
 tries for the acts of the authorities of Libe- 
 ria. 
 
 It is very desirable, if the United Govern- 
 ment recognize and protect the colony ot 
 Liberia, that her Majesty's Government 
 should be authentically informed what are 
 considered to be the territorial limits of the 
 colony ; and also by what title the amount 
 of territory so claimed has been acquired. 
 For it appears that, (during the last year, in 
 particular,) the authorities of Liberia have 
 shown a disposition to enlarge very consid- 
 erably the liniits of their territory ; assuming, 
 to all appearance quite unjustifiably, the right 
 of monopolizing the trade with the native 
 inhabitants along a considerable line of coast, 
 where the trade had hitherto been free ; and 
 thus injuriously interfering with the com- 
 mercial interests and pursuits of British sub- 
 jects in that quarter. 
 
 It is not for a moment supposed that the 
 United States Government would, either di- 
 rectly or indirectly, sanction such proceed- 
 ings ; but, in case of its becoming necessary 
 to stop the further progress of such proceed- 
 
 ings and such pretensions, it is very desira- 
 ble, in order, as before mentioned, to avert 
 causes of future dispute and contention, that 
 her Majesty's Government should be in- 
 formed whether the authorities of Liberia 
 are themselves alone responsible on the spot 
 for their public acts; or whether, if they arc 
 under the protection and control of the Uni- 
 ted States Government, it is to that Govern- 
 mejit that application must be made when 
 the occasions above alluded to may require 
 it. 
 
 I avail myself of this occasion to renew 
 to you the assurance of my distinguised con- 
 sideration. 
 
 H. S. FOX. 
 
 Hon. Abel P. Upshur, &,c., &c. 
 
 Mr. Upshur to Mr. Fox. 
 Department of State, 
 Washington, Sej)t. %^, 1843. 
 
 Sir: I have the honor to acknovvledo-e the 
 receipt of your letter of the 9th of August 
 last, informing me that her Majesty's Gov- 
 ernment have for some time past, been de- 
 sirous of ascertaining authentically the na- 
 ture and extent of the connexion subsisting 
 between the American colony of Liberia, on 
 the Coast of Africa, and the Government of 
 the United Slates, and requesting me to giv(! 
 you the desired information. 
 
 The colony, or settlement, of Liberia was 
 established by a voluntary association of 
 American citizens, under the title of th(? 
 American Colonization Society. Its objects 
 were, to introduce Christianity and promote; 
 civilization in Africa ; to relieve the slave- 
 holding States from the inconvenience of aJi 
 increase of free blacks among them ; to im- 
 prove the condition and elevate the charac- 
 ter of those blacks themselves, and to pre- 
 sent to the slave-holder an inducement to 
 emancipate his slaves, by offering to them an 
 asylum in the country of their ancestors, in 
 which they would enjoy political and social 
 equality. It was not, however, establishetl 
 under the authority of our Government, nor 
 has it been recognized as subject to our laws 
 and jurisdiction. 
 
 It is believed that the society has confined 
 itself strictly to the professed objects of its 
 association. As an individual enterprise, it 
 has no precedent in the history of the world. 
 The motives which led to it were not those 
 
96 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 of trade, nor of conquest; the individuals 
 concerned in it proposed themselves no per- 
 sonal advantage nor benefit whatever. Their 
 motives were purely philanthropic, and llieir 
 objects strictly disinterested. In spite of the 
 unexampled difficulties with which they have 
 had to contend, they have by patience an 1 
 perseverance, succeeded in placing their col- 
 ony upon a safe and prosperous iooting. It 
 is just beginning to exert, in a sensible de- 
 gree, its beneficient influences upon the des- 
 tinies of the African race ; and promises, if 
 it be duly sustained, to do much for the re- 
 generation of that quarter of the globe. 
 Hence it has received, as it richly deserves, 
 the respect and sympathy of the whole civ- 
 ilized world. To the United States it is an 
 object of peculiar interest. It was estab- 
 lished by our people, and has gone on under 
 the countenance and good offices of our 
 Government. It is identified with the suc- 
 cess of a great object, which has enlisted the 
 feelings, and called into action the enlarged 
 benevolence, of a large proportion of our 
 people. It is natural, therefore, that we 
 should regard it with greater sympathy and 
 solicitude than would attach to it under 
 other circumstances. 
 
 This society was first projected in the year 
 1816. In 1831 it possessed itself of a terri- 
 tory upon the continent of Africa, by fair 
 purchase of the owners of the soil. For 
 several years it was compelled to defend it- 
 self by arms, and unaided, against the native 
 tribes ; and succeeded in sustaining itself 
 only at a melancholy sacrifice of comfort, 
 and a lamentable loss of human lives. No 
 nation has ever complained that it his ac- 
 quired territory in Africa; but, on the con- 
 trary, for twenty-two years it has been al- 
 lowed, with the full knowledge of «// nations, 
 to enlarge its borders from time to time, as 
 its safety or its necessities required. It has 
 been regarded as a purely benevolent enter- 
 prise, and, with a view to its success, has 
 been tacitly permitted to exercise all the 
 powers of an independent community. It 
 is believed that this license has never been 
 abused, and that the colony has advanced no 
 claims which ought not to be allowed to an 
 infant settlement just struggling into a heal- 
 thy existence. Its objects and motives enti- 
 tle it to the respect of the stronger powers. 
 
 and its very weakness gives it irresistible 
 claims to their forbearance. Indeed it may 
 justly appeal to the kindness and support of 
 all the principal nations of the world, since 
 it has already afforded and still continues to 
 afford, the most important aid in carrying 
 out a favorite measure of their policy. 
 
 It is not perceived that any nation can 
 have just reason to complain that this settle- 
 ment does not confine itself to the limits of 
 its original territory. Its very existence re- 
 quires that it should extend those limits. 
 Heretofore, this has never been done by 
 arms, so far as I am informed, but always by 
 fair purchase from the natives. In like man- 
 ner, their treaties with the native princes, 
 whether of trade or otherwise, ought to be 
 respected. It is quite certain that their in- 
 fluence in civilizing and christianizing Afri- 
 ca, in suppressing the slave-trade, and in 
 ameliorating the condition of African slaves, 
 would be worth very little, if they should be 
 restrained at this time in any one of these 
 particulars. Full justice, it is hoped, mayfbe 
 done to England, wtthout denying to Libe- 
 ria powers so necessary to the safety, the 
 prosperity, and the utility of that settlement 
 as a philanthropic establishment. 
 
 This Government does not, of course, un- 
 dertake to settle and adjust differences which 
 have arisen between British subjects and the 
 authorities of Liberia. Those authorities are 
 responsible for their own acts ; and they cer- 
 tainly would not expect the support or coun- 
 tenance of this Government in any act of in- 
 justice towards individuals or nations. But 
 as they are themselves nearly powerless, 
 they must rely, for the protection of their 
 own rights, on the justice and sympathy of 
 other powers. 
 
 Although no apprehension is entertained 
 that the British Government meditates any 
 wrong to this interesting settlement, yet the 
 occasion is deemed a fit one for making 
 known, beyond a simple answer to your en- J 
 quiries, in what light it is regarded by the ■ 
 people of the United States. It is du? to 
 her Majesty's Government that I should in- 
 form you that this Government regards it as 
 occupying a peculiar position, and as pos- 
 sessing peculiar claims to the friendly con- 
 sideration of all christian powers ; that this 
 Government will be, at all times, prepared 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 97 
 
 to interpose its good offices to prevent any 
 incroachmeiit by the colony upon any just 
 right of any nation, and that it would be 
 very unwilling to see it despoiled of" its ter- 
 ritory rightfully acquired, or improperly re- 
 strained in the exercise of its necessary 
 rights and powers as an independent settle- 
 ment. 
 
 I pray you to accept the assurance of my 
 distinguished consideration. 
 
 A. P. UPSHUR. 
 
 Henry S. Fox, Esq., &c., &c. 
 
 On Saturday evening, the lllh ofJanuary, 
 1845, the Annual meeting of the Coloniza- 
 tion Society of Virginia, was held in the Hall 
 of the House of Delegates. On motion of 
 Mr. Maxwell, Governor McDowell was call- 
 ed to the chair, and on taking the chair. 
 Governor McDowell addressed the meeting 
 in his earnest and impressive style, setting 
 forth ably and eloquently the importance of 
 this subject to the United States in general, 
 and to the South in particular, and thence 
 deducing the duty of every American citizen 
 and especially of every Southern man to aid 
 in its wise and vigorous prosecution. Gov- 
 ernor McDowell was then unanimously elec- 
 ted President of the Society. 
 
 For the next four years the Colonization 
 Society of Virginia seems to have suspended 
 its operations. This did not proceed from a 
 want of interest in the subject, but from the 
 difficulty of providing competent agents. — 
 The fuel was ready and there was only want- 
 ing some warm heart to kindle the fire. In- 
 deed ever since the Rev. Messrs. Andrews 
 and Balch, the first Virginians who had ac- 
 ted for the Society, it had been in a state of 
 suspended animation and was only aroused 
 to action by the visitation of some member 
 of the Society at Washington, and then soon 
 relapsed into its slumber again. This view 
 of ours is confirmed by the following pas- 
 sage in the Report of the American Society, 
 in January 1846. 
 
 " In Virginia there is much interest in the 
 cause, but there have been but few efforti: 
 made to turn it to account. We have not 
 been able to secure for that State any Agent 
 of qualifications suitable to the emergencies in 
 the case. Whenever efforts have been made 
 
 to raise funds, they have been successful in 
 an encouraging degree. Most of the funds 
 which we have received from Virginia, have 
 been raised by ministers of the gospel in the 
 ordinary routine of their parochial opera- 
 tions." 
 
 On the 13th of February, 1849, a meeting 
 was held in the Capitol, in the City of Rich- 
 mond, for the purpose of reorganizing the 
 Colonization Society of Virginia. Mr. Wm. 
 H. Macfarland was called to the chair. He 
 explained the object of the meeting and ur- 
 ged the claims of the Society to the cordial 
 support of the public. 
 
 Mr. Baxter offered the following resolu- 
 tion : 
 
 Resolved, That it is eminently expedient 
 and desirable to revive and reorganize the 
 Virginia Colonization Society ; and to fur- 
 nish it immediately with all the means which 
 may enable it to prosecute its important and 
 interesting object with new and increased 
 energy, constancy and eflect. 
 
 This resolution was supported by addresses 
 from Bishop .Tohus and Messrs. Maxwell, 
 Baxter, Reeve, James and the Rev. Mr. Tins- 
 ley, and unanimously adopted. 
 
 The following gentlemen were elected of- 
 ficers of the Society. 
 
 President. — Robert B. Boiling of Peters- 
 burg. 
 
 Vice-Presidents. — W. H. Macfarland, Jno. 
 Rutherfoord, R. G. Scott, James C. Bruce, 
 and Messrs. R. H. Cunningham, Maxwell, 
 Blackford, &c. 
 
 Corresponding Secretary. — P. V. Daniel. 
 
 Recording Secretary. — B. B. Minor. 
 
 Managers. — N. Mills, Samuel Reeve, J. 0. 
 Steger, T. H. Ellis, S. Palmer, M. Gretter, 
 F. James, R. Whitfield, Egbert Watson, and 
 Thomas Samson. 
 
 On the 23d of February, 1849, a letter was 
 received from Mr. Boiling of Petersburg, ex- 
 pressing his hearty interest in the Society, 
 and regretting that his health and numerous 
 engagements, constrained him to decline the 
 office of President. Governor Floyd was 
 then unanimously elected to fill the vacancy. 
 The Rev. W. M. Atkinson was appointed 
 general agent. A committee consisting of 
 Messrs. Ellis, Crane and James, was appoin- 
 ted to obtain from the Legislature an act of 
 incorporation and legislative aid to the So- 
 
 13 
 
98 
 
 The Virginian Hidory of African Colonization. 
 
 ciety. The Society at this time sustained a 
 serious loss in tlie ('eatli of William Williams, 
 its Treasurer. Tliom:is H. Ellis was chosen 
 to fill his place. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. McLain, General Agent of 
 the American Colonization Society, appear- 
 ed before the Board of Managers of the Vir- 
 ginia Society, and stated ;hatthe government 
 of the United States contemplated entering 
 into a commercial treaty wiih Liberia, in 
 which treaty the independence of Liberia 
 would be recognized ; that Mr. Gurley had 
 gone to Liberia by appointment of the gov- 
 ernment, with a view of obtaining accurate 
 intelligence of its condition and resources. 
 He also said that the Liberians knowing and 
 respecting the prejudices of Americans, did 
 not propose to send a colored representative 
 to this country, but had designated him (Mr. 
 McLain) to represent their interests ; that 
 Great Britain had acknowledged the inde- 
 pendence of Liberia ; sent President Roberts 
 home in a National vessel, and presented 
 him with an armed frigate — that the com- 
 merce of Liberia was rapidly increasing and 
 was capable of indefinite expansion, and 
 that favorable terms might be obtained by us 
 if the opportunity was not permitted to pass. 
 He added that the President of the United 
 States was desirous of learning the state of 
 public opinion in all parts of the country 
 upon the question. He then suggested that 
 the Virginia Board should express its senti- 
 ments upon the policy of recognition. Af- 
 ter an interchange of opinion by the Mana- 
 gers, it was resolved, on motion of Robert 
 G. Scott, that in the opinion of this Board 
 it v/as expedient to recognize the indepen- 
 dence of Liberia, by entering into a commer- 
 cial treaty with her. The Secretary was in- 
 structed to prepare a memorial to the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States, expressing 
 this opinion, which il approved by the Pres- 
 ident of the Society, should be properly au- 
 thenticated and transmitted to Washington. 
 
 The next Annual Meeting of the Society 
 was held in the 1st Presbyterian Church in 
 Richmond. The President of the Society 
 took the chair, and the meeting was opened 
 with prayer by the Rev. T. V. Moore. R. 
 G. Scott then presented letters from the Hon. 
 Henry Clay, R. W. Thompson, and J. R. 
 LTnderwood, regretting that thcv could not 
 
 accept invitations to address the meeting. 
 Mr. Clay said, "continuing to feel the 
 liveliest interest in t e Coh)nization of the 
 free people of color; having all my original 
 impressions in favor of the scheme, strength- 
 ened and confirmed by successful experi- 
 ence, and now entertaining no doubt of its 
 entire practicability and of its being suscep- 
 tible of an expansion so as to colonize in a 
 reasonable time all the colored people now 
 free, and such as may be emancipated, I 
 should be most happy to assist in the endea- 
 vor to give a new and more vigorous impulse 
 to the Virginia Society. On other accounts 
 it would give me much personal gratification 
 to revisit the Capitol of my native Slate. I 
 regret that my engagements will not allow 
 me to leave the city at this time. 
 I am, with high respect, 
 
 Your ob't servant, 
 
 HENRY CLAY. 
 Messrs. R. G. Scott, B. B. Minor, &c. 
 
 Mr. R. G. Scott then introduced to the 
 Society Mr. T. H. B. Latrobe, President of 
 the Colonization Society of Maryland, who 
 made an able and instructive speech. He 
 was followed by the Rev. Mr. McLain, who 
 by a few pointed and practical remarks 
 heightened the impression already made in 
 favor of African Colonization, 
 
 The Rev. P. Slaughter, (who liad been just 
 elected General Agent of the Society,) and 
 R. G. Scott were appointed delegates to the 
 Annual meeting of the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society. Mr. R. G. Scott was one of 
 the orators of the latter Society, and illus- 
 trated his long devotion to the cause by an 
 able, patriotic and impassioned speech. 
 
 At a meeting of the Board on the 30th of 
 January, 1850, the Rev. P. Slaughter made a 
 brief report of the proceedings of the Amer- 
 ican Society, and suggested that it was ne- 
 cessary to have an understanding as to the 
 spheres of action of the two Societies, and 
 also that this Board should make an explicit 
 declaration of the principles and views of 
 the Colonization Society of Virginia. Ac- 
 cordingly Messrs. Scott, Caskie and Reeve 
 were appointed a committee in cooperation 
 with Mr. Slaughter, to prepare an exposi- 
 tion of our plans and policy. The result of 
 their counsels was the following declaration, 
 which was approved by the Board and pub- 
 
The Virgininn History of Jljrican Colonization. 
 
 99 
 
 iislied as an official document of the Society. 
 
 '• Whereas in the p:esent excited slate of 
 I lie public mind upon llie subject of sluvery, 
 liie pfiople of the South look with anxious 
 jealousy upon every movement which has or 
 is supposed to have a direct or indirect effect 
 upon that institution; and believing that t!ie 
 people of Virginia will and ought to insist 
 upon having a distinct and unequivocal ex- 
 position of the views and purposes of every 
 man and association of men, who propose 
 action in reference to the colored population 
 of the State — we, the President and Mana- 
 gers of the Colonization Society of Virginia, 
 deem it our duty to make a brief and candid 
 exposition of the principles, objects and pol- 
 icy of the Society, and do for that purpose 
 resolve that we adhere with unshaken fideli- 
 ty to that article in the Constitution of the 
 American Colonization Society, which de- 
 clares it to be the single purpose of that So- 
 ciety to Colonize on the Coast of Africa the 
 free black population of the United Stales, 
 with their own consent. 
 
 Resolved, That we believe that the Ameri- 
 can Colonization Society has adhered to this 
 in the past, and will continue to do so for 
 the future ; and we pledge ourselves to watch 
 its operations with sleepless vigilance and 
 give warning of the least and first departure 
 from its organic law, as a breach of faith, and 
 a signal of our immediate withdrawal from 
 all cooperation with it. 
 
 Resolved, That this Society purposes to 
 devote its funds to the removal of the free 
 colored population of this State, and will ap- 
 ply all the funds that may be coHtributed to 
 it to this object, except such as may be spe- 
 cially appropriated by the donor to other ob- 
 jects. 
 
 Resolved, That the Managers having cho- 
 sen the Rev. P. Slaughter to represent their 
 views and policy in this State, do resjiectfully 
 request that all contributions to this cause in 
 this State, may be paid to liim, that they may 
 be by him transmitted to the Treasurer of 
 this Society." JOHN B. FLOYD, 
 
 President. 
 
 B. B. Minor, Secretary. 
 
 The Rev. R. W. Bailey, who had been la- 
 boring diligently in the Valley of Virginia, 
 as agent of the American Colonization So- 
 ciety, prepared an able memorial to the Gen- 
 
 eral Assembly at the session of 1849-50, pro- 
 ving and illustratiiiof u ith clearness and force 
 ihe following conclusions — 
 
 Isi. It is desirable and necessary to both 
 races that the fret^ colored people should l)e 
 removed from tiiis State. 
 
 2nd. Liberia is their proper home, and it 
 is lor their interest to emigrate to that land 
 of Liberty and Law. 
 
 3rd. We extend to them their due share 
 of justice and mercy in providing for their 
 removal thither. 
 
 4tli. The Colonization Society is a proper, 
 convenient and economical agency to eflect 
 this removal. 
 
 5th. In making a liberal appropriation for 
 this object, the present LegisUture would be 
 carrying out the policy of this State, as de- 
 clared by divers former Legislatures of Vir- 
 ginia for half a century. 
 
 The Rev. P. Slaughter also presented to 
 the Legislature an elaborate address, tracing 
 the idea of Colonization from its first sug- 
 gestion by Mr. Jefierson in 1776, through 
 all its modifications by the General Assem- 
 blies of Virginia, until its full development 
 in the American Colonization Society ; and 
 demonstrating it to be from its conception 
 to its consummation, and down to the pres- 
 ent time an eminently Virginian scheme of 
 policy. This address was republished at 
 Washington with the Annual Report of the 
 American Society, and again with the docu- 
 ments of the Report of the Naval Committee 
 of Congress, proposing the establishment of 
 a line of Steamers between America and 
 Africa. 
 
 In 1850, Mr. Dorman's bill, founded upon 
 a recommendation in Gov. Floyd's message, 
 j)assed both houses of the General Asseinbly, 
 with nearly the identical restrictions which 
 made the act of 1S33 unavailable. It appro- 
 priated $30,000 per annum, for five years, 
 to the removal of the free negroes of Vir- 
 ginia to Liberia. It only allows $25 to be 
 a])plied to the transportation of each adult 
 and $15 to each infant under ten years of 
 age, while the actual average expense of 
 transporting each emigrant adult and infant 
 is $60. It also limits the appropriation to 
 negroes free at the time of its passage ; a 
 provision which seems to us impolitic, be- 
 
100 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonizaiion. 
 
 cause its effect is not to prevent emancipa- 
 tion as was intended by its framers, but to 
 leave the emancipated to remain in the Com- 
 monwealth, contrary to the spirit and intent 
 of the law. Accordingly, more than two 
 hundred slaves were emancipated and allow- 
 ed to remain in the Commonwealth in ISoO. 
 [t is also often impossible to collect legal 
 proof of the freedom of many negroes who 
 are nevertheless reputed b}'^ every one who 
 knows them to be free. Tliese facts render- 
 ed the provisions of the law of 1833 so dif- 
 ficult of execution that not a dollar appro- 
 priated by it was expended. The Society 
 did, however, to some extent, avail itself of 
 the appropriation of 1850. The following 
 facts will illustrate the operation of this law. 
 In 18.50 we colonized from Virginia 107 em- 
 igrants at a cost of $5,350, of which sum 
 we received from the State Tj easury only 
 $675. In 1851 we colonized 141 persons at 
 a cost of $7,050, of which we received from 
 the State Treasury $1,950. In 1852 we 
 colonized from Virginia 192 persons at a cost 
 of $11,520, of which we received from the 
 State Treasury only $2,815. So that while 
 in three years we colonized from Virginia 
 440 emigrants at a cost of $2d,400, we only 
 used $5,430 of the State appropriation, leav- 
 ing the Society to supply from private dona- 
 tions the sum of $21,000. 
 
 Chapter XV. 
 
 Annual Meeting of 1851 — The Report and R. 
 G. Scott's Resolution — Speeches of Taze- 
 well Taylor, Dorman, Janney, Moncure, 
 Chilton and Daniel, Rev. Mr. Starr and 
 Rev. Mr. Baily — Annual Meeting of 
 1852. — Mr. Slaughter' s Report — Speeches 
 of Bishop Payne, Rev. Mr. Moore and Rev. 
 Mr. Read — Mr. Howard's Resolution and 
 Rev. Isaac Tinsley's Amendment. — Annual 
 Meeting of 1853 — Speech of Mr. Thomp- 
 son of Indiana — Passage of Bill — A Meet- 
 ing of 1855 — Speeches of Messrs. Gurley, 
 Doggett and Burrows — Dr. Lee's Speech at 
 Washington, and Mr. Slaughter' s Resolu- 
 tions. 
 The next annual meeting was held in the 
 
 House of Delegates in Richmond, on the 
 
 13th of February, 1851. 
 
 The President, Gov. Floyd, took the chair, 
 and the report of Mr. Slaughter, was read 
 by Mr. Minor. It gave a minute history of 
 Colonization in Virginia, and discussed the 
 the whole subject in its political, social and 
 religious aspects. It also contained many 
 su2;o:estions for enlarging and facilitating: the 
 labors of the Society in Virginia. 
 
 The revenue of the Society was $7,000, a 
 sum inadequate to pay the expenses of the 
 large emigraiion from the State. The defi- 
 ciency was supplied by contributions from 
 other States through the American Coloni- 
 zation Society. It noticed with commenda- 
 tion the labors of the Rev. Mr. Bayly in the 
 Valley, and of the Rev. Mr. Starr in Nor- 
 folk. 
 
 Mr. R. G Scott moved the adoption of the 
 Report, and " a vote of thanks to the Rev. 
 Mr. Slaughter for his efficient services as 
 the Society's representative." 
 
 Mr. Scott having based some well-timed 
 and forcible remarks upon his resolution it 
 was unanimously adopted. 
 
 Mr. Tazewell Taylor offered the following 
 resolution, accompanying it with some ap • 
 propriate comments : 
 
 Resolved, That the scheme of Coloniza- 
 tion originating in the Legislature of 1776, 
 and sustained by many succeeding Legisla- 
 tures, and by the authority of Jefferson, 
 Madison, Monroe and Marshall, is entitled 
 to be regarded as a measure of Virginian 
 polic}', having high claims to the confidence 
 of all Virginians. 
 
 Mr. Dorman then made an eloquent ad- 
 dress, exhibiting the Colonization Society as 
 offering to the temperate wisdom of all par- 
 ties and all sections a common ground of re- 
 sistance to the reckless enterprises of Abo- 
 litionists. 
 
 Mr. John Janney, of Loudoun, then rose 
 and said for fear that silence would be con- 
 strued into indifference, after the invitation 
 which had just been given him, made a few 
 earnest and appropriate remarks, concluding 
 with the resolution : 
 
 That the Colonization of the free people 
 of color in Virginia on the coast of Africa or 
 elsewhere, is a political and social neces- 
 sity. 
 
The Virginimi History of Jlfrican Colonizution. 
 
 101 
 
 Judge Moacure in answer to a call, advo- 
 cated the cause of African Coloiiizalion with 
 warmth and power, demonstrating it to be 
 the cause of patriotism, policy and humani- 
 
 Hon. Samuel Chilton followed with some 
 striking illustrations of the growing and 
 prospective commerce of Liberia, and urg- 
 ing a special effort for the collection of mo- 
 ney for carrj'ing on this important work of 
 State policy. 
 
 Peter V. Daniel, Jr., invoked the aid oi" 
 the public press in publishing facts connect- 
 ed with the history and merits of African 
 Colonization as by recommending its objects 
 and plans. 
 
 The Annual meeting for 1852 was held in 
 the Capitol at Richmond on the 20th of Feb- 
 ruary. Gov. J. B. Floyd, the President, took 
 the chair, and the Rev. P. Slaughter read the 
 Report. 
 
 The Rev. T. V. Moore offered the follow- 
 ing resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the scheme of African Col- 
 
 were reciprocally necessary to each other, 
 and showed by historical facts that missions 
 and colonization had ever been God's gene- 
 ral ])lan of propagating the Gospel. 
 
 Mr. John Howard then moved the appoint- 
 ment of a committee to prepare and present 
 to the Legislature a memorial praying that 
 the State appropriation should be so changed 
 as to allow the application of $50 instead of 
 $25, to the transportation of each emigrant. 
 Mr. H. made some forcible remarks, set- 
 ting forth reasons for the modifications of the 
 act of Assembly. 
 
 After some suggestions by the Rev. Mr. 
 Tinsley, the motion was carried. 
 
 The committee consisted of the following 
 persons — John Howard, John !]. Floyd, Wm. 
 H. Macfarland, T. H. Ellis, George Johnson 
 and S. S. Baxter. 
 
 The chairman of the committee, Mr. How, 
 ard, prepared a very able memorial, which 
 has been printed among the documents of 
 the Society, and had a wide circulation in 
 the newspapers. Its lucid order, strong ar- 
 onization is one of wise policy and Christian guments, happy illustrations and glowing 
 charity, consistent with the lessons taught us I style attracted the public attention, and 
 alike by the history of the past, the facts of i doubtless contributed to the attainment of 
 the present, and the prospects of the future, the objects prayed for by the memorialists. 
 
 Mr. Moore illustrated the propositions in 
 this resolution with great felicity, and ex- 
 pounded clear!}' and beautifully the philoso- 
 phy of the scheme of African Colonization. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Read followed Mr. Moore 
 with an address of marked ability and deep 
 
 In March, 1S52, the Rev. Mr. Slaughter 
 with the approbation of the Board of Mana- 
 gers, established the Virginia Colonization- 
 ist, a monthly newspaper, in the city of 
 Richmond. The design of this newspaper 
 was to supply an organ for the discussion of 
 
 interest, filling up the outline sketched by the subject of African Colonization from the 
 Mr. Moore with some new and pleasing fea- 1 Southern Stand-point, as many Southern 
 tures, and setting forth the commanding men were unwilling to trust the treatment 
 claims of the subject upon patriots and , of questions touching the colored race to any 
 
 Christians. 
 
 The Rt. Rev. John Payne, the missionary 
 Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
 in Africa, who had recently come from Li- 
 beria, where he had been residing for thir- 
 teen years, then made interesting statements 
 of the results of his personal observations, 
 concluding with the opinion that the "in- 
 creasing spirit of influstry in Liberia, gave 
 encouraging promise that she would become 
 
 person.s who were not identified in position, 
 ])rinciples and sympathies with us. 
 
 la the South we have peculiar institutions. 
 No one who looks at these institutions from 
 a Northern Stand-point can appreciate our 
 circumstances. They may be honest and 
 patriotic men, but circumstances modify our 
 appreciations, and they cannot heartily sym- 
 pathise with us. 
 
 During the year 1852 six vessels sailed 
 
 a respectable and permanent community." from the United States to Liberia, with 666 
 He said the white missions and the colonies emigrants, of whom 403 v^ere born free, 38 
 
102 
 
 Tke Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 purchased themselves, and 225 were eman- 
 cipated. The revenue of the American 
 Colonization Society for the same year was 
 about $50,000, of which $9,500 were con- 
 tributed by Virginia. The sums paid by each 
 State into the Treasury at Washington do 
 not represent the amount of contributions in 
 each State to the cause of Colonization. — 
 Each Society expends within her own bor- 
 ders such sums as the State Society deems 
 expedient for keeping up her State organiza- 
 tion, collecting emigrants and diffusing infor- 
 mation through the media of newspapers, 
 pamphlets and other agencies. For exam- 
 ple, the New York Society expends five or 
 six thousand dollars per annum in newspa- 
 pers and other agencies for carrying on the 
 war with her relentless enemies, the Aboli- 
 tionists. 
 
 In 1852 we colonized from Virginia ''.71 
 emigrants. The whole amount of money 
 accruing to the cause of colonization in Vir- 
 ginia for this year was $11,000. The Rev. 
 Mr. Slaughter prepared and put into circula- 
 tion at this time, for the use of members of 
 the Legislature and other persons desiring 
 information, a pamphlet containing " Mr. 
 Howard's Memorial" and "Mr. Slaughter's 
 Address to the Legislature," with letters from 
 Commodores Stockton, Perry, Mayo and 
 Marston, expressing the results of their ob- 
 servations upon the coast of Africa, and an 
 important event of this year was the election 
 of John H. B. Latrobe, of Baltimore, to the 
 Presidency of the American Colonization 
 Society. Mr. Latrobe is a lawyer of a high 
 order of talent, and of unblemished charac- 
 ter, who, through evil and good report, has 
 thrown the whole weight of his character 
 and talent into the scale of our noble charity. 
 
 On the 17th of February, 1853, the Annual 
 meeting of the Colonization Society of Vir- 
 ginia was held in the United Presbyterian 
 Church in Richmond. It was attended by a 
 most respectable audience, notwithstanding 
 many competing attractions in the city on 
 the same evening. 
 
 William H. McFarland presided, and the 
 meeting" was opened with prayer by the Rev. 
 Dr. Jeter of the Bajitist Church. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Slaughter read his Report, 
 shewing the onward progress of the work not 
 only in Virginia, but in the United States. 
 
 Mr. R. G. Scott introduced Mr. R. W. 
 Thompson, a native of Virginia, but for many 
 years a distinguished member of Congress 
 fioin Indiana. Mr. Thompson made a very 
 powerful speech in which he laid bare the 
 morbid aiiatomy of Northern and English 
 sympathisers with the alleged wrongs of the 
 slave There was a chain of clear reasoning 
 throughout the speech, along which streamed 
 occasional flashes of genuine eloquence. — 
 He placed the colonization cause upon broad 
 grounds of policy and humanity, to which no 
 Southern man could reasonably object. 
 
 The questions arising out of the presence 
 of so large a free colored pojailation in our 
 midst were very freely discussed in the Leg- 
 islature at this session. Divers schemes 
 were suggested in debate for their lemoval, 
 more or less stringent in their provisions. — 
 They were all referred to the Committee of 
 Courts of Justice, the chairman of which 
 (Mr. Miller of Botetourt) reported a bill for 
 their colonization in Liberia.. 
 
 This bill, alter being discussed by Messrs. 
 Rutherfoord of Goochland, Browne of Staf- 
 ford, Poulson, Miller and others, was passed 
 with aii.endments. 
 
 Among the members most active and in- 
 fluential in its support was Mr. John M. 
 peed of Lynchburg. 
 
 • he b.ll is as follows : 
 
 AN ACT. 
 EstahliJung a Colonization Board and ma- 
 king an appropriation for the removal of 
 free persons from the Commonweal:!i. passed 
 ^pril5th, 1853. 
 
 Be it enacted by the General Assembly, 
 that the sum of thirty thousand dollars shall 
 be, and the same is hereliy appropriated to 
 be paid annually for the period of five years 
 out of any money in the Treasury not other- 
 wise appropriated for the purposes and in 
 the manner herein after prescribed. 
 
 Be it further enacted, th.it the Secretary 
 of the Commonwealth, the Auditor of Pub- 
 lic Accounts and Second Auditor, and thi ir 
 successors in office, and four other compc- 
 
The Virginian History of JJfrican Colonization 
 
 103 
 
 tent persons, to be appointed by the Gover- 
 nor, shall constitute a board for the purpose 
 of carrying into effect the provisions of this 
 act. The said board shall be denominated 
 '• the Colonization Board," any three of 
 whose number shall constitute a quorum for 
 the transaction of business. "The said Colo- 
 nization Board," may sue and be sued in 
 any form of action ; shrill cause a journal of 
 their proceedings to be kept ; shall keep an 
 exact account of all moneys disbursed under 
 authorit}' of this act, and shall make a bien- 
 nial report thereof to the General Assembly, 
 showing the names, ages, and sex of such 
 free negroes as may be transported from this 
 commonwealth and the counties, cities or 
 boroughs from which they may have been 
 respectively transported, together with such 
 other facts and suggestions as they may deem 
 proper. 
 
 The said Colonization Board shall have 
 authority to receive donations and bequests, 
 when made in aid of the Colonization Soci- 
 ety of Virginia, and the said board shall 
 dispose of such donations and bequests for 
 the removal of free negroes to Liberia agree- 
 ably to the provisions of this act. 
 
 Whenever satisfactory proof shall be pro- 
 duced to the said board, that any free ne- 
 groes now free or born of free parents, and 
 residents of this State, shall have betn actu- 
 ally transported to the Colony, at Liberia, or 
 other place on the western coast of Africa, 
 or that they shall have been embarked for 
 transportation thither, from within the limits 
 of this commonwealth by the Virginia Colo- 
 nization Society, it shall be lawful, and the 
 said board are hereby required to issue their 
 warrant upon the treasury of this common- 
 wealth for such sum or sums of money as 
 may be necessarj^to defi'ay the costs of trans- 
 ])orting and subsisting such tree negroes for 
 a limited time on the said coast of Africa, 
 ])ayable to the authorized and accredited 
 agents of the said Colonization Society ; pro- 
 vided that the sum or sums which may liom 
 time to time be thus expended, shall in no 
 one year exceed the amount hereby appro- 
 ])riated for such year, unless there may be 
 an unexpended balance of former appropri- 
 ations ; and provided furthei that not more 
 than the sum of fifty dollars shall be allowed 
 
 by said board for the transportation and sub- 
 sistence as aforesaid of any free negro. 
 
 Be it further enacted, that an annual tax 
 of one dollar shall be, and the same is hereby 
 levied, upon every free male negro of the 
 age of twenty-one years and under fifty-five 
 years, to be ascertained and assessed on each 
 liy the Commissioner of the Revenue in 
 every year, and collected by the Sheriff or 
 other Collector of the public revenue as 
 other public taxes and levies upon free ne- 
 groes are collected. All such taxes shall be 
 accounted for with the Auditor in the pres- 
 ent year, and every year hereafter, and paid 
 into the Treasury as other public taxes; and an 
 account thereof shall be raised on the books 
 of the Auditor and Treasurer. The fund 
 arising from this source shall be applied to 
 Ihe removal of free negroes from the Com- 
 monwealth in the manner prescribed in the | 
 ])receding sections of this act, and in addi- 
 tion to the appropriation therein made. And 
 it shall be the duty of the County or Corpo- 
 lation Courts to charge the legal tax for the 
 seal of Courts and attestation of every copy 
 of registration delivered by them to any free 
 negro, and to account with the Auditor of 
 Public Accounts for such tax, and pay the 
 same into the Treasury as other taxes in law 
 process, except that they shall designate the 
 same so as to enable the Auditor and Trea- 
 surer to enter all such moneys to the account 
 ilirected to be raised in the preceding part of 
 this section, and the same shall be applied to 
 the object thereof. 
 
 The act of the eleventh of March, eigh- 
 teen hundred and fifty, entitled an act ma- 
 king an appropriation for the removal of free 
 [lersons, is hereby repealed. 
 
 This act shall be in force from its passage. 
 
 The foregoing law which was passed at 
 the instance of the society, is a great im- 
 provement upon previous legislation. The 
 " Board" which it establishes, was organized 
 on the 2nd of May, by the election of Geo. 
 W. Munford as President, and John Howard 
 as Secretary. The other members are the 
 lirst and second Auditors, Messrs. P. R. 
 Grattan, T. H. Ellis and John 0. Steger, 
 men whose character and intelligence com- 
 mand the public respect and confidence. — 
 These gentlemen deserve the thanks of the 
 Society and of the Commonwealth for the 
 
104 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 diligence and courtesy with which they have 
 done gratuitously the duties devolved upon 
 them. This Board have made a full report 
 of their doings to the Legislature and sug- 
 gested several amendments to the existing 
 law. Governor Johnson, in his messao-e, 
 speaks of the report as an interesting one, 
 and commends the proposed ainendments as 
 judicious. The following facts illustrate the 
 workings of this law. In 1853 the Society 
 sent from Virginia, to Liberia, 241 emigrants, 
 of whom 146 were entitled to $50 each from 
 the State treasury. 
 
 Many of the remaining 96 were recogni- 
 zed in their neighbourhood as free negroes, 
 but it was impossible to procure legal evi- 
 dence of their freedom, and consequently 
 did not draw any thing from the treasury for 
 their transportation. The entire sum accru- 
 ing to the cause of Colonization in Virginia 
 in 1853, was $14,000. This includes $7,300 
 from the State treasury, which was as much 
 the fruit of the society's labors, as any other 
 item of its revenue — the Legislature always 
 making its appropriations at the solicitation 
 of the Society. 
 
 The annual meeting of the Colonization 
 Society of Virginia, in February 1855, was 
 a very interesting and encouraging one. The 
 business of the society having been dispatch- 
 ed during the previous week, a meeting was 
 called at the Presbyterian church for the 
 purpose of presenting the missionary and 
 religious aspects of the Colonization enter- 
 prize. The Christian Advocate said, "the 
 flower of Richmond was present ; we doubt 
 if the city could furnish a more polished, 
 thoughtful and intelligent audience than 
 crowded Dr. Moore's elegant church edifice 
 on Sunday afternoon.'' There was a large 
 number of ministers of the gospel present, 
 representing all the Protestant denomina- 
 tions of the city. The meeting was opened 
 with prayer by the Pastor of the church. — 
 The Missionary Hymn was sung with fine 
 effect. The Rev. P. Slaughter made a brief 
 statement of the leading facts and principles 
 of the report, instead of reading the report 
 itself. He then introduced to the audience 
 the Rev. Dr. Doggett of the Methodist Epis- 
 copal church, who delivered a very able, 
 lucid and effective speech, which the society 
 hopes to embody with its permanent docu- 
 
 ments. He was followed by the Rev. R. R. 
 Gurley, who has since visited Africa with 
 reference to interests of Liberia. Mr. Gur- 
 ley made some touching allusions to his for- 
 mer visits to Richmond more than twenty 
 years ago, and reported the results of his 
 personal observations in Liberia, which were 
 very encouraging to the friends of African 
 Colonization. The Rev. Dr. Burrows of the 
 Baptist church, after a few felicitous remarks, 
 excused himself from detaining the audience 
 at this late hour. He barely had time to 
 express his cordial approbation of the cause, 
 " to allude to the moral condition of Africa, 
 typified by her own great Sahara," and to 
 give utterance to the conviction that the 
 " evangelization of that continent depended 
 mainly upon the introduction of the gospel 
 through the door opened by the Colonization 
 Society." 
 
 The annual report read on this occasion, 
 drew the line of distinction between the Vir- 
 ginian and the American Societies, showing 
 that the former is more distinct from and in- 
 dependent of the latter, than the State of 
 Virginia is from the United States of Amer- 
 ica. It traces the influence of the Virginia 
 society in keeping the American society 
 within the limitations of the Constitution. 
 The late Anniversary of the American So 
 ciety furnishes two pertinent instances of the 
 agency of the delegate from Virginia in this 
 respect, as will appear by the following ex- 
 tract from the report. 
 
 Complaints having been made in the South 
 that the American society had admitted dis- 
 cussions into a few of its annual reports and 
 into the columns of its organ, the African 
 Repository, inconsistent with the provisions 
 of the Constitution, our representative, the 
 Rev. P. Slaughter, introduced the following 
 resolutions : 
 
 Whereas, the exclusive design of the Ame- 
 rican Colonization Society, as declared in its 
 fundamental law, is to remove, with their 
 own consent, the free colored people of the 
 United States to Africa; and whereas, in 
 carrying out this principle, this Board has 
 ordered that all suggestions and schemes of 
 emancipation shall be excluded from the 
 African Depository and other official docu- 
 ments of this society ; and whereas, it is 
 necessary to the consummation of this policy 
 
The Viyninian History of Jifiiccm Colonizniion. 
 
 105 
 
 that the same principle should be applied to! 
 the conduct of the public meetings of the 
 Society, therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That the Executive Committee 
 should have strict regard to this principle in 
 all arrangements for our annual meetings. 
 
 Resolved, That no persons, other than those 
 chosen by the Executive Committee, shall 
 be permitted to make speeches at our public 
 meetings, without a vote. 
 
 After an animated discussion, these reso- 
 lutions were adopted with but one dissentin,'j 
 voice. The last resolution was intended to 
 meet a particular case which had occurred a 
 few days before at the anniversary of the 
 American Colonization Society. The meet- 
 ing having been addressed by the Governor 
 of Connecticut, the Rev. Dr. Haight and 
 Commander Foote of the Navy, and being | 
 about fo adiourn, Col. Baldwin of Western! 
 New York requested permission to make aj 
 few remarks. He said that he was not a 
 member of the society — but wished to sug- j 
 gest to it some reflections which he thought; 
 would greatly increase its usefulness. He | 
 then proposed that the proceeds of the sales ofi 
 the public lands should be applied to the 
 purchase of slaves who should be colonized 
 on our Western frontier, or in Liberia, &c.,! 
 He was evidently an intelligent and well- 
 meaning man, acknowledging the constitu-i 
 tional rights of the South, and would do no- 
 thing without their consent and cooperation.; 
 But as he misrepresented the views of thej 
 society, it was deemed expedient by the Vir-' 
 ginia delegates that his misapprehension 
 should be corrected, lest the society should, 
 be suspected of sympathising with his views. 
 This was very conclusively and happily done { 
 by the Rev. Dr. Lee, who set forth distinctly! 
 and luminously the powers and purposes of 
 our association. Dr. Lee's remarks were 
 well received and relieved the society of any 
 wrong inferences that might have been de- 
 rived from Mr. Baldwin's remarks. It was 
 to prevent any such contingency for the fu- 
 ture, that the last of the foregoing resolu- 
 tions was moved and carried. 
 
 Thus have the delegates from Virginia 
 
 striven to shut every door to the intrusion 
 
 into the official proceedings of the society, 
 
 of any topics foreign to its legitimate aims. 
 
 The whole number of emigrants from Vir- 
 
 ginia in 1854, was 553, cf whom 273 were 
 from Virginia. The revenue of the Colo- 
 nization Society of Virginia in 1854, was 
 $13,009. The udiole sum contributed in 
 Virginia, including $2,000 sent directly to 
 Washington, was about $1,500. The 273 
 emigrants from Virginia, were distributed as 
 follows, viz. : Alexandria 6 — Amherst 18 — 
 Manchester 17 — King George 13 — Nanse- 
 mond 15 — Henrico 39 — Madison 2 — Peters- 
 burg 2 — Norfolk 1 — Richmond 13 — Fauquier 
 54_-Loudon 12 — Portsmouth 19 — Botetourt 
 14_Jefrerson 4— Big Lick 8— Berkeley 8— 
 Hampshire 9 — Rockbridge 9 — Princess Ann 
 7. From Eastern Virginia 229. Fro n Wes- 
 tern Virginia 48. 
 
 The following persons were elected offi- 
 cers of the Colonization Society of Virginia 
 for the ensuing year, viz : 
 
 President — Col. John Rutherfoord. 
 
 Vice-Presidents — R. G. Scott, William IL 
 Macfarland, Henry A. Wise, Geo. W. Sum- 
 mers, Judge Moncure, Andrew Stephenson, 
 J. C. Bruce, Philip Williams, Alexander 
 Steuart, Tazewell Taylor, Judge Caskie, J. 
 McDowell Reid, Judge Tyler, Ballard Pres- 
 ton, Judge Lee, John M. Speed, Wyndham 
 Robertson, Thos. J. Michie, John H. Cocke, 
 Wm. Maxwell and John Janney. 
 
 Managers— V. V. Daniel, Jr., James Tho- 
 mas, John O. Steger, R. Whitfiehl, Samuel 
 Putnev, Dr. Wm. H. Gwathmey, Nicholas 
 Mills, Dr. Merritt, P. R. Grattan, Michael 
 Gretter, John C. Hobson, John Howard, Dr. 
 Wm. P. Palmer, Fleming James, Wm. H. 
 Haxall, James Dunlop, Jacqueline P. Tay- 
 lor, H.A. Claiborne and John M. Patton, Jr. 
 
 Recording Secretary — Frederick Bransford. 
 
 Corresponding Secretary — P. V. Daniel, Jr. 
 
 Treasurer — Thomas H. Ellis. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 Jlfrica and America ; Their providential re- 
 lations ; The lesson it teaches; African 
 Colonization a great Missionary scheme ; 
 Remarkable agreement of Christians upon 
 this subject ; Proceedings of ecclesiastical 
 bodies in Virginia. The failure of all ivhite 
 missions before the settlement of Liberia ; 
 Sierra Leone, Wesleyan, Episcopal, Baptist, 
 Presbyterian, and other missio?i stations, 
 without the limits of Liberia. 
 No American Christian can shut his eyes 
 
 11 
 
106 
 
 The Virginian Uisionj of Jifncan ColoaiiJition. 
 
 to the relations which God has established 
 between America the most highh' fiivored 
 and Africa the most degraded nation on earth. 
 
 When the •' Sun of Righteousness" made 
 his sun-like circuit ol" the earth, he did not 
 shed a ray upon the land of the black man. 
 Millions in Central Africa had (through long 
 centuries) lived without God and died with- 
 out hope. When at last the Church of Christ 
 awoke to a consciousness of its responsibili- 
 ties and made the discovery of the melan- 
 choly state of this people, it sent forth mis- 
 sionary after missionary to plant the standard 
 of the cross within this camp of Satan. 
 
 Every white missionary fell a victim to 
 the deadly night dews of that inhospitable 
 clime, and the bones of a "noble army of 
 martyrs" bleached the burning sands. 
 
 To human view the land seemed doomed. 
 In the meantime God had permitted large 
 numbers of Africans to be transplanted in 
 America and placed in contact with our 
 Christian civilization, under the wholesome 
 discipline to which they were subjected they 
 have been rising steadil}' in the intellectual 
 and moral scale until they have attained a 
 stature far higher than those whom they left 
 in their native seats. Thousands of them 
 have been made acquainted with " the truth 
 as it is in Jesus," and have died in the tri- 
 umphs of the Christian faith. Thousands 
 more are rejoicing in the hope of glory. This 
 is " the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in 
 our eyes." No thinking man can deny the 
 significance of facts like these, and no con- 
 scientious man can be indifferent to the ques- 
 tions of duty which they revive. We have 
 only to deal with these facts in their bearing 
 upon the question of the evangelization of 
 Africa. Some years since while Christians 
 were consciously pondering the problem of 
 planting the Gospel in Africa, the happy 
 thought was suggested to their minds (by the 
 spirit of God as we believe) of returning to 
 the land of their fathers, christianised Afri- 
 cans, carrying with them the ark of God and 
 all the institutions of modern civilization. — 
 Happily there was a class of these persons 
 (the free negroes) to whose going no objec- 
 tion would be opposed. Indeed, all inter- 
 ests, social and political, conspired to favor 
 the suggestion. The experiment was made 
 and considering the poverty of the materials 
 
 has succeeded beyond our anticipations. — 
 Our civil and religious institutinns have been 
 transplanted in the African wilderness which 
 has become vocal with the accents of prayer 
 and praise. Under the shadow of the Libe- 
 rian government, the white missionary can 
 now live, and the centre of African barba- 
 rism has become the centre of christian in- 
 fluence. African colonization has thus push- 
 ed the base of our missionary operations 
 across the Atlantic, 4,000 miles in advance 
 ot its former position. Now ought this van- 
 tage-ground, gained at such expense, to be 
 maintained or abandoned. The colony is yet 
 but an experiment. It needs still our nurs- 
 ing care. Cherish it and Christianity will 
 have a home in Africa. The colonist and 
 the missionary must stand or fall together. 
 " Missions and colonization," says Bishop 
 Payne, " have ever been God's great scheme 
 for spreailing Christianity over the world" — 
 and again he says it is generally agreed 
 among Christians " that colonization is one 
 of God's plans." 
 
 Bishop Scott after visiting the Methodist 
 churches in Liberia, calls the Colonial settle- 
 ! ments bright spots raying out light upon the 
 (Surrounding darkness." Of the same report 
 is the testimony of Mr. Bowen and the Bap- 
 itist missionaries, and Mr. Wilson and the 
 Presbyterians. If we compare for a moment 
 the present state of American missions in 
 j Liberia with their condition before the es- 
 itablishment of the Colonies, the comparison 
 'will be most instructive. The Methodist 
 i Conference consists of twenty-one preach- 
 ers, all or whom are colorea. They number 
 1,301 members, of whom 116 are natives. — 
 Fifteen Sunday schools and 839 scholars, of 
 whom fifty are natives. Twenty week day 
 [Schools and five hundred and thirteen schol- 
 lars ; seven native schools and one hundred 
 land twenty-seven scholars. They have a 
 seminary at Monrovia for the higher branches 
 [Which cost $10,000. 
 
 I The Baptist Board (whose pioneer was 
 j Lot Cary of Virginia) have fifteen stations, 
 ; twenty colored missionaries, seven teachers, 
 four native assistants, thirteen day schools 
 and four hundred and thirty-six pupils — six 
 hundred communicants. 
 
 The Presbyterians have twoordained min- 
 isters one licentiate, three churches, one 
 
The Virgmian History of African Colonization. 
 
 10" 
 
 hundred and sixteen members and three 
 Sunday schools. They have also day schools 
 for natives and colonists. At Monrovia they 
 have an excellent school of from fifty to 
 seventy-five scholars, and at the same place 
 the Alexander High School, under the care 
 of the Rev. D. A. Wilson, a fine scholar. 
 
 The Episcopal mission begun in 1836, has 
 stations at Cape Palmas, Monrovia,, Rassa, 
 Sinou, and Clay-Ashland on the St. Pauls. 
 They have a stone Church at Cape Palmas 
 and also an Orphan Asylum, a brick church 
 on the St. Pauls and a stone one at Monrovia. 
 
 Among the Colonists it has four settled 
 ministers and one candidate for orders, four 
 common schools, one high school, five teach- 
 ers and assistants, and 150 scholars. 
 
 Among the natives they have five stations. 
 The language of one tribe has been reduced 
 to writing. About one hundred native chil- 
 dren are in the boarding schools of the mis- 
 sion. There are eight or ten native teach- 
 ers, three candidates for the ministry, and 
 two ordained native ministers. 
 
 In view of these facts what American 
 Christian can fail to see that he is under ob- 
 ligation to follow the leading's of God's 
 Providence. He seems to have committed 
 Africa to our keeping. Her destiny is (hu- 
 manly speaking) in the hands of American 
 Christians. We have already seen the re- 
 markable agreement of politicians of all par- 
 ties in the wisdom of the scheme of African 
 Colonization as a measure of State policy. 
 The following proceedings of the ecclesias- 
 tical bodies of Virginia, will show a like 
 agreement among Christians of all creeds as 
 to its nrissionary aspect. 
 
 After a brief address by the Rev. P. Slaugh- 
 ter, the Baptist General Association of Vir- 
 ginia in 1853, passed unanimously the fol- 
 lowing reso utions. 
 
 On motion of Elder Wm. F. Broaddus, the 
 following resolutions were passed unani- 
 mously : 
 
 Resolved, That the subject of African col- 
 onization is, in our judgment, a wise mea- 
 sure of State policy, and a worthy object of 
 Christian sympathy and support. 
 
 Resolved, That we have entire confidence 
 in the Colonization Society of Virginia, and 
 invoke for its Agents the kind co-operation 
 of the Baptists of Virginia. 
 
 Resolved, That we recommend to our breth- 
 ren in the ministry to present this subject to 
 their congregations on some Sabbath in the 
 year, and take up a collection for the Colo- 
 nization Society of Virginia. 
 
 Signed. J. B. Jeter, Moderator. 
 
 All who were present recollect the flatter- 
 ing testimonies borne by Elders Ball and 
 Bowen, to the flourishing state of the colo- 
 nies in Liberia. They testified what they 
 had seen. No one can have forgotten their 
 warm exhortations to cherish these colonies 
 as great agencies of Providence for giving 
 Christianity a home in Africa. One of these 
 brethren has since gone to give an account 
 of his stewardship, and we doubt not looks 
 back with joy to his labors of love for poor 
 benighted Africa. The other still toils be- 
 neath her burning sun, patiently waiting for 
 the crown of martyrdom. 
 
 Resolutions of the Episcopal Convention of 
 Virginia. 
 
 " Rev. Mr. Slaughter presented the fol- 
 lowing preamble and resolutions, which 
 were unanimously adopted : 
 
 " Whereas, this Convention is informed of 
 the re-organization of the Colonization So- 
 ciety of Virginia, whose object is to coope- 
 rate with the American Colonization Society 
 in sending back to the land of their fathers 
 the free colored of this State. And, where- 
 as, it is believed that the success which has 
 attended the scheme of African Coloniza- 
 tion, encourages the hope that it will do 
 more than any other plan which has been 
 suggested for the solution of the difficult, 
 social, political and religious problems arising 
 out of the providential presence of this 
 class of persons amongst us, and furnishes 
 strong reasons for believing that the chris- 
 tian commonwealth which it has planted in 
 the very centre of African barbarism — by 
 means of its churches and schools, as well 
 as by the protection and encouragement it 
 affords to our missionaries to the Heathen, 
 and by being in itself the nursery of native 
 colored missionaries — is one of the chief in- 
 struments by which Divine Providence will 
 fulfil his own prophecy, that ' Ethiopia shall 
 soon stretch forth her hand unto God. There- 
 fore, 
 
 " Resolved, That this Convention doth 
 
lOS 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 c immend to the members and friends of our 
 communion in Virginia, the subject of Afri- 
 can Colonization, as a wise measure of State 
 policy, and a deserving object of christian 
 charity. 
 
 " Resolved, That it be earnestly recom- 
 mended to the Ministers and Vestries of the 
 Episcopal Church in this Diocese, to take 
 up collections for this cause on the Sunday 
 preceding or succeeding the 4th of July, or 
 at such other time as they may deem more 
 expedient." 
 
 Resolutions of Presbyiei-inn Synod of Vir- 
 ginia passed after an address of Rev. P. 
 Slaughter seconded by member of the Synod. 
 
 Resolved, That the Ministers of this Sy- 
 nod be earnestly recommended to present 
 this subject to the several congregations 
 with which they are connected, at some 
 early day, and take up collections in its be- 
 half with a view of giving efficiency to the 
 legislation of the State upon this great mea- 
 sure of State policy and Christian charity. 
 
 Resolution of Methodist Episcopal Confer- 
 ence South, after an address by Rev. Mr. 
 Slaughter seconded by Drs, Dogget and Lee. 
 
 The Rev. Jos. H. Davis then offered the 
 following resolution, which was passed unan- 
 imously : 
 
 Resolved, That this Conference recom- 
 mend to the approval and piitronage of our 
 people generally, the interests of the Colon- 
 ization Society of Virginia, and that we re- 
 commend that collections be taken up in its 
 behalf on the Sabbath preceding the 4th of 
 July in each year. 
 
 Resolution of Baltimore Conference. 
 
 Resolved, That we regard the cause of 
 African Colonization with increasing favor 
 and W'ill give it our cordial support. 
 
 2. Resolved, That we cordially commend 
 to the people within the bounds of this con- 
 ference the Rev. R. Given, agent for the 
 Pennsylvania State Colonization Society, the 
 Rev. J. Seys, agent for the Maryland State 
 Colonization Society, and the Rev. P. Slaugh- 
 ter, agent for the Virginia State Coloniza- 
 tion Society. 
 
 The foregoing fact will be more instruc- 
 tive if placed in contrast with the melancholy 
 failure of all previous efforts of white mis- 
 sionaries to plant Christianity permanently 
 in tropical Africa. Roman Catholic mission- 
 
 aries laboured in this field for more than tw-o 
 hundred years without leaving a trace be- 
 hind them The Moravians beginning in 
 1736 toiled for thirty four years, making five 
 attempts at the cost of many lives and effect- 
 ed nothino;. An English effort made in 
 1792 was abandoned in two years with a loss 
 of one hundred lives. The London, Edin- 
 burg and Glasgow Societies commenced 
 three stations in 1797 which were extinct in 
 three years, having lost five out of six mis- 
 sionaries. The London missionary Society 
 established ten stations, and nine of them 
 were soon driven to take refuge in Sierra 
 Leone the only place in which they would 
 labor with hope. The tenth was given up 
 to the French. Thus did eighteen mission- 
 ary enterprises, before the settlement of Li- 
 beria, fail, while every attempt at colonizing 
 Africa with colored people and every mis- 
 sionary effort connected with the Colonies, 
 has succeeded. 
 
 That the reader may have a general idea 
 of missionary operations in Western Africa, 
 we will notice briefly the several stations 
 besides Liberia. The principal seat of Eng- 
 lish operations is Sierra Leone. When the 
 decision of Lord Mansfield in the case of 
 the negro Somerset established the axiom 
 that so soon as a slave sets his foot on Eng- 
 lish ground he becomes free, there were 
 many negroes in London who had been 
 brought to England by their masters ; these 
 soon after their emancipation fell into great 
 distress for want of a competent support. 
 Under the auspices of Granville Sharp, 
 the British government removed them to 
 Sierra Leone in 1787. During the Ameri- 
 can revolution a number of negroes were 
 seduced to join the Royal Standard and | 
 were subsequently planted in Nova Scotia. 
 The climate being too cold for them, about 
 1200 were removed at their own request to 
 Sierra Leone in 1792. In 1815 Paul Cuffee 
 induced forty blacks to go with him at his 
 expense to Sierra Leone. A large accession 
 to its population has been made by negroes 
 recaptured from the slave-traders by the 
 British Navy. Its present population is be- 
 tween forty and fifty thousand. This settle- 
 ment has suffered many disasters, but prom- 
 
'Ihe Virginian Historic of African Colonization. 
 
 109 
 
 ises to survive them all. The English | church in the Island of Barbadoes, contem- 
 
 Cliurch Missionary Society v^as originally 
 established with the view of furnishing 
 CUiristian teachers to Sierra Leone. This 
 Society says in one of its reports " It is im- 
 possible to estimate the importance of Sierra 
 Leone as a seed plot for the evangelization 
 of Africa. Thei'e were collected at this 
 point representatives of more than 200 dif- 
 ferent tribes, speaking 151 distinct languages 
 besides numerous dialects of the same. 
 These tribes lie along 4000 miles of coast 
 from the Senegal to the Portuguese settle- 
 mi'iits. Tribes far distant in the interior 
 have also their representatives in this colony. 
 The design of the Society is to instruct these 
 in the Christian religion, and send them to 
 their own tribes speaking each in his tongue 
 the wonderful works of God. 
 
 "The Christian character of these natives 
 has been amply tested and has been found 
 in many instances capable of sustaining with 
 consistency the pressure of service and res- 
 ponsibility. Many of them have acted with 
 fidelity and intelligence for years as Cate 
 chists, while a few have been admitted to 
 Holy orders." Some three thousand of 
 these Africans have been sent from Sierra 
 Leone to Abeokuta, sixty miles north of Ba- 
 dagry, where they have erected churches in 
 the midst of a large heathen population. 
 
 Since 1735 the English Wesleyans have 
 multiplied their stations from Dixcove 300 
 miles east of Cape Palmas. They have 
 penetrated to Kumasi the capitol of Ashantee. 
 They report 23 places of preaching, 23 day- 
 schools and 1000 scholars ; 809 communi- 
 cants and 4700 attendants on public wor- 
 ship. The English Baptists have a mission 
 on the Island of Fernando Po. The Ger- 
 mans have one at Acra. 
 
 The Church Missionary Society have be- 
 gun a mission on the eastern coast in latitude 
 4° south. In Southern Africa the English 
 Wesleyans alone report nearly 5000 atten- 
 dants upon public worship and 5000 children 
 under instruction. The London Congrega- 
 tional Society is exerting also a great influ- 
 ence. The operations of the Paris Mission- 
 ary Society, and of the American Board are 
 
 plate a missionary colony in Western Afri- 
 ca. The heroic Bowen, the American Bap- 
 tist missionary, with his brethren have 
 pitched their tents far in the interior of Af- 
 rica, and are calling for help to occupy 
 waste places beyond Abeokuta. Thus are 
 the hosts of God penetrating on all sides the 
 stronghold of Sin, Satan and Death, furnish- 
 ing a ground for the hope that in the good 
 time to come the African wilderness "shall 
 blossom like the rose." In these latter 
 days when the light of saving truth has been 
 kindled and is growing brighter in almost all 
 the dark regions of the globe, Africa should 
 not and will not be forgotten, for the decree 
 has gone forth " Ethiopia shall stretch out 
 her hands unto God." 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Geography of Liberia, Montscrado County. 
 Monrovia, Georgia, Caldwell, Virginia, 
 Kentucky, Millsburg. The St. Paul's 
 Junk, Stockton and St. John's rivers. 
 .Marshall. Bassa County, Edina, Buch- 
 anan, Bexley, Sinou, Gi eenville, Reedsville, 
 Lexington, Louisiana, Maryland, Cajje Pal- 
 mas, Harper, Cavalla, S^'c, S)'c. 
 
 The territorial limits of the Republic of 
 Liberia on the sea-coast, are the Sherbro 
 river on the north in latitude 7-20, and the 
 grand Sesters river on the south in latitude 
 4-30. The distance between these points 
 on the coast is about 500 miles. It is divi- 
 ded into three counties. Montserado, grand 
 Bassa and Sinou. Monrovia, in Montserado 
 County, is the Capitol of the Republic, and 
 has about 2000 inhabitants. It is located 
 near the mouth of Messurado river about 
 four miles south east of the entrance of the 
 St. Paul s river into the ocean on an eleva- 
 ted site behind Cape Messurado in 6°16' 
 north. The summit of the Cape is 250 feet, 
 and the highest point of the town about 80 
 feet above the level of the sea. The town 
 is partly hidden by the promontory. Com- 
 mander Lynch says the pitch of the Cape 
 IS gentlv rounded, and would present a rug- 
 
 ged appearance, were it not covered with 
 also extensive and efficient. The Episcopal | the richest mantle of green which I ever 
 
no 
 
 The Virginian History of jJfrican Colonization. 
 
 looked upon. "Except a narrow .strip of beach 
 with a iew outlying rocks at the water edge, 
 all is one mass of foliage of tangled vines 
 and shrubbery beneath, and above, a dense 
 growth of trees half-concealing the light- 
 house upon the summit of the cape. The 
 houses in the town are detached, being built 
 on lots of a quarter of an acre each. The 
 houses are generally one story or a story and 
 a half high, some have two full stories. The 
 best houses are built of stone and brick; 
 many of them are neatly and some hand- 
 somely furnished. In almost all the yards 
 there are fruit trees, such as the lime, the 
 lemon, the banana, the tamarind, the orange 
 and the coffee tree. On Broadway, south 
 of Fort Hill, is the government House, a 
 large stone building with arched windows 
 and a balcony in front. The lower floor is 
 used as a Court room and printing office, 
 and the upper one as the hall of the Legis- 
 lative Council ; behind it is the jail ; directly 
 opposite is the President's House, a double 
 two-story brick building with a portico, the 
 roof of which is supported by lofty columns. 
 There are five churches well attended. Capt. 
 Lynch says " I never saw a more thorough 
 church going community, nor heard a greater 
 rustling of silks when the congregation dis- 
 persed. One of the most gratifying things 
 1 saw was the great number of well dressed 
 and well behaved children." 
 
 The suburbs, the river and the inner har- 
 bor are commanded by Fort Hill and the 
 outer harbor by Fort Norris. On the out- 
 skirt of the town is a large coffee grove. 
 Agriculture about Monrovia is not flourish- 
 ing, owing to the absorbing spirit of trade 
 and the poverty of the soil in its vicinity. 
 The town was more prosperous says Capt 
 Lynch than he had anticipated. The sea 
 breeze at all times blows directly over it, 
 and in this respect it has the advantage of 
 Sierra Leone. About three miles above its 
 mouth, the St. Pauls river forks ; the main 
 stream running towards the ocean, while the 
 other branch (Stockton creek) flows in a 
 south easterly direction, and unites with the 
 little Messurado river near its mouth form- 
 ing Bushrod Island. On the south east, the 
 east branch of Messurado river is separa- 
 ted by a portage of only five miles from the 
 
 head of Junk river which empties into the 
 ocean 35 miles below. Monrovia is the nat- 
 ural outlet of a large extent of country. 
 
 New Georgia is a small settlement on 
 Stockton creek five miles from Monrovia. It 
 is peopled chiefl}' by natives recaptured by 
 our Navy and sent to Liberia by the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States. Most of them 
 have taken the oath of Allegiance ; many 
 have intermarried with Colonists and one 
 has been a Representative in the Legis- 
 lature. 
 
 Caldwell is on the St. Pauls river, com- 
 mencing about 9 miles from Monrovia and 
 running along the river about six miles. The 
 houses are from one hundred yards to a 
 quarter of a mile apart. Some of the most 
 successful farmers reside here ; popula- 
 tion 400. 
 
 New Virginia, opposite to Caldwell, was 
 settled in 1846 and is the site of the United 
 States receptacle for liberated Africans; 
 population about 400. The St. Pauls is three 
 quarters of a mile wide at Caldwell and 
 grows narrower to Millsburg fourteen miles 
 from its mouth. 
 
 Commander Lynch says, that after pass- 
 ing Caldwell the river becomes bold and 
 swiftly flowing and the banks being dotted 
 with farm houses, it was like the shifting of 
 a scene in a theatre, and he gazed with sat- 
 isfaction at the beautiful sight. The banks 
 were from 10 to 30 feet high. On each side 
 is a cultivated belt with a dense forest be- 
 hind it; ihe most conspicuous trees are the 
 ligrht-ffreen broad-leaved banana and the 
 palms rearing their tufted heads high above 
 them all. The soil is a loamy clay " equal 
 to the best sugar lands of Brazil." On the 
 banks of the river are four hundred farms 
 and three thousand cultivators. Many of 
 the houses are of brick. Capt. Lynch says 
 " he landed at four or five places and saw 
 every indication of comfort and prosperity, 
 far more so than in Monrovia. The houses 
 were well furnished. The sugar cane was 
 growing finely, and a little cotton was raised 
 for domestic use. The coffee tree is indigenous 
 and being transplanted requires but little 
 care." I cannot give a better idea of the 
 prosperity of the settlements on the St. Pauls 
 than by stating that cleared land fronting the 
 river sells at $40 to $50 per acre. Some of 
 
The Virgiyiian History of Jlfrican Colojiizalion. 
 
 Ill 
 
 which Lynch says in beauty and fragrance 
 of foliage and flower equals the orange 
 
 the countiy seats were beautiful, such as 
 
 Pleasant View, Iconium and Mt. Horeb. 
 
 Clay Ashland and Millsburg are villages, the 1 which it far surpasses in the fruit. The tiiu 
 
 former having about 200, the latter about 
 
 400 inhabitants. 
 
 SiNou County, extends from tlie river 
 
 ber in many varieties is harder and heavier 
 than any in America except the live oak, 
 and much of it when seasoned will not float 
 Sesters on the North to Grand Sesters on the! in water. Other kinds correspond to our 
 South, embracing about eighty miles of Sea- 1 pine in lightness, and whether for houses, 
 
 ships or furniture, the mechanic is abun- 
 dently supplied. 
 
 Marshall is a settlement of about 300 
 inhabitants at the mouth of the Junk river 
 which empties into the sea about 35 miles 
 south of Monrovia. It is called after the 
 late chief Justice of the U. States. It is 
 noted for the manufacture of lime from the 
 shells of oysters which abound in the Junk 
 river. The northern branch of this river 
 which is about forty miles long is the chief 
 thoroughfare between Monrovia and Mar- 
 shall. 
 
 Bassa County has the towns of Edina 
 and Bassa Cove on the opposite points of the 
 mouth of the St. Johns river which is a 
 beautiful stream flowing into the sea about 
 sixty miles south of the St. Pauls. Bassa 
 Cove extends nearly ail the way to Fish- 
 
 coast. Greenville and its vicinity and Set- 
 tra Kroo are the only portions of the coast 
 settled by Liberians. The latter is only a 
 missionary station at which two or three 
 families of Liberians live. Missionaries of 
 the Presbyterian Board labored at Settra 
 Kroo for several years. They still have a 
 native school there taught by a Liberian. 
 The Sinou, a small but placid river was cho- 
 sen many years ago by Colonists from Mis- 
 sissippi, Louisiana and South Carolina who 
 after acclimating at Monrovia founded the 
 town of Greenville on the right bank just 
 above the river's mouth. Greenville faces 
 the sea and has the river just beyond it. To 
 the South are two shallow bays. At the 
 North Western exti-emity of the most North- 
 ern bay is the promontory of Bloobarre, a 
 
 broad, high rock, at the inland base of which town which Is at the point of Bassa Cove or 
 are the brown, conical huts of the £/oo^rt;Te| harbour. Within the bar are concentrated 
 tribe. Greenville is regularly laid out, and , the waters of three rivers; the Mecklin 
 Mississippi avenue with a row of houses on flowing from the north; the St. Johns iroin 
 one side and the sea on the other is a delight- 1 the north east; and the Benson from the 
 ful promenade. Capt. Lynch saj^s the houses fast 
 
 were the neatest he had seen, and the gar- 
 dens much better than those at Monrovia. 
 There is a number of mechanics in Green- 
 ville and also a steam saw-mill to which tim- 
 ber is rafted by an artificial canal from tiie 
 river. 
 
 The river though deep within the bar is 
 navigable only seventeen miles to the falls ; 
 about two miles from the beach it branches 
 into two streams. On the land, between the 
 two, and lacing both rivers are several vil- 
 lages or farmiiiii; settlements, as Rossville, 
 Readsville, Lexington, &c. The population 
 of Greenville is about 600, and the other 
 settlements have about 100 each. Rice is 
 
 Edina settled in 1832 has about 300 in- 
 habitants. It is situated on the north side of 
 the estuary, immediately on the sea, on a 
 tongue of land between the Mecklin and the 
 ocean. It has one Baptist and one Metho- 
 dist place of worship, many pleasant . resi- 
 dences and two schools. 
 
 Upper Buchanan on the south side of the* 
 estuary has about 280 inhabitants and is 
 most advantageously situated for trade. The 
 Methodists and Baptists have places of wor- 
 ship here, and there are two schools and six 
 stores. 
 
 Lower Buchanan is t\\io miles and a half 
 south of the river's mouth, and is beautifully 
 situated on the finest bay in Liberia There 
 
 the principal growth and is raised in great i are 200 inhabitants. The new mission house 
 quantities by the Natives. The principal fur an Episcopal missionary, also a high 
 article of export is Palm oil; much atten- school building and church will be erected 
 tion is paid to the culture of the coffee plant near this settlement. The mission house is 
 
112 
 
 The Virginian History of Jifricun Colonizatioji. 
 
 now going up. On the Benson river there 
 is a steam saw mill. Near Buchanan Capt. 
 Lynch saw a number of cattle larger than 
 those at Monrovia. 
 
 Harrisburg and BexLEY are farming dis- 
 tricts on the St. Johns. The former is a re- 
 cent settlement ; the latter extends five or 
 six miles along the river, and some of the 
 residences and farms present an interesting 
 appearance. Industry and entcri)rise are a]»- 
 parent. The northern Baptist Board is do- 
 ing an excellent work among the Bassas. 
 The mission buildings at Bexley are beauti- 
 fully situated. Mr. Von Bruns village of 
 native Bassas, opposite Bexley, is under the 
 jurisdiction of Liberia, and Mr. Van Brun 
 its chief, is a christian teacher and magis- 
 trate. The Methodists and Baj)tists are both 
 laboring successfully on the St. Johns. The 
 St. Johns river is half a mile wide at the 
 estuary, and fo*- a mile is fringed with man- 
 groves. Thence it gradually lessens in width 
 and at the distance of three miles is divided 
 into two channels by Factory Island. Above 
 the Island the river gradually narrows in 
 widthr and does not exceed two hundred 
 yards at Bexley. Opposite to Bexley is the 
 town of "Old Soldier," a venerable and 
 frieudly old man upwards of one hundred 
 years old. Not far above is the head of navi- 
 gation. After the mangrove ceases the soil 
 is a yellowish clay; and the principal growth 
 is the soap tree, the wild cotton tree and the 
 palm tree. 
 
 The chief forest growth above the rapids 
 is Camwood, bastard Mahogany, AfYican 
 Hickory and Oak. From thirty to fifty miles 
 from the sea is one unbroken Camwood for- 
 est used by the natives for fuel and for build- 
 ing. The whole world might be supplied 
 with Camwood wafted down the St. Johns. 
 Most of the land on the coast has been clear- 
 ed, cultivated, abandoned, is grown up into 
 tangled thickets and shrubs interlaced with 
 enumerable vines and creepers. In ascend- 
 ing the rivers the primitive forest in all its 
 natural grandeur rovers the earth ; the grace- 
 ful palm tree waves, its feathery branches, 
 and the lofty Wisnione and huge mahogany 
 rear their towering heads, while among the 
 green foliage is seen innumerable gay blos- 
 soms, which, says Lynch, give a kaleidosco- 
 pic variety to the embowering wood. 
 
 Maryland in Liberia is an independent 
 State. It was settled in 1834 by Colonists 
 from the State of Maryland. It is about 
 250 miles by sea, south east of iVlonrovia. 
 Cape Palmas is a rocky peninsula joined to 
 the main by a low, sandy isthmus ; the high- 
 est part of it is about 74 feet above the sea. 
 Its eastern end is covered by a collection of 
 Native houses called Grand Town : on the 
 remainder of the peninsula is the settlement 
 of Colonists. The chief town is Harper. 
 The cess.ion of this territory was negotiated 
 by Dr. James Hall. In February, 1834, the 
 Maryland Col. Society landed 53 emigrants 
 at this point. In 1836 an additional tract of 
 land was procured, extending the Colonial 
 territory along the Cavally to the distance of 
 30 miles from its mouth. Palmas river 
 washes the Northern side of the peninsula. 
 In 1837 Russwurm a colored man was ap- 
 pointed governor. This colony is now an 
 independent State. William A. Prout (a 
 colored man) the secretary and friend of 
 Russwurm has been appointed Governor, and 
 B. J. Diayton, Lt. Governor, and Thomas 
 Mason, Secretary of State. The Cavally 
 river enters the sea fifteen miles east of Cape 
 Palmas. Its mouth being choked by sand 
 bars is not more than one hundred yards 
 wide, but immediately above it spreads out 
 to the breadth of half a mile. It is naviga- 
 ble for boats sixty miles. At the distance of 
 forty five miles from the coast, it passes be- 
 tween two high mountains which in clear 
 weather are visible from the sea. The names 
 of some twenty tribes are familiar as inhabit- 
 ing the banks of the Cavalla and on its 
 placid bosom the messengers of the gospel 
 are carrying the glad tidings of the gospel to 
 the heathen. Maryland in Liberia is the 
 I chief seat of the American Episcopal Mis- 
 [sionaries who have a church, (St. Mark's) an 
 I orphan Asylum and schools. The Baptists 
 ! and Methodists and Presbyterians have also 
 i missions in this State. We regret that we 
 , have not the materials at hand for an accu- 
 ; rate and fuller account of these interesting 
 \ missions. The ])opulation is about 1000 em- 
 1 iu;rants from America and m.anv native tribes 
 under the Jurisdiction of the State. 
 
 I Note. — Tlie fiirpgoiiig geosrapliy of Lilieiia has been 
 coinjiiled Irom tlip personal ohservsilioiis oC (Japtain^i 
 
 I F^yiicli iiiid FoDte nf tlie United Stales Navy, of Ur Lii ■ 
 eelibeel, and of the Kev. Messrs. Finney and (inrley, and 
 
 , (if a wiiler in llie Cavalla JVJesseiiser a paper piiLlished 
 
 j liy tlie Kpiscopal Missionaries at Cajie Palmas. 
 
The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 113 
 
 Chapter XVIII. 
 
 Testimony of eye-witnesses of Liberia: Rev. 
 Messrs. Gurley and Pinney, of Dr. Lugen- 
 beel, of the Missionaries, of our J^avnl Offi- 
 cers, Commodores Stockton, Perry, Mayo, 
 Lavalette, Read, Cooper and Ctregory; Com- 
 manders Lynch, Foote, Marston, Rudd and 
 Purser Bradford; comparison of Coloniza- 
 tion of Virginia and Liberia, ifc.\ 
 
 We Bre aware that there are those who re- 
 gard tha pictures of Liberia, drawn by its 
 partial friends, as overwrought. To some 
 extent this is probably true ; but if any reli- 
 ance is to be placed on human testimony, 
 we cannot be deceived as to the main facts, 
 attested as they are by so many disinterested 
 and unimpeachable witnesses. 
 
 Not having visited Liberia ourselves, we 
 are obliged to rely upon the evidence of 
 those who testify what they have seen. These 
 eye-witnesses may be distributed into three 
 classes : the first class will embrace the Rev. 
 Messrs. Gurley and Pinney, and Dr. Lngen- 
 beel. Mr. Gurley visited the colony in its 
 infancy, and again in 1849, after a lapse of 
 twenty years. On the latter occasion he 
 went out at the instance ofthe government of 
 the United States, with instructions to ascer- 
 tain and report the condition and resources 
 of the Republic of Liberia. He made an 
 I elaborate report of his observations, to the 
 Secretary of State which was communicated 
 by him to the Senate of the United States, 
 and printed by its order. 
 
 Dr. Lugenbeel resided six years in Liberia 
 as colonial physician and agent of the Ame- 
 rican government for recaptured Africans. 
 The result of his observations maybe seen in 
 his Sketches of Liberia, which give much val- 
 uable information about the geography, cli- 
 mate and productions ofthe country. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Pinney was once governor 
 I of the colony, and after the lapse of many 
 years, revisited it in 1854. His report has 
 I been spread before the public in all our 
 newspapers. These witnesses being all ar- 
 dent colonizationists, may be suspected of 
 having painted too flattering a portrait ofthe 
 young Republic. Let their testimony then, 
 ibe compared with the depositions of other 
 15 
 
 witnesses. There are many Christian mis- 
 sionaries within the limits of Liberia; many 
 of these went to Africa with strong preju- 
 dices against the colonies; they were of opi- 
 nion that a community of merely nominal 
 Christians should not be placed in contact 
 with the heathen, lest the latt'ir should be 
 prejudiced against Christianity by the incon- 
 sistent lives of the colonists, whom they 
 would regard as the representatives of the 
 religion of Christ. The missionaries now 
 admit that this was a short-sighted view of 
 the subject, and they concur in the opinion 
 that the colonies, in connection with mis- 
 sions, are designed b/ Providence to be the 
 instruments of African regeneration. The 
 children of colonists furnish the best mate 
 rial for colored missionaries, upon whom they 
 ultimately rely for a permanent ministry. 
 
 But there is another class of witnesses 
 above all suspicion of bias. These are the 
 gallant officers of our JVavy, who have com- 
 manded squadrons and single ships upon the 
 coast of Africa. The first of these whom we 
 shall cite, is Commodore Stockton, who, dur- 
 ing Mr. Monroe's administration, cooperated 
 in choosing the site of the first plantation. 
 In a letter to the author in December, 1852, 
 he says: "In regard to Liberia becoming a 
 permanent and desirable asylum for our free 
 people of color, I consider that question set- 
 tled by the experiment already made. No 
 colony in modern times has given more au- 
 spicious indications of ultimate success, — 
 Liberia, in my opinion, is the natural home 
 and should be the alluring hope of the Afii- 
 can in America. 
 
 The only hope of the race and of Africa, 
 is in colonizing those who have been chris- 
 tianized on their ancestral shores, where 
 they may secure the blessings already achiev- 
 ed, and communicate them to their kindred 
 but barbarous tribes. That in Liberia the 
 negro race may rise and become a flourish- 
 inof and progressive race, I have no doubt. 
 Elsewhere there is no such hope to encour- 
 age them. I have great confidence in the 
 success ol the good cause in which you are 
 engaged. It has passed through its state of 
 
 infancy and childhood, and is fast ripening 
 into the bone and hardihood of maturity. I 
 
114 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization, 
 
 hope that Virginia may soon become the 
 entire friend of this noble cause." 
 
 Commodore Perry says: "Having had an 
 agency while serving as 1st Lieutenant of 
 the Cyane in the selection of Mesurado as a 
 suitable place for settling the colonists, I first 
 saw this beautiful promontory, when its dense 
 forests were only inhabited by wild beasts. 
 Since then, I have visited it thrice, and each 
 time have noticed with infinite satisfaction, 
 its progressive improvement." After notic- 
 ing several particulars, he continues : "Upon 
 the whole, I cannot but think most favorably 
 of these settlements. The experiment of 
 settling the free colored people upon this 
 coast, has succeeded beyond the expecta- 
 tions of many of the warmest friends of col- 
 onization, and I may venture to predict that 
 the descendants of the present settlers are 
 destined to become an intelligent and thriv- 
 ing people. The endeavors of the colonists 
 to suppress the slave trade, have been emi- 
 nently successful, and it is by planting these 
 settlements along the coast, that the export- 
 ation of slaves will be most effectually pre- 
 vented. These settlements would have a 
 certain tendency to civilize natives by intro- 
 ducing among them schools, the mechanic 
 arts, and those comforts for which they will 
 exchange articles of African produce. Their 
 commerce, already considerable, would be 
 increased. It is much to be desired that 
 these settlements should be multiplied and 
 sustained by the fostering care of Congress 
 and the government." 
 
 Co7nmodore Mayo in 1853, writing from the 
 flag-ship, gives his opinion as follows : 
 
 " When in command of the Macedonian 
 in 1843-44, my interest in colonization was 
 confirmed by my observations. My more 
 recent observations in this ship have con- 
 vinced me that the efforts of the coloniza- 
 tion societies have been crowned with the 
 most substantial success, and that the results 
 of their generous philanthropy is no longer 
 doubtful. No one who sees the American 
 emigrant in the Legislature and courts of 
 justice, performing the highest duties of a 
 citizen with grave and decorous intelligence, 
 no one who sees the schools and churches, 
 the erection of substantial and spacious 
 
 brick houses, which are supplanting the 
 cheaper structures of the earlier colonists, 
 will fail to find abundant evidence of the im- 
 proved condition of the black man in his new 
 home. I have the strongest faith in the bright 
 future that awaits Libeiia, and that she will 
 wield the most powerful influence in regene- 
 rating Africa. 
 
 It gives me pleasure to find that the most 
 cordial feeling seems to exist between the 
 missionaries and the colonial authorities. 
 The American colonies have driven the 
 slavers from a large portion of the coast, 
 once their favorite resort, and the influence 
 of legitimate trade will prove one of the most 
 powerful instruments for the suppression of 
 the traffic. The English have shown much 
 wisdom in establishing their line of steamers 
 and it is greatly to be regretted, that our own 
 government has not been authorized to avail 
 itself of this method of securing a valuable 
 branch of commerce, and aff"ording aid to 
 colonization. The withdrawal of the African 
 squadron would be attended with the most 
 injurious results. Our trade on this coast 
 would certainly be destroyed or perverted to 
 the purposes of the slave trade, &c. 
 
 In conclusion, I have no hesitation in say- 
 ing as a southerner and a slaveholder, that 
 every exertion should be used to get at least 
 one or two hundred thousand dollars to car- 
 ry out the laudable views of our several colo- 
 nization societies, and if the abolitionists 
 (who, I see by the papers, have been attack- 
 ing you as welt as me,) would appropriate 
 half the money they expend in aiding the 
 running away of our negroes, to the coloni- 
 zation society, they would stand some chance 
 of getting to Heaven." 
 
 To the foregoing might be added the evi- 
 dence of Commodores Read, Lavelette, Skin- 
 ner, Cooper, Gregory, and we believe of every 
 officer who has commanded a squadron upon 
 the coast of Africa ; but our space forbids. 
 We must content ourselves with summoning 
 several witnesses from a number of subordi- 
 nate officers, who have testified in favor of 
 Liberia. Among these, Commanders Foote 
 and Lynch have made the fullest reports. 
 The former commanded the brig Perry in 
 1850 and 1851, and has written an instruc- 
 
The Virginian Histoey tf African Colonization. 
 
 115 
 
 tive volume of nearly 400 piages, entitled Af- 
 rica and the American Flag, in which he had 
 given a view of the whole subject in all its 
 aspects and relations. One who would form 
 a just judgment of Liberia, should not fail to 
 consult Commander Foote's interesting 
 pages. 
 
 Commander Lynch, in 18.'^2, was ordered 
 by the Secretary of the Navy to visit the 
 coast of Africa, for the purpose of acquiring 
 intelligence preliminary to an exploration of 
 the country interior and adjacent to Liberia. 
 In obedience to this order he visited many 
 places on the Liberian coast and in the inte- 
 rior. 
 
 The result of his observations was publish- 
 ed by Congress in a volume of i^ixty-four 
 pages, containing much valuable information 
 about the Liberian settlements, the com- 
 merce and productions and general condi- 
 tion of the Republic and the adjacent coun- 
 try. We should be pleased to give a sum- 
 mary of this valuable report, but we must 
 content ourselves with the remark, that it is 
 of the same import with the documents al- 
 ready cited, and beg our readers to consult 
 it for themselves. We now quote from a 
 letter of Commander John Ru>ld, of Frede- 
 ricksburg, Va., written to ourselves in com- 
 pliance with our request that he would give 
 us his candid opinion of Liberia. The letter 
 is dated U. S. ship Constitution, off Monro- 
 via, October, 1853. " I promised to give 
 you my opinion about the colonies on this 
 coast. Of course, thus far, I have had but 
 little chance for observation, but what I have 
 seen has made a very favorable impression. 
 The emigrants appear to be well instructed, 
 having many comforts, and all appear to be 
 contented and happy. Amy person that will 
 work can do very well here. I went to the 
 Episcopal church yesterday ; a black priest 
 officiated, and did very well. As to their 
 having slaves, it is all humbug. Those who 
 can afford it have servants. I took dinner 
 with President Roberts and was much pleas- 
 ed with liim and his lady. I have made 
 several visits and never received more hospi- 
 tality any where. 
 
 I have been told that the people in the 
 country are doing better than those in town. 
 
 The English have a line of steamers on the 
 coast which are taking away all the trade 
 from us. Steam is the only thing on this 
 coast." 
 
 Purser Bradford of the Navy, says "he 
 was three years on the coast of Africa, and 
 was diligent in making inquiries and obser- 
 vations, and he saw no emigrants who were 
 desirous of returning. The general tone of 
 the community was that of content and hap- 
 piness — he believed that there was no more 
 moral, correct and religious population on 
 the face of the globe," &.c. Surely these 
 authorities will satisfy any reasonable man. 
 But there are opposing authorities. Some 
 officers have expressed opinions unfavorable 
 to Liberia. These have been expressed in 
 private conversation. If we had any written 
 statements we would print them, as we wish 
 to have the whole truth upon this subject. — 
 Upon this point we addressed inquiries to 
 Captain Marston, who replied as follows: "I 
 am aware that some of our officers have ex- 
 pressed opinions unfavorable to Liberia, but 
 with these I have always differed. Their 
 opinions, I think, were governed by their 
 expectations being raised too high ; if they 
 had reflected that a little more than thirty 
 years ago there were only twenty Americans 
 in Liberia, and now it is an independent re- 
 public, acknowledged by the great powers of 
 Europe, their surprise would have been as it 
 was with myself, that so much had been ac- 
 complished in so short a time, under such 
 unfavorable circumstances. That the emi- 
 grants have some difficulties and privations 
 to encounter, all will admit; but there are 
 many privileges and comforts to counterbal- 
 ance these ; and I do not hesitate to give 
 my opinion in favor of emigration to Li- 
 beria." 
 
 We might multiply these authorities over 
 many pages, and we might add to them let- 
 ter after letter from the emigrants them- 
 selves, expressing gratitude for the past, sat- 
 isfaction with the present, and hope for the 
 future. But we have already exceeded our 
 limits, and must refer those who want more 
 light, to the documents themselves, which 
 can be had by all who desire them. 
 
 We do not wish to conceal the fact that 
 
116 
 
 The Virginian History of African Colonization. 
 
 some expeditions to Liberia have been at- 
 leuded by much sufferiiig and mortality. 
 Such disasters have marked every like enter- 
 prise. A comparison of the colonization of 
 Liberia with that of Virginia, will be instruc- 
 live. The first two expeditions to our own 
 shores were perfect failures, both having 
 been overwhelmed at sea; the third effected 
 ii landing in 1586, and in five years was ex- 
 iinct The fourth was successful after a se- 
 ries of disasters, the recital of which fills the 
 mind with horror. In 1609, says a historian 
 Df Virginia, Captain Smith left at Jamestown 
 190 persons, with abundant supplies. Soon 
 plots thickened around them, Indian ambus- 
 :ades were in every hedge, the settlers dared 
 lot wander forth in search of food or recrea- 
 ion, their provisions either failed entirely or 
 ivere rendered unwholesome by decay, dis- 
 eases spread rapidly and death began his 
 •ace, famine in all its horrors, was among 
 hem, they subsisted upon the skins of horses, 
 ip^n dogs, vermin and the body of an In- 
 1 Of 490 persons, sixty only survived, 
 
 ng upon roots and berries until they were 
 eueved by supplies from home. This fact 
 
 in our history, seems to have been forgotten 
 by those who are so discouraged by the mor- 
 tality attending some companies to Liberia. 
 The truth is that forty years had elapsed after 
 the settlement of Roanoke, before the colo- 
 nies of England on this coast attained the 
 stature of Liberia, and centuries passed away 
 before civil and religious rights were so well 
 understood. There is not a Spanish colony 
 at this day, not even an old established coun- 
 try of Europe, which is prepared for such a 
 constitution as tha which the Liberians have 
 voluntarily adopted. Distressing as the mor- 
 tality has occasionally been, a comparison 
 will show that it has been less than that 
 which attended the settlement at Jamestown 
 or Plymouth, or California. If similar disas- 
 ters had overtaken Liberia, to those which 
 have signalized many new settlements in our 
 own country, our enterprise would have been 
 overwhelmed with the curses of those phil- 
 anthropists who have no tears to shed over 
 the young, the beautiful and the brave, whose 
 bones bleach the prairies of the West, and 
 the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and the 
 Pacific Ocean. 
 
 (-/ 
 
 40 
 

 
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