Class. Book , " THE ITTCTADV THE HISTORY OF THE WAR, BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT- BRITAIN, WHICH COMMENCES IN JUNE, 1812, AND CJuOir D IN FEB. 1815 J CONTAINING THE CORRESPONDENCE WHICB PASSED BETWEEN THE TWO GOVERNMENTS, IMMEDIATELY PRE- CEDING, AND SINCE HOSTILITIES COMMENC- ED ; THE DECLARATION OP WAR, AND THE OFFICIAL REPORTS OF LAND AND NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS. COMPILED ©HIEFL.Y FROM PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. WITH AN APPENDIX, CONTAINING THE CORRESPONDENCE WHICH PASSED BETWEEN OUR COMMISSION- ERS, AND THOSE APPOINTED BY GREAT BRITAIN, IN TREATING FOR PEACE. TO WHICH IS ADDED, THE TREATY OF PEACE, AND A LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN FROM G. BRITAIN DURING THE WAR. COMPILED By J. RUSSELL, Jr, HARTFORD. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY B. & J. RUSSELL 1815. 1 ■ District of Connecticut, ss. flT£? nE IT -REMEMBERED* Thai on the Tt^J^X tenth day of July, in the Fortieth year of the Independence of the United States of America, B. SC J. Russell, of the said District, deposited in this office the title of a Hook, the right whereof they claim as Proprietors, in the words following ', to wit, * The History of the War, between the United Slates 1 and Great Britain, which commenced in June, 1812, * and closed in Feb 1815, containing the correspondence * which passed between the two Governments immedi- * ately preceding and since hostilities commenced ; the 1 declaration q) War, and the official reports of land « and naval engagements, compiled chiefly from public * documents. With an appendix, containing the cor- i rcspondeuce which passed between our Commissioners ' and those appointed by Great Britain, in treating for * peace. To which is added the Treaty of Peace, and ' a list of vessels taken from Great Britain during 1 the War. Compiled by J. RUSSELL, Jr.' In conformity to t lie act of the Congress of the Uni- ted States, entitled, " An act for the encouragement of " learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and " boohs, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, '* during the times therein mentioned." HENRY W. EDWARDS. Clerk of the District of Connecticut, A true copy of Record, examined and sealed by me, 11. W. Edwards, Clerk of the District of Connecticut INTRODUCTION. AN history of recent transactions, must always DC executed under many, and great disadvantages. In a time of war, many important occurrences are but imperfectly known, till the truth is elicited by legal investigation ; and, in addition to this, the feelings of men are so ardent, that an author cannot be expected to be wholly impartial, when recounting those events, in which himself, or his friends, have acted a conspi- cuous part. The publishers were, therefore, of opinion, that at the present time, the most useful History of the War, would be a faithful collection of Official rotate Papers, and accounts of Military operations. Such a work cannot be taxed with partiality; and, it is presumed, will be perused with interest by every American, vtho values his national rights, and whose bosom glows, at the recital of those deeds of valor, which have exalt ed the honor of his country. If, in some instances, Commanding Officers have seemed to manifest a want of candor, it ought still to be remembered by the public, that they wrote in the heat of the occasion ; and, often, while agonizing un- der wounds received from an exasperated enemy. ■Modern Histories of Campaigns, are not, to say the least, more candid, and are, surely, less entitled to apology. This collection of Documents can never become a useless volume ; for, besides furnishing the best evidence of fact to (lie inquisitive reader, and fu- ture historian, it is a ready manuel, by which every en- quirer after truth, can at once adduce the best e\ idence on questions which affect the character of the Ameri- can nation, relative to her military prowess. Our readers will feel satisfied, alter its perusal, that they possess all the Official information, which can he ob- tained, relative to the military movements, and bj IV INTRODUCTION. very and skill of our countrymen in the field of battle. Perhaps, in some instances, the losses and sufferings of the armies of both nations, have not been fully as- certained ; so wide is the Held, that it is somewhat difficult to collect all the facts. On the water, where we have been peculiarly successful, the official ac- counts more fully and explicitly state the loss, as well as the comparative skill and bravery of the contend- ing- parties. In the list of public and private vessels taken from the enemy during the war, we have not given the whole number of men and guns, as it was never offi- cially stated on board of a large proportion of the merchant vessels. In every instance of this kind, where we could not obtain correct information, we have left the number blank. We are sorry to say it is wholly out of our power to accompany the list of prizes with a correct list of the vessels we have lost ; the enemy never having made a public statement of their prizes, we could not collect them from any authentic source. CONTENTS CHAPTER I. Page ent's Message, 9 Messrs. MoDroe and Foster's Official Letters, relating to the Orders in Council, Blockades, and Impressment ot Seamen, 1 6, 25, 26, 27, 30, 43, 52, 53, 60 Adjustment of the affair of the Chesapeake Frigate, 66 Monroe and Foster's Letters relating to the Chesapeake affair, 67,68,69, 70 " relating to the Berlin and Milan Decrees, 71,82 CHAPTER II. President's Message, 75 Monroe and Foster's Letters relating to the Non-Importation Act, 76, 80 CHAPTER III. The President's Manifesto, , 85 Report of the committee on Foreign Relations, 94 Declaration of War, 109 Yeas, and Nays, on the Declaration of War, in the Senate, and House of Representatives, ibid. Promulgation of the Declaration of War, 111 CHAPTER IV. The first Prisoner, 112 P The first Prize, 113 Monroe and Foster's Letters, relating to the Orders in Council, and Berlinand Milan Decrees, 113, 117, 119 President's Message, 122 Mr. Russell and Lord Ca9tlereagh's Letters relating to the Orders in Council, 122, 123 Order in Council, 131 Loss of Gen. Hull's baggage, 133 Hull's Proclamation, to the Canadians, ibid. Skirmishing, near Sandwich, 135 VI CONTENTS. Canadian Militia join Gen. Hull, Capt Hull's, Victory, Orders in Council Revoked, 138 Gen. Hull's Statement of his Surrender, Vanhorn's Defeat, Battle at the river Raisin, Articles of capitulation of Hull's army, and Michigan Territory, i53 Colonels Cass, M'Arthur, Findley and Miller remonstrate against Gen. Hull's conduct, 154 Gen Brock's Proclamation, to the Inhabitants of Michi Territory, 161 A card from Col. Symmes to Gen. Brock, 162 Capt. Porter's Victory, ibid. " " Letter, 163 Defence of Fort Harrison, 164 Majors Jessup and Taylors' corroboration of Col. Cass' state- ment, 168 Skirmishing at St. John's river, rbid " " at Cananoque and Ogdensburg, 1 69 Affair at St. Regis, 170 Capt. Elliot's victory, 171 Evacuation of Port Chicago, 174 Com Chauncey's battle in Kingston harbor, 177 Battle of Queenston, A 179 CHAPTER V. « Monroe, Graham, Russell, and Castlereagh's Letters, 186,188. 191, 195, 198,200 201 Mr. Monroe and Sir J. B Warren's Correspondence, 202, 204 British Challange, and American Acceptance, 208 CHAPTER VI. Capt. Jones' Victory and Capture, 209 Com. Decatur's Victory, 211 Com. Bainbridge's Victory, / -12 Capt. Lawrence's Victory, 21 T CHAPTER VII. Capture of Little York, 220, 223, 225 Gen. Winchester's Defeat, 226 Massacre of Winchester's Army, 229 Indian Expedition, 231 Gen. Smyth's Expedition, 232 Capt. Forsyth's Expedition, 233 CONTENTS. VH CHAPTER VIII. Harrison's Battle at Lower Sandusky, 233, 238 Capture of Fort George, 237, 238 Capture of Fort Erie, ibid. Cnn. Chauneey's Letter to the Secretary of the Navy con- veying the British Standard, taken at York, 241 Batile at forty mile creek, ibid Attack on Sackett's Harbor, 242 Naval Expedition from Sackett's Harbor, 244 Major Croghan's Victory, 245 Loss of the Frigate Chesapeake, ibid Capture of Little York, the second time, 248 Burning of Sodus, 249 Attack on Craney Island, ibid. Capture of Hampton, 250, 251 Murder of John B. Graves, 252 Skirmishing at Fort George, ibid. Destruction of Indian towns, 253 A Yankee Trick, ibid. Capt. Burrows' Victory, 254 CHAPTER IX. Perry's Victory, 255, 256, 257 Capture of the Dominico, 259 Capture of Maiden, ibid. Gen Harrison's Victory, 260 Fruits of Harrison's Victory, 267 Tecumseh's Speech to Gen. Proctor, ibid. Com. Chauneey's Victory, 269 Something Singular 270 Com. Rogers' cruise, ibid. Col Clarke's Expedition, 271 Massacre at Fort Tensaw, 272 Harrison and Perry's Proclamation, 274 Wilkinson and Hampton's Expedition, 275 CHAPTER X. Gens. Jackson, White, and Coffee's Victories, over the Creek Indians, 276, 277, 278, 280, 284, 288 Gen Floyd's Victory, 281 283 Gen. Claiborne's Victory 282 CHAPTER XI. Capt. Porter's cruise, 290 Loss of Fort Niagara, 292 Burning of Buffalo, nnd Black Ro Vlll CONTENTS. Capt. Holmes' Victory, 295 Battle at Stoney Creek, 296 Capt Warrinetofi's Victory, ibid. Loss of the Es->ex frigate, 298 Capru-e of Oswego, 302 Gen. Brown's Victories, SOi, 506 CHAPTER XII. Capitulation of Alexandria. 309 Capture of Washington City, 310, 312 Cora. Macdonough's Victory, 314, 315 Buinine of Pettipauge, 3i7 Attack on Stonington, 318 Gen Gains' Victory, ibid. Attack on Baltimore, 321 Attack on For: B >wyer, 324 Gen. Brown's V"-'ory, ibid. Gen. Macomb'** Vicf^ry, 327 Capt Biakeley's Victory, 328 Destruction of the Avon, 329 Expedition from Detroit, 330 CHAPTER XIII. Capture of Pensacola, 331 Gen Jacks.m's Victories at New-Orleans, 333, 334 Lieut Shield's Expedition from New-Orleans, 336 Lieut Johnson's E ;»edition from New-Orleans, 337 G^n Jackson's Address to his army, ibid. Capture of f he frigate President, 341 Cap! Boyle's Victory, 344 Cant. !YIi< kler's Victory. 345 Gun Boat No. 168 and the Erebus frigate, 346 Capt. Stewart's Victory, 349 APPENDIX. Correspondence, which passed between the Commissioners of the t'vo governments, whilst treating for Peace, transmitted to the Secretary of State, 350, o-58, 359, 364. 367, 374, 382, 392, 396, 405, 414, 419, 421, 422 Treaty of Peace, 42 * List of V sets taken during the War, ^35 Capt. Buldle's Victory, 465 HISTORY THE WAR. CHAPTER I. PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. WASHINGTON CITT, Tuesday, November 5,. i*fc*;i The President of the United States tfiis day commu- nicated by Mr. Edward Coles, his private secre- tary, the following Message to Congress- Fellow- Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, IN calling 1 you together sooner than a separation from your homes would otherwise have been required, 1 yielded to considerations drawn from the posture of our foreign affairs ; and in fixing the present for the time of your meeting, regard was had to the probabil- ity of further developements of the policy of the bel- ligerent powers towards this country, which might the more unite the national councils, in the measures to be pursued. At the close of the last session of Congress, it was hoped that the successive confirmations of the extinc- tion of the French Decrees, so far as they violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the gov- ernment of Great-Britain to repeal its Orders in Council ; and thereby authorise a removal of the ex- isting obstructions to her commerce with the United States. Instead of this reasonable step towards satisfaction and friendship between the two nations, the Orders were at a moment when least to havp hren ^xpert^d 10 HISTORY OF THE WAR. put into more vigorous execution ; and it was com- municated through the British Envoy just arrived, that whilst the revocation of the Edicts of France, as officially made known to the British government, was denied to have taken place ; it was an indispen- sable condition of the repeal of the British Orders, that commerce should be restored to a footing, that would admit the productions and manufactures of Great-Britain, when owned by neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy ; the United States being given to understand that, in the mean time, a continuance of their non-importation act would lead to measures of retaliation. At a later date, it has indeed appeared, that a communication to the British government, of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French Decrees against our neutral trade, was followed by an intimation, that it had been transmitted to the British Plenipotentiary here ; in order that it might receive full consideration in the depending discussions. This communication appears not to have been received ; but the transmis- sion of it hither, instead of founding on it an actual repeal of the Orders, or assurances that the repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effect- ive change in the British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory proofs of such a change, and to proceed, in the mean time, in adapt- ing 1 our measures to the views which have been dis- closed through that minister, will best consult our whole duty. In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures, indem- nity and redress for other wrongs have continued to be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths of our harbors have again witnessed scenes, not less derog- atory to the dearest of our national rights, than vexa- tious to the regular course of our trade. Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war hovering on our coasts, was An encounter between one of them and the American frigate commanded by Captain Rogers, rendered HISTORY OF THE WAR. 11 unavoidable on the part of the latter, by a fire com- menced without cause by the former ; whose com- mander is therefore, alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed in maintaining the honor of the American flag. The proceedings of a court of en- quiry, requested by Captain Bogers, are communicat- ed j together with the correspondence relating to the occurrence, between the Secretary of State, and his Britannic Majesty's Envoy. To these are added, the several correspondences which have passed on the subject of the British Orders in Council ; and to both the correspondence relating to the Floridas, i^ which Congress will be made acquainted with the interposition which the government of Great-Britain has thought proper to make against the proceedings of the United States. The justice, and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United Statestowards France, both before and since the revocation of her Decrees, authorised an expectation that her government would have followed up that measure by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims as well as dictat- ed by its amicable professions. No proof, however,, is yet given of an intention to repair the other wrongs done to the United States : and particularly to re- store the great amount of American property seized and condemned under Edicts, which, though not af- fecting our neutral relations, and therefore, not enter- ing into questions between the United States and oth- er belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such un- just principles, that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample. In addition to this, and other demands of strict right, on that nation; the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and unex- pected restrictions, to which their trade with the French dominions has been subjected : and which, if not discontinued, will require at least corresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United States. 12 HISTORY OE THE WAR. On all those subjects our Minister Plenipotentiary, lately sent to Paris, has carried with him the neces- sary instructions ; the result of which will be commu- nicated to you, and by ascertaining' the ulterior policy of the French government towards the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that of the United States towards France. Our other foreign relations remain without unfa- vorable changes. With Russia they are on the best footing- of friendship. The ports of Sweden have afforded proofs of friendly dispositions towards our commerce, in the councils of that nation also. And the information from our special Minister to Denmark, shews that the mission had been attended with valua- ble effects to our citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and endangered by cruisers- under the Danish flag. Under the ominous indications which commanded' attention, it became a duty, to exert the means com- mitted to the Executive Department, in providing for the general security. The works of defence on our maritime frontier have accordingly been prosecuted, with an activity leaving- little to be added for the com- pletion of the most important ones ; and as particu- larly suited for co-operation in emergencies, a portion of the Gun-Boats have, in particular harbours, been order- ed into use. The Ships of war before in commission, with the addition of a Frigate, have been chiefly em- ployed, as a cruising guard to the rights of our coast. And such a disposition has been made of our land forces, as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and important. In this disposition is in- cluded a force, consisting of regulars and militia, em- bodied in the Indiana Territory, and marched towards our North Western frontier. — This measure was made requisite by several murders and depredations committed by Indians ; but more especially by the menacing preparations and aspect of a combination of them on the Wabash under the influence and direc- tion of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. With those HISTORY OF THE WAR. 13 exceptions the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dis- positions towards us, and their usual pursuits. I must now add, that the period is arrived which claims from the Legislative Guardians of the National rights a system of more ample provisions for maintain- ing them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States, to substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two coun- tries, all the mutual advantages of re-established friendship and confidence ; we have seen that the British Cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs so long and so loudly calling for it ; but in the execution brought home to the thresh- hpld of our Territory, of measures which under existing circumstances, have the character, as well a^ the effect of war on our lawful commerce. With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in tramp- ling on rights which no independent nation can re^- linquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor, and an attitude de- manded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectations. I recommend accordingly, that adequate provision be made for filling the ranks and prolonging the en- listments of the regular troops : for an auxiliary force, to be engaged for a more limited term ; for the ac- ceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in urgent services ; for detachments, as they may be wanted, of other por- tions of the militia ; and for such a preparation of the great body, as will proportion its usefulness to its in- trinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion fail to remind you of the importance of those military Seminaries, which, in every event, will form a valuable and frugal part of our military establishment. The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due success, and the stock and re- sources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to emergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, for Conrgess to authorize an enlargement of them. 14 HISTORY OF THE AVAR, Your attention will of course be drawn to such provisions, on the subject of our naval force, as may be required for the services to which it may be best adapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness also, of an authority to augment the stock of such ma- terials, as are imperishable in their nature, or. may not at once be attainable. In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous epoch, and estimating their claims to our attention, it is impossible to overlook those developing themselves among the great communities which oc- cupy the southern portion of our own hemisphere, and extend into our neighbourhood. An enlarged philan- thropy, and an enlightened forecast, concur in impos- ing on the National Councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their destinies : to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good will ; to regard the progress of events ; and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be ultimately established. Under another aspect of our situation, the early at- tention of Congress will be due to the expediency of further guards against evasions and infractions of our commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which is odious every where, and particularly criminal in free governments, where, the laws being made by all, for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every in- dividual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt, when it blends, with a pursuit of ignominious gain, a treacherous subserviency in the transgressors, to a foreign policy, adverse to that of their own country. It is then that the virtuous indignation of the public should be enabled to manifest itself, through the regu- lar animadversions of the most competent laws. To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the honest interest which it covers, it is ex- pedient also, that it be made punishable in ourcitizens, to accept licences from foreign governments, for a trade unlawfully interdicted by them to other Ameri- can citizens ; or to trade under false colours or papers of any sort- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 16 A prohibition is equally called for, against the ac- ceptance, by our citizens of special licences, to be used in a trade with the United States; and against the admission into particular ports of the United States, of vessels from foreign countries, authorized to trade with particular ports only. Although other subjects will press more immedi- ately on your deliberations, a portion of them cannot but be well bestowed, -on the just and sound policy of securing to our manufactures the success they have attained, and are still attaining, in some degree, under the impulse of causes not permanent; and to our navi- gation, the fair exteut of which it is at present abridg- ed by the unequal regulations of foreign govern- ments. Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufac- turers from sacrifices which a change of circumstan- ces might bring on them, the national interest requires, that, with respect to such articles at least as belong io our defence, and our primary wants, we should not be left in unnecessary dependence on external supplies. And whilst foreign governments adhere to the existing discriminations in their ports against our navigation,, and an equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed bv their navigation in our ports, the effect cannot be mistaken, because it has been seriously felt by our shipping interests; and in proportion as this takes place, the advantages of an independent conveyance of our products to foreign markets, and of a growing body of mariners, trained by their occupations forth*, service of their country in times of danger, must be diminished. *» The receipts into the Treasury, during the year, en- ding on the thirtieth of September last, have exceeded, thirteen millions and a half of dollars, and have ena- bled us to defray the current expences, including the interest on the public debt and to reimburse more than five millions of dollars of the principal, without recur- ring to the loan authorized by the act of the last Ses- sion. The temporary loan obtained in the latter end of the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, has 16 HISTORY OF THE WAR. also been reimbursed, and is not included in that amount. The decrease of revenue, arising" from the situation ot our commerce and the extraordinary expenoes which have and may become necessary, must be taken into view, in making commensurate provisions for the ensuing year. And I recommend to your considera- tion the propriety of ensuring- a sufficiency of annual revenue, at least to defray the ordinary expences of government, and to pay the interest on the public debt, including that on new loans which may be authorized. T cannot close this communication without expres- sing my deep sense of the crisis in which you are as- sembled ; my confidence in a wise and honourable result to your deliberations, and, assurances of the faithful zeal with which my co-operating duties will be discharged ; invoking at the same time, the bles- sing of heaven on our beloved country, and on all the means, that may be employed in vindicating its rights, and advancing its welfare. (Signed) JAMES MADISON, Washington, November 5, 1811. OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE, Laid before Congress, on Tuesday, November 5. ORDERS IN COUNCIL. MR. FOSTER TO MR. MONROE. WASHINGTON, July 3, 1811. SIR, I have had the honour of stating to you ver- bally the system of defence to which his majesty has been compelled to resort for the purpose of protecting the maritime rights and interests of his dominions against the new description of warfare that lias been adopted by his enemies. I have presented to you the grounds upon which his Majesty finds himself still HISTORY OF THE WAR. 17 obliged to continue that system, and I conceive that I shall best meet your wishes as expressed to me this morning, if in a more formal shape I should lay be* fore you the whole extent of the question, as it appears to his Majesty's government to exist between Great- Britain and A.merica. 1 beg leave to call your attention, sir, to the princi- ples on which his Majesty's Orders in Council were originally founded. The Decree of Berlin was direct- ly and expressly an act of war, by which France pro- hibited all nations from trade or intercourse with Great-Britain under peril of confiscation of their ships and merchandise ; although France had not the means of imposing an actual blockade in any degree adequate to such a purpose. The immediate and professed object of this hostile Decree was the destruc- tion of all British commerce through means entirely unsanctioned by the law of nations, and unauthorised by any received doctrine of legitimate blockade. This violation of the established law of civilized nations in war, would have justified Great-Britain in retaliating upon the enemy by a similar interdiction of all commerce with France, and with such other countries as might co-operate with France in her sys- tem of commercial hostility against Great-Britain. The object of Great-Britain was not, however, the destruction of trade, but its preservation under such regulations as might be compatible with her own se- curity, at the same time that she extended an indul- gence to foreign commerce, which strict principles would have entitled her to withhold. The retaliation of Great-Britain was not therefore urged to the full extent of her right ; our prohibition of French trade was not absolute, but modified ; and in return for the absolute prohibition of all trade with Great-Britain, we prohibited not all commerce with France, but all such commerce with France as should not be carried on through Great-Britain. It was evident that this system must prove prejudi- cial to neutral nations; this calamity was foreseen. 3 16 HISTORY OF THE WAR. and deeply regretted. But the injury to the neutral nation arose from the aggression of Franee, which had compelled Great-Britain in her own defence to resort to adequate retaliatory measures of war. The operation on the American commerce of those pre- cautions, which the conduct of France had rendered indispensable to our security, is therefore to be ascrib- ed to the unwarrantable aggression of France, and not to those proceedings on the part of Great-Britain, which that aggression had rendered necessary and just. The object of our system was merely to counteract an attempt to crush the British trade ; Great-Britain endeavored to permit the continent to receive as large a portion of commerce as might be practicable, through Great-Britain ; and all her subsequent regu- lations, and every modification of her system by new orders or modes of granting or withholding licences, have been calculated for the purpose of encouraging the trade of neutrals through Great-Britain, whenever such encouragement might appear advantageous to the general interests of commerce, and consistent with the public safety of the nation. The justifica- tion of his Majesty's Orders in Council, and the con- tinuance of that defence, have always been rested up- on the existence of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, and on the perseverance of the enemy in the system of hostility which has subverted the rights of neutral commerce on the continent; and it has always been declared on the part of his Majesty's government, that whenever France should have effectually repeal- ed the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, and should have, restored neutral commerce to the condition in which it stood previously to the promulgation of those De- crees, we should immediately repeal our Orders in Council. France has asserted that the Decree of Berlin was a measure of just retaliation on her part, occasioned by our previous aggression ; and the French govern- ment has insisted that our system of blockade, as it HISTORY OF THE WAR. 19 existed previously to the Decree of Berlin, was a manifest violation of the received law of nations ; we must therefore, sir, refer to the articles of the Ber- lin Decree, to find the principles of our system of blockade, which France considers to be new, and contrary to the law of nations. By the 4th and 8th articles it is stated as a justifi- cation of the French Decree, that Great-Britain, * extends to unfortified towns and commercial ports, to harbors, and to the mouths of rivers, those rights of blockade, which by the reason and the usage of nations, are applicable only to fortified places ; and that the rights of blockade ought to be limited to for- tresses really invested by a sufficient force.' It is added in the same articles that Great-Britain ' has declared places to be in a state of blockade, before which she has not a single ship of war, and even places which the whole British force would be insufficient to blockade ; entire coasts, and a whole empire.' Neither the practice of Great-Britain, nor the law of nations, has ever sanctioned the rule now laid down by France, that no place excepting fortresses in a complete state of investiture, can be deemed lawfully blockaded by sea. If such a rule were to be admitted, it would be- come nearly impracticable for Great-Britain to at- tempt the blockade of any port of the continent, and our submission to this perversion of the law of na- tions, while it would destroy one of the principal ad- vantages of our naval superiority, would sacrifice the common rights and interests of all maritime states. It was evident that the blockade of May, 18UG, was the principal pretended jusification oi the De- cree of Berlin, though neither the principles on which that blockade was founded, nor its practical opera- tion, afforded any color for the proceedings of France. In point of date, the blockade of May, 180b", pre- ceded the Berlin Decree; but it was a just and legal 20 HISTORY OF THE WAR. blockade according" to the established law of nations, because it was intended to be maintained, and was actually maintained by an adequate force appointed to guard the whole coast described in the notitication, and consequently to enforce the blockade. Great-Britain has never attempted to dispute, that in the ordinary course of the law of nations, no block- ade can be justifiable or valid unless it be supported by an adequate force destined to maintain it, and to expose to hazard all vessels attempting to evade its operation. The blockade of May, 1806, was notified by Mr. Secretary Fox, on this clear principle, nor was that blockade announced until he had satisfied himself by a communication with his Majesty f s Board of Admiralty, that the Admiralty possessed the means and would employ them, of watching the whole coast from Brest to the Elbe, and of effectually enforcing the blockade. The blockade of May, 1806, was therefore (ac- cording to the doctrine maintained by Great r Britain) just and lawful in its origin, because it was supported by both in intention and fact by an adequate naval force. This was the justification of that blockade, until the period of time when the Orders in Council were issued. The Orders in Council were founded on a distinct principle, that of defensive retaliation. Fiance had declared a blockade of all the ports and coasts of Great-Britain, and her dependencies, without assign- ing, or being able to assign, any force to support that blockade. Such an act of the enemy would have justified a declaration of the blockade of the whole coast of France, even without the application of any particular force to that service. Since the promulga- tion of the Orders in Council, the blockade of May, 1806, has been sustained and extended by the more comprehensive system of defensive retaliation on which those regulations are founded. But ii the Or- ders in Council should be abrogated, the blockade of JVIay, 1806, could not continue under our construe- HISTORY OP THE WAR. 21 tion of the law of nations, unless that blockade should be maintained by a due application of an adecmate naval force. America appears to concur with France in assert- ing that Great-Britain was the original aggressor in the attack on neutral rights, and has particularly ob- jected to the blockade of May, ]806, as an obvious instance of that aggression on the part of Great- Britain. Although the doctrines of the Berlin Decree, res- pecting the rights of blockade, are not directly assert- ed by the American government, Mr. Pinckney's correspondence would appear to countenance the principles on which those doctrines are founded. The objection directly stated by America against the blockade of May, 1806, rests on a supposition that no naval force which Great-Britain possessed, or could have employed for such a purpose, could have render- ed that blockade effectual and that therefore it was necessarily irregular, and could not possibly be main- tained in conformity to the law of nations. Reviewing the course of this statement, it will ap- pear that the blockade of May, 1806, cannot be deemed contrary to the law of nations, either under the objections urged by the French, or under those declared or insinuated by the American government, because that blockade was maintained by a sufficient naval force ; that the Decree of Berlin was not there- fore justified either under the pretext alledged by France, or under those supported by America ; that the Orders in Council were founded on a just principle of defensive retaliation against the violation of the law of nations committed by France in the Decree of Berlin; that the blockade of May, 1806, is now in- cluded in the more extensive operation of the Orders in Council ; and lastly, that the Orders in Council will not be continued beyond the effectual duration of the hostile Decrees of France, nor will the blockade of May, 1806, continue after the repeal of the Orders in Council, unless His Majesty's government shall 22 HISTORY OF THE WAIt, think fit to sustain it by the special application of a sufficient naval force. This fact will not be suffered to remain in doubt, and if the repeal of the Orders in Council should take place, the intention of His Majes- ty's government respecting- the blockade of May, 1806, •will be notified at the same time. I need not recapitulate to you the sentiments of His Majesty's government, so often repeated, on the subject of the French Minister's Note to General Armstrong, dated the Oth of last August. The studi- ed ambiguity of that note has since been amply ex- plained by the conduct and language of the govern- ment of France, of which one of the most remarkable instances is to be found in the speech of the chief of the French government on the 17th of last month to certain deputies from the free cities of Hamburgh, Bremen, and Lubeck, wherein he declares that the Berlin and Milan Decrees shall be the public code of France as long as England maintains her Orders in Council of 1806, and 1807. Thus pronouncing as plainly as language will admit, that the system of vio- lence and injustice of which he is the founder, will be maintained by him until the defensive measures of re- taliation to which they gave rise on the part of Great- Britain shall be abandoned. If other proofs were necessary to show the continu- ed existence of those obnoxious Decrees, they may be discovered in the Imperial Edict dated at Fontain- bleau, October 19, 1810 ; that monstrous production of violence, in which they are made the basis of a sys- tem of general and unexampled tyranny and oppression over all countries subject to, allied with, or within the reach of the power of France ; in the report of the French minister for foreign affairs dated last Decern- ber, and in the letter of the French minister of justice to the president of the council of prises; To this latter, sir, I would wish particularly to invite your atten- tion ; the date is the 'Joth December, the authority it comes from most mirjiiestionable, aid you will there find, sir, the Duke of Massa, in giving his instructions HISTORY OF THE WAR. 23 to the council of prizes in consequence of the President of the United States' proclamation of November 3, most cautiously avoiding- to assert that the French De- crees were repealed, and ascribing- not to such repeal, but to the ambiguous passage which he quotes at length from M. Champagny's letter of August 5, the new attitude taken by America J and you will also find an evidence in the same letter of the continued capture of American ships after November, and under the Berlin and Milan Decrees, having been contem- plated by the French government, since there is a special direction given for judgment on such ships being suspended in consequence of the American proclamation, and for their being kept as pledges for its enforcement Can then, sir, these Decrees be said to have been repealed at the period when the proclamation of the President of the United States appeared, or when America enforced her non-importation act against Great-Britain? Are they so at this moment ? To the first question, the state papers which I have refer- red to, appear to give a sufficient answer. For even supposing that the repeal has since taken place, it is clear that on November 3, there was no question as to that not being then the case ; the capture of the ship New-Orleans Packet seized at Bordeaux, and the Grace- Ann-Green, seized at or carried into Marseilles, being cases arising under the French Decrees of Ber- lin and Milan, as is very evident. Great-Britain might therefore complain of being treated with injus- tice by America, even supposing that the conduct of France had since been unequivocal. America contends that the French Decrees are re- voked as it respects her ships upon the high seas, and you, sir, inform me, that the only two American ships taken under their maritime operation, as you are pleas- ed to term it, since November 1, have been restored ; but may not they have been restored in consequence of the satisfaction felt in France at the passing of the non-importation act in the American Congress, an 24 HISTORY OF THE WAR. event so little to be expected ; for otherwise, having been captured in direct contradiction to the supposed revocation, why were they not restored immedi- ately ? The fears of the French navy however, prevent many cases of the kind occurring" in the ocean under the Decrees of Berlin and Milan , but the most ob- noxious and destructive parts of those Decrees are exercised with full violence not only in the ports of France, but in those of all other countries to which France thinks she can commitinjustice withimpunity. Great-Britain has a right to complain that neutral nations should overlook the very worst features of these extraordinary acts, and should suffer their trade to be made a medium of an unprecedented, violent, and monstrous system of attack upon her resources ; a species of warfare unattempted by any civilized na- tion before the present period. Not only has America suffered her trade to be moulded into the means of annoyance to Great-Britain under the provisions of the French Decrees, but as construing- those Decrees as extinct, upon a deceitful declaration of the French Cabinet, she has enforced her non-importation act against Great-Britain. Under these circumstances, I am instructed by my government, to urge to that of the United States, the injustice of thus enforcing that act against his Majes- ty's dominions, and I cannot but hope that a spirit of justice will induce the United States' government to re-consider the line of conduct they have pursued, and at least to re-establish their former state of strict neutrality. J ha\e only to add, sir, that, on my part, I shall ever be ready to meet \ on on any opening which may seem to afford a prospect of restoring complete harmony between the two countries, and that it will at all times give me the greatest satisfaction to treat with you on the important concerns so interesting to both. I have the honor to be, 9iC. AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER To the hon. James Monroe, SCc. HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 25 Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. WASHINGTON, JiUy 11, 1811. SIR, In consequence of our conversation of yesterday, and the observations which you made respecting that part of my letter to you of the 3d inst. wherein I have alluded to the principle on which his Majesty's Or- ders in Council were originally founded, I think it right to explain myself, in order to prevent any possi- ble mistake as to the present situation of neutral trade with his Majesty's enemies. It will only be necessary for me to repeat what has already, long since, been announced to the American government, ramely, that his Majesty's Order in Council of April 26, 1809, superceded those of No- vember, 1807, and relieved the system of retaliation adopted by his Majesty against his enemies from what was considered in this country as the most objection- able part of it ; the option given to neutrals to trade with the enemies of Great-Britain, through British ports, on payment of a transit duty. This explanation, sir, will, I trust, be sufficient to do away any impression that you may have received to the contrary from my observations respecting the effects which his Majesty's Orders in Council origin- ally had on trade of neutral nations. Those observa- tions were merely meant as preliminary to a consider- ation of the question now at issue between the two countries. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant, AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. To the hon. James Monroe, tyc. 26 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Mr. Foster to 3Ir. Monroe. WASHINGTON. July 14, 1 8 II . SIR, His Majesty's Packet boat having been so long detained, and a fortnight having elapsed since my ar- rival at this capitol, his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent will necessarily expect that I should have to transmit to his Royal Highness some official commu- nication as to the line of conduct the American gov- ernment mean to pursue. I trust you will excuse me therefore, sir, if without pressing for a detailed answer to my note of the 3d inst, I anxiously desire to know from you what is the President's determina- tion with respect to suspending the operation of the late Act of Congress prohibiting all importation from the British dominions. There have been repeated avowals lately made by the government of France, that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan were still in full force, and the acts of that government have corresponded with those avowals. The measures of retaliation pursued by Great- Britain against those Decrees are consequently to the great regret of his Royal Highness still necessarily continued. T have had the honor to state to you the light in which his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent view- ed the Proclamation of the President of last, Novem- ber, and the surprise with which he learnt the subse- quent measures of Congress against the British trade. American ships seized under his Majesty's Orders in Council even after that Proclamation appeared, were not immediately condemned, because it was be- lieved that the insidious professions of France might have led the American government, and the mer- chants of America into an erroueous construction of the intentions of France. But wh( n the veil was thrown aside, and the French ruler himself avowed the continued existence of his invariable system, it was not expected by his Royal Highness that America would have refused to retrace the steps she had taken. HISTORY OF THE WAR. Z* Fresh proofs have since occurred of the resolution of the French government to cast uway all considera- tion of the rights of nations in the unprecedented war- fare they have adopted. America however still persists in her injurious measures against the commerce of Great-Britain, and his Royal Highness has in consequence been obliged to look to means of retaliation against those measures which his Royal Highness cannot but consider as most unjustifiable. How desirable would it not be, sir, if a stop could be put to any material progress in such a system of retaliation, which, from step to step may lead to the most unfriendly situation between the two countries!* His Majesty's government will necessarily be guid- ed in a great degree by the contents of my first dis- patches as to the conduct they must adopt towards America. Allow me then, sir, to repeat my request to learn from you whether I may not convey what I know would be most grateful to his Royal Highness' feelings, namely, the hope that he may be enabled, by the speedy return of America from her unfriendly attitude towards Great- Britain, to forget altogether that he ever was obliged to have any other object in view besides that of en- deavoring to promote the best understanding possible between the two countries. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion, sir, your most obedient humble servant, AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER, To tlw hon. James Monroe, §c. Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. WASHINGTON, July 16, 1811. SfR, 1 had the honor to receive the letter which you ad dressed to me under yesterday's date, requesting an explanation from me, in consequence of my letter*' 28 HISTORY OV THE WAR. of the 3d and 14th inst. of the precise extent in which a repeal of the French Decrees is by his Majesty s government, made a condition of the repeal of the British Orders, and particularly whether the condition embraces the seizure of vessels and merchandize en- tering French ports in contravention of French regu- lations, as well as the capture on the high seas, of neutral vessels and their cargoes, on the mere allega- tion that they are bound to or from British ports, or that they have on board British productions or man- ufactures ; as also, stating that in your view of the French Decrees, they comprise regulations essentially different in their principles, some of them violating the neutral rights of the United States, others operat- ing against Great-Britain without any such violation. You will permit me, sir, for the purpose of answer- ing your questions as clearly and concisely as possi- ble, to bring into view the French Decrees them- selves, together with the official declarations of the French minister which accompanied them. In the body of those Decrees, and in the declara- tions alluded to, you will find, sir, express avowals that the principles on which they were founded, and provisions contained in them, are wholly new, unpre- cedented, and in direct contradiction to all ideas of justice and the principles and usages of all civilized nations. The French government did not pretend to say that any one of the regulations contained in those Decrees was a regulation which France had ever been in the previous practice of. They were consequently to be considered, and were indeed allowed by France herself to be, all of them, parts of a new system of warfare, unauthorised by the established laws of nations. It is in this light in which France herself has placed her Decrees ; that Great-Britain is obliged to consid- er them. The submission of neutrals to any regulations made by France, authorised by the laws of nations, and practised in former \vnrs\ will never be complain'."' HISTORY OP THE WAR. 29 of by Great-Britain ; but the regulations of the Berlin and Mian Decrees do, and are declared to violate the laws of nations, and the rights of neutrals, for the purpose of attacking through them the resources of Great Britain. The ruler of France has drawn no distinction between any of them, nor has he declared the cessation of any one of them in the speech which he so lately addressed to the deputation from the free Imperial Hanse Towns, which was on the contrary a confirmation of them all. Not until the French Decrees therefore shall be effectually repealed, and thereby neutral commerce be restored to the situation in which it stood previous- ly to their promulgation, can his royal highness con- ceive himself justified, consistently with what he owes to the safety and honour of Great Britain, in forego- ing the just measures of retaliation which his Majesty in his defence was necessitated to adopt against them. I trust, sir, that this explanation in answer to your enquires will be considered by you sufficiently satis- factory ; should you require any further, and which it may be in my power to give, I shall with the greatest cheerfulness afford it. I sincerely hope, however, that no further delay will be thought necessary by the President in restor- ing the relations of amity which should ever subsist be- tween America and Great-Britain, as the delusions attempted by the government of France have now been made manifest, and the perfidious plans of its ruler exposed ; by which, while he adds to and agra • vates his system of violence against neutral trade, he endeavours to throw all the odium of his acts upon Great Britain with a view to engender discord be- tween the neutral countries, and the only power which stands upas a bulwark against his efforts at universal tyranny and oppression. Excuse me, sir, if 1 express my wish as early a* possible to dispatch his Majesty's packet boat with the result of our communications, as his Majesty's government will necessarily be must anxious to hear ,10' HISTORY OF THE WAR. from me. Any short period of time, however, which may appear to you to be reasonable, I will not hesi- tate bo detain her. I have the honor to be with the highest considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant. AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER To the lion. James Monroe, tyc. Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, July 23d, 1811. SIR, I have submitted to the President your several let- ters of the 3d and 16th of this month relative to the British Orders in Council and the blockade of May, 1806, and 1 have now the honor to communicate to you his sentiments on the view which you have pre- sented of those measures ot your government. It was hoped that your communication would have led to an immediate accommodation of the differences subsisting between our countries, on the ground on which alone it is possible to meet you. It is regretted that you have confined yourself to a vindication of the measures which produced some of them. The United States are as little disposed now as heretofore to enter into the question concerning the priority of aggression by the two belligerents, which could not be justified by either, by the priority of those of the oilier. But us you bring forward that plea in support of the Orders in Council, I must be permitted to remark that you have yourself furnished a conclusive answer to it, by admitting that the block- ade of May 1806, which was prior to the first of the French Decrees, would not be legal, unless supported through the whole extent of the coast, from the Elbe to Brest, by an adequate naval force. That such a naval force wasactualy applyed and continued in the requisite strictness until that blockade was comprised HISTORY OF THE WAR. 31 in and superceded by the Orders of November of the following' year, or even until the French Decree of the same year, will not I presume be alleged. But waving this question of priority, can it be seen without both surprise and regret, that it is still con- tended, that the Orders in Council are justified by the principle of retaliation, and that this principle is strengthened by the inability of France to enforce her Decrees. A retaliation is in its name, and its essen- tial character, a returning like for like. Is the dead- ly blow of the Orders in Council against one half of our commerce, a return of like for like to an empty threat in the French Decrees, against the other half? It may be a vindicative hostility, as far as its effects falls on the enemy. But when falling on a neutral who on no pretext can be liable for more than the measure of injury received through such neutral it would not be a retaliation, but a positive wrong by the plea on which it is founded. It is to be further remarked that the Orders in Council went even beyond the plea, such as this has appeared to be, in extending its operation against the trade of the United States, with nations which, like Russia, had not adopted the French Decrees, and with all nations which had merely excluded the Brit- ish flag ; an exclusion resulting- as a matter of course with respect to whatever nation Great-Britain might happen to be at war. 1 am far from viewing the modification originally contained in these Orders, which permits neutrals to prosecute their trade with the continent, through Great-Britain, in the favorable light in which you re- present it. It is impossible to proceed to notice the effect of this modification without expressing our as- ionishmeut at the extravagance of the political preten- sion set up by it : a pretension which is utterly incom- patible with the sovereignty and iudependance of oth- er states. In a commercial view, it is not less objec- tionable, as it cannot fail to prove destructive to neu- tral commerce. As an enemv, Great-Britain cannot 32 HISTORY OF THE WAR. trade with France. Nor does France permit a neu- tral to come into her ports from Great-Britain. The attempt of Great-Britain to force our trade through her ports, would have therefore the commercial effect of depriving the United States altogether of the mark- et of her enemy for their productions, and of destroy- ing their value in her market by a surcharge of it. Heretofore it has been the usage of belligerent na- tions to carry on their trade through the intervention of neutrals; and this had the beneficial effect of extend- ing to the former the advantages of peace, while suf- fering under the calamities of war. To reverse the rule, and to extend to nations at peace, the calamities of war, is a change as novel and extraordinary as it is at variauce with justice and public law. Against this unjust system, the United States en- tered, at an early period, their solemn protest. They considered it their duty to evince to- the world their high disapprobation of it, and they have done so by such acts as were deemed most consistent with the rights and the policy of the nation. Remote from the contentious scene which desolates Europe, it has been their uniform object to avoid becoming a party to the war — With this view they have endeavored to culti- vate friendship with both parties, by a system of con- duct which ought to have produced that effect. They have done justice to each party in every trans- action in which they have been separately engaged with it. They have observed the impartiality winch was due to both as belligerents standing on equal ground, having in no instance given a preference to either at the expense of the other. They have borne too with equal indulgence injuries from both, being willing while it was possible, to impute them to casu- al ities inseparable from a cause of war, and not to a deliberate intention to violate their rights, and even when that intention could not be mistaken, they have not lost sight of the ultimate object of their policy. In the measures to which they have been compelled to resort, they have in all respects maintained pacific HISTORY OF THE WAR. d8 relations with both parties. The alternative present- ed by their late acts, was offered equally to both, and could operate on neither, no longer than it should persevere in its agressions on our neutral rights. The embargo and non-intercourse, were peaceful measures. The regulations which they imposed on our trade were such as any nation might adopt iu peace or war, without offence to any other nation. The non-importation is of the same character, and it it makes a distinction at this time, in its operation be- tween the belligerents, it necessarily results from a compliance of one with the offer made to both, and which is still open to the compliance of the other. In the discussions which have taken place on the subject of the Orders in Council and blockade of May, 1806, the British government in conformity to the principle on which the Orders in Council are said to be founded, declared that they should cease to operate as soon as France revoked her Edicts. It was stated al- so, that the British government would proceed pari passu, with the government of France, in the revoca- tion of her .Edicts. I will proceed to shew that the obligation on Great-Britain to revoke her Orders is complete, according to her own engagements, and that the revocation ought not to be longer delayed. By the Act of May 1st, 1810, it is provided, « That if either Great-Britain or France should cease to vio- late the neutral commerce of the United States, which fact the President should declare by proclamation, and the other party should not within three months thereafter revoke or modify its Edicts in like manner, that then certain sections in a former act interdicting the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great-Britain and France, and their dependen- cies, should from and after the expiration of three months from the date of the proclamation, be revived. and have full force against the former, its colonies and dependencies, and against all articles the growth, pro- duce, or manufacture of the same.' 5 34 HISTORY Olf THE WAR. The violations of neutral commerce alluded to in this act, were such as were committed on the high seas. It was in the trade between the United States and the British dominions, that France had violated the neutral rights of the United States by her block- ading- Edicts, it was with the trade of France and her allies that Great-Britain had committed similar violations by similar Edicts. It was the revocation of those Edicts, so far as they committed such viola- tions, which the United States had in view, when they passed the law of May 1st, 1810. On the 5th of August, 11110, the French minister of foreign affairs addressed a note to the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, informing him that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan were revoked; the re- vocation to take effect on the 1st of November fol- lowing: that the measure had been taken by his gov- ernment in conscience that the British government would revoke its Orders, and renounce its *;ew prin- ciples of blockade, or that the United States would cause their rights to be respected, conformably to the act of May 1st, 1810. This measure of the French government was founded on the law of May 1st, 1810, as is expressly declared in the letter of theDuke ofCadore announc- ing it. The Edicts of Great-Britain, the revocation of which were expected by France, were those allud- ed to in that act; and the means by which the United Stales should cause their rights to be respected, in case Great-Britain should not revoke her Edicts, were likewise to be found in the same act. They consist- ed merely in the enforcement of the non-importation act against Great-Britain, in that unexpected and im- probable contingency. The letter of the 5th of August, which announced the revocation ot the French Decrees, was communi- cated to this government, in consequence of which the President issued a proclamation on the 2d of No- vember, the day alter that on which the repeal of the French Decrees was io take effect, in which he de- clared that all the restrictions imposed by the act of HISTORY OF THE WAR, 3o May 1st, 1810, should cease and be discontinued in relation to France and her dependencies. It was a necessary consequence of this proclamation, also, that if Great-Britain did not revoke her Edicts, the non- importation would operate on her, at the end of three months. This actually took place. She declined the revocation, and on the 2d of February last, that law took effect. In confirmation of the proclamation, an act of Congress was passed on the 2d of March fol- lowing 1 . Great-Britain still declines to revoke her Edicts, on the pretension that France has not revoked hers. Under that impression she infers that the United States have done her injustice by carrying into effect; the non-importation against her. The United States maintain that France has re- voked her Edicts, so far as they violated their neutral rights, and were contemplated by the law of May 1st, 1810, and have on that ground particularly claimed and do expect of Great-Britain a similar revocation. The revocation announced officially by the French minister of foreign affairs, to the minister plenipoten- tiary of the United States at Paris, on the 5th of August, 18 10, was in itself sufficient to justify the claim of the United States to a correspondent measure from Great-Britain. She had declared that she would proceed pari passu in the repeal with France, and the day being fixed when the repeal of the French Decrees should take effect, it was reasonable to con- clude that Great-Britain would fix the same day for the repeal of her Orders. Had this been done, the proclamation of the President would have announced the revocation of the Edicts of both powers at the same time and in consequence thereof the non-impor- tation would have gone into operation against neither. — Such, too, is the natural course of proceeding" in transactions between independant states ; and such the conduct which they generally observe towards each other. In all compacts between nations, it is the duty of each to perform what it stipulates, and to pre- sume on the good iaith of the other for a hke per- 36 HISTORY OF THJE AVAR. formance. The United States having- made a pro- posal to both belligerents were bound to accept a compliance from either, and it was no objection to the French compliance, that it was in a form to take effect at a future day, that being 1 a form not unusual in other public acts ; even when nations are at war and make peace, this obligation of neutral confidence exists and is respected. In treaties of commerce, by which their future intercourse is to be governed, the obligation is the same. — If distrust and jealousy are allowed to prevail, the moral tie which binds na- tions together in all their relations, in war as well as in peace, is broken. What would Great-Britain have hazarded by a prompt compliance in the manner suggested ? She had declared that she had adopted the restraints im- posed by her Orders in Council with reluctance, be-f cause of their distressing effect on neutral powers. Here then was a favorable opportunity presented to her, to withdraw from that measure with honor, be the conduct of France, afterwards, what it might. Had Great-Britain revoked her Orders, and France failed to fulfil her engagement, she would have gain- ed credit at the expense of France, and could have sustained no injury by it, because the failure of France to maintain her faith would have replaced Great-Britain at the point from which she had depart- ed. To say that a disappointed reliance on the good faith of her enemy, would have reproached her fore- sight, would be to set a higher value on that quality than on consistency and good taith, and would sacri- fice to a mere suspicion towards an enemy, the plain obligations of justice towards a friendly power. Great-Britain has declined proceeding pari pacsu with France in the revocation of their respective Edicts. She has held aloof, and claims of the United States, proof, not only that Fiance has revoked her Decrees, but that she continues to act in conformity with the revocation. To shew that the repeal is respected, it is deemed sufficient to state, that not one vessel has been con- HISTORY OF THE WAR. b* demned by French tribunals, on the principles of those Decrees, since the 1st of November last.— *-The New- Orleans packet from Gibraltar to Bordeaux, was de- tained but never condemned. The Grace Ann Green, from the same British port, to Marseilles, was likewise detained, but afterwards delivered up uncon- ditionally to the owner, as was such part of the cargo of the New-Orleans packet as consisted of the pro- duce of the United States. Both these vessels pro- ceeding- from a British port, carried cargoes, some articles of which in each, were prohibited by the laws of Prance, or admissible by the sanction of the gov- ernment alone. It does not appear that their deten- tion was imputable to any other cause. If imputable to the circumstance of passing from a British to a French port, or on account of any part of their car- goes, it affords no cause of complaint in Great-Britain, as a violation of her neutral rights. No such cause would be afforded, even in a case of condemnation. The right of complaint, would have belonged to the United States. In denying the revocation of the Decrees, so far as it is a proper subject of discussion between us, it might reasonably be expected that you would pro- duce some examples of vessels taken at sea, in voyages to British ports, or on their return home, and condemned under them by a French tribunal. None such has been afforded by you. None such are known to this government You urge only as an evidence that the Decrees are not repealed, the speech of the Emperor of France to the deputies from the free cities of Hamburg, Bre- men, and Lubeck ; the Imperial Edict dated at Fon- tainbleau on the 19th of October, 1810; the report of the French minister of foreign affairs, dated in De- cember last, and a letter of the minister of Justice to the President of the Council of prizes of the 25th o\ that month. There is nothing in the first of these papers incom- patible with the revocation of the Decrees, in respect Jo the United Stales. It is distmcly declared bv 38 HISTORY OF THE WAR. the Emperor in his speech to the deputies of the Hanse Towns, that the blockade of the British Islands shall cease when the British blockades cease ; and that the French blockade shall cease in favor of tho:se nations in whose favor Great Britain revokes hers, or who support their rights against her preten- sion, as France admits the United States will do by enforcing the non-importation act. The same senti- ment is expressed in the report of the ministers of foreign affairs. — The Decree of Fontainbleau having no effect on the high seas, cannot be broughtinto this discussion. It evidently has no connection with neutral rights. The letter from the minister of justice, to the President of the Council of prizes, is of a different character. It relates in direct terms to this subject but not in the sense in which you understand it. Af- ter reciting the note from the duke of Cadore of the 5th August last, to the American minister at Paris, which announced the repeal of the French Decrees, and the proclamation of the President in consequence of it, it states that all causes arising under those De- crees after the 1st of November, which were then be- fore the court, or might afterwards be brought before it, should not be judged by the principles of the De- crees, but be suspended until the 2d February, when the United States having fulfilled their engagement, the captures should be declared void, and the vessels and their cargoes delivered up to their owners. This paper appears to afford an unequivocal evidence of the revocation of the Decrees, so far as relates to the United States. By instructing the French tribunal' to make no decision till the 2d of February, and then to restore the property to the owners, on a particular event which has happened, all cause of doubt on that point seems to be removed. The United States may Justly complain of delay in the restitution of the prop- erty, but that is an injury which effects them only. Great-Britain has no right to complain of it She was interested only in the revocation of the Decrees l>v which neutral rights would be secured from future HISTORY OF THE WAR. 39 violation ; or it' she had been interested in the delay it would have afforded no pretext for more than a delay in repealing her orders the 2d of February. From that day at farthest the French Decrees would cease At the same day ought her Orders to have ceased. 1 might add to this statement, that every communication received from the French government, either through our representatives there, or its representatives here, are in accord with the actual repeal of the Beriin and Milan Decrees, in relation to the neutral commerce of the United States. But it will suffice to remark that the best, and only adequate evidence of their ceasing to operate, is the deiect k of evidence that they do operate. It is a case where the want of proof against the fulfil- ment of a pledge is proof of the fulfilment. Eveiy case occurring, to which if the Decrees were in force, they would be applied, and to which they are not ap- plied, is a proof that they are not in force. And if these proofs have not been more multiplied, I need not remind you that a cause is to be found in the nu- merous captures under your Orders in Council, which continue to evince the rigour with which thec- al e enforced, after a failure of the basis on which they are supposed to rest. But Great-Britain contends, as appears by your last letters, that she ought not to revoke her Orders in Council, until the commerce of the continent is restor- ed to the state in which it stood before the Berlin and Milan Decrees were issued ; until the French Decrees are repealed not only as to the United States, but so as to permit Great-Britain to trade with the continent. Is it then meant that Great-Britain should be allowed to trade with all the powers with whom she traded at that epoch ? Since that time France has extended her conquests to the north, and raised enemies against Great-Britain, where she then had friends. Is it pro- posed to trade w ith them notwithstanding the change in their situation ? Between the enemies of one state and those of another, no discrimination can be made. There is none in reason nor can there be any of right, 40 HISTORY OF THE WAR. in practice. Or do you maintain the general princi- ple and contend that Great-Britain ought to trade with France and her Allies? Between enemies there can be no commerce. The vessels of either taken by the other are liable to confiscation and are always confiscated. The number of enemies or extent of country which ihey occupy, cannot affect the question. The laws of war govern the relation which subsist be- tween them, which especially in the circumstance un- der consideration are invariable. They were the same in times the most remote that thev now are. Even if peace had taken place between Gre;it-Bri- tainandthe powers of the continent she would not trade with them without their consent. Or does Great-Britain contend, that the United States as a neutral power, ought to open the continent to her com- merce, on such terms as she may designate ? On what principle can she .set up such a claim ? No ex- ample of it can be found in the history of past wars, nor is it founded in any recognized principle of v ar, or in any semblance of reason or right. The United States could not maintain such a claim in their own favor, though neutral — when advanced in fa- vor of an enemy, it would be the most preposterous and extravagant claim ever heard of. Every power when not restrained by treaty, has a right to regulate its trade with other nations, in such a manner as it finds it most consistent with its interest; to admit, andonilsown conditions, or to prohibit the importation of such articles as are necessary to supply the wants, or encourage the industry of its people. In what lig-ht would Great- Britain view an application from the United States for the repeal of right of any act of her parliament, which prohibited the importation of any article from the United States, such as their fish, or their oil ? Or which claimed the diminution of ihe du- ty on any oilier, .such as their tobacco on which so oreat a revenue is raised ? In what light would she view a similar application made at the instance of France, f<>r the importation into England, oi any arti- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 41 cle the growth or manufacture of that power which* it was the policy of the British government to prohibit. If delays have taken place in the restitution of A- merican property, and in placing" the American com- merce in the ports of Prance on a fair and satisfac- tory basis, they involve questions, as has already been 6bserved, in which the United States alone are inter- ested. As they do not violate the revocation by France, of her Edicts, they cannot impair the obliga- tion of Great- Britain to revoke hers; nor change the epoch at which the revocation ought to have taken place. Had that duly followed, it is more than prob- able that those circumstances, irrelative as they are, which have excited doubt in Ihe British government of the practical revocation of the French Decrees, might not have occurred. Every view which can be taken of this subject in- creases the painful surprise at the innovations on all the principles and usages heretofore observed, which are so unreservedly contended for, in your letters of the 3d and 16th inst. and which, if persisted in by your government presents such an obstacle to the wishes of the United States, for a removal of the diffi- culties which have been connected with the Orders in Council. It is the interest of belligerents to mitigate the calamities of war, and neutral powers possess am- ple means to promote that object, provided they sus- tain with impartiality and firmness the dignity of their station. If belligerents expect advantage from neu- trals, they should leave them in the full enjoyment of their rights. The present war, has been oppressive beyond example, by its duration, and by the desolation which it has spread throughout Europe. It is highly important that it should assume, at least, a milder character. By the revocation of the French Edicts, so far as they respected the neutral commerce of the United States, some advance is made towards that most desirable and consoling result. Let Great- Britain follow the example. The ground thus gain- ed will soon be enlarged by the conrurrino; and pres- et 42 HISTORY OF THE WAR. sing interest of all parties, and whatever is gained,, will accrue to the advantage of afflicted humanity. I proceed to notice another part of your letter of the 3d inst. which is viewed in a more favorable light. The President has received with great satisfaction the communication tl at should the Orders in Council of 1807, be revoked, the blockade of May of the preced- ing year, would cease with them, and that any block- ade which should afterwards be instituted, should be duly notified and maintained by an adequate force. This frank and explicit declaration, worthy of the prompt and ^micab-e measure adopted by the Prince Regent in coming imo power, seems to remove a ma- terial obstacle to an accommodation of difference* between our countries, and when followed by the re- vocation of the Orders in Council, will, as I am authorised to inform you, produce an immediate ter- mination of the non-importation law, by an exercise of the power vested in the President for that purpose. I conclude with remarking that if I have confined this letter to the subjects brought into view by yours; it is not because the United States have lost sight in any degree of the other very serious causes of com- plaint, on >\hich they have received no satisfaction, but because the conciliatory policy of this government has thus far separated the case of the Orders in Coun- cil from others, and because with respect to these others, your communication has not afforded any reasonable prospect of resuming them, at this time, with success. It is presumed that the same liberal view of the true interests of Great-Britain, and friend- ly disposition towards the United States, which in- duced the Prince Regent to remove so material a difficulty as had arisen in relation to a repeal of the Orders in Council, will lead to a more favorable further consideration of the remaining difficulties on that subject and that the advantages of ai amicable adjustment ol every question, depending between HISTORY OF THE WAR, 48 the two countries, will be seen by your gorerhnjent, in the same light, as they are by that of the United- States. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE Mr. Foster to Mr, Monroe. Washington, July 24th, 1811. SIR, Having been unable to ascertain distinctly from Sour letter to me of yesterday's date, whether it was le determination ot the President to rest satisfied with the partial repeal of the Berlin and Milan De- crees, which you believe has taken place, so as to see uo reason, in the conduct of France, for altering the relations between this country and Great-Britain, by exercising his power of suspending the operation of the non-importation act, allow me to repeat my ques- tion to you on this point, as contained in my letter of the 14th i»st. before I proceed to make any com- ments on your answer. 1 have the honor to be, with distinguished consid- eration, sir, your most obedient humble servant, AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. Mir. Foster to Mr. Monroe. Washington, July 26th, 1811. SIR, I have had the honor to receive your letter of Julv 23d, in answer to mine of the 3d and 14th inst. which you will permit me to say were not merely relative to his Majesty's Orders in Council, and the blockade of May 1806, but also to the President's proclama- tion of last November, and to the consequent act o^ 44 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Congress of March 2d, as well as to the just com- plaints which his Royal Highness, the Prince Re- gent, had commanded me to make to your govern- ment, with respect to the proclamation and to that act. If the United States* government had expected that I should have made communications which would have enabled them to come to an accommo- dation with Great-Britain on the ground on which alone you say it was possible to meet us, and that you mean by that expression a departure from our system of defence against the new kind of warfare still prac- tised by France, I am at a loss to discover from what source they could have derived those expectations ; certainly not from the correspondence between the Marquis Wellesly and Mr. Pinkney. Before I proceed to reply to the arguments which are brought forward by you to show that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are repealed, I must first enter into an explanation upon some points on which you have evidently misapprehended, fori will not suppose you could have wished to misinterpret my meaning. And first, in regard to the blockade of May, 1806, I must avow that I am wholly at a Toss to find out from what part of my letter it is that the President has drawn the unqualified inference, that should the Or- ders in Council of 1807, be revoked, the blockade of May, 1806, would cease with them. — It is most mate- rial that, on this point, no mistake should exist be- tween us. From your letter it would appear, as if on the question of blockade which America had so un- expectedly connected with her demand for a repeal of our Orders in Council, Great-Britain had made the concession required of her; as if, after all that has passed on the subject, after the astonishment and re- gret of his Majesty's government at the United Stales having taken up the view which the French govern- ment presented, of our just and legitimate principles of blockade, which are exemplified in the blockade of May, 1806, the whole ground taken by his Majesty v s HISTORY OF THE WAR. 45 government was at once abandoned. When I had the honor to exhibit to you my instructions, and to draw up as I conceived, according to your wishes and those of the President, a statement of the mode in which that blockade would probably disappear ; I never meant to authorise such a conclusion, and [ now beg- most unequivocally to disclaim it. The blockade of May 1806, will not continue after the repeal of the Orders in Council, unless his Majesty's government shall think tit to sustain it by the special application of a sufficient naval force, and the fact of its being so continued or not, will be notified at the time. If, in this view of the matter, which is certain- ly presented in a conciliatory spirit, one of the obsta- cles to a complete understanding between our coun- tries can be removed by the United States govern- ment waving all further reference to that blockade when they can be justified in asking a repeal of the Orders, aifd if I may communicate this to my govern- ment, it will undoubtedly be very satisfactory ; but I beg distinctly to tlisavow having made any acknowl- edgement that the blockade would cease merely in consequence of a revocation of the Orders in Coun- cil ; whenever it does cease, it will cease because there will be no adequate force to maintain it. On another very material point, sir, you appear to have misconstrued my words ; for in no one passage of my letter can I discover any mention of innovations on the part of Great-Britain, such as you say excited a painful surprise in your government. There is no new pretension set up by his Majesty's government. In answer to questions of yours, as to what were the Decrees or regulations of France which Great-Bri- tain complained of, and against which she directs her retaliatory measures, I brought distinctly into your view the Berlin and Milan Decrees, and you have not denied, because, indeed, you could not, that the provisions of those Decrees were new measures of war on the part of France, acknowledged as such by her ruler, and contrary to the principles and usages of 46 HISTORY OF THE WAR. civilized nations. That the present war has been op- pressive beyond example by its duration, and the des- olation it spreads through Europe, I willingly agree with you, but Ihe United States cannot surely mean to attribute the cause to Great-Britain. The question between Great-Britain and France is that of an hon- orable struggle against the lawless efforts of an am- bitious tyrant, and America can but have the wish of every independent nation as to its result. On a third point, sir, I have a'so to regret that my meaning should have been mistaken. Great-Britain never contended that British merchant vessels should be allowed to trade with her enemies, or that British property should be allowed entry into their ports, as you would infer ; such a pretension would indeed be preposterous ; but Great-Britain does contend against the system of terror put in practice by France, by which usurping authority wherever her arms or the timidity of nations will enable her to extend her influ- ence, she makes it a crime to neutral countries as well as individuals that they should possess articles, howev- er acquired, which may have been once the produce of English industry or of the British soil. Against such an abominable and extravagant pretension every feeling must revolt, and the honor no less than the interest of Great-Britain engages her to oppose it. Turning to the course of argument contained in your your letter, allow me to express my surprise at the conclusion you draw in considering the question of priority relative to the French Decrees or British Orders in Council. It was clearly provetl that the blockade of May, 1806, was maintained by an ade- quate naval force, and therefore was a blockade founded on just and legitimate principles, and I have not heard that it was considered in a contrary light when notified as such to you by Mr. Secretary Fox, nor until it suited the views of France to endeavor to have it considered otherwise. Why America took up the view the French government chose to give of it, and could see in it grounds for the French De- crees, was always matter of astonishment in England* HISTORY OF THE WAR. 47 Your remarks on modifications at various times of our svstem of retaliation will require the less reply from the circumstance of the Orders in Council of April, 1309, having superceded them all. They were calculated for ihe avowed purpose of softening the effect of the original Orders on neutral commerce, the inci- dental effect of those Orders on neutrals having been always sincerely regreled by his Majesty's govern- ment ; but when it was found that neutrals objected to them they were removed. As to the principle of retaliation, it is founded on the just and natural right of self defence against our enemy ; if France is unable to enforce her Decrees on the ocean, it is not from the want of will, for she enforces them wherever she can do it ; her threats are only empty where her power is of no avail. In the view you have taken of the conduct of America, in her relations w ith the two belligerents, and in the conclusion you draw with respect to the impartiality of your country, as exemplified in the non- importation law, I lament to say I cannot agree with you. That act is a direct measure against the Bri- tish trade, enactedat a time when all the legal authori- ties in the United States appeared ready to contest the statement of a repeal of the French Decrees, on which was founded the Presidents proclamation of November 2d, and consequently to dispute the justice of the proclamation itself. You urge, sir, that the British government promised to proceed pari passu with Fiance in the repeal of her Edicts. It is to be wished you could point out to us any step France has taken in repeal of hers. Great-Bri- tain has repeatedly declared that she would repeal w hen theFrench did so, and she means to keep to that declaration. I have stated to you that we could not consider the letter of August 5, declaring the repeal of the French Edicts, providing we revoked our Orders in Council, or America resented our not doing so, as a step of that mature; and the French government knew that ue 48 HISTORY OP THE W^R. could not; their object was evidently while their sys- tem was adhered to, in all its rigour, to endeavor to persuade the American government that they had re- laxed from it and to induce her to proceed in enfor- cing the submission of Great-Britain to the inordinate demands of France. It is to be lamented that they have but too well succeeded ; for the United Slates government appear to have considered the French Declaration in the sense in which France wished it to be taken, as an absolute repeal of her Decrees, without adverting to the conditional terms which accompani- ed it. But you assert that no violations of your neutral rights by France occur on the high seas, and that these were all the violations alluded to in the act of Congress of May, 1810. 1 readily believe indeed that such cases are rare, but it is owing to the preponde- rance of the British navy that they are so, when scarce a ship under the French flag can venture to sea with- out being taken, it is not extraordinary that they make no captures. If such violations alone were within the purview of your law, there would seem to have been no necessity for its enactment. The Briiish navy might have been safely trusted for the prevention of this occurrence. But I have always believed and my government has believed that the American legislators had in view in the provision of their law as it respects France not only her deeds of violence on the seas, but all the novel and extraordinary pre- tensions and practices of her government which in- fringed their neutral rights. We have bad no evidence as yet of any of those pretensions being abandoned. To the ambiguous de- claration in Mr. Champagny's note is opposed the unambiguous and personal declaration of Bonaparte himself. You urge that there is nothing incompati- ble with the revocation of the Decrees in respect to the United States in his expressions to the deputies from the free cities of Hamburgh, Bremen, and Lu- beck, that it is distinctly stated in that speech, that EISTORY OF THE WAR, 49 the blockade of the British Islands shall cease when the British blockade shall cease, and that the French blockade shall cease in favor of those nations in whose favor Great-Britain revokes hers or who sup- port their rights against her pretensions. It is to be infered from this and the corresponding parts of the declaration alluded to, that unless Great- Britain sacrifices her principles of blockade, which are those authorized by the established laws of nations, France will still maintain her Decrees of Berlin and Milan, which indeed, the speech in question declares to be the fundamental laws of the French empire. I do not, I confess, conceive how these avowals of the ruler of France, can be said to be compatible with the repeal of his Decrees in respect to the United States. If the United States are prepared to insist, on the sacrifices by Great-Britain of the ancient and esta- blished rules of maritime war practised by her, then indeed they may avoid the operation of the French Decrees, but otherwise, according to this document, it is very clear that they are still subjected to them. The Decree of Fountainbleau is confessedly found- ed on the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, dated the 19th October, 1810, and proves their continued exis- tence. The report of the French minister of Decem- ber 8, announcing the perseverance of France in her Decrees is still further in confirmation of them, and a re-perusal of the letter of the minister of Justice, of the 20th last December, confirms me in the inference I drew from it, for otherwise why should that minis- ter make the prospective restoration of American ves- sels, taken after the 1st of November, to be a conse- quence of the non-importation, and not of the French revocation. If the French government had been sincere, they would have ceased infringing on the neutral rights of America, after the 1st November. — That they violated them, however, after that period, . is notorious. Your government seem to let it. be understood that an ambiguous declaration from Great-Britain, similar 50 HISTORY OF THE WAR. to that of the French minister, would have been ac- ceptable to them. But, sir, is it consistent with the dignity oi a nation that respects itself, to speak in am- biguous language? The subjects and citizens of either country would in the end be the victims, as many are already, in all probability, who from a mis- construction of the meaning- of the French govern- ment, have been led into the most imprudent specu- lations. Such conduct would not be to proceed pari passu with France in revoking our Edicts, but to de- scend to the use ot the perfidious and juggling con- trivances of her cabinet, by which she fills her coffers at the expense of independent nations. A similar construction of proceeding pari passu might lead to such Decrees as those ot Rambouillet, or ot Bayonne, to the system of exclusion or of licences, all nieastires of France against the American commerce, is noth- ing short of absolute hostility. It is urged that.no vessel has been condemned by the tribunals ot France, on the principles of her De- crees since the 1st of November. You allow, how- ever, that there have been some detained since that period, and that sjiichpart of the cargoes as consisted of goods not the produce of America, was seized, and the other part, together with the vessel itself, only re- leased niter the President's proclamation became k.'own in France. These circumstances surely, only p ove the difficulty that France is under in reconcil- ing her anti-commercial and anti-neutral system, w ilh her desire to express her satisfaction at the measures taken in America against the eonnnerce of Great- Britain. Sue seizes in virtue of the Berlin aiut iYiihm Decrees, but she makes a partial restoration for the purpose of deceiving America. I have now followed \ou, I believe, sir, through the whole range of your argument, and on reviewing the course of it, 1 think 1 may securely sa) that no satis- factory proof hasvet been brought tor ward of the re- peal of the obnoxious Decrees of France, but on the contrary, that it appears they continue in tuti torce, HISTORY OF THE WAR. d\ consequently that no grounds exist on which you can, with justice, demand of Great-Britain a revocation of her Orders in Council ; — that we have a right to complain of the conduct of the American government, in enforcing the provisions of the act of May, IS 10, to the exclusion of the British trade, and afterwards in obtaining a special law for the same purpose, though it was notorious at the time that France still continu- ed her aggressions upon American commerce, and had recently promulgated anew her Decrees, suffer- ing no trade from this country, but through licences publicly sold by her agent, and that all the supposi- tions you have formed of innovations on the part of Great-Britain, or of her pretensions to trade with her enemies are wholly groundless. I have also stated to you the view his Majesty's government has taken of the question of the blockade of May, 1806, and it now only remains that I urge afresh the injustice of the United States' government persevering in their union with the French system for the purpose of crushing the commerce of Great-Britain. From every consideration which equity, good poli- cy or iuterest can suggest, there appears to be such a call upon America to give up this system, which favors France, to the injury of Great-Britain, that I cannot, however little satisfactory your communica- tions are, as yet abandon all hopes that even before the Congress meet, a new view may be taken of the subject by the President, which wdl lead to a more happy result. I have the honor to be, with very high considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser- vant, AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. To the lion. James Monroe, <$fc. 52 HISTORY OF THE AVAR- Mr, Monroe to Mr. Foster. DEPARTMENT OP STATE, July 27th, 1811. SIR, I had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday's date, in time to submit it to the view of the President before he left town. It was my object to state to you in my letter of the 23d inst. that under existing circumstances, it was impossible for the President to terminate the operation of the non-importation law of the 2d of March last; that France having excepted the proposition made by a previous law equally to Great-Britain and to France, and having revoked her Decrees, violating our neutral rights, and Great-Britain having declined to revoke hers, it became the dutv of this government to fulfil its engagement, and to declare the non-impor- tation law in force against Great-Britain. This state of affairs has not been sought by the United States. When the proposition, contained in the law of May 1st, 1810, was offered equally to both powers, there was cause to presume that Great-Bri- tain would have accepted it, in which event the non- importation law would not have operated against her. It is in the power of the British government at this time to enable the President to set the non-importa- tion law aside, by rendering to the United States an act of justice. If Great-Britain will cease to violate our neutral rights by revoking her Orders in Coun- cil, on which event alone the President has the pow- er, I am instructed to inform you that lie will, without delay, exercise it by terminating the operation of this law. It is presumed tiial the communications which I have had the honor to make to you, of the revocation by France of her Decrees, so far as theyjviolated the yeutral rights of the United States, and of her con- duct since the revocation, will present to your gov- ernment a different view of the subject, from thai, HISTORY OF THE WAR. 58 which it had before taken, and produce in its coun- cils a correspondent effect. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE. Augustus J. Foster Esq. fyc. Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. SIR, I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 26th of July, and to submit it to the view of the President. In answering that letter, it is proper that I should notice a complaint that I had omitted to reply in mine of the 23d of July, to your remonstrance against the proclamation of the President, of November last, and to the demand which you had made, by order of your government of the repeal of the non-importation act of March 2d, of the present year. My letter has certainly not merited this imputation. Having shewn the injustice of the British govern- ment in issuing the Orders in Cmncil on the pretext assigned, and its still greater injustice in adhering to them after that pretext had failed, a respect for Great- Britain, as well as for the United States, prevented my placing in the strong light in which the subject naturally presented itself, the remonstrance alluded to, and the extraordinary demand founded on it, that while your government accommodated in nothing, the United States should relinquish the ground, which by a just regard to the public rights and honor, they had been compelled to take. Propositions tending to degrade a nation can never be brought into discus- sion by a government not prepared to submit to the degradation. It was for this reason that I confined my reply to those passages in your letter, which in- volved the claim of tne United States, on the princi- ples of justice, to the revocation of the Orders in 54 HISTORY OP THE WAR. Council. Your demand, however, was neither un- noticed or unanswered. In laying before you the complete, and as was believed, irresistible proof on which the United States expected, and called for the revocation of the Orders in Council, a very explicit answer was supposed to be given to that demand. Equally unfounded is your complaint that I mis- understood that passage which claimed, as a condi- tion of the revocation of the Orders in Council, that the trade of Great-Britain with the continent should be restored to the state in which it was before the Berlin and Milan Decrees were issued. As this pretension was novel and extraordinary, it was neces- sarv that a distinct idea should be formed of it, and with that view, I asked such an explanation as would enable me to form one. In the explanation given, you do not insist on the right to trade in British property, with British vessels, directly with your enemies. Such a claim, you ad- mit, would be preposterous. But you do insist by necessary implication, that France has no right to inhibit the the importation into her ports of British manufactures, of the produce of the British soil, when the property of neutrals ; and that, until France re- moves that inhibition, the United States are to be cut off by Great-Britain from all trade whatever, with her enemies. On such a pretension it isalmost impossible to rea- son. There is I believe, no example of it in the his- torv of past wars. Great-Britain, the enemy of France undertakes to regulate the trade of France ; nor is that all ; she tells her that she must trade in British goods. If France and Great-Britain were at peace, this pre- tension would not be set up, nor even thought of. Has Great-Britain then acquired in this respect by war, rights winch she has not in peace? And does she announce to neutral nations, that unless they con- it. to become the instruments of tins policy, their commerce shall be annihilated, and their vessels shall be shut up in their own ports ? HISTORY OF THE WAR. 56 I might ask whether French goods are admited in- to Great-Britain, even in peace, and if they are, whe- ther it be of right, or by the consent and policy of the British government ? That the property would be neutralized does not effect the question. If the United States have no right to carry their own productions into France without the consent of the French government, how can they undertake to carry there those of Great-Britain ? In all cases it must depend on the interest and the will of the party. Nor is it material to what extent, or by what pow- ers, the trade to the continent is prohibited. If the powers who prohibit it, are at war with Great Britain, the prohibition is a necessary consequence of that state. If at peace, it is their own act; and whether it be volunti-ry, or compulsive, they alone are answer- able for it. If the act be taken at the instigation and under the influence of France, the most that can be said, is, that it justifies reprisal against them, bv a similar measure On no principle whatever can it be said to give any sanction to the conduct of Great- Britain towards neutral nations. The United States can have no objection to the employment of their commercial capital in the sup- ply of France, and of the continent generallv, with manufactures, and to comprise in the supply those of Great-Britain, provided those powers will consent to it. But they cannot undertake to force such supplies on France or on any other power, in com- pliance with the claim of the British government, on principles incompatible with the rights of every inde- pendent nation, and they will not demand in favor of another power, what they cannot claim for them- selves. Ail that Great-Britain could with reason complain of, was tie inhibition by the French Decrees, of the lawful trade of neutrals, with the British dominions. As soon as that inhibition ceased, her inhibition of our trade with France ought in like manner to have. 56 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ceased. Having- pledged herself to proceed pari passu with France, in the revocation of theirrespective acts violating neutral rights it has afforded just cause of complaint, and even of astonishment, to the Unit- ed States, that the British government should have sanctioned the seizure and condemnation of Ameri- can vessels under the Orders in Council after the revo- cation of the French Decrees was announced, and even in the very moment when your mission, avowed to be conciliatory, was to have its effect. I will only add that had it appeared finally, that France had failed to perform her engagements, it might at least have been expected, that Great-Bri- tain would not have molested such of the vessels of the United States as might be entering the ports of France, on the faith of both governments, till that failure was clearly proved. To many insinuations in your letter I make no re- ply, because they sufficiently suggest the only one that would be proper. If it were necessary to dwell on the impartiality which has been observed by the United States tow- ards the two belligerents, I might ask, whether if Great-Britain had accepted the condition which was offered equally to her and France, by the act of May 1st, 1810, and France had rejected it, there is cause to doubt that the non-importation act would have been carried into effect against France ? No such doubt can possibly exist because in a former instance, when this government, trusting to a fulfilment by yours of an arrangement which put an end to a non-inter- course with Great-Britain, the non-intercourse was continued against France, who had not then repealed her Decrees as it was not doubted England had done. Has it not been repeatedly declared to your govern- ment that if Great-Britain would revoke her Orders in Council, the President would immediately cause the non-importation to cease ? You well know that the same declaration has often been made to yourself, and that nothing more is wanting to the removal of HISTORY OF THE WAR. 57 the existing" obstructions to the commerce between, the two countries, than a satisfactory assurance, which will be received with pleasure from yourself, that the Orders in Council are at an end. By the remark in your letter of the 3d of July, that the blockade of May, 1806, had been included in the more comprehensive system of the Orders in Council of the following" year, and that, if that blockade should be continued in force after the repeal of the Orders in Council, it would be in consequence of the special ap- plication of a sufficient naval force, I could not but in- fer your idea to be, that the repeal of the Orders in Council would necessarily involve the repeal of the blockade of May. I was the more readily induced to make this inference, from the consideration that if the blockade was not revoked by the repeal of the Orders in Council, there would be no necessity for giving notice that it would be continued ; as by the further considera- tion, that according - to the decision of your court of ad- miralty, a blockade instituted by proclamation does not cease by the removal of the force applied to it, nor without a formal notice by the government to that effect. It is not, however, wished to discuss any question relative to the mode by which that blockade may be terminated. Its actual termination is the material ob- ject for consideration. It is easy to shew, and it has already been abund- antly shown, that the blockade of May, 1806, is in- consistent on any view that may be taken of it with the law of nations. It is also easy to show that, as now expounded, it was equally inconsistent with the sense of your government, when the order was issued ; and this change is a sufficient reply to the remarks which you have applied to me personally. If you will examine the order, you wilt find that it is strictly, little more than a blockade of the coast from the Seine to Ostend. There is an express reserva- tion in it in favor of neutrals to any part of the coast between Brest and the ^eine, and between Oslene 8 58 HISTORY OF THE WAR. and the Elbe. Neutral powers are permitted by it to take from their own ports every kind of produce without distinction as to its origin ; and to carry it to the continent under that limitation, and with the ex- ception only of contraband of war, and enemy's prop- erty, and to bring thence to their own ports in return, whatever articles they think lit. Why were contra- band of war and enemy's property excepted, if a commerce even in those articles would not otherwise have been permitted under the reservation ? ]Mo or- der was necessary to subject them to seizure. They were liable to it according' to the law of nations, as asserted by Great-Britain. Why then did the British government institute a blockade which with respect toneutials was not rig- orous as to the greater part of the coast comprised in it ? L you will look to the state of things which then existed between the United States and Great-Britain, you will find tie answer. A controversy had taken place between our governments on a different topic, which was still pending. The British government had interfered v\i.h the trade between France and her allies in the produce of their colonies. The just claim of the United States was then a subject of ne- gotiation ; and your government professing its wil- lingness to make a satisfactory arrangement of it, is- sued the Order which allowed the trade, without making any concession as to the principle, reserving that for adjustment by treaty. It was in this light that 1 viewed, and in this sense that I represented that or- der to my government; and in no other did 1 make any comment on it. VVhenyou reflect that this order by allowing the trade of neutrals, in colonial productions, to all that portion of the coast which was not rigorously blockaded, af- forded to the United States an accommodation in a principal poiutthen at issue between our governments, and of which their citizens extensively availed them- selves that that trade and the question ot blockade, and every other question in which the United States HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 59 -and Great-Britain were interested, were then in a train of amicable negotiation, you will I think, see the cause why the minister who then represented the United States with the British government did not make a formal complaint against it. You have ap- pealed to me who happened to be that minister, and urged my silence as an evidence of my approbation of, or at least acquiesce in the blockade. — An explana- tion of the cause of that supposed silence is not less due to myself, than to the true character of the trans- action. With the minister with whom I had the hon- or to treat, I may add, that an official formal com- plaint was not likely to be resorted to, because friend- ly communications were invited and prefered. The want of such a document is no proof that the meas- ure was approved by me, or that no Complaint was made. In recalling to my mind as this incident na- turally does, the manly character of that distinguished and illustrious statesmen, and the confidence with which he inspired all those with whom he had to treat, I shall be permitted to express as a slight tribute of respect to his memory, the very high consideration in which I have always held his great talents and virtues. The United States have not, nor can they approve the blockade of an extensive coast. Nothing certain- ly can be infered from anv thing that has passed rel- ative to the blockade of May, 1806, to countenance such an inference. It is seen wilh satisfaction that you still admit that the application of an adequate force is necessary to give a blockade a legal character, and that it will lose that character whenever that adequate force ceases to be applied. As it cannot be alledged that the appli- cation of any such adequate force has been continued, and actually exists in the case ol the blockade of May, 1806, it would seem to be a fair inference that the repeal of the Orders in Council will leave no insuper- able difficulty with respect to it. To suppose the contra- ry would be to suppose that the Orders in Council said to include that blockade, resting themselves onaprin- 60 HISTORY OF THE WAK. ciple of retaliation only, and not sustained by the ap- plication of an adequate force, would have the effect of sustaining" a blockade admitted to require the ap- plication of an adequate force, until such adequate force should actually take the place of the Orders in Council. Whenever any blockade is instituted, it will be a subject for consideration, and if the block- ade be in conformity to the law of nations, there will be no disposition in this government to contest it. [ have the honor to be, 8cc. (Signed) JAMES MONROE Augustus J. Foster, Esq. fyc. Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. Washington, October 22, 1811. SIR, I had the honor to receive your letter of the 17th inst. together with its three enclosures, on the road between Baltimore and this city ; I had that of re- ceiving- at the same time, your letter dated October 1, in answer to mine of the 26th of last July. Not having had any despatches from his Majesty's Government lately, I have not as yet received the copy of the recent communication from Paris in regard to the supposed repeal of the French Decrees which the charge'd'affairs of the United States at London, has intimated to you that he understood the Marquis Wellesley intended to transmit to me, and which I conclude is the same as that contained in the letter of Mr. Russell, the American Charge d' affairs in France. I am however in daily expectation of the arrival of his Majesty's packet boat, when it will in all probability reach me, and when if I should receive any fresh instructions in consequence I will not fail immediately to acquaint you. Iu the meanwhile, however, I beg you will permit me to make some re- marks in reply to your letter of October 1, being ex- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 61 tremely anxious to do away the impression which you seem to have received relative to the demand I had made for the repeal of the non-importation act of the present year. It is, I assure you, sir, with very great regret that I find you consider that demand as involving 1 in any degree propositions tending to degrade your nation. Such an idea certainly never existed with his Majes- ty's Government, nor would it be compatible with the friendly sentiments entertained by them, for the Unit- ed States ; neither could I have suffered myself to be the channel of conveying a demand which I thought had such a tendency. — However you view the de- mand made on the part of Great-Britain, I can safely say that it was made in consequence of its appearing to his Majesty's Government on strong evidence that the chief of the French nation had really deceived America as to the repeal of his Decrees and in the hopes that the United States' Government would there- fore see the justice of replacing this country on its former footing of amicable relations with E lgland, nothirg appearing to be more natural than such an ex r pectation, which seemed a necessary consequence of the disposition expressed by America to maintain her neutrality, and desirable in every other point of view. I cannot indeed bring myself to think, sir, that your candor would allow you, on a consideration, to put any other construction on the matter, and had my arguments had sufficient weight with you in shewing that the French Decrees were still in force, I cannot doubt but you would have agreed with me in the conclusion I drew — it would seem therefore only owing to your not viewing the deceitful conduct of the French government in the same light that it ap- pears to his Majesty's government, that a difference of opinion exists between us as to the proposal I made, which under the conviction entertained by them was, surely a very just and natural one. From the earnest desire of vindicating myself and my government from the charge of making any de* (5*2 HISTORY OP THE WAR. grading or unjust demands on that of America, I have taken the liberty to trouble you so far and I will now proceed to shew why I thought you had misun- derstood the passage of my letter which related to the extent in which the repeal of the French Decrees was required by Great-Britain. In the explanation which you desired on this point I gave you that which the Marquis Wellesley gave to Mr. Pinkney in answer to his letter of August 25, 1810, and I beg to refer you to the message of the President of the United States on the opening of Congress in December, 1810, for a proof that the demand of Great-Britain in the extent in which I have stated it was known to your government several months ago — how was I there- fore to suppose in the term innovations, as applied to the explanation given by me, that you could mean otherwise than some really new pretension on the part of Great-Britain such as that France should suf- fer British property to be carried into her ports for the purposes of trade ? If the warmth I was betrayed into in endeavoring to refute a supposed imputation of this sort gave any offence, I sincerely regret it, and I will beg permission here to say, sir, that if uncon- sciously I have by any of my remarks led you to sup- pose they conveyed any improper insinuations, as one paragraph of your letter would appear to imply, I am most unfeignedly sorry for it, as I entertain the high- est respect for you personally and for your govern- ment, and could only have meant what I wrote in the way of argument, or for the purpose of contrasting the proceedings of France in her conduct towards the United States with that of Great-Britain. In reverting to the extraordinary and unprecedent- ed situation of things that has arisen out of the war in Europe it would seem needless to repeat the evi- dence there is that the lawless and unbounded ambi- tion of the ruler ot France has been the origin of it, and it cannot be a secret to the United States' govern- ment that his plan lias been and avowedly continues to be, not to scruple at the violation of any law, pro* HISTORY OF THE WAR. 63 vided he can thereby overthrow the maritime pow- er of England. Is it not therefore reasonable in Great-Britain to distrust an ambiguous declaration ot his having suddenly given up any part of a system which he thought calculated to produce such an ef- fect? You say however that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are revoked. America as not being at war and therefore not seeing so clearly into the views of France, may be less scrupulous as to the evidence necessary to prove the fact — but sir, it surely cannot be expected that Great-Britain, who is contending for everything that is dear to her, should not require more proof on a point so material to her. It is undoubtly a very desirable thing for the United States to have a free and unrestricted trade with both belligerents, but the essential security and most important interests of America are not im olved in the question as are those of Great-Britain. France has levelled a blow which she hopes will prove deadly to the resources of Great- Britain, and before the British government can with safety give up the measures of defence in consequence adopted by them, very strong proof must exist of the cessation by France of her novel and unprecedented measures. I confess, sir with the sincerest disposition to discover on the part of the ruler of France a return to the long- established practice of warfare as exercised in civiliz- ed Europe, I have been unable to succeed; mid if the French government had really meant to with- draw their obnoxious Decrees, it is inconceivable why, instead of allowing their intensions to be guessed at or inferred, they should not openly and in plain lan- guage have declared so ; the Decrees themselves hav- ing 1 been clearly enough announced on their enact- ment, why should not their revocation be equally ex- plicit. While, however, numerous declarations have been made on the part of France of the continued existence of the Decrees and captures made under them of neu- tral shins have occurred, a few of the American vessel* 64 IirSTORY OF THE WAR. seized since November 1, have been restored, and the foregoing', a very small part of his plunder, is desired by Bonaparte to be considered as a proof of the sin- cerity of his revocation by America ; but it must be recollected that besides the object of ruining- the Bri- tish resources by his own unauthorised regulations, he has also that of endeavoring to obtain the aid of the United States for the same purpose, and herein you will, as I had the honor to remark in a former letter, be able to observe the cause of the apparently contra- dictory language held both by himself and his min- isters. I shall be extremely happy, to receive from you, sir, the information that in a frank and unambiguous manner the chief of the French go\ ernment had re- voked his Decrees. Why he should not do so is in- explicable if he means to revert to the ordinary rules of war, but while he exercises such despotic sway wherever his influence extends, to ruin the resources of England, it cannot be expected that Great-Britain shall not use the means she possesses for the purpose of making him feel the pressure of his own system. There is every reason to believe that ere long the ef- fects on the enemies of Great-Britain will be such as irresistibly to produce a change which will place com- merce on its former basis. In the mean time, sir, I hope you will not think it extraordinary if 1 should contend that the seizure of American ships by France, since November 1, and the positive and unqualified declarations of the French government are stronger proofs of the continued existence of the French De- crees and the bad faith of the ruier of France, than the restoration of five or six vessels, too palpably given up for fallacious purposes or in testimony of his satis- faction at the attitude taken by America, is a | root ot their revocation, or of his return to the principles o( justice. 1 will only repeat, sir, in answer to your observa- tions, on tin 1 late condemnation of the ships taken un- •1<-T his Majesty's Orders in Council, what I have HISTORY OF THE WAR. G£ already had the honor to state to you, that the delay which took place in their condemnation was not in consequence of any doubt existing' in his Majesty's government, as to whether the French Decrees were revoked, as you seem to imagine, but in consequence of its being thought that the American government, upon its appearing that thev were deceived by Fiance, vvould have ceased their injurious measures against the British commerce. A considerable time elapsed before the decision took place on those ships, and there is no doubt, but that had the United States' gov- ernment not persisted in the unfriendly attitude to- wards Great-Britain on discovering the ill faith of France, a spirit pi conciliation in Ins Majesty's gov- ernment would have caused their release. In reply to your observations on the pretensions of Great-Britain relative to the revocation of the French Decrees, I beg to repeat that the sum of the demand made by England is, that France should follow the es- tablished laws of warfare as practised in former wars in Europe. Her ruler by his Decrees of Berlin and Milan declared himself no longer bound by them ', he has openly renounced them in his violent efforts to ruin the resources of Great-Britain, and has trampled on the rights of independent nations to effect his pur- pose, if the French government make use of means .of unprecedented violence to prevent the intercourse of England with unoffending neutrals, can it be ex- pected that England should tamely suffer the estab- lishment of such a novel system of war without retalia- tion, and endeavoring in her turn to prevent the French from enjoying the advantages of which she is unlawfully deprived ? Having explained already the situation in which the question of the blockade of May, 1806, rests, ac- cording to the views of his Majesty's government, and the desire of Great-Britain to conduct her system of blockade according to the laws of nations, I will only advert to it on this occasion for the purpose of taking* the liberty of acknowledging 1 to vou the verv great 9 $6 HISTORY OF THE WAR. pleasure I received from the highly honorable mark of respect which you have taken the occasion to ex- press for the illustrious statesman from whose counsels that measure emanated. 1 need not repeat to you, sir, what sincere satisfac- tion it would give me, if without the sacrifice of the essential rights and interests of Great-Britain all the points in discussion between our two countries could be finally adjusted. 1 have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion and respect, sir, yours, AUG. J. FOSTER. To the hon. James Monroe, <$fc. Adjustment of the affair of the Chesa- peake and the Leopard. MESSAGE. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the L niled States. I communicate to Congress copies of a correspond- ence between the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Great-Britain and the Secretary of Slate, relative to the aggression committed by a Brit- ish Ship of war on the United States Frigate Chesa- peake, by which it will be seen that the subject of dif- ference between the two countries, is terminated by an offer of reparation which has been acceded to. JAMES MADISON. Washington, November 13, 1811. HISTORY OF THE WAR. b7 Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. Washington, October 30, 181 1 . SIR, I had already the honor to mention to you that 1 came to this country furnished with instructions from his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf off his Majesty, for the purpose of proceeding 1 to a final adjustment of the differences which have arisen between Great-Britain and the United States of America in the affair of the Chesa- peake Frig-ate; and I had also that of acquainting' you with the necessity under which I found myself of sus- pending the execution of those instructions in conse- quence of my not having perceived that any steps whatever were taken by the American government to clear up the circumstances of an event which threat- ened so materially to interrupt the harmony subsisting between our two countries, as that which occurred in the month of last May, between the United States' Ship President, and his Majesty's Ship Little Belt, when every evidence before his Majesty's govern- ment seemed to shew that a most evident and wanton outrage had been committed on a British Ship of war by an American Commodore. A Court of Enquiry however, as you informed me in your letter of the 11th inst. has since been held by order of die President of the United States on the conduct of Commodore Rodgers, and this prelimina- ry to further discussion on the subject being all that I asked in the first instance as due to the friendship subsisting between the two States, I have now the honor to acquaint you that I am ready to proceed in the truest spirit of conciliation to lay before you the terms of reparation which his Royal Highness has commanded me to propose to the United States' gov- ernment, and only wait to know when it will suit your convenience to enter upon the discussion. o8 HISTORY OF THE WAR. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser* vant, AUG. J. FOSTER. The hon. James Monroe, Sec. Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. Department of State, Oct. 31, 1811. SIR, 1 have just had the honor to receive your letter of the 30lh of this month. I am glad to tind that the communication which 1 had the honor to make to you on the 1 1th inst relative to the Court of Enquiry, which was the subject of it, is viewed by you in the favorable light which you have stated. Although I regret that the proposition which you now make in consequence of that communication, has been delated to the present moment, I am ready to receive the terms of it whenever you may think proper to communicate them. Permit me to add, that the pleasure of finding them satisfactory will be duly augmented, if they should be introductory to a removal of ALL the differences depending between our two countries, the hope of which is so little en- couraged by your past correspondence. A prospect of such a result, will be embraced, on my part, with a spirit of conciliation, equal to that which has been ex- pressed by you. I have the honor to be, ^c, (Signed) JAMES MONROE. Augustus J. Foster, Esq. S>"c. HISTORY OF TUB WAR. 69 Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. Washington, Nov. 1st, 1811. SIK, In pursuance ofthe orders which I have received from his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, for the pur- pose of proceeding 1 to a final adjustment of the differ- ences which have arisen between Great-Britain and the United States, in the affair of the Chesapeake Frigate, I have the honor to acquaint you — First, that I am instructed to repeat to the American govern- ment the prompt disavowal made by his Majesty, (and recited in Mr. Erskine's note of April 17, 1809, to Mr. Smith,) on being apprised ofthe unauthorised act ofthe officer in command of his naval forces on the coast of America, whose recall from an highly important and honorable command immediately en- sued as a mark of his Majesty's disapprobation. Secondly, that I am authorised to offer, in addi- tion to that disavowal, on the part of his Royal High- ness, the immediate restoration, as far as circumstan- ces will admit, of the men who in consequence of Admiral Berkley's orders, were forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake, to the vessel from which they were taken ; or if that ship should be no longer in commis- sion, to such sea-port of the United States as the American government may name for the purpose. Thirdly, that I am also authorised to offer to the American government a suitable pecuniary provision for the sufferers in consequence of the attack on the Chesapeake, including the families of those seamen who unfortunately fell in action, and of the wounded survivors. These honorable propositions, 1 can assure you, sir, are made with the sincere desire that they may prove satisfactory to the government ofthe United States, and I trust they will meet with that amicable reception which their conciliatory nature entitles them to. I need scarcely add how cordial !v I join 70 HISTORY OF THE WAR. with you in the wish that they might prove introduc- tory to a removal of all the differences depending be- tween our two countries. I have the honor tol>e, with sentiments of the high- est consideration and respect, sir, yours, &c. AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. To the hon. James Monroe, §c. Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. Washington, Nov. 12, 1811. SIR, I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 1st November, and to lay it before the President. It is much to be regretted that the reparation due for such an aggression as that committed on the United States Frigate, the Chesapeake, should have been so long delayed ; nor could the translation of the offending officer from one command to another, be regarded as constituting a part of a reparation otherwise satisfactory ; considering however the ex- isting circumstances of the case, and the early and amicable attention paid to it by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, the President accedes to the pro- position contained in your letter, and in so doing- your government will, I am persuaded, see a proof of the conciliatory disposition by which the President has been actuated. The officer commanding the Chesapeake, now ly- ing in the harbor of Boston, will be instructed to re- ceive the men who are to be restored to that ship. I have the honor, &c. JAMES MONROE Augustus J. Foster, Esq. §c HISTORY OF THE WAR. 71 Mr. Monroe, to Mr. Foster. Department of State, Oct. 29, 1811. SIR, I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 22d of this month, and to lay it before the President. The assurance which you have given of your dis- position to reciprocate, in our communication on the important subjects depending between our govern- ments, the respectful attention which each has a right to claim, and that no departure from it was intended in your letter of the 26th July, has been received with the satisfaction due to the frank and conciliatory spirit in which it was made. I learn however, with much regret, that you have received no instructions from your government found- ed on the new proof of the revocation of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, which was communicated to the Marquis of Wellesley by the American charge d'af- fairs at London, in a document of which 1 had the honor to transmit to you a copy. It might fairly have been presumed, as I have before observed, that the evidence afforded by that document, of the com- plete revocation of those Decrees, so far as they in- terfered with the commerce of the United States with the British dominions, would have been followed by an immediate repeal of the Orders in Council. From the reply of the Marquis of Wellesley, it was at least, to have been expected that no time had been lost in transmitting that document to you, and that the in- structions accompanying it would have manifested a change in the sentiments of your government on th» subject. The regret therefore cannot but be increas- ed in tinding that the communication which I had the honor to make to you, has not even had the effect of suspending your efforts to vindicate the perseverance of your government in enforcing those Orders. I regret also to observe, that the light in which you have viewed this document, and the remarks which you have made on the subject, generally, seems t< 72 HISTORY UP THE WAR. preclude any other view of the conditions on which those Orders are to be revoked, than those that were furnished by your former communications. Y°u still adhere to the pretension that the productions and man- ufactures of Great-Britain, when neutralized, must be admitted into the ports of your enemies. This pre- tension however vague the language heretofore held by your government, particularly by the Marquis of \Yellesley, in Ins communications with IV]r. Pmkney, on the subject, was never understood to have been embraced. Nothing*, indeed short of the specific de- clarations which you have made, would have induced a belief that such was the case. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE Augustus J. Foster, kp. Mr. Foster to Mr. JMonroc. Washington, Oct. 31st, 1811 SIR, I did not reply at great length to the observation*- contained in your letter of the 1st inst. on the pre- lensious of Great-Britain as relative to the French system, because you seemed to me to have argued as if but apart of the system continued, and even that part had ceased to be considered as a measure of wai agaim.l Great-Britain. For me to have allowed this would have been at once to allow in the face of facts, that the Decrees of France were repealed, and that her unprecedented measures, avowedly pursued in defiance of the laws of nations, were become mere ordinary regulations of trade. I therefore thought fit to confine my answer to your remarks, to a gene- ral statement of the sum of the demands of Great- Britain, which was, that France should by effectually revoking her Decrees, revert to the usual method of .carrying on war as practised in civilized Europe. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 7^ The pretensions of France to prohibit all com- merce in articles of British origin, in every part of the continent, is one among* the many violent innova- tions which are contained in the Decrees, and which are preceded by the declaration of their being 1 found- ed on a determination of the ruler of France, as he himself avowed, to revert to the principles which characterised the barbarism of the dark ages, and to forget all ideas of justice, and even the common feel- ings of humanity, in the new method of carrying' on war adopted by him. It is not however a question with Great-Britain of mere commercial interest, as you seem to sup- pose, which is involved in the attempt by Bonaparte to blockade her both by sea and land, but one of the feeling, and of national honor, contending" as we do against the principles which he professes in his new system of warfare. It is impossible for us to submit to the doctrine that he has a right to compel the whole continent to break off all intercourse with us, and to seize upon vessels belonging- to neutral nations upon the sole plea of their having- visited an English port, or of their being 1 laden with articles of British or co- lonial produce, in whatsoever manner acquired. This pretension, however, is but a part of that sys- tem, the whole of which, under our construction of the letter of M. Champagny, of August 5, 1810, corroborated by many subsequent declarations of the French government, and not invalidated by any une- quivocal declaration of a contrary tenor, must be con- sidered as still in full force. In the communication which you lately transmitted to me, I am sorry to repeat, that I was unable to dis- cover any facts which satisfactorily proved that the Decrees had been actually repealed, and I have al- ready repeatedly stated the reasons which too proba- bly led to the restoration of a few o( the American ships taken in pursuance of the Berlin and Milan De- crees after November 1. Mr. Russell does not seem to deny that the Decrees may still be kept in fb.-ce, 10 74 HISTORY OF THE WAR. only he thinks they have assumed a municipal char- acter ; but in M. Cbampagny's declaration, ambigu- ous as it was, there is no such division of them into two different characters; for if the contingency re- quired by the French Minister took place, the Berlin and Milan Decrees were to cease, according to his expression, without any qualification. If therefore a part of them remain, or be revived again, as seems to be allowed even here, why may not the whole be equally so ? Where proof can be obtained of their existence, we have it, namely, in the ports of France, in which vessels have been avowedly seized under their operation since Nov. 1. Of their maritime ex- istence we cannot so easily obtain evidence, because of the few French ships of war which venture to leave their harbors. Who can doubt however that had the ruler of France a navy at his command, equal to the enforcing of his violent Decrees, he ■would soon show that part of them to be no dead let- ter. The principle is not the less obnoxious because it is from necessity almost dormant for the moment, nor ought it therefore to be less an object to be stren- uously resisted. Allow me, sir, here to express my sincere regret, that I have not as yet been able to convince you, by ■what I cannot but consider the strongest evidence, of the continued existence of the French Decrees, and consequently of the unfriendly policy of your gov- ernment in enforcing the non-importation against us, and opening the trade with our enemies. His Royal Highness will, I am convinced, learn with unfeigned sorrow, that such continues to he still the determina- tion of America, and whatever restrictions on the commerce enjoyed by America in His Majesty's do- minions, may ensue on the part of Great-Britain, as retaliatory on the refusal by your government to ad- mit the productions of Great-Britain while they open their harbors to those of His Majesty's enem:es, they will, I am persuaded, be adopted with sincere pain, and with pleasure relinquished whenever this country HISTORY OF THE WAR. 7o shall resume her neutral position and impartial attitude between the two belligerents. I have the honor to be, with the greatest considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser- AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. To the hon. J. Monroe, tyc. CHAPTER II. The following Message 7vas, on the 17th January, 1812, transmitted by the President to both Houses of Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. I communicate to Congress a letter from the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Great- Britain to the Secretary of State, with the answer of the latter. The continued evidence, afforded in this corres- pondence, of the hostile policy of the British gov- ernment against our national rights, strengthens the considerations recommending and urging the prepar- ation of adeqnate means for maintaining them. JAMES MADISON; Washington, Jan. 16, 1812. 7t> HISTORY OF THfc VVAH. , Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. Washington, Dec. 17, 1811 SIR, I did not mean to have written to you at this mo- ment on the subject of our late correspondence, but that I have had the mortification to perceive state- ments, circulated from highly respectable sources, which give a view of the pretensions of Great-Britain relative to the United States not warranted by any of the letters which I h:.d the honor to address to you, and which, at a time when discussions are continuing" so important to the two countries might, if leftunrec- tified, produce an effect highly to be lamented by both the American and British governments, inasmuch as by creating unnecessary irritation, they might throw obstacles in the way of a restoration of a friendly un- derstanding between them. I tind it asserted, in the statement referred to, that I have, in the name of my government, demanded that the United States' government should pass a law for the introduction of British goods into the Ameri- can ports, ami also that the United States should un- dertake to force France to receive into her harbors British manufactures. I beg permission, sir, to declare that neither of these demands have been made by me, and that my meaning must not have been understood, if such was conceived to have been its import. I could not have- demanded the passage of such a law as above stated, because my government does not pretend to intertere with the internal go\ eminent of a friendly power, nor did I mean to demand that America should force France to receive our manufactures. All I meant to say was, that the admission of French commerce while that of England has been excluded from the United States' ports, was regar- ded by Great-Britain as highly unfreindly in Amer- ica, and that a continuation of such policy would be retaliated upon by Great-Britain with similar restrir- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 7? lions on her part, which was so far merely an offering of like for like. But while the American non-impor- tation act excludes British trade from the United. States' ports, it must be recollected that it goes still further and excludes also British armed ships from American ports, while it admits those of the enemies of Great-Britain. ' A neutral nation is responsible for the equality of its rules of conduct towards the bel- ligerent powers' (to use the words of an American Secretary of State in the year 1796,) and therefore the part of the law which establishes an inequality was justly an object of more serious complaint on the part of Great-Britain. You are aware, sir, of the advan- tage which his Majesty's enemies have derived from this state of inequality, which enables them, though possessing" no port in this hemisphere, continually to prey on the trade of his Majesty's subjects, secure of a refuge for their cruisers and their prizes. The prohibition of entry to his Majesty's ships un- der these circumstances might perhaps justify Great- Britain in asserting, that whatever reason she may have for repealing or modifying her Orders in Coun- cil, so as to lessen or entirely remove the pressure now unavoidably laid on the trade of America as a neu- tral nation, she might yet refuse to enter into any dis- cussion on that subject with the United States, until either bv the revocation of the prohibition above stat- ed, or the placing all the belligerents under the same prohibition, America should cease to violate the du- ties, of a neutral nation. With respect, however, to the supposed demand that America should force the entry of British manu- factures into France, it is most particularly necessary, that I should explain myself, as a total misconception appears to have taken place upon this point. The ques- tion of retaliation on the French Decrees is directly one between England and France. In consequence of the extraordinary blockade of England, we have in our defence been obliged to blockade France, and prohibit all trade in French arncl^s in return for th< 78 HISTORY OF THE WAR. prohibition by France of all trade in English articled* This measure of retaliation, it is wished, should oper- ate on France alone, but from the trade carried on with France by America, it unavoidably operates also on her; it is a measure to destroy the French trade in return for the similar measure of France on which it is retaliatory, and its acting" on neutrals is an inci- dental effect of it, consequent upon the submission of neutrals to the original measures of the enemy against Great-Britain. It is indeed melancholy that the unna- tural situation of Europe should produce such a re- sult, but I cannot see how this can be considered as war on American commerce when all other Ameri- can trade but that which is carried on with our en- emy's ports in defiance of a blockade authorized by the laws of retaliation is unaffected by it. We com- plain that America does not resist the regulations of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, and object to permit- ting the French to trade with her during their con- tinuance against the commerce of England ; but this is not exacting, as has been represented, that Ameri- ca should force British manufactures into France; it is pursuing only a just course of retaliation on our enemy. If America wishes to trade with France, if French commerce is of importance to her — we expect she should exact of France to trade with her as she has a right to demand in her quality of neutral ; but if she does not choose to exercise this right, all we ask is, that she should abstain from lending her assistance to the trade of France, and not allow her commerce to be a medi- um of undermining the resources of Great-Britain. I have thought it necessary thus to endeavor to set these two points in their true light : the repeal of the law was asked, as being an unfriendly measure, partial in its operation against Great-Britain, and a prcspect of retaliation was held out on its commer- cial operation if continued. This is no demand on the United States to admit British manufactures; they are at liberty to continue th;it law, only as it is of an unfriendlv nature, some restriction of a similar HISTORY OF THE AVAIL 79 kuul was to be expected from Englaiul : and with respect to the alledged demand for forcing British goods, the property of neutrals, into French ports, if the United States are willing to acquiesce in the regu- lations of the French Decrees unlawfully affecting England through them, they cannot surely be surpris- ed if we consider ourselves as at liberty to refuse per- mission to the French to profit by that acquiescence. I will now, sir, take the opportunity of stating to you, that I have received from his Majesty's Secretary of State, the correspondence of which you did me the honor to transmit to me a copy in your letter dated Oct. 17. My government have not been able to see in it satisfactory proof of the repeal of the French De- crees, and doubt whether the trade carried on by li- cences between France and] America, will not be re- garded, even here, as proof of the continuation of them jn their fullest extent, for if they were to any extent repealed, to thai extent at least no licence should be necessary, a licence being given to allow what, but for that licence, would be prohibited. The continued absence hitherto of any instrument by which the repeal has been effected, is a matter also of surprise, for if there were any fair dealing in the transaction, no reason can be given by France for not producing it ; it is very desirable that it should be produced, if such an instrument be in existence, in order that we may know to what extent the Decrees have been repealed, if they really have been so in any respect. Mr. Russell however, does not appear to have been in possession of it at the date of his lettei of last July. It is indeed become particu. arty inter- esting, that we should see this instrument s.nce the publication of Mr. liusse.fs correspondence with his own government, b) which it appears that really, and in fact the French governmentd.d not release any American ships taken at' er JNov ember 1, until they had become acquainted with the President's Proclama- tion, and that vessels have been taken so late as De- cember 21, in the direct voyage from this country to 80 HISTORY OF THE WAR; London ; for until a copy of such instrument is pro- duced, it is impossible to know whether any other trade is allowed by France than that between her own dominions and the ports of the United States. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion, sir, your most obedient humble servant, AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. To the hon. James Monroe, &c. Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. Department of State Jan. 14, 1812. alR. I have had the honor to receive your letter of De- cember 17th, and I embrace the first moment that I could command, to make the observations which it suggests. It would have afforded great satisfaction to the President, to have found in the communication, some proof of a dispositionin the British governmentto put an end to the differences subsisting" between our countries. — I am sorry to be obliged to state, that it presents a new proof only of its determination to ad- here to the policy, to which they are imputable. You complain that the import of your former letters has been misunderstood in two important circumstan- ces : that yon have been represented to have demand- ed of the United States, a law for the introduction of British goods into their ports, and that they should al- so undertake to force France to receive British manu- factures into her harbors. You state that on the first point, it was your inten- tion only to remonstrate against the non-importation act, as partial in its operation, and unfriendly to Great- Britain, on which account its repeal was claimed, and to intimate that if it was persevered in, Great-Britain would be compelled to retaliate on the commerce of the United States, by similar restrictions oa her part. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 81 And on the second point, that you intended only to urge, that in consequence of the extraordinrry block- ade of England, your government had been obliged to blockade France, and to prohibit all trade in French articles, in return for the prohibition by France of all trade in English articles. It is sufficient to remark on the first point, that on whatever ground the repeal of the non-importation act is required, the United States are justified in adher- ing to it, by the refusal of the British government to repeal its Orders in Council; and if a distinction is thus produced between Great-Britain and the other belligerent, it must be referred to the difference in the conduct of the two parties. On the second point, I have to observe that the ex- planation given cannot be satisfactory, because it docs not meet the case now existing. France did, it is true, declare a blockade of England, against the trade of the United States, and prohibit all trade in English articles on the high seas, but this blockade and prohi- bition no longer exist. — It is true also, that a part of those Decrees, did prohibit a trade in English articles, within her territorial jurisdiction ; but this prohibition violates no national rights, or neutral commerce of the United States. Still your blockade and prohibi- tion are continued, in violation of the national and neu- tral rights of the United States, on a pretext of retalia- tion, which, if even applicable could only be applied to the former, and not to the latter interdicts : and it is required that France shall change her internal regu- lations against English trade, before England will change her external regulations against the trade of the United States. But you still insist that the French Decrees are un- revoked, and urge in proof of it, a fact drawn from Mr. Russell's correspondence, that some American vessels have been taken since the 1st of November, in their route to England. It is a satisfactory answer to this remark, that it appears by the same correspon- dence, that everv American vessel which had been 11 82 HISTORY OF THE WAK. taken in that trade, the seizure of which rested on the Berlin and Milan Decrees only, Mere, as soon as that fact was ascertained, delivered up to their owners. Might there not be other gound also, on winch seiz- ures might be made ? Great-Britain claims a ri^ht to seize for oilier causes, and al! nations admit it in the case of contraband of v\ar. It by the law of nations, one belligerent has a right to seize neutral property in any case, the other belligerent has the same right. Nor ought I to overlook that the practice of counter- feiting American papers in England, which is well kno\vn to the continent, has by impairing the faith due to American documents, done to the United States essential injury. Against this practice the minister of the United States at London, as will appear by refer- ence to his letter to the Marquis Wellesley of the 3d of May, 1810, made a formal representation, in pur- suance of instructions from his government, with an offer of every information possessed by him, which might contribute to detect and suppress it. It is pain- ful to add that this communication was entirely dis- regarded. That Great-Britain should complain of acts in France, to which by her neglect, she was in- strumental, and draw from them proof in support of her Orders in Council, ought certainly not to ha\e been expected. You remark also, that the practice of the French government to grant licences to certain American vessels, engaged in the trade between the United Stales and France, is an additional proof that the IY< nch Decrees still operate in their fullest extent. On what principle this inference is drawn from that fact it is impossible for me to conceive. It, was not the object oi the Berlin and Milan Decrees to pro- hibit the trade between the United States and France. Tin \ \>« n meant to j rolnbit the trade of tbe United States with Great-Britain, which violated our neutral rights, and to prohibit the trade ol Great-Britain with continent, with which the United States have nothing to do. If the ol ject had been to prohibit the HISTORY OF THE WAR. 83 trade between the United Stales and France, Great- Britain could never have found in them any prelext for complaint. And if the idea of retaliation, could in any respect have been applicable, it would have been by prohibiting' our trade with herself. To pro- hibit it wit!) France, would not have been a retaliation, but a co-operation. If licencing by France the trade in certain instances, prove any thing', it proves nothing more than that the trade with France in othei instances, is under restraint. It seems impossible to extraci from it in any respect, that the Berlin and Mi- lan Decrees are in force, so far as they prohibit the traue oetween the United States and England. I might here repeat the French practice of granting' li- cences to trade between the United States and France, may have been intended in part, at least as a security against the simulated papers; the forging of which "was not suppressed in E ig and. It is not to be in- fered from these remarks, that a trade by licence, is one with which the United States are satisfied. They have the strongest objections to it, but these are found- ed on other principles, than those suggested in your note. It is a cause of great surprise to the President, that your government has not seen in the correspondence of Mr. Russell, which I had the honor to commu- nicate to you on the i 7th of October last, and which has been lately transmitted to you by your govern- ment, sufficient proof of the repeal of the Berlin and Mian Decrees, independant of tiie conclusive evi- dence of the fact, which that correspondence afford- ed • it was not to be presumed from the intimation of the Marquis of Wellesley, that if it was to be trans- mitted to you, to be taken into consideration in the depending discussions, that it was of a nature to have no weight in these discussions. The demand which you now make of a view of the order given by the French government to its cruiz- ers, in consequence of the repeal of the French De- crees, is a new nroof of its indisposition to repeal the $4 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Orders in Council. The declaration of the French government was, as has been heretofore observed, a solemn and obligatory act, and as such entitled to the notice and respect of other governments. It was in- cumbent on Great-Britain, therefore, in fulfilment of her engagement, to have provided that her Orders in Council should not have effect, after the time fixed for the cessation of the French Decrees. A pretension in Great-Britain to keep her Orders in force till she received satisfaction of the practical compliance of France, is utterly incompatible with her pledge. A doubt, founded on any single act, however unauthor- ised, committed by a French privateer, might, on that principle, become a motive for delay and refusal. A suspicion that such acts would be committed might have the same effect ; and in like manner her compli- ance might be withheld as long at the war continued. But let me here remark, that if there was room for a question, whether the French repeal did, or did not take effect, at the date announced by France, and required by the United States, it cannot be alleSged that the Decrees have not ceased to operate since the 2d of February last, as heretofore observed. And as the actual cessation of the Decrees to violate our neu- tral rights, was the only essential fact in the case, and has long been known to your government, the Orders in Council, from the date of that knowledge, ought to have ceased, according to its own principles an4 pledges. But the question whether and when the repeal of the Berlin and Milan Decrees took effect in relation to the neutral commerce of the United States, is super- ceded by the novel and extraordinary claim of Great- Britain to a trade in British articles, with her enemy ; for supposing the repeal to have taken place, in the fullest extent claimed by the United States, it could according to that claim, have noeftect in removing the Orders in Council. On a full view of the conduct of the British gov- ernment in these transactions, it is impossible to see HISTORY OF THE WAR. 8$ in it any thing short of a spirit of determined hostility to the rights and interests of the United States.— It issued the Orders in Council, on a principle of retaliation on France, at a time when it admitted the French Decrees to be ineffectual; it has sustained those Orders in full force since, notwithstanding the pretext for them has been removed, and latterly it has added a new condition of their repeal, to be performed by France, to which the United States in their neutral character, have no claim, and could not demand, without departing from their neutrality, a condition which, in respect to the com- merce of other nations with Great- Britain, is repug- nant to her own policy, and prohibited by her own laws, and which can never be enforced on any nation without a subversion of its sovereignty and indepen- dence. I have the honor to be, Sec. JAMES MONROE -Augustus J. Foster, Sfc. CHAPTER III. PRESIDENT'S MANIFESTO, To the Senate and House of Representatives of th& United States. I communicate to Congress certain documents, be- ing a continuation of those heretofore laid before them, on the subject, of our affairs with Great-Britain. Without going back beyond the renewal in 1803, of the war in which Great-Britain is engaged, and omit- ting unrepaired wrongs of inferior magnitude, the conduct of her government presents a series of acts hostile to the United States as an independent and neutral nation, 86 HISTORY OP THE WAR. British cruizers have been in the continued prac- tice of violating- the American flag", on the great highway of nations, and of seizing and carrying* oft* per- sons sailing undent: not in the exercise of a belli- gerent right, founded on the law of nations against an enemy, but of a municipal prerogative over Bri- tish subjects. British jurisdiction is thus extended to neutral vessels ill a situation where no laws can op- erate but the law of nations and the laws of the conn* try to which the vessels beiong ; and a self redress is assumed, whicti, it British subjects were wronguity detained and a one concerned, is that substitution of force for a resort to the responsible sovereign, which falls within the definition of war. Could the seizure of British subjects, til such cases be regarded as with* in the exercise of a bell gerent right, the acknowU edged laws of war, which forbid an article of captur- ed property to be adjudged, without a regular investi- gation before a competent tribunal, would imperious- ly demand the fairest trial where the sacred rights of persons were at issue. In place of such a trial, these rights are subjected to the will of every petty com- mander. The practice, hence, is so far from affecting British subjects alone, that under the pretext of searching for these, thousands of American citizeas, under the safe- guard of public law, and of their national flag, have been torn from their country, and from every thing dvartothem; have been dragged on board ships of war of a foreign nation, and exposed under the sever- ities of their discipline, to be exiled to the most dis- tant and deadly cl.mes, to risk their lives in the bat- tles of their oppressors, and to be the melancholy in- struments of taking away those of their own brethren. Against this crying enormity, which Great-Britain would be so prompt to avenge if committed against herself, the United States have in vain exhausted re- rriohstrances and exposiulations. And that no proof might be wanting of their conciliatory dispos.tions, and no pretext left for the continuance of the practice, / 1 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 87 the British government w as formally assured of the readiness of the United States to enter into arrange- ments, such as could not be rejected, if the recovery of British subjects were the real and the sole object. The communication passed without effect. British cruizers l:a\e been in the practice also of violating the rights and the peace of our coasts. They hover o\er and harrass our entering and departing commerce. To the most insulting pretensions they have added the most lawless proceedings in our very harbors; and have wantonly spilt American blood within the sanctuary ot our territorial jurisdiction. The principles and rules enforced by that nation, when a neutral nation, against armed vessels of belliger- ents hovering near her coasts, and disturbing her commerce are well known. When called on never- theless, by the United States to punish the greater offences committed by her own vessels, her govern- ment has bestowed on their commanders additional marks of honor and confidence. Under pretended blockades, without the presence of an adequate force, and sometimes without the prac- ticability of applying one, our commerce has been plundered in every sea : the great staples of our coun- try have been cut oft' from their legitimate markets; and a destructive blow aimed at our agricultural and maritime interests. In aggravation of these preda- tory measures, they have been considered as in force from the dates of their notification ; a retrospective effect being thus added, as has been done in other important cases, to the unlaw fulness of the course pursued. And to render the outrage ti:e more signal, these mock blockades have been reiterated ana en- forced in the face of official communications from the British government declaring as the true definition of a legal blockade, * that particular sorts must be ac- tually invested, and previous warning given to ves- sels bound to them, not to enter.' Not content with these occasional expedients for laving waste our neutral trade, the cabinet of Great $8 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Britain resorted, at length to the sweeping system of blockades, under the name of the Orders in Council, which has been moulded and managed, as might best suit its political views, its commercial jealousies, or the avidity of British cruizers. To our remonstrances against the complicated and transcendant injustice of this innovation, the first re- ply was that the Orders were reluctantly adopted by Great- Britain as a necessary retaliation on Decrees of her enemy proclaiming a general blockade of the British isles, at a time when the naval force of that enemy dared not to issue from his own ports. She was reminded, without effect, that her own prior blockade, unsupported by an adequate naval force actually ap- plied and continued, were a bar to this plea : that ex- ecuted Edicts against millions of our property could not be retaliation on Edicts confessedly impossible to be executed : that retaliation, to be just, should fall on the party setting the guilty example, not on an innocent party, which was not even chargeable with an acquiescence in it. When deprived of this flimsey veil for a prohibi- tion of our trade with her enemy, by the repeal of his prohibition of our trade with Great-Britain, her cabi- net, instead of a corresponding repeal or a practical discontinuance of its Orders, formally avowed a de- termination to persist in them against the United States, until the markets of her enemy should be laid open to British products; thus asserting an obligation on a neutral power to require one belligerent to en- courage, by its internal regulations, the trade of another belligerent; contradicting her own practice towards all nations in peace as well as in war; and betraying the insincerity ot these professions which inculcated a belief that, hating resorted to her Or- ders with regret, she was anxious to find an occa- sion for putting an end to them. Abandoning still more, all respect for the neutral rights of the United States, and for its own consisten- cy, the British government now demands as pre- re- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 89 quisites to a repeal of its Orders, as they relate to the United States, that a formality should be observed in the repeal of the French Decrees nowise necessary to their termination, nor exemplified by British usage ; and that the French repeal, besides including- that portion of the Decrees which operates within a terri- torial jurisdiction as well as that which operates on the high seas against the commerce of the United States, should not be a single special repeal in rela- tion to the United States, but should be extended to whatever neutral nations unconnected with them may be affected by those Decrees. And as an additional insult, they are called on for a formal disavowal of condition and pretensions advanced by the French government, for which the United States are so far from having made themselves responsible, that, in official explanations, which have been published to the world, and in a correspondence, of the American minister at London, with the British minister for foreign affairs, such a responsibility was explicitly and emphatically disclaimed. It has become indeed sufficiently certain that the commerce of the. United States is to be sacrificed, not as interfering with the belligerent rights of Great* Britain, not as supplying the wants of her enemies, which she herself supplies, but as interfering with the monoply which she covets for her own commerce and navigation. She carries on a war against the lawful commerce of a friend, that she may the better carry on a commerce with an enemy, a commerce, polluted by the forgeries and perjuries which are for the most part the only passports by which it can suc- ceed. Anxious to make every experiment short of the last resort of injured nations, the United States have withheld from Great-Britain, under successive modi- fications, the benefits of a free intercourse with their market, the loss of which could not but outweigh the profits accruing from her restrictions of our commerce •with other nations. And to entitle these experiment* 12 90 HISTORY OF THE WAR. to the more favorable consideration, they were so framed as to enable her to place her adversary under the exclusive operation of them. To these appeals her government has been equally inflexible, as if wil- ling' to make sacrifices of every sort, rather than yield to the claims of justice, or renounce the errors of a false pride. Nay, so far were the attempts cai> ried, to overcome the attachment of the British cabi- net to its unjust Edicts, that it received every en- couragement, within the competency of the Execu- tive branch of our government, to expect that a re- peal of them would be followed by a war between the United States and France, unless the French Edicts should also be repealed. Even this communication, although silencing- for ever the plea of a dispositibn in the United States to acquiece in those Edicts, ori- ginally the sole plea for them, received no attention. If no other proofexisted of a predetermination of the British government against a repeal of its Orders, it might be found in the correspondence of the Minis- ter Plenipotentiary of the United Stales at London, and the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs in 1810, on the question whether the blockade of May, 1806, Was considered as in force, or as not in force. It had been ascertained that the French government, which Urged this blockade as the ground of its Berlin De- cree, was willing, in the event of its removal, to repeal that Decree ; which being followed by alternate re- peals of the other offensive Edicts, might abolish the whole system on both sides. This inviting oportuni- ty for accomplishing an object so important to the United States, and professed so otten to be the desire of both the belligerents, was made known to the Bri- tish government. As that government admits that an actual application of an adequate force is necessary to the existence of a legal blockade ; and it was no- torious, that if such a force had ever been applied, its long discontinuance had annulled the blockade in question, there could lie no sufficient objection on the part of Great-Britain to a formal revocation ot" it ; HISTORY OF THE WAR. 91 and no imaginable objection to a declaration of the fact that the blockade did not exUt. The declara- tion would have been consistent with her avowed principles of blockade, and would have enabled the United States to demand from France the pledged re- peal of her Decrees ; either with success, in which case the way would have been opened for a general repeal of the belligerent Edicts; or without success, in which case the United States would have been jus- tified in turning their measures exclusively against France. The British government would, however, neither rescind the blockade nor declare its non-exis- tence; nor permit its non-existence to be inferred and affirmed by the American Plenipotentiary. On the contrary by representing the blockade to be compre- hended in the Orders in Council, the United States were compelled so to regard it in their subsequent pro- ceedings. There was a period when a favorable change in the policy of the British cabinet was justly considered as established. The minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty here proposed an adjustment of the differences more immediately endangering the harmony of the two countries. The proposition was accepted with a promptitude and cordiality corres- ponding with the invariable professions of this govern- ment. A foundation appeared to be laid for a sincere and lasting reconciliation. — The prospect, however, quickly vanished. The whole proceeding was disa- vowed by the British government without any expla- nation which could at that time repress the belief, that the disavowal proceeded from a spirit of hostility to the commercial rights and prosperity of the United States. And it has since come into proof, that at the very moment when the public minister was holding the language of friendship, and inspiring confidence in the sincerity of the negociation with which he was charged, a secret agent of his government was em- ployed in intrigues, having for their object a subver- sion of our government, and a dismemberment of our happy Union. 02 HISTORY OF THE WAR. In reviewing- the conduct of Great-Brilan towards the United States, our attention is necessarily drawn to the warfare just renewed by the savages on one of our extensive frontiers ; a warfare which is known to spare neither age nor sex, and to be distinguished by fea- tures peculiarly shocking to humanity. It is difficult to account for the activity and combinations which have for some time been developing themselves among the tribes in constant intercourse with British traders and garrisons, without connecting their hostility with that influence ; and without recollecting the authenti- cated examples of such interpositions heretofore furn- ished by the officers and agents of that government. Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities which have been neaped on our country ; and such the crisis which its unexampled forbearance and concili- atory efforts have not been able to avert. It might at least have been expected, that an enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obligations, or invited by friend- ly dispositions on the part of the United States, would have found in its true interest alone a sufficient motive to respect their rights and their tranquility on the high seas ; that an enlarged policy would have favored that free and general circulation of commerce, in which the British nation is at all times interested, and which in times of war is the best alleviation of its ca- lamities to herself, as well as to other belligerents; and more especially that the British cabinet would not, for the sake of a precarious and surreptitious in- tercourse with hostile markets, have persevered in a course of measures which necessarily put at hazard the invaluable market of a great and growing coun- try, disposed to cultivate the mutual advantages of an active commerce. Other Councils have prevailed. Our moderation and conciliation have had no other effect than to en- courage perseverance, and to enlarge pretensions. We behold our seafaring citizens still the daily vic- tims of lawless violence committed on the great com- mon highway of nations, even within sight of the HISTORY OF THE WAR. 93 country which owes them protection. We behold our vessels, freighted with the products of our soil and industry, or returning with the proceeds of them, wrested from their lawful destinations, confiscated by prize courts no longer the organs of public law, but the instruments of arbitrary Edicts ; and their unfor- tunate crews dispersed and lost, or forced or inveigled in British ports into British fleets ; whilst argu- ments are employed, in support of these aggressions, which have no foundation but in a principle equally supporting a claim to regulate our external com- merce in all cases whatsoever. We behold, in fine, on the side of Great-Britain, a state of war against the United States, and on the side of the United States a state of peace towards Great- Britain. Whether the United States shall continue passive" under these progressive usurpasions, and these accu- mulating wrongs ; or opposing force to force in de- fence of their natural rights shall commit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty disposer of events ; avoiding all connections which might entangle it in the contests or views of other powers, and preserving a constant readiness to concur in an honorable re-es- tablishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn ques- tion, which the constitution wisely confides to the legislative Department of the government. In recom- mend ing it to their early deliberations, I am happy in the assurance that the descision will be worthy the enlightened and patriotic Councils of a virtuous, a free, and a powerful nation. Having presented this view of the relations of the U. States with Great-Britain and of the solemn alterna- tive growing out of them, I proceed to remark that the communications last made to Congress on the subjectof our relations with France will have shown that since the revocation of her Decrees as they violated thr neutral rights of the United States, her government has authorised illegal captures, by its privateers and public ships, and that other outrages have been prac- 94 HISTORY OF THE WAR. tised on our vessels and citizens. It will have been seen also, that no indemnity had been provided, or satisfactorily pledged, for the extensive spoliations committed under the violent and retrospective orders of the French government against the property of our citizens seized within the jurisdiction of France. I abstain at this time from recommending to the consid- eration of Congress definitive measures with respect to that nation, in the expectation, that the result of un- closed discussions between our Minister Plenipoten- tiary at Paris and the French government will speed- ily enable Congress to decide, with greater advan- tage, on the course due to the rights, the interests, and the honor of our country. JAMES MADISON. Washington, June 1st, 1812. REPORT OF THE COM. ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. The committee on Foreign Relations to whom was re- fered the Message of the President of the United States of the 1st of June, 1812. REPORT— That after the experience which the United States have had of the great injustice of the British govern- ment towards them, exemplified by so many acts of violence and oppression, it will be more difficult to jus- tify to the impartial world their patient forbearance, than the measures to which it has become necessary to resort, to avenge the wrongs, and vindicate the rights and honor of the nation. Your committee are happy to observe on a dispassionate review of the con- duct of the United States, that they see in it no cause for censure. If a long forbearance under injuries ought ever to be considered a virtue in any nation, it is one which peculiarly becomes the United States. No people ever had stronger motives to cherish peace — none have ever cherished it with greater sincerity and Zeal. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 95; But the period has now arrived, when the United States must support their character and station among the nations of the earth, or submit to the most shame- ' fill degradation. Forbearance has ceased to be a vir- tue. War on the one side, and peace on the other, is a situation as ruinous as it is disgraceful. The mad ambition, the lust of power, and commercial avarice of Great-Britain, arrogating to herself the complete dominion of the ocean, and exercising over it an un- bounded and lawless tyranny, have left to neutral na- tions an alternative only, between the base surrender of their rights, and a manly vindication of them. Hap- pily for the United States, their destiny, under the aid of heaven, is in their own hands. The crisis is formi- dable only by their love of peace. As soon as it be- comes a duty to relinquish that situation, danger dis- appears. They have suffered no wrongs, they have re- ceived no insults, however great, for which they can- not obtain redress. More than seven years have elapsed, since the commencement of this system of hostile aggression by the British government, on the rights and interests of the United States. The manner of its commence- ment was not less hostile, than the spirit with which it has been prosecuted. The United States have in- variably done every thing in their power to preserve the relations of friendship with Great-Britain. Ot this disposition they gave a distinguished proof, at the moment when they were made the victims of an opposite policy. The wrongs of the last war had not been forgotten at the commencement of the pre- sent one. They warned us of dangers, against which it was sought to provide. As early as the year 1804. the minister of the United States at London was in- structed, to invite the British government to enter into a negociation on all the points on which a col- lision might arise between the two countries, in the course of the war, and to propose to it an arrange- ment of their claims on fair and reasonable condi- tions. The invitation was accepted. A neg-ociatinn 96 HISTORY OF THE WAR. hud commenced and was depending", and nothing had occurred to excite a doubt that it would not ter- minate to the satisfaction of both the parties. It was at this time, and under these circumstances, that an attack was made, by surprise, on an important branch of the American commerce, which affected every part of the United States, and involved many of their citizens in ruin. The commerce on which this attack was so unex- pectedly made, was between the United States and the colonies of France, Spain, and other enemies of Great-Britain. A commerce just in itself — sanction- ed by the example of Great-Britain in regard to the trade with her own colonies — sanctioned by a sol- emu act between the two governments in the last war; and sanctioned by the practice of the British govern- ment in the present war, mure than two years hav- ing then elapsed, without any interference with it. The injustice of this attack could only be equalled by the absurdity of the pretext alledged for it. It was pretended by the British government, that ip case of war, her enemy had no right to modify its colonial regulations, so as to mitigate the calamities of war to the inhabitants of its colonies. This pre- tension, peculiar to Great-Britain, is utterly incom- patible with the right of sovereignty, in every inde- pendant state. It' we recur to the well established and universally admitted law of nations, we shall find no sanction to it, in that venerable code. The sove- reignty of every state is co-extensive with its domin- ions, and cannot be abrogated, or curtailed in its rights, as to any part, except by conquest. Neutral nations have a right to trade to every port of either belliger- ent, which is not legally blockaded — and in all arti- cles which are not contraband of war. Such is the absurdity of this pretension, that your committee are aware, especially after the able manner in which it has been heretofore refuted, and exposed, that they would offer an insult to the understanding of the House, if they enlarged on it, and if any thing could HISTORY OF THE WAR. 97 add to the high sense of the injustice of the British government in the transaction, it would be the con- trast which her conduct exhibits in regard to this trade, and in regard to a similar trade by neutrals with her own colonies. It is known to the world, that Great-Britain regulates her own trade, in war and in peace, at home and in her colonies, as she finds for her interest — that in war she relaxes the restraints of her colonial system in favor of the colonies, and that it never was suggested that she had not a right to do it — or that a neutral in taking advantage of the relax- ation violated a belligerent right of her enemy — Bui with Great-Britain every thing is lawful. It is only in a trade with her enemies that the United States can do wrong. With them all trade is unlawful. IiVtheyear ]?93, an attack was made by the British government on the same branch of our neutral trade, which had nearly involved the two countries in war. That difference however, was amicably accommodat- ed. The pretension was withdrawn, and reparation made to the United States, for the losses which they had suffered by it. It was fair to infer from that ar- rangement, that the commerce was deemed by the British government lawful, and that it would not be again disturbed. Had the British government been resolved to con- test this trade with neutrals, it was due to the char- acter of the British nation that the decision should be made known to the government of the United States.. The existence of a negociation which had been in- vited by our government, for the purpose of prevent- ing differences by an amicable arrangement of their respective pretensions, gave a strqng claim to the no- tification, while it afforded the fairest opportunity for it. But a very different policy animated the then cabi- net of England. The liberal' confidence and friend- ly overtures of the United States were taken advan- tage of to ensnare them. Steady to its purpose, and inflexibly hostile to this country, the British govern- ment calmlv looked forward to the moment, when it 18 98 HISTORY OF THE WAK. might give llie most deadly wound to our interests, A trade just in itself, which was secured by so many strong* and sacred pledges, was considered safe. — Our citizens with their usual industry and enterprise had embarked in it a vast proportion of their ship- ping, and of their capital, which were at sea, under no other protection than the law of nations, and the confidence which they reposed in the justice and friendship of the British nation. At this period the unexpected blow was given. Many of our vessels were seized, carried into port and condemned by a tribunal, which, while it professes to respect the law of nations, obeys the mandates of its own government. Hundreds of other vessels were driven from the ocean, and trade itself in a great measure suppressed. The effect produced by this attack on the lawful com- merce of the United States was such as might have been expected from a virtuous, independent, and highly injured people. But one sentiment pervaded the whole American nation. No local interests were regarded — no sordid motives felt. Without looking to the parts which suffered most, the invasion of our rights was considered a common cause, and from one extremity of our Union to the other, was heard, the voice of an united people, calling on their gov- ernment to avenge their wrongs and vindicate the rights and honor of the country. From this period the British government has gone on in a continued encroachment on the rights and in- terest of the United States, disregarding in its course, in many instances, obligations which have heretofore been held sacred by civilized nations. Jn May, 1800, the whole coast of the continent, from the Elbe to Brest inclusive, was declared to be in a state of blockade. By this act, the well estab- lished principles of the law of nations, principles which have served for ages as guides, and fixed the boundary between the rights of belligerents and neu- trals, were violated ; by the law of nations, as re- cognized by Great-Britain herself, no blockade h HISTORY OF THE WAR. 99 lawful, unless it be sustained by the application of an adequate force, and that an adequate force was ap- plied to this blockade, in its full extent, ought not to be pretended. Whether Great- Britain was able to maintain, legally, so extensive a blockade, consider- ing the war in which she is engaged, requiring such extensive naval operations, is a question which is not necessary at this time to examine It is sufficient to be known, that such force was not applied, and this is evident from the terms of the blockade itself, by which, comparatively, an inconsiderable portion of the coast only was declared to be in a state of strict and rigorous blockade. The objection to the meas- ure is not diminished by that circumstance. If the force was not applied, the blockade was unlawful, from whatever cause the failure might proceed. The belligerent who institutes the blockade cannot absolve itself from the obligation to apply the force under any pretext whatever. For a belligerent to relax a blockade, which it could not maintain, it would be a refinement in injustice not less insulting to the under- standing than repugnant to the law of nations. To claim merit for the mitigation of an evil, which the party either had not the power or found it inconveni- ent to inflict, would be a new mode of encroaching on neutral rights. Your committee think it just to remark, that this act of the British government does not appear to have been adopted in the sense in which it has been since construed. On consideration of all the circumstances attending the measure, and parti- cularly the character of the distinguished statesman who announced it, we are persuaded that it was con- ceived in a spirit of conciliation, and intended to lead to an accommodation of all differences between the United States and Great-Britain. His death disap- pointed that hope, and the act has since become sub- servient to other purposes. It has been made by his successors a pretext for that Vast system of usurpa- tion, which has so long oppressed and harrassed out commerce. 100 HISTORY OF THE WAR. The next act of the British government which claims our attention is the Orders in Council of Jan. 7, 1807, l)y which neutral powers are prohibited tra- ding from one port to another of France or her allies, or anv other country wilh which Great-Britain might not freely trade. By this order the pretension of England, heretofore claimed by every other power, to prohibit neutrals disposing of parts of their cargoes at different ports of the same enemy, is revived and with vast accumulation of injury. Every enemy, howe- great the number or distance from each other, is con- sidered one, and the like trade even with powers at peace with England, who from motives of policy had excluded or restrained her commerce, was also pro- hibited. In this act the British government evident- ly disclaimed all regard for neutral rights. Aware that the measures authorised by it could find no pre- text in any belligerent right, none was urged. To prohibit the sale of our produce, consisting of innocent articles at any port of a belligerent, not blockaded, to consider every belligerent as one, and subject neu- trals to the same restraint with all, as if there was but one, were held encroachments. But to restrain or in any manner interfere with our commerce with neutral nations with whom Great-Britain was at peace, and against whom she had no justifiable cause of war, for the sole reason, that they restrained or excluded from their ports her commerce, was utterly incompat- ible with the pacific relations subsisting between the two countries. We proceed to bring into view the British Order in Council of November 11th, 1807, which superced- ed every other order, and consummated that system of hostility on the commerce of the United States \Thich has been since so steadily pursued. By this Order all France and her allies and every other coun- try at war with Great-Britain, or with which she was not at war, from which the British flag was ex- cluded, and all the colonies of her enemies were sub- jected to the same restrictions as if they were actud- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 101 ly blockaded in the most strict and rigorous manner, and all trade in articles the produce and manufacture of the said countries and colonies and the vessels en- gaged in it were subjected to capture and condemna- tion as lawful prize. To this order certain exceptions were made which we forbear to notice becaue they were not adopted from a regard to neutral rights, but were dictated by policy to promote the commerce of England, and so far as they related to neutral powers, were said to emanate from the clemency of the British government. It would be superfluous in your committee to state, that by this order the British government declared direct and positive war against the United States. The dominon of the ocean was completely usurped by it, all commerce forbidden, and every flag driven from it, or subjected to capture and condemnation, which did not subserve the policy of the British govern- ment by paying 1 it a tribute andsailingunder its sanc- tion. From this period the United States having in- curred the heaviest losses and most mortifying' humilia- itons. They have borne the calamities of war with- out retorting- them on its authors. So far your committee has presented to the view of the House the aggressions which have been commit- ted under the authority of the British government on the commerce of the United States. We will now proceed to other wrongs which have been still more severely felt. Among these is the impressment of our seamen, a practice which has been unceasingly maintained by Great-Britain in the wars to which she has been a party since our revolution. Your com- mittee cannot convey in adequate terms the deep sense which they entertain of the injustice and oppression of this proceeding. Under the pretext of impressing British seamen, our fellow citizens are seized in British ports, on the high seas, and in every other quarter to which the British power extends, are taken on board British men of war, and compelled to serve there as British subjects. In this mode our citizens are wan- 102 HISTORY OF THE WAR. tonly snatched from their country and their families, deprived of their liberty, and doomed to an ignomin- ious and slavish bondage, compelled to tight the bat- tles of a foreign country, and often to perish in them. Our flag has given them no protection ; it lias beea unceasingly violated, and our vessels exposed to dan- ger by the loss of the men taken from them. Yonr committee need not remark that while the practice is continued, it is impossible for the United States to consider themselves an independent nation. Every new case is a new proof of their degradation. Its continuance is the more unjustifiable, because the United States have repeatedly proposed to the British government an arrangement which would secure to it the control of its own people. An exemption of the citizens of the United States from this degrading oppression, and their flag from violation, is all that they have sought. This lawless waste of our trade, and equally unlaw- ful impressment of our seamen, have been much ag- gravated by the insults and indignities attending them. Under the pretext of blockadingthe harbors of France and her allies, British squadrons have been stationed on our own coast, to watch and annoy our own trade. To give effect to the blockade of European ports, the ports and harbors of the United States have been blockaded. In executing these orders of the British government, or in obeying the spirit which was known to animate it, the commanders of these squad- rons have encroached on our jurisdiction, seized our vessels, and carried into effect impressments within our limits, and done oth«*r acts of great injustice, vio- lence, and oppression. The United States have seen, wilh mingled indignation and surprise, that these acts, instead of procuring to the perpetrators the pun- ishment due to unauthorised crimes, have not tailed to recommend them to the "favor of their govern- ment. Whether the British government has contributed by active measures to excite against us the hostility HISTORY OF THE WAR. 103 of the savage tribes on our frontiers, your committee are not disposed to occupy much time in investigat- ing. Certain indications of general notoriety may- supply the place of authentic documents ; though these have not been wanting to establish the fact in some instances. It is known that symptoms of Bri- tish hostility towards the United States, have never failed to produce corresponding symptoms among those tribes. It is also well known, that on all such occasions, abundant supplies of the ordinary muni- tions of war have been afforded by the agents of Bri- tish commercial companies, and even from British garrisons, wherewith they were enabled to commence that system of savage warfare on our frontiers, which has been at all times indiscriminate in its effect, on all ages, sexes and conditions, and so revolting to hu- manity. Your committee would be much gratified if they could close here the detail of British wrongs — but it. is their duty to recite another act of still greater ma- lignity, than any of those which have been already brought to your view. The attempt to dismember our Union, and overthrow our excellent constitu- tion, by a secret mission, the object of which was to foment discontent and excite insurrection against the constituted authorities and laws of the nation, as lately disclosed by the agent employed in it, affords full proof that there is no bound to the hostility of the British government towards the United Slates — no act, however unjustifiable, which it would not com- mit to accomplish their ruin. This attempt excites the greater horror from the consideration that it was made while the United States and Great-Britain wen at peace, and an amicable negociation was depending between them for the accommodation of their differ- ences, through public ministers, regularly authorised for the purpose. The United States have beheld, with unexampled for- bearance, this continued series of hostile encroachments on their rights and interests, in the hope, that, yield- 104 HISTORY OF THIS WAR. ing to the force of friendly remonstrances, often repeated, the British government might adopt a more just policy towards them; but that hope no longer exists. They have also weighed impartially the rea- sons which have been urged by the British govern- ment in vindication of these encroachments, and found in them neither justification or apology. The British government has alleged in vindication of the Orders in Council that they were resorted to as a retaliation on France, for similar aggressions com- mitted by her on our neutral trade with the British dominions. But how has this plea been supported? The dates of British and French aggressions are well known to the world. Their origin and progress have been marked with too wide and destructive a waste of the property of our fellow-citizens to have been forgotten. The Decree of Berlin of November 21st. 1806, was the first aggression of France in the present war. Eighteen months had then elapsed, af- ter the attack made by Great-Britain on our neutral trade, with the colonies of France and her allies, and six months from the date of the proclamation of May, 180b\ Even on the 7th Jan. 1807, the date of the Jirst British Order in Council, so short a term had elapsed, after the Belin Decree, that it was hardly posible that the intelligence of it should have reached fhe United Slates. A retaliation which is to pro- duce its effect, by operating on a neutral power ought not to be resorted to, till the neutral had justified it by a culpable acquiescence in the unlawful act of the other belligerent. It ought to be delayed until after sufficient time had been allowed to the neutral to re- monstrate against the measure complained of, to re- ceive an answer, and Lo act on it, which had not been done in the present instance; and when the Order of November 11th was issued, it is well known that a minister of France had declared to the minister plen- ipotentiary of the United States at Paris, tliat.it was- not intended that the Decree of Berlin should apply to the United States. It is equally well known thai HISTORY OF THE WAR. 105 »o American vessel had then been condemned under it, or seizure been made, with which the British gov- ernment was acquainted. The facts prove incontesti- blv, thatthe measures of France, however unjustifiable in themselves, were nothing" more than a pretext for those of England. And of the insufficiency of that pre- text, ample proof has already been afforded by the British government itself, and in the most impressive form. Although it was declared that the Orders in Council were retaliatory on France for her Decrees, it. was also declared, and in the Orders themselves, that, owing to the superiority of the British navy, by which the fleets of France and her allies were confined with- in their own ports, the French Decrees were consider- ed only as empty threats. It is no justification of the wrongs of one power, that the like were committed by another ; nor ought the fact, if true, to have been urged by either, as it could afford no proof of its love of justice, of its magnanimity, or even of its courage. It is more worthy the government of a great nation, to relieve than to assail the injured. Nor can a repetition of the wrongs by another power, repair the violated rights, or wounded honor, of the injured party. An utter inability alone to resist, would justify a quiet surren- der of our rights, and degrading submission to the will of others. To that condition the United States are not reduced, nor do they fear it. That they ever consented to discuss with either the misconduct of the other, is a proof of their love of peace, of their moderation, and of the hope which they still indulg- ed, that friendly appeals to just and generous senti- ments would not. be made to them in vain. But the motive was mistaken, if their forbearance was im- puted, either to the want of a just sensibility to their wrongs, or of a determination, if suitable redress was not obtained, to resent them. The time has now ar- rived when this system of reasoning must cease. It would be insulting to repeat it. It would be degrad- ing to hear it The United States must act t>«* an in- 106 HISTORY OF THE AVAR. dependent nation, and assert their rights, and avenge their wrongs, according to their own estimate of them, with the party who commits them, holding it respon- sible tor its own misdeeds, unmitigated by those of another. For the difference made between Great-Britain and France, by the application of the non-importation act against England only, the motive has been already too often explained, and it is too well known to require further illustration. In the commercial restrictions to which the United States resorted as an evidence of their sensibility, and a mild retaliation of their wrongs, they invariably placed both powers on the same foot- ing, holding to each in respect to itself, the same ac-r comniodation, in case it accepted the condition offer- ed, and in respect to the other, the same restraint, if it refused. Had the British government confirmed the arrangement which was entered into with the Bri- tish minister in 1809, and France maintained her De- crees, with France would the United States have had io resist, with the firmness belonging to their charac- ter, the continued violation of their rights. The com- mittee do not hesitate to declare, that France has greatly injured the United States, and that satisfacto- ry reparation has not been made for many of those injuries. But, that is a concern which the United States will look to and settle for themselves. The high character of the American people, is a suffi- cient pledge to the world, that they will not fail to settle it, on conditions which they have a right to claim. More recently, the true policy of the British gov- ernment towards the United States has been complete- ly unfolded. It has been publicly declared by those in power, that the Orders in Council should not be repealed, until the French government had revoked all its internal restraints on the British commerce, and that the trade of the United States, with France and her allies, should be prohibited until Great-Bri- tain was also allowed to trade with them. By this HISTORY OF THE WAR. 107 declaration, it appears, that to satisfy the pretensions of the British government, the United States must join Great-Britain in the war with France, and prose- cute the war, until France should be subdued, for without her subjugation, it were in vain to presume on such a concession. The hostility of the British gov- ernment has been still further disclosed. It has been made manifest that the United States are considered by it as the commercial rival of Great Britain, and that their prosperity and growth are incompatible with their welfare. When ail these circumstances are taken into consideration, it is impossible for your, committee to doubt the motives which have governed the British ministry in all its measures towards the United States since the year 1805. Equally is it im- possible to doubt, longer, the course which the Unit- ed States ought to pursue towards Great-Britain. From this view of the multiplied wrongs of the British government since the commencement of the present war, it must be evident to the impartial world, that the contest which is now forced on the United States, is radically a contest for their sovereignty and independence. Your committee will not enlarge on any of the injuries, however great, which have had a transitory effect. They wish to call the attention of the House to those of a permanent nature only, which intrench so deeply on our most important rights, and wound so extensively and vitally our best interests, as could not fail to deprive the United States of the prin- cipal advantages of their revolution, if submitted to. The control of our commerce by Great-Britain, in regulating it at pleasure, and almost expelling it from the ocean ; the oppressive manner in which these regulations have been carried into effect, by seizing and contiscating such of our vessels with their car- goes, as were said to have violated her Edicts, often without previous warning of their danger.; the ini pressment of our citizens from on board our own ves- sels, on the high seas, and elsewhere, and holding them in bondage until it suited the convenience of 108 HISTORY OF THE WAR. their oppressors to deliver them up, are encroach- ments of that high and dangerous tendency which could not fail to produce that pernicious effect, nor would those be the only consequences that would re- sult from it. The British government might for a while, be satisfied with the ascendency thus gained over us, but its pretensions would soon increase. The proof which so complete and disgraceful a sub- mission to its authority, would afford of our degene- racy, could not fail to inspire confidence that there was no limit to which its usurpations, and our degra- dation might not be carried. Your committee, believing- that the frecborn sons of America are worthy to enjoy the liberty which their fathers purchased at the price of so much blood and treasure, and seeing, in the measures adopted by Great-Britain, a course commenced and persisted in* which might lead to a loss of national character and independence, feel no hesitation in advising resistance by force, in which the Americans of the present day will prove to the enemy and the world, that we have not only inherited that liberty which our fathers g-ave us, but also the will and power to maintain it. Relying on the patriotism of the nation, and confi- dently trusting that the Lord of Hosts will go with us to battle in a righteous cause, and crown our ef- forts with success — your committee recommend an appeal to arms. - Soon after the above Report was read, Mr. Cal- houn, from the committee of foreign relations, on leave being given, presented a bill, declaring war be- tween Great- Britain, and her dependencies, and the United States, and their territories] which, after seve- ral day's debate, passed the House of Representatives in the following manner ; and was approved by the President, on the 18th dav of Juue HISTORY OF THE WAR. 109 DECLARATION OF WAR. AN ACT, Declaring War between the United Kingdoms of Great- Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof \ and the United States of America, and their Terri- tories. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre- sentathes of the United States of America in Con- gress assembled, That WAR be and the same is hereby declarad to exist between the United King*- doms of Great-Britain and Ireland and the dependen- cies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories : and that the President of the United States be and he is hereby authorised to use the whole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States commissions, or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods and effects of the govern- ment of the same United Kingdoms of Great-Britain And Ireland, and of the subjects thereof. June 18, 1812. Approved, JAMES MADISON YEAS. New-Hampshire. Dinsmoor, Hall, and Harper — 3, Massachusetts. Seaver, Carr, Green, Richardson, Turner, and Widgery — 6. Rhode-Island. None. Vermont. Fisk, Shaw, and Strong— 3. Connecticut. None. New-York. Pond, Avery, and Sage — 3. New-Jersey. Condit, and Morgan — 2. Pennsylvania. Seybert, Anderson, Brown, Ro- berts, Findley, Smilie, Lyle, Whitehill, Bard, Da- vis, Lefevre, Hyneman, Piper, Lacock, Crawford, and Smith — lb*. Delaware. None. Maryland. Kent, Little, M'Kim, Ringgold, Brown, and Archer — Q, 110 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Virginia. Nelson, Gholson, Goodwyn, Newton, Taliaferro, Dawson, Bassett, Smith, Hawes, Roane, M'Koy, Pleasants, Clopton, and Bur-well — 14. North-Carolina. Alston, Blackledge, Macon, King 1 , Cochran, and Pickens — 6. South-Carolina. Williams, Cheves, Lowndes, Butler, Calhoun, Earle, Winn, and Moore — 8. Georgia. Troup, Bibb, and Hall — 3. Kentucky. Johnson, Desha, New, M'Kee, and Ormsby — 5. Tennessee. Rhea, Grundy, and Sevier — 3. Oliio. Morrow — 1. NAYS. New-Hampshire. Bartlett, and Sullivan— 2. Massachusetts. Quincy, Reed, Taggart, Ely, Brigham, White, Tallman, andWheaton — 8. Rhode- Island. Potter, and Jackson — 2. Vermont. Chittenden — 1, Connecticut. Sturges, Davenport, Mosely, Cham- pion, Tallmadge, Pitkin, and Law — 7. New- York. Bleecker, Emott, Cooke, Fitch, Gold, Sammons, Stow, Tracy, Van Cortlandt, Mitchill, andMetcalf— 11. New-Jersey. Boyd, Hufty, Maxwell, and New- bold— 4. Pennsylvania. Mil nor, and Rodman — 2. Delaware. Ridgely — 1. Maryland. Key, Goldsborough, and Stuart — 3. Virginia. Randolph, Lewis, Baker, Brecken- ridge, and Wilson — 5. North-Carolina. Pearson, M'Bryde, and Stan- ford— 3. South- Carolina. None. Georyia. None. Kentucky. None. Tennessee. None. Ohio. None. Yeas, 79 Nays, 49 Majority for War, 30 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Ill Iii Senate. Yeas, 19 Nays, 13— Total Majority, 36. The Declaration of War, was announced the day after its passage, by the President's Proclamation, of which the following is a copy : — BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Congress of the United States, by virtue of the constituted authority vested in them, have declared by their act, bearing date the eighteenth day of the present mouth, that War exists between the United Kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America, and their Territories : Now, therefore, I, JAMES MADISON, President of the United States ot America, do hereby proclaim the same to all whom it may concern ; and I do specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil or military, under the authority of the United States, that they be vigi- lant and zealous in discharging the duties respective- ly incident thereto : And 1 do moreover exhort all the good people of the United States, as they love their country; as they value the precious heritage derived from the virtue and valor of their fathers ; as the) fee' the wrongs which have forced on them the last resor. of injured nations ; and as they consult the best means, under the blessing of Divine Providence, of abridging its calamities ; that they exert themselves in preserving order, in promoting concord, in main- taining the authority and efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and invigorating ail the measures which may be adopted by the constituted authorities, tor obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable peace: 112 HISTORY OF THE WAR. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set tuy hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these pres- sents. (SEAL) DONE at the City of Washington, the nine- teenth day of June one thousand eight hun- dred and twelve, and of the Independence of the United States the thirty-sixth. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. By the President, (Signed) JAMES MONROE. Secretary of State. CHAPTER IV. THE FIRST PRISONER, Was taken in Norfolk, Virginia. — A gentleman, by the name of Wilkinson, arrived in that place about the first of June, and put up at the British Consul's. The citizens suspected him to be a British officer, and accordingly kept an eye upon him. On the receipt of the Declaration of War, Wilkinson, as the mail boat was about to depart, was seen to make a precipitate retreat through the back strvet y which led from the Consul's to the wharf, where the boat lay, when he sprang on board, darted into the cabin, and in a few seconds was under way. It was known that a man of war was hovering on the coast, and his intention was to communicate the declaration of war to her. Boats, from the navy yard and fort Nel- son, were immediately dispatched, which succeeded in taking Wilkinson. He proved to be a captain in tie Roval Marines. HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 113 THE FIRST PRIZE, Was the schooner Patriot, .1. A. Brown, Master, from Guadaloupe, bound to Halifax, with a valuable cargo of sugar, taken by the revenue cutter Jeti'erson, Win. Ham, Master, and arrived vt Norfolk, June 26. PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. To the Senate and House of Itiepresentatives of the United States. I transmit, for the information of Congress, copies of letters which have passed between the Secretary of State, and the Envoy extraordinary and minister Plenipotentiary of Great-Britain. JAMES MADISON. June lH, 1812. Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. Washington June 10, 1812. SIR, It has been extremely satisfactory to me, to find by your letter dated June 6th, which I had the honor to receive yesterday morning", that it was not the wish of the American government to close all futher discus- sion relative to the important questions at issue, be- tween the two countries. I beg you to be assured, sir, that it never was my intention, in alluding to my letters which had remained without answer at your office, to use any expressions which could, in the most remote manner contain any thing personal. I shall ever be ready with pleasure to bear testimony to thai frankness, candor, and good temper which so emi- nently distinguish you, and have been acknowledged to belong to you, by all who have ever had the honor to discuss with you any question of public interest. But, sir, although you were not backward in enter- ing into full explanations with me verbally, I could not but feel j particularly as I had just communication- tionstomake to you of the greatest importance, that I hail a right to expect from you a written reply to them ; and while I remembered that two of rriv f'orm- 15 114 HISTORY OF THE WAll. er nctcs were slill unanswered, the one written three months ago, containing among' other important top- icks a particular question which I was expressly in- structed to put to you, as to whether you could point to any public act, 09 the part of the French govern- ment, by which they had really revoked their Decrees, and the other furnishing strong evidence of the con- tinued existence of those very Decrees ; also, when I perceived that my note, communicating the duke of Bassano's report, which you knew was to be sent to vou on the lstinst. was not waited for, but that a mes- sage was transmitted by the Executive to Congress, which it seems contained a reference to an insulated passage in the despatch on which my note was found- ed, that if taken unconnected with vthat preceeded or followed, it might be liable to misconstruction, I could not avoid apprehending that no means of further ex- planation might be left open to me. I beg you to be assured sir, that if I was embarras- sed by your demands of an explanation as to what appeared to you to be a difference between lord Cas* tlereagh's despatch, communicated to you, and my note, it arose from the novelty of the demand, that seemed to involve an informality of proceeding, in which I could not feel my self justified in acquiescing". Had you, in making a reply to my communication, asked me how far a repeal of the French Decrees was demanded by my government and as to whether a special repeal, as far as respected America, would be sufficient I should have had no hesitation in giv- ing you every satisfaction. Your note of the 6th instant has, by shewing thai the door was not absolutely shut to a continuance of our discussion, relieved me from further difficulty on this point. I have no hesitation, sir, in saying that Great-Bri- tain, as the case has hitherto stood, never did, nor never could engage, without the grossest injustice to herself and her allies, as well as to other neutral na- tions, to repeal her orders as affecting America alone, J T HISTORY OP TH-E AVAli. i \."% leaving them in force against other states, upon con- dition that Prance would except, singly and special- ly, America from the operation of her IDecrees. You will recollect, sir, that the Orders in Council are meas- ures of defence, directed Against the system contained in those Decrees ; that it is a war of trade which is car- ried on by France ; that what you call the municipal regulations of France, have never been called munici- pal by France herself, but are her main engines in that novel and monstrous system. It cannot, then, be expected that Great-Britain should renounce her ef- forts to throw back upon France the evils with v. Inch she menaces Great-Britain, merely because France might seek to alleviate her own situation by waving the exercise of that part of her system which she cannot enforce. But, sir, to what purpose argue upon a supposed case ; upon a state of things not likely to occur, since the late report and senatus consultum which have been published to the world, as it were, insultingly in the face of those who would contend that any repeal whatever had taken place, of the Decrees in question. you draw a comparison between the modem which this instrument has appeared, and that which you call the high evidence of the repeal as staled in Mr. Cham- pagny's note : and it would almost seem as if you considered the latter as the most authentic of the two - y but, sir, you cannot seriously contend that the duke of Bassano's report, with the senatus consultum ac- companying it, published in the official paper at Pa* ris, is not a very different instrument from the above letter, offering a mere provisional repeal of the De- crees, upon conditions utterly inadmissible : condi- tions too, which really formed of themselves a ques- tion of paramount importance. The condition then demanded, and which was brought forward so unexpectedly, was a repeal of the blockade of May, 1800, which Mr. Pinkney, in the letter sou have referred me to, declared to have been required by America as indispensable in the view of 116 HISTORY OF THE WAR. her acts of intercourse aiul non-intercourse, as well as, a repral of other blockades of a similar character, which were maintained by Great-Britain, to be found- ed on strict maritime rights. The conditions now annexed to the French de- mand are much more extensive, a id as I have shewn, includes a surrender of many other of the most estab- lished principles of the public law of nations. I cannot, I confess, see upon what ground you con- tend that the report of the duke of Bassano, affords no proof against any partail repeal of the French De- crees. The principles advanced in that report are general ; there is no exception made in favor of America, and in the correspondence of Mr. Barlow, as officially published, he seems to allow llmt he had no explanation respecting it. How can it, therefore, be considered in any other light than as a republica- tion of the Decrees themselves P which, as it were to take away all ground for any doubt, expressly ad- vances a doctrine that can only be put in practice on the high seas, namely, ' that tree ships shall make free goods,' since the application of such a principle, to vessels in port is absolutely rejected under his con- tinental system. It is, indeed, impossible to see how, under such circumstances, America can call upon Great-Britain. to revoke her Orders in Council. It is impossible that she can revoke them at this moment, in common justice to herself and to her allies; but, sir, while un- der the necessity of continuing them, she will be ready to manage their exercise, so as to alleviate as. much as possible, the pressure upon America ; and it wouid give me great pleasure to confer with yon, at any time, upon the. most advisable manner of pro- ducing that effect. I have the honor, &.c. (Signed) AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. To the /ion. James Monroe, Yhen, however, these nations exceed ihe just limits <>i their power by the invasion of the lights of peaceful states on the ocean which is subject to the Common and equal jurisdiction of all nations, the United Slates cannot remain indifferent, and by HISTORY OP THE WAR. 12$ quietly consenting 1 to yield up their share of this juris- diction, abandon their maritime rights. — Fiance has respected these rights by the discontinuance of her Edicts on the high seas ; leaving no part of these Edicts in operation to the injury of the United States; and of course, no part in which they can be supposed to acquiesce, or against which they can be required to contend. They ask Great-Britain, by a like re- spect for their rights, to exempt them from the ope- ration of her Orders in Council. Should such ex- emption involve the total practical extinction of these Orders,, it will only prove that they were exclusively applied to the commerce of the United States, and that they had not a single feature of resemblance to the Decrees, against which they are professed to re- taliate. It is with patience and confidence that the United States have expected this exemption, and which they believed themselves entitled, by all those considera- tions of right and promise, which I have freely stat- ed to your lordship. With what disappointment, therefore, must they learn that Great-Britain, in pro- fessing to do away their disaffection, explicitly avows her intention to persevere in her Orders in Council, until some authentic act hereafter to be promulgated by the French government, shall declare the Berlin and Milan Decrees are expressly and unconditionally repealed. To obtain such an act can the United States interfere ? Would such an interference be compatible either with a sense of justice or with what is due to their own dignity? Can they be expected to falsify their repeated declarations of their satisfac- tion with the act of the 5th of August, 1810, continu- ed by abundant evidence of its subsequent observ- ance, and by now affecting to doubt of the sufficien- cy of that act, to demand another, which in its form, its mode of publication, and its import, shall accord with the requisitions ot Great-Britain ? And can it be supposed that the French government would listen to 17 130 lilSTORV OF TH£ WAR. such a proposal made under such circumstances, a'lrtl with such a view ? While, therefore, I can perceive no reason, in the •report of the French minister, of the 10th of March, -to believe that the United States erroneously assumed the repeal of the French Decrees, to be complete in relation to them ; while aware that the condition of which the Orders in Council is now distinctly made to depend, is the total repeal of both the Berlin and Mi- lan Decrees, instead as formerly of the Berlin Decree only; and while I feel that to ask the performance of this condition from otheis, inconsistent with the honor of the United States, and to perform it them- selves beyond their power; your lordship will per- mit me frankly to avow that I cannot accompany the communication to my government, of the declaration -and Order in Council of the 21st of this month, with any felicitation on the prospect which this measure presents of an accellerated return of amity and mu- tual confidence between the two states- It is with real pain that I make to your lordship this avowal, and J will seek still to confide in the spirit which your lordship in your note, and in the . conversation of this morning 1 , has been pleased to say actuates the councils of his Royal Highness in rela- tion to America, and still to cherish a hope that the spirit will lead, upon a review of the whole ground, to measures of a nature better calculated to attain this object, and that this object will no longer be made to depend on the conduct of a third power, or contingen- cies over which the United States have no controul, but alone upon the rights of the United States, the justice of Great-Britain, and the common interests of both. I have the honor to he, Sec. (Signed) JONATHAN RUSSELL. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 131 [The following Order in Council should have been \ inserted in page 123.1 ORDER IN COUNCIL. At the Court at Carlton-House, the 21st day of April, 1812, present his Royal Highness the Prince . Recent in Council. WHEREASthe government of France has, by an offi- cial report, communicated by its minister of Foreign affairs to the conservative Senate, on the 10th of March last, removed all doubts as to the perseverance of that government in the assertion of principles, and in the maintenance of a system, not more hostile to the maritime rights and commercial interest of the British empire, than inconsistent with the rights and independence of neutral nations, and has thereby plainly developed the inordinate pretensions which that system, as promulgated in the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, was from the tirst designed to enforce. And whereas his Majesty has invariably professed his readiness to revoke the Orders in Council adopted thereupon, as soon as the said Decrees of the enemy » should be formally and unconditionally repealed, and the commerce of neutral nations restored to its accus- tomed course : His Royal Highness the Prince Regent (anxious to give the most decisive proof of His Royal High- ness' disposition to perform the engagements of his Majesty's government) is pleased, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, and by and with the advice of his Majesty's Privy Council, to order and declare,, and it is hereby ordered and declared that if, at any, time hereafter, the Berlin and Milan Decrees shall by some authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, be absolutely and unconditionally re- pealed, then, and from thenceforth, the Order in Council of the 7th day of January, 1807, and the Order in Council of the 26th day of April, 1809j shall, without any further order, be, and the same are hereby declared from thenceforth to be wholly and 132 HISTORY OF THE WAR. absolutely revoked ; and further, that the full benefit of this order shall be extended to any ship or cargo captured subsequent to such authentic act of repeal of the French Decrees, although antecedent to such repeal such ship or vessel shall have commenced and shall have been in the prosecution of a voyage which, tinder the said Orders in Council, or one of them, would have subjected her to capture and condemna- tion ; and the claimant of any ship or cargo which shall be captured or brought to adjudication, on ac- count of any alleged breach of either of the said Or- ders in Council, at any time subsequent to such au- thentic act of repeal by the French government, shall without any further Order or Declaration on the part of his Majesty's government on this subject, be at lib- erty to give inevidence in the high Courts of Admi-. ralty, or any Court of Vice- Admiralty, before which such ship or cargo shall be brought for adjudication, that such repeal by the French government had been, by such authentic act, promulgated prior to such capture ; and upon proof thereof, the voyage shall be deemed and taken to have been as lawful as if the said Orders in Council had never been made : saving, nevertheless, to the captors, such protection and in* demnity as they may be equitably entitled to in the judgment of the said Court, by reason of their ignor- ance, of uncertainty as to the repeal of the French Decrees, or of the recognition of such repeal by his Majesty's government at the time of such capture. His Royal Highness, however, deems it proper to declare, that should the repeal of the French Decrees, thus anticipated and provided for, prove afterwards to have been illusory on the part of the enemy ; and should the restrictions thereof be still practically en- forced, or revived by the enemy; Great-Britain will be compelled, however reluctantly, after reasonable notice, to have recourse to such measures of retalia- tion as may then appear to, be just and necessary. And the Right Honorable ihe lords comniission-r ers ot his Majesty's treasury, his Majesty's principal HISTORY OF TH45 WAR. VSti Secretaries of state, the lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the Judges of the high Court of Ad- miralty, and the Judges of the Courts of Vice- Admi- ralty, are to take the necessary measures therein as to them shall respectively appertain. CHETWYND. Previous to the Declaration of War, Gen. Hull, with ahout two thousand men, was ordered to proceed to Detroit. — The army arrived at the head of Lake Erie, about the time war was declared ; and several officers, and Indies, with the baggage of the General Officers, proceeded down the Lake to Detroit, in a gun vessel. — The British received the news of the war before Gen. Hull, and sent a brig in pursuit of his baggage, which succeeded in capturing her, and carried her into Maiden. — The British commander sent the ladies over to Detroit, in a flag of truce, which was the first intelligence they had received of the war. Gen. Hull, after concentrating his forces, at Detroit, crossed over the river to Sandwich, and issued the following singular General Order. BY WILLIAM HULL, Brigadier General and Commander of the North Western Army of the United States : A PROCLAMATION. Inhabitants of Canada ! After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the United States have been driven to arms. The inju- ries and aggressions, the insults and indignities of Great-Britain have once more left them no alterna- tive but manly resistance, or unconditional submis- sion. The army under my command has invaded your country ; the standard of the Union now waves over the territory of Canada. To the peaceable un- offending inhabitant, it brings neither danger nor dif- ficulty. I come to find enemies, not to make them. I come to protect, not to injure you. 134 HISTORY OP THE WAR.? Separated by an immen.se ocean and an extensive wilderness from Great-Britain, you have no partici- pation in her councils, no interest in her conduct. You have felt her tyranny, you have seen her injus- tice. But I do not ask yon to avenge the one, or to redress the other. The United States are sufficiently powerful to afford every security, consistent with their rights and your expectations. I tender you the in- valuable blessing of civil, political and religious lib- erty, and their necessary result, individual and gen- eral prosperity ; that liberty which gave decision to our councils, and energy to our conduct in a struggle for independence, which conducted us safely and triumphantly through the stormy period of the revo- lution — that liberty which has raised us to an elevated rank among the nations of the world ; and which af- forded us a greater measure of peace and security, of wealth and improvement, than ever fell to the lot of any people. In the name of my country, and the authority of government, I promise you protection to- your persons, property and rights; remain at your homes ; pursue your peaceful and customary avoca- tions; raise not vour hands against your brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and in- dependence we now enjoy. Being children therefore of the same family with us, and heirs to the same heritage, the arrival of an army of friends must be hailed by you with a cordial welcome. — You will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and re- stored to the dignified station of freedom. — Had I any doubt of eventual success, I might ask your as- sistance, but I do not. 1 come prepared for every contingency — 1 have a force which will break down all opposition, and that force is but the van-guard of a much greater.— If, contrary to your own interest and the just expectations of my country, you should take part ill the approaching contest, you will be considered and treated as enemies, and the horrors and calamities of war will stalk before vou. If the barbarous and sav- ag-e policy of Great-Britain be pursued, and the sava- HISTORY OF THE WAR. Vofr • gesare let loose to murder our citizens and butcher our women and children, this war will be a war of extermination. The first stroke of the tomahawk — the first attempt with the scalping- knife, will be the signal of one indiscriminate scene of desolation. No white man found fighting' by the side of an Indian will be taken prisoner — instant death will be his lot. If the dictates of reason, duty, justice, and humanity, cannot prevent the employment of a force which re- spects no rights, and knows no wrong, it will be pre- vented by a severe and relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not your courage and firmness — I will not doubt your attachment to liberty. If you tender your services voluntarily, they will be accepted read- ily. The United States offer you peace, liberty, and security. Your choice lies between these and war, slavery and destruction. — Choose then ; but choose wisely ; and may He who knows the justice of our cause, and who holds in his hand the fate of nations, guide you to a result the most compatible with your rights and interests, your peace and happiness. By the General, A. P. HULL, Captain of the ISth United States' regiment of In- fantry, and Aid-de-camp. Head-quarters, Sandwich, July 12, 1812. WILLIAM HULL. On the 10th of July, Colonels Cass and Miller, at- tempted to surprise a British post, 300 strong*, at a bridge about five miles from Maiden. — They were discovered by the British, and after a slight skirmish, the British retreated, leaving eleven men killed and wounded, on the field ; our troops returned to head- quarters, at Sandwich, and the British re-posted them- selves again, at the bridge. On the 19th and 24th there was considerable skirmishing, with trifling suc- cess, on either side — our loss was six men killed and wounded — the British and Indians, lost sixteen killed, and several wounded 136 HISTORY OP THE WAR. Soon after General Hull had crossed from Detroit* into Canada, and had issued his Proclamation, the greater part of the Militia of the neighboring* country gave themselves up to his protection, or returned home peaceably, resolving to stand neutral, in the contest. — Large bodies of the Savage tribes offered their services to Gen. Hull, previous to his leaving Detroit, but he informed them that he was not autho- rised to accept them, and wished them to remain si- lent spectators, and not engage on either side ; but this was not their choice they immediately crossed over to Maiden, where they were accepted, and put into service by the British ; which circum- stance contributed largely to overthrow Gen. Hull, as will be seen by his official account of the surrender of Detroit and Michigan Territory, which we give at full length, with the remonstrance against his con- duct, of several officers under his command. Capt. Hull's Letter to the Secretary or the Navy. United States Frigate Constitution,} off Boston Light, Aug. 30, 1812. ) SIR— I have the honor to inform you, that on the 10th instant, at 2 p. m. being in latitude 41, 42, longitude 55, 48, with the Constitution, under my command, a sail was discovered from the mast-head bearing E. by S. or E. S. E. but at such a distance we could not tell what she was. All sail was instantly made in chase, and soon found we came up with her. At 3 p. M. could plainly see that she was a ship on the star- board tack, under easy sail, close on a wind ; at half past 3 p. m. made her out to be a Frigate ; continued the chase until we were within about three miles, when I ordered the light sails taken in, the courses hauled up, and the ship cleared for action. At this time the chase had backed his main-topsail, waiting for us to come down. As soon as the Constitution was ready for action. T bore down with an intention to bring him HISTORY OF THE WAR. 137 to close action immediately ; but on our coming- within gun-shot she gave us a broadside, and filed away, and wore, giving" us a broadside on the other tack, but without effect ; her shot falling short. She continued wearing and manoeuvring for about three quarters of an hour, to get a raking position, but tiuding she could not, she bore up, and run under her top-sails and gib, with the wind on the quarter. Immediately made sail to bring the ship up with her, and 5 min- utes before six, P. M. being along side within half pis- tol shot, we commenced a heavy fire from all our guns, double shotted with round and grape, and so well directed were they, and so warmly kept up, that in 15 minutes his mizen-mast went by the board and his main-yard id the slings, and the hull, rigging, and sads, very much torn to pieces. The fire was kept up with equal warmth for 15 minutes longer, when his main-mast and foremast went, taking with them every spar, excepting the bowsprit : on seeing this we ceas- ed firing, so that in 30 minutes after we got fairly along- side the enemy, she surrendered, and had not a spar standing, and her hull, below and above water, so shattered, that a few more broadsides must have car- ried her down. After informing you that so fine a ship as the Gur- riere, commanded by an able and experienced officer,, had been totally dismasted, and otherwise cut to pie- ces, so as to make her not worth towing into port, in the short space of 30 minutes, you can have no doubt of the gallantry and good conduct of the officers and ship's company I have the honor to command ; it only remains, therefore, for me to assure you, that they all fought with great bravery ; and it gives me great pleasure to say, that from the smallest boy in the ship to the oldest seaman, not a look of tear was seen. They ail went into action, giving three cheers and request- ing to be laid close along side the enemy. Enclosed I have the honor to send you a list of kil- led and wounded on board the Constitution, and a report of the damages she has sustained; also a list 18 138 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of the killed and wounded on board the enemy, with his quarter bill, See. I have the honor to be, with very great respect, sir, your obedient servant, ISAAC HULL. To the lion. Paul Hamilton, fyc. Return of Killed and Wounded on board the V. S. Frigate CO.SSIITUTION. Killed. Seven. Wounded. Seven. Total killed and wounded Fourteen. List of Killed, Mounded, and missing, on board the GUEhKJERE. Killed. Fifteen. Wounded. Sixty-two. Missing. Twenty-four.* Total killed, wounded, and missing 1 , 101. ORDERS IN COUNCIL REVOKED. At the Court at Carlton House, the 23d day of June, present, his Royal Highness, the Prince Re- gent in Council. Whereas his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent was pleased to declare, in the name and on behalf of his Majesty, on the 21st of April, 1812, ' That if at any time hereafter, the Berlin and Milan Decrees shall by some authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, be absolutely and uncondition- ally repealed, then, and from thence, the Order in Council of the 7th of January, 1807, and the Order in Council of the 26th of April, 1809, shall without any further order, be, and the same are hereby declar- ed from thenceforth to be wholly and absolutely re- voked.' * Supposed to have gone overboard with the masli*.. HISTORY OF Till; WAR. 139 And whereas the charge d 'affairs of the United States of America, resident at tins Court, did, on the 21st day of May last, transmit to lord viscount Casile- reagh, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries, a copy of a certain instrument* then for the first lime communicated to this Court, purporting to be a De- cree passed by the government of Fiance, on the 28th day of April, 1811, by which the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are declared to be .definitely no longer in force in regard to American vessels : And whereas Ins Royal Highness, the Prince Re- gent, although he cannot consider the tenor of said instrument as satisfying the conditions set forth in the said Order of the 21st of April last, upon which the said Orders were to cease and determine, is neverthe- less disposed, on his part, to take such measures as may tend to re-establish the intercourse between neu- tral and belligerent nations, upon its accustomed prin- ciples, his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his Majesty's privy council, to order and declare, and it is hereby order- ed and declared, that the Order in Council bearing date the 7th day oi January, 1807, and the Order iu Council bearing date t,.e 26th day of April, 1809, be revoked, so far as may regard American vessels and their cargoes, being American property, from the 1st dav of August next. But whereas by certain acts of the government of the United States of America, all British armed ves- sels are excluded from the harbors and waters of the said United States, the armed vessels of France being permitted to enter therein, and the commercial inter- course between Great-Britain and the said United States is interdicted, the commercial intercourse be- tween France and the sa*d United States having been restored: his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent is pleased hereby further to declare, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, that if the govenment of the said United States shall not as soon as may be > 140 HISTORY OF THE WAR. after this order shall have been duly notified by his Majesty's ministerin Amtricato the said government, revoke or cause to be revoked the said acts, this pre- sent Order shall, in that case, after clear notice signi- fied by his Majesty's minister in America, to the said government, be thenceforth null and of no effect. It is further ordered and declared, that all Amer- ican vessels and their cargoes, being American prop- erty, that shall have been captured subsequently to the 28th of May last, for a breach of the aforesaid Orders in Council alone, and which shall not hare been actually condemned before the date of this Ol- der, and that all ships and cargoes as aforesaid, that shall henceforth be captured under the said Orders, prior to the 1st day of August next, shall not be pro* ceeded against to condemnation, until further orders, but shall, in the event of this Order no! becoming null and of no eftect, in the case aforesaid, be forthwith liberated and restored, subject to such reasonable ex- pen ces on the part of the captors, as shall have been justly incurred. Provided that nothing in the Order contained re- specting the revocation of the Orders herein mention- ed, shall betaken to revive wholly, or in part, the Orders in Council of the I lth of November, 1807, or any other Order not herein mentioned, or to deprive parties of any legal remedy to which they may he en- titled, under the Order in Council, of the 21st of April, 1812. His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent is hereby pleased further to declare, in the name and on the be- half of his Majesty, that nothing in the present Order contained shall be understood to preclude his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, if circumstances shall so require, from restoring after reasonable notice, the Orders of the 7th of January, 1807, and the 20th of April, 1809, or any part thereof, to their full effect, or from taking such other measures of retaliation against the enemy, as may appear to bis Royal Highness to be just and necessary. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 141 Arid the right honorable the lords commissioners of his Majesty's treasury, his Majesty's principal Se- cretaries of state, the lords commissioners of the Ad- miralty, and the Judge of the high Court of A dm ralty, and the Judge of the Conrt of Vice- Admiralty, are to take the necessary measures herein, as to them may respectively appertain. GEN. HULLS OFFICIAL STATEMENT OF HIS SURRENDER. Montreal, 8th Sept. 1812. SIR — The inclosed dispatch was prepared on my arrival at Fort George, and it was my intention to have forwarded it from that place by Major Witherell, of the Michigan volunteers. I made application to the commanding officer at that post, and was refused; he stating that he was not authorised, and Gen. Brock was then at York. We were immediately emharked for this place, and Major Witherell obtained liberty at Kingston to go home on parole. This is the first opportunity I have had to forward the dispatches. The fourth United Slates* regiment is destined for Quebec, with a part of the first. The whole consist of a little over three hundred. Sir George Prevost, without any request on my part, has offered to take my parole, and permit me to proceed to the States. Lieut. Anderson, of the eighth regiment, is the bearer of my dispatches. He was formerly a Lieut, in the Artillery, and resigned his commission on ac- count of being appointed Marshal of the Territory of Michigan. During the campaign he has had a com- mand in the Artillery ; and I recommend him to you as a valuable officer. He is particularly acquainted with the state of things previous, and at the time when the capitulation took place. He will be able to give you correct in- 142 HISTORY OF THE WAR. formation on any poiilts, about which you may think proper to enquire. I am, very respectfully, Your most obedient servant, WILLIAM HULL. H071. W. Eustis, Secretary of the Department of War. THE DISPATCH. Fort George, August 26, 1812. SIR — Inclosed are the articles of capitulation, by which the Fort of Detroit has been surrendered to Major-General Brock, commanding- his Britannic Majesty's forces in Upper Canada, and by which the troops have become prisoners of war. My situa- tion at present forbids me from detailing' the particu- lar causes which have led to this unlortunate event. I will, however, generally observe, that after the sur- render of Michihmackinac, almost every tribe and nation of Indians, excepting a part ot the Miamies and Delawares, north from beyond Lake Superior, west from bevond the Mississippi, south from the Ohio and Wabash, and east lrom every part of Upper Canada, and from all the intermediate country, joined in open hostility under the British standard, against ihe army I commanded, contrary to the most solemn assuran- ces of a large portion of them to remain neutral ; even the Ottawa Chiefs from Arbecrotch, who form- ed the delegation to Washington the last summer, in whose friendship I know you had great confidence, are among the hostile tribes, and several of them dis- tinguished leaders. Among the vast number of chiefs who led the hostile bands, Tecumseh, Marplot, Lo- ffan, Walk-in-the-water, Split-Log, &c. are consider- ed the principals. This numerous assemblage of savages, under the entire influence and direction of the British commander, enabled him totally to ob- struct the only communication which I had with my country. This communication had been opened from the settlements in the stale of Ohio, two hun- dred miles through a wilderness, by the fatigues of HISTORY OF THE WAR. 143 the army, which I marched to the frontier on the ri- ver Detroit. The body of the Lake being command- ed by the British armed ships, and the shores and ri- vers by gun-boats, the army was totally deprived of all communication by water. On this extensive road it depended for transportation of provisions, military stores, medicine, clothing', and every other supply, on pack-horses — all its operations were successful until its arrival at Detroit, — in a lew days it passed into the enemy's country, and all opposition seemed to fall before it. One month it remained in possession of this country, and was fed from its resources. In different directions detachments penetrated sixty miles in the settled part of the province, and the inhabitants seem- ed satisfied with the change of situation, which ap- peared to be taking place the militia from Amherst- burg were daily deserting, and the whole country, then under the control of the army, was asking for protection. The Indians generally, in the first in- stance, appeared to be neutralized, and determined to take no part in the contest. The fort of Amherst- burg was eighteen miles below my encampment. Not a single cannon or mortar was on wheels suita- ble to carry before that place. I consulted my offi- cers, whether it was expedient to make an attempt on it with the bayonet alone, without cannon to make a breach in the first instance. The council I called was ot the opinion it was not — The greatest industry was exerted in making preparation, and it was not until the 7th of August, that two 24-pounders and three hoyvitzers were prepared. It was then my in- tention to have proceeded on the enterprise. YVhile the operations of the army mere delayed by these preparations, the cloudsof adversity had been for some time and seemed still thickly to be gathering around me. The surrender of Michiiimackinac opened the northern hive of Indians, and they were swarming down in every direction. Reinforcements from Nia- gara had arrived at Aniheislbiu^ under the command ofColonel Proctor. The desertion of the militia ceas- 144 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ed. Besides the reinforcements that came by water, I received information ofa very considerable force un- der the command ot Major Chambers, on the river Le French, with four field-pieces, and collecting the militia on his route, evidently destined far Amherst- burg ; and in addition to this combination, and in- crease of force contrary to all my expectations, the Wyandots, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatamies, Munsees, Delawares, Sec. with whom I had the most friendly intercourse, at once passed over to Amherst- burg, and accepted the tomahawk and scalping* knife. There being now a vastnnmberof Indians at the British post, they were sent to the river Huron, Biownstown, and Magnago to intercept my communication. To open this communication, I detached Maj. Vanhorne of the Ohio volunteers with two hundred men to pro- ceed as far as the river Raisin, under an expectation he would meet Capt. Brush with one hundred and fifty men, volunteers from the state of Ohio, and a quantity of provision for the army. An ambuscade was formed at Brow nstown, and Maj. Vanhorn's de- tachment defeated and returned to camp without effect- ing the object of the expedition. In my letter of the 7th inst. you have the particu- lars of that transaction, with a return of the killed and wounded. Under this sudden and unexpected change of things, and having received an express from General Hall, commanding opposite the British shore on the Niagara river, by which it appeared that there was no prospect of any co-operation from that quar- ter, and the two senior officers of the artillery having- stated to me an opinion that it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to pass the Turkey river and river Aux-Cannard, with the 24-pounders, and that they could not be transported by water, as the Queen-Char iotte which carried eighteen 24-pounders, lay in the river Detroit above the mouth of the river Aux-Cannard ; and as it appeared indispensibly ne- cessary to open the communication to the river Raisin and the Miami, I found myself compelled to suspend HISTORY OF THE WAR. 145 the operation against Amherslburg-, and concentrate the main force of the ami)' at Detroit. Fully intend- ing, at that time, after the communication was opened, to re-cross the river, and pursue the object at Am- herstburg, and strongly desirous of continuing- pro- tection to a very large number of the inhabitants of Upper Canada, who had voluntarily accepted it un- der my proclamation, I established a fortress on the banks of the river, a little below Detroit, calculated for a garrison of three hundred men. On the evening- o. the 7th, and morning- of the 8th inst. the army, ex- cepting the garrison of 250 infantry, and a corps of artillerists, all under the command of Major Den- ny of the Ohio volunteers, re-crossed the river, and encamped at Detroit. In pursuance of the object of opening- the communication, on which I considered, the existence of the army depending-, a detachment of six hundred men, under the command of lieut. Colonel Miller was immediately ordered. For a particular account of the proceedings of this detachment, and the memorable battle which was fought at Maguago, ■which reflects the hig-hest honor on the American arms, I refer you to my letter of the 13th of August, a duplicate of which is enclosed, in this. .Noth- ing- however but honor was acquired by this victory; and it is a painful consideration, that the blood of seventy-tive gallant men could only open the commu- nication as far as the points of their bayonets extend- ed. The necessary care of the sick and wounded, and a very severe storm of rain, rendered their return to camp indispensably necessary for their own com- fort. Captain Brush, with his small detachment, and the provisions, being- still at the river Raisin, and in a situation to be destroyed by the savages, on the 13th inst. in the evening, 1 permitted Colonels M' Arthur and Cass to select from their regiment four hundred of their most effective men, and proceed an upper route through the woods, which I had sent an express to Capt. Brush to take, and had directed the militia of the river Raisin to accompany him as a reinforce* 19 140 HISTOUY OF THE WAR. ment. The force of the enemy continually increase ing, and the necessity of opening the communication., and acting on the defensive, becoming more appar- ent, 1 had, previous to detaching Colonels IVl' Arthur and Cass, on the 11th inst. evacuated and destroy ed the tort on the opposite bank. On the 13th, in the evening, Gen. Brock arrived at Amherstburg about the hour Colonels M' Arthur and Cass marched, of which at that time I had received no information. On the 15lh, I received a summons from him to sur- render fort Detroit, ot which 1 here Willi enclose yon a copy, together with my answer. At this time I had received no inlormi.tion Iron Cols. JYTArthur and Cass. An express was immediately sent, strongly escorted, with orders for them to return. On the 15th, as soon as General Brock received my letter, his batteries opened on the town and fort, and co, tmued r.ntil evening. In the e\ening all the British Ships of war came nearly as far up the river as Sandwich, three miles below Detroit. At day- light on the 16th, (at which time 1 had received no information bom Cols. M' Arthur and Cass, my ex- presses sent the evening beiore, and in the night, hav- ing been prevented from passing by numerous todies of Indians) the cannonade recommenced, and in a short time I received information, that the British ar- my and Indians, were landing below the Spring wells, under the con er of their Ships of war. At this time the whole effective force at my disposal at Detroit did not exceed eight hundred men. Being new troops and unaccustomed to a camp life; having perform- ed a laborious inarch ; having been in a number of battles and skirmishes, in which many had fallen, and more had received wounds, in addition to which a large number being sick, and unprovided with medi- cine, and the comforts necessary for their situation; are the general causes by which the strength of the ' army was thusl reduced. The fort at this time was tilled with women, children, and the old and decrepit people of the town and country ; they were unsafe in* HISTORY OF THE WAR. 1 17 Jbhe town, as it was entirely open and exposed to the enemy's batteries. Back of' the tort, above or below it, th-re was no safety for them on account of the In- dians. In the first, instance, the enemy's tire vvas prin- cipally directed against our batteries; towards the close, it was directed against the fort alone, and al- most every shot and shell had their effect. I now became necessary either to light the enemy in the Held ; collect the whole force in the fort ; or pro- pose 1 terms of capitulation. I could not have carried into the field more th in six hundred men, and left any adequate force in the fort. There were landed at tha'. time of the enemy a regular force of much more than th it number] and twice that number of Indians. Co isuierm^ tins great inequality of force, I did not think it expedient to adopt the first measure. The second must have been attended with a gre.it sacri- fice of blood, and no possible advantage, because the contest could not have been sustained more than a day for the want of powder, and but a very few days tor the want of provisions, [n addition to this, Cols. M' Arthur and Cass would have been in a most haz- ardous situation. I feared nothing but the la-it altern- ative. I have dared to adopt it — I well know the high responsibility of the measure, and I take the whole of it on myself. It was dictated by a sense of duty, and a full conviction of its expediency. The bands of savages which had then joined the British force, were numerous beyond any former exam pie Their numbers have since increased, and the history of the barbarians of the north of Europe does not furnish examples of more greedy violence than these savages have exhibited. A large portion of the brave and gallant officers and. men I commanded would cheerfully have contested until the last cartridge had been expended, and the bayonets worn to the sockets. 1 could not consent to the useless sacrifice of such brave men, when I k tew it was impossible for me to sustain my situation. It w.is impossible in the nature pf things that an army could have been furnished with 148 HISTORY OF THE WAR. the necessary supplies of provision, piilitary stores, clothing, and comforts for the sick, on pack horses, through a wilderness of two hundred miles, filled with hostile savages. Il was impossihle, sir, that this lit* tie army, worn down by fatigue, by sickness, by •wounds, and deaths, could have supported itself not only against the collected force of all the northern nations of Indians, but against the united strength of Upper Canada, whose population consists of more than twenty times the number contained in the terri- tory of Michigan, aided by the principal part of the regular forces of the province, and the wealth and in- fluence of the North-West, and other trading estab- lishments among the Indians, "which have in their employment, and under their entire control, more than two thousand white men. Before I close this dispatch it is a duty I owe my respectable associates in command, Cols. M'Arthui\ Fmdley, Cass, and Lieut. Col. Miller, to express my obligations to them for the prompt and judicious manner in which they have performed their respec- tive duties. If aught has taken place during the cam- paign which is honorable to the army, these officers are entitled to a large share of it. If the last act should be disapproved, no part of the censure belongs to them. I have likewise to express my obligation to General Taylor, who has performed the duty of quai ter-master-General, for his great exertions in pro- curing every thing in his department which it was possible io furnish lor the covenience of the army; likewise to brigade-major Jessup for the correct and punctual manner in which he has discharged his du- ty ; and to the army generally for their exertion, and the zeal they have manifested for the public interest. The death of Dr. Foster, soon after he arrived at Detroit, was a severe misfortune to the army ; it was increased by the capture of the Ciiachaga packet, by which the medicine and hospital stores were lost. He was commencing the best arrangements in the de- partment of which he was the principal, with the very HISTORY OF TH-E WAR. 140 small menus which he possessed. I was likewise leprived of the necessary services of Capt. Partridge, >y sickness, the only officer of the corps of engineers ittached to the army. All the officers and men have ^one to their respective homes, excepting the 4th United States' regiment, and a small part of the first, md Capt. Dyson's company of artillery. Capt. Dy- ;on's company was left at Amherstburg, and the oth- ers are with me prisoners — they amount to about 340. [ have only to solicit an investigation of my conduct, is early as my situation, and the state of things will tdinit ; and to add the further request, that the gov- ernment will not be unmindful of my associates in captivity, and of the families of those brave men who lave fallen in the contest. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your most »bedient servant. W. HULL, Brig. Gen. Hon. W. Eustis, Secretary of War. [enclosed in the preceding dispatch.] Sandwich, 7th August, 1812. SIR— On the 4th inst. Maj. Vanhorn, of Col. Fmdley's ■egiment of Ohio volunteers, was detached from this irmy, with the command of 200 men, principally rifle- nen, to proceed to the river Raisin, and further, if ne- cessary, to meet and reinforce Capt. Brush, of the itate of Ohio, commanding a company of volunteers, tnd escorting provisions for this army. At Brovvns- own a large body of Indians had formed an ambus- cade, and the Major's detachment received a heavy ire, at the distance of fifty yards from the enemy, rhe whole detachment retreated in disorder. Major V\n Horn made every exertion to form, and prevent, he retreat, that was possible for a brave and gallant >ffiGer, but without success. By the return of killed md wounded, it will be perceived that the loss of offi- cers was uncommonly great. Their efforts to rally heir companies was the occasion of it. I am, very respectfully, yours, &c. WILLIAM HULL. Hon, Wm. Eustis, §c. 150 HISTORY OF THE WAR. KILLED, in Major Van Horn's defeat — 4 Captains, — 1 Lieutenant — 2 Ensigns — 10 privates. — ^Total 17. [enclosed in the preceding dispatch.] Detroit, 13th August. 1812. SIR, The main body of the army having re-crossed the river at Detroit, on the night and morning of the 8th inst; six hun Ired men W3re immediately detached under the command of Lieut. Col. vliller, to open the communication to the river Raisin, and orotect the provisions, which were under the escort of Ciot. Brush. This detachment consisted of the 4th Unit- ed States' regiment, and two small detachments un- der the command of Lieut. Stansbury and Ensign Mc Labe of the 1st regiment ; detachments from the Ohio and Michigan volunteers, a corps of artillerists, with one six-pounder and an howitzer under th^ command of Lieut. Eastman, and a part of Captains Smith and Sioau's Cavalry com nanded by Captain Sloan of the Ohio volunteers. Lieut. Col. Miller marched from Detroit on the afternoon of the 8th instant, and on the 9lh, about four o'clock, P. at, the van guard, com- manded by Capt. Snelling of die 4th United States' regiment, was tired on by an extensive line of British troops and Indians at the lower part of the Maguago about fourteen miles from Detroit. At this time the main body was marching in two columns, and Capt. Snelling in untamed his position in a most gallant manner, under a very heavy tire, until the line was formed and advanced to the ground he occupied, when the whole, excepting tire rear guard, was brought into action. The enemy were formed behind a tempora- ry breast work of logs, the Indians extending in a thick wood on their left. Lieut. Colonel Miller or- dered his whole line to advance, and when within a small distance of the enemy made a general discharge, and proceeded with charged bayonets, when the Brit- ish line and Indians commenced a retreat. They were pursued in a most vigorous manner about two HISTORY OF THE WAR. 151 miles, and the pursuit discontinued only on account or the fatigue of the troops, the approach of eve- ning, and the necessity of returning to take care of the wounded. The judicious arrangements made by Lieut Col. Miller, and the gallant manner in which they were executed, justly entitle him to the highest honor. From the moment the line commenced the fi.e, it continually moved on, and the enemy main- tained their position until forced at the point of the bayonet. The Indians on the lelt commanded by Tecumseh, fought with great obstinacy, but were con- tinually forced and compelled to retreat. The victory was complete in every part ot the line, and the suc- cess would have been more brilliant had the cavalry charged the enemy on the retreat, when a most favor- able opportunity presented. Although orders were given for the purpose, unfortunately they were not executed. Majors Van Horn and Morrison, of the Ohio volunteers, were associated with Lieut. Colonel Miller, as field officers in this command, and were highly distinguished by their exertions in forming the line, and the firm and intripid manner they led their respective commands to action. Captain Baker, of the 1st United States regiment, Capt. Brevort of the 2d, and Capt. Hull of the 13th, my aid-de-camp, and Lieut. Whistler of the 1st. re- quested permission to join the detachment as volun- teers. Lieut. Col. Miller assigned commands to Capt. Baker and Lieut. Whistler ; and Capts. Bre- vort and Hull at his request, attended his person mid aided him in the general arrangements. Lieut. Col. Miller has mentioned the conduct of these office, s in terms of high approbation. In addition to the Cap- tains who have been named, Lieut. Col. Miller has mentioned .Captains Burton and Fuller, of the 4th regiment, Captains Saunders and Brown of the Ohio volunteers, and Capt. Delandreof the Michigan volun- teers, who were attached to his command — and dis- tinguished by their valor. It is impossible for me, in 152 HISTORY OF THE WAE. this communication, to do justice to the officers and soldiers, who gained the Victory which I have descri- bed. They have acquired high honor to themselves and are justly entitled to the gratitudeof their country. Major Muir, of the.41.st regiment, commanded the British in this action. Th« regulars and volunteers consisted of about four hundred, and a large number of Indians. Major IVJuir and two subalterns were wounded, one of them since dead. About forty In- dians Mere founfl dead on the held? and Tecumseh, their leader was slightly~w6unded. The number of wounded Indians who escaped has not been ascertain- ed. Four of Major Muir'sdetachmenthave been made prisoners, and fifteen of the 41st regiment killed and wounded. The militia and volunteers attached to his command were in the severest part of the action, and their loss must have been great — it has not yet been ascertained. I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant, WILLIAM HULL, Brig. Geiu JElon. William Eustis, Secretary of War. Return of. Hie killed and wounded in the action fuvgJd near Magaago, August 9th, 1812. ■ 4th U. S, regiment — 10 non-commissioned officers andprivates killed, and 45 wounded : Capt. Baker of the 1st regiment of infantry ; Lieut. Larabee ot the 4th; Lieut. Peters of the 41 h ', Ensign Whistler of the 17th, doing duty in the 4th ; Lieut. Silly, and an Ensign, whose name has not been relumed lo me were wounded. In the Ohio and Michigan volunteers, 8 were killed and 12 wounded. WILLIAM HULL HISTORY OF THE WAR. 153 GENERAL ORDERS. Head- Quarters at Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812. It is with pain and anxiety that Brigadier General Hull announces to the North- Western army, that he has been compelled from a sense of duty, to agree to the following articles of capitulationc CAPITULATION. Camp Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812. Capitulation of surrendering' fort Detroit, entered into between Major-General Brock, commanding his Britannic Majesty's forces, of the one part, and Brig. General Hull, commanding the North- Western army of the United States, of the other part : Article 1st. Fort Detroit, with all the troops, reg- ulars as well as militia, will be immediately surren- dered to the British forces under the command of Major-General Brock, and will be considered as prisoners of war, with the exception of such of the militia of the Michigan territory, who have not join- ed the army. Article 2d. All public stores, arms, and public documents, including every thing else of a public na- ture, will be immediately given up. Article 3d. Private persons and private property of every description will be respected. Article 4th. His excellency Brig. General Hull, having expressed a desire that a detachment from the state of Ohio, on its way to join the army, as well as one sent from fort Detroit, under the command of Col. M' Arthur, should be included in the above stip- ulation, it is accordingly agreed to. It is, however^ to be understood, that such parts of the Ohio militia as have not joined the army, will be permitted to re- turn home on condition that they will not serve during the war — their arms, however, will be delivered up if belonging to the public, 20 J 64 HISTORY OP THE WAR. Article 5th. The garrison will march out at the hour of 12 o'clock this day, and the British force?; will take immediate possession of the fort. J. M'DOWEL, Lt. Col. Militia B. A. D. C. f. B. GREGG, Major A. D.C. (Approved) WILLIAM HULL, Brig. Gen. JAMES MILLER, Lt. Col. 5th U. S. Infantry, L. BRUSH, Col. 1st Reg. Michigan. Militia. (Approved) ISAAC BROCK, Maj. Gen. The army at 12 o'clock this day will march out of the east gate, where they will stack their arms, and will be then subject to the articles of capitulation, WILLIAM HULL, Brig. Gen. Letter from Col. Cass of the army late under the com- mand of Brig. Gen. Wm. Hull, to the Secretary of War. Washington, Sept. 10, 1812. SIR — Having been ordered on to this place by Col. M' Arthur, for the purpose of communicating to the government particulars respecting the expedition lately commanded by Brig. General Hull, and its disastrous result, as might en-bie them correctly to appreciate the conduct of the officers and men ; and to develope the causes which produced so foul a stain upon the national character, I have the honor to sub- mit for your consideration, the following statement. When the forces landed in Canada, they landed with an ardent zeal and stimulated with the hope of conquest. No enemy appeared within view of us, and had an immediate and vigorous attack been made upon Maiden, it Mould doubtless have fallen an easy ■victory. I know General Hull afterwards declared he regretted this attack had not been made, and he had every reason to believe success would have crown- ed his efforts. The reason given for delaying our operations was to mount our heavy cannon, and Jto afford to the Canadian militia time and opportunity to quit an obnoxious service. In the course of two weeks the number of their militia, who were embodi-r HISTORY OF THE WAR. i '- ed, had decreased by desertion from six hundred to one humlred men ; and, in the course of three weeks, the cannon were mounted, the ammunition fixed, and every preparation made for an immediate investment of the fort. At a council, at which were present all the field officers, and which was held two da\s before our preparations were completed, it was unanimously agreed to make an immediate attempt, to accomplish the object of the expedition. If by waiting two days we could Ityve the service of our heavy artillery, it was agreed to wait ; if not, it was determined to go without it, and attempt the place by storm. This opinion appeared to correspond with the views of the General, and the day was appointed for commencing our march. He declared to me, that he considered himself pledged to lead the army to Maiden. The ammunition was placed in the waggons ; the cannon embarked on board the floating batteries, and every re- quisite article was prepared. The spirit and zeal, the ardor and animation displayed by the officers and men, on learning the near accomplishment of their wishes, was a sure and sacred pledge, that in the hour of trial they would notbe found wanting in their duty to their country and themselves. But a change of measures, in opposition to the wishes and opinions of all the offi- cers, was adopted by the General. The plan of at- tacking Maiden was abandoned, and instead of ac- ting offensively, we broke up our camp, evacuated Canada, and reerossed the river, in the night, without even the shadow of an enemy to injure us. We lett to the tender mercy of the enemy the miserable Can- adians who had joined us, and the protection we af- forded them was but a passport to veugeance. This fatal and unaccountable step dispirited the troops, and destroyed the little confidence which a series of timid* irresolute and indecisive measures had left in the com* mandingr officer. About the 10th of August, the enemy received a reinforcement of four hundred men. On the twelfth the commanding officers of three of the regiments* 156 HISTORY OF THE WAB. (the fourth was absent) were informed through a me* dium which admitted of no doabt, that the General had stated that a capitulation would he necessary. They on the same day addressed to Governor Meigs, of Ohio, a letter, of which the following is an extract, * Believe all ike bearer will tell you. Helieve it, however it may astonish you, as much as if it had been told by one of us. Even a c n, is talked oj by the The bearer will fill the vacancy.' The doubtful fate of this letter rendered it necessa* ry to use circumspection m its details, and therefore these blanks were left. The word * capitulation* will iill the first, and s commanding general,' the other. As no enemy was near us, and as the superiority of our force was manifest, we could see no necessity for capitulating, nor any propriety in alluding to it. We therefore determined in the last resort to incur the re-? sponsibility of divesting the General of his command. This plan was eventually prevented by two of the commanding officers of regiments being ordered upon detachments. On the 13th the British took a position opposite to Detroit, and began to throw up works. During that and the two following days, they pursued their object without interruption and established a battery for two J 8 pounders and an 8 inch howitzer. About sun-set on the evening of the 14th a detachment of 350 men from the regiments commanded by Col. M' Arthur, and myself, was ordered to march to the river Raisin, to escort the provisions, which had sometime remain- ed there protected by a party under the command of capt. Brush. On Saturday, the 1 5th about 1 o'clock, a flag of truce arrived from Sandwich, bearing a summons from General Brock for the surrender of the town and fort ot Detroit, stating he could no longer restrain the fury oi the savages. To this an immediate and sp r- ited refusal was ret urned. About four o'clock li.eir batteries began to play upon the town. The tire \\ as IIISTOllV OF Tilt WAK. 157 returned and continued without interruption and with little effect till dark. Their shells were thrown till eleven o'clock. At day-lightthe firing- on both sides recommenced ; about the same time the enemy began to land troops at the Spring wells, three miles below Detroit, pro- tected by two of their armed vessels. Between^) and 7 o'clock they had effected their landing, and imme- diately took up their line of march. They moved in close column of platoons, twelve in front, upon the bank of the river. The fourth regiment was stationed in the fort ; the Ohio volunteers and a part of the Michigan militia, behind some pickets, in a situation in which the whole flank of the enemy would have been exposed. The residue of the Michigan militia were in the upper part of the town to resist the incursions of the savages. Two 24-pounders, loaded with grape shot, were post- ed on a commanding eminence, ready to sweep the advancing column. In this situation the superiority of our position was apparent, and' our. troops, in- the eager expectation of victory, awaited the approach of the enemy. Not a discontent broke upon the ear ; not a look of cowardice met the eye. Every man ex- pected a proud day for his country, and eachlwas anxious that his individual exertion should contribute to the general result. When the head of their column arrived within about five hundred yards of our line, orders were received from Gen. Hull for the whole to retreat to the fort, and for the 24-pounders not to open upon the enemy. One universal burst of indignation was apparent Upon the receipt of this order. Those, whose conviction was the deliberate result of a dispassionate examina- tionof passing events, saw the folly and impropriety of crowding 1100 men into a little work, which 300 men could fully man, and into which the shot and shells of the enemy were falling. The fort was in this manner filled ; the men were directed to stack their arms, and scarcely was an opportunity afforded of moving. 158 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Shortly after a white flag- was hang- out upon the wall* A British officer rode up to inquire the cause. A communication passed between the commading Gen> erals, which ended in the capitula tion submitted t« you. In entering into this capitulation, the Genera took counsel from his own feelingsonly. Not an ofti* cer was consulted. Not one anticipated a surrender, till he saw the white flag displayed. Even the wo. men were indignant at so shameful a degradation of the American character, and all felt as they should have felt, but he who held in his hands tiie reins of authority. Our morning report had that morning made our effective men present, fit for duty 1060, without inclu- ding the detachment before alluded to, and without including 300 of the Michigan militia on duty. About dark on Saturday evening the detachment sent to escort the provisions, received orders from Gen. Hull to return with as much expedition as possible. About ten o'clock the next day they arrived within sight of Detroit. Had a firing been heard, or any re- sistance visible, they would have immediately advanc- ed and attacked the rear of the enemy. The situa- tion in which this detachment was placed, although the result of accident, was the best for annoying the enemy and cutting off his retreat that could have been selected. With his raw troops enclosed between twa fires and no hopes of succor, it is hazarding little to say, that very few would have escaped. I have been informed by Col. Findley, who saw the return of their quarter- master-general the day after the surrender, that their whole force of every descrip- tion, white, red, and black, was 1030. They had twenty nine platoons, twelve in a platoon, of men dres- sed in uniform. Many of these were evidently Can- adian militia. The rest of the militia increased their white force to about seven hundred men. The num- ber of ther Indians could not be ascertained with any degree of precision ; not many were visible. And in the event of an attack upon the town and fort, it was a HISTORY OF THE WAR. 159 species of force which could have afforded no material advantage to the enemy. In endeavoring to appreciate the motives and to in- vestigate the causes, which led to an event so unex- pected and dishonorable, it is impossible to tind any solution inlhe relative strength ofthe contending parties, or in the measures of resistance hi our power. That we were far superior to the enemy ; that upon any ordinary principles of calculation we would have de- feated them, the wounded and indignant feelings of every man there will testify. A few days before the surrender, I was informed by Gen* Hull, we had 400 rounds of 24 pound shot fix- ed, and about 100,000 cartridges made. We surren- dered with the fort, 40 barrels of powder, and 2500 stand of arms. The state of our provision has not been generally understood. On the day of the surrender we had fif- teen days' provisions of every kind on hand. Of meat there was plenty in the country, and arrange- ments had beeu made for purchasing grain and grind- ing it to flour, it was calculated we could readily procure three months' provisions, independent of 150 barrels flour, and 1300 head of cattle, which had been forwarded from the state of Ohio, and which remained at the river Raisin, under Capt. Brush, within reach of the army. But had we been totally destitute of provisions, our duty and our interest undoubtedly was to fight. The enemy invited us to meet him in the field. By defeating him the whole country would have been open to us, and the object ot our expedition :»lonously and successfully obtained. If we had been defeated we had nothing to do but to retreat to the fort, and make the best defence which circum- stances and our situation rendered practicable. But basely to surrender, without tiring a n. ,• , UVee " 3 °, a " d 4 ° I,,dians *»v»a from the Prophet., town, with a white flag; amoV whom we about te„ women : the men" vvere compose of ch,e . of the different tribes that compose the Prophet . party. A Shawanoe man, that spoke Uod English, mtormed me that old Lena.- intended to tTeai "At' ref 7?""*' *"} *> t0 #«**£»»* to eat. At retreat beating* I examined the men's arms a„d found them all in good order, and com! ni, I lhe Z, C1 " ln '° es ,0 16 '"""< ls l'« man. As I hid Z i. ?? eto " ,0 "" t a &*** »' »'°- «■*• s,x p, . RmeVast Tl " "-<-<>'"'''-<>»ed officers, for some 1 { ' ,T d sc ! melnms l ,,nt of *<*t every other day, from the unhealthiness of the company / 1 had thTs nost Ce sh m' ? ; ,! '' Ce !>de( ' Uate f '° r *° *&"<* of recove ed 1°. ^ v '§ orous, y »*«'<*** J had just recovered from a very severe attack of the fever and £a. no able to be up much through the night. Af de ed o CaU r'r ed lhe ^ ,0 * "A and or- dered one of the non-commissioned officers, a.s eeuti- a,t,T £* ^-r^ P alt 0f *» Pri™, «o v. ■ aiound on the made during the whole night to pre .. HISTOJIY Oi Tilt WAR: ] o veut the Indians taking- any advantage of us, nrovi(l- ed they had any intent!on of attacking- us. About 1 1 o'clock, I was awakened by the tiring- of one of the centmels; I sprang up, run out, and ordered the men to their posts: when mv orderly sergeant (who had charge of the upper block boose) called out that the Indians had hied the lower block house (which con- tained the property of the contractor, which was de- posited m the lower part, the upper part having- been assingned to a corporal and ten privates, as an alarm post. ) The guns had begun to fire pretty smartly trom both sides. I directed the buckets to be got ready and water brought from the well, and the tire extinguished immediately, as it was hardly perceiv- able at that time; but from debility or some other cause, the men were very slow in executing my or- ders— the word fire appeared to throw thewhol'e of them into confusion ; and by the time they had got the water, and broken open the door, the fire had un> iortunately communicated to a quantity of whisky (the itock having licked several holes through the lower part of the budding, after the salt that was stored there, through which they had introduced the fire with- out bem^ discovered, as the night was very dark ) and in spite of every exertion we could make use of in less than a moment it ascended to the roof, and baf- fled all our efforts to extinguish it. As that block- house adjoined the barracks that make part of the for- tifications, most of the men immediately gave them- selves up for lost, and I had the greatest difficulty in getting any of my orders executed— and, sir, what irom the raging of the tire— the yelling and KowIinV of several hundred Indians— the cries of nine women and children (a part soldiers' and a part citizens- wives, who had taken shelter in the fort)— and the despond. ,,g of so many of the men, which was worse than all, 1 can assure you thatmv feelings were very unpleasant ; and indeed there were not more than JO or lo men able to do a great deal, the others being either sick or convalescent— md to add to our other l6o HISTORY OF THE WAtt. misfortunes, two of the stoutest men in the fort, und that I had every confidence in, jumped the picket and left us. But my presence of mind did not for a mo- ment forsake me. I saw, by throwing oft* part ol the roof that joined the block-house that was on fire, and keeping the end perfectly wet, the whole row of build- ings might be saved, and leave only an entrance of 18 or 20 feet for the Indians to enter after the house "was consumed ; and that a temporary breast-work might be erected to prevent their even entering there. I convinced the men that this could be accomplished, and it appeared to inspire them with new life, and never did men act with more firmness and despera- tion. Those that were able (while the others kept up a constant fire from the other block-house and the two bastions,) mounted the roofs of the houses with Dr. Clark at their head, who acted with the greatest firmness and presence of mind, the whole time the attack lasted, which was 7 hours, under a shower of bullets, and in a moment threw off as much of the roof as was necessary. This was done only with the loss of one man, and two wounded, and I am in hopes neither of them dangerous. — The man that was killed was a little deranged, and did not get off the house as soon as directed, or he would not have been hurt ; and although the barracks were several times in a blaze, and an immense quantity of fire against them, the men used such exertions that they kept it under, and before day raised a temporary breast-work as high as a man's head ; although the Indians continu- ed to pour in a heavy fire of ball and an innumera- ble quantity of arrows, during the whole time the at- tack lasted, I had but one other man killed inside the fort, and he lost his life by being too anxious — he got into one of the gallies of the bastions, and fired over the pickets, and called out to his comrades that he had killed an Indian, and neglecting to stoop down, in an instant lie was shot dead. O.ie.of the men that jump- ed the pickets, returned an hour before day, and run- ning up towards the gate, begged for God's sake for HISTORY OP THE WAR. 167 it to be opened. I suspected it to be a stratagem of the Indians to get in, as I did not recollect the voice — I directed the men in the bastion, where I happen- ed to be, to shoot him let him be who he would, and one of them tired at him but fortunately he run up to the other bastion, where they knew his voice, and Dr. Clark directed hirn to lie down close to the pickets be- hind an empty barrel that happened to be there, and at day light I had him let in. His arm was broken in a most shocking manner, which he says was done by the Indians — which I suppose was the cause of his re- turning — I think it probable that he will not recover. The other, they caught about 120 yards from the garrison, and cut him all to pieces. After keeping up a constant fire Until about six o'clock the next morning, which we returned with some effect; after day-light, they removed out of the reach of our guns. A party of them drove up the horses that belonged to the citizens here, and as they could not catch them very readily, shot the whole of them in our sight, as well as a number of their hogs They drove off the whole of the cattle, which amounted to sixty-five head, as well as the public oxen. 1 had tho vacancy filled up before night, (which was made by the burn- ing of the block house) with a strong row of pickets, which I got by pulling down the guard house. Wo lost the whole of our provisions, but must make out to live upon green corn until we can get a supply, which I am in hopes will not be long. I believe the whole of the Miamies or Weas, were among the Pro- phet's party, as one chief gave his orders in that lan- guage, which resembled Stone Eater's voice, and I believe Negro Legs was there likewise. The In- dians suffered smartly, but were so numerous as to take off all that were shot. (Signed) Z.TAYLOR His Excellency Governor Harrison 168 HISTORY OP THE WAR. Copy of a letter from Major Thomas S. Jessvp and James Taylor, Q. J\J. Gen, N. W. Army, to a gentleman in Washington City, dated Chdicothc, (Ohio) Oct. 7. SIR — Your letler has been received, requesting from us a corroboration of Col. Cass's statement to the Secretary of War, of the surrender of the north- western army. We have read the colonel's statement with attention, and find it a pretty correct history of our situation, although we have observed that some important facts have been omitted. We have also read and examined the official report of Gen. Hull, and have found it abounding with inaccuracies and mistate- ments ; the general has not only underrated his own force, but has, in our opinion, magnified infinitely that of the enemy, and enumerated dangers and difficul- ties that existed only in imagination. That the means within our power were not proper- ly applied, is a melancholy fact; and that the army was unnecessarily sacrificed, and the American arms disgrace4». none but the base and cowardly will at- tempt to deny. You are authorised to make what use you may think proper of this letter. We are with much respect. Your obedient servants, THOMAS S. .JESSl P, Brigade DJajor A. W. Armtf. JAMES TAYLOR, Q. M. Gen. A. M . Amy. Shirmt:ihiiig—-Qi\\iV. Williams, on the SOtli of Au- gust, with 21 men, and two waggons, proceeding from St. Mary's to St. John's river, was attacked by nn ambuscading parly of Indians, who killed one man and wounded six more, including Capt. Williams, who received seven wounds ; three through one hand, and four in one leg. — He effected a retreat about "200 yards to a swamp, where he made a stand, and fought until all the ammunition was expended on both sides. when the Indians made an attempt with their toma- hawks, which this Utile bard ?oon put a stop to, by HISTORY OF THE WAR. 169 charging bayonet and rushing- on them* The In- dians destroyed one waggon and took the other to carry off their killed and wounded. Capt. Williams then proceeded to St. John's with his well and wound- ed, excepting one man, who was not able to travel. The next day a party of Indians returned to the spot, when the wounded man rose up as well as he could, and called upon his party to rush upon the Indians, which startled them in such a manner that one of them sprung from his horse, which, the wounded man caught, and arrived sate at St. John's. C!apt. Forsyth, with 70 of his rifle company, and 34 militia volunteers, on the night of the 20th September, 1812, went over to a small village called Gananoque, in the town of Leeds, from C.xpe Vincent, for the purpose of destroying the king's store house at that place. They landed unobserved, but were soon dis- covered by a party of regulars of about 125, and fired upon. — Capt. Forsyth returned the tire with such spirit, that they were obliged to retreat to the village, where they were reinforced by a number of militia, when they again rallied, but finding the contest too sanguine, retreated the second time in disorder, leav- ing 10 killed, and 8 regulars and a number of militia, prisoners: Capt. Forsyth had oidy one man killed aud one slightly wounded. After destroying the store house, with a quantity of flour and pork, our little band of heroes, returned to Cape Vincent, tak- ing with them the prisoners, 60 stand of arms, two barrels of fixed ammunition, one barrel of powder, one barrel of flints, and a quantity of other public property taken from the store-house. On the 4th of October, about forty British boats, escorted by two gun boats, attempted to pass from Johnstown to Prescott, by Ogdensburg. — On their leaving Johnstown, the batteries at Prescott opened on Ogdensburg, and kept up a brisk fire, which was re- 170 HISTORY OF THE WAR. turned in a spirited manner, and continued two hours The next morning the enemy commenced a heavy cannonade on us from Prescott, where the boats lay, which was continued with little intermission, through the day without any return from us ; General Brown considering - it useless to fire such a distance. The enemy was very busy during the day in preparing" for an attack on Ogdensburg — the next morning about 10 o'clock, 25 boats, aided by 2 gun boats moved up the river three quarters of a mile, when they tacked and stood over for our shore. As soon as the boats changed their course, the batteries from Prescott opened their fire upon us, which was not answered till the boats had advanced to about the middle of the river, when our batteries commenced a tremendous fire upon them, which destroyed three, and caused the remainder to seek shelter under the batteries of Prescott. Cols. Lethridge and Breckenridge, led the British. There was not one man either killed or wounded on our side, whilst the enemy lost twelve killed and 20 wounded. Affair at St. Regis. — Major Young, of the Troy, N. Y. militia, stationed at French Mills, on the St. Regis river, having received intelligence that a party of the enemy had arrived at, and taken possession of St. Regis village, marched a detachment, on the night of the 21st October, which crossed the river about 3 o'clock, and arrived within half a mile of the village by 5 in the morning, unobserved by the enemy. Here the Major made such a judicious disposition of his force, that the enemy were entirely surrounded, when a few discharges upon them caused them to surrender, after having 5 killed, and several wounded. — The result of this afl'air, was 40 prisoners, with their arms, equipments, &c. one stand of colors, and two bat- teaux, without having one man hurt, on our side. Major Y oung had the honor of taking the first stan- dard from the enemy in the present war. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 171 Letter from Captain Elliot to the Secretary of the Navy. Black Rock, Oct. 9, 1812. SIR— I have the honor to inform you that on the morning of the 8th mst. two British vessels, which I was informed were his Britannic Majesty's brig- De- troit, late the United States brig Adams, and the brig Hunter, mounting' 14 guns, but which afterwards proved to be the brig Caledonia, both said to be well armed and manned, came down the Lake and anchor- ed under the protection of Fort Erie. Having been on the lines for some time and in'a measure inactively employed, I determined to make an attack, and if possible to get possession of them. A strong induce- ment to this attempt arose from a conviction that with these two vessels added to those which I have purchas- ed and am fitting out, 1 should be able to meet the re- mainder of the British force on the Upper Lakes, and save an incalculable expense and labor to the govern- ment. On the morning of their arrival I heard that our seamen were but a short distance from this place, and immediately dispatched an Express to the officers, directing them to use all possible dispatch in getting their men to this place, as I had important service to perform. On their arrival, which was abouut 12 o'clock, I discovered that they had only 20 pistols and neither cutlasses nor battle ax.es. But on appli- cation to Generals Smith and Hall of the regulars and militia, I was supplied with a few arms, and Gen. Smith was so good on my request as immediately tode- tach fifty men from the regulars, armed with mus- kets. By 4 o'clock in the afternoon, I had my men select- ed and stationed in two boats, which I had previous- ly prepared for the purpose. With these boats, 50 men in each, and under circumstances very disadvan- tageous, my men having scarely had time to refresh themselves after afatigueing march of 600 miles, I put off from the month of Buffalo creek, at 1 o'clock the following morniiig, and at 3 1 was along side the ves- 172 HISTORY OF THE WAR. sels. In the space of about ten minutes I bad the pris- oners all secured, the topsails sheeted home, and the vessels under way. Unfortunately the wind was not sufficiently strong to get me upagainstarapid current imo the Lake, where I had understood another arnu:d vessel lav at anchor, and I was obliged to run down the river by the Forts, under a heavy fire of round, grape, and cannister, from a number of pieces of heavy ordnance, and several pieces of fl\ing artillery, and compelled to anchor at a distance of about 400 yards from two of their batteries. After the discharge of the first gun, which was from the fly- ing artillery, I hailed the shore, and observed to the officer, that if another gun was fired I would bring the prisoners on deck, and expose them to the same fate we would all share — but notwithstanding, they disregarded the caution and continued a constant and destructive fire. One single moment's reflection de- termined me not to commit an act that would subject me to the imputation of barbaritx. The Caledonia had been beached, in as safe a position as the circum- stances would admit of, under one of our batteries at the Black Rock. 1 now brought all the guns of the Detroit on one side next the enemy, stationed the men at them, and directed a fire which was continued as long as our ammunition lasted and circumstances permitted. During the contest I endeavored to g^t the Detroit on our side by sending a line, there being no wind, on shore, with all the line I could muster ; but the current being so strong, the boat could not reach the shore. I then hailed our shore, and re- quested that warps should be made fast on land, and sent on board, the attempt to all which again prov- ed useless. As the fire was such as would, in all probability, sink the vessel in a short time, I determin- ed to drift down the river out of the reach of the bat- teries, and make a stand against the flying artillery. I accordingly cut the cable, made sail with very light airs, and at that instant discovered that the pilot had abandoned me. I dropped astern for about 10 mi- nutes, when 1 was brought upon our shore on Squaw HISTORY OF THE WAR. 173 Island — got the boarding- boat ready, had the prison- ers put in and sent on shore, with directions for the officer to return for me and what property we could get from the brig. He did not return, owing to the difficulty in the boat's getting on shore. Discover- ing a skiff under the counter, I put the four remain- ing prisoners in the boat, and with my officers I went on shore to bring the boat off. I asked for protec- tion to the brig of Lieut. Col. Scott who readily gave it. At this moment I discovered a boat with about 40 soldiers from the British side, making for the brig. They got on board, but were soon compelled to aban- don her, with the loss of nearly all their men. Ma- jor Ormsbee, Commandant of Fort Erie and 30 privates were killed, while on board. During the whole of this morning both sides of the river kept up alternately a continual fire on the brig, and so much injured her that it was impossible to have float- ed her. Before I left her, she had several shot of large size in her bends, her sails in ribbons, and rig- ging all cut to pieces. To my officers and men I feel under great obliga- tion. ToCapt. Towson and Lieut. Roach of the 2d regiment of artillery, Ensign Prestman of the infantry, C iptain Chapin, Mr. John M'Comb, Messrs. John Town, Thomas Dain, Peter Overstocks, and James Sloan, resident gentlemen of Buffalo, for their soldier and sailor like conduct. In a word, sir, every man fought as if with their hearts animated only by the in- terest and honor of their country. The prisoners I have turned over to the military. The Detroit mounted fourteen long guns, a com- manding Lieut, marines, a boatswain and gunner, and 5(3 men— about 30 American prisoners on board, muskets, pistols, cutlasses, and battle axes. In boar- ding her I lost one man, one officer wounded, Mr. John C. Cummings, acting midshipman, a bayonet through the leg— his conduct was correct, and de- serves the notice of the Department. The Caledonia mounted two small guns, blunderbusses, pistols, mus- kets, cutlasses, and boarding pikes, 12 men including 174 HISTORY OF THE WAR. officers, 10 prisoners on board. The boat boarding' her was commanded by sailing master Geo. Watts, who performed Ins duty in a masterly style. But one man killed, and four wounded badly, I am afraid mortally. I enclose you a list of the officers and men engaged in the enterprise, and also a view of the Lake and river in the different situations of attack. In a day or two I shall forward the names of the pri- uoners. The Caledonia belongs to the N. W. Com- pany, loaded with furs worth I understood 8200,000. With sentiments of respect, I have the honor to be, &c. JESSE D. ELLIOT. Hon. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy. Extract of a letter from Capt. Heald, late command- ant at fort Chicago, dated at Pittsburg, Oct. 23, 1812. * On the 9th of August last, I received orders from General Hull to evacuate the post and proceed with my command to Detroit by laud, leaving it at my dis- cretion to dispose of the public property as I thought proper. The neighboring Indians got the informa- tion as early as I did, and came in from all quarters m order to receive the goods in the factory store which they understood were to be given them. On the 13th Capt. Wells, of Port Wayne, arrived with about 30 jVhamies, for the purpose of escorting us in, by the re- quest of General Hull. On the 14lh I delivered the Indians all the goods in the factory store and a consid- erable quantity of provisions which we could not take away with us. The surplus, and ammunition I thought proper to destroy, fearing they would make bad use of it if put in their possession. I also de- stroyed all the liquor on hand soon after they began to • collect. The collection was unusuily large for that place, but they conducted with the strictest propriety till after I left the fort. On the 10th at t) in the morn- ing, we commenced our march ; a pari of the Miam- ies were detached in front and the remainder in our rear, as guards, under the direction of Capt. Wells. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 176 The situation of the country rendered it necessary lor vis to take the beach, with the lake on our left, and a high sand bank on our right, at about 100 .yards dis- tance. We had proceeded about a mile and an half, when it was discovered that the Indians were prepar- ed to attack us from behind the bank, i immediate* !y marched up with the company to the top of the bank, when the action commenced ; after tiring* one round, we charged, and the Indians gave way in front and joined those on our Hanks. In about io minutes they got posession of all our horses, provisions, and baggage of everv description, and rinding the Miamies did not assist us, I drew off the few men I had left and took prosession of a small elevation in the open prairie out of shot of the bank or any other cover. The Indians did not follow me, but assembled in a body on the top of the bank, and, after some consultation among- themselves, made signs for me to approach tham. I advanced towards them alone and was met by one of the Potawattamie chiefs called the Black Bird, with an interpreter. After shaking hands, he request- ed me to surrender, promising to spare the lives of all the prisoners. On a few moments consideration, I concluded it would be most prudent to comply with his request, although I did not put entire confidence in his promise. After delivering up our arms, we were taken back to their encampment near the fort, and distributed among the different tribes. The next morning they set fire to the fort and left the place, tak- ing the prisoners with them. Their number of war- riors was between four and five hundred, mostly of the Potawattamie nation, and their loss, from the best mformation I could get, was about 15. Our strength was 54 regulars and 12 militia, out of which 26 regu- lars and all the militia were killed in the action, with two women and twelve children. Ensign George Ronan, and Dr. Isaac V. Van Voorhis of my compa- ny, with Capt. Wells of Fort Wayne, are to my ureal sorrow, numbered among the dead. Lieut. Lina T. Helm, with 25 non-commissioned officers and pri • 176 HISTORY OF THE WAR, vates, and 11 women and children, were prisoners when we were separated. Mrs. Heald and myself were taken to the mouth of the river St. Joseph, and, beinff both badly wounded, were permitted to reside with Mr. Burnet, an [ndian trader. In a tew days after our arrival there, the Indians all went off to take Fort Wayne, and in their absence I engaged a French- man to take us to Michilimackinac by water, where I gave myself upas a prisoner of war, with one of my sergeants. The commanding officer, Capt. Roberts, offered me every assistance in his power to render our situation comfortable while we remained there, and to enable us to proceed on our journev. To him I gave my parole of honor and came on to Detroit and reported myself to Col. Proctor, who gave us a passage to Buffalo ; from that place 1 came by the way of Presque Isle and arrived here yesterday.' Copy oj a letter from Mr. S. T. Anderson, enclosing one from Commodore Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. Sacket's Harbor, 13th Nov. 1812. —at night. SIR — Since the enclosed letter from the Commo- dore was written, the Growler has returned with a prize, and in her Captain Brock, brother to the late General of that name, with the baggage of the latter. By the prize we learned that the Earl Moira was off the False Ducks, and the Commodore has put off in a snow storm in the hope of cutting her oft' from Kingston. From information received from Capt. Brock, there is no question but that Kingston is very strongly de- fended. He expressed surprise to find our a essels had got out of the harbor after having been in it ; and says that the regiment to which he belongs is quar- tered there, 500 strong, besides other regulars, and a well appointed militia. The resistance made tnily justifies this report. Be assured, sir, that m the ao HISTORY OP THE WAR. 177 tion of which the Commodore has given you an ao count, the national honor has been most ably sup- ported. In great haste, your most obedient servant, SAMUEL T. ANDERSON. Hon. Paul Hamilton, /Secretary of the Navy. Sacket's Harbor, 13th Nov. 1812. SIR — I arrived here last evening in a gale of wind, the pilots having refused to keep the Lake. On the 8th I fell in with the Royal George, and chased her into the bay of Quanti, where I lost sight of her in the night. On the morning of the 9th, we again got sight of her lying in Kingston channel. We gave chase, and followed her into the harbor of Kingston, where we engaged her and the batteries for one hour and 45 minutes. I had made up my mind to board her, but she was so well protected by the batteries, and the wind blowing directly in, it was deemed im- prudent to make the attempt at that time ; the pilots aJso refused to take charge of the vessel. Under these circumstances, and it being after sun-down, I determined to haul off and renew the attack next, morning. We beat up in good order under a heavy fire from the Royal George and batteries, to 4 mile point, where we anchored. It blew heavy in squalls from the westward during the night, and there was every appearance of a gale of wind. The pilots be- came alarmed and I thought it most prudent to get into a place of more safety. I therefore (very reluct- antly) deferred renewing the attack upon the ships and forts until a more favorable opportunity. In our passage through the bay of Q,uanti, I dis- covered a shooner at the village of Armingstown,, which we took possession of, but finding she would detain us (being then in chase of the Royal George) I ordered Lieut. Macpherson to take out her sails and rigging and burn her, which he did. We also too^ the schooner Mary, Hall, from Niagara, at the mouth of Kingston harbor, and took her with us to our an*. 28 178 H1ST0KY OF THE WAR. chorage. The next morning, finding that she could not beat through the channel with us, I ordered the sailing master of the Growler to take her under con- voy and run down past Kingston, anchor on the east end of Long Island, and wait for a wind to come upon the east side. I was also in hopes that the Royal George might be induced to follow for the purpose of retakingour prize, but her commander was too well aware of the consequences to leave his moor- ings. We lost in this affair one man killed, and three slightly wounded, with a few shot in our sails. The other vessels lost no men and received but little injury in their hulls and sails, with the exception of the Pert, whose gun bursted in the early part of the action, and wounded her commander (sailing master Arundel) badly, and a midshipman and three men slightly. Mr. Arundel, who refused to quit the deck although wounded, was knocked overboard in beating up to our anchorage, and I am sorry say, was drowned. The Royal George must have received very con- siderable injury in her hull and in men, as the gun vessels with a long 32 pounder were seen to strike her almost every shot, and it was observed that she was reinforced with troops four different times during the action. It was thought by all the officers in the squadron that the enemy had more than thirty guns mounted at Kingston, and from 1000 to 1,300 men. The Royal George protected by this force was driven into the in-. ner harbor, under the protection of the musketry, by the Oneida, and four small schooners fitted out ;is gun b6ats ; the Governor Tompkins not having been able to join in the action until about sun-down, owing to the lightness of the winds, and the Pert' s gun hav- ing burst the second or third shot. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, ISAAC CHAUNCEY. Hon. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the JSuvy. HISTORY OF THE "WAR. 179 Copy of a letter from Maj. Gen. Van Rensselaer, of the New- York militia, to Maj. Gen. Henry Dearborn, transmitted by the latter to the department of war. Head- Quarters, Lewiston , October 14, 1812. SIR — As the movements of the army under my command, since I had the honor to address you on the 8th inst. have been of" a very important character pro- ducing' consequences serious to many individuals ; establishing facts actually connected with the interest of the service and safety of the army ; and as I stand prominently responsible for some of these consequen- ces, I beg leave to explain to you, sir, and through you to my country, the situation and circumstances in which I have had to act, and the reasons and mo- tives which governed me ; and if the result is not all that might have been wished, it is such, that when the •whole ground shall be viewed, I shall cheerfully sub- mit to the judgment of my country. , In my letter of the 8th inst. I apprized you that a crisis in this campaign was rapidly advancing; and that (to repeat the same words) ' the blow must be soon struck, or all the toil and expence of the campaign go for nothing ; and worse than nothing, for the whole will be tinged with dishonor.' Under such impressions, I had on the 5th inst. written to brigadier-General Smyth, of the United States' forces requesting an interview with him, Ma- jor-General Hall, and the commandants of the United States' regiments, for the purpose of conferring upon the subject of future operations. I wrote Major-Gen- eral Hall to the same purport. On the 11th, I had received no answer from General Smyth ; but in a note to me on the 10th, General Hall mentioned that General Smyth had not yet then agreed upon any day for consultation. In the mean time, the partial success of lieut. Elliot, at Black Rock, (of which, however, I have received no official information^) began to excite a strong dispo- sition in the troops to net. This was expressed to me 180 HISTORY OF THE WAR. through various channels in the shape of an alternative . ; that they must have orders to act ; or at all hazards, they would go home. I forbear here commenting up* on the obvious consequences to me, personally, of lon- ger withholding- my orders under such circumstances. I had a conference with as to the possibility of getting* some person to pass over to Canada and ob- tain correct information. On the morning of the 4th, he wrote to me that he had procured the man who bore his letterto go over. Instructions were given him ; he pas- sed over — obtained such information as warranted an immediate attack. This was confidently communi- cated to several of my first officers, and produced great zeal to act ; more especially as it might have a controling effect upon the movements at Detroit, where it was supposed General Brock had gone with all the force he dared spare from the Niagara frontier. The best preparations in my power were, therefore, made to dislodge the enemy from the Heights of Q,ueenston, and possess ourselves of the village, where the troops might be sheltered from the distressing in- clemency of the weather. Lieut. Col. Fenwick's flying artillery, and a detach- ment of regular troops under his command, were or- dered to be up in season from Fori Niagara. Orders •were also sent to Gen. Smyth to send down from Buf- faloe, such detachments of his brigade as existing cir- cumstances in that vicinity might warrant. The at- tack was to have been made at 4 o'clock in the morn-- ing of the 11th, by crossing over in boats from the old ferry opposite the Heights. To avoid any embarrass- ment in crossing the river, (which is here a sheet of vio- lent eddies) experienced boatmen were procured to take the boats from the landing below to the place of embarkation. Lieut. Sini was considered the man of greatest skill for this service. He went ahead, and in the extreme darkness, passed the intended place far up the river; and there, m a most extraordinary man- ner fastened the boat to the shore and abandoned the detachment. In the front boat he had carried nearly HISTORY Or THE Wilt, 1$1 every oar which was prepared for all the boats. In this agonizing' dilemma, stood officers and men whose ardor had not been cooled by exposure through the night to one of the most tremendous north-east storms, which continued, unabated, for twenty-eight hours, and deluged the whole camp. The approach of day light extinguished every prospect of success, and the detachment returned to camp. Gol. Van Rensselaer was to have commanded the detachment. After this result, I had hoped the patience of the troops would have continued until I could submit the plan suggested in my letter of the 8th, that I might act under, and in conformity to the opinion that might be then expressed. But my hope was idle : the previously excited ardor seemed to gain new heart from the late miscarriage — the brave were mor- tified to stop short of their object, and the timed thought laurels half won by an attempt. On the morning of the 12th, such was the pressure upon me from all quarters, that I became satisfied that my refusal to act might involve me in suspicion and the service in disgrace. Viewing affairs at Buffalo as yet unsettled, I had immediately countermanded the march of General Smyth's brigade, upon the failure of the first expedi- tion ; but having now determined to attack Queens- ton, I sent new orders to Gen. Smyth to march; not with the view of his aid in the attack, for I considered the force detached sufficient, but to support the de- tachment should the conflict be obstinate and long continued. Lieut. Col. Chrystie, who had just arrived at the four mile Creek, had late in the night of the first con- templated attack, gallantly offered me his own and his men's service; but he got my permission too late. He now again came forward ; had a conference with Col. Van Rensselaer, and begged that he might have the honor of a command in the expedition. The ar- rangement was made. Col. Van Rensselaer was to 182 HISTORY OF THE WAR. command one column of 300 militia ; and Lieut. Col. Chrystie a column of the same number of regular troops. Every precaution was now adopted as to boats, and the most confidential and experienced men to manage them. At an early hour in the night, Lieut. Col. Chrystie marched his detachment, by the rear road, from Niagara to camp. At 7 o'clock in the evening, Lieut. Col. Stranahan's regiment moved from Niagara Falls — at 8 o'clock, Mead's — and at 9 Lieut. Col. Blan's regiment marched from the same place. All were in camp in good season. Agreea- bly to my orders issued upon this occasion, the two columns were to pass over together; and soon as the heights should be carried, Lieut. Col. Fenwick's flying artillery was to pass over ; then Maj. Mullany's de- tachment of regulars ; and other troops to follow in order. At dawn of day the boats were in readiness, and the troops commenced embarking, under the cover of a commanding battery, mounting two eighteen pounders, and two sixes. The movements were soon discovered, and a brisk fire of musketry was poured from the whole line of the Canada shore. Our bat- tery then opened to sweep the shore ; but it was, for some minutes, too dark to direct much fire with safe- ty. A brisk cannonade was now opened upon the boats from three different batteries. Our battery re- turned their fire, and occasionally threw grape upon the shore, and was itself served with shells from a small mortar of the enemy's. Col. Scott, of the ar- tillery, by hastening his march from Niagara Falls in the night, arrived in season to return the enemy's tire with two six pounders. The boats were somewhat embarrassed with the eddies, as well as with a shower of shot : but Col. Van Rensselaer, with about 100 men, soon effected his lauding amidst a tremendous fire directed upon him from every point ; but to the astonishment of all who witnessed the scene, this van of the column ad- HISTORY OF THE WAR.' 183 vanced slowly against the fire. It was a serious mis- fortune to the van, and indeed to the whole expedition, that in a few minutes after landing, Col. Van Rens- selaer received four wounds — a hall passed through the right thigh, entering just below the hip hone — another shot passed through the same thigh, a little below — the third through the calf of his leg — and a fourth cartused his heel. This Mas quite a crisis in the expedition. Under so severe a fire it was diffi- cult to form raw troops. By some mismanagement of the boatmen, Lieut. Col. Chrystie did not arrive until some time after this, and was wounded in the hand in passing the river. Col. Van Rensselaer was still able to stand ; and with great presence of mind ordered his officers to proceed with rapidity and storm the Fort. This service was gallantly perform- ed, and the enemy driven down the hill in every di- rection. Soon after this both parties were considera- bly reinforced, and the conflict was renewed in seve- ral places — many of the enemy took shelter behind a stone guard-house, where a piece of ordnance was now briskly served. I ordered the fire of our battery directed upon the guard-house; and it was so effect- ually done, that with 8 or 10 shot the fire was silenc- ed. The enemy then retreated behind a large store- house ; but in a short time the route became general, and the enemy's fire was silenced except from a one gun battery, so far down the river as to be out of the reach of heavy ordnance, and our light pieces could not silence it. A number of boats now passed over unaunoyed, except from one unsilenced gun. For some time after 1 had passed over, the victory appeal- ed complete ; but in the expectation of further attacks, I was taking measures for fortifying my camp imme- diately — the direction of this service I committed to Lieut. Totten, of the engineers. But very soon the enemy were reinforced by a detachment of several hundred Indians from Chippewa — they commenced a furious attack, but were promptly met and routed by the rifle and bayouet. By this time \ perceiwii 184 HISTORY Or THE WAE. my troops were embarking very slowly. I passed im- mediately over to accelerate their movements ; but to my utter astonishment, I found at the very moment when complete victory was in our hands, the ardor of the unengaged troops had entirely subsided. I rode in all directions — urged men by every consideration to pass over — but in vain. Lieut. Col. Bloom, who had been wounded in action, returned, mounted his horse, and rode through the camp; as did also Judge Peck, who happened to be here, exhorting the companies to proceed — but all in vain. At this time a large reinforcement from Fort George were discovered coming up the river. As the battery on the hill was considered an important check against their ascending the heights, measures were immedi- ately taken to send them a fresh supply of ammuni- tion, as we had learnt there was left only twenty shot for the eighteen pounders. The reinforcement, how- ever, obliqued to the right from the road, and formed a junction with the Indians in the rear of the heights. Finding, to my infinite mortification, that no reinforce- ment would pass over; seeing that another severe con- flict must soon commence : and knowing that the brave men on the heights were quite exhausted, aud nearly out of ammunition, all I could do was to send them a fresh supply of cartridges. At this.. critical moment, I despatched a note to Gen. Wadsworth, ac- quainting him with our situation — leaving the course to be pursued much to his own judgment- — with as- surance, that if he thought best to retreat, I would endeavor to send as many boats as I could command, and cover his retreat by every fire I could safely make. But the boats were dispersed — many of the boatmen had fled, panic struck — aud but few got off. But my note could but little more than have reached Gen. Wadsworth about 4 o'clock, when a most severe and obstinate conflict commenced and continued about half an hour, with a tremendous tire of cannon, flying artillery and musketry. The enemy succeeded, in repossessing their battery ; and gaining advantage on HISTORY OP THE WAR, 185 every side, the brave men who had gained the victo- ry, exhausted of strength and ammunition, and griev- ed at the unpardonable neglect of their fellow-sol- diers, gave up the conflict. I can only add, that the victory was really won ; but lost for the want of a small reinforcement. One thtrd part of the idle men might have saved all. I have been so pressed with the various duties ot burying the dead, providing for the wounded, collect- ing the public property, negociating an exchange of prisoners, and all the concerns consequent of such a battle, that I have not been able to forward this dispatch at as early an hour as I could have wished. I shall soon forward you another despatch, in which I shall endeavor to point out to you the conduct of some most gallant and deserving officers. But I cannot in justice close this without expressing the very great obliga- tion I am under to brigadier-general Wadsworth, CoL Van Rensselaer, Col. Scott, Lt. Cols. Christie and Fen- wick, and Captain Gibson. Many others have also behaved most gallantly. As I have reason to believe that many of our troops fled to the woods, with the hope of crossing the river, I have not been able to learn the probable number of killed, wounded and prisoners.* The slaughter of our troops must have been very considerable. And the enemy have suffer- ed severely. General Brock is among their slain, and his aid~de-camp mortally wounded. I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect and consideration, your most obedient servant, (Signed; STEPHEN VAN RENSSELAER, Major- General. Major-General Dearborn. * It is mice ascertained that 90 regulars and militia were killed andiiSS regulars, and 378 m\litia> 82 being vjovrnhd, made pri*- oners. 24 }8Q HISTORY OF THE WAR. CHAPTER V\ Documents accompanying the President" s Message of JSiovcmbtr 4, 1812. Mr. Monroe to Mr. liussell. Department of Static, July 27, 1812. SIR — I wrote you on the 26th of June, by Mr. Poster, a letter which he promised to deliver to you id person or by a safe hand. In' that letter you were informed, that the Orders in Council, and other illegal blockades, and ihe impress- ment of our seamen by Great-Britain, as you well knew "before, were the principal causes of the war, and thai if they were removed, you might stipulate an armistice, leaving- them and all other grounds of dif- ference, for tinal and more precise adjustment by trea- ty. As an inducement to the British government to discontinue the practice of impressment from our ves- sels, by which alone our seamen can be made secure, you were authorised to stipulate a prohibition by law, to be reciprocal, of the employment of British seamen in the public or commercial service of the United States. As such an arrangement, which might be made completely effectual and satisfactory by suitable regulations and penalties, would operate almost ex- clusively in favor oi Great-Britain, for as few of our seamen ever enter voluntarily into the British service, the reciprocity would be nominal'; its advantage to Great-Britain would be more than an equivalent for any she derives from impiessment, which alone ought to induce her to abandon the practice, if she had no other motive for it. A stipulation to prohibit -by law the employment of British seamen in the service of the United States, is to be understood in the sense and spirit of the constitution. The passage of such law must depend of course on Congress, who, it might reasonably be presumed, might give effect to it. By authorising you to secure these objects as the grounds of an armistice, it was not intended to restrict HISTORY OF THE WAR. 1ST j{on to any precise form in which it should be done- It is not particularly necessary that the several points, should be specially provided for in the convention stipulating" the armistice. A clear and distinct un- derstanding with the British government on the sub- ject of impressment, comprising in it the discharge of men already impressed, and on future blockades, if the Orders in Council are revoked, is all that is ini: dispensible. The Orders in Council being revoked, and the proposed understanding on the other points, that is, on blockades and impressment, being first ob-» tained, in a manner, though informal, to admit, of no mistake or disagreement hereafter, the instrument providing for the armistice may assume a general form especially if more agreeable to the British gov-* ernment. It may for example be said in general terms * that both powers being sincerely desirous to terminate the differences which unhappily subsist be* tween them, and equally so, that full time should be given for the adjustment thereof, agree, 1st, that aa armistice shall lake place for that purpose to com.-* mence on the day of * 2. That they will forthwith appoint on each side, commissioners with full power to form a treaty, which, shall provide, by reciprocal arrangements, for the se- curity of their seamen from being taken or employed in the service of the other power, for the regulation of their commerce, and all other interesting questions now depending between them. . ' 3. The armistice shall not cease without a previa ous notice by one to the other party of days, and shall not be understood as having other effect than merely to suspend military operations by land and sea.* By this you will perceive that the President is de-» sirous of removing every obstacle to an accoromoda-* tion which consists merely of form, securing in a safe and satisfactory manner, the rights and interests of. the United States in these two great and essential cir- cumstances, as it is presumed may be accomplished by the proposed understanding ; he is willing that it should be done in a manner the most satisfactory aad 188 HISTORY OF THE WAR. honorable to Great-Britain, as well as to the United Spates. I have the honor to be. &c. JAMES MONROE. Mr. Graham to Mr. Russell. Department op State, Aug. 9, 1812. SIR — The Secretary left this city about ten clays ago, on a short visit to Virginia. Since that period Mr. Baker has, in consequence of some despatches from his government addressed to Mr. Foster, made to me a communication respecting the intentions of his governmeut as regards the Orders in Council. It was of a character, however, so entirely informal and confidential that Mr. Baker did not feel himself at liberty to make it in the form of a note verbal or pro memoria, or even to permit me to take a memo- randum of it at the time he made it. As it authorises an expectation that something more precise and de-i- finite, in an official form, may soon be received by this government, it is the less necessary that I should go into an explanation of the views of the President in relation to it, more particularly as the Secretary of State is daily expected, and will be able to do it in a manner more satisfactory. I have the honor, &c. JOHN G LI AH AM. Mr. Graham to Mr. Itusseli Department of State, Aug. 10, 1812. SIR — Thinking that it may possibly be useful to you, 1 do myself the honor to enclose you a memo- randum of the conversation between Mr. Baker and myself, alluded to in my letter of yesterday's date. From a conversation with Mr. Baker since this me- morandum was made, I find that 1 was correct in representing to the President that the intimation from Mr. Foster, and the British authorities at Halifax was to be understood as connected with a suspension of hostilities on the frontiers of Canada. Yours, &c. JOHN GRAHAM Memorandum referred to in the above letter. Mr. Baker verbally communicated to me for the information of the President, that he had received HISTORY OP THE WAR. 189 despatches from his government addressed to Mr. Foster, (dated I believe about the 17th of June) from which he was authorised to say, that an official de- claration would be sent to this country, that the Or- ders in Council, so far as they affected the U. States, would be repealed on the 1st of August, to be revived on the 1st of May, 1813, unless the couduct of the French government, and the result of the communi- cations with the American government, should be such as, in the opinion of his Majesty, to render their revival unnecessary. Mr. Baker moreover stated that the Orders would be revived, provided the Amer- ican government did not, within fourteen days after they received the official declaration of their repeal, admit British armed vessels into their ports, and put an end to the restrictive measures which had grown out of the Orders in Council. The despatches authorising this communication to the American government expressly directed that it should be made verbally, and Mr. Baker did not con- sider himself at liberty to reduce it to writing, even in the form of a note verbal, or pro memoria, or to suffer me to take a memorandum of his communica- tion at the time he made it. I understood from him that the despatches had been opened by Mr. Foster at Halifax, who in consequence of a conversation he had had with Vice Admiral Sawyer, and Sir J. Sher- broke, had authorised Mr. Baker to say, that these gentlemen would agree, as a measure leading to a suspension of hostilities, that all captures made after a day to be rixed, should not be proceeded against im- mediately, but be detained to await the future decision of the two governments. Mr. Foster had not seen Sir George Prevost, but had written to him by ex- press, and did not doubt but that he would agree to an arrrangement for the temporary suspension of hos- tilities. Mr. Baker also stated that he had received an authority from Mr. Foster to act as charge d'af- fairs, provided the American government would re- ceive him in that character, for the purpose of ena- 190 HISTORY OF THE WAR. bling him officially to communicate the declaration ■which was to be expected from the British govern- ment ; his functions to be understood, of course, as ceasing on the renewal of hostilities* 1 replied, That, although, to so general and informal a communica- tion, no answer might be necessary, and certainly no particular answer expected, yet, I was authorised to. say, that the communication is received with sincere satisfaction, as it is hoped that the spirit in which it was authorised by his government, may lead to such further communications as will open the way not only to an early and satisfactory termination of existing hostilities, but to that entire adjustment of all the differences which produced them, and that per- manent peace and solid friendship which ought to be mutually desired by both countries, ami which is sin- cerely desired by this. With this desire, an authority was given to Mr. Russell on the subject of an armis- tice as introductory to a final pacification, as has been made known to Mr. Foster, and the same desire will be felt on the receipt of the further and more particu- lar communications which are shortly to be expected with respect to the joint intimation from Mr. Foster and the British authorities at Halifax, on the subject of suspending judicial proceedings in the case of mar- atune captures, to be accompanied by a suspension of military operations. The authority given to Mr. Rus- sell just alluded to, and of which Mr. Foster was the bearer, is full proof of the solicitude of the govern- ment of the United States to bring about a general suspension of hostilities on admissible terms, with as little delay as possible. Jt was not to be doubted therefore, that any other practical expedient for -at- taining a similar result would be readily coucurred in. Upon the most favorable consideration, however, which could be given to the expedient suggested through him, it did not appear to be reducible to any practicable shape to which the executive would be authorised to give it the necessary sanction, nor in- deed is it probable that if it was less liable to insuoer- HISTORY OE THE WAR. 191 able difficulties, that it could have any material effect prevjoiis to the result of the pacific advance ■made by this government, and winch must it favora- bly received, become operative as soon as any other arrangment that could now be made. It was stated to Mr. Baker, that the President did not, under ex- isting circumstances, consider Mr. Foster as vested with the power of appointing a charge d'affairs : but that no difficulty in point of form would be made, as any authentic communication through him, or any other channel, would be received with attention and respect. ' Secretary of State to Mr. Russell. Department of State, Aug, 21,1812. [Extract.] My last letter to you was of the 27th of July, and was forwarded by the British packet, the Althea, under the special protection of Mr. Baker. The object of that letter, and of the next preceding one of the 26th of June, was, to invest you with pow- er to suspend by an armistice, on such fair conditions as it was presumed could not be rejected, the opera* tion ot the war, which had been brought on the Unit- ed States by the injustice and violence of the British government. At the moment of the declaration of war, the President, regretting the necessity which produced it, looked to its termination and provided for it, and happy will it he for both countries, if the disposition felt, and the advances made on his part, are entertained and met by the British government in a similar spirit. You have been informed by Mr. Graham of what passed in my late absence from the city, in an inter- view between Mr. Baker and him, in consequence of a despatch from the British government to Mr. Foster, received at Halifax, just before he sailed for .Eng- land, and transmitted by him to Mr. Baker, relating to a proposed suspension or repeal of the British Or- ders in Council. You will have seen by the note- forwarded to you by Mr. Graham, of Mr, Baker's 192 HISTORY OF THE WAK. communication to him, that Mr. Foster had author- ised him to state that the commanders of the British forces at Halifax would agree to a suspension, alter a day to be fixed, of the condemnation of prizes, to await the decision of both governments, without how- ever preventing captures on either side. It. appears also, that Mr. Foster had promised to communicate with Sir George Prevost, and to advise him to pro- pose to our government an armistice. Sir George Prevost has since proposed to General Dearborn, at the suggestion of Mr. Foster, a suspen- sion of offensive opperations by land, in a letter which was transmitted by the General to the Secretary at War. A provisional agreement was entered into be- tween Gen. Dearborn and Colonel Baynes, the British adjutant general, bearer of Gen. Prevost's letter, that neither party should act offensively, before the deci r sion of our government should be taken on the subject. Since my return to Washington, the document al- luded to in Mr Foster's despatch, as finally decided on by the British government, has been handed to me by Mr. Baker, with a remark, that its authenticity might be relied on. Mr. Baker added that it was not improbable, that the Admiral at Halifax might agree likewise to a suspension of captures, though he did not profess or appear to be acquainted with his sentiments on that point. On full consideration of all the circumstances which merit attention, the President regrets that it is not in his power to accede to the proposed arrangement. The following are among the principal reasons which have produced this decision. 1st. the President has no power to suspend judicial proceedings on prizes. A capture, if lawful, vests a right, over which he has no control. Nor could lie prevent captures otherwise than by an indiscriminate recal of the commissions granted to our privateers, which he could not justify under existing circumstan- ces. HISTORY OF THR WAR. 19& v 2d. The proposition is not made by the British gov- erment, nor is there any certainty that it would be ap- proved by it. The proposed arrangement, if aceeed- ed to, might not be observed by the British officers themselves, if their government, in consequence of the war, should give them instructions of a different char- acter, even if they were given without a knowledge of the arrangement. 3d. No security is given, orproposed^stothelndians, nor could any be relied on. They have engaged in the war on the side of the British government, and are now prosecuting it with vigor, in their usual savage mode. They can only be restrained by force, when once let loose, and that force has already been ordered out for that purpose. 4th. The proposition is not reciprocal, because it re- strains the United States from acting where their pow- er is greatest, and leaves Great-Britain at liberty, and gives^hertime to augmenther forces in our neighbour- hood. . 5th. That as a principle object of the war is to obtain redress against the British practice of impressment, an agreement to suspend hostilities even before the Bri-' ish government is heard from on that subject, might, be considered a relinquishment of that claim. 6th. It is the more objectionable, and of the less im- portance, in consideration of the instructions heretofore given you, which, if met by the British government, may have already produced the same result in a greater extent and more satisfactory form. ' I might add, that the declaration itself is objection- able in many respects, particularly the following : — 1st. Because it asserts a right in the British govern- ment to restore the Orders in Council, or any part thereof, to their full effect on a principle of retaliation on France, under circumstances of which she alone is to judge; a right which this government cannot admit, especially in the extent heretofore claimed, a«d acted on by the British government. 25 194 HISTORY OF THE WAK. 2d. That the repeal is founded exclusively on the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, by which the repeal of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, an- nounced on the 5th of August, 1810, to take effect on the 1st of November, of that year, at uhich time their operation actually ceased, is'disregarded, as are the claims of the United States arising- from the re- peal on that day, even according to the British pledge. 3d. That even if the United States had no right tq claim the repeal of the British Orders in Council prior to the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, nor before the nolfication of that Decree to the Brit- ish government, on the 20th of May, of the present year, the British repeal ought to have borne date, from that day, and been subject to none of the limit- ations attached to it. These remarks on the declaration of the Prince Regent, which are not pursued with rigor, nor in the- full extent which they might be, are applicable to it; in relation to the state of things which existed before the determination of the United States to resist the aggressions of the British government by war. By that determination, the relations between the two countries have been altogether changed, and it is only by a termination of the war, or by measures leading, to it, by consent of both governments, that its calam- ities can be closed or mitigated. It is not now a ques- tion whether the declaration of the Prince Regent is such as ought to have produced a repeal of the non- importation act, had war not been declared, because, by the declaration of war, that question is superceded, and the non-importation act having been continued in force by Congress, and become a measure ot war, and among the most efficient, it is no longer subject to the control of the Executive in the sense, and for the purpose for which it was adopted. The declara- tion, however, of the Prince Regent, will not be with- out effect. By repealing the Orders in Council without reviving the blockade of May, 1806, or any other illegal blockade, as is understood to be the HISTORY OP THE WAR. 105 Case, it removes a great obstacle to an accommoda- tion. The President considers it an indication of a disposition in the British government to accommodate the differences which subsist between the two coun- tries, and I am instructed to assure you, that, if such a disposition really exists, and is persevered in, and is extended to other objects, especially the important one of impressment, a durable and happy peace and reconciliation cannot fail to result from it. Mr. Russell to Mr. Monroe. London, Sept. 1, 1812. SIR — You will perceive by the enclosed copies of notes which have passed between lord Casjlreagh and me, that the moderate and equitable terms proposed for a suspension of hostilities, have been rejected, and that it is my intention to return immediately to the United States. My continuance here, after it has been so broadly intimated to me by his lordship, that I am no longer acknowledged in my diplomatic capacity, and after a knowledge that instructions are given to the British Admiral to negociate an arrangement on the other side of the Atlantic, would, in my view of the subject, hot only be useless but improper. It is probable, however, that the vessel in which I propose to embark will not take her departure before the 15th or 20th of this month. I have the honor to be, with great consideration, air, your most obedient servant, JONATHAN RUSSELL. The hon. James Monroe, fyc. Mr. Russell to lord Castlereagh. London, Aug. 24, 1812. My lord — It is only necessary, I trust, to call the attention of your lordship to a review of the conduct of the government of the United States, to prove in- controvertibly its unceasing anxiety to maintain the relations of peace and friendship with Great-BritaiD. Its patience in suffering the many wrongs which it |#0 HISTORY Or THE WAR. has received, and its perseverance in endeavoring by amicable means to obtain redress, are known to the world. Despairing at length of receiving this redress from the justice of the British government, to which it had so often applied in vain, and feeling that a further forbearance would be a virtual surrender of rights and interests essential to the prosperity and in«* dependence of the nation confided to its protection, it has been compelled to discharge its high duty by an appeal to arms. While, however, it regards this course as the only one which remained for it to pur- sue with a hope of preserving any portion of that kind of character which constitutes the vital strength of every nation, yet it is still willing to give another proof of the spirit which has uniformly distinguished its proceedings, by seeking to arrest, on terms con* sistent with justice and honor, the calamities of war t It has, therefore, authorised me to stipulate with his Britannic Majesty's government an armistice to com* inence at or before the expiration of sixty days after the signature of the instrument providing for it, on condition that the Orders in Council be repealed, and no illegal blockades to be substituted to them, and that orders be immediately given to discontinue the im* pressment of persons from American vessels, and 19 restore the citizens of the United States already im- pressed ; it being moreover well understood that the British government will assent to enter into definite arrangements, as soon as may be, on these and every other difference, by a treaty to be concluded either at London or Washington, as on an impartial consideration of existing circumstances shall be deem* ed most expedient. As an inducement to Great-Britain to discontinue the practice of impressment from American vessels* 1 am authorised to give assurance that a law shall be passed (to be reciprocal) to prohibit the employment of British seamen in the public or commercial service of the United States. HISTORY OP THE W>K. 191 It is sincerely believed that such an arrangement would prove more efficacious in securing - to Great- Britain her seamen, than the practice of impressment, so derogatory to the sovereign attributes of the United States, and so incompatible with the personal rights of their citizens. Your lordship will not be surprised that I have pre- sented the revocation of the Orders in Council as a preliminary to the suspension of hostilities, when it is considered that the act of the British government of the 23d of June last, ordaining that revocation, is predicated on conditions, the performance of which is rendered impracticable by the change which is since known to have occurred m the relations between the two countries. Iv, cannot now be expected that the government of the United States will immediate- ly on due notice of that act, revoke or cause to be re* vx>ked its acts, excluding from the waters and harbors of the United States all British armed vessels, and in- terdicting commercial intercourse with Great-Bri- tain. Such a procedure would necessarily involve consequences too unreasonable and extravagant to be for a moment presumed.— The Order in Council of the 23d of Jime last will therefore according to its own terms be null and of no effect, and a new act of the British government, adapted to existing circum- stances, is obviously required for the effectual repeal of the Orders in Council of which the United States complain. The government of the United States considers indemnity for injuries received under the Orders in Council and other Edicts, violating the rights of the American nation, to be incident to their repeal, and it believes that satisfactory provision will be made in the definite treaty, to be hereafter negociated, for this purpose. The conditions now offered to the British govern- ment for the termination of the war by an armistice as above stated, are so moderate and just in them- selves, and so entirely consistent with its iuterest and 198 HISTORY OF THE WAR. honor, that a confident hope is indulged that it will not hesitate to accept them. In so doing it will aban- don no right ; it will sacrifice no interests ; it will ab- stain only from violating the rights of the United States, and in return it will restore peace with the power from whom in a friendly commercial inter- course so many advantages are to be derived. Your lordship is undoubtedly aware of the serious difficulties with which the prosecution of the war, even for a short period, must necessarily embarrass all fu- ture attempts at accommodation. — Passions exas- perated by injuries — alliances or conquests on terms which forbid their abandonment — will inevitably hereafter embitter and protract a contest which might row be so easily and happily terminated. Deeply impressed with these truths, I cannot but persuade myself that his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent will take into his early consideration, the pro- positions herein made on behalf of the United States, and decide on them in a spirit of conciliation and justice. I have the honor to be, with high consideration, my lord, your lordship's most obedient servant, JONATHAN RUSSELL. The Right hon. lord Viscount Castlereagh, &c. Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Russell. Foreign Office, Aug. 29, 1812. SIR — Although the diplomatic relations between the two governments have been terminated, by a de- claration of war on the part of the United States, I have not hesitated, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, and the authority under which you act, to submit to the Prince Regent the proposition con- tained in your letter of the 24th inst. for a suspension of hostlities. From the period at which your instructions must have been issued, it is obvious, that this overture was determined upon by the government of the United States, in ignorance of the Order in Council of the 23d HISTORY OP THE WAR. 199 June last, and as you inform me that you are not at liberty to depart from the conditions set forth in your letter, it only remains for me to acquaint you that the Prince Regent feels himself under the necessity of declining to accede to the proposition therein contain- ed, as being on various grounds absolutely inadmis- sible. As soon as there was reason to apprehend, that Mr. Foster's functions might have ceased in America, and that he might have been obliged to withdraw him- self, in consequence of war having been declared, from the United States, before the above mentioned Order of the 23d of June, and the instructions consequent thereupon, could have reached him, measures were taken for authorising the British Admiral on the American station, to propose to the government of the United States, an immediate and reciprocal revo- cation of all hostile Orders, with the tender of giving full effect, in the event of hostilities being discontinu- ed, to the provisions of the said Order, upon the condi- tions therein specified. From this statement you will perceive that the view you have taken of this part of the subject is incorrect ; and that in the present state of the relations between the two countries, the operation of the Order of the 23d June, can only be defeated by a refusal on the part of your government to desist from hostilities, or to comply with the conditions expressed in the said Order. Under the circumstances of your having no pow- ers to negociate, I must decline entering into a de- tailed discussion of the propositions which you have been directed to bring; forward. I cannot, however, refrain on one single point, from expressing my surprise ; namely, that, as a con- dition preliminary even to a suspension of hostilities, the government of the United States, should have thought fit to demand, that the British government should desist from its ancient and accustomed prac- tice of impressing British seameu from the merchant 200 HISTORY OP TILE WAH. ships of a foreign state, simply on the assurance that a law shall hereafter be passed to prohibit the employ- ment of British seamen in ihe public or commercial service of that state. The British government now, as heretofore, is ready to receive from the government of the United States, and amicably to discuss, any proposition which professes to have in view either to check abuse in the exercise of the practice of impressment, or to accom- plish by means less liable to vexation* the object for which impressment has hitherto been found necessary, but they cannot consent to suspend the exercise of a right upon which the naval strength of the empire mainly depends, until they are fully convinced that means can be devised, and will be adopted, by which the object to be obtained by the exercise of that right, can be effectually secured. I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, CASTLEREAGH. J, Russell, Esq. &c. Mr. Russell to lord Casllereayh. London, September 1, 1812. My lord—I have heard with much regret, by you i lordship's note, dated the 29th ult. which I did notre- eeive until this morning, that the^rince Regent has thought proper to decline to accede to the proposition for a suspension of hostilities, contained in my note of the 24th of August. It has been matter of surprise to me that my view with regard to the revocation of the Order in Coun* cil of the 23d of June last, should have been consid- ered to have been incorrect, when it appears by your lordship's note that the British government itself had deemed it necessary to give powers to the British Ad- miral to stipulate for its full effect, and thereby ad- mitted that a new act was required focthat purpose. It now only remains for me to amioui cc to your lordship that it is mv intention to embark immediately HISTORY OP THE WAR. 201 at Plymouth, on board the ship Lark, for the United States, and to request that permission may be grant-> ed, as soon as may be, for the embarkation of my ser- vants, baggage, and the effects of this legation, and that the necessary passports may be furnished for my own, and their safe conduct to that destination. I avail myself of this occasion to apprize your lord- ship that I am authorised by the government of the United States, to leave Reuben Gaunt Beasely, Esq. as its agent for prisoners of war in this country, and to desire that every necessary facility may be afforded him in the exercise of that trust, by the British gov- ernment. I have the honor to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient humble servant, JONATHAN RUSSELL. The Rt. lion, lord Viscount Castkreagh. Mr. Russell to Mr. Monroe. London, Sept. 3, 1812. SIR — 1 enclose herein a copy of a note, received yesterday from lord Castlereagh, which will acquaint you that I have obtained my passports to return to the United States, and that Mr. Beasely is permitted to remain here as agent for prisoners of war. Immediately on demanding my passport I address- ed to the consuls a circular of which you will also find a copy enclosed. I have the honor to be, &c. JONATHAN RUSSELL. The hon. James Monroe, fyc. Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Russell. Foreign Office, Sept. 2, 1812. SIR — I have laid before his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, your letter of the 1st inst. in which you announce your intention to embark immediately at Plymouth on board the ship Lark, for the United States. 26 202 HISTORY OF THE WAR. I have already had the honor of forwarding 1 lo yoq an admiralty order for the protection of that ship as a cartel, on her voyage to America, and I herewith en- close to you a passport for the free embarkation of yourself and family, in conformity to your request. The lords commissioners of Ins Majesty's treasury will issue directions to thecomissioners of the customs to give every facility to the embarkation of) our ef- fects. If previous to your departure from England, ^ on can point out to me any particular manner in which I can facilitate your arrangements, I beg that you will command my services. His Royal Highness, has commaded me to signify to you, for the information of your government, that there will be no difficulty in allowing Mr. R. G. Beasely, as stated in your letter, to reside in.this coun- try, as the United States' agent for prisoners of war. I have the honor to subscribe myself, with great truth and consideration, sir, your most obedient hum- ble servant, (Signed) CASTLEREAGH. J. Russell, Esq. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN SIR J. B. WARREN AND THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Halifax, Nova Scotia, Sept. 30, 1812. SIR — The departure of Mr. Foster from America, has devolved upon me the charge of making known to you, tor the information of the government of the U. Stales, the sentiments entertained by his Royal High- ness, the Prince Regent, upon the existing relations of the two countries. You will observe, from the enclosed copy of an Order in Council bearing dale the 23d of June, 1812, that the Orders in Council otthe7lh of January, 1807, and the 26th of April, 1809, ceased to exist nearly at the same time that the government of the U. States declared war against his Majesty. HISTORY OF THE WAR. :J0o Immediately on the receipt of this declaration in London, the Order in Council, of which a copy is herewith enclosed to you, was issued on the olst day of July, for the embargo and detention of all Ameri- can ships. Under these circumstances, I am commanded to propose to your government the immediate cessation of hostilities between the two countries and I shall be most happy to be the instrument of bringing- about a reconciliation, so interesting and beneficial to Ameri- ca, and Great Britain. I therefore propose to you, that the government of the U. States of America shall instantly recall their letters of marque and reprisal against British ships, together with all orders and instructions for any acts of hostility whatever against the territories of his Ma- jesty, or the persons or property of his subjects ; with the understanding, that, immediately on my receiving from you an official assurance to that effect, I shall in- struct all the officers under my command to desist from corresponding measures of war, against the ships and property of the United States, and that I shall transmit without delay, corresponding intelligence to the sev- eral parts of the world where hostilities may have commenced. The British commanders in which, "will be required to discontinue hostilities from the re- ceipt of such notice. Should the American government accede to the above proposal for terminating hostilities, I am author- ised to arrange with you as to the revocation of the laws which interdict the commerce and ships of war of Great Britain from the harbors and waters of the U. States ; in the default of which revocation within such reasonable period as may be agreed upon, you will observe by the order of the 23d June, the Orders* in Council of January, 1807, and April, 1809, are to be revived. The officer who conveys this letter to the Ameri- can coast has received my orders to put to sea immedi- ately upon the delivering of this dispatch to the com- 204 HISTORY OP THE WAR. petent authority ; and I earnestly recommend that no time may be lost in communicating- to me the decision of your government, persuaded as I feel that it cannot but be of a nature to lead to a speedy termination of the present differences. The flag- of truce which you may charge with your reply will find one of my cruisers at Sandy Hook, ten days after the landing of this despatch, which I have directed to call there with a Hag of truce for that pur-* pose. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion, sir, your most obedient and most faithful humble servant. JOHNBORLASE WARREN. Admiral of the Blue, and commander in chief, &c, Mr. Monroe to sir J. B. Warren. Department op State, Oct. 27, 1812. STR — I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 30th ult. and to submit it to the consideration of the President. It appears that you are authorised to propose a ces- sation of hostilities between the U. States and Great Britain, on the ground of Ihe repeal of the Orders in Council, and in case the proposition is acceeded to, to take measures in concert with this government, to carry it into complete effect on both sides. You state, also that you have it in charge, in that event, to enter into an arrangement with the govern- ment of the U. States for the repeal of the laws which interdict the ships of war and the commerce of Great Britain from the harbors and waters of the U. States. And you intimate, that if the proposition is not acced- ed to, the Orders in Council (repealed conditionally by that of the 23d of June last) will be revived against the commerce of the U. States. I am instructed to inform you, that it will be very satisfactory to the President to meet the British govern- ment in such arrangements as may terminate without delay the hostilities which now exist between the U. HISTORY OP THE WAR. 205 States and Great Britain, on conditions honorable to both nations. At the moment of the declaration of war, the Presi- dent gave a signal proof of the attachment of the U. States to peace. Instructions were given at that ear- ly period to the late charge des affairs of the U. States at London, to propose to the British government an armistice on conditions which it was presumed would Jbave been satisfactory. It has been seen with regret that the propositions made by Mr. Monroe, particu- larly in regard to the important interest of impress* meat, was rejected, and that none was offered through that channel, as a basis on which hostilities might Cease. As your government has authorised you to propose a cessation of hostilities, and is doubtless aware of the important and salutary effect which a satisfactory ad- justment of this difference cannot fail to have on the future relations between the two countries, I indulge the hope that it has, ere this, given you full power for the purpose. JExperience has sufficiently evinced that no peace can be durable unless this object is provided for. It is presumed, therefore, that it is equally the interest of both countries to adjust it at this time. Without further discussing questions of right, the President is desirous to provide a remedy for the evils complained of on both sides. The claim of the Bri- tish government is to take from the merchant vessels of other countries British subjects. In the practice, the commanders of the British ships of war often take from the merchant vessels of the U. States, American citizens. If the United States prohibit the employ- ment of British subjects in their service, and inforce the prohibition of suitable regulations and penalties, the motive for the practice is taken away. It is in this mode that the Presidents willing to accommodate this important controversy with the British govern- ment, and it cannot be conceived on what ground the 'UTangement can be refused. • 206 HISTORY OF THE WAR. A suspension of the practice of impressment, pend- ing the armistice, seems to be a necessary conse- quence. It cannot be presumed, while the parties are engaged in a negociation to adjust amicably this important difference, that the U. States would ad- mit the right or acquiesce in the practice of the oppo- site party ; or that Great Britain would be unwilling to restrain her cruizers from a pactice which would have the strongest tendency to defeat the negociation. It is presumable that both parties would enter into the negociation with a sincere desire to give it effect. For this purpose it is necessary that a clear and dis- tinct understanding be first obtained between them, of the accommodation which each is prepared to make. If the British government is willing to suspend the practice of impressment from American vessels, on consideration that the U. States will exclude British seamen from their service, the regulations by which this compromise should be carried into effect would be solely the object of negociation. The armistice would be of short duration. If the parties agreed, peace would be the result. If the negociation failed, each would be restored to its former state, and to all its pretentions, by recurring to war. Lord Castlereagh, in his note to Mr. Russell, seems to have supposed, that had the British government ac- cepted the propositions made to it, G. Britain would have suspended immediately the exercise of a right, on the mere assurance of this government that a law would be afterwards passed to prohibit the employ- ment of British seamen in the service of the LJ. States, and that Great Britain would have no agency in the regulation to give effect to that proposition. Such an idea was not in the contemplation of this government, nor is to be reasonably inferred from Mr. Russell's note ; lest, however, by possibility such an inference might be drawn from instructions to Mr. Russell, and anxious that there should be no misunderstanding in the case, subsequent instructions were given to Mr. Russell with a view to obviate every objection of the HISTORY OF THE WAR. 207 kind alluded to. As they hear date on the 27th July, and were forwarded by the British packet Althea, it is more than probable that they may have been receiv- ed and acted on. I am happy to explain to you thus fully the views of my government on this important subject. The President desires that the war which exists between our countries should be terminated on such conditions as may secure a sold and durable peace. To accom- plish this great object it is necessary that the interest of impressment be satisfactorily arranged. He is. willing that Great Britain should be secured against the evils of which she complains. He seeks on the other hand that the citizens of the United States should be protected against a practice which while it degrades the nation, deprives them of their rights a? freemen, takes them by force from their families and their country into a foreign service, to fight the bat- tles of a foreign power, perhaps against their own kin- dred and country. I abstain from entering, in this communication, in- to other grounds of difference. The Orders in Coun- cil having been repealed, (with a reservation not im- pairing a corresponding right on the part of the U. States^ and no illegal blockades revived or instituted in their stead, and an understanding being obtained on the subject of impressment, in the mode herein pro- posed, the President is willing to agree to a cessation of hostilities, with a view to arrange by treaty, in a more distinct and ample manner, and to the satisfac- tion of both parties, every other subject of controversy I will only add that if there be no objection to an accommodation of the difference relating to impress- ment, in the mode proposed, other than the suspension ot the British claim to impressment during the armis- tice, there can be none to proceeding, without the armistice, to an immediate discussion and arrange- ment of an article on that subject. This great ques- 208 HISTORY OF THE WAR. lion being satisfactorily adjusted, the way will be open either for an armistice or any other course lead- ing most conveniently and expeditiously to a general pacification. I have the honor, %c. JAMES MONROE. BRITISH CHALLENGE. Ignorant of the fate of the blustering Dacres, Sir James Yeo, of the Southampton frigate, sent the follow- ing polite challenge lo Capt. D. Porter, commander of the frigate Essex. The king, 4 the fountain of honor/ dubbed Sir James, a knight j we wished Capt. Porter the pleasure of drubbing him into a gentleman. 'A passenger of the brig Lyon from Havanna to New-York, captured by the brig Southampton, sir James Yeo, commander, is requested by sir James Yeo, to present his compliments to captain Porter, commander of the American frigate Essex, would be glad to have a tete-a-tete any where between the capes of Delaware and the Havanna, when he would have the pleasure to break his own sword over his damned head and put him down forward in irons.' AMERICAN ACCEPTANCE. Captain Porter, of the United States frigate Essex, presents his compliments to sir James Yeo, command- ing his Britannic majesty's frigate Southampton, and accepts with pleasure his polite invitation. If agreea- ble to sir James, captain Porter would prefer meeting near the Delaware, where, captain P. pledges his honor to sir James, that no other American vessel shall interrupt their tete-a-tete. The Essex may be known by a flag bearing the motto — FREE TRADE AND SAILORS' RIGHTS J And when that is struck to the Southampton, cap- tain Porter will deserve the treatment promised by sir James. Philadelphia, Sept. 18, 1812. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 209 CHAPTER VI. CAPTURE OF THE FROLIC AND WASP, Capt. Jones to the Secretary of the J\«vy. New-York Nov. 24, 1812. SIR — I here avail myself of the first opportunity of informing" you of the occurrences of our cruise, which terminated in the capture of the Wasp on the 18th of October, by the Poictiers of 74 guns, while a wreck from damages received in an engagement with the British sloop of war Frolic, of 22 guns; sixteen of them thirty-two pound carronades, and four twelve pounders on the main deck and two twelve pounders, carronades, on the top-gallant-forecastle, making her superior in force to us by 4 twelve pounders. The Frolic had struck to us, and was taken possession of about two hours before our surrendering to the Poic- tiers. We had left the Delaware on the 13th. The 16th had a heavy gale, in which we lost our jib-boom and two men. Half past eleven, on the night of the 17th, in the latitude of 37 deg. N. and Ion. 65 deg. W. we saw several sail, two of them appearing very large ; we stood from them for some time, then shortened sail and steered the remainder of the night the course we had perceived them on. At day-light on Sunday the 18th we saw them ahead — gave chase and soon discovered them to be a convoy of six sail, under the protection of a sloop of war ; four of them large ships, mounting from 16 to 18 guns. At thirty-two min- utes past 11, A. M. we engaged the sloop of war, having first received her fire at the distance of fifty or sixty yards, which space we gradually lessened until we laid her on board, after a well supported tire of forty-three minutes ; and although so near while load- ing the last broadside that our rammers were shoved against the side of the enemy, our men exhibited the same alacrity which they had done during the whole 27 210 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of the action. They immediately surrendered upon our gaining - their forecastle, so that no loss was sus- tained on either side alter boarding 1 . Our main-top-mast was shot away between 4 and 5 minutes from the commencement of the firing, and falling together with the main-topsail yard across the larboard tore and fore-top-sail braces, rendered our head-yards unmanageable the remainder of the action. At eight minutes the gait and and main-top-gallant mast came down, and at 20 minutes from the begin- ning of the action every brace and mostot the rigging was shot away. A few minutes after separating from the Frolic both her masts fell upon deck, the mainm:tst going close by the deck, and the foremast twelve or fifteen feet above it. The courage and exertions of the officers and crew fully answered my expectations and wishes. Lieut. Biddie's active conduct contributed much to our success, by the exact attention paid to every de- partment during the engagement, and the animating example he afforded the crew by his intrepidity. Lieuts. Kodgers, Booth, and Mr. llapp, shewed by the incessant fire from their divisions that they were not to be surpassed in resolution or skill. M i. Knight and every olher officer acted with a courage and promptitude highly honorable, and I trust have giv- en assurance that they may be relied on whenever their services may be required. I could not ascertain the exact loss of the enemy, as many of the dead lay buried under the masts and spars that had fallen upon deck, which two hours' ex- ertion had not sufficiently removed. Mr. Biddle, who had charge ot the Frolic, states that from what he saw and from information from the officers, the number of killed must have been about thirty, and that of the wounded about forty or fift> — of the kil- led is her first Lieut, and sailing master ; of the wounded Capt. "Whinyatcs, and her second Lieut. We had five killed and five wounded as per list ; the wounded are recovering. Lieut. Claxton, who HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 211 was confined by sickness, left his bed :i little previous to the engagement, and though too weak to be at his division remained upon deck and shewed by his composed manner of noting icuidents, that we had lost by his illness the services of a brave officer. I am respectfully, yours, JACOB JONES. Hon. Paul Hamilton Secretary ot the Navy. DECATUR'S VICTORY. Com. Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy. U. 8, S. United States, at sea, Oct 30, 1812. SIR — I have the honor to inform you, that on the 25th mst. being in lat. 29 deg. N. long. 29, 30 W. we fell in with, and, after an action of one hour and a Half, captured his Britannic Majesty's frigate Ma- cedonian, commanded by Capt. John Carden, and mounting 49 carriage guns (the odd gun shifting.) She is a frigate of the largest class, two years old, four months out of dock, and reputed one of the best sailers in the British service. The enemy being to windward, had the advantage of engaging us at his own distance, which was so great, that for the first half hour we did not use our carronades, and at no moment was he within the complete effect of our musketry or grape — to this circumstance and a heavy swell, which was on at the time, I ascribe the unusual length of the action. The enthusiasm of every officer, seamen, and ma- rine on board this ship, on discovering the enemy — their steady conduct in battle, and precision of their fire, could not be surpassed. Where all met my ful- lest expeetations, it would be unjust in me to discrim- inate. Permit me, however, to recommend to your par- ticular notice, my first Lieut. William H. Allen. He has served with me upwards of five years, and to his unremitted exertions in disciplining the crew, is to be imputed the obvious superiority of our gunnery exhibited in the result of the contest. Subjo.ned is a list of the killed and wounded on both sides. Our loss, compared with that of the en- 212 HISTORY OF THE WAR. emy, will appear small. Amongst our wounded, you will observe the name of Lieut. Funk, who died in a few hours after the action — he was an officer of great gallantry and promise, and the service has sus- tained a severe loss in his death. The Macedonian lost her mizen-mast, fore and main top-masts and main yard, and was much cut up in her hull. The damage sustained by this ship was not such as to render her return into port necessary; and had 1 not deemed it important that we should see our prize in, should have continued our cruise. With the highest consideration, &c. STEPHEN DECATUR. The hon. Paul Hamilton, Killed on board the United States seven — and five wounded. On board the Macedonian thirty-six killed — and sixty-eight wounded. BAINRRIDGE'S VICTORY: Com. Bainbridye to tlte Secretary of the Navy. U. S. Frigate Constitution, St. Salvador, Jan 3, 1813. SIR — I have the honor to inform you, that on the 29th ultimo, at 2 P. M in south latitude 13 06, and west longitude thirty eight, ten leagues distance irom the coast of Brazils, I fell in with and captured his Britannic Majesty's frigate Java, of forty nine guns and upwards of 400 men, commanded by captain Lam- bert, a ver*y distinguished officer. The action lasted one hour and 5-> minutes, in which time the enemy was completely dismasted, not having a spar of any kind standing. The loss on board t!ou will no doubt have read before this reaches you I beg you will let all his friends and relations know of his untimely fate. ■' We were on board the Java for a passage to India when we fell in with this frigate. — Two parcels I have sent you under good care, and hope this will reach you safely.' Yours truly, H. D. CORNECK. bieut. Peter V. Wood, 22cl regiment Jbot y Isle of France or Bourbon, East Indies. LAWRENCE'S VICTORY. Captain Lawrence to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. Ship Hornet, Holmes' Hole, March 19, 1813. SIR— I have the honor to inform you of the arrival at this port, of the U. S. ship Hornet, under my com- mand, from a cruise of 145 days, and to state to you, that after Com. Bainbridge left the coast of Brazils, (on the 6th of January last) the Hornet continued off the harbor of St. Salvador, blockading the Bonne Citoyenne, until the 24th, when the Montagu, 74, hove in sight and chased me into the harbor ; but night coming on I wore and stood to the southward. Knowing that she had left Rio Janeiro for the express purpose of relieving the Bonne Citoyenne, and the Packet, (which I had also blockaded for fourteen days, and obliged her to send her mail to Rio, in a Portuguese smack) I judged it most prudent to change our cruising ground, and stood to the eastward, with the view of cruising off Pemambuco — and on. the 4th day of February, captured the English brig Resolution, from Rio Janeiro, bound to Moranham, with coffee, jerked beef, flour, fustic, and butter, and about "25,000 dollars in specie. As the brig sailed dull, and could ill spare hands to man her, I took out the money and set her on tire. I then run down the 28 218 HISTORY OF THE WAR. coast for Moranham, and cruised there a short time:? from thence ran offSurrinam. Aft er cruising offthaS coast from the 5th to the 22d of February, without meeting a vessel, I stood for Demarara, with an inten- tion should I not be fortunate on that station, to run through the West Indies, on my way to the United Stales. But on the morning of the 24th, I discover- ed a brig to leeward, to which I gave chase ; ran into quarter less four, and not having a pilot, was obliged to haul off — the fort at the entrance of Demarara riv- er at this time bearing S. W. distance about 2 1-2 leagues. Previously to giving up the chase, I dis- covered a vessel at anchor without the bar with Eng- lish colors flying, apparently a brig of war. In beat- ing round Corrobano bank, in order to get at her, at half past three P. M. I discovered another sail on my weather quarter, edging down for us. At 4, 20, she hoisted English colors, at which time we dis- covered her to be a large man of war brig — beat to quarters, and cleared ship for action — kept close by the wind, in order if possible to get the weather guage. At 5, 10, finding I could weather the enemy, I hoist- ed American colors, and tacked. At 5, 20, in pas- sing each other, exchanged broadsides within half pistol shot. Observing the enemy in the act of wear- ing, I bore up, received his starboard broadside, ran him close on board on the starboard quarter, and kept up such a heavy and well directed fire, that in less than 16 minutes he surrendered, being literally cut to pieces, and hoisted an ensign, union down, from his fore rigging, as a signal of distress. Shortly after his mainmast went by the board. Despatched Lieut Shubrick on board, who soon returned with her first Lieut, who reported her to be his Britannic Majesty's late brig Peacock, commanded by Capt. William Peake, who fell in the latter part of the action — that a number of her crew were killed and wounded, and that she was sinking fast, having then six feet of wa- ter in her hold. Despatched the boats immediately for the wounded, and brought both vessels to anchor HISTORY OF THE WAR. 219 Such shot holes as could be got at, were then plug- ged; her guns thrown overboard, and every possible exertion used to keep her afloat, until the prisoners could be removed, by pumping and bailing, but with- out effect, and she unfortunately sunk in live and a half fathoms water, carrying down 13 of her crew, and three of my brave fellows. Lieut. Conner, midship- man Cooper, and the remainder of the Hornet's crew, employed in removing the prisoners, with difficulty saved themselves by jumping in a boat that was lying on her bows as she went down. Four men, of the 13 mentioned, were so fortunate as to gain the fore- top, and were afterwards taken off by the boats. Previous to her ooinsr down, four of her men took to her stern boat, which had been much damaged during the action, who, I hope, reached the shore in safely ; but from the heavy sea running at the time, the shat- tered state of the boat, and the difficulty of landing on the coast, I much fear they were lost. I have not been able to ascertain from her officers the exact number killed. Capt. Peake and four men were found dead on board. The master, one midshipman, carpenter, and Captain's clerk, and 29 seamen were wounded, most of them very severely, three of whom died of their wounds alter being removed, and 9 drowned. Our loss was trifling in comparison ; being only 2 killed and 3 wounded. Our rising and sails were much cut ; one shot through the foremast, and the bowsprit slightly injured. Our hull received little or no damage. At the time the Peacock was brought to action, the L'Espeigle, (the brig mentioned above as being at anchor) mounting 16 two and thirty pound carronades, and 2 long nines, lay about six miles in shore, and could plainly see the whole of the action. Apprehensive that she would beat out to the assistance of her consort, such exertions were made by my offi- cers and crew in repairing damages, attest them. Expedition against the Indians — Maj. Gen Sam- uel Hopkins, on the llth of Nov. 1812, marched with 1000 men under his command, from fort Harri- son, on an expedition to the Prophets town for thr- purpose of destroying their village, provisions, &c. On the morning of the 19th, a detachment of 300 men destroyed a town, and a great quantity of corn, belonging to the Winebago tribe, lying on the Ponco* 232 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Passu creek, one mile from the Wabash, and four from the Prophets town. On the 20th, 21st, and 22d they destroyed, the Prophets town and a Kickapoo, vu age, o.i the opposite side of the river, consisting of upwards of 200 houses, a considerable quantity of corn, &c. On the 21st a large body of Indians were discovered about seven miles from the town, by a small party, who the Indians fired on, and killed one man; the next day Lent. Cols. Miller, and Wilcox, anxious to bury their comrade, as well as gain a more com- plete knowledge of the situation, and strength of the Indians, set out with a party of horsmen, consisting of about sixty ; the Indians had placed themselves in a strong place, on a ridge of -land, running between two large and rappid creeks, which could not be ascended only by a steep ravine, — our party returned, at. era smart skirmish, in which we lost, in killed, wounded, and missing, 18 men. On tie 24th, the main body of the army sta ted for the pupose of destroying the ene- my in their strong hold ; but when they arrived at the spot, they found they had fled, previous to the storm of snow, which fell very deep, x>n the 23d which pre- vented any further pursuit. Brig. Gen. Sniy1h.-~-\n November 1812, General Smyth issued several addresses to the inhabitants on the frontiers, for the purpose of raising volunteers, to cross into Canada opposite Niagara. — Including the regular army under his command, and the volunteers that repaired to his camp, he had, on the 27th .Nov. 4000 men. Two parties were sent across the river to destroy abridge below fort Erie, and capture and spike the cannon in the batteries, and some pieces of light artillery. After accomplishing their object, the parties separated by misapprehension ; Lieut. Angus, the seamen, and a part of the troops returned with all the boats, while Capts. King, Morgan, Sproul, and Houston, with about 60 men, remained. The party thus reduced, took and rendered unserviceable two of HISTORY OF THE WAR, 233 the enemies' batteries, captured 34 prisoners, and 2 boats, in which Capt. King sent his prisoners, his own officers, and halt' of his men across, remaining him- self with 30 men, refusing to abandon them On the 30th Nov. Gen. Smyth again attempted to cross, with 3000 men, but by some misunderstanding o iiy a few would, or could be made to embark. The killed in both these attempts amounted to about 20 — the wounded 30 — and prisoners 31. The ene- my lost 10 killed — 17 wounded, and 34 prisoners, besides an Indian chief. Capt. Forsi/th, commandant at Ogdensburg, cross- ed over to Elizabethtown on the 7th of February, 1813, with about 200 volunteers from the militia and citizens, where they surprised the guard, took 42 pris- oners, with 1 Major, 3 Captains, 2 Lieutenants, and 120 muskets, 20 rifles, two casks of fixed ammunition, and considerable other public property, which was effected without the loss of a man. CHAPTER VIII. Gen. Harrison to the Secretary at War* Head Quarters, Lower Sandusky, May 13, 1813. SIR — Having ascertained that the enemy (Indians as well as British) had entirely abandoned the neigh- borhood of the Ra oids, I left the command of camp Meigs with Gen. Clay and came here last night. It is with the greatest satisfaction, I inform you, sir, that I have every reason to believe, that the loss of the Ken- tucky troops iu killed on the north side of the rive* 30 234 HISTORY OF THE WAR. does not exceed fifty. On the 10th and 11th inst. I caused the "round which was the scene of the action and its environs to be carefully examined, and after the most diligent search 4-3 bodies only of our men were discovered — among' them was the leader of the detachment, Col. Dudley. No other officer of note fell in the action. I have strong" reason to believe that a considerable number of the Kentuckians effect- ed their retreat up the river to fort Winchester. Gen. Procter did not furnish me with a return of the prisoners in his possession, although repeatedly prom- ised. His retreat Mas as precipitate as it could pro- perly be, leaving" a number of cannon ball, a new ele- gant sling-carriage for cannon, and other valuable ar- ticles. The night before his departure two persons that were employed in the British gun-boats (Ameri- cans by birth) deserted to us. The information they gave me was very interresting — they say that the In r dians, of which there were from 1600 to 2000, left the British the day before their departure in a high state of dissatisfaction, from the great loss which they had sustained in the several engagements of the 5lh, and the failure of the British in accomplishing their prom- ise of taking the post ai the Rapids. From the ac- count given by these men, niy^ripinion is comfirmed of the great superiority of the enemy which were de- feated by our troops in the two sallies made on the 5th inst/ That led by Col. Miller did not exceed 3-30 men, and it is very certain that they defeated 200 British regulars, 150 militia, and 4 or 500 Indians. That American regulars (although they were raw re- cruits) and such men as compose the Pittsburg, Ptnn. and Petersburg, Va. volunteers, should behave well, is not to be wondered at — but that a company of mi- litia should maintain its ground against four times its numbers, as did Capl. Sebres, of the Kentucky, is truly astonish ng. These brave fellows were at length however entirely surrounded by Indians, and HISTORY OF THE WAR. 235 would have been entirely cut oft', but for ihe gallantry of Lieut. Gvvynne of the 19th regiment^ who, with part of Capt. Elliott's company, charged the enemy and released the Kentuckians. I inclose you a list of the kille-d and wounded during- the whole sei<>e. It is considerably larger than I had supposed it would be when I last wrote to you — but it is satisfactory to know that they did not bleed uselessly — but in the pourse of successful exertions. You will also receive herewith a monthly return of the troops at camp Meigs for the last month; the communication with the other post being cutoff, the returns were not received. A copy of Gen. Clay's report to me of the manner of his executing my order for the attack on the enemies batteries, is likewise forwarded, by which it will be seen that my intention was perfectly understood, and the great facility with which they might have been executed is appar- ent to every individual who witnessed the scene. In- deed the cannon might have been spiked, the car- riages cut to pieces, the magazine destroyed and the retreat effected to the boats without the loss of a man, as none were killed in taking the batteries, so com- plete was the surprize. An extensive open plain intervenes between the river and the hill upon which the batteries of the ene- my were placed ; this plain was raked by four of our eighteen pounders, a twelve and a six. The enemy, even before their guns were spiked, could not have brought one to bear on it. So perfectly secured was their retreat that 150 men who came off effected it without loss, and brought off some of the wounded, one of them upon the backs of his comrades. The Indians followed them to the woods, but dared not en- ter into the plain. I am unable to form a correct estimate of the ene- my's force. The prisoners varied much in their ac- counts ; those who made them least, stated the regu- lars at 550 and militia at 800 ; but the numbers of In- dians were beyond comparison greater than have 236* HISTORY OF THE WAR. ever been brought into the field before ; numbers ar- rived after the seige commenced, and they were indeed the efficient force of the enemy. I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your humble servant. W. HARRISON. Return of the killed and wounded at the siege of fort ]Vleigs, and the several sorties against the besiegers, Killed, 81.— Wounded, 189.— total 270. J. C. FALLAN, Asst. Adjt. Gen. The following conversation took place between Maj. Chambers, and Gen. Harrison, on a demand jor lite surrender oj fort Meigs, 31 aj. Chambeis- — Gen. Proctor has directed me to demand the surrender of this post. He wishes to spare the effusion of blood. Gen, Harrison — The demand under present cir- cumstances, is a most extraordinary one. As Gen. Proctor did not send me a summons to surrender on his first arrival, I had supposed that he believed me de- termined to do my duty. His present message indi- cates an opinion of me that I am at a loss to ac- count for. ,+ Maj. Chambers — Gen. Proctor could never think of saying any thing to wound your feelings, sir, — - The character of Gen. Harrison, as an officer, is well known. Gen. Proctor's force is very respectable, and there is with him a larger body of Indians that have ever before been embodied. Gen. Harrison — I believe I have a very correct idea of Gen. Proctor's force, it is not such as to crt ate the least apprehension, for the result of the contest, whatever shape he may be pleased hereafter to give to it. Assuie the Gtn. however, that he will never have this post surrendered to him uj on any tt rms. Should it fall into his 1 ands, it will be in a manner calculated to do linn more honor, and to give him lar- ger claims upon the gratitude of Ins government, than any capitulation eouid possibly do. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 237 CAPTURE OF FORT GEORGE. General Dsarbom to the Secretary of War — Head- quarters, Fort George (U. C.) May 27, 1813. SIR — The light troops under the commaiulof Co- lonel Scott and Major Forsyth, landed this morning at 9 o'clock. Major-general Lewis's division, with Colonel Porter's command of light artillery, supported by them. Gen. Boyd's btrigfule landed immediately after the light troops, and Gonerals Winder and Chan- dier in quick succession. The landing was warmly and obstinately disputed by the British forces ; but the coolness and intrepidity of our troops soon com- pelled them to give way in every direction. Gen. Chandler, with the reserve, composed of his brigade and Colonel Macomb's artillery covered the wnole. Commodore Chauncey had made the most judicious arrangements for silencing the enemy's batteries, near the point of landing. The army is under the great- est obligations to that able naval commander for his co-operation in all its important movements, and es- pecially in its operations this day. Oar batteries suc- ceeded in rendering Fort George untenable, and when the enemy had been beaten from his positions, and found it necessary to re-enter it, after tiring a few guns and setting tire to the magazines, which soon ex- ploded, he moved off rapidly by different routes. Our light troops pursued them several miles. The troops having been under arms from one o'clock, in the morning, were too much exhausted for any further pursuit. We are now in possession of Fort George and its immediate dependencies — to-morrow we pro- ceed further on. The behaviour of our troops, both ohHcers and men, entitles them to the highest praise ; and the difference in our loss with that of the enemy, when we consider the advantages his positions affor- ded him, is astonishing. — We had 17 killed and 45 wounded. The enemy had 90 killed and 100 woun- ded of ihe regular troops. We have taken 100 pris- oners, exclusive to the wounded. — Col. Meyers of the 238 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 49th, was wounded and taken prisoner. Of otars, on- ly one commissioned officer was killed — Lieut. Hobart of the light artillery. I have the honor to be &c H. DEARBORN. Gen. Dearborn to the Secretary of War. Head-Quarters, Fort George, May 29, 1813. [Extract.] Lieut. Col. Preston took possession of fort Erie and its dependencies last evening, the post had been abandoned and the magazine blown up. I have ordered Gen. Lewis to return without delay to this place, and if the winds favor us, we may yet cut off the enemy's retreat. I was last evening honored with your despatch of the 15th inst. I have taken measures in relation to the 23 prisoners, who are to be put in close confine- ment. I have the honor, &e. H. DEARBORN. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed 39— wounded 111— total 1-50. British LOSS: Killed 108-wounded 1(53— Prisoners 622— total 893. E. BEEBE, Asst. Adjt Gen. Com, Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. Ship Madison, Niagara. May 28, 1813. SIR — Agreeably to arrangements which I have already had the honor of detailing to you, 1 left Jack- et's Harbor on the 22d inst. with about 350 of Col. M'Comb's regiment on board — the winds being light from the westward, I did not arrive in the vicinity of Niagara before the 25th ; the other parts of the squad- ron had arrived several days before, and landed their troops. The Fair America) i and Pert I had ordered to Sacket's Harbor, for the purpose of watching the enemy's movements at Kingston. I immediately had an interview with Gen. Dearborn, .or the purpose of making arrangements to attack the enemy as soon as possible, and it was agreed between him and myself HISTORY OF THE WAR. 239 to make the attack the moment that the weather was such as to allow the vessels and boats to approach the shore with safety. On the 2t>th, I reconnoitred the position for lauding- the troops, and at night sounded the shore, and placed buoys to sound out the stations for the small vessels. It was agreed between the Gen. and myself to make the attack the next morning; (as the weather had moderated, and had every ap- pearance of being favorable.) I took on board of the Madison, Oneida, and Lady of the Lake, all the heavy artillery, and as many troops as could be stow- ed. The remainder were to embark in boats and fol- low the fleet. At 3 yesterday morning the signal was made for the fleet to weigh, and the troops were all embarked on board of the boats before four, and soon after Generals Dearborn and Lewis came on board of the ship with their suites. It being howev- er nearly calm, the schooners were obliged to sweep into their positions. Mr. Trant in the Julia, and Mr. Mix in the Growler, I directed to take a position in the mouth of the river, and silence a battery near the light house, which from its position commanded the shore where the troops were to laud. Mr. Stevens in the Ontario, was directed to take a position to the north of the light house, so near the shore as to enti- lade the battery and cross the fire of the Julia and Growler. Lieut. Brown in the Governor Tompkins, I directed to take a position near to Two Mile creek, where the enemy had a battery with a heavy gun. Lieut. Petligrew in the Conquest, was directed to an- chor to the southeast of the same battery, so near in as to open on it in the rear, and cross the fire of the Governor Tompkins. Lieut. M'Pherson in the Hamilton, Lieut. Smith in the Asp, a. id Mr. Osgood in the Scourge, were directed to anchor close to the shore, and cover the landing of the troops, and to scour the woods and plain wherever the enemy made, his appearance. All these orders were promptly and gallantly executed* Ail the vessels anchored within musket shot of the shore, and in ten minutes after thev 240 HISTORY OF THE WAR. opened upon llie batteries, lie) were completely si- lenced and abandoned. Our troops then advanced in three brigades, the advance led b\ Coi. Scott, and landed near the tort, which had been silenced b\ Lieut. Brown. The en- emy, who had been concealed in a raune, now ad- vanced in great force to (he edge of the bank to charge our troops. The schooners opened so well di- rected and tremendous a tire ot grape and canister, that the enemy soon retreated from the bank. Our troops formed as soon as they landed, and in mediate*- ly ascended the bank, charged and routed the enemy in every direction, the schooners keeping up a con- stant well directed tire upon him in his retreat towards the' town. Owing to the wind's having sprung up very fresh from the eastward, which caused a heavy sea directly on shore, I was not enabled to get the boats off to land the troops tn.m the IVladison and Oneida, before the first and second brigades had ad- vanced. Capt. Smith with the marines, landed with Col. M'Comb's regiment, and I had prepared 400 seamen, which I intended to land with myself, if the enemy had made a stand ; but our troops pursued him so rapidly into the town and tort George, that I found there was no necessity for more torce ', moreover, the wind had increased so much and hove such a sea on shore, that the situation of the fleet had become dan- gerous and critical. 1 therefore, made a signal for the fleet to weigh, and ordered them mto the river, where they anchored immediately after the enemy had abandoned fort George. The town and forts were in quiet possession of our troops at 12 o'clock, ai d the enemy retired in a direction towards Queens- town. Capt. Perry joined me from Erie on the evening of the 25th, and very gallantly volunteered his services, and I have much pleasure in acknowledging" ti 6 great assistance which I received from h in. We lost but one killed and two wounded, and no injury done to the vessels. ISAAC CHAUJSCEY, HISTORY OF THE WAR. 241 Com. Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. tJ. S. Ship Madison, Sacket's Harbor, June 4, 1813. SIR — I have the honor to present to you by the hands of Lieut. Dudley, the British standard taken at York on the 27lh of April last, accompanied by the mace, over which hung a human bCALP. — These articles were taken from ihe Parlaiment house by one of my officers and presented to me. The scalp I caused to be presented to Gen. Dearborn, who I be- lieve still has it in his possession. I also send by the same gentleman, one of the British flags taken at fort George on the 27th of May. I have the honor to be, &c. ISAAC CHAUNCEY. Lieut. Chauncey to Com. Chauncey, Sacket's Harbor, June 18, 1813. SIR — According to your orders of the 14th inst. I proceeded off Presque Isle in the schooner Lady of the Lake. On the morning of the 16th I fell in with and captured the English schooner Lady Murray, from Kingston bound lo York, loaded with provisions and ammunition. Enclosed is a list of one ensign, 15 non-commis- sioned officers and privates found on board, with 6 men attached to the vessel. I have the honor to be, Sec. WOLCOTT CHAUNCEY. Battle at forty mile Creek, Upper Canada. Gen. Vincent having taken his stand at forty mile Creek, about 33 miles from fort George, after his de- feat at the fort, Brig. Gen. Winder was sent in pur- suit of him. On the 4th of June, Brig. Gen. Chand- ler, with another detachment, was sent off from fort George to reinforce Gen. Winder, and arrived at Head Quarters the 5th. A deserter from the Amer- ican camp informed Gen. Vincent of the situation of the army, and gave him the countersign ; in five min- utes the whole English army were in motion, and at 31 242 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 2 o'clock on the morning- of the 6th entered our camp. The two Generals Winder and Chandler, in endeav- oring to form the troops, and the deputy quarter-mas- ter General Vandeventer, were surrounded and taken prisoners. Our army formed immediately and at- tacked the enemy at the point of the bayonet, which soon occasioned a general route, the enemy taking" off his prisoners, and leaving Col. Clarke, sixty pris- oners, and 260 killed in our hands. Our loss was 17 killed, 38 wounded, and 100 missing-— total 155 ATTACK ON SACKETT'S HARBOR. Gen. Brown to the Secretary of War. 'Head Quarters SaeketCs Harbor, June 1, 1813. On the 25th ultimo, I received a letter from Gen. Deal born, requesting- me to repair to this post for the purpose of taking- command. Knowing that Lieut. Col. Backus, an officer of the first regiment of dra- goons, and of experience, was here, I hesitated, as I would do no act which might wound his feelings. In the night of the 27th I received a note from this officer, by Maj. Swan, deputy quarter-master Gen. joining in the request already made by Maj. Gen. Dearborn. I could no longer hesitate, and accordingly arrived at this post early in the morning' of the 28th. These circumstances will explain how 1 came to be in com- mand upon this occasion. Knowing well the ground, my arrangements for defence, in the event of an attack, were soon made. In the course of the morning of the 28th, Lieut. Chauncey, of the navy, came in from the lake, tiring guns of alarm. Those of the same character, intended to bring in the militia, were tired from the posts. The enemy's fleet soon after appeared accompanied by a large number ot boats. Believing that he would land on the peninsula, commonly called Horse Island, I determined to meet him at the water's edge with such militia as 1 could collect and the Albany volunteers, under the command of Lieut. Col. Mills ; Lieut. Col. Backus, with the regulars, formed a se* o HISTORY OF THE WAR. 243 condline; the care of fort Tompkins was committed to the regular artillerists and some volunteers, and that of Navy Point to Lieut. Chauncey of the navy. If driven from my position, Lieut. Col. Backus, was ordered to advance and meet the head of the enemy's column, while rallying my corps. I was to fall on its flanks. If uuable here to resist the enemy's attack, Lieut. Chauncey was in that case to destroy the stores, ice. and retire to the south shore of the bay, east of Fort Volunteer, while I proceeded to occupy that fort as our dernier resort. In the course of the 27th and during the nights of the 28th, and 29th, ultimo, a considerable militia force came in, and were ordered to the water side near Horse Island, on which was Lieut. Col. Mills and his volunteers. Our strength at this point was now 500 men — all anxious for battle, as far as profession would go. The moment it was light enough to dis- cover the approach of the enemy, we found his ships in line between Horse Island and Stony Point, and in a few minutes afterwards 33 large bo its filled with troops, came off to the larger Indian or Garden Island, under cover ot the fire of his gun boats. My orders were, that the troops should lie close and reserve their fire till the enemy had approached so near that every shot might hit its object. It is, however, im- possible to execute such orders with raw troops unac- customed to subordination. My orders were in this case disobeyed. The whole line fired, and not with- out effect— but in the moment while I was contem- plating this, to my utter astonishment, they rose from their cover and fled. Col. Mills fell gallantly in brave but in vain endeavors to stop his men. I was personally more fortunate. Gathering together about 100 militia, under the immediate command of Capt. M'Nittof that corps, we threw ourselves on the rear of the enemy's left flank, and I trust, did some execu- tion. It was during this last movement that the re- gulars under Col. Backus, first engaged the enemy— nor was it long before they defeated him. 244 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Hurrying to this point of action, I found the battle atill raging-, but with obvious advantage on our side. The result of the action, so glorious for the officers and soldiers of the regular army, has already been communicated in my letter of the 29th. Had not Gen. Prevost retreated most rapidly under the guns of his vessels, he would never have returned to Kings- ton. The enemy's force consisted of 1000 picked men, led by sir George Prevost in person. Their fleet con- sisted of the new ship Wolfe, the Royal George, the Prince Regent, Earl of Moira, two armed schooners, and their gun and other boats. Lieut Col Tnttle was in march for this post, but with every exertion was unable to reach it in time to take part in the action. This is felt by the Col. and every officer of his detachment, as a misfortune. JACOB BROWN. Brig. Gen. A. Y. Militia. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed, 21.— Wounded, K4,— Missing, 50,— total 155, WM. SWANN. Act. Adjt. General. BRITISH LOSS. J Killed, 39,— Wounded, 112,— Prisoners, 35,— total, 186. Gen. Lewis to the Secretary of War. Sacket's Harbor, July 20, 181S. [Extract.] Our fleet has gone out of the inner har- bor, and appearances are in favor ot" its going to sea in 48 hours at farthest. A little expedition of volunteers from the country, to which, by the advice of Com. Chauncey, 1 lent 40 soldiers, sailed from hence three clays since on board of two small row boats, with a six pounder each, to the head of the St. Lawrence, where they captured a fine gun boat mounting a 24 pounder, 14 batteaux j loaded, 4 officers and 61 men. Two of our schoon*» ers went out and convoyed them in. € HISTORY OF THE WiR. 245 Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of [Far. Head-Quarters, Seneca, Aug. 5, 1813. I have the honor to enclose you Major Crogh m's report of the attack upon fort Stephenson, which has this moment come to hand. With great respect, Sec. W. H. HARRISON. Major Croghan to Gen. Harrison. Lower-Sandusky, Aug. 5, 1813. Dear Sir — I have the honor to inform you that the combined force of the enemy, amounting to at least 500 regulars and seven or eight hundred Indians, under the immediate command of Gen. Proctor, made its appearance before this place, early on Sunday evening last, and as soon as the Gen. had made such disposition of his troops as would cut off my retreat, should I be disposed to make one, he sentCd. Elliott, accompanied by Major Chambers, with a flag, to de- mand the surrender of the fort, as he was anxious to spare the effusion of blood, which he should probably not have in his power to do, should he be reduced to the necessity of taking the place by storm. My an- swer to the summons was, that I was determined to defend the place to the last extremity, and that no force however large, should induce me to surrender it. So soon as the flag had returned, a brisk fire was opened upon us from the gun boats in the river and from a 6 1-2 inch howitzer on shore, which was kept up with little intermission throughout the night. At an early hour the next morning, three sixes (which had been placed during the night within 250 yards of the pick- ets) began to play upon us, but with little effect. About 4 o'clock P. M. discovering that the fire from all his guns were concentrated against the north- western angle of the fort, I became confident that his object was to make a breach, and attempt to storm the works at that point. I therefore ordered out as many men as could be employed for the purpose of strength- ening that part, which was so effectually secured by JUeaus of bags of flour, sand, &c. that the picketing 246 HISTORY OF THE WAR. suffered little or no injury ', notwithstanding which, the enemy about 500, having 1 formed in a close col- umn advanced to assault our works at the expected point, at the same time making two feints on the front of Capt. Hunter's lines. The column which advanc- ed against the north-western agle, consisting of about 350 men, was so enveloped in smoke, as not to be discovered until it had approached within 18 or 20 paces of the lines, but the men being all at their posts and ready to receive it, commenced so heavy and gal- ling a tire as to throw the column a little into 'confu- sion ; being quickly rallied it advanced to the outer works and began to leap into the ditch. Just at that moment a fire of grape was opened from our 6 poun- der (which had been previously arranged so as to rake in that direction) which together with the mus- ketry, threw them into such confusion that they were compelled to retire precipitately to the woods. During the assault, which lasted about half an hour, an incessant fire was kept up by the enemy's artillery (which consisted of five sixes and a howitzer) but without effect. My whole loss during the siege was one killed and seven wounded slightly. — The loss of the enemy in killed, wounded, and prisoners, must exceed 150; one Lieut. Colonel, a Lieut, and fifty rank and file were found in and about the ditch, dead or wounded. Those of the remainder who were not able to escape, were taken off during the night by the Indians. Seventy stand of arms, and several braces of pistols have been collected near the works. About three in the morning the enemy sailed down the riv- er, leaving behind them a boat containing clothing and considerable military stores. Yours with respect. G. CROGHAN, Maj. 17th U. S. Infantry. By a letter from Gov. Huntington, dated Loner Sandusky, Aug. 4, it appears that Major Croghan's force was 1(30, and that of the enemy 800. It further states that the enemy lost 10 men killed in the ditch HISTORY OF THE WAR. 247 with Lieut. Col. Short, and several officers; and about the same number of regulars while advancing to the attack, besides Indians. Our loss was one killed, and rive wounded. — The enemy 8-3 killed and 25 prisoners.' * What will Gen. Proctor say, when he finds he has been baffled by a youth but just passed his 21st year. He is, however, a" Hero worthy of his gallant uncle Gen. George R. Clarke.' [See Gen. Harrison to J he Secretary of War.] LOSS OF THE CHESAPEAKE. Lieut. Budd to the Secretary of the JSavy. Halifax, June lo, 1813. SIR — The unfortunate death of Capt. James Law- rence and Lieut. Augustus C Ludlow, has rendered it my duty to inform you of the capture of the late U. States Frigate Chesapeake. On Teusday, June 1, at 8 A. M. we unmoored ship and at meridian got under way from President's Roads, with a light wind from the southward and westward, and proceeded on a cruise. A ship was then in sight in the offing which had the appearence of a ship of war, and which, from information received from pilot boats and craft, we believed to be the Brit- ish Frigate Shannon. We made sail in chase and cleared ship for action. At half past 4 P. M. she hove to, with her head to the southward and eastward. At 5 P. M. took in the royals and top-gallant-sails and at half past five hauled the courses up. About 15 minutes before G P. M. the action commenced within pistol shot. The first broadside did great execution on both sides, damaged our rigging, killed among others Mr. White the sailing master, and wounded Capt. Lawrence. In about 12 minutes after the com- mencement of the action, we fell on board of the en- emy and immediately alter one of our arm chests on .the quarter-deck was blown up by a hand grenade thrown from the enemy's ship. In a few minutes one of the Captain's aids came on the gun deck to inform me that the boarders were called. I immediately 248 HISTORY OF THE WAR. called the boarders away and proceeded to the spar deck, where I found that the enemy had succeeded in boarding us and h d gained possession of our quarter deck. I immediately gave orders to haul on board the fore tack, for the purpose of shooting the ship clear of the other, and then made an attempt to re- gain the quarter deck, but was wounded and thrown down on the gun deck. 1 again made an effort to col- lect the boarders, but in the mean time the enemy had gained complete possession of the ship. On my being carried down to the cock-pit, I there found Captain Lawrence and Lieut. Ludlow both mortally wound- ed ; the former had been carried below previously to the ship's being boarded ; the latter was wounded in attempting to repel the boarders. Among those who fell early in the action was Mr. Edward J. Ballard, the 4th Lieut, and Lieut. James Broom of marines. I herein enclose to you a return of the killed and wounded, by which you will perceive that every offi- cer, upon whom the charge of the ship would devolve, was either killed or wounded previously to her cap- ture. The enemy report the loss of Mr. Watt, their first Lieut, the purser, the Captain's clerk, and 23 seamen killed; and Capt. Broke, a midshipman a. id 56 seamen wounded. The Shannon had, in addition to her full comple- ment, an officer and 16 men belonging to the Belle Poule, and a part of the crew belonging to the Ten- dos. I have the honor to be, Sec. GEORGE BUDD. Killed on board the Chesapeake 60 — wounded 86. Commodore Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. U.S. ship Gen. Pike, Niagara, Aug 4, 1813. [Extract] Ou the 25th I was joined by the Pert, and on the 27th by the Lady of the Lake with guides, and Capt. Crane's company of artillery, and Col. Scott, who had very handsomely volunteered for the; service — After conversing with Col. Scott unon the HISTORY OF THE WAR. 249 subject, it was thought advisable to take on board 230 Infantry, which by the extraordinary exertions of that excellent officer, were embarked before six o'clock the next morning ; we arrived and anchored in the harbor of York, at about 3 P. M. on the 31st, run the shooners into the up er harbor, landed the marines and soldiers under the command of Col. Scott, with- out opposition, found several hundred barrels of flour and provisions in the public storehouse, five pieces of cannon, eleven boats, and a quantity of shot, shells and other stores, all which were either destroyed or brought away. On the 1st inst. just after receiving' on board all the vessels could take, I directed the barracks and the public store houses to be burnt ; we then re-embarked the men and proceeded for this place, where I arrived yesterday. Between 4 and. 500 men left York for the head of the lake two days before we'arrived there. Some few prisoners were taken, some of whom were paroled, the others have been landed at Fort George. I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant. ISAAC CHAUNCE Y. Burning of Sodus, N. Y. — Sodus was the first town burnt in this war. This was a handsome little village of about 40 houses. The British appeared off the place, the 17th June, 1813, but finding a consider- able militia force, put off into the Lake. The mili- tia were disbanded on the 20th, when the enemy again returned, and effected a landing. — Finding the public stores, chiefly removed, they immediately set fire to every valuable house in the village, and returned to their vessels, after suffering a loss of 4 killed, and sev- eral wounded, by a few citizens. The enemy's force consisted of the Royal George, Earl Moira, Prince Regent, Simcoe Schr. and several small boats and tenders. Attack on Craney Island. (Vir) — On the 20th June, the British attempted a landing on this lslaud ; 33 -250 HISTORY OF THE WAR. for the purpose of more easily conquering Norfolk. Thirteen ships of the line anchored off James river, from which about 3500 troops were embarked for Craney Island. — Com. Cassin, of the gun boats and Capt. Morris of the Constellation frigate manned two batteries with 250 men on the point of the Island to receive them ; the remainder of the force, 200 were stationed on the beach. At 8 o'clock the barges at- tempted to land, but were driven back, with the loss of 250 killed and wounded, and 45 prisoners, and their largest barge, which was sunk, with 75 men on board ; the boat and 20 men were finally saved by the Amer- icans — our loss was 28 killed and wounded. Capture of Hampton. — The 25th of June, the force that attempted Craney Island, landed at Hampton, and carried it after a gallant defence made by our militia, 436 strong, for forty-five minutes. The enemy attacked us by land and water ; their land force was about 2500 strong, of whom 400 were riflemen. Af- ter our men were completely surrounded, they saw that they must either surrender, or, break their way through the enemy's lines. They resolved upon the latter, when the gallant Maj. Crutchjield, led them on, and broke the lines, and made good their retreat, af- ter killing and wounding 200 of their adversaries. Our loss on this occasion was seven killed, twelve wounded, and twelve prisoners. Ascene now commenced sufficient to chill the blood of the Savages, and even put them to the blush. 'To give you, sir, (says Maj. Crutchfield in his offi- cial account to Gov. Barbour,} an idea of the savage- like disposition of the enemy, on their getting possession of the neighborhood, would be a vain attempt. Al- though Sir Sidney Beck with assured me that no un- easiness need be felt, in relation to the unfortunate Americans, the fact is that on yesterday, [two days af- ter the battle,] there were several dead bodies lying unburied, and the wounded not even assisted into the town, although observed to be crawling through the fields towards a cold and inhospitable protection. HISTORY OF THE WAK. 2H * The unfortunate females of Hampton, who could not leave the town, were suffered to be abused in the most shameful manner, not only by the venal savage foe, but by the unfortunate and infatuated blacks who were encouraged in their excesses. They pillaged and encouraged every act of rapine and murder, kil- ling a poor man, by the name of Kirby who had been lying on his bed at the point of death, for more than six weeks, shooting his wife at the same time in the kip, and killing his faithful dog lying under his feet. The murdered Kirby was lying last night, welter- ing in his blood.' Extract from a letter of Capt. Cooper, to Lieut. Gov.Mallory* — 'The enemy took possession of Hamp- ton, with upwards of 2000 men against those above mentioned, with the immense loss of upwards of 200 killed and wounded, on their part. We had about 5 killed, 10 wounded, and 4 prisoners, — the ballance have been accounted for. * I was yesterday in Hampton with my troop, that place having been evacuated in the morning. — My blood ran cold at what I saw and heard. — Tears were shedding in every corner, — the infamous scoundrels, monsters, destroyed every thing, but the houses, and (my pen is almost unwilling to describe it,) the wo- men were ravished by those abandoned ruffians. — Great God ! my dear friend, figure to yourself our Hamp- ton females, siezed, and treated with violence by those monsters, and not a solitary American present to avenge their wrongs ! ! But enough — I can say no more of this.' Certificate. The enemy robbed the Pulpit and Communion Table, in the Episcopal Church, of all the trappings, &c. together with all the plate, al- though inscribed with the name of the Donor, and of the parish to which they belonged. They committed Rape in many instances and murdered a sick man in his bed, and shot a ball through his wife's thigh ; they wantonly destroyed every species of property that 252 HISTORY OF THE WAR. they had no use for, and, in fact, even stripped the shut off the back of Georye Hope, seii'r. about 70 years of age, and took the shoes from his feet, after pricking him with the ba\onet. JOHN WEST WOOD, Hampton. Murder of John B. Graves. — Mr. Graves was a member of the 23d regt. Infantry, and was wounded through the arm at the attack on Sackett's Harbor in May, and was removed to Oswego. When Oswego was attacked, Graves had so far recovered as to be able to load and fire — and stood his ground like a hero. Unfortunately he was again wounded, and carried to a log house with two others. Our men shortly after retreated, and an English officle, a Lieutenant, came to the door of the house, and pre- sented a fuzee at him ; upon w Inch Graves exclaimed ' O mercy, J or heavetCs sake, sheiv me tnercy ; dont shoot me ayain, J am baaly wounded.] The officer cocked his piece, which was within its own length of Graves, weltering in his blood, and with an internal grin, said « i'll. shew you meicy, goddamn YOU,' and immediately discharged its contents, a ball and three buckshot into his breast. This inhuman villain soon niet his reward, for scarcely had he turn- ed his eyes from the object of his barbarity, when he was shot through the brain, and fell dead almost w lth- in reach of Graves. Skirmishing at fort Georye, V. Canada. On the 14th ot Aug. 1S13, Gen. Proctor attacked our pickets at day break ;— after a snort engagement in which the enemy had 15 killed, and oneCapt. and several privates made prisoners, our torce retired to the fort with the loss ot 2 killed and several wounded. On the night of the 17th, our troops and a few In- dians formed an ambuscade, about 300 strong, im- mediately in front of the British camp — at day light our Indians rose and gave the war-hoop, and the en- emy considering it a friendly call, came tortli, and HISTORY OF THE WAR. 253 were within half nfle shot before they discovered the stratagem. They were met upon all Sides, and made but little resistance ; 75 being- killed the first shot, and the remainder, 16, surrendered as prisoners. Col. Wm. Russelly of Vincennes, with 573 men chiefly volunteers, from Kentucky and Ohio, march- e i from Villoma on the 25th June, for the purpose of relieving the frontier inhabitants of the savages. In marching through their country four weeks they suc- ceeded in destroying sixteen of their villages, and a Considerable quantity of corn, 8cc. and returned with- out the loss of a single man, bringing in several pris- oners, and 10 horses which the Indians had pillaged a few days before of the inhabitants. A Yankee trick. — On the 5th of July, 1813, Com. Lewis, commandant of the flotilla of Gun Boats at New- York, sent out the fishing smack Yankee from Musqu.to cove, for the purpose of taking by strata- gem, the sloop E igle, a tender to the Poictiers of 74 guns, which had been very troublesome to the fisher- men off Sandy Hook where they were cruising. A calf, a sheep, and a goose were purchased and secured on deck ; and between 30 and 40 men, well armed with muskets, were secreted in the cabin and fore- peak of the smack. Thus prepared, with 3 men dressed in fishermen's clothes on deck, she put out to sea as if going on a fishing trip. The Eagle on per- ceiving the smack gave chase, and after coming up with her, seeing she had live stock on deck, ordered her to go down to the Commodore, about five miles distant. The helmsman cried * ave aye sir,' and ap- parently put up the helm for that purpose, which brought her alongside the Eagle, not more than three yards distant. The watch-word, LawruQce, was then given, when the armed men rushed from their hiding- places and poured into her a volley of musketry, which struck her crew with dismay, and drove them all into the hold with such precipitancy, that they had 264 HISTORY OF THE WAH. not time to strike their colors. The Eagle had on board a 32 pound brass howitzer, loaded with shot ; but their surprise was so sudden that they had not time to fire it. The crew consisted of a master, one midshipman, and 11 marines from the Poictiers. The prize arrived at Whitehall, amidst the shouts of thousands who were celebrating the 4th of July. CAPTURE OF THE BOXER. Lieut. M' Callj to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S.Brig Enter prize. Port/and, 1th Sept. 1813. SIR — In consequence of the unfortunate death of Lieut, commandant William Burrows, late command- er of this vessel, it devolves on me to acquaint you with the result of the cruize. After sailing from Ports- mouth on the 1st "inst, we steered to the eastward; and on the morning of the 3d, oft' Wood Island, dis- covered a schooner, which we chased into this harbor, where we anchored. On the morning of the 4th, weighed anchor and swept out, and continued our course to the eastward. Having received informa- tion of several privateers being off Manhagan, we stood for that place ; and on the following morning, in the bay near Penguin Point, discovered a brig get- ting under way, which appeared to be a vessel of war, and to which we immediately gave chase. She fired several guns and stood for us, having four ensigns hoisted. After reconnoitering and discovering her force, and the nation to which she belonged, we haul- ed upon a wind to stand out of the bay, and at 3 o'clock shortened sail, tacked to run down with an in- tention to bring her to close action. At twenty min- utes after 3 P. M. when within half pistol shot, the tiring commenced from both, and after being warmly kept up, and with some manoeuvring, the enemy hail- ed and said they had surrendered, about 4 P. M. — their colors beiny nailed to the masts, could not be hauled down. She proved to be his B. M. brig Box- er, of 14 guns, Samuel Blylhe, esq. commander, who fell in the early part of the engagement, having HISTORY OF THE WAR. 25-5 received a cannon shot through the body- And I am sorry to add that Lieut. Burrows, who had gallantly led us into action, fell also about the same time by a musket ball, which terminated his existance in eight hours. The Enterprize suffered much in spars and rigging, and the Boxer in spars, rigging and hull, having many shots between wind and water. As no muster roll that can be fully relied on has come into my possession, I cannot exactly state the number killed and wounded on board the Boxer, but from information received from the officers of that vessel, it appears there were between twenty and twenty-live killed, and fourteen wounded. Enclosed in a list of the killed, and wounded on board the En- terprze. I have the honor to be, &c. EDWARD R. M'CALL, Senior Officer. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed 4, — Wounded, 10,— total 14. BRITISH LOSS. Killed 2-5,— Wounded, 14,— total 39. CHAPTER IX. PERRY'S VICTORY. Com. Perry to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. brig Niagara, Lake Erie, Sept. 10, 1813. oIK— It has pleased the Almighty to give to the arms of the U. States a signal victory over their ene- mies on this lake. The British squadron consisting of 2 ships, 2 brigs, 1 schooner, and one sloop, have this moment surrendered to the force under my com- mand, after a sharp conflict. I have the honor to he * c O.H.PERRY. 256 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Com. Perry to the Secretary of the Navy. r. S.sch. Ariel, Put-in-bay, Sept. 13, 1813. SIR — In ray last I informed you that we had cap- tured the enemy's fleet on this lake. I have now the honor to give you the most important particulars of the action. On the morning- of th6 10th inst. at sun- rise, they were discovered from Put-in-Bay, where I lay at anchor with the squadron under my command. We grot under weioh the wind li»ht at S. W. and stood for them. At 10 A. M. the wind h'auled to S. JE. and*brought Us to windward ; formed the line and bore up. At 15 minutes before twelve, the enemy commenced firing; ; at 5 minutes before twelve the action commenced on our part. Finding their fire very destructive, owing- to their long guns, and its be- ing mostly directed at the Lawrence, I made sail, and directed the other vessels to follow for the purpose of closing with the enemy. Every brace and bowline being soon shot away, she became unmanageable, notwithstanding the great exertions of the sailing- master. In this situation she sustained the action up- wards of two hours within canister distance, until eve- ry gun was rendered useless, and the greater part of her crew either killed or wounded. Finding she could no longer annoy the enemy, I left her in charge of Lieut. Yarnall, who, I was convinced from the bravery already displayed by him, would do what would comport with the honor of the flag. At half past two, the wind springing up, Capt. Elliott, was enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly in- to close action ; I immediately went on board of her, ■when he anticipated my wish by volunteering to bring the schooners which had been kept astern by the light- ness of the wind, into close action. It was with un- speakable pain that 1 saw soon after I got on board the Niagara, the flag of the Lawrence come down, although I was perfectly sensible that she had been defended to the last, and that to have continued to make a show of resistance would have been a wanton sacrifice of the remains of her brave crew. But the HISTORY OF THE WAR. 257r enemy was not able to take possession of her, and circumstances soon permitted her flag again to be hoist- ed. At 45 minutes past 2 the signal was made for ' close action.' The Niagara, being very little injur- ed, I determined to pass through the enemy's lines, bore up and passed ahead of their two ships and a brig, giving a raking fire to them from the starboard guns, and to a large schooner, and sloop, from the larboard side, at half pistol-shot distance. The smal- ler vessels at this time having got within grape and canister distance, under the direction of Capt. Elliott, and keeping up a well directed fire, the 2 ships, a brig, and a schooner, surrendered, a schooner and sloop, making a vain attempt to escape. Those officers and men who were immediately un- der my observation evinced the greatest gallantry, and I have no doubt that all others conducted themselves as became American officers and seamen. Lieut. Yarnall, first of the Lawrence, although several times wounded, refused to quit the deck. 1 have the honor to enclose you a return of the kil- led and wounded, together with a statement of the relative force of the squadrons. The Capt. and first Lu j ut. of the Queen Charlotte, and first Lieut, of the Detroit were killed — Capt. Barclay, senior officer, and ihe commander of the Lady Prevost, severely wounded. Tne commander of the Hunter and Chip- peway slightly wounded. Their loss in killed and wounded I have not been able to ascertain, it must however have been very great. Very respectfully. &c. O. H. PERRY. U. S Schooner Ariel, Put-in-bay, Sept. 13, 1813. SIR — F have caused the prisoners taken on the 10th hist, to be landed at Sandusky, and have requested Gen. Harrison to have them marched to Chilicothe, and there wait until your pleasure shall be known re- specting them. 33 258 HISTORY OF THE WAR. The Lawrence has been so entirely cut up, it is absolutely necessary she should go into a safe harbor ; I have therefore directed Lieut. Yarnall to proceed to Erie in her, with the wounded of the fleet, and dis- mantle and get her over the bar as soon as possible. The two ships in a heavy sea this day at anchor lost their masts, being- much injured in the action. I shall haul them into the inner bay at this place and moor them for the present. The Detroit is a re- markably fine ship, sails well, and is very strongly built. The Q,ueen Charlotte is a much superior ves- sel to what has been represented. The Lady Prevost is a large fine schooner. I also beg your instructions respecting the wound- ed. I am satisfied, sir, that whatever steps I might take governed by humanity, would meet your appro- bation. Under this impression, I have taken upon myself to promise Capt. Barclay, who is very danger- ously wounded, that he shall be landed as near lake Ontario as possible, and I had no doubt you would allow me to parole him. He is under the impression that nothing but leaving this part of the country will save his life. There is also a number of Canadians among the prisoners, many who have families. I have the honor to be, &c. O. H. PERRY. Statement of the force of the American squadron Lawrence 20 guns— Niagara 20 — Caledonia 8 — Ariel 4 — Scorpion 2 — Somers 4 — Trippe 1 — Tigress 1 — Porcupine 1 total 54 guns. Statement of the force of the British squadron. Detroit 21 guns — Queen Charlotte 18 — Lady Pre- vost 14— Hunter 10— Little Belt 3— Chippeway 3— total 63 guns. The exact number of the enemy's force has not been ascertained, but 1 have good reason to believe that it exceeded ours by nearly 100 men. HISTORY OP THE WAR. * . 259 M •■•- AMERICAN LOSS. Killed on board the Lawrence, 22, Wounded 01. Niagara 2 ; Wounded 25— Calledonia Wounded 3. Somers 2 wounded — Ariel Killed 1, Wounded 3. — Trippe wounded 2— Scorpion Killed 2— total killed and wounded 123. CAPTURE OF THE DOMINICO. Capt. John H. Dent to the Secretary of the Navy. Charleston, Aug-. 21, 1813. [Extract] I have the honor to inform you that the privateer schooner Decatur, of this port, arrived here yesterday, with H. B. M. schooner Dominico, her priae. She was captured on the 15th inst. after a most gallant and desperate action of one hour, and carried by boarding, having all her officers killed or wound- ed except one midshipman. The Dominico mounts 15 guns, one a 32 pounder on a pivot, and had a com- plement of 88 men at the commencement of the action, (30 of whom were killed or wounded. She was one of the best equipped and manned vessels of her class I have ever seen. The Decatur mounts 7 guns, and had a complement of 103 men at the commencement of the action, nineteen of whom were killed and wounded. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN H. DENT. Killed on board the Decatur 5 — wounded 1J. Kdled on board the Dominico 18 — wounded 42. CAPTURE OF MALDEN. Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of War. Head-Quarters Amherstburg, Sept. 23, 1813. SIR— I have the honor to inform you that 1 landed the army under my command about 3 miles below this place at 3 o'clock this evening, withoutopposition, and took possession of the town in an hour aster. Gen. Proctor has retreated to Sandwich with his reg- ular troops and Indians, having previously burned the fort, navy yard, barracks and public store houses j 260 HISTORY OP THE WAR. the two latter were very extensive, covering several acres of ground. I will pursue the enemy to-morrow, although there is no probability of my overtaking him as he has upwards of one thousand horses, and we have not one in the army. I shall think myself fortu- nate to be able to collect a sufficiency to mount the General officers. It is supposed here that Gen. Proc* tor intends to establish himself upon the river French, forty miles from Maiden. I have the honor, S^c. WILLIAM H. HARRISON. HARRISONS VICTORY. Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of War. Head-Quarters, Detroit, Oct. 9, 1813. SIR — In my letter from Sandwich of thedOih ul- timo, I did myself the honor to inform you, that I was preparing to pursue the enemy the following day. From various causes, however I was unable to put the troops in motion until the morning of the2dinst. and then to take with me only about one hundred and for- ty of the regular troops, Johnson's mounted regiment and such of Governor Shelby's volunteers as were tit for a rapid march, the whole amounting to about three thousand five hundred men. To Gen. M'Ai> thur (with about 700 effectives) the protecting of this place and the sick was committed. Gen. Cass's brig- ade, and the corps of Lieui. Col. Ball were left at Sandwich, with orders to follow me as soon as the men received their knapsacks and blankets, which had been left on an island in Lake Erie. The unavoidable delay at Sandwich was attended with no disadvantage to us. Gen. Proctor had post- ed himself at Dalson's on the right bank of the Thames (or Trench) fifty six miles from this place, where I was informed he intended to fortify and wait to re- ceive me. He must have believed, however, that I had no disposition to follow him, or that he had se- cured my continuance here, by the reports that were circulated that the Indians would attack and destroy this place upon the advance of the army ; as he neg- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 261 lected to commence the breaking 1 up the bridges until the night of the 2d inst. On that night our army reached the river, which is twenty-five miles from Sandwich and is one oi 4 streams crossing our route, over all of which are bridges, and being deep and muddy, are unfordable for a consideroble distance into the country — the bridge here was found entire, and in the morning I proceeded with Johnson's regi- ment to save if possible the others. At the second bridge over a branch of the river Thames, we were fortunate enough to capture a Lieut, of dragoons and eleven privates, who had been sent by Gen. Proctor to destroy them. From the prisoners I learned that the third bridge was broken up and that the enemy had no certain information of our advance. The bridge having been imperfectly destroyed, was soon repaired and the army encamped at Drake's farm, four miles below Dalson's. The river Thames, along the banks of which our route lay, is a fine deep stream, navigable for vessels of considerable burden, after the passage of the bar at its mouth over which, there is six and a half feet water. The baggage of the army was brought from De- troit in boats protected by three gun-boats, which Com. Perry had furnished for the purpose, as well as to cover the passage of the army over the Thames it- self, or the mouths of its tributary streams; the banks being low and the country generally o ; >en (praaries) as high as Dalson's, these vessels were well calculat- ed for that purpose. Above Dalson's however, the character of the river and adjacent country is consid- erably changed. — The former, though still deep, is very narrow and its banks h.gh and woody. The Commodore and myself therefore agreed upon the 1)ropriety of leaving the boats under a guard of one uiudretl and fifty infantry, and I determined to trust to fortune and the bravery of my troops to effect the passage of the river. Below a place called Chatham and 4 miles above Dalson's is the third unfordable 262 HISTORY OP THE WAR. branch of the Thames ; the bridge over its mouth had been taken up by the Indians, as well as that at MGregor's Mills, one mile above— several hundred of the Indians remained to dispute our passage, and upon the arrival of the advanced guard, commenced a hea- vy fire from the opposite bank of the creek as well as that of the river. Believeing that the whole force of the enemy was there, I halted the army, formed in order of battle, and brought up our two six pounders to cover the party that were ordered to repair the bridge— a few shot from those pieces, soon drove off the Indians and enabled us, in two hours to repair the bridge and cross the troops. Col. Johnson's mounted regiment being upon the right of the army, had seized upon the remains of the bridge at the mills under a heavy fire from the Indians. Our loss on this occasion, was two killed and three or four wounded, that of the ene- my was ascertained to be considerably greater. A house near the bridge containing a very considerable number of muskets had been set on lire — but it was extinguished by our troops and the aruis saved. At the first farm above the bridge, we found one of the enemy's vessels on tire, loaded with arms and ord- »ance stores, and learned that they were a few miles ahead of us, still on the right bank of the river with the great body of the Indians. At Bowles' farm, four miles from the brdge we haulted for the night, found two other vessels and a large distillery tilled with ordnance and other valuable stores to an 1m- mence amount in flames — it was impossible to put out the fire — two twenty-four pounders with their car- riages were taken and a large quantity of ball and shells of various sizes. The army was put in motion early on the morning of the 5th, I pushed on in advance with the mounted regiment and requested Governor Shelby to follow as expeditiously as possible with the infantry, the Governor's zeal and that of his men en- abled them to keep up with the cavalry, and, by 9 o'clock, we were at Arnold's Mills having taken in the course of the morning two gun-boats and several batteaux loaded with provisions and ammunition. HISTORY OP THE WAR. 2G$ A rapid at the river at Arnold's mills affords the on- ly fording to be met with for a considerable distance, but, upon examination, it was found too deep for the infantry. Having-, however, fortunately taken two or three boats and some Indian canoes on the spot, and obliged the horsemen to take a foot-man behind each, the whole were safely crossed by 12 o'clock. Eight miles from the crossing we passed a farm, where a part of the British troops had encamped the night before, under the command of Col. Warburton. The detachment with Gen. Proctor had arrived the day before at the Moravian towns, 4 miles higher up. Being now certainly near the enemy, I directed the advance of Johnson's regiment to accelerate their march for the purpose of procuring intelligence. The officer commanding it, in a short time, senttoin- form me, that his progress was stopped by the enemy, who were formed across our line of march. One of the enemy's waggoners being abo taken prisoner, from the information received from him, and my own ob- servation, assisted by some of my officers, I soon as- certained enough of their position and order of battle, to determine that, which it was proper for me to adopt, 1 have the honor herewith to enclose you my gene- ral order of the 27th ult. prescribing the order of march, and of battle when the whole army should act together. But as the number and description of the troops had been essentially changed, since the issuing of the order, it became necessary to make a corres- ponding alteration in their disposition. From the place where our army was last halted, to the Moravian towns a distance of about three and a half miles, the road passes through a beach forest without any clear- ing, and for the first two miles near to the bank of the river. At from two to 300 yards from the river, a swamp extends parallel to it, throughout the whole distance. The intermediate ground is dry, and al- though the trees are tolerably thick, it is in many pla- ces clear of underbrush. Across this strip of land, its left appayed upon the river, supported by artillery 2G4 HISTORY OF THE WAR. placed in the wood, their right in the swamp covered by the whole of the Indian force, the British troops were drawn np. The troops at my disposal consisted of about 120 regulars of the 27th regt. five brigades of Kentucky volunteer militia infantry, under his Excellency Gov. Shelby, averaging - less than five hundred men, and Col. Johnson's regiment of mounted Infantry, making in the whole an aggregate something about 3000. No disposition of an army opposed to an Indian force can be safe unless it is secured on the flanks and in the rear. I had therefore no difficulty in arranging the Infantry conformably to ni\ general order of bat- tle. Gen. Trotter's brigade ol 500 men, formed the front line, his l ight upon vhe road and his left upon the swamp. Gen. King's brigade as a second line, 150 yards in the rear of Trotter's, and Chiles' brigade as a corps of reserve in ttie rear of it. These three brig- ades formed the command of Major-General Henry ; the whole of Gen. Desha's divison, consisting of two brigades, were formed en potence upon the left of Trotter. . Whilst I was engaged in forming the Infantry, I had directed Col. Johnson's regiment, which was still in front, to be formed in two lines opposite to the en- emy, and upon the advance of the Infantry, to take ground to the left, and forming upon that flank to en- deavor to turn the right of the Indians. A moment's reflection, however, convinced me that from the thick- ness of the woods and swampness of the ground, they would be unable to do any thing on horseback, and there was no time to dismount them and place their horses in security. I therefore determined to refuse my left to the Indians, and to break the British lines at once by a charge of the mounted lnfanlr\ ; the measure was not sanctioned by any thing 1 had ever seen or heard of, but I was fully convinced that it would succeed. The American back woodsmen ride better in the woods than any other people. A musket or rifle is no impediment to them, being ac- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 26-5 customed to them from their earliest youth. I was persuaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unpre- pared for the shock, and that they could not resist it. Conformable to this idea, I directed the regiment to be drawn up in close column, with its right at the dis- tance of 50 yards from the road, (that it might be, in some measure, protected by the trees from the artil- lery) its left upon the swamp, and to charge at full speed as soon as the enemy had de'ivered their tire. The few regular troops of the 27lh regiment, under Col. Paul, occupied in a column of sections of four, the small space between the road and the river, for the purpose of seizing the enemy's artillery, and some ten or twelve friendly Indians to move under the bank. The crotchet formed by the front line and Gen. De- sha's division, was an important point. At that place the venerable Governor of Kentucky was posted, who at the age of sixty-six preserves all the vigor of youth, the ardent zeal which distinguished him in the revo- lutionary war, and the undaunted bravery winch he manifested at Kinys mountain. With my aids de camp, the acting assistant Adj. General, Capt. Butler, my gallant friend Com. Perry, who did me the honor to serve as my volunteer aid de camp, and Brig". Gen. Cass, who having no command, tendered me his assistance, I placed myself at the head of the front line of Infantry, to direct the movements of the cav- alry, and give them the necessary support. The army had moved on in this order but a short, distance, when the mounted men received the fire of the British line, and were ordered to charge ; the horses in the front of the column recoiled from the fire ; another was given by the enemy, and our col- umn at length getting in motion, broke through the enemy with irresistable force. In one minute the contest in front was over: the British officers seeing- no hope of reducing their disordered ranks to order, and our mounted men wheeling upon them and pour- ing in a destructive fire, immediately surrendered. It is certain that three only of our troops were wound- M 266 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ed in this charge. Upon the left however, the con- test was more severe with the Indians. Col. John- son, who commanded on that flank of his regiment, received a most galling fire from them, which was returned with great effect. The Indians still further to the right advanced and fell in with our front line of Infantry, near its junction with Desha's division, and for a moment made an impression upon it. His Excellency Gov. Shelby, however, brought up a regi- ment to its support, and the enemy receiving a severe fire in front, and a part of Johnson's regiment having gained their rear, retreated with precipitation. Their loss was very considerable in the action, and many were killed in their retreat In can give no satisfactory information of the num- ber of Indians that were in the action, but they must have been considerably upwards of 1000. From the documents in my possession, (Gen. Proctor's official letters, all of which were taken) and from the infor- mation of respectable inhabitants of this Territory, the Indians kept in pay by the British were much more numerous than has been generally supposed. In a letter to Gen. de Rottenburgh, of the 27th ult. Gen. Proctor speaks of having prevailed upon 3,200 of the Indians to accompany him. Ot these it is certain that 50 or 60 Wyandot warriors abandoned him. The number of our troops were certainly greater than that of the enemy, but when it is recollected, that they had taken a position that effectually secured their flank, which it was impossible for us to turn, and that wc could not present to them a line more extended than their own, it will not be considered arrogant to claim for my troops the palm of superior bravery. In communicating to the President through you, sir, my opinion of the conduct of the officers who served un- der me, I am at a loss how to mention that of Gov. Shelby, being Convinced that no eulogium of mine can reach his merits. The Governor of an independent state, greatly my superior in years, experience, and in military character, he placed himself under my HISTORY OF THE WAR. 267 command, and was not more remarkable for his zeal and activity, than for the promptitude and cheerful- ness with which he obeyed my orders. I left the army before an official return of the pris- oners, or that of the killed and wounded, was made out. It was however ascertained that the former amounts to 600 regulars, including' 2-3 officers. Our loss is 7 killed and 22 wounded, 5 of which have since died. Of the British 12 kilied, and 22 wound- ed. The Indians suffered most, 100 of them having been found upon the ground, including those killed on the retreat. On the day of the action, 6 pieces of brass artillery were taken, and two iron 24 pounders the day before. Several others were discovered in the river and can be easily procured. Of the brass pieces, three are the trophies of our revolutionary war, that were taken at Saratoga and York, and surrendred by General Hull. I have the honor to be, &c. WILLIAM H. HARRISON. The fruits of Gen. Harrison's victory, independent of the great advantages obtained, are of the British re- gular army, 609 non-commissioned officers and pri- vates, 2 Colonels, 4 Majors, and 19 officers of the line, prisoners ; and 12 pieces of cannon, 6000 stands of arms, 5 Gun-Boats, and ammunition and stores to the amount of 1,000,000 of Dollars ! ! SPEECH OF TECCJMSEH.* In the name of the Indian chiefs and warriors, to Maj. Gen. Proctor, as the representative oj their t/reat father — the king. Father, listen to your children ! You have them now all before you. The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his red children, when our chiefs were alive. » Tecumseh was kilted at the battle of the Moravian towns. 268 HISTORY OF THE WAR. They are now dead. In that war, our father was thrown on his back by the Americans, and our father took them by the hand without our knowledge ; and we are afraid that our father will do so again at this time. Summer before last, when I came forward with my red brethren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British father, we were told not to be in a hurry, that he had not yet determined to fight the Americans. 1 istfv ! — When war was declared, our father stood up and gave us the tomahawk, and told us that he was then ready to strike the Americans ; that he wanted our assistance ; and that he would certainly gcY us our lands back, which the Americans had ta- ken from us. Listen ! — You told us, at that time, to bring for- ward our families to this place ; and we did so ; and you promised to take care of them, and that the) should want for nothing, while the men would go and fight the enemy. That we need not, trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrison ; that we knew nothing about them, and that our father would attend to that part of the business. You also told your red children, that you would take good care of your garrison here, which made our hearts glad. Lisltn ! — When we were last at the Rapids, it is true we gave you little assistance. It is hard to fight, people who live like ground hogs. Father, listen ! Our fleet has gone out ; we know they have fought ; we have heard the great guns : but know nothing of what has happened to our lather, with one arm. Our ships have gone oneway, and we are much astonished to see our father tying up every thing and preparing to run away tl;e other, without letting his red children know what his inten- tions are. You always told us to remain here and take care of our lands ; it made our hearts glad to hear thai w as \ our w ish. Our great father, the king, is our head, and you represent hnu. You always tout us. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 269 that von would never draw your foot off British ground; but now, father, we see you are drawing back, and le are sorry to see our father doing so xvithout.seemg the enemy. We must compare our father s conduct to a ft* animal, that carries its tail upon its back, but when frighted, he drops it between his legs and runs oft. . , . . i Listen Father ! The Americans have not yet de- feated us' by land ; neither are we sure that they have done so by water : we therefore, wish to remain here, and fight our enemy, if they should make their ap- pearance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with our father. , . At the battle of the Rapids last war, the Ameri- cans certainly defeated us ; and when we retreated to our father's fort at that place the gates were shut against us We were afraid that it would now be the case ; but instead of that we now see our British father preparing to march out of his garrison. Father > You have got the arms and ammunition which our' great father sent for his red children. If vou have an idea of going away, give them to us, and you ma? go and welcome, for us. Our hves are m the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to de- fend our lands, and if it be his will we wish to leave our bones upon them. Amherstburg, Sept. 18, 1810. Com. Chauncey to the Secretary of the &**&& U.S. ship Gen. Pike, Sackett's Harbor, Oct. 6, 1813. Sift— I have the pleasure to liitorm you, that 1 ar- rived here this morning, with five of the enemy s ves- sels, which I fell in with and captured last evening off the Ducks. They were part ot a fleet of seven sail which left York on Sunday with 234 troops on board, bound to Kingston. Of this fleet five were captured, one burnt, and one escaped ; the prisoners, amount- ing to nearly 300, besides, having upwards ot 300 ot our troops on board from Niagara, induced me to run into port for the purpose of landing both. 270 HISTORY OF THE WAR. I have an additional pleasure in informing you, that amongst the captured vessels are the late U. S. schs. Julia and Growler, the others are gun vessels. I have the honor to be, \c. ISAAC CHAUNCEY. Belurn of the troops of H. H. >7V. Be Matte- ville regiment, captured in the above vessels. 1 Major, 1 Captain, 3 subalterns, 1 surgeon, 10 sergeants, 4 drummers and buglers, 202 rank and file. Officers and marines. — 1 Lieut. 2 master's mates, 35 seamen and marines of the royal navy, and 4 sail- ing masters of the provincial navy. J. GIBSON, Inspector Gen. Something Singular.— About the 1st of Oct. 1813, Capt. Morgan, of the riHe corps was sent from Sacketts Harbor, to Gravelly Point, near Kingston, for the purpose of taking possession of the Point. Seeing an English schr. gun boat, he concealed his men, about 60, and sent a small boat along the shore, which the enemy espied, and started in pursuit of. When the enemy came near, our men landed, and took to the woods; the enemy came near shore, and sent a party after the fugitives, when Morgan's campany rushed from their hiding place, and gave them so warm a reception, as either to kill or wound every one, as they appeared on deck ; a few ot our men waded out and took possession of the gunboat, while those on shore stood ready to fire at the first man who made ap- pearance on deck. We did not lose a man in this gal- lant little exploit j the enemy lost 3 killed — 7 wound- ed, and 50 prisoners. Com. Rodgers, Sailed from Boston the 23d of April, 1813, aud returned to Newport, Sept. 26. — After crossing the seas in almost every direction, cruising for some time in the British channel, and on the coast of Norway, without seeing a public vessel, HISTORY OF THE WAR. 271 of the enemy's, excepting- a 74, and frigate in company, which chased him three days, often so near as to give, and receive a shot, the Com. returned to port, to re- cruit his stores. The President, captured the following vessels on her cruise.— Brig Kitty, of 2 guns, and 12 men, car- go of codfish; sent into France. Packet Brig Duke of Montrose, of 12 guns, and 34 men ; sent to Eng- land as a cartel, with 78 prisoners. Letter of Marque Brig Maria, of 14 guns, and 35 men ; cargo of cod- fish, sent into France. Schr. Falcon, of 2 guns, and 1 1 men, cargo of codfish, sent into France. Brig Jean, burnt. Brig Daphne, of 2 guns, and 10 men; sunk. Ship Eliza Swan, of 8 guns, and 49 men ; cargo of blubber oil; ransomed for 5000 pounds ster- ling. Brig Albert, cargo of pitch and tar, burnt. Barque Lion, of 8 guns, and 53 men ; cargo of blub- ber oil, ransomed for 3000 pounds sterling. Brig Shannon, cargo of rum, sugar, and molasses, sent into the U. S. Brig Fly, of 6 guns, and 10 men ; cargo of coffee, sent into the U. S His B. M's Schr. High Fly- er, of 5 guns, 5 officers, and 34 men, brought into Newport ; the High Flyer was sold at auction for eleven thouand Dollars. Col. Clarke to the Secretary of JVar. Camp Chazey-Landing, Oct. 15, 1813. It is with great pleasure I can inform you of asuc- cessi'ul attack upon the enemy at Massesquoi bay on the morning of the 12th inst. At this time I had only the riflemen with me, the artillery moving slow and the militia protecting their rear. We proceeded to the viilage (Massesquoi) and arrived within 15 rods of the enemy before we were discovered. We found them drawn up under Major Powell in a manner that would have annoyed us much had we attack- ed them by water, but wholly unprepared to defend themselves on the land side ; they commenced a fire on the left flank, but in ten minutes after the first at- tack they laid down their arms and surrendered them- selves prisoners of war. 272 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Understanding- that a force of 200 men under Col. Lock was marching' to attack us, 1 despatched Capt. Finch with his company to reconnoitre them and as- certain their course. He proceeded with such prompt- ness and ability as to surprise and capture the advanc- ed guard, consisting of cavalry, excepting 1 one man who escaped, and giving the information the enemy retreated. The prisoners were then put on board our boats and sent to Burlington. Our whole force engaged was 102 — the number of prisoners taken is 101 ; their killed 9, and wounded 14. 1 am, sir, with respect, Sec. ISAAC CLARKE. Massacre at fort Tensaw. — The following partic- ulars of the massacre at fort Tensaw, is received from Judge Toulmiu of Mobile. ' The dreadful catastrophe which we have been sometime expecting, has at length taken place ; the Indians have broken in upon us in numbers and fury unexampled. A few days before the attack, (Sept. 1) some negroes of Mr. Girt's who lived in that part oi the Creek territory which is inhabited^ by half breeds, had been sent up the Alabama to his plantation for corn ; three of them were taken by a party of Indians. One escaped and brought down news of the approach of the Indians. The officer gave but little credit to him, but they made some further preparation to re- ceive the enemy, and on Saturday and Sunday con- siderable work was done to put the fort in a state of defence. Sunday morning three negroes were sent out to attend the cattle, who soon returned with an account that they had seen 20 Indians. — Scouts were sent out to ascertain the truth of the report ; they re- turned and declared they could see no signs of Indians. One of the negroes belonging to Mr. Ran- don was whipped for bringing what they deemed a false report. — He was sent out again on Mouday, Mid saw -t body of Indians approaching; but airaid HISTORY OF THE WAR. 273 of beinv. Blount. Camp a* Ten Islands, Nov. 4th, 1813. STR — We have retaliated for the destruction of Fort Mims. On the 2d instant, I oetaihed Gen. Coffee with a part of his brigade of cavalry and mounted riflemen, to destroy Tallushatches, where a considerable force of the hostile Creeks were concen- trated. The Gen. executed this in stile. A hun- dred and eighty-six of the enemy were found dead on the field, and about eighty taken prisoners \ forty of HISTORY OP THE WAR. 277 ^vnom have been brought here. In the number left, ti e:e is a sufficiency but slightly wounded to take care 01 those who are badiy. I herein enclose Gen. Coffee's official report of th* actio 11. I hav e the honor to be, &c, ANDREW JACKSON. Gen. Coffee to Gen. Jackson. Camp at 7 en Islands, Nov. 4th, 1813. SIR, — I had the honor yesterday, of transmitting you a short account of an engagement that took place between a detachment of about nine hundred men from my brigade, with the enemy at Tallushatches towns ; the particulars whereof I beg leave herein to recite to you. Pursuant to your order of the 2d, I detailed from my brigade of cavalry and mounted ri- flemen, nine hundred men and officers, and proceeded directly to the Tallushatches towns, crossing Coosey river at the Fish Dam ford, 3 or 4 miles above this place. I arrived within one and a half miles of the town (distant from this place south-east eight miles) on the morning of the third, at which place I divided my detachment into two columns the right composed of the cavalry commanded by Col. Allcorn, to cross over a large creek that lay between us and the towns, the left column was of the mounted riflemen, under the command of Qol. Cannon, with whom 1 marched myself. Col. Allcorn was ordered to march up on the right and encircle one one half of the town, and at the same time the left would form a half circle on the left, and unite the head ot the colums in front of the town ; all of which was performed as I could wish. When I arrived in haif a mile of the towns, the drums of the enemy began to beat, mingled with their savage yells, preparing for action. It was af- ter sun-rise an hour ; when the action was brought on by Capt. Hammond and Lieut. Patterson's com- panies, who had gone on within the circle of align- ment tor the purpose of drawing out the enemy Irom 278 HISTORY OP THE WAR^ their buildings, which had the most happy effects. As soon as Capt. Hammond exhibited his front in view of the town, (which stood in open woocUawd) and gave a few scattering shot, the enemy formed and made a violent charge on him ; he gave way as they advanced, until they met our right column ; which gave them a general fire and then charged ; this changed the direction of charge completely ; the enemy retreated, tiring, until they got around and in their buildings, where they made all the resistance that an overpowered soldier could do ; they fought as long as one existed, but their destruction was very soon completed ; our men rushed up to the doors of the houses, and in a few minutes killed the last war- rior of them ; the enemy fought with savage fury, and met death with all its horrors, without shrinking or complaining, not one asked to be spared, but fought so long as they could stand or sit. In consequence of their flying to their houses and mixing with the families, our men in killing the males, without inten- tion, killed and wounded a few squaws and children, which was regretted by every officer and soldier of the detachment, but which could not be avoided. The number of the enemy killed was one hundred and eighty-six that were counted, and a number of oth- ers that were killed in the weeds not found. I think the calculation a reasonable one, to say two hundred of them were killed, and eighty-four prisoners of women and children, were taken ; not one of the warriors escaped to carry the news, a circumstance unknown heretofore. I lost five men killed and forty-one wounded, none mortally, the greater part slightly, a number with arrows; two of the men killed was with arrows ; this appears to form a very principal part of enemy's arms for warfare ; every man having a bow with a bundle of arrows, which is used after the first fire with the gun, until a leisure time for loading offers. I have the honor to be, &c. JNO COFFEE. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 279 Gen. Jackson to Gov. Blount. Camp Ten Islands of Cossa, Nov. II, 1813. [Extract.} SIR — I am just returned from an ex- cursion which 1 took a few days ago, and hasten to acquaint you with the result. Late. on the evening of the 7th inst. a runner ar- rived from the friendly party in Lashley's fort, (Tale- dega) distant about thirty miles below us, with the information that the hostile Creeks, in great force had encamped near the place, and were preparing to de- stroy it ; and earnestly entreated that I would lose no time in affording relief. Urged by their situation as well as by a wish to meet the enemy so soon as an opportunity would offer, I determined upon com- mencing my march thither with all my disposable force; we encamped that night within six miles of the fort 1 had set out to relieve. At sun rise we came within half a mile of them, and having formed my men, I moved on in battle order. The infantry were in three lines — the militia on the left and the volunteers on the right. The cavalry formed the ex- treme wings ; and were ordered to advance in a curve, keeping their rear connected with the advance of their infantry lines, and to enclose the enemy in a circle. The advanced guard whom I sent forward to brino; on the enofa^ement, met the attack of the enemy with great intrepidity ; and having poured upon them four or five very gallant rounds, fell back as they had been previously ordered, to the main army. The enemy pursued and the front line was now or- dered to advance and meet him ; the fire became general along the first line, and on that part of the wings which were contiguous. The enemy, unable, to stand it, began to retreat ; but were met at every turn, and pursued in every direction. The right wing chased them with a most destructive fire to the moun- tains, a distance of about o miles ; the victory howev- er was very decisive — 21)0 of the enemy were leit dead ; and there can be no doubt but many more were killed who were not found. Wherever thev ran 280 HISTORY OP THE WAR. they left traces of blood ; and it is believed that very few will return to their villages in as sound a condi- tion as they left them. I was compelled to return to this place to protect the sick and wounded, and get my baggage. In the engagement we lost 15 killed aud 15 wounded, 2 of whom have since died. In haste, I have the honor to be, *c. ANDREW JACKSON. Gen. White to Major- Gen. Cocke. Fort-Armstrong, Nov. 24, 1813. [Extract.] SIR — In mine of the 19th inst. by Ma. jor Outlaw, I promised you a detailed report, respect* ing the detachment ordered by you to the Hillibee towns, in the Creek nation. In compliance with that promise, 1 have now the honor to state— that under your order of the 11th inst, I immediately marched with the mounted infantry, uuder the immediate command of Col. Buret). The cavalry under the command of Major Porter, and a few of the Cherokee Indians uiv- der the command of Col. Morgan, with very short rations for four days only. After destroying two vil- lages containing 123 houses, we marched to the Hillibee town, consisting of about 20 houses, adjoining which was Grayson's farm. — Previous to our arrival at that place, 1 was advised that £ part of the hostile Creeks were assembled there. Having marched within six or seven miles of it on the 17th, I dismounted apart of the force uuder iu) com- mand, and sent them under the command of Col. Burch, with the Cherokees under the command of Col. Morgan, in advance, to surround the town in the night, and make the attack at day light on the 18lh. Owing to the darkness of the night, the town was not reached until after day light — but so complete was the surprise, that we succeeded m surrounding the town, and killing and capturing almost (if not en- tirely) the whole of the hostile Creeks assembled there, consisting of about 3lt>, of which number about tiO warriors were killed on the spot, aud the remainder HISTORY OF THE WAR. 281 made prisoners. We lost not one drop of blood in accomplishing" this enterprize. We destroyed this village ; and, in obedience to your orders, commenc- ed our march for this post, which we were unable to reach until yesterday. I have the honor to be, &c. JAMES WHITE, Brig. Gen. Gen. Floyd to Gen. Pinhney. Catahouche, Dec. 4, 1813. . [Extract.'] 8IR — I have the honor to communicate to you an account of the action fought on the 29th ult. between part of the force under my command* and a large body of the Creek Indians. Having re- ceived information that the hostile Indians were as- sembled at Autossee, I proceeded thither with the force under my command, accompanied by about 300 friendly Indians. We encamped the 28th, at night, within ten miles of our place of destination, and the next morning by half past (5, were formed for action in front of the town. It was my intention to have completely surround- ed the enemy, by appaying the right of my force on Canlehee creek, at the mouth of which I was inform- ed the town stood ; and resting the left on the river below the town ; but to our surprise, as day dawned, we perceived a second town 500 yards below Autos- see. The plan of attack was immediately changed ; five companies immediately surrounded the lower town, and the remainder attacked the upper. The battle now became general. The Indians presented themselves at even point, and fought with the despe- rate bravery of real fanatics ; but the well directed fire of the artillery, with the charged bayonet) soon forced them to take shelter in their houses, and many, it is believed, secured themselves in caves previously prepared in the high bank of the river. The friendly Indians were to cross the river above the town, for the purpose of taking such as might attempt to es- cape ; but owing to the coldness of the water, they 36 282 HISTORY OF THE WAR. declined, after making the attempt: they crossed the creek, thronged to our flanks, and fought with an in- trepidity worthy of any troops. At 9 o'clock, the enemy was completely driven from the plain, and the houses of both towns wrapped in flames, to the num- ber of about 400. It is difficult to determine the strength of the enemy, but the chiefs say there were assembled the warriors of eight towns, for the defence of Autossee, it being the. r beloved ground, on which, they proclaimed, no white man could approach with- out inevitable destruction. It is believed the enemy lost at least, 200 killed, (among whom are the Autos- see andTallissee kings) and from the circumstance of their not making an effort to molest our return, probably they lost more. Our loss was 11 killed and 54 wounded. — The friendly Indians lost several killed and wounded ; the number not exactly known. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN FLOYD, Brig. Gen. Gen. Claiborne, to the Secretary of War. Fort Claiborne, Jan. 1st, 1814. [Extract] SIR— On the 13th ult. I marched a detach- ment from this post with a view of destroying the towns of the inimical Creek Indians, on the Alabama, above the the mouth of the Cahaba. After having marched about eighty miles, from the best infor- mation I could obtain, I was within thirty miles of a town newly erected on aground called Holy, occupi- ed by a large body of the enemy, under the command of Witherford, the half breed chief. On the morn- ing of the 22d the troops resumed their line of march, chiefly through woods without a track to guide them. When near the town on the morning of the 23d, my dispositon lor attack was made. — The troops advan- ced in three columns. With the centre column I ad- vanced mj self, ordering Lester's guards and Well's troop of dragoons to act as a corps of reserve. About noon the right column, composed of twelve month's volunteers, commanded by Col. Joseph Carson, came HISTORY OP THE AVAR. 28o in view of the town called Eccanachaca (or Holy Ground) and was immediately vigorously attacked by the enemy, who were apprized of our approach, and had chosen their field of action. Before the centre, commanded by Lieut. Col. Rus- sell, with a part of the 3d regiment of U. S. infantry and mounted militia riflemen, or the left column, which was composed of militia and a party of Choc- taws under Pushamuttaha, commanded by Maj. Smoot of militia, who were ordered to charge, could come generaly into action, the enemy were repulsed and were flying in all directions, and many of them casting away their arms. Thirty of the enemy were killed, and judging from every appearance many were wounded. The loss on our part was one corporal killed, and one ensign, two Serjeants, one corporal, and two privates wounded. A pursuit was immediately ordered but from the nature of the country, nothing was effected. The town was nearly surrounded by swamps and deep ravines, which rendered our approach difficult, and facilitated the escape of the enemy. In the town we found a large quantity of provisions and immense property of various kinds, which the enemy, flying precipitately, were obliged to leave behind, and which*, together with two hundred houses were destroyed The next day was occupied in destroying a town consisting of sixty houses, eight miles higher up the river, and in taking and destroying the enemy's boats. At the town last destroyed was killed three Indians of some distinction. I have the honor to be, &c. FERD. L. CLAIBORNE. Brig. Gen. Gen. Floyd to Major Gen. Pinckney. [Extract] Camp Defiance, Jan. 27, 1814. SIR — I have the honor to acquaint your excellen- cy that this morning at 20 minutes past 5 o'clock, a very large body of hostile Indians made a desperate attack upon the army under my command. They stole upon the cenfcinels, fired on them, and with great 284 HISTORY OFTHE WAR. impetuosity rushed upon our line : in 20 minutes the station became general, and our front, right and lelt flanks were closely pressed, but the brave and ga hint conduct ot the tieid and line officers, and the firmness of the men, repelled them at every point. The steady firmness, and incessant fire ol Capt. Thomas's artillery, ami Capt Adams' riflemen, pre- served our front lines. The enemy rushed within 30 yards of the artillery, and Capt. Broduax, who com* niauded one of the pu cjuet guards, maintained his post with great bravery, until the enemy gained his rear, and then cut his way through them to the army. As soon as it became light enough to distinguish ob- jects, I ordered Majors Watson's and Freman's bat- tailions to wheel up at right angles with Majors Booth's and Cleveland's battailions, who formed the right wing, to prepare for tlie charge. The order tor the charge was promptly obeyed, and the enemy fled in every direction before the bayonet. The signal was given for the charge of the cavalry, who pursued and sabred 15 of the enemy, who left 37 dead on the field. From the efiusion of blood, and the number of head dresses and war clubs found in var ous directions, their loss must have been considerable, independent ot their wounded. . I herewith transmit you a list of our killed aud wounded, and have the honor to be, &c. JOHN FLOYD, Brig. Gen. Killed, 17 — wounded, 132 — total 149. Gen. Jackson to Gen. Pinkney. Fort brother, Jan. 29, 1814. [Extract.] SIR— I had ordered 800 Tennessee volunteers to join me on the 10th inst. but they did not arrive until the 14th ; the next day they, with the force before with me, 130, marched across the fiver to graze our horses. The motives which influenced ttie to penetrate forth* r into the enemy's country uere many and urgent. I received a letter trom Colonel Snodgrass, informing me that an attack was soon to HISTORY OF THE WAR. 285 be mile on fart Armstrong, by 90 > of the enemy, collected fro n New Voufca, Oakfnskee, and Ufauley towns, and were concentrated in the bend of the Tal- lapoosee. If I coukl have hesitated before, I could now hesitate no longer. On the 19th I encamped at Entochapco ; here t soon perceived how little knowledge my spies had of the country, of the situa- tion of the enemy, or of the distance we were from them, and the insubordination of the new troops, and want of skill in their officers, became more apparent; but my wishes and my duty remained united. We arrived within a few miles of our destination the 21st, and encamped on a high piece of ground ; about 10 o'clock at night our picket fired upon a few of theenemv, and killed one. At 1 1 o'clock our spies returned with information that a large body of the enemy were encamped about three miles distant. Being prepared at all points, nothing remained to be doner but await their approach, or be in readiness to attack them by day light. The enemy attacked out- left tlink, about (5 o'clock in the morning, which was vigorously met by our troops ; the attack lasted half an^hoRr. So soon as it became light enough to pur- sue the enemy, the brave Gen. Coffee led our troops on to the charge ; the enemy was completely routed at every point, and chased two miieswith great slaugh- ter. Gen. Coffee was now sent with 400 troops to re- connoitre the enemy's camp, who returned alter sat- isfying himself of their strength. In half an hour a considerable force of the enemy made its appearance on my right flank, and attacked us with great spirit. Gen. Coffee requested 200 men of me for the purpose of turning their left flank, which was granted; but by some mistake, not observed at the time, only 54 followed him, who were chiefly old volunteer officers. With this little band of heroes the Gen. attacked it t an I drove them from the ground; at the same time 20^ friendly Indians were ordered to fall upon their right, and co-operate with the General. Tins order was soon obeyed, and in its execution, what I expect- 286 HISTORY OP THE WAR. ed, was realized. The enemy intended the attack on my right as a feint, and soon attacked my left with their main force, which they hoped to find weak- ened and in disorder — they were disappointed — the whole line met the attack with firmness and astonish- ing intrepidity, and having given a few fires charged with great vigor; the effect was immediate and in- evitable. The enemy fled with precipitation, and were pursued to a considerable distance with great slaughter. In the mean time Gen. Coffee was con- tending with a superior force, the Indians having joined tny left. Jim Fife, with 100 friendly Indians I forthwith ordered to his assistance ; he no sooner reached the spot than the Gen. made a charge, and the enemy routed and driven three miles, with the loss of 45 slain. I was determined to commence a return- ing march the next morning, as my provisions were nearly consumed. I considered it not necessary to pursue them any farther, as the object of a general engagement would be more certainly attained by commencing a return, which, to them, would have the appearance of a retreat, and would inspire them with new courage to pursue me ; and not prudent because of my wounded, the starving condition of my horses, they not having neither eat corn nor cane for two days, and of the scarcity of provisions for my men — influenced by these considerations, I commenc- ed my return march on the 23d and reached Enota- ehopco that night. I took a different route from the one we came in, to avoid a deep defile between two mountains. Having a deep creek to pass I issued a general order pointing out the manner in which the men should be formed, in case of an attack. The front guard and the wounded had crossed, when an alarm gun was heard in the rear. I heard it without surprise, and even with pleasure, as I calculated on the firmness of my troops, from the manner i;t which I had seen them act on the 22d. Having chosen the ground, I expected to have entirely cut off the ene- my, by wheeling the right and left columns on their HISTORY OF THE WAR. 287 pivots, recrossing the creek above and below, and fal- ling" npon their flanks and rear. But to my astonish- ment, after a few guns had been fired, I beheld the right and left columns of the rear guard give way. This shameful retreat was disastrous in the extreme ; drawing 1 with it the greater part of the centre column, and producing consternation and dismay in the whole army. There was left to oppose the enemy a few of the rearguard, the artillery, and Capt. Russell's com- pany of spies : they realized and exceeded my best expectations. Never was there more bravery dis- played than on this occasion. Amidst the most gal- ling fire from the enemy, more than ten times their number, they ascended the hill. In the hurry of the moment, in separating the gun from the limbers, the rammer and picker were left tied to it. No sooner was this discovered than Craven Jackson, and Con- stantine Perkins, gunners, found means to replace them ; Jackson amidst the galling fire of the enemy, pulled out the ramrod of his musket, used it as a pick- er, primed with a cartridge, and fired the cannon. Perkins having taken off his bayonet, used his gun. as a rammer, and Jackson using his former plan, again discharged her. Lieut. Armstrong soon fell, and exclaimed as he lay, * my brave fellows, some of you may fall, but you must save the cannon? At this time a number crossed the creek, and entered into the chase, when they were pursued more than two miles, fleeing in consternation, throwing away their packs, and left 26 of their warriors dead on the field. This last de- feat was decisive. In these three engagements our loss was 20 killed and 75 wounded. The loss of the enemy cannot be exactly ascertained ; 189 of their warriors were found dead ; but this must fall consid- erably short of the number killed ; their wounded can only be guessed at. I am, sir, with sentiments of respect, &c. ANDREW JACKSON, Major Gen, 288 HISTORY OF THE WAfc. Gen. Jackson to Gov. Blount. Fort Williams, March 31st, 1814. [Extract] SIR — I have just returned from the ex* pedition which I advised you in my last I was about to make to the Tall apoosee ; and hasten to acquaint you with the good fortune which attended it. I took up the line of march from this place on the morning of the 21st inst. and having opened a passage of 52 1-2 miles over the ridges which divide the wa- ters of the two rivers, 1 reached the bend oftheTalla- poosee, three miles beyond where I had the engage- ment of the 22d of Jan. and at the southern extremi- ty of New-Youka, on the morning of the 27th. This bend resembles in its curvature that of a horse shoe, and is thence called by that name among the whites. Nature furnishes few situations so eligible for defence, and barbarians have never rendered one more secure . by art. A cross the neck of the bend which leads into it, from the north, they had erected a breastwork ot the. greatest compactness and strength, from five to eight- feet high, and prepared with double port holes very artfully arranged. The figure of this wall manifested, no less skill in the projection of it, than its construc- tion; an army could not approach it without being, exposed to a double and cross fire from the enemy, w ho. lay in perfect security behind it. In this bend the warriors from Oakfusky, Oakeha- gu, New Youka, Hiliibee, the Fish Ponds, and Eu- fauta towns, apprised of our approach, had collected their strength. Their exact number cannot be as- certained ; but it is said by the prisoners we have tak r en to have been a thousand. Early on the morning of the 27th, having encamp- ed the preceding night at the distance of five miles from them — I detailed Gen. Coffee with the mounted men and nearly the whole of the Indian force, to cross the river at a ford about 3 miles below their en- campment, and to surround the bend in such a man- ner that none of them should escape by attempting to cross the river. With the remainder ot the forces I HISTORY OP THE WAR. 28$ proceeded slowly and in order, along the point of land which led to the front of their breast work ; hav- ing 1 planted my cannon (one six and one three poun- der) on an eminence at the distance of 150 or 200 yards from it, I opened a very brisk fire, playing up- on the enemy with the muskets and rifles whenever they shewed themselves beyond it ; this was kejt up, with short interruptions, for about two hours, whe^i a part of the Indian force, and Capt. Russell's and Lieut. Bean's companies of spies, who had accom- panied Gen. Coffee, crossed over in canoes to the extremity of the bend, and set tire to the buildings which were there situated ; they then advanced with great gallantry towards the breast work, and com- menced a spirited fire upon the enemy behind it. Finding that this force, notwithstanding the bravery they displayed, was wholly insufficient to dislodge them, and that Gen. Coffee had entirely secured the opposite bank of the river, I now determined to take their works by storm. The men by whom this was to be effected had been waiting with impatience to re- ceive their order, and hailed it with acclamation. The spirit which animated them was a sure augury of the success which was to follow. The history of warfare furnishes few instances of a more brilliant attack— the regulars led on by their intrepid and skil- ful commander, Col. Williams, and by the gallant Major Montgomery, soon gained possession of the works in the midst of a most tremendous fire from behind them, and the militia of the venerable Gen. Doherty's brigade, accompanied them in the charge, with a vivacity and firmness that would have done honor to regulars. The enemy were completely rout- ed. Five hundred and fifty-seven were left dead on the peninsula.* The fighting continued with some severity about five hours, but we continued to destroy many of them * Gen. Coffee in his account tt; Gen. Jackson, says, there were not less than 250 killed, in attempting to cross the river, which sunk, and were not included in the ahov.-v 37 290 HISTORY OF THE AVAR. who had concealed themselves under the banks of the river until we were prevented by the night. This morning we killed 16 which had been concealed. — We took 250 prisoners, all women and children ex- cept two or three. Our loss is 106 wounded, and 26 killed. Major M'lntosh (the Cowetan) who joined my army with part of his tribe, greatly distinguished himself. According to my original purpose, I commenced my return march for fort Williams to-day, and shall, if I find supplies there, hasten to the Hickory ground. The power of the Creeks is, I think, for ever broken. I have the honor to be, (Sec. ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. CHAPTER XI. CAPT. PORTERS CRUISE. Copt. Porter to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. Frigate Essex, Pacific Ocean, July 2d, 1818. SIR — On the 23d March last, I sailed snapping my course to the northward, and on the 26th of the same month, fell in with the Peruvian corsair ship J^ereyda, mounting 15 guns : she had a few days be- fore, captured two American whale ships, the crews of which (amounting in number to 24 men) were then detained prisoners on board her ; and they assign no other motive for the capture, than that they were the allies of G. Britain, and as such, should capture all American vessels they could fall in with ; there- fore, to prevent in future such vexatious proceedings, I threw all her armament into the sea, liberated the Americans, and dismissed the Nereyda. I then proceeded with all possible dispatch for Li- ma, to intercept one of the detained vessels, which had farted with the Nereyda only three days before, and was so fortunate as to arrive there and recapture her on the 5th April, at the moment she was entering the port. This ressel (the ship Barclay, Cant. Gideon HISTORY OF THE WAR. ~'0i Randall, of New Bedford,) I took under my protection' and have had her with me ever since. From Lima, J proceeded for the Galapagos Island where I captured the following British Letters of marque ships. Montezuma, — 2 guns, 21 men — Policy, 10 guns, 26* men — Georgians, (5 guns, 25 men — Atlantic, 6 guns, 24 men — Greenwich, 10 guns, 25 men. The Georgiana being reputed a very fast sailer, and apparently well calculated tor a cruiser, I mounted 10 guns on her and gave the command of her to thai excellent officer, Lieut. John Downes, with a com- plement of 42 men. Lieut. Downes joined me at Tumbez, near Guiaquil, on the coast of Peru, on the 24th June, after captur- ing three Letter of Marque ships. Hector, 11 guns 25 men — Catharine, 8 guns, 29 men — Rose, 8 gun, 21 men. The first had two men killed and six badly wound- ed in her rencontre with the Georgiana — and I have found by experience that the Georgiana did not de- serve the character given of her for sailing. I there- fore shipped her officers and crew to the Atlantic, and mounted on her 20 guns, with a complement of 60 men, and appointed midshipman Rich. Dashiell, acting sailing master, on board her; to this vessel I gave the name of Essex Junior. I also lilted up the ship Greenwich as a store ship, and mounted on her 20 guns, placing her under the command of Lieut. Gamble, of the marines. On board her I have put all the provisions and stores of my other prizes, ex- cept a supply of three and a half months for each, and have by this means secured myself a full supply of every necessary article for seven months. I had hoped to dispose of my other prizes at Guiaquil : the Govs, in Peru, however, are excessively alarmed at my ap- pearance on the coast, as my fleet amounts now to nine sail of vessels, all formidable in their appearance, and they would if they dare, treat us with a hostility little short of declared enemies. 292 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Indeed, sir, \\ hen I compare my present situation with what it was when I doubted Ctipe Horn, 1 can* not but esteem myself fortunate in an extraordinary degree. There my ship was shattered by tempestu- ous weather, and destitute of every thing' ; my offi- cers and crew half starved, naked, and worn out with fatigue. Now, sir, my ship is in prime order, abun- dantly supplied with every thing necessary for her. I have a noble ship for a consort of 20 guns, and well manned, astore ship of 20 guns, and well supplied with the best of every thing that we may want, and prizes which would be worth in England two millions of dollars: and what renders the comparison more pleasing, the enemy has furnis! ed all. The times of my best men have expired ; but their attachment to the ship and their zeal for the service Me are engaged on, prevent all complaints on that account. It is not probable that you will hear of me forseveral months to come, unless some disaster hap- pens ; but I beg leave to assure you, sir, that I shall* not be idle. I have the honor to be, &c. D. PORTER. Loss of Fort Niagara.— Gen.MCiure, about the first of Dec. 1813, abandoned fort George, in Canada, and burnt the town of Newark, adjoining it, as a measure, he says, to prevent the enemy's occupying fort George, after he had left it. On the 18th of the same month the British crossed to Lewistown, in considerable force, and burnt it to the ground; when tneir Allies were set at liberty, and indulged freely in their brutal excesses, in murdering our defenceless citizens ; they then attacked and burnt Manchester, and Tuscarora, the latter an Indian town. In the mean tune the Bri- tish attacked fort Niagara, and took it by storm, at 4 o'clock on the morning of the 19th ; the gate being 0|>en, after they had surprised the picket thev entered before they were discovered, when a scene of terrible slaughter took place. They were not opposed by HISTORY OF THE WAR. 29# anv, except a few wounded men in the southeast block house, and a few of the guard, but, strange as it may appear, the e.iemy bayonetted about 80 of our men, chiefly after they had cried for quarters. The pre- ceeding facts were sworn to before a justice, by Robert Lee, a gentleman of Lewistown, who was in the fort when taken. Burning of Buffahe and Black Rock.- — Soon after the storming" of fort Niagara, and the burning of Lew- istown, &c. Maj. Gen. Hall repaired to the frontiers, for the purpose of collecting a force, (militia) suffi- cient to defend Buffaloe and Black Rock. From the 22d, Dec to the 29th, Gen. Hall had collected about 2000 troops, militia and exempts, but was reduced to 1200 by desertions, on the morning of the battle of the 30th. In the evening of the 29th (says Gen. Hall, in a letter of the 30th Dec. to Gov. Tompkins,) atabout 12 o'clock, 1 received information that one of our pa- troles had been fired on, one mile below Black Rock. The enemy advanced and took possession of the bat- tery near Conjokaties creek. The troops were imme- diately formed, and stood by their arms. I was not ye t certain what point the enemy meant to attack. Being anxious to anticipate the enemy's landing, to meet him at the water's edge, I gave orders for the troops at the Rock, to attack the enemy, and dislodge them from the battery, and to drive them their boats. The attempt failed through the confusion into which the militia were thrown, on the first fire of the enemy, and the darkness of the night. I then ordered corps un- der Major Adams, and Col. Chapin, to make the at- tack. These ttiree detachments were thrown into confusion, and were of no service afterwards. As the day dawned, I discovered a detachment of the enemy's boats crossing to our shore, and bending their course towards the rear of Gen. Porter's house. I immedi- ately ordered Col. Blakeslie to attack the enemy's force at the water's e{\ge. I now became satisfied as to the disposition and object of the enemy. Their left wing composed of about 1000 regulars, militia. 294 HISTORY OF THE WAR. and Indians, had been landed below the creek, under cover of the night. With their centre consisting of 400 royal Scotts, commanded by Col. Gordon, the battle was commenced. Their right whicli was pur- posely weak, was landed near the mam battery, mere-, ]y to divert our force, the whole under the immediate command of Lieut. Gen. Drummond and led on by Maj. Gen. Riall. They were attacked by four field pieces in the battery and at the water's edge ; at the same time the battery from the other side of the river opened a heavy fire upon us, of shells, hotshot, and ball. The whole force now opposed to the enemy •was at most, not over 600 men, the remainder having fled, in spite of the exertions of their officers. These few, but brave men, disputed every inch of ground, with the steady coolness of veterans, at the expence of many valuable lives. The defection of the militia, and the reserve, and loss of the services of the cavalry, by reason of the ground on which they must act, left the forces engaged, exposed to the enemy's tire in front and flank. After standing their ground for half an hour, opposed by an overwhelming force and nearly surrounded, a retreat became necessary to their safety, and was accordingly ordered. I then made every ef- fort to rally the troops, with a view to attack their columns as they entered the village of Buff'aloe ; but alt in vain. Deserted by my principal force I fell back that night to Eleven Mile creek, and was forced to leave the flourishing villages of Black Rock and Buftaloe a prey to the enemy, which they have pillag- ed and laid in ashes. They have gained but little plunder from the public stores ; the chief loss has fal- len upon individuals.' Our loss was 50 killed, — 40 wounded, — and 69 prisoners, and one cannon, f I regret to add, (says Gen. Hall, to Gov. Tompkins, in his letter of Jan. 13) that on repossessing the battle ground, we collect- fid 50 dead bodies, yet unburied, of the battle of the 30th ult. The enemy admit their loss, to be, in killed and wounded, 300.' HISTORY OF THE WAH. 20^ Col. Butler to Gen. Harrison. Detroit, March 7, 1814, [Extract] SIR — By Lieut. Shannon, of the 27th regiment, U. S. infantry, I have the honor of inform- ing- you, that a detachment of the troops under my command, led by Capt. Holmes of the 24th regiment, IT. S. infantry, have obtained asignal victory over the enemy. The affair took place on the 4th inst. about 100 miles from this place, on the river De Trench. Our force consisted of no more than 160 rangers and mounted infantry. The enemy, had from their own acknowledgment 236. The fine light company of the royal Scots is totally destroyed ; they led the attack most gallantly, and their commander tell with- in ten paces of our front line. The light company of the 89th has also suffered severely ; one officer of that company fell, one is a prisoner, and another is said to be badly wounded. In killed, and wounded, and pri- soners, the enemy lost about 80 — whilst on our part there were but four killed and four wounded. This great disparity in the loss on each side, is to be attri- buted to be very judicious position occupied by Capt. Holmes, who compelled the enemy to attack him at great disadvantage ; this, even more than his gallantry, merits the laurel. We took one hundred head of cattle also from the enemy, intended for Long Point or Burlington. H. BUTLER, Lieut. Col. WARRINGTON'S VICTORY. Capt. Warrington to the Secretary of the Navy. U . S. sloop Peacock, at sea, April 29th, 1814. [Extract] SIR — I have the honor to inform you, that we have this morning captured, after an action of 42 minutes, his Majesty's brig Epervier, rating and mounting 18 32 pound carronades, with 128 men, of whom 11 were kiled and 1-3 wounded. Not a man in the Peacock was killed and only two wounded, neither dangerously so. The fate of the Epervier would have been determined in much less time, but 206 HISTORY OF THE WAR. for the circumstances of our fore-yard being totally disabled by two round shot in the starboard quarter from her first broadside, which entirely deprived us of the use of our fore and fore-ton-sails, and compelled us to keep the ship large throughout the remainder of the action. This, with a few top-mast and top-gallant-back stays cut away, a few shot through our sails, is the on- ly injury the Peacock has sustained. Not a round shot touched our hull ; our masts and spars are as sound as ever. When the enemy struck, he had five feet water in his hold, his main- top-mast was over the side, his main boom shot away, his tore-mast cut near- ly in two and tottering, his fore rigging and stays shot away, his bowsprit badly wounded, and 45 shot holes in his hull, 20 of' which were within a foot of his water line. By great exertion, we got her in sailing order just as the dark came on. In 15 minutes after the enemy struck, the Peacock was ready for another action, in every respect but her fore-yard, which was sent down, finished, and had the fore-sail set again in 45 minutes — such was the spirit and activity or our gallant crew. The Epervier had un- der her convoy an English hermaphrodite brig, a Russian and a Spanish ship, which ail hauled their wind and stood to the E. N. E. I had determined upon pursuing the former, but found that it would not answer to leave our prize in her then crippled state; and the more particularly so, as we found she had £]20,0u0 in specie, which we soon transferred to this sloop. Every officer, seamen and marine did his duty, which is the highest complement! can pay them. I have the honor to be,8cc. L. WARRINGTON. Lieut. Woolsey to Com. Chauncey. Sackett's Harbor, June 1, 1814. [Extract.] SIR — I had the honor to receive per express your communication of the 27ih, vesting in me discretionary powers. I immediately despatched HISTORY OF THE WAR. 297 Mr. Dixon in the long; gig, to reconnoitre the coast. I went with my officers to the falls, to run the boats down over the rapids. At sun set we arrived at Os- wego with the boats (19 in number) loaded in all with 21 long 32 pounders, ten 21 pounders, three 42 do. (carronades) and 10 cables, besides some light articles, and distributed in the batteaux a guard of about 150 riflemen, under command of Major Ap- pling. Mr. Dixon having returned with a report of the coast being clear, we set off at dark and arrived at Big Salmon river about sunrise on the 29th, with the loss of one boat having on board two 24 pounders and one cable. At B.g Salmon we met the Oneidas, whom I had despatched the day previous, under the command of Lieut. Hill, of the rifle regiment. As soon as they had taken up their line of march along the shore to B.g Sandy Creek, I started with all the boats and ar- rived at our place of destination about two miles up the Creek. At 2 P. M. on the 30th, I received your letter of the 29th, 6 P. M. per express, and agreeably to the order contained therein, sent Lieut. Pierce to lookout as far as Stoney Point: about 6 he returned, having been pursued by a gun boat and three barges. The best possible disposition was made of the rifle- men and Indians, about half a mile below our boats. About 8 A. M a cannonading at long shot was com- menced by the enemy, and believing (as I did) that no attempt would be made to la; id with their small force, I ordered Lieut. Pierce to proceed in erecting sheers and making preparations to unload the boats. About 9 o'clock Capt. Harris With a squadron of dragoons, and Capt. Melvin with a company of light artillery and 2 impounders, arrived. Capt. Harris, the commanding officer, agreed with me that this re- inforcement should halt, as the troops best calculated for a bush fight were already on the ground, where they could act to the greatest advantage, and that the enemy seeing a large reinforcement arrive, would most probably retreat. About 10, the enemy having 38 298 HISTORY OF THE WAR. landed and pushed up the creek with four gun boats, three cutters, and one gig — the riflemen under that excellent officer, Major Appling, rose from their conr- cealment, and after a smart fire ot about 10 minutes, succeeded in capturing all the boats and their crews, M.thout one having escaped, At about o P. M- buried, with the honors of war, Mi. Hoare (a British midshipman) killed in the action. The enemy's loss in this affair, is 14 killed, 2$ tvounded, and 141 prisoners, including two post Captains, and six Lieutenants; 4 gun boats, one car- rying 1 24-pounder, and one 68 lb. carronade ; each of the others carrying two heavy guns \ two cutters and one gig. 1 have the honor to be, &c. M. T. WOOLSEY. LOSS OF THE ESSEX. Capt. For lev to the Secretary oj the Navy.' Essex Junior, at sea, July 3, 1814. [Extract.] SIR — I sailed from the Delaware, Oct. 27, 1812, and repaired to Port Pra\a, JNoronho, and Cape Fno. On my passage from Port Praya to No* jvnho, I captured his B. M. Packet Norton ; after tak- ing out 11,000 pounus sterling in specie, sent her for America. Oti Cape Frio I captured a schooner with hides and tallow, and sent her into Porto Rico. I proceeded to St. Catherines, to supply my ship with provisions. From St. Catherines I shaped my course for the Pacific, and arrived at Valparaiso March 14, 1813 Of the success we met with in our next cruise you have been informed in my letter of July 2, 1813. 1 received information that the Phoebe frigate, and Racoon and Cherub sloops of war, were in pursuit of me. My si.ip, after being near a year at sea, requiiv ed some repairs to put her in a state to meet them ; which 1 determined to do, and repaired, with my prizes, to the Island of Nooaheevah, or Madiaon Is;and, where I completely overhauled my ship, and took on board, from the prizes, provisions aud stores lilSTORY OF tHE WAR. 299 for upwards of four months, and sailed for the coast of Ouli, Dec. 12,1813. Previous to sailing I se- cured the Seringapatam, Greenwich, and Sir A. Hammond, under the guns of a battery which I had erected for their protection ; (after taking" possession of this fine Island, for the United States, and estab- lishing the most friendly intercourse with its natives) I left them under the care of Lieut. Gamble and 21 men, with orders to repair to Valparaiso after a cer- tain period. Believing Com. Hillyer would be most likely to appear at Valparaiso first, I therefore deter- mined to cruise about that place. Agreeably to my expectations the Com. arrived at that place ; but contrary to my expectations, he brought with him the Cherub sloop of war, mounting 28 guns, and a com- plement of 180 men. The force of the Phoebe, the Coin's, flag ship, was 30 long 18 pounders, 16 32 b. carronades, and 7 3 pounders in her tops, in all 53 guns, and a crew of 320 men ; making a force of 81 guns and 500 men. The force of the Essex was 40 32 lb. carronades and 6 Ions: twelve's, and her crew had been reduced by manning out her prizes to 255 men. They provisioned, and went off the port for the purpose of blockading me. I often endeavored to provoke a challenge, and bring the Phoebe alone to action with the Essex, but without success. There were no hopes of any advantages to my country from a longer stay in port; I therefore determined to put to sea the first opportunity. The 28th of March, the day after this resolution was formed, the wind blew fresh from the southward, when I parted my larboard cable and dragged directly out to sea. Not a mo- ment was to be lost in getting sail on the ship. On rounding the point a heavy squall struck us, and car- ried away our main top-mast, precipitating four men into the sea, who drowned, Both ships now gave chase ; seeing I could not recover my former anchor- age in my disabled slate, I ran close into a small bay, and anchored within pistol shot of the shore, under cover of two batteries off Valparaiso, which being 300 HISTORY OF THE WAR. neutral were bound to protect me ; at least till I had repaired damages. I had not succeeded in repairing or getting- a spring on my cable when the enemy at 54 minutes past 3, P. M. made his attack. The Phoebe placing herself under my stern, and the Che- rub on my starboard bow; but finding that situation a hot one, she bore up and run under my stern also ; where both ships kept up a raking fire. I had got 3 long 12 pounders out of the stern ports, which were worked with so much bravery that in half an hour we so disabled both as to compel them to haul off to re- pair damages. My ship had received many injuries, and several had been killed and wounded, but all ap- peared determined to defend the ship to the last, and to die in preference to a shameful surrender. The enemy soon repaired his damages, and made a fresh attack with both ships on my starboard quarter, out of reach of my carronades, and where my stern guns could not be brought to bear — he there kept up a gal- ling fire which it was out of my power to return. The only rope not cut was the flying gib-halliards, and that being the only sail 1 could set, I caused it to be hoisted, my cables to be cut, and run down on both ships, with an intention of laying the Phoebe on board. The firing on both sides was now tremendous ; I had let fall my fore-topsail and foresail, but the want of tacks and sheets rendered them useless, yet were we enabled for a short time to close with the enemy, although our decks were strewed with the dead, our cockpit filled with wounded, our ship had been several times on fire, and a perfect wreck, we were still encouraged to hope to save her, as the Cherub in her crippled state, had been compelled to haul off. The Phoebe, from our disabled state, was enabled to edge off, and choose her distance, for her long guns, and kept up such a tremendous tire, as to mow down my brave companions by the do/en. I now gave up all hopes of closing with him, and de- termined to run on shore, land my men, and destroy HISTORY OF THE WAR. 301 the vessel. We had. approached the shore within musket shot, when in an instant the wind shifted, and payed our head down on the Phoebe. My ship was now totally unmanageable ; yet, as her head was to- ward the enemy, and he to the leeward of me, I still hoped to be able to board him. Finding the enemy was determined to avoid being boarded, and my ship alarmingly on tire, and the slaughter on board having become most horrible, I directed a hawser to be bent to the sheet anchor, and the bow anchor to be cut, to bring her head round : this succeeded, and we again got our guns to bear ; but the hawser soon gave way and left us a perfect wreck. The flames were burst- ing up the hatchway, and no hopes were entertained of saving the ship, as a quantity of powder had al- ready exploded, and the fire had nearly reached the magazine, which served to increase the honors of our situation. I therefore directed those who could swim to jump overboard and gain the shore. Some reach- ed it — some were taken by the enemy — and some perished. We who remained, turned our attention wholly to extinguishing the flames ; when we had succeeded, went again to our guns, where the tiring was kept up for some minutes. Almost every gun having been dismounted, and the impossibility of making further attempts to capture our antagonists, and the entreaties of the remainder of my brave crew, to surrender to save the wounded, I sent for the officers of divisions to consult them, but what was my surprise, to find only acting Lieut. M'Knight remaining. I was informed that the cock- pit, steerage, wardroom, and birth-deck would con- tain no more wounded ; and that the ship was filling with water very fast. The enemy were enabled from the smoothness of the water, to take aim at us as a target — in fine, I saw no hopes of Saving my vessel or making my escape, and at 20 minutes past 6 P. M. gave the painful order to strike the colors, b'eventy- five men, including officers, were all that remained of my crew when the colors were struck., capable *>V 302 HISTORY OF THE WAR. doing duty. I directed an opposite gun fired to shew we intended no further resistance; but they did not desist; a number of men were killed by my side and in other parts of the ship. I now believed 1 e intended to show us no quarter, and thought it would be as well to die with my flag flying as struck, and was on the point of again hoisting it, when 10 minutes after hauling the colors down, he ceased firing. I must in justification of myself and crew observe, that with our six twelve pounders only, we fought this action, our carronades being almost useless. Our loss is 58 killed — 65 wounded — and 31 mis^ sing — total 154. I have the honor, &cl DAVID PORTER. [Extract] Com. Channcey to the Secretary of the Navy . U. S. ship Superior, Sackett's Harbor, May 16, IN 14. The enemy has paid dearly for the little booty which he obtained at Oswego. From the best infor- mation which I can collect, both from deserters and my agents, the enemy lost 70 men killed and 165 wounded, drowned and missing — in all, 235 ; nearly as many as were opposed to them. Capt. Mulcaster is certainly mortally wounded ; a Capt, of marines killed, and a number of other officers killed and wounded. Col. Mitchell, to Gen. Brown. Head Quarters, Oswego, May 8th, 1814. [Extract] SIR — I informed you oi my arrival at fort Oswego on the 30th ult. This post being but occasionally and not recently occupied by regular troops, was in a bad state of defence. Of cannon we had but five old guns, three of which had lost their trunnions. What could be done in the way of repair was effected. On the 5th inst. the British naval force, consisting of four large ships, three brigs and a num- ber of gun and other boats were descried at reveillebeat- iwg about seven miles from the fort. Information was immediately given to Capt. Woolsey of the navy, HISTORY OF THE WAR. 303 (who was at Oswego village) and to the neighboring militia. It being doubtful on what side of the river the enemy would attempt to land, and my force, (290 effectives) being too small to bear division, I ordered the tents in store }o be pitched on the village side, while I occupied the other with my whole force. It is probable that this artifice had its effect and deter- mined the enemy to attack where, from appearances, they expected the least opposition. About one o'elcok the fleet approached. Fifteen boats, large and crowded with troops, at a given signal, moved slow- ly to the shore. These were preceded by gun-boats sent to rake the woods and cover the landing, while the larger vessels opened a fire upon the fort. Capt. Boyle and Lieut. Legate, (so soon as the debarking boats got within range of our shot) opened upon them a very successful fire from the shore battery, and compelled them twice to retire. They at length re- turned to the ships and the whole stood off from the shore for better anchorage. One of the enemy's boats which had been deserted, was taken up by us, and some others by the militia. The first mentioned was sixty feet long, carried thirty-six ours and three sails and could accommodate 150 men. She had receiv- ed a ball through her bow, and was nearly filled with water. At day break on the 6th the fleet appeared bear- ing up under easy sail. The Wolfe, &c. took a posi- tion directly against the fort and batteries, and for three hours kept up a heavy fire of grape, &c. Finding that the enemy had effected a landing, I withdrew my small disposable force into the rear of the fort, and with two companies met their advancing columns, while the other companies engaged the flanks of the enemy. Lieut. Pearce of the navy and some seamen, joined in the attack and fought with their character- istic bravery. We maintained our ground about thirty minutes, and as long as consisted with my fur- ther duly of defending the public stores deposited at the falls, which no doubt formed the principal object 304 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of the expedition on the part of the enemy. Nor was this movement made precipitately. I halted within 400 yards of the fort. Capt. Romayne's company formed the rear guard, and, remaining 1 with it, I marched to this place in good order, destroying the bridges in my rear. The enemy landed six hundred of De Watteville's regiment, six hundred marines, two companies of the Glengary corps, and three hun- dred and fifty seamen. Gen. Drummond and Com. Yeo were the land and naval commanders. They burned the old barracks and evacuated the fort about 3 o'clock in the morning oi the 7th. Our loss in killed, is six ; in wounded, thirty-eight — and in missing, twenty five. The enemy lost 70 killed, and 165 wounded, drowned, and prisoners. Gen. Brown to the Secretary of I Far. Head- Quarters, Chippewa, July 1th, 1814. [Extract.'] SIR — On the 2d inst. I issued orders for crossing the Niagara, and made arrangements deemed necessary for securing the garrison of Port Erie — the 3d, that post surrendered, at 5 P. M. Our loss in this affair, was 4 wounded ; 137 prisoners, in- cluding 1 Maj. 1 Capt. 3Lieuts. and 1 ensign, with the ammunition and cannon belonging to the post were surrendered to us. — On the morning of the 4th, Brig. Gen. Scott, was ordered to advance towards Chippewa, and be governed by circumstances ; taking care to secure a good military position for the night; after some skir- mishing, he selected this plain with the eye of a sol- dier, his right resting on the river, and a ravine being in front. At 11 at night I joined him, with the reserve under Brig. Gen. Ripley, with our field and battering train, and corps of artillery. The next morning Gen. Porter arrived with a part of the Pennsylvania and N. York volunteers, and some Indians. Early in themorui ig of the 5th, the enemy commenced a petty war upon our pickets, and, as he was indulged, his presumption increased. HISTORY OP THE WAR. 805 At 4 P. M. agreeably to my orders, Gen. Porter advanced from the rear of our camp, taking- the woods in order to keep out of view of the enemy, in hopes of surrounding their scouting parties. In half an hour Porter's command met the light parties and drove them to camp ; and near Chippewa, met their whole column in order of battle. I immediate- ly ordered Gen. Scott to advance withij^is br.gade, and Towsan's artillery, who met them upon the high plain in front of our camp. He advanced in the most officer like style, and in a few minutes was in close action, with a superior force of British regulars. Gen. Porter's command had given way, and fled in every direction, which caused Scott's ieft flank to be greatly exposed. Capt. Harris, with his dragoons> was directed to stop the fugitives, behind the ravine fronting our camp ; Gen. Ripley was directed to pass to the left and skirt the woods, so as to keep out of view, a id fall upon the rear of the enemy's right flank. This order was promptly obeyed, and the greatest exertions made to close with the enemy but in vain ; for such was the zeal and activity of the line com- manded by Gen. Scott, that it was not to be checked. Maj. Jessup, commanding the left flank, finding him- self pressed in front and flank, and his men falling fast around him, ordered his battallion to * support arms, and advance ;' the order was prompt y obeyed, amidst a most deadly and destructive fire. He gained a more secure position, and returned upon, the enemy so galling a discharge, as caused them to retire. By this time their whole line was falling back, and our gallant soldiers pressing upon them, when they brok o their lines, and ran to regain the.r works. In this effort he was too successful, when the guns opened immediately upon our line, checked, in some degree, the pursuit. At this moment, I deter- mined to bring up my ordnance, and force the place by a direct attack ; Maj. Wood, of the engineers ana Capt. Austin, my aid, rode to the right of their line 39 306 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of works and examined them ; I was induced by their report, to order the forces to retire to camp, till a future time. Respectfully nnd truly vonrs, JACOB BROWN. AMERICAN EOSS. Killed 60 — wounded 244 — missing 1 19. BRITISH EOSS. Killed' sw — wounded 320 — prisoners 245. Gen. Bronh to the Secretary of War. Buffalo, Aug. 17, 1814. [Extract.] SIR— You are already apprised that the army had on the 25th ult. taken a position at Chip- pewa. About noon of that day, Col. Swift, who was posted atLewistown, advised me by express, that the enemy appeared in considerable force in Queenstowu and on its heights ; that four of the enemy's fleet had arrived (hiring the preceding night, and were then laying near Fort Niagara, and that a number of boats were in view, moving up the streight. Within a few minutes after this intelligence had been received, I was further informed by Capt. Denmon, -of the Quar- ter-Master's department, that the enemy was landing at Lewistown, and that our baggage and stores at Schlosser, and on their way thither, were in danger of immediate capture. Gen. Scott, with the 1st brigade, Townson's artillery, and all the dragoons and mount- ed men, were accordingly put in march or. the road leading to Queenstovvn, with orders to report if the enemy appeared, and to call for assistance if that was necessary. On the General's arrival at the Falls he learned that the enemy was in force directly in his front — a narrow piece or woods alone intercepting hi.-> view of them. Waiting only to give this information, he advanced upon them. By the time Assistant Adj. Gen. Jones had delivered his message, the action be- gan ; and before the remaining part of the division had crossed the Chippewa, it had become close and general between the advance corps. Though G< j u. Ripley with the 2d brigade, major Ilindman with the HISTORY OF THE WAR. 307 corps' of avtillery, and Gen. Porter at the head of his command, had respectively pressed forward with ar- dor, it was not less than an hour before they were brought to sustain Gen. Scott, during which time his command most skilfully and gallantly maintained the conflict. Upon my arrival 1 found that the General had passed the wood and engaged the enemy at Queenstown road, and on the ground to the left of it, with the 9th, 11th, and 22d regis, fend Townson's artillery. The 25th had been thrown to the right to be governed by circumstances. Apprehending that these corps were much exhausted, and knowing that they had suffered severely, I determined to interpose a new line with the advancing troops, and thus dis- engage Gen. Scott and hold his brigade in reserve. Orders were accordingly given to Gen. Ripley. The enemy's artillery at this moment occupied a hill which gave him great advantages, and was the key of the whole position. It was supported by a line of infant- ry. To secure the victory, it was necessary to carry this artillery and seize the height. This duty was as- signed to Col. Miller, while, to favor its execution, the 1st regt. under the command of Col. Nicholas, was directed to menace and amuse the infantry. To my great mortification, this regt. after a discharge or two, give way and retreated some distance before it could be rained, though it is believed the officers of the regiment exerted themelves to shorten this dis- tance. In the mean time, Col. Miller, without re- gard to this occurrence, advanced steadily and gal- lantly to his object and carried the height and the cannon. Gen. Ripley brought up the 2'3d (which had also faultered) to his support, and the enemy dis- appeared from before them. The 1st regiment was now brought into line on the left of the 21st, and the deiachinents of the 17th and 19th, Gen. Porter oc- cupying, with his command, the extreme left. About the time Coi. Miller carried the enemy's cannon, the 2 /th regiment, under Maj. .lessup, was engaged in a more obstinate conflict with all that remained to ciis- $08 HISTORY OF THE WAR. pute with us the field of battle. The Maj. as has been already stated, had been ordered by Gen. Scott, at the commencement of the action, to take ground to his right. He had succeeded in turning the enemy's left flank — had captured (by a detachment under Captain Ketchum) Gen. liiall and sundry other officers, and shewed himself again to his own army, in a blaze of fire, which defeated or destroyed a very superior force of the enemy. He was ordered to form on the right of the 2d regiment. The enemy rallying his forces, and as is believed, having received reinforcements, now attempted to drive us from our position, and re- gain his artillery. Our line was unshaken, and the enemy repulsed. Two other attempts having the same object, had the same issue. Gen. Scott was again engaged in repelling the former of these; 1 and the last I saw of him on the field of battle, he was near the head of his column, and giving to its march a direction that wouid have placed him on the ene- my's right. It was with great pleasure I saw the good order and intrepidity of Gen. Porter's volunteers from the moment of their arrival, but during the last charge of the enemy, those qualities were conspicuous. Stimulated by the examples set by their gallant lead- e •, by Maj. Wood, of the Pennsylvania corps, by Col. Dobbin, of New-York, and by their officers general- ly, they precipitated themselves upon the enemy's line, and made all the prisoners which were taken at this point of the action. Having been lor sometime wounded, and being a good deal exhausted by loss of blood, it became my wish to devolve the command on Gen. Scott, and re- tire from the field ; but on enquiry, I had the misfor- tune to learn, that he was disabled by wounds ; I therefore kept my post, and had the satisfaction to see the enemy's last effort repulsed. I now consigned the command to Gen. Hipley. 1 saw and felt the victory was complete. The ex- haustion of our men was such as made some retresh- ment necessary. They particularly required water j I therefore ordered Gen. liipiey to return to camp. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 309 after bringing off the dead, wounded, and artillery, which was effected in good order. I have the honor to be, Sic. JACOB BROWN. American Loss. Killed, 171— Wounded, 572— Missing, 110. British Loss. Killed, 184— Wounded, 559— Prisoners, 221. CHAPTER XII. Copy of a Letter from the mayor oj A lexandria to the mayor vf UeoryvUmn. DttAR Sir — Enclosed is a copy of the terms pro- posed to the common council of Alexandria, by the commanding officer of the squadron now lying before the town, to winch they were compelled to submit. Very respectfully, Sec. CHARLES SIMMS. TERMS OF CAPITULATION. His Majesty s skip Sea Horse, Off Alexandria, 29th Aug. 1814. Gentlemen — In consequence of a deputation yesterday received from the city of Alexandria, re- questing favora Ae terms tor the safety of the city, the undermentioned are the only conditions in my power to offer. The town of Alexandria, with the exception of public works, shall not be destroyed, unless hostilities are commenced on the part of the Americans, nor shall the inhabitants be molested in any manner what- ever, or their dwelling houses entered, if the follow- ing articles are complied with : Art. 1. All iiaval and ordnance stores, public or private, must be immediately delivered up. 2. Possession will be immediately taken of all the shipping, and their furniture must be sent on board by the owners without delay. 810 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 3. The vessels that have been sunk must be deliv- ered up in the state they were, on the 19th of August, the day of the squadron passing- the Kettle Bottoms. 4. Merchandize of every description must be in- stantly delivered up, and to prevent any irregularity, that might be committed in its embarkation, the mer- chants have it at their option to load the vessels gener- ally employed for that purpose, when they shall be towed off by us. 5. All merchandize that has been removed from Alexandria, since the 19th inst. is to be included in the above articles. 6. Refreshments of every description to be suppli- ed the ships, and paid for at the market price, by bills on the British government. 7. Officers will be appointed to see that articles No. 2, 3, 4 and o, are strictly complied with, and any deviation or non-compliance, on the part of the inhabitants of Alexandria, w.ll render this treaty null and void. J have the honor to be, &c. JOHN A. GORDON, Captain of H. 31. ship Sea Horse, and senior officer of Id, M. ships off Alexandria, To the common council of the town of Alexandria, Gen. Winder to the Secretary of War. Baltimore, August 27, 1814. SIR — When the enemy arrived at the mouth of the Potomac, of all the militia which I had been au- thorised to assemble there were but about 1700 in the held, from thirteen to fourteen hundred under general Stansbury near this place, and about 2o0 at Bladens- burgh, under lieutenant colonel Kramer. After all the force that coulu be put at my disposal jn that short time, and making such dispositions as I deemed best calculated to present the most respectable force at whatever point the enemy might strike, I was enabled by the most active and han assing movements HISTORY OF THE WAR. 311 of the troops to interpose befor the enemy at Bladens* burgh about five thousand men, including three hun- dred and fitly regulars and commodore Harney's com- mand. Much the largest portion of this force arriv- ed on the ground when the enemy were in sight, and were disposed of to support in the best manner liie position which Gen. Stansbury had taken. They had barely reached the ground before the action com- menced, which was about 1 o'clock P. M. of the 24th inst. and continued about an hour. The artillery from Baltimore supported by major Pinkney's rifle battalion, and a part of captain Dough- tey's from the navy yard, were in advance to com- mand the pass of the bridge at Bladensburgh, and played upon the enemy, as I have since learned, with very destructive effect. But the rifle troops were ob- liged after some time to retire and of course artillery. Superior numbers however rushed upon them and made their retreat necessary, not however without great loss on the part of the enemy. The right and centre of Stansbury r s brigade con- sisting of lieutenant colonel Ragau's and Simler's regiments, generally gave way very soon afterwards, with the exception of about forty rallitd by colonel Ragan, after having lost his horse, and the whole or a part of captain Shower's company, both of whom general Stansbury represents to have made, even thus deserted, a gallant stand. The reserve under brigadier general Smith of the district of Columbia, with the militia of the city and Georgetown, with the regulars and some detachments of Maryland militia, flanked on their right by com- modore Barney and his brave fellows, and lieutenant colonel Beal, still were on the right on the hill, and maintained the contest for some time with great eiVect. It is not with me to report the conduct of commo- dore Barney and his command, nor can I speak from observation, being too remote, but the concurrent testimonv of all who did observe them, does them 312 HISTORY OF THE WAR. the highest justice for their brave resistance and the destructive effect they produced on the enemy. From the best intelligence, there remains but little doubt that the enemy lost at least tour hundred killed and wounded, and of these a very unusual portion killed. Our loss cannot, I ihink, be estimated at more than from thirty to forty killed, and fifty to sixty wounded. They took altogether about one hundred and twen- ty prisoners. I am with very great respect, sir, your obedient servant. WM. H. WINDER, Brig. Gen. 10th m.Ltary district. Com. Barney to the Secretary of the l\avy. Farm, at Elk ridge, Aug. 29, 1814. [Extract.] SIR — Tins is the first moment 1 have had it in my power to make a report of the proceed- ings of the forces under my command since I had the honor of seeing you on Tuesday, the 23d mst. at Uie camp at the * Old Fields.' On the afternoon of that day we were informed that the enemy was advancing upon us. Our army was put into order of battle and our positions taken ; my forces were on the ng t, flanked by the two battallions of the 36th and b&th regiments. A little before sunset Gen. Winder came to me and recommended that the heavy artillery- should be withrawn, with the exception of one twelve pounder to cover the retreat. We took up the line of march, and in the night entered Washington by the Eastern Branch bridge. The Gen. requested me to take command and place my artillery to defend the passage of the bridge on the Eastern Branch, as the enemy was approaching the city m lhat direction. I immediately put my guns in position, leaving the marines and the rest of my men at the barracks, to wait further orders. I was in this situation when I had the honor to meet you with the President and heads of Departments, when it was determined I should draw off my guns and man, and proceed to- HISTOliY OP THE WAft. 313 Wards Bladensburg, which was immediately put into execution. On our way I was informed the enemy was within a mile of Bladensburg ; we hurried on, though the day was very hot, and my men much crippled from the severe marches we had experienced the preceding days. I preceded the men, and when I arrived at the line which separates the District from Maryland, the battle began. I sent an officer back to hasten on my men — they came up in a trot. We took our position on the rising ground, put the pieces in battery, posted the marines under Capt. Miller, and flotilla men, who were to act as infantry under their own officers, on my right, to support the pieces, and waited the approach of the enemy. During this pe- riod the engagement continued — the enemy advanc- ing, and ottr army retreating before them — apparently in much disorder. At length the enemy made his appearance on the main road in force and in front of my battery, and on seeing us made a halt ; I reserved our fire; in a few minutes the enemy again advanced, when I ordered an 18 pounder to be fired, which completely cleared the road ; shortly after, a second and third attempt was made by the enemy to come forward, but all who made the attempt were destroy- ed. The enemy then crossed over into an open field and attempted to flank our right. He was there met by three 12 pounders, the marines under captain Mil- ler, and my men acting as infantry, and again was to- tally cut up. By this time not a vestige of the Ame- rican army remained, except a body of five or six hundred posted on a height on my right, from whom T expected much support from their fine situation. — The enemy from this period never appeared in front of us. He however pushed forward his sharp shoot- ers, one of whom shot my horse from under me, which fell dead between two of my guns. The ene- my, who had been kept in check by our fire nearly half an hour, now began to out flank us on the right. Our guns were turned that way — he pushed up the hill about two or three hundred men towards the corps 40 314 HISTORY OF THE WAIl. of Americans stationed as above described, who to my great mortification made no resistance, giving- a fire or two and retiring. In this situation we had the whole army of the en- emy to contend with ; our ammunition was expended, and unfortunately the drivers of my ammunition waggons had gone off in the general panic. At this time I received a severe wound in my thigh. Finding the enemy now completely in our rear and no means of defence, 1 gave orders to my officers and men to retire. The great loss of blood occasioned such a weakness that I was compelled to lie down. I re- quested my officers to leave me, which they obstinate- ly refused, but upon being ordered, they obeyed : one only remained, [n a short time 1 observed a British soldier and had him called, and directed him to seek an officer ; in a few minutes an officer came, who, on learning who I was, brought Gen. Ross and admiral Cockburn to me. These officers behaved to me with the most marked attention, respect and po- liteness ; had a surgeon brought, and my wound dres- sed immediately. Altera few minutes conversation, the general informed (after paying me a handsome compliment) that I was paroled, and at liberty to proceed to Washington or Bladensburg, offering me every assistance in his power, giving orders for a lit- ter to be brought, in which I was carried to Bladens- burg. My wound is deep, but I flatter myself not dange- rous ; the ball is not yet extracted. "JOSHUA BARNEY. Com. Macdonovyh to the Secretary of the JSavy. U. S ship Saratoga, oil Plattsburg, Sept. 11, 1814. SIR — The Almighty has been pleased to grant us a signal victory on Lake Champlam, in the cap- ture of one frigate, one brig, and two sloops of war of the enemy. I have the honor to be, &c. T. MACUONOUGH HISTORY OF THE WAR. 315 Com. Macdoiwugh to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. ship Saratoga, at anchor oil| Plattsburg, Sept. 1% 1814. > SIR— By lieutenant commandant Cassin 1 have the honor to convey to you the flags of his Britannic* Maiestv's late squadron, captured on the llth insr. by the United States' squadron under WJWM^ } T. MACDONOUOH. Com. Macdonouyh to the Secretary of the Navy. V. S. ship Saratoga, Plattsburg bay, ) September 13, 1814. j SIR— I have the honor to give you the particulars of the action which took place on the 11th inst. on this Lake. , ., At 8 A M. the look-out boat announced the ap- proach of the enemy. At 9, he anchored in aline ahead, at about three hundred yards distance from my line ; his ship opposed to the Saratoga, his brig to the Eagle, Ins gallies, thirteen in number, to the schooner, sloop, and a division of our gallies ; one of his sloops assisting their ship and brig, the other assisting their gallies. Our remaining gallies with the Saratoga and Eagle. . In this situation the whole force on both sides be- came engaged, the Saratoga suffering much from the heavy fire of the Contiance. I could perceive at the same time, however, that our fire was very destruc- tive to her. The T.conderoga gallantly sustained her full share of the action. At half past 10 o ciock the Eao-le, not being abie to bring her guns to bear, cut her^cable and anchored in a more eligible position, between my ship and the Ticonderoga, where she verv much annoyed the enemy. Our guns on the starboard side being nearly all dismounted, or not manageable, a stern anchor was let go, the bowei cabie cut, and the ship winded with afresh broadsKle on the enemy's ship, which soon after surrendered. Our broadside was then sprung to bear on the brig, which surrendered in about 15 minutes after. 316 HISTORY OF THE WAR. The sloop that was opposed to the Eagle, had struck some time before and drifted down the line; the sloop which was with their gallies having struck also. Three of their gallies are said to be sunk, the others pulled off. Our gallies were about obeying with alacrity the signal to follow them, when ail the vessels were reported to me to be in a sinking state : it then became necessary to annul the signal to the gallies, and order their men to the pumps. I could only look at the enemy's gallies going off in a shattered condition, for there was not a mast in either squadron that could stand to make sail on. The Saratoga had fifty-five round shot in her hull ; the Confiance one hundred and five. The enemy's shot passed principally just over our heads, as ihere were not 20 whole hammocks in the nettings at the close of the action, which lasted without intermis- sion two hours and twenty minutes. The Saratoga was twice set on fire with hotshot from the enemy's ship. I have the honor to be, &c. T. MACDONOUGH. P. S. — Accompanying this is a list of killed and wounded, a list of prisoners — and a precise state- ment of both forces engaged, AMERICAN FORCE AND LOSS. Ships. guns. men. killed. wounded. Saratoga, 26 210 28 29 Eagle, 20 120 13 20 Ticonderoga, 17 no 6 6 Preble, 7 30 2 10 Gun Boats, 16 350 3 52 3 86 820 58 BRITISH FORCE AND LOSS Ships. guns. men. killed. wounded. Confiance, 39 300 50 60 Linnet, 16 120 20 30 Growler, 11 40 6 10 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 317 Eagle, 11 40 8 10 13 Gun Boats, 18 550 95 1050 84 HO Several of the gun boats struck j but the sinking state ot the large vessels required the assistance of the men m our gatlies, which enabled them to escape excepting three, which sunk with all on board, which makes their loss J 74 killed, 110 wounded, and 416 prisoners. Note.— The following valuable property was taken on board the fleet, to wit :— J 1,800 lbs, oj powder ex- clusive of fixed ammunition— 85,000 lbs. of cannon ball— 6000 muskets— 600 suits of sailors' clothing, and all the winter clothing of the whole of their land army. Burning of Petipauye.— -Between 10 and 11 o'clock, P. M. ot April 7th, 1814, six Bntish boats were dis- covered coming into Connecticut river ; by 12 a large force of the enemy had taken possession of 'an old tort at Saybrook Point, where finding nothing, the tort having been decayed for several years, re- entered their boats, and proceeded for Petipau, A. M. of the 10th, one of their shells lodged in a small magazine, in Fort Erie, which was fortunately almost empty. It blew up with an explosion more awful in its appear- ance, than injurious in its effects, as it did not disable a man, or derange a gun. It occasioned but a mo- mentary cessation of the thunders ot the artillery on both sides ; it was followed by a loud and joyous shout by the British army, which was immediately returned on our part, and Capt. Williams, amidst the smoke of the explosion, renewed the contest, by an animated roar of his heavy cannon. The night was dark and rainy, but the faithful cen- tinel slept not. At half past 2 o'clock, the right col- umn of the enemy approached, and though enveloped in darkness,* black as his designs and principles, was distinctly heard on our left, and promptly mark- ed by our musquetry and cannon. Being mounted at the moment, I repaired to the point of attack, where the sheet of tire enabled me to see the enemy's column, about 1500 men, approaching on that point ; his ad- vance was not checked until it had approached within ten feet of our infantry. A line of loose brush rep- resenting an abettis only intervened; a column of the enemy attempted to pass round the abettis through the water, where it was nearly breast deep. At this mo- ment the enemy were repulsed, but instantly renewed the charge, and were again repulsed. My attention was now called to the right, where our batteries and lines were lighted by a most brilliant tire of cannon and musquetry ; it announced the approach of the centre and left columns of the enemy, under Cols. Drummond and Scott; they were soon repulsed. That of the centre, led by Col. Drummond was not long kept in check ; it approached at once every as- sailable point of the fort, and with scaling ladders, * I, with several of my officers, several times, heard order? sriv en, ' to give the damned Yankee rusatfs no quart'"- ' 320 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ascended the parapet, but was repulsed with dreadful carnage. The assault was twice repeated, and as often checked ; but the enemy having moved round the ditch, covered with darkness, and the heavy cloud of smoke winch rolled from our cannon and mus- quetry, repeated the charge, and re-ascended the lad- ders, when their pikes, bayonets, and spears, fell upon our gallant artillerists. Our bastion was lost ; Lieut. M'Uonough, being severely wounded, demanded quarter, — it was refused by Col. Drummond. M'Do- tfough then seized a handspike, and nobly defended himself until he was shot down with a pistol by the monster who had refused him quarter, who often re- iterated the order — (jive the damned Yankee rascals no quarter. This hardened murderer soon met Instate ; he was shot through the breast while repeating the Oi der to g ve no quarter. The battle now raged with increased fury on the right, but on the left the enemy was repulsed and put to flight. Thence and from the centre I ordered rein- forcements. They were promptly sent by Brig. Gen. Ripley and Brig. Gen. Porter. Cant. Fanning, of the corps of artillery, kept up a spirited and destruc- tive tire with his held pieces on the enemy attempting to approach the fort. Major Hmdman's gallant ef- forts, aided by Maj. Trimble, having failed to drive the enemy from the bastion with the remaining artil- lerists and m.antry in the fort, Capt. Birdsall of the 4th rifle reg.tnent, with a detachment of riflemen, g.iilantly rushed in through the gateway to their as- sistance, and with some infantry charged the enemy ; but was repulsed, and the captain severely wounded. A detachment from the 11th, li)th, and 22d, infantry, under Capt. Foster of the 11th, were introduced over the interior bastion, for the purpose of charging the enemy. Major Hall, Assist. In. Gen. very hand- somely tendered his services to lead the charge. Tin charge was gallantly made by Capt. Foster and Maj. Hall, but owing to the narrowness of the passage up to the bastion admitting only 2 or 8 men abreast, it HISTORY OF THE WAR, 321 failed. It was often repeated, and as often checked. Tiie enemy's force in the bastion was, however, much cut to pieces and diminished bv our artillery a; id small arms. At this moment ever) operation was arrested by the explosion of some cartridges deposit- ed in the end of Ihe slone budding adjoining the con- tested bastion. The explosion was tremendous — it was decisive: the bastion was restored. At this mo- ment Capt. Biddle was ordered to cause a held piece to be posted so as to enfi.ade the exterior plain and salient glacis. CaptrFaunmg's battery likewise play- ed upon them at this time with great effect. The enemy were in a few moments entirely defeated, ta- ken, or put to flight. I have the honor, >*c. E. P. GAINS, AMERICAN LOSS. Killed, 17— Wounded, 5(5— Missing, 11— total, 84. BRITISH LOSS. K.lled, 422— Wounded, 354— Prisoners, 186—962. Gen. Smith to the Secretary of War. Baltimore, September 19, 1815. [Extract.] SIR — I have the honor of stating that the enemy lauded between 7 and 8000 men on the 12th inst. at North Point, 14 miles distant from this city. Anticipating this debarkation, Gen. Striker had been detached on Sunday evening with a portion of his brigade, to check any attempt the enemy might make in that quarter to land ; the General took a pos.tion on Monday, at the junction of tiie two roads leadhig from this place to the Point, having his right flanked on Bear Creek, and his left by a marsh. Here he waited the approach of the enemy, after having sent on an advance corps. Between two and three o'clock the enemy's whole force came up, and com- menced the batiieby some discharges of rockets, which were succeeded by the cannon from both Sides, when the action became general. Ge... Strieker gal- lantly maintained his ground against this great supe- riority ot numbers, one hour and 20 minutes, when 41 322 HISTORY OF THE WAR-. his left gave way and he was obliged to retire to the ground in his rear. He here formed his brigade, but the enemy not thinking it adviseable to pursue, he fallback, according to previous arrangements, and formed on the left of my entrenchments. I feel a pride in the belief, that the stand made on Monday, in no small degree, tended to check the temerity of a foe, daring to invade a country like ours. Major General Ross the commander in chief of the British forces, was killed in this action. About the time Gen. Strieker joined my left, he was joined by Gen. Winder* (who had been stationed on the west side of the city,) with gen. Douglass' brigade of Virginia militia, and the U. S. Dragoons, who took post on the left of gen. Strieker. Meanwhile, gens. Stans- bury and Forman, the seamen and marines under com. Rodgers, the Pennsylvania volunteers under cols. Cobean and Findley, the Baltimore artillery under col. Harris, and the marine artillery under capt. Stiles, manned the trenches and batteries — all prepared to meet the enemy. On Tuesday the enemy appeared in front of my entrenchments, at the distance of two miles, on the Philadelphia road, and attempted by a circuitous route, to march against our left, and enter the city ; gens. Winder and Strieker were ordered to adapt their movements so as to defeat their intentions, which -completely succeeded. This movement induced the enemy to concentrate his forces by one or two o'clock, in my front, pushing his advance to within a mile of our videttes, and shewing an intention of attacking us that evening. I drew gens. Winder and Strieker nearer to the left of my entrenchments, and to the right of the enemy, with the intention of falling on his rear, should he attack me ; or, if he declined it, of attacking him in the morning. To this movement, and my defences, which the enemy had the fairest opportunity of observing, I attribute his retreat, w Inch was commenced at one o'clock, the next morn- ing, in which he was so favored, by the extreme darkness, and continued rain, that we did not discov- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 323 erit until day light. A considerable detachment was sent in pursuit, but the troops being so worn down by fatigue, that they could do nothing more than pick up a few straglers ; they completed their embarka- tion the next day at 1 o'clock. I have now the pleasure of calling your attention to the brave commander of fort Mc Henry, Maj. Ar- mistead, and to the operations in that quarter. Maj. Armstead had under his command one com- pany of U. S. artillery, two do. sea fei.eibles; three do. of Baltimore artillery, a detachment from Com. Barney's flotilla, and about 000 militia, in all about 1000 men. On the I2tb, 10 ships, including 5 bomb ships, anchored about two miles from the fort. The next morning, at sunrise, the enemy commenced the at- tack from his bomb vessels, at the distance of two miles, which was out of our reach. At 2 o'clock one of our guns was dismounted which occasioned considerable bustle in the fort, killing one and wound- ing several, which induced the enemy to draw his ships within a good striking distance, when the Maj. opened a well directed fire upon them for half an hour, which caused them to haul offto their old posi- tion, when our brave little band gave three cheers, and again ceased firing. Availing- themselves of the darkness of the night, they had pushed a considerable force above the fort, and formed in a half circle, when they commenced firing again which was return- ed with spirit, for more than two hours, when the enemy were again obliged to haul off. During the bombardment, which lasted 25 hours, on the part of the enemy, from 15 to 1800 shells were thrown by the enemy ; 400 of which fell in the fort, threatening destruction to all within, but wonderful as it may appear only 4 of our men were killed, and 24 wounded. I have the honor &c. S. SMITH. American Loss. Killed, 24— Wounded. 90— Missing, 47. British Loss. Killed, 97 Wounded, 105 Prisoners, 136. :321 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Gen. Jachson to the Secretary of War. Mobile, Septeml er 17, 1814. (Extract.'] SIR — With lively emotions of satis- faction, I communicate that success has crowned the gallant eiforts of our brave soldiers, in resisting and repulsing 1 a combined British 'naval and land force> which on the lath inst. attacked Fort Bowser, on the point of Mobile The ship which was destroyed, was the Hermes, of trom 24 to 28 gin s, Captain the 1 on. W n>. H. Percy, senior officer in the Gulf of Mexico ; and the brig so considerably damaged is the So hie, 18 guns. The other ship was the Carron, of from 24 to 28 guns ; the other brig's name unknown. On board the C.irron, v 85 men were killed and wounded ; among whom was Col. Nicoll, of the Royal Marines, who lost an eye by a splinter. The land force consisted of 110 marines, and 200 C eek Indians, unuer the command oi Ca>;t. Woodbine, of the marines, and about 20 artillerists, with one four and an half inch howitzer, from which they discharg- ed shells and nine pound shot. They re-embarked the piece, and retreated by land towards Pensacola, whence they came. By the morning report of the 16th, there were present in the fort, fit for duty, officers and men, 158. I have the honor to be, &.c. AND KEW JACKSON. Gen. Brown to the Secretary of U ar. Fort Erie, Sept. 29th, 1814. [Extract.] SIR— In my letter ol the 18,h inst. I briefly informed you of the fortunate issue ot the sor- tie which took place the day preceding. » The enemy's camp 1 had ascertained to be situated in a field surrounded by woods nearly two miles dis- tant from their batteries and entrenchments, the ob- ject of which was to keep the parts of the force which was not upon duty, out of the range of our tire from Fort Erie and Biack-Rock. Tneir infantry was HISTORY OF THE WAR. 325 formed into three brigades, estimated at 12 or 15 hun- dred men each. One of these brigades, with a de- tail from their artillery, was stationed at their works, (these being 1 about 500 yards distant from old Fort Erie, and the right of our line.) We had already suffered much from the fire of two of their batteries, and were aware that a third was about to open upon us. Under these circumstances, I resolved to storm the batteries, destroy the cannon, and roughly handle the brigade upon duty, before those in reserve could be brought into action. On the morning of the 17th, the infantry and rifle- men, regulars and militia, were ordered to be para- ded and put in readiness to march precisely at 12 o'clock. Gen. Porter with the volunteers, Col. Gib- son with the riflemen, and Major Brooks with the 23d and 1st infantry, and a few dragoons acting as infantry, were ordered to move from the extreme left of our position upon the enemy's right, by a passage opened through the woods for the occasion. Gen. Miller was directed to station his command in the ra- vine which lies between Fort Erie and the enemy's batteries, by passing them by detachments through the skirts of the wood — and the 21st infantry under Gen. Ripley was posted as a corps of reserve between the new bastions of Fort Erie ; all under cover, and out of the view of the enemy. About 20 minutes before 3, P. M. I found the left columns, under the command of Gen. Porter, which were destined to turn the enemy's right, within a few rods of the British entrenchments. They were or- dered to advance and commence the action. Passing down the ravine, I judged from the report of mus- quetry that the action had commenced on our left ; I now hastened to Gen. Miller, and directed him to seize the moment and pierce the enemy's entrench- ment between batteries No. 2 and 3. My orders were promptly and ably executed. Within 30 minutes af- ter the first gun was tired, batteries No. 2 and 3, the enemy's line of entrenchments, and his two block 326 HISTORY OF THE WAR. bouses, were in our possession. Soon after battery PUo. 1 was abandoned by the British. The guns in each were spiked by us, or otherwise destroyed, and the magazine of No 3 was blown up. A few minutes before the explosion, I had ordered lip the reserve under Gen. Ripley. As he passed jne at the head of his column, I desired him as he would be the senior in advance, to ascertain as near as possible, the situation of ihe troops in general, and to have a care that not more was hazarded than the occasion required : that the object of the sortie ef- fected, the troops would retire in good order, &c. Gen. Ripley passed rapidly on — soon after, 1 became alarmed for Gen. Miller, and sent an order for the 21st to hasten to his support towards battery No. 1. Col. Upham received the order, and advanced to the aid of Gen. Miller. Gen. Ripley had inclined to the left, where Major Brooks' command was engaged, with a view of making some necessary enquiries of that officer, and in the act of doing so was unfortu- nately wounded. By this time the object of the sor- tie was accomplished beyond my most sanguine ex- pectations. Gen. Miller had consequently ordered the troops on the right to fall back — observing this movement, I sent my staff along the line to call in the other corps. Within a few minutes they retired from the ravine, and from thence to cam)). Thus 1000 regulars and an equal portion of mili- tia, in one hour of close action, blasted the hopes of the enemy, destroyed the fruits of 50 d.tys labor, and diminished his effective force 1000 men at least. Lieut. Gen. Drummond broke up his camp during the night of the 21st, and retired to his entrenchments behind the Chippewa. A party of our men came up with the rear of his army at Frenchman's creek; the enemy destroyed part of their stores by setting- fire to the buildings from which they were employed in conveying them. We found in and about their camp a considerable quantity of cannon ball, and up- wards of 100 stand of arms. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 327 I send you enclosed herein a return of our loss. The return of prisoners enclosed does not include the stragglers that came in after the action. I have the honor to be, &c. JACOB BROWN. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed 79 — wounded 214 — missing 218. BRITISH LOSS. Killed 271— wounded 3 1 1— Prisoners 385. Gen. Macomb to the Secretary of War. Pittsburgh, Sept. 12, 1814. [Extract.] SIR — 1 have the honor to inform you that the British army commanded by Sir George Prevost, consisting of four brigades, a corps of artil- lery; a squadron of horse, and a strong light corps, amounting in all to 14,000 men, after investing this place on the north of the Saranac river since the 5th inst. broke up their camp and raised the siege this morning at 2 o'clock, retreating precipitately, and leaving their sick and wounded behind. The strength of this garrison is only 1500 men fit for duty. The light troops and militia are in full pursuit of the enemy, making prisoners in all directions. Up- wards of 300 deserters have already come in, and many arrive hourly. Our loss in the fort is trifling indeed, having only one officer and 15 men killed, and one officer and 30 men wounded. Vast quantities of provision were left behind and destroyed, also an immense quantity of bomb shells, cannon ball, grape shot, ammunition, flints, &cc. &c. intrenching tools of all sorts, also tents and marquees. A great deal has been found concealed in the ponds and creeks, and buried in the ground, and a vast quantity carried oft' by the inhabitants. Such was the precipitance of his retreat, that he arrived at Cha- zy, a distance of eight miles before we discovered that he had gone. We have buried the British officers of the army and navv, With the honors of war, and shewn everv 328 HISTORY OF THE WAR. attention and kindness to those who have fallen into our hands. The conduct of the officers, non-com- missioned officers and soldiers of my command, dur- ing- this trying occasion cannot be represented in too high terms. 1 have the honor to be, Sec. ALEXANDER MACOMB. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed 37 — wounded 62 — missing 20. BRITISH LOSS. Killed 368-wounded 494~prisoners 252-deserted786 Capt. Blalicley to the Secretary of the Navy. U S. S. Wasp, L'Onent, July 8, 1814. SIR - On Tuesday the 28th ult. being then in lat- itude 48, 36 N. and long. 11, 15 W. we fell in with, engaged, and after an action of 19 minutes, captured his Britannic Majesty's sloop of war Reindeer, Wil- liam Manners, Esq. commander. At half past 12, P. M. the enemy shewed a blue and white flag diagonally at the fore, and fired a gun. At 1, 15, called all hands to quarters and prepared for action ; 1, 22, believing we could weather the en- emy, tacked ship and stood for him ; 1, 50 the ene- my tacked ship and stood from us; 1, 56, hoisted our colors and fired a gun to windward ; at 2, 20, the en- emy still standing from us, set the royals; at 2, 25, set the flying gib ; at 2, 29, set the upper staysails; at 2, 32, the enemy having tacked for us took in the staysails ; at 2, 47, furled the royals ; at 2, 51, seeing that the enemy would be able to weather us, tacked ship ; at 3, 3, the enemy hoisted his flying g.b — brail* ed up our mizen ; at 3, 15, the enemy on our weather quarter, distant about 60 yards, fired his shitting gun, a 12 pound carronade at us, loaded with round and grape shot from his top-gallant forecastle; at 3,17, tired the same gun a second time; at 3, 19, fired it a third time ; at 3, 21, fired it a fourth time ; at 3, 21, a fifth shot, all from the same gun. Finding the en- emy did not get sufficiently on the beam to enable us to bring our guns to bear, put the helm a-lee, and at 26 minutes after 3, commenced the action with the af- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 329 ter carronade on the starboard side, and fired in suc- cession ; at 3, 84, hauled up the mainsail; at 3, 40, the enemy having* his larboard bow in qpi.tact with our larboard quarter endeavored to board us, but was repulsed in every attempt ; at 3, 4 4, orders were giv- en to board in turn, which were promptly executed, when all resistance immediately ceased, and at 3, 4o, the enemy hauled down his flag. The Reindeer mounted sixteen 24 11). carronades, two long- 6 or 9 pounders, and a shifting 12 lb. car- roiade, with a complement on board of 118 men. Her crew was said to be the pride of Plymouth. >. The Reindeer was literally cut to pieces in a line with her ports ; her upperworks, boats and spare spars were one complete wreck. — A breeze springing up the next afternoon her foremast went by the board. Having received all the prisoners on board, which from the number of wounded occupied much time, together with their baggage, the Reindeer was on the evening of the 29th set on tire, and in a few hours biew up. I have the honor to be, Sec. J. BLAKELEY. American Loss. — Killed 5 — wounded 21. British Loss. — Killed 23 — wounded 42. Capt. Blake let/ to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. 8. Wasp, at sea, Sept. 11,1814. [Extract.] SIR — I have the honor of informing you of the destruction of H. B. M. brig Avon,of 18 guns by this ship on the 1st inst. At 6, 30 minutes P. JVf. discovered 4 sail ; 2 on our starboard, and 2 on our larboard bow ; hauled up for one on our starboard bow, being farthest to windward. At 7, the brig- made signals, with flags, lanterns, rockets, and guns. At 9, 29, the chase being under our lee bow, com- menced the action by firing a 12 lb. carronade at him, which he returned, when we run under bis lee, bow to prevent bis escaping. At 10, believing the enemy to be silenced, ceased firing, and hailed and asked if he had surrendered. No answer being giv- 42 33U HISTORY OF THE WAR. en, and lie having recommenced firing, it was return- ed. x\t 10, 12, the enemy having suffered greatly, and having made no return to our two last broadsides, I hailed the second time, when he answered in the affirmative. The guns were then ordered to be se- cured, and the boat lowered to take possession. In the act of lowering the boat, a second brig was dis- covered close under our stern, and standing for us. Sent the crew to quarters, and prepared for another action, and waited his coming up. At 10, 36, dis- covered two more sails astern, standing for us. Our braces having been cut away, we kept off the wind, until others could be rove, with the expectation of drawing the second brig from his companions, but was disappointed ; having continued approaching us until within gun shot she suddenly hauled by the wind, fir- ed a broadside, which done considerable damage, and soon retraced her steps to join her consorts. Our prize, when we abandoned her, was firing guns of distress j the two last sails came to her assistance, in time to save her crew from sinking- with the vessel, w Inch went down soon afterwards. I have the hon- or to be, &c. J. BL AKELE Y. American Loss. — Killed, 2 — wounded, 1. • British Loss. — Killed, 12 — wounded 33. Gen. M Arthur to the Secretary of War. Head-Quarters, Detroit, Nov. 18, 1814. [Extract.] SIR -I have the honor of reporting to you the safe return of the mounted troops to this place. It was deemed expedient, from the arder of the Kentucky and Ohio volunteers and militia, that they should be actively employed in the enemy's terirtory, with a view to destroy their resources, and paralize any attempt they might make on this post during the winter. Accordingly (J30 troops, and 70 Indians, were put in motion to destroy the valuable mills at the head of Lake Ontario, and Grand River. We proceeded over the river St. Clair, down to the Scotch ■ *ctt!ement, up Bear Creek, about -.10 miles, and a HISTORY OF THE WAR. 331 cross to Ihe Moravian towns, where we arrived the oOth ult. We were fortunate at this place in taking* a Bri- tish officer who was proceeding" to Burlington with the information of our approach, which enabled us to reach Delaware town undiscovered. The ran- gers were detached across the Thames, to pass in rear of the town, to guard the different roads, whilst the troops were swimming' their horses across. We were thus enabled to reach Oxford, 150 miles from Detroit, before they heard of our approach. A few hours before our arrival at Buford, the enemy retreat- ed to MalconVs mills, on the road to Burlington where they were reinforced, to the number of 500 militia, and about 100 Indians. A deep creek of difficult passage, except at a bridge immediately in front of their works, which had been partly destroyed, lay between us. Arrangements were made for a joint attack on their front and rear. The Ohio troops were thrown across, under cover of a thick wood, and the Kentucky troops were ordered to attack in front. The enemy were entirely defeated and dispersed, with the loss of 1 Capt. and 17 privates killed, and 3 Capts. 5 subalterns, and 103 privates, taken prisoners. Our loss was only one killed, and six wounded. The next day we proceeded on and took several prisoners, 200 stand of arms, and destroyed five valuable mills, when we commenced our return much for this place, which we reached yesterday. I have the honor to be, &c. D. M' ARTHUR. CHAPTER XII L Gen. Jackson to Gov. Early. Head-Q,uarters, Tensaw, Nov. 11th, 1814. [Extract.] SIR — On last evening I returned from Pensacola to this place — I reached that post on the evening of the 6th. On my approach, I sent Maj. Pierre with a flag to commuuicate the object of my &I2 HISTOllV OF THE WAR. visit to the Gov. of Pensacola. He approached foil St. George, with his flag displayed, and was fired on by the cannon from the fori — ie returned and made report thereof to me. I immediately w< nt with the Adj. Gen. and the Maj. with a small escort, and viewed the fort and found it defended by British and Spanish troops. I immediately determined to storm the town. On the morning- of the 7th I marched with the effective regulars of the 3d, 39th, and 44th infantry, part of Gen. Coff< e"s hngade, the Mississippi dra- goons, and part of the West Tenessee regiment, and partoftheChoctaws led by Maj. Blue, of the 39lh and Maj. Kennedy of Mississippi territory. Being encamped on the west of the town 1 calculated they would expect the assault from that quarter, and be prepared to rake me from the fort, and the British armed vessels, seven in number, that lay in the bay. To cherish this idea 1 sent out part o; the mounted men to show themselves on the west, whilst I passed in rear of the fort undiscovered to the east of the town. When 1 appeared within a mile, I was in full view. My pride was never more heightened than viewing 1 the uniform firmness of my troops, and with what un- daunted courage they advanced, with a strong fort ready to assail them on the right, 7 British armed ves- sels on the left, and strong blockhouses and batteries of cannon in their front, but they still advanced with unshaken firmness, entered the town, when a battery of two cannon was opened upon the centre column composed of the regulars, w.th ball and grape, and a shower of musketry from the houses and gardens. The battery was immediately stormed by Capt. Le- vall and company, and carried, and the musketry was soon silenced by the steady and well directed lire of the regulars. The Gov. met Cols. Williamson and Smith, who led the dismounted volunteers, with a flag, begged •for mercy, and surrendered the town and fort uncon- ditionally ; mercy wasgranttd and protection given to the citizens and their property. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 333 Oil the morning of the 8lh 1 prepared to march and storm the B.iraucas, bulb tore I could move tremend- ous explosions lold me that the Barancas, with all its appendages, was blown up. I dispatched a detach- ment of two hundred men to explore it, who returned in the night with the information that it was blown up, ail the combustible parti burnt, the cannon spiked aid dismounted except two : this being the case, I determined to withdraw my troops, but before I did I hat I the pleasure to .see the British depart. The sieady firmness of my troops has drawn a just res >ect from our enemies — It has convinced the Red Slicks that they have no strong feold or protection, only m the friendship of the U. S. The good order and conduct of my troops whilst in Pensacola, has con- vinced the Spaniards of our friendship, and prowess, and has drawn from the citizens an expression that our Choctaws are more civilized than the British. I have the honor to be, c. ANDREW JACKSON. Gen. Jachson to the Secretary of War. Head-Quarters, New-Orleans, I)ec. 27, 1814. [Extract. \ SIR — I have the honor to inform you of the result of the action on the 23d. The loss of our gun boats near the pass of the Rigoiets, having given the enemy command of lake Borgne, he was enabled to choose his point of attack. It became therefore an object of importance to obstruct the nu- merous bayous and canals leading from that lake, to the highlands on the Mississippi. This important service was committed to Major Gen. Villere com- manding the district between the river and the lakes, and who, being a native of the country, was presum- ed to be best acquainted wilh all those passes. Un- fortunately, however, a picquet which the Gen. had established at the mouth of the bayou Bienveuu, and which notwithstanding my orders had been left un- obstructed, was completely surprised, and the enemy penetrated through a canal leading to his farm, about ivyo leagues below the city, and succeeded in cutting 334 HISTORY OP THE WAR. off a company of militia stationed there. — This intel- ligence was communicated tome about 12 o'clock on the 22d. My force at this time did not exceed in all 1500. I arrived near the enemy's encampment about seven, and immediately made my dispositions for the attack. His forces amounting- at that time on land to about 3000, extended half a mile on the river, and in the rear nearly to the wood. Gen. Coffee was ordered to turn their right, while with the residue of the force I attacked his strongest position on the left near the river. Com. Patterson having dropped down the river in the schooner Caroline, was directed to open a fire up- on their camp, which he executed at about half after seven. This being the signal of attack, Gen. Coffee's men with their usual impetuosity, rushed on the en- emy's right and entered their camp, while our right advanced with equal order. A thick fog arose about 8 o'clock occasioning some confusion among the dif- ferent corps. Fearing the consequences, under this circumstance, of the prosecution of a night attack with troops then acting together for the first time, I eontented myself with lying on the field that night ; and at four in the morning assumed a stronger posi- tion about two miles nearer the city. In this affair the whole corps under my command deserve the greatest credit. The best complement I can pay to Gen. Coffee and his brigade is to say they have behaved as they have always done while under my command. The two field pieces were well served by the officer commanding them. We have made 1 major, 2 subalterns, and sixty- three privates prisoners. I have the honor, &c. ANDREW JACKSON. American Loss. — Killed and wounded 100. British Loss. — Killed & wounded 344, prisoners 06. Gen. Jackson to the Secretary of War. Head-Q,uarters, New-Orleans, Jan. 13, 181o. [Extract.] SIR — Atsuch a crisis I conceive it my duty to keep you eonstantly advised of my situation. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 33§ Early on the morning- of the 8th, the enemy having been actively employed the two preceding days in making preparations for a storm, advanced in two strong columns on my right and left. They were re- ceived however, with a firmness which seems, they lit- tle expected, and which defeated all their hopes. My men undisturbed by their approach, which indeed they long anxiously wished for, opened upon them a fire so deliberate and certain, as rendered their scal- ing ladders and fascines, as well as their more direct implements of warfare, perfectly useless. For up- wards of an hour it was continued with a briskness of which there have been but few instances, perhaps, in any country. In justice to the enemy it must be said, they withstood it as long as could have been expected from the most determined bravery. At length how- ever when all prospect of success became hopeless, they fled in confusion from the field — leaving it cov- ered with their dead and wounded. My loss was inconsiderable ; being only *seven killed and six wounded. Such a disproportion in loss, when we consider the number and the kind of troops engaged, must, I know, excite astonishment, and may not, every where, be fully credited : yet I am perfectly satisfied that the account is not exaggerated on the one part, nor un- derrated on the other. Whether after the severe losses he has sustained, he is preparing to return to his shipping, or to make still mightier efforts to attain his first object, I do not pretend to determine. It becomes me to act as though the latter were his intention. One thing, however, seems certain, that if he still calculates on effecting what he has hitherto been unable to accom- plish he must expect considerable reinforcements as the force with which he landed, must undoubtedly be diminished by at least 3000. Besides the loss which he sustained on the night of the m 23d ultimo, which is estimated as four hundred, he cannot have suffered * This was in the action on (he line — of In wards a skirmishing: was Kent, up in which a few ?norr of'our rfi&ri nW lost. 336 HISTORY OF THE WAR, less between that period and the morning' of the 8th inst, than 300; having within that time, been repulsed in two general attempts to drive us from our position, and there having* been continual cannonading* and skirmishing, during the whole of it. Yet he is still able to show a very formidable force. The commanding Gen. Sir Edward Packenham was kilted in the action of the 8th, and Maj. Gens. Kean and Gihbs were mortally wounded. I have the honor to be, &c. ANDREW JACKSON. American Loss — Killed 7 — wounded 6. British Loss — Killed 700 — wounded 1400 — pris- oners 562. Lieut. Shields to Com. Patterson. [Extract.] New Orleans, Jan. 25th, IS] 5. SIR— T have the honor of reporting the result of the expedition ordered by you on the 17ih inst. The 19th, at night, I left the Pass Cheuf Menteur, having made the necessary observations on the enemy before dark, with5 boats and your gig, manned with 50 men. At 10. P. ill. captured a boat by surprize, manned with od men. The number of prisoners exceeding my men, 1 thought it most prudent to land them, to prevent weakening my force, which was accordingly done, and the prisoners were put into the charge of the army at the Pass. The 21st, at day light, I again fell into the track of the fleet. Finding it impossible to make any captures, without being discovered, I determined to run down among them, and strike at every opportunity — hoisted English colors, and took a transport boat with 5 men ; ordered her to follow, and stood for a transport Schooner, with 10 mtn 9 which I boarded with 8 men, and took without op- position. From 9, to 12 o'clock, we were in the midst of their boats, and succeeded in taking 5 more. with about 70men. The enemy's loss on this occa- sion w as 140 prisoners, 7 boats and 1 transport Schoon- er. 1 have the honor to be, &c THO. SHIELDS HISTORY OF THE WAR. 337 Sailing-Master Johnson to Com. Patterson. New-Orleans, Jan. 7th, 1815. [Extract.'] SIR— T have the pleasure of informing you of my succeeding in destroying a transport brig if) like Borgne, yesterday, at 4. A. M. On the oth inst. [ proceeded down to the east mouth of the Pass, to ascertain the enemy's position ; finding at anchor there one brig, 3 gunboats, 3 Schooners, and several barges, the brig lying a mile distant from the others, I returned, and determined on making an attempt to destroy her. M . crew no v amounted to 38 men ; with this force I was confident I should be able to destroy her, although I had been previously inform- ed she mounted 4 peices of cannon, and equipped ac- cordingly. On the 6th at 4, A.. M. we boarded the brig, her crew consisting of a Ca.pt. a sailing-master, and 8 marines, making no resistance. It being nearly daylight, I ordered the prisoners into my boat, and set fire to the brig, which proved to be the Cyrus, loaded with rum, bread, and soldiers clothing. I have the honor to be, &c. VVM. JOHNSON. ADDRESS, Directed by Major General Jackson to be read at the head of each of the corps composing the hue below .New-Orleans, Jan. 21, 1815. Citizens and fellow soldiers! The enemy has re- treated, and your general has now leisure to pro- claim to the world what he has noticed with admira- tion and pride — your undaunted courage, your patri- otism, and patience, under hardships and fatigues. — Natives of different States, acting together for the first time in this camp; differing in habits and in lan- guage, instead of viewing in these circumstances the germ of distrust and division, you have made them the source of an honorable emulation, and from the seeds of discord itself have reaped the fruits of an honora- ble union. This day completes the fourth week since fifteen hundred of you attacked treble your number 43 338 HISTORY OF THE \UK. of men, who had boasted of their discipline and their services under a celebrated leader, in a long' and eventful war — attacked them in their camp, the mo- ment they had profaned the soil of freedom with their hostile tread, and inflicted a blow which was a pre- lude to the final result of their attempt to conquer, or their poor contrivances to divide us. A few hours was sufficient to unite the gallant band, though at the moment they received the welcome order to march, they were separated many leagues, in different direc- tions from the city. The gay rapidity of the march, and the cheerful countenances of the officers and men, would have induced a belief that some festive enter- tainment, not the strife of battle, was the scene to which they hastened with so much eagerness and hi- larity. In the conflict that ensued, the same spirit was supported, and my communication to the executive of the U. S. have testified the sense I entertained of the merits of the corps and officers that were engag- ed. Resting on the field of battle, they retired in perfect order on the the next morning to these lines, destined to become the scene of future victories, which they were to share with the rest of you, my brave companions in arms. Scarcely were your lines a protection against musket shot, when on the 28th a disposition was made to attack them with all the pomp and parade of military tactics, as improved by those veterans of the Spanish war. Their batteries of heavy cannon kept up an inces- sant fire ; their rockets illuminated the air ; and under their cover two strong columns threatened our flanks. The foe insolently thought that this spectacle was too imposing to be resisted, and in the intoxication of his pride he already saw our lines abandoned without a contest— how were those menacing appearances met? By shouts of defiance, "by a manly countenance, not to be shaken by the roar of his cannon, or by the glare of his firework rockets ; by an artillery served with superior skill, and with deadly effect. .Never, my brave friends, can your Gen. forget the tetimoni- als of attachment to our glorious cause of indignant hat- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 339 sed to our foe, of effectionate confidence in your chief, that resounded from every rank, as lie passed aiong your line. This animating- scene damped the cour- age of the enemy ; he dropped his scaling ladders and fascines, and the threatened attack dwindled in- to a demonstration, which served only to shew the emptiness of his parade, and to inspire yon with a just confidence in yourselves. The new year was ushered in with the most tre- mendious fire his whole artillery could produce, a few hours only, however, were necessary for the brave and skilful men who directed our own to dismount his cannon, destroy his batteries, and effectually si- lence his fire. Hitherto, my brave friends, in the contest on our lines, your courage had been passive only ; you stood with calmness, a fire that would have tried the firmness of a vetran, and you anticipa- ted a nearer contest with an eagerness which was soon to be gratified. On the 8th of Jan. the final effort was made. At the dawn of day the batteries opened and the columns advanced. Knowing that the volunteers from Ten- nessee and the militia from Kentucky were stationed on your left, it was there they directed their chief at- tack. Reasoning always from false principles, they ex- pected little opposition from men whose officers even were not in uniform, who were ignorant of the rules of dress, and who had never been caned into disci- pline — fatal mistake ! a fire incessantly kept up, di- rected with calmness and with unerring aim, strewed the field with the bravest officers and men of the col- umn which slowly advanced, according to the most approved rules of European tactics, and was cut down by the untutored courage of American militia. Unb e to sustain this galling and unceasing fire, some hundreds nearest the entrenchment called for quarter, which was granted — the rest retreating, were rallied at some distance, but only to make them a surer mark for the grape and cannister shot of our artillery, which, without exaggeration, mowed down whole ranks a! 340 HISTORY OF THE WAR. every discharge : and at length they precipitately re- tired from tie field. Our r.glit had only a short contest to sustain with a few rash raen who fatally for themselves, forced their entrance into the unfinished redoubt on the river. They were quickly dispossessed, and this glorious day terminated with the loss to the enemy of their com- mander in chief and one Maj. Gen. killed, another MiiJ. Gen. wounded, the mostex> erieneed and bravest of their officers, and more than three thousand men killed, wounded and missing, while our ranks, my friends, were thinned only by the loss of six of our bra\e companions killed and seven disabled by wounds-r-wonderful interposition of Heaven ! unex- ampled event in the history of war ! Let us be grateful to the God of battles who has di- rected the arrows of indignation against our invaders while he covered with his protecting shield the brave defenders of their country. After this unsuccessful and disastrous attempt, their spirits were broken, their force was destroyed, and their whole attention was employed in providing the means of escape. This they have effected ; leaving their heavy artillery in our power, and many of their wounded to our clemency. The consequences of this short, but decisive campaign, are incalculably impor- tant. The pride of our arrogant enemy humbled, his forces broken, his leaders killed, his insolent hopes of our disunion frustrated — his expectation of rioting in our spoils and wasting our country changed into ignominious defeat, shameful flight, and a reluctant acknowledgment of the humanity and kindness of those whom he had doomed to all the horrors and hu- miliation of a conquered state. On the other side, unanimity established, disaffec- tion crushed, confidence restored, your country saved from conquest, your property from pillage, your wives and daughters from insult and violation* — the union preserved from dismemberment, and perhaps a period * Previous fo the attack Gen. Packenham gave out for watch- word, ' Beauty and Booty' and promised three days riot and plunder. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 341 put by this decisive stroke to a bloody and Savage War. These, my brave friends, are the consequences of til*' efforts vou have made, and the success with winch they have been crowned by Heaven. These important results have been effected by the united courage and perse\erauce of the armv ; but which the different corps as well as the individuals that compose it, have vied with each other in their exertions to produce. The gratitude, the admi- ration of their country, offers a fairer reward than that wh.ch any praises of the Ge a. can bestow, and the best is that of winch they can never be 1 deprived!, the consciousness of having done their duly, and of merit- ing the applause they wdl receive. Com. Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy. H. B. M. Ship Endymion, at sea, Jan. 18, 1815. SIR — The painful duty of detailing to you the particular causes which preceded and ied to the cap- ture of the late U S. frigate President by a squadron of his Britannic Majesty's ships* has devolved upon me. In my communication of the 14th, I made known my intention of proceeding to sea on that eve- ning. Owing to some mistake of the pilots, the ship in going out grounded on the bar, where she continu- ed to strike heavily for an hour and a half; although she had broken several of her rudder braces, and had received such other material injury as to render her return into port desirable, I was unable to do so from the strong westerly wind which was then blowing. We shaped our course along the shore of Long- Isl- and for 50 miles, and then steered S. E. by E. At five o'clock, three ships were discovered ahead ; we immediately hauled up the Ship and passed two mile* to the northward of them. At day light, we discov- ered four ships in chase, one on each quarter, and two astern, the leading ship of the enemy a razee — she commenced a lire upon us but without effect. At meridian the wind became light and battling; we a Majestic razee, Endymion, Potnone, Tenedos, Dispatch {brig) 342 HISTORY OF THE WAR. had increased our distance from the razee, but the next ship astern, which was also a large ship, had gained and continued to gain upon us considerably ; ■we immediately occupied all hands to lighten ship. At 3, we had the wind quite light ; the enemy who had now been joined by a brig, had a strong breeze, and were coming up with us rapidly. The Endy- mion (mounting 50 guns, 24 pounders on the main deck) had now approached us within gun shot, and had commenced a fire with her bow guns, which we returned from our stern. At 5 o'clock she had ob- tained a position on our starboard quarter, within half point blank shot, on which neither our stern nor quarter guns would bear ; I remained with her in this position tor half an hour, m the hope that she would close with us on our broadside, in which case I had prepared my crew to board, but from his con- tinuing to yavv his ship to maintain his position, it be- came evident that to close was not his intention. Every fire now cut some of our sails or rigging. To have continued our course under these circumstances, ■would have been placing it in his power to cripple us, without being subject to injury himself, and to have hauled up more to the northward to bring our stern guns to bear, would have exposed us to his raking fire. It was now dusk when I determined to alter my course south, for the purpose of bringing the enemy abeam, and although their ships astern were drawing up fast, I felt satisfied I should be enabled to throw him out of the combat before they could come up, and was not without hopes, if the night proved dark (of which there was every appearance) that I might still be enabled to effect my escape. Our opponent kept off at the same instant we did, and our fire commenc- ed at the same time. We continued engaged, steer- ing south with steering sails set two hours and a half, when we completely succeeded in dismantling her. Previously to her dropping entirely outot the action, there were intervals of minutes, when the ships were broadside and broadside, and in which she did no! HISTORY OF THE WAR. 343 fire a gun. At this period, half past 8 o'clock, al- though dark, the other ships of the squadron were in sight, and almost within gun shot. We were of course compelled to abandon her. In resuming our former course for the purpose of avoiding the squad- ron, we were compelled to present our stern to our antagonist — but such was his state, though we were thus exposed and within range of his guns for half an hour, that he did not avail himself of this favorable opportunity of raking us. We continued this course until 11 o'clock, when two fresh ships of the enemy (the Pomona and Tenedos) had come up. The Po- mona had opened her fire on the larboard bow, with- in musket shot ; the other about two cables' length astern, taking a raking position on our quarter ; and the rest (with the exception of the Endymion) within gun shot. Thus situated, with about one fifth of my crew killed and wounded, my ship crippled, and a more than four-fold force opposed to me, without a chance of escape left, I deemed it my duty to sur- render. It is with emotions of pride [ bear testimony to the gallantry and steadiness of every officer and man I had the honor to command on this occasion, and I feel satisfied that the fact of their having beaten a force equal to themselves, in the presence, and almost under the guns of so vastly a superior force, when, too, it was almost self-evident, that whatever their ex- ertions might be, they must ultimately be captured, will be taken as evidence of what they would have performed, had the force opposed to them been in any degree equal. For 24 hours after the action it was nearly calm, and the squadron were occupied in repairing the crippled ships. Such of the crew of the President as were not badly wounded, were put on board the dif- ferent ships ; myself and a part of my crew were put on board this ship. On the 17th we had a gale from the eastward, when this ship lost her bowsprit, fore and main-masts, and mizen top-mast, all of which were badly wounded, and was, in consequence of 344 HISTORY OF THE WAR. her disabled condition, obliged to throw overboard all her u per deck guns. I have the honor to be, %c. STEPHEN DECATUR. American Loss. — Killed 24 — wounded 55. British Loss — Killed 15 — wounded 28. Capt. Boyle to 3h\ George P. Stephenson. Dated at sea, March 2, 1815. [Fxtract^] SIR — 1 have the honor to inform ) on* tha on the :26ih of Feb. being- about six leagues to windward of Havanna and 2 leagues from the land —at 1 1, A. M. discovered a schooner bearing N. E, of us, apparently running before the wind ; made every possible sail in chase. At half past meridian I tired a gun and hoisted the American flag, to as* certain, if possible, the nation which she belonged to, but she shewed no colors. At 1,P. M. drawing up with him very fast, she tired astern chase gun at us, and hoisted English colors, shewing at the same time only three ports in the side next to us. Under the impression that she was a running vessel bound to Havanna, weakly armed and manned, I tried every effort to close with him as quick as possi- ble. Saw very few men on his deck, and hastily made small preparation for action, though my officers, myself and men did not expect any fighting, of course we were not completely prepared for action. At 1, 20, we were within pistol shot of him when he open- ed a tier of ten ports on a side, and gave his broad- side I f round, grape and musket balls. I then open- ed the Chasseur's fire from the great guns and musk- etry, and endeavored to close with hittt for the pur- pose of boarding; we having quick way at this tune, shot ahead of him under his iee ; he put his helm up for the purpose of wearing across our stern and to give usa raking tire, which 1 prevented by timely taking notice of his intention, and putting our helm hard up also, lie shot quick ahead, and I closed within ten yards of him ; at this time both fires were heavy, severe and destructive. I now found his meu HISTORY OP THE WAR. 346 had been concealed under his bulwark, and that I had a heavy enemy to contend with, and at 1, 40, gave the order for boarding, which my brave officers and men cheerfully obeyed with unexampled quickness, instantly put the helm to starboard to lay him on' board, and in the act of boarding her, she surrender- ed. She proved to be H. B. Majesty's schooner St. Lawrence, commanded by Lieut. James E. Gordon, of 15 guns, 14 twelve pound carronades upon an im- proved construction, and a longni.e; 75 men, and had on board a number of soldiers, marines, and some gentlemen of the navy passengers j haying by the report 15 killed and 23 wounded. 1 had 5 men killed, and 8 wounded, myself amongst the latter, though very slightly. Thus ended the action in 15 minutes after its commencement, aud about 8 minute? close quarters, with a force in every respect equal to our own. The Chasseur mounts six 12 pounders, and eight short 9 pound carronades, (the latter taken from one ot her pries) ten of our 12 pound carronades having been thrown overboard while hard chased by the Barrosa frigate. Yours with respect, THOMAS BOYLE. Col. Scott to Governor Early. Great Salill river, Feb. 28, 1815. [Extract.] SIR— I have the pleasure to inform youot a brilliant affair having taken place on the 24th inst. on the river St. Mary's between a part of my de- tachment, 20 men, commanded b V Capt. William Mickler, aided by about 30 oi the Patriots of Flori- da, under Col. Dill, and t> of the enemy's barges containing about 250 men, winch had attempted to proceed up the river to burn Mr. A. Cark's mills. 1 he enemy were first attacked by the Patriots from the Florida shore, near Camp P.nckney, when the barges immediately tacked about to retreat, but our men being in ambush on tins shore gave them a se- cond reception, and thus the tire was kept up from 44 346 HISTORY OF THE WAR. both shores until they got into a greater .extent of riv- er than our riflemen could reach. The enemy lost 100 killed and wounded.— We had one man severely wounded through the body, and several received balls through their clothes, ^^^^q^ Sailing-master John Hurlburd to Com. Campbell I to Gun Boat, No. 168, Cumberland bound,) V March 18,1815. j [Extract] SIR— Proceeding with the despatch which you did me the honor to entrust to my care, 1 M IVom Tvbee bar, at 1, P. Bl. on the 16th inst wind N. E. steering south ; at halt past 3 descried a sail in the S. E. quarter, which we soon found to be a shin standing N. N. Wi about 40 minutes alter she fired a gun and hoisted her colors, the shot passing over our fore gaff'; our colors were hoisted, con- tinned our course for a few minutes, when anoth- er ou„ was fired ; the shot passed abaft the main rig. Sing; over the lee quarter. Heaving his vessel too on the starboard tack, hailed me by saying, ' you damn d rascal, if you don't lower your boat down and come on board immediately, 111 fire into you, 1 11 sink you, God damn you.' Seeing me in the act of taking m the square sail, < why don't you heave to God damn you, I'll sink you ; I'll fire a broadside into you As soon as I could be heard I said, this is a U. b. vessel, from Savannah, with despatches for Admiral Cockburn. In the act of pronouncing the last words, a musket was fired at me, the ball passed near my shoulders, over the hand of the man at the helm, link, ing the water from twenty to thirty feet troro the yes- sef Putting the helm down, 1 again informed him of the character of the vessel, saying, it you wish toi further satisfaction you are at liberty to send your boat on board ; he Bind, • 1 don't care a damn for the : des- patches nor Admiral Cockburn either; Goddamn jhem and the United States too ; I U fire a broadsute into von and sink yon, if you don t lower youi boa down and come on board, you rascal.' Put about and HISTORY OF THE WAR. 347 ran close under the ship's lee, saying-, 'this is the U. States' gun vessel No. 108, with despatches for the Admiral off St. Mary's ; it' you doubt her being what she appears to be, you can send your boat on board. Turning to me, he says, ' God damn you, come on hoarder I'll sink you — I'll tire thunder into you.' I replied, ' if you do, I shall return your com- plements with lightning.' At tins time 1 received, if possible, a greater flood of vulgar abuse than be- fore.- I hove about, stood to windward of him, heav- ing too on his starboard quarter, with the larboard tacks on board ; when a Lieut, came alongside, and ordered me into the boat, saying, ' if you do not go on board, every one of you will be taken out and carried to Charleston.' Go on board and tell your commander that I shall not lower my boat, nor shall an officer or man leave the vessel, but by force, showing him the paper for Admiral Cockburn. 'If you don't go on board, you'll be sunk as soon as I go on board ; I advise you to go' — ' I want no advice, (said 1) I have the orders of my government, by which I am governed ; tell your commander that such trifling shall not pass with impunity.' On th« boat leaving us the Captain of the ship said, 'won't the damned rascal come? then come alongside and let me sink him ; I'll fire a broadside into him.' On the boat's reaching the ship's side a gun was fired; the shot passing to leeward, through the mainsail, near the mast, cutting away one of the stays, going between the foremast and rigging ; while he gave full vent to his vulgar abuse. I now saw every one of our little crew anxiously waiting the order to fire in- to the apparent enemy ; but I considered that several lives would in all probability be lost, and the flag struck at last. Under these considerations, I fired a gun across his bows, as the vessels were lying, sunk the signals, and hauled the colors down. A Lieut, came on board, to whom I made a formal surrender of the vessel ; he observed that he was only a Lieut. * Send an officer on board, (I replied) the officers and men are your prisoners.' He ordered me on board J5J8 HISTOttY OF THE WAR. the ship. On my arrival on board the ship, T was met by the Capt. near the main mast, saying, tins m his majesty's ship Erebus, Bartholomew, commander. 'This is my sword, (I replied) that is the U. Stales gun vessel No. 168, which 1 surrender as your prize, myself, officers and crew as your prisoners.' He said again, 'how dare you refuse to come on board his majesty's ship when ordered ?' ' I know not nor do I acknowledge any right you have to order me on board, or to interrupt me sailing along the Amer- ican coast. I shall, however, make a fair representa- tion of tins most flagrant abuse of power on your part to my government. I very much regret that I l;ave not the command of a vessel of 20 guns, winch would save the trouble of demanding satisfaction at a future day, by taking it ou the spot.' He said, 'I only wish to warn you off the coast; will you see my orders from the Admiral to warn all vessels from the coast P* * As I am governed by the orders of my own gov- ernment, 1 can have nothing to do with those of Ad- miral Cockburn.' He said ' 1 thought you might be from th- Cape ot Good Hope.' ' You could not be- lieve any such thing, when you see she has no quar- ter, has not the appearance of having been at sea any length of time; her boats not stowed as if to remain long at sea; nor could you suppose that were I from a long crtnze, I should run past the port of Savannah, thereby exposing my vessel to any British ciui/er that might happen to be on the coast.' He then said ' upon my honour, I believe it was an accident, but I am sure the last shot would not have been tiivd if you had not been trying to run away from me.' * You could believe no such thing; \ou saw both gibs to windward, and the helm a-lee.' He said, ' upon my honor, I don't no whether it went off by accident or ■was tired, no orders were given to tire ' Alter walk- ing the quarter-deck for a few minutes, returning, he said, 'will you see my orders to wain all vesseis off' the coast.' ' As I have nothing to do wit Iheoa I can have no wish to see them.' * If you think this will cause any dispute between the two governments, HISTORY OF THE WAR. 349 (said he) I will return with you to the Admiral and have it settled/ I replied, 'I do not feel myself authorised in my present situation to receive any sat- isfaction \ou may have in your power to offer for such a wilful insult offered to the U. States.' I was then ordered on board, and to proceed with the des- patches. JOHN HURLBURD. Capt. Stewart to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. frigate Constitution, May, — 1815. SIR— On the 20th of February last, the Island of Madeira bearing about W. S. W. distant 60 leagues, we fell in with his Britannic Majesty's two ships of war, the Cyane and Levant, and brought them to ac- tion about o'clock in the evening, both of which after a spirited engagement of 40 minutes, surrender- ed to the ship under my command. Considering the advantages derived by the enemy, from a divided and more active force, as also their superiority in the weight and number of guns, I deem the speedy and decisive result of this action the strong- est assurance which can be given to the government, that all did their duty, and gallantly supported the reputation of American seamen. Inclosed is a list of the killed and wounded ; also a statement of the actual force of the enemy, and the number killed and wounded on board their ships as near as could oe ascertained. I have the honor to be, &c. CHARLES STEWART. FORCE AND LOSS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 32 twenty-four pounders, — 20 thirty-two pounders. — 52 guns. Officers, men and boys 406. Killed 3 — wounded 12. FORCE AND LOSS OF THE CYANE. 22 thirty-two pounders — 10 eighteen do. — 2 twelve do. — 2 brass swivels — officers, men and boys 180. Killed 12 — wounded 23. FORCE AND L< SS OF THE LEVANT. 18 thirty -two pounders — 2 nine do. — 1 twelve do. officers, men and boys 156. Killed 23 — wounded 16. APPENDIX. OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE, RELATIVE TO THE TREATY OF PEACE. Washington, Oct. 10, 1814. To the Senate and House of tiepresentativts of the United States. I lay before congress communications just received from the Plenipotentiaries of the U. S. charged with negociating peace with Great Britain ; shewing the conditions on which alone that government is willing to put an end to the war. JAMES MADISON. Copy of a letter from Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Clay, and Russell, to Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State. Ghknt, August 12th, 1814. SIR — We have the honor to inform you that the British commissioners, lord Gambier, Henry Goul- burn, Esq. and William Adams, Esq. arrived in this city on Saturday evening, the sixth inst. The day af- ter their arrival, Mr. Baker, their Secretary, called upon us to give us notice of the fact, and to propose a meeting, at a certain hour, on the ensuing day. The place having been agreed upon, we accordingly met, at 1 o'clock, on Monday, the eighth inst. We enclose, herewith, a copy of the full powers exhibited by the British commissioners, at that con- ference ; which was opened on their part by an ex- pression of the sincere and earnest desire of their o-overnment, that the negotiation might result in a solid peace, honorable to both parties. They, at the same time declared, that no events which had occur- red since the first proposal for this negociation, had altered the pacific disposition of their government, or varied its views as to the terms upon which it was will- ing to conclude the peace. APPENDIX. 351 We answered, that we heard these declarations with great satisfaction, and that our government had acceded to the proposal of negociation, with the most sincere desire to put an end to the differences which divided the two countries, and to lay upon just and liberal grounds the foundation of a peace which, secur- ing the rights and interests of both nations, should unite them by lasting bonds of amity. The British commissioners then stated the follow- ing subjects, as those upon which it appeared to them that I he discussions would be likely to turn, and on which they were instructed. L. The forcible seizure of mariners on board of mer- chant vessels, and in connection with it, the claim of his Britannic Majesty to the allegliance of all the native subjects of G. Britain. We understood them to intimate, that the British gON eminent did not propose this point as one which they were particularly desirous of discussing ; but that, as it had occupied so prominent a place in the disputes between the two countries, it necessarily at- tracted notice and was considered as a subject which would come under discussion. 2. The Indian allies of G. Britain to be included in the pacification, and a definite boundary to be settled for their territory. The British commissioners stated, that an arrange- ment upon this point was a sine qua nori ; that they \w re not authorized to conclude a treaty of peace which did not embrace the Indians, as allies of his Britannic Majesty ; and that the establishment of a definite boundary of the Indian territory was necessa- ry to secure a permanent peace, not only with the In- dians, but also between the U. States and G. Britain. 3. A revision of the boundary line between the U. S. and theajacent British colonies. With respect to this point, they expressly disclaim any intention, on the part of their government, to ac- quire an increase of territory, and represented the pro- posed revision as intended merely for tiie purpose ot preventing uncertainty and dispute. 352 APPENDIX. After having 1 stated these three points as subjects of discussion, the British commissioners added, that be- fore they desired any answer from us, they felt it in- cumbent upon thein to declare, that the British govern- ment did not deny the r ght of the Americans to the fisheries generally, or in the open seas ; but that the privileges, formerly granted by treaty to the U. 55. of fishing within the limits of the British jurisdiction, and of landing 1 and drying fish on the shores of the British territories, would not be renewed without an equivalent. The extent of what was considered by them as wa- ters peculiarly British, was not stated. From the manner in which they brought this subject into view, they seemed to wish us to understand that they were not anxious that it should be discussed, and that they only intended to give us notice that these privi- leges had ceased to exist, and would not be again granted without an equivalent, nor unless we thought proper to provide expressly in the treaty of peace tor their renewal. The British comissioners having stated, that these were ail the subjects which they intended to bring for- ward or to suggest, requested to be informed, whether we were instructed to enter into negociation on these several points, and whether there was any amongst these which we thought it unnecessary to bring into the negociat on ? and they desired us to state, o . our part, such other subjects as we might intend to propose for discussion in the course of the negociation. The meeting was then ajourned to the next day, in order to afford us the opportunity of consultation among ourselves, before we gave an answer. In the course of the evening of the same day, we received your letters ot the 25th and 27th of June. There could be no hesitation, on our part, in in- forming the British commissioners, that we were not instructed on the subjects of Indian pacification or boundary, and of Hisheries. Nor did it seem proba- ble, although neither ot these points had been stated with sufficient precision m thattirst verbal conference, APPENDIX. 853 that they could be admitted in any shape. — We did not wish, however, to prejudge the result, or by any hasty proceeding abruptly to break off the negotia- tion. It was not impossible that, on the subject of the Indians, the British government had received er- roneous impressions from the Ind an traders in Can- ada, which our representations might remove: and it appeared, at all events, important, to ascertain dis- tinctly the precise intentions ot' G. Britain on bolh points. YVe, therefore, Ihought it advisable to invite the British commissioners to a general conversation on all the points ; stating to them, at the same lime, our want of" instructions on two of them, and holding out no expectation of the probability of our agreeing to any article respecting them. At our meeting on the ensuing day we informed the British commissioners, that upon the first and third points proposed by them we were provided with instructions, and we presented as further subjects considered by our government as suitable for dis- cussion : 1st. A definition of blockade ; and as far as might be mutually agreed, of other neutral and belligerent rights. 2d. Claims of indemnity in certain cases of capture and seizure. We then stated that the two subjects, 1st of Indian pacification, and boundary, and 2d of fisheries, were not embraced by our instructions. We observed, that as these points had not been heretofore the grounds of any controversy between the government of G. Britain and that of the U.S. and lvid not been alluded, to by lord Castlereagh, in his letter proposing the negotiation* it could not be expected that they should i.ave been anticipated aud made the subject of instructions by our government, that it was natural to be sup used, that our instruc- tion were confined to those subjects ii| on which differences between die two countries were known to exist j and that the proposition to define, in a treaty 351 APPENDIX. between the U. States and G. Britain, the boundary of the Indian possessions within our territories, was new and without example. No such provision had been inserted in the treaty of peace in 1783, nor in any other treaty between the two countries. No such provision had to our knowledge, ever been inserted in any treaty made by G. Britain or any European pow- er in relation to the same description of people, ex- isting under like circumstances. We would say, however, that it would not be doubted, that peace with the Indians would certainly follow a peace with G Britain : that we had information that commis- sioners had already been appointed to treat with them; that a treaty to that effect might, perhaps, have been already concluded : and that the IT. S. having no in- terest, nor any motive to continue a separate war against the Indians, there could never be a moment when our government would not be disposed to make peace with them. We then expressed our wish to receive from the British commissioners a statement of the views and objects of G. Britain upon all the points, and our wil- lingness to discuss tin m all, in order that, even if no arrangement should be agreed on, upon the points not included in our instructions, the government of the U. Stales might be possessed of the entire and precise intentions of that of G. Britain, respecting these points, and that the British government might be fully informed of the objections, on the part of the U. Stales, to anv such arrangement. In answer to our remark that these points had not been alluded to by lord Castlereagh, in his letter pro- posing the negociation, it was said, that it could not be expected, that in a letter merely intended to invite a negociation, he should enumerate the topics of dis- cussion, or state the pretensions of his government ; since these would depend upon ulterior events, and might arise out of a subsequent state of things. In rejtly to out observation, that the proposed stip- ulation of an Indian boundary was without example in the practice of European nations, it was asserted, APPENDIX. 356 that the Indians must in some sort be considered as an independent people, since treaties were made with them, both by G. Britain and by the U. Stales : upon which we pointed out the obvious and important dif- ferences between the treaties we might make with Indians, living in our territory, and such a treaty as was proposed to be made, respecting - then. , with a foreign power, who had solemnly acknowledged the territory on which they resided to be part of the U. Sales. We were then asked by the British commissioners whether, in case they should enter further upon the discussion ot the several points which had been stated, we could expect thai it would terminate by some provisional arrangement on the points on which we had no instructions, particularly on that respecting the Indians, which arrangement would be subject to the ratification of our government ? We answered, that before the subjects were dis- tinctly understood, and the objects in view more pre- cisely disclosed, we could not decide whether it would be possible to form any satisfactory article on the subject ; nor pledge ourselves as to the exercise of a discretion under our powers, even wdh respect to a provisional agreement. We added, that as we should deeply deplore a rupture of the negoeiatiou on any point, it wis our anxious desire to employ all possible means to avert an event so serious in its consequences; and that we had not been without hopes that a discus- sion might correct the effect of any erroneous infor- mation which the British government might have re- ceived on the subject which they had proposed as a preliminary basis. \\ e took, this opportunity to remark, that no na- tion observed a policy more liberal a id humane to- wards the ludjaus than that pursued by the U. States ; that our object had been, by all practii able means, to introduce civilization amoi gstthem ; that their posses- sions were secured to them by well defined bounda* ries,that their persons, lands and other property were now more effectually piotected agauist. violence ov 8" 6 APPFNDIX. frauds from any quarter, than they had been under any former government; thai e\en our citizens were not allowed to purchase their lands ; that when ihey g.we up their title to any portion of their country to the V. States, it was by voluntary treaty with our government, who gave them a satisfactory equivalent; and that through these means the U. Slates I. ad suc- ceeded in preserving, since the treaty of Greenville of 1796, an uninterrupted peace ot sixteen years, with all the Indian tribes; a period of tranquility nun h lo ger than they were known to have enjoyed here- tofore. It was then expressly stated on our part, that the proposition respecting the Indians, was not distinctly understood. We asked whether the pacification, and the settlement of a boundary for them were both made aswe qua non. Which was answere i in Hie attirm- alive. The question was then asked the British com- missioners, whether the proposed Indian bounuary ■was intended to preclude the U States from tie right of purchasing by treaty from the Indians, without the consent ot (."»• Britain, lands laving beyond that boun- dary ? And as a restriction upon the Indians trom sel- ling by amicable treaties lands to the U. States as had been hitherto practised? To this question, it was first answered by o:>.eof the commissioners, that the Indians would not be re- stricted from selling their lands, but that the U. States would be restricted from purchasing them ; ami on reflection another of the commissioners stated, that it was intended that the Indian territory should bi. a barrier between the British dominions and those of the U. States that both G. Britain, and the U. Siates should be restricted trom purchasing tlu.r lands; but the Indians might sell them to a third party. The proposition respecting Indian boundary thus explained, and connected with the right of sovereign- ty ascribed to the Indians over the country, amounted to nothing less than a demand of the absolute cess, on of the rights both of sovereignty and 01 soil. We cannot abstain from remarking to \ou, that the sub* APPENDIX. 357 ject (of Indian boundary) was indistinctly stated when tirst proposed, and that the explanations vxere at first obscure and always given with reluctance. And it was declared from the first moment, to be a sine qua non, rendering any discuss on unprofitable until it was admitted as i« basis. Knowing that we had no power to cede to the Indians any part of our territory, we thought it an necessary to ask, what pro- bably would not have been answered till the principle wis admitted, where the line of demarkation of the In- dian country was proposed to be established. The British commissioners, afier having repeated that their instructions on the subject of the Indians were peremptory, stated that unless we could give some assurance, that our powers would allow us to make at least a provisional arrangement on the sub- ject, any further discussion would be fruitless, and that they must consult their own government on this state of things. They proposed accordingly a sus- pension of the conferences, until they should have re- ceived an answer, it being understood that each party might call a meetng whenever they had any proposi- tion to submit. They despatched a special messen- ger the same evening, and we are now waiting for the result. Before the proposed adjournment took place, it was agreed that there should be a protocol of the con- ferences ; that a statement should for that purpose be drawn up by each party, and that we should meet the next day to compare the statements. We according- ly met again on Wednesday the 10th hist and ulti- mately agreed upon what should constitute the proto- col of the conferences. A copy of this instrument, we have the honor to transmit with this despatch. They objected to the insertion of the an- swer which they had given to our question respecting the effect of the proposed Indian boundary ; but they agreed to an alteration of their original proposition on that subject, which renders it much more explicit than as stated, either in the first conference or in their proposed draught of the protocol. They also object- 368 APPENmx. ed to the insertion of the Tact, that they 'had proposed to adjourn the conferences, until the\ comd obtain tur- ther instructions from their government. The re- turn ot their messengei may, perhaps, disclose the motive ot heir reluctance in that respect. We have the honor to be. 8cc. JOHN Q ADAMS, J. A. BAYARD, H. CLAY, JONA. RUSSELL. PROTOCOL OF CONFERENCE. August 8, 1814. The British commissioners requested information whether the American commissioners were instructed to enter into negociation on the preceding points?. But before they desired any answer, they felt it right to communicate the intentions of their government as to the North American fisheries, viz. That the Bri- tish government did not intend to grant to the United States, gratuitously, the privileges formerly granted bv treaty to them, of fishing within the limits of the British sovereignty, and of using the shores of the Bri- tish territories for purposes connected with the fish- eries., August 9 — The meeting being adjourned to the 9th of August the commissioners met again on that day. The American commissioners at this meeting stat- ed, that upon the first and third points proposed by the British commisioners, they were provided with instructions from their government, and that the se- cond and fourth of these points were not provided for in their instructions. That in relation to an Indian pacification, they knew that the government of the. U. States had appointed commissioners to treat of peace with the Indians, and that it was not improba r ble that peace had been made with them. The American commissioners presented as further subp cts considered by the government of the United States as suitable for discussion. 1. A definition of blockade, and as far as maj be agreed, ot other neutral and belligerent rights. APPENDIX. 359 2. Certain claims of indemnity to individuals for oaptui ed and seizures preceding' and subsequent to the war. 3. They further stated that there were various oth- er points to which their instructions extended, which might with propriety be objects of discussion, either In the negociation ot the peace, or in that of a treaty of commerce, which in the case of a propitious ter- mination of the present conferences, they were like- wise authorised to conclude. That for the purpose of facilitating the first and most essential object ol peace, they had discarded every subject which was not con- sidered as peculiarly connected with t; at, and pre- sented only those points which appeared to be imme- diately relevant to this negociation. The American commissioners expressed their wish to receive from the British commissioners a statement of the views and objects of Great-Britain, upon all the points, and their willingness to discuss them all. They, the American commissioners were asked, whether, if those of Great-Britain should enter further upon this discussion, particularly respecting the In- dian boundary, the American commissioners could expect that it would terminate by some provisional arrangement, which they could conclude, subject to the ratification of their government ? They answered, that as any arrangement to which they could agree upon the subject must be without specific authority from their government, it was not possible for them, previous to discussion, to decide whether any article on the subject could be formed which would be mutually satisfactory, and to which they should think themselves, under their discretion- ary powers, justified in acceding. Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Clay, Russell, and Galla- tin, to Mr Monroe, /Secretary oj Slate. Ghjlvnt, August li), 1814. SIR — Mr. Baker, secretary to the British nn>sion, called upon us to-day, at I o'clock, and invited us to a conference to be held at three. Tins was agreed to, 360 APPENDIX. and the British commissioners opened it, by saying thai thev had received their further instructions this morn* ini>', and had not lost a moment in requesting a meet- ing tor the purpose of communicating the decision of their government. It is proper to notice that lord Cas lereagh had arrived last night m this city, whence, it is said, he w 11 depart to-morrow on his way to Brussels and Vienna. The British commissioners stated that their gov- ernment had felt some surprise, that we were not in- structed respecting die Indians, as it could not have been expected that they would leave their allies, in their comparatively weak situation, exposed to our resentment. Great-Britain might justlv have suppos- ed that the American government would have fur- nished us with instructions authorising us to agree to a pos tive article on the subject; but, the least she coind demand was that we should sign a provisional article admitting the principle, subject to the ratifi- cation of our government; so that, if it should be ratified, the treat) should take effect ; and, if not, that it should be null and void ; on our assent or refusal to admit such an article would depend the continu- ance or suspension of the negociation. As we had represented that the proposition made by them, on that subject, was not sufficiently expli- cit, their government had directed them to give us every necessary explanation, and to state distinctly the basis which must be considered as an indispensa- ble preliminary. It was a sine qua non that the Indians should be included in the pacification, and, as incident thereto, that the boundaries of their territory should be per- manently established. Peace with the Indians was a subject so simple, as to require no comment. With respect to the boundaries which was to divide their territory from that of the United Siates, the object of the British government was, that the Indians should remain as a permanent barrier between our western settlements, and the adjacent British provinces, to prevent them from being couteniunoub to each other - APPENDIX. 361 and that neither the United States, nor Great-Britain, should ever hereafter have the right to purchase, or acquire any part of the territory thus recognized, as belonging to the Indians. With regard to the extent of the Indian territory, and the boundary line, the Br.tish government would propose the lines of the Greenville treaty, as a proper basis, su ject, however, to discussion and modifications. We stated that the Indian territory, according to these lines, would comprehend a great number of American citizens ; not less, prehaps, than a hundred thousand: and asked, what was the intention of the British government respecting them, and under whose government they would fall .' It was answered that those settlements would be taken into consideration, when the line became a subject of discussion; but that such of the inhabitants, as would ultimately be included within the Indian territory, must make their own arrangements and provide for themselves. The British commissioners here said that, consid- ering the importance of the question we had to de- cide, (that of agreeing to a provisional article) their government had thought it right, that we should also be fully informed of its views, with respect to the pro- posed revision of the boundary line, between the do- minions of G. Britain and the U. States. 1st. Experience had proved that the joint posses- sion of the lakes, and a right common to both nations, to keep up a naval force on them, necessarily pro- duced collisions, and rendered peace insecure. As G. Britain could not be supposed to expect to make conquest in that quarter, and as that province was es- sentially weaker than the V. States, and exposed to invasion, it was necessary, for its security, that G. Britain should require that the U. States should here- after keep no armed naval force on the Western Lakes, from Lake Ontario to Lake Superior, both inclusive; that they should not erect any fortified or military post or establishment on the shores of those lakes ; and that they should not maintain those which were 46 >62 APPENDIX. already existing 1 . This mast* they saki, be consider- ed as a moderate demand, since G.Britain, it she had not disclaimed the intention of any increase ot terri- tory, might with propriety have asked a cession ot the adjacent American shores. The commercial naviga- tion and intercourse would be eit on the same toot- ing as heretofore. It was expressly stated, (in an- swer to a question we asked, ) that G. Britain was to retain the right of ha\mg an armed naval force on those lakes, and of holding military posts and establish- ments on their shores. 2 The boundary line west of Lake Superior, and thence toti e Mississippi, to he revised and the treaty right of G. Britain to the navigation of the Mississip- pi, to be continued. When asked, whether they did not mean the line from the lake of the Woods to the Mississippi, the British commissioners repeated that they meant the line from lake Superior, to that river. 3. A direct communication from Halifax and the province of New-Brunswick to Quebec, to be secur- ed to G. Britain. In answer to our question, in what manner this was to be effected, we were told that it must be done by a cession to G. Britain of that por- tion of the district of Maine (in the state of Massa- chusetts) which intervenes between New -Brunswick and Quebec, and prevents that direct communica- tion. Reverting to the proposed provisional article, re- specting the Indian pacitication and boundary, the British commissioners concluded by stating to us, that it the conferences should be suspended by our re- fusal to agree to such an article, without having ob- tained further instructions from our government, G. Britain would not consider herself bound to abide by the terms which she now offered, but would beat lib- erty to vary and regulate her demands according to subsequent events, and in such manner as the state of the war, at the time of renewing the negotiation, might warrant. We asked whether the statement made, respect- ing proposed revision of the boundary line between APPENDIX. 363 the U. States and the dominions of G. Britain; em- braced all ihe objects she meant to bring- forward for discussion, and what were, particularly, her views with respect to Moose Island, and such other islands in the bay of Passamaquaddy, as had been in our possession till the present war, but had been lately c iplured ? We were answered, that those Islands, belonging of right to G. Britain, (as much so, one of the commissioners said, as Northamptonshire,) they would certainly be kept by her, and were not even supposed to be an object of discussion. From the forcible manner in which the demand, that the U. States should keep no naval armed force on the lakes, nor any military post on their shores, has been brought forward, we were induced to in- quire whether this condition was also meant as a sine qua non P To this the British commissioners declined giving a positive answer. They said that they had been sufficiently explicit ; that they had given us one sin qua non> and when we had disposed of that, it would be time enough to give us an answer as to another. \ We then stated that, considering the nature and importance of the communication made this day, we wished the British commissioners to reduce their proposals to writing, before we gave them an answer; this they agreed to and promised to send us an official note without delay. We need hardly say that the demands of G. Britain will receive from us an unanimous and decided neg- ative. We do not deem it necessary to detain the John Adams for the purpose of transmitting to you the official notes which may pass on the subject and close the negociation. And we have felt it our duty immediately to apprize you, by this hasty, but cor- rect sketch of our last conference, that there is not at present, any hope of peace. We have the honor to be, &c. JOHN Q ADAMS, J. A. BAYARD, A. GALLATIN. H. CLAY, JONA. RUSSELL. 364 APPENDIX. Note of the British Commissioners. Received after the above letter was mitten. The undersigned, Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic Majesty, do themselves the honor of acquainting the Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, that they have communicated to their court the result of the coher- ence which they had the honor of holding- with them upon the 9th inst. in which they stated, that they •were unprovided with any specific instructions, as to comprehend ng the In lian nations in a treaty of peace to be made with G. Brtam, and as to dtmiing' a boundary to the Iwdian territory. The undersigned are instructed to acquaint the Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, that his Majesh's government having at, the outset of the negociation, with a view to the speedy restoration of peace re- duced as far as possible the number of points to be discussed, and having professed themselves willing to forego on some important topics anv stipulation to the advantage of G. Britain, cannot but feel some surprize that the government of the U. States should not have furnished their Plenipotentiaries with in- structions upon those points which could hardly fail to come under discussion. Under the inability of the American Plenipotentia- ries, to conclude any article upon the subject of In- dian pacification and I. man boundary, which shall bind the government vi the U. States, his Majesty's government conceive that they cannot give abetter proof of their sincere desire for the restoration of pe.ice, than by professing their willingness to accept a provisional article upon these heads, in the event of the American Plenipotentiaries considering them- selves authorized to accede to the general principles, upon which Mich an article ought to be founded. With a view to enable the American Plenipotentia- ries to decide, how far the conclusion of such an arti- cle is within the limit of then* general discretion, the undersigned are directed to state, fully and distinctly, the basis upon which alone G. Britain sees any proa* APPENDIX. 365 pect of advantage in the continuance of the negocia- tionsat the present tune. The undersigned have already had the honor of stat- iugtothe American Plenipotentiaries, that in con- sidering the points above referred to, as a sine qua non of any treaty of peace, the view of the British govern- ment is the permanent tranquility and security of the Indian nation, aid the prevention of those jealousies and irritations, to which the frequent alteration of the Indian limits has heretofore given rise. For this purpose it is indispensably necessary, that the Indian nations who have been during the war in alliance with G. Britain should, at the termination of the war, be include! in the pacification. It is equally necessary, that a definite boundary should be assigned to the Indians, and that the con- tracting parties should guarantee the integrity of their territory, by a mutual stipulation, not to acquire by purchase, or otherwise, any territory within the specified limit's. Tne British government are willing to take, as the basis of an article on this subject, those stipulations of the treaty ot" Greenville, subject to mo- difications, which relate to a boundary line. As the undersigned are desirous of stating every point in connection with the subject, which may rea- sonably influence the decision of the American Pleni- potentiaries in the exercise of their discretion, they avail themselves of this opportunity to repeat what they already stated, that G. Britain desires the revi- sion of the frontier between her North American do- minions and those of the U. States, not with any view to an acquisition of territory, as such, but for the pur- pose of securing her possessions, and preventing fu- ture disputes. The British government, consider the lakes from lake Ontario to lake Superior, both inclusive, to be the natural military frontier of the British possessions in North America. As the weaker power on tin; Nortti American continent, the least capable of acting offensively, and the most exposed to sudden invasions, G.JBritain considers the military occupation of these <56t> APPENDIX, Lakes as necessary to the security of her dominions. A boundary line equally dividing" ihese waters, with a right to each nation to arm, both upon the lakes and upon their shores, is calculated to create a con- test for naval ascendancy in peace as well asin war. The power which occupies these lakes should, as a necessary resuh, have the military occupation of both shores In furtherance of this object the Britsh government is prepared to propose a boundary. But as this might be misconstructed as an intention to extend their possessions to the southward of the lakes, which is by no means the object they have in view, they are dis- posed to leave the territorial limits undisturbed, and as incident to them, the free commercial navigation of the lakes, provided that the American government will stipulate not to maintain or construct, any fortifi- cations upon, or within a limited distance of the shores, or maintain or construct any armed vessel upon the lakes in question, or in the rivers which empty them- selves into the same. If this can be adjusted, there will then remain for discussion the arrangement of the north western boun- dary between lake Superior and the Mississippi, the free navigation of that river, and such a vacation of the line ot frontier as may secure a direct communi- cation between Quebec and Halfax. The undersigned trust, that the full statement which they have made of the views and objects of the British government m requiring the pacification of the Indian nations, and a permanent limit to their territories, will enable the American Plenipotentiaries to conclude a provisional article upon the basis above stated. .Should they feel it necessary to refer to the govern- ment of the U. States tor further instructions, the un- dersigned feel it incumbent upon them to acquaint the American Plenipotentiaries, that the government cannot be precluded by any thing that has passed from varying the terms at present proposed, in such a manner, as the state of war, at the time ot resuming the conferences, may in theirjudgment render advisable. APPENDIX 367 The undersigned avail themselves of this occasion to renew to the Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, the assurance of their high consideration GAMBIER, 11. GOULBURN. W. ADAMS. Ghent, August 19, 1814. The ministers plenipotentiary and extraordinary of the (J. iSlates to the 2^^'nipotentiaries oj his Bri- tannic Majesty. Ghent, August 24, 1814. The undersigned ministers plenipotentiary and extraordinary from the United States of America, have given to the official note which they have had the houor of receiving from his Britannic majesty's plenipotentiaries the deliberate attention which the importance of its contents required, and have now that of transmitting to them their answer on the sev- eral points to which it refers. They would present to the consideration of the Bri- tish plenipotentiaries, that lord Castlereagh, in his let- ter of the 4th of November 1813, to the American secretary of state, pledges the faith of the British gov- ernment that * they were willing to enter into discus- sion with the government of America for the concili- atory adjustment of the differences subsisting between the two states, with an earnest desire on their part to bring them to a favorable issue, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the estab- lished maxims of public law, and the maritime rights of the British empire.' This fact alone might suffice to shew, that it ought not to have been expected that the American government, in acceding to this pro- position, should have exceeded its terms, and furnish- ed the undersigned with instructions authorising them to treat with the British plenipotentiaries re- specting Indians situated within the boundaries of the II. States. That such expectation was not enter- tained by the British government might also have *>eeu inferred from the explicit assurauces which the 368 APPENDIX. British plenipotentiaries gave, on the part of their government, at the first conference which the under- signed had the honor of holding with them, that no events, subsequent to the first proposal for this nego- ciation, had, many manner, varied either the dispo- sition ofthe British government, that it might termi- nate in a peace honorable to both parties, or the terms upon which they would be willing to conclude it. It is well known that the differences which unhap- ily subsist between Great-Britain and the U. States, and which ultimately led to the present war, were wholly of a maritime nature, arising principally from the British Orders in Council, in relation to blockades, and irom the impressment of mariners from on board of American vessels. — Tue boundarv of the Indian territory had never been a subject ot difference be- tween the two countries. Neither the principles of reciprocity, the maxims of public law, nor the mari-. time rights of the British empire could require the permanent establishment of such a boundary. The novel pretensions now advanced couid no more have been anticipated by the government of the IT. Slates, in forming instructions tor this negotiation, than they seem to have been contemplated by that of G. Britain in November last in proposing it. Lord Castlereagtrs note makes the terrain >tion ofthe war to depend on a conciliatory adjustment oi' the differences then sub- sisting between the two states and in no other condi- tion whatever. Nor could the American government have foreseen that G. Britain in order to obtain peace for the Indians, residing Within the dominions of the U. States, whom she had induced to take part with her in the war, would demand that they should be made parties to the treaty between the two nations, or that the boun- daries of their lands should be permanently and irre- vocably fixed by that treaty. Such a proposition is contrary to the acknowledged principles of public law, and the practice of all civilized nations, partic- ularly ot : Great-Britain and of the U. States. It is not founded on reciprocity. It is unnecessary for tb<* APPENDIX. yt)9 attainment of the object which it professes to have in view. No maxim of public law has hitherto been more universally established among the powers of Europe possessing- territories in America, and there is none to which Great-Britain has more uniformly and in- flexibly adhered, than that of suffering no interposi- tion of a foreign power in the relations between the acknowledged sovereign of the territory, and the In- dians situated upon it. Without the admission of this principle, there would be no intelligible meaning attached to stipulations establishing boundaries be- tween the dominions in America, of civilized nations possessing territories inhabited by Indian tribes. — Whatever may be the relations of Indians to the na- tion in whose territory they are thus acknowledged to reside, they cannot be considered as an independent power by the nation which has made such acknowl- edgment. The territory of which Great-Britain wishes now to dispose, is within the dominions of the U. States, was solemnly acknowledged by herself in the treaty of peace of 1783, which established their boundaries, and by which she relinquished all claim to the gov- ernment, propriety, and territorial rights within these boundaries. No condition respecting the Indians re- siding therein, was inserted in that treaty. No stip- ulation similar to that now proposed is to be found in any treaty made by Great-Britain, or within the knowledge of the undersigned, by any other nation. The Indian tribes for which Great-Britain propo- ses now to stipulate have, themselves, acknowedged this principle. By the Greenville treaty of 1795, to which the British plenipotentiaries have here alluded, it is expressly stipulated, and the condition has been confirmed by every subsequent treaty, so late as the year 1810, • That the Indian tribes shall quietly en- joy their lands, hunting, planting, and dwelling there- on, so long as they please, without any molestation from the IT. Slates : but that w hen those tribes, or 47 370 APPENDIX, any of them, shall he disposed to sell their lands, they shall he sold only to the U. States: that nut ! m ch sale, the U. States will protect all the said I dian tnbes in the quiet enjoyment of their lands against all citizens of the IT. States, and against all oti er white persons who intrude on the same, and that the said Indian tribes again acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the said U. Slates, and of no other power whatever.' That there is no reciprocity in the proposed stipu- lation is evident. In prohibiting G. Britain and the U. States from purchasing lands within a part of the dominion oi the latter power, while it professes to take from G. Britain a privilege which she had not, it actually deprives the U. States of a right exclusively belonging to them. The proposition is utterly unnecessary for the pur- pose of obtaining a pacification for the Indians resid- ing within the territories of theU. States. The un- dersigned have already had the lienor of informing the British Plenopoientiaries, that, under the system of liberal policy adopted by the U. States in their re- lations with the Indians within their territories, an un- in'errupted peace had subsisted from the year 1775, not only between the IT. States and all those tribes, but also amongst those tribes themselves for a longer period of time than ever had been known since the first settlement of North America. Against those Indians the U. States have neither interest nor incli- nation to continue the war. They have nothing to ask oi" them but peace. Commissioners on their part have been appointed to conclude it, and an armistice was actually made last autumn with most of those tribes. The British government may again have in- duced some of them to take their side in the war, but peace with them will necessarily follow immediately a peace vvih G. Britain. To a provisional article similar to what his been stipulated in some former treaties, engaging that each party will treat for the Indians Within its territories, include them in the. peace, and use its best endeavors to prevent them APPENDIX. 371 from committing hostilities against tiie citizens or subjects of the other party, the undersigned might as- sent, and rely on the approbation and ratification of their government. Tuev wou.d also tor the purpose of securing the duration oi peace, a.;d to prevent col- lisions which might interrupt it, propose a stipu ation which should preclude the subjects or citize s of each nation, respectively from trading with the I tdians residing in the territory of the other. But to surrender both the rights of sovereignty and of sod over nearly one third of the territorial dominions of the U. States to a number of Indians not probably exceeding twenty thousand, the undersigned are so far from being instructed or authorized, that any ar- rangement tor til at purpose would be instantaneously rejected by their government. Not only has this extraordinary demand been made nsme qua non, to be admitted without a discussion. and as a preliminary basis ; but it is accompanied by others equally inadmissible, which the British ple- nipotentiaries state to be so connected with it, that they ma\ reasonably influence the decision of the un- dersigned upon it, yet leaving them uniformed how far these other demands may also be insisted on as in- dispensable conditions ot a peace. As little are the undersigned instructed or empow- ered to accede to the propositions of the British govrn- meut, in relation to the military occupation of the western lakes. If they have found the proposed inter- ference ol'G. Britain in the concerns or Indians resid- ing within the U. States utterly incompatible with any established maxim of public law, they are no less at a loss to discover by what rule of perfect reciprocity the U. Slates can be required to renounce their equal right of maintaining a naval force upon those lakes, ami of fortifying their own shores, while G. Britain, reserves exclusively the corresponding rights to her- self. That in point of military preparation, G. Bri- tain in her possessions in Norili America, ever has been in a condition to be termed, with propriety, the weaker power in comparison with the U. States, the t>72 APPENDIX. undersigned believe to be incorrect in point of fact In regard to the fortification of the shores, and to the forces actually kept on foot upon those frontiers, they believe the superiority to have always been on the side of G. Britain. If the proposal to dismantle the forls upon her shores, strike forever her military flag upon her lakes, and lay her whole frontier defenceless in the presence of her armed and fortified neighbor, had proceeded not from G. Britain to the U. States, but from the U. States to G. Britain, the undersigned luay safely appeal to the bosoms of his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries for the feelings with which, not only in regard to the interests, but the hon- or of their nation, they would have received such a proposal. What would G. Britain herself say, if in relation to another frontier, where she has the ac- knowledged superiority of strength, it were proposed that she should be reduced to a condition even of equality with the U. States ? The undersigned further perceive that under the alledged purpose of opening a direct communication between two of the British provinces in America, the British government require a cession of territory forming a part of one of the states of the American union, and that they propose, without purpose speci- fically alledged, to draw the boundary line westward, not from the lake of the Woods, as it now is, but from lake Superior. It must be perfectly immaterial to the Uj^ States whether the object of the British ^ovenment, to demanding the dismemberment of the U. States is to acquire territory, as such, or for pur- poses less liable, in the eyes of the world, to be ascri- bed to the desire of aggrandizement. Whatever the motive may be, -and with whatever consistency views of conquest may be disclaimed, while demanding for herself, or for the Indians, a cession of territory more extensive than the whole Island of G. Britain, the duty marked out for the undersingned is the same. The}" have no authority to cede any part of the terri- tory of the IT. States, and to no stipulation to that ef- fect will they subscribe APPENDIX. 373 The conditions proposed by G. Britain have no re- lation to the subsisting differences between the two countries: they are inconsistent with acknowledged principles of public law : they are founded neither on reciprocity nor on any of the usual bases of negocia- tion, neither on that of uti possidetis, or of status ante bellum : they would inflict the most vital injury on the U States, by dismembering their territory, by ar- resting' their natural growth and increase of popula- tion, and by leaving their northern and western fron- tier equally exposed to British invasion and to Indian aggression : they are, above all, dishonorable to the U. States, in demanding from them to abandon ter- ritory and a portion of their citizens, to admit a for- eign interference in their domestic concerns, and to cease to exercise their natural rights on their own shores and in their own waters. A treaty concluded on such terms would be but an armistice. Ii can- not be supposed that America would long submit to conditions so injurious and degrading. It is impossi- ble, in the natural course of events, that she should not, at the first favorable opportunity, recur to arms, ior the recovery of her territory, of her rights, of her hon- or. Instead of settling existing differences, such a peace would only create new causes of war, sow the seeds of a permanent hatred, and lay the foundation of hostilities for an indefinite period. Essentially pacific from her political institutions, from the habits of her citizens, from her physical sit- uation, America reluctantly engaged in the war. She wishes for peace ; but she wishes for it upon those terms of reciprocity, honorable to both counties, which can alone render it permanent. The causes of the war between the U. States and G.Britain having disappeared by the maritime pacifications of Europe, the government of the U. States does not desire to continue it, in defence of abstract principles, which have fo the present, ceased to have any practical ef- fect. The undersigned have been accordingly in- structed to agree to its termination, both parties res- toring whatever territory t'jiey may have taken, and 374 appendix. both reserving all their rights, in relation to their re- spective seamen. To make the peace between the two nations solid and permanent, the undersigned were also instructed, and have been prepared to enter into the most amicable discussion of all those points on wh.cb differences or uncertainty had existed, and which might hereafter tend in any decree whatever to interrupt the harmony of the two countries, without, however, making the conclusion of the peace at nil depend upon a successful result of the discussion. It is, therefore, with deep regret, that the under- signed have seen that other views are entertained by the British government, and that new and unexpected pieLe.sons are raised, which, if persisted in, must op- pose an insuperable obstacle to a pac^cation. It is not necessary to refer such demands to the American government for its instruction. They will only be a fit subject of deliberation, when it becomes necessary to decide upon the expediency of an absolute surren- der of national independence. The undersigned request the British Plenipoteo fciar es Jo accept the assurance of their high esteem. JOHN a ADAMS. J. A BAYARD, H. CLAY, JONA. RUSSELL, A. GALLATIN. The British to the American Commissioners. Ghi:nt, :-ept. 4, 1814. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the American Plenipoten- tiaries, dated the'24ih ultimo. It is with unfeigned regret that the undersigned ob- serve, both in the tone and substance of the whole note, so little proof of any disposition on the part of the government of the U. States to enter into an amica- ble discussion of the several points submitted by the undersigned in their former communication. The undersigned are perfectly aware, that in bringing tor- ward those points for consideration, and staling with so much frankness, as they did, the views with which they were proposed, they departed from the usual APPENDIX. 37 Coarse of negociating, by disclosing all the objects of their government, while those which the American government had in view were withheld : but in so doing they were principally actuated by a desire of bringing the negociation as soon as possible to a favor- able termination, and in some measure by their willing- ness to comply with the wishes expressed b^ theAmer- tan Plenipotentiaries themselves. It is perfectly true that the war between his Majes- ty and the U. Slates, was declared by the latter pow- er upon the pretence of maritime rights alledged to be asserted by G. Britain, and disputed by the U. States. If the war thus declared by the U. states had been carried on by them for objects purely of a maritime nature, or if the attack which has been made on Can- ada had been for the purpose of diversion, or the way of defence against the British forces in that quarter, any qustion as to the boundaries of Canada, might have been considered as unnecessary ; but it is noto- rious to the whole world that the conquest of Cauda, and its permanent annexation to the U. States, was the de- clared object of the American government. If in consequence of a different course of events on the con- tinent of Europe, his Majesty's government had been unable to reinforce the British armies in Canada, and die. United States had obtained a decided supe- riority in that quarter, is there any person who doubts that they would have availed themselves of their situ- ation to obtain on the side of Canada important ces- sions of territory, if not the entire abandonment of that country by Great Britain? Is the American govern- ment lobe allowed to pursue, so for as its means will enable it, a system of acquisition and aggrandize- ment to the extent of annexing entire provinces to their dominions, and is his majesty to be precluded from availing himself of his means, so far as they will enable him, to retain those points which the valor of British arms may have placed in his power, because they happen to be situated within the territories allot- ted under former treaties to the government of tho. tJnlfced States? 376 APPENDIX. Such a principle of negociation was never avowed antecedent to that of the revolutionary government of France. It the policy of the United States had been essen- tially pacific, as the American plenipotentiaries as- sert it ought to he, from their political institutions, from the habits of their citizens, and from their phys- ical situation, it might not have been necessary to propose the precautionary provisions now under dis- cussion. That, of late years at least, the American government have been influenced by a very different policy ; by a spirit of aggrandizement not necessary to their own security, hut increasing with the extent of their empire, has been too clearly manifested by their progressive occupation of the Indian territories ; by the acquisition ot Louisana ; by the more recent attempt to wrest by force of arms from a nation in amity, the two Fiondas : and, lastly, , by the avowed intention of permanently annexing the Canadas to the United States. If, then, the security of the British North American dominions requires any sacrifices on the part of the U. States, they must be ascribed to the declared poli- cy of that government in making the war not one of self defence, nor for the redress of grievances, real or pretented, but a part of a system of conquest and ag- grandizement. The British government in its present situation, is bound in duty to endeavor to secure its North Amer- ican dominions against those attempts at conquest, which the American government have avowed to be a principle of their policy, and which as such will un- doubtedly be renewed, whenever any succeeding war between the two countries shall afford a prospect of renewing them with success. The British plenipotentiaries proposed that the military possession of the lakes, from lake Ontario to lake Superior, should be secured to Great-Briain, be- cause the command of those lakes would afford to the American government the means of commencing a war in the heart of Canada, and because the command APPENDIX, 377 oi them, on the part of Great-Britain, has been shewn by experience to be attended with no insecurity to the United States. When the relative strength of the two powers in North America is considered, it should be recollect- ed that the British dominions in that quarter do not contain a population of five hundred thousand souls, whereas the territory of the U. States contains a pop- ulation of more than seven millions ; that the naval resources of the United States are at hand for attack, and that the naval resources of G. Britain are on the other side of the Atlantic The military possession of those lakes is not, there- fore, necessary for the protection of the U. States. The proposal for allowing 1 the territories on the southern banks of the lakes above mentioned to re- main in the possession of the government of the U. States, provided no fortifications should be erected on the shores, and no armament permitted on the wa- ters, has been made, for the purpose of manifesting, that security and not acquisition of the territory is the object of the British government, and that they have no desire to throw obstacles in the way of any com- merce which the people of the U. States may be de- sirous of carrying on upon the lakes in time of peace. The undersigned, with the anxious wish to rectify all misunderstanding, have thus more fully explained the grounds upon which they brought forward the propositions contained in their former note respecting the boundaries of the British dominions iu North America. They do not wish to insist upon them beyond what the circumstances may fairly require. They are ready, amicably to discuss the details of them with a 'view to the adoption of any modifications which the Amer- ican plenipotentiaries, or their government, may have to suggest, it they are not incompatible with the ob- ject itself. With respect to the boundary of the district of Maine, and that of the north western frontier of the 48 373 APPFNDI*. TL States, the undersigned were not prepared to an- ticipate the objections contained in the note of Un- American plenipotentiaries, ' that they were instruct- ed to treat for the revision of their boundary lines,' with the statement which they have subsequently made, that they had no authority to cede any part, however insignificant, of the territories of the United States, although the proposal left it open to them to demand an equivalent for such cession either in fron- tier or otherwise. The American plenipotentiaries must be aware that, the boundary of the district of Maine has never been correctly ascertained; that the one asserted at pre- sent by the American government, by which the di- rect communication between Halifax and Quebec becomes interrupted, was not in contemplation of the British plenipotentiaries who concluded the treaty of 1783, and that the greater part of the territory in question is actually unoccupied- The undersigned are persuaded that an arrange- ment on this point might be easily made, if entered into with the spirit of conciliation, without any pre- judice to the interests of the district in question. As the necessity of fixing some boundary for the north western frontier has been mutually acknowl- edged, a proposal for a discussion on that subject can- not be considered as a demand for a cession of territo- ry, unless the U. States are prepared to assert that there is no limit to their territories in that direction, and tin,* availing themselves of the geographical er- ror upon which that part of the treaty of 1783 was founded, they will acknowledge no boundary what- ever, then unquestionably any proposition to fix one,, be it what it may, must be considered as demanding a large cession of territory from the U. States. Is the American government prepared to assert such an unlimited right, so contrary to the evident intention of the treaty itself? Or, is his majesty's government to understand that tiie American pleni- potentiaries are willing to acknowledge the boundary from the lake of the Woods to the Mississippi (the APPENDIX. ^7i» arrangement made by a convention in 180-3, but not ratified) as that by which their government is ready to abide ? The British plenipotentiaries are instructed to ac- cept favorably such a proposition, or to discuss any other line of boundary which may be submitted for consideration. It is with equal astonishment and regret the under- signed find that the American plenipotentiaries have not only declined signing any provisional article, by which the Indian nations who have taken part with Great-Britain in the present contest may be included in the peace, and may have a boundary assigned to them, but have also thought proper to express surprise at any proposition on the subject having been advanced. The American Plenipotentiaries state, that their government could not have expected such a discus- sion, and appear resolved, at once, to reject anv pro- position on this head; representing it as a demand contrary to the acknowledged principles of public law, tantamount to a cession of one third of the terri- torial dominions of the U. States, and required to be admitted without discussion. The proposition which is thus represented is, that the Indian nations, which have been during the war in alliance with G.Britain, should at its termination be included in the pacification ; and with a view to their permanent tranquility and security, that the Bri- tish government is willing to take as a basis of an ar- ticle on the subject of a boundary for those nations, the stipulations which the American government con- tracted in 179<3, subject, however, to modifications. After the declaration, publicly made to those In- dian nations by the governor Gen. of Canada, that G. Britain would not desert them, could the Ameri- can government really persuade itself that no propo- sition relating to those nations would be advanced, and did iord Castlereagh's note or the 4th Nov. 1810. imply so great a sacrifice of honor, or exclude from dis- cussion every subject, except what immediately rela- ted to the martime questions referred to in it ? 380 APPENDIX. When the undersigned assured the American Ple- nipotentiaries of the anxious wish of the British government that the negociation might terminate in a peace honorable to both parties, it could not have been imagined that the American Plenipotentiaries would thence conclude, that his Majesty's govern- ment was prepared to abandon the Indian nations to their fate, nor could it have been forseen that the American government would have considered it as derogatory to its honor to admit a proposition by which the tranquility of these nations might be secured. The treaty of Greenville established the boundaries between the U. States and the Indian nations. The American Plenipotentiaries must be aware, that the war which has since broken out, has abrogated that treaty. Is it contrary to the established principles of public law for the British government to propose, on behalf of its allies, that this treaty, shall, on the pacifi- cation, be considered subject to such modifications as the case may render necessary r" Or is it unrea- sonable to propose, that this stipulation should be amended, and that on that foundation some arrange- ment should be made which would provide for theex- istance of a neutral power between G. Britain and the U. States, calculated to secure to both a longer con- tinuance of the blessings of peace ? So far was that specific proposition respecting the Indian boundaries from being insisted upon in the note, or in the conference which preceded it, as one to be admitted without discussion, that it wouid have been difficult to use terms of greater latitude, or which appeared more adapted, uot only not to pre- clude but to invite discussion. If the basis proposed could convey away one third of the territory of the U. States, the American govern- ment itself must have conveyed it away by the Greenville treaty of 1795. It is impossible to read that treaty without remark- ing how inconsistent Ibe present pretensions of the American government are, with its preamble and provisions. The boundary line between the lands of APPENDIX. 38;1 the U. States and those of the Indian nations, is there- in expressly defined. The general character of* the treaty, is that of a treaty with independent nations ; and the very stipulation which the American Pleni- potentiaries refer to, that the Indian nations should sell their lands only to the U. States, tends to prove that, but for that stipulation, the Indians had a general right to dispose of them. The American government has now for the first time, in effect, declared that ail Indian nations with- in its line of demarkation are its subjects, living there upon sufferance, on lands which it also claims the ex- clusive right of acquiring, thereby menacing the final extinction of those nations. Against such a system the undersigned must for- mally protest. The undersigned repeat, that the terms on which the proposition has been made for as- signing to the Indian nations some boundary, mani- fest no unwillingness to discuss any other proposition directed to the same object, or even a modification of that which is offered. G. Britain is ready to enter in- to the same engagements with respect to the Indians living within her line of demarkation, as that which is proposed to the U. States. It can therefore, only be from a complete misapprehension of the proposi- tion, that it can be represented as being not reciprocal. Neither can it, with any truth, be represented as con- trary to the ae-knowledged principles of public law, as derogatory to the honor, or inconsistent with the rights of the American government, nor as a demand required to be admitted without discussion. After this full exposition of the sentiments of his Majesty's government on the points above stated, it will be for the American plenipotentiaries to determine whether they are ready now to continue the negocia- tions ; whether they are disposed to refer to their government for further instructions ; or, lastly, wheth- er they will take upon themselves the responsibility of breaking oft" the negociation altogether. o82 APIVEXDI-X. The undersigned request the American Plenipo- tentiaries to accept the assurances of their high con- sideration. GAxMBIER, HENRY GOULBURN, WM. ADAMb. The American to the British Commissioners. Ghent, Sept. Oth, 1814. The undersigned have had the honor to receive the note of his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries, dated the 4th inst. If in the tone, or substance of the former note of the undersigned, the British commis- sioners have perceived little proof of any disposition on the part of the American government, for a dis- cussion of some of the propositions advanced in the first note, which the undersigned had the honor of re- ceiving from them, they will ascribe it to the nature of the propositions themselves, to their apparent incom- patibility with the assurances iu lord Castlereagh's letter to the American Secretary of state, proposing the negociation, and with the solemn assurances of the British Plenipotentiaries themselves, to the under- signed, at their first conferences with them. The undersigned, in reference to an observation of the British Plenipotentiaries, must be allowed to say, that the objects which the government of the U. States had in view, have not been withheld. The subjects considered as suitable for discussion were fairly brought forward, in the conference of the Oth ult. and the terms on which the U. States were willing to conclude the peace, were frankly and ex- pressly declared in the note of the undersigned, dated the 24th ultimo. It had been confidently hoped that the nature of those terms, so evidently framed in a spirit of conciliation, would have induced G. Britain to adopt them as the basis of a treaty ; and it is with deep regret that the undersigned, if they have rightly understood the meaning of the last note of the British Plenipotentiaries, perceive that they still insist on the exclusive military possession of the lakes, and on n APPENDIX 383 permanent boundary and independent lerntorory for the Indians residing within the dominions oi" the U . States. The first demand is grounded on the supposition, that the American government has manifested, by its proceedings towards Spam, by the acquisition of Lou- isiana, by the purchases of Indian lands, and by an avowed intention of permanently annexing the Cana- das to the U. States, a spirit of aggrandizement and conquest, which justifies the demand of extraordinary sacrifices from them, to provide for the security of the British possessions in America. Jn observations which the undersigned felt it their duty to make on the new demands of the British government, they confined their animadversions to the nature of the demands themselves : they did not seek for illustrations of the policy of G. Britain in her conduct, in various quarters of the globe, towards other nations, for she was not accountable to the \J. States. Yet the undersigned will say, that their government has ever been ready to arrange, in the most amicable manner, with Spain, the questions re- specting the boundaries of Louisiana, and Florida, and that of the indemnities acknowledged by Spain due to American citizens. How the peaceable acquisition of Louisiana, or the purchase of lauds within the ac- knowledged territories of the U. States, both made b\ fair and voluntary treaties for satisfactory equivalents, can be ascribed to a spirit of conquest dangerous to their neighbors, the undersigned are altogether at a toss to understand. Nor has the conquest of Canada, and its permanent annexation to the U . States, been the declared object of •heir government. From the commencement of the war to the present time, the American government has been always willing to make peace, without ob- taining any cession of territory, and on the sole con- dition that the maritime questions might be satis- factorily arranged. Such was their disposition in the month of July, 1812, when they instructed Mi Hnssell to make the proposal o f a« armistice; in the 384 APPEND*^ month of October of the same year, when Mr. Mom roe answered Admiral Warren's proposals to the same effect; in April, 1813, when instructions were given to three of the undersigned then appointed to treat of peace, under the mediation of Russia; and in January, 1814, when the instructions under which the undersigned are now acting, were prepared. The proposition of the British plenipotentiaries is, that, in order to secure the frontier of Canada against attack, the U. States should leave their own without defence; aud :t seems to he forgotten, that if their superior population, and the proximity of their re- sources give them any advantage in that quarter, it is balanced by the great, difference between the mil- itary establishments of the two nations. No sudden invasion of Canada by the U. States could be made, without leaving on their Atlantic shores, and on the ocean, exposed to the great superiority of the British force, a mass of American property far more valuable than Canada. In tier relative superior force to that of the U. States in every other quarter, Great-Britain may find a pledge much more efficacious for the safety of a single vulnerable point, than in stipulations ru- inous to the interests and degrading to the honor of America. The best security for the possessions of both countries will, however, be found in an equal and solid peace; in a mutual respect for the rights of each other, and in the cultivation of a friendly under- standing between them. If there be any source of jealousy in relation to Canada itself, it will be found to exist solely in the undue interference of traders and agents, which may be easily removed by proper restraints. The only American forts on the lakes known to have been, at the commencement of the negociation, held by British force, are Michilimackiuac and Ni- agara. As the U. States were, at the same time, in possession of Amherstburg r.nd the adjacent couuiry it is not perceived that the mere occupation of those two forts could give any claim to his Britannic ma- jesty to large cessions of territory, founded upon the APPENDIX. 385 right of conquest; and the undersigned may he per- mitted to add, that even if the chances of war should yield to the British arms a momentary possession of other parts of the territories of the U. Stales such events would not alter their view with regard to the terms of peace to which they would give their consent. Without recurring to examples drawn from the re- volutionary governments of France, or to a more re- cent and illustrious triumph of fortitude in adversity, they have been taught by their own history that the occupation of their principal cities would produce no despondency, nor induce their submission to the dis- memberment of their empire, or to the abandonment of any one of the rights which constitute a part of their national independence. The general position, that it was consistent with the principle of public law, and with the practice of civilized nations, to include allies in a treaty of peace, and to provide for their security, never was called in question by the undersigned. But they have denied the right of Great-Britain, according to those princi- ples and her own practice, to interfere in any man- ner with Indian tribes residing within the territories of the U. States, as acknowledged by herself, to con- sider such tribes as her allies, or to treat for them with the CJ. States. They will not repeat the facts and arguments already brought forward by them in sup- port of this position, and which remain unanswered. The observations made by the British plenipotentia- ries on the treaty of Greenville, and their assertion that the U. States now, for the first time, deny the absolute independence of the Indian tribes, and claim the exclusive right of purchasing their lands, require, however, some notice. If the U. States had now asserted, that the Indians within their boundaries, who have acknowledged the U. States as their only protectors were their subjects, living only at sufferance on their lands, far from being the first in making that assertion, they would only have followed the example on the principles, uni- 49 •380 APPENDIX. fonuly and invariably asserted in substance, and fre- quently avowed in express terms by the British gov- ernment itself. What was the meaning of all the colonial charters granted by the British monarchy, from that of Virginia, by Elizabeth, to that of Georgia, by the immediate predecessor of the present king, if the Indians were the sovereigns and proprietors of the lands bestowed by those charters ? What was the meaning of that article in the treaty of Utrecht, by which the five nations were described, in terms, as subject to the dominion of Great Britain ? or that of the treaty with the Cherokees, by which it was de- clared that the king of Great Britain granted them the privilege to live where they pleased, if those sub- jects were independent sovereigns, and if these ten- ants, at the licence of the British king, were the right- ful lords of the lands where he granted them permis- sion to live ? What was the meaning of that procla- mation of his present Britannic majesty issued in 1763, declaring all purchases of lands from the In- dians null and void, unless made by treaties held un- der the sanction of his majesty's government, if the Indians had the right to sell their lands to whom they pleased? What was the meaning of boundary lines of American territories, in all the treaties of G. Bri- tain with other European powers having American possessions, particularly in the treaty of 170-3, by which she acquired from France the sovereignty and possession of the Canadas ; in her treaty of peace with theU. States in 178f3; nay, what is the meaning of the north western boundary line now proposed by the British commissioners themselves, if it is the rightful possession and sovereignty of independent Indians, of which these boundaries disposer Is it indeed, ne- cessary to ask, whether Great Britain ever has per- mitted, or would permit, any foreign nation, or with- out her consent, any of her subjects, to acquire lands from the Indians, in the territories of the Hudson ba} company, or in Canada? In formally protesting against this system, it is not against a novel preten- sion of the American government, it is against the APPENDIX. 087 most solemn acts of their own sovereigns, against the royal proclamations, charters, and treaties of G. Bri- tain, tor more than two centuries, from the first settle- ment of North America to the present day, that the British plenipotentiaries protest. From the rigor of this system, however, as practis- ed by Great-Britain, and all other European powers in America, the humane and liberal policy of the IT. States has voluntarily relaxed. A celebrated writer on the laws of nations, to whose authority British ju- rists have taken particular satisfaction in appealing", after staling, in the most explicit manner, the legit- imacy of colonial settlements in America, the exclu- sion of all rights of uncivilized Indian tribes, has tak- en occasion to praise the first settlers of New-Eng- land, and the founder of Pennsylvania, in having pur- chased of the Indians the lands they resolved to cul- tivate , notwithstanding their being furnished with a charter from their sovereign. It is this example, which the U. States, since they became by their in- dependence, the sovereigns of the territory, have adopted and organized into a political system. Un- der that system, the Indians residing within the U. States are so far independent that they live under their own customs, and not under the laws of the U. States, that their rights upon the lands where they inhabit, or hunt, are secured to them by boundaries de- fined in amicable treaties between the U. States and themselves ; and that whenever those boundaries were varied, it is also by amicable and voluntary treaties, by which they receive from the U. States ample compen- sation for every right they have to the lands ceded to them. They are so fa" dependent as not. to have the right to dispose of their lands to private persons, nor to any power other than the United States, and to be under their protection alone, and not under that of any other power. Whether called subjects, or by whatever name designated, such is the relation be- tween them and the United States. — That relation is neither asserted now for the first time, nor did it ori- ginate with the treaty of Greenville. These princH ^88 APPENDIX. pies have been uniformly recognized by the Indians themselves, not only by that treaty, but in all the oth- er previous as well as subsequent treaties between them and the U. States. The treaty of Greenville neither took from the In- dians the right, which they had not, of selling lands within the jurisdiction of the U. States to foreign governments or subjects, nor ceded to them the right of exercising exclusive jurisdiction within the boun- dary line assigned. It was merely declaratory of the public law in relation to the parties, founded on principles previously and universally recognized. It left to the U. States the rights of exercising sove- reignty and of acquiring soil, and bears no analogy to the proposition of Great Britain which requires the abandonment of both. The British plenipotentiaries state in their last note, that Great Britain is ready to enter into the same en- gagement with respect to the Indians living within her line of demarkation, as that which is proposed to the U. States. — The undersigned will not dwell on the immense inequality of value between the two ter- ritories, which under such an arrangement, would be assigned, by each nation respectively to the Indians, and which alone would make the reciprocity merely nominal. The condition which would be thus imposed on Great Britain not to acquire lands in Canada from the Indians, would be productive of no advantage to the U. States, and is, therefore, no equivalent for the sacrifice required of them. They do not consider that it belongs to the U. States in any respect to in- terfere with the concerns of Great Britain in her American possessions, or with her policy towards the Indians residing there : and they cannot consent to any interference, on the part of Great Britain, with their own concerns, and particularly with the Indians living within their territories. It may be the inter- est of G. Britain to limit her settlements in Canada to their present extent, and to leave the country to the West a perpetual wilderness, to be for fever in- habited by scattered tribes of hunters : but it would APPENDIX. i389 inflict a vital injury on the U. States to have a line run through her territory, beyond which her settle- ments should for ever be precluded from extending', thereby arresting the natural growth of her popula- tion and strength ; placing the Indians substantially, by virtue of the proposed guarantee, under the pro- tection of G. Britain; dooming them to perpetual barbarism, and leaving an extensive frontier for ever exposed to their savage incursions. With respect to the mere question of peace with the Indians, the undersigned have already explicitly assured the British plenipotentiaries that so far as it depended on the U. States, it would immediately and necessarily follow a peace with G. Britain. If this be her sole object, no provision in the treaty to that effect is necessary. Provided the Indians will now consent to it, peace will immediately be made with them, and they will be reinstated in the same situation in which they stood before the commence- ment of hostilities. Should a continuance of the war compel the U. States to alter their policy towards the Indians, who may still take the part of G. Britain, they alone must be responsible for the consequences of her own act in having induced them to withdraw themselves from the protection of the U. States. The employment of savages, whose known rule of warfare is the indiscriminate torture and butchery of women, children, and prisoners, is itself a departure from the principles of humanity observed between all civilized and christian nations, even in war. The U. States have constantly protested, and still protest against it as an unjustifiable aggravation of the calamities and horrors of war. — Of the peculiar atrocities of Indian warfare, the allies of G. Britain in whose behalf she now demands sacriti ces of the U. States, have during the present war, shewn many de- plorable examples. Among them, the massacre in cold blood, of wounded prisoners, and the refusal of the rights of burial to the dead, under the eyes of British officers who could only plead their inability to controul these savage auxiliaries, have been re- 390 APPENDIX. peatedj and are notorious to the world. The United States might at all times have employed the same kind of force against G. Britain, to a greater extent than it was in her power to employ it against them ; but from their reluctance to resort to means so abhor- rent to the natural feelings of humanity, they abstain- ed from the use of them until compelled to the alter- native of employing themselves Indians, who other- wise would have been drawn into the ranks of their enemies. The undersigned suggesting to the British plenipotentiaries the propriety of an article by which G. Britain and the U. States should reciprocally stipulate never hereafter, if they should be again at war, to employ savages in it, believe that it would be infinitely more honorable to the humanity and chris- tian temper of both parties, more advantageous to the Indians themselves, and better adapted to secure their permanent peace, tranquility, and progressive civil- ization, than the boundary proposed by the British plenipotentiaries. With regard to the cession of a part of the district of Maine, as to which the British plenipotentiaries are unable to reconcile the objections made by the undersigned with their previous declaration, they have the honor to observe, that at the conference of the 8th ult. the British plenipotentiaries stated as one of the subjects suitable for discussion, a revision of the boundary line between the British and American ter- ritories, with a view to prevent uncertainty and dis- pute: and that it was on the point thus stated, that the undersigned declared that they were provided with instructions from their government ; a declara- tion which did not imply that they were instructed to make any cession of territory in any quarter, or agree to a revision of the line, or to any exchange of territory, where no uncertainty or dispute existed. The undersigned perceive no uncertainty or mat- ter of doubt in the treaty of 1783, with respect to that part of the boundary of the district of Maine which would be affected by the proposal of G. Britain on J hat subject. They never have understood that the APPENDIX. G91 British plenipotentiaries who signed that treaty, had contemplated a boundary different from that fixed by the treaty; and which requires nothing more, in or- der to be definitely ascertained, than to be surveyed in conformity with its provisions. This subject not having been a matter ot' uncertainty or dispute, the undersigned are not instructed upon it j and they can have no authority to cede any part of the state of Mas- sachusetts, even for what the British government might consider a fair equivalent. In regard to the boundary of the northwestern frontier, so soon as the proposition of Indian bound- ary is disposed of, the undersigned have no objec- tion, with the explanation given by the British Ple- nipotentiaries in their last note, to discuss the subject. The undersigned, in their former note, stated with frankness, and will now repeat, that the two propo- sitions, 1st, of assigning in the proposed treaty of peace n. definite boundary to the Indians living with- in the limits of the United States, beyond which boundary they should stipulate not to acquire, by pur- chase or otherwise, any territory ; 2dly, of securing the exclusive military possession of the lakes to Great- Britain, are both inadmissible; and that they cannot subscribe to, and would deem it useless to refer to their government, any arrangement, even provisional, con- taining either of these propositions. With this un- derstanding, the undersigned are now readv to con- tinue the negociation ; and as they have already ex- pressed, to discuss all the points of difference, or which might hereafter tend in any degree to interrupt the harmony of the two countries. The undersigned request the British plenipoten- tiaries to accept the assurance of their high conside- ration. J. Q, ADAMS, J. A.BAYAHR EL CLAY, JONA. RUSSELL A. GALLATIN 392 APPENDIX. The British to the American Commissioners. Ghent, Sept. 19th, 1814. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the pote addressed to them by the American plenipotentiaries on the 9th inst. On the greater part of that note, the undersigned have no intention to make comments, having pro- posed to themselves throughout the negociation to avoid all unnecessary discussions, more especially when tending to create irritation. On the question of the northwestern frontiers, they are happy to find that no material difficulty is likely to arise. With respect to the boundary of the District of Maine, the undersigned observe with regret, that although the American plenipotentiaries have ac- knowledged themselves to be instructed to discuss a revision of the boundary line, with a view to prevent uncertainty and dispute, yet, by assuming an exclu- sive right at once to decide what is or is not a subject of uncertainty and dispute, they have rendered their powers nugatory or inadmissibly partial in their ope- ration. After the declaration made by the American ple- nipotentiaries, that the U. States will admit of no line of boundary between their territory and that of the Indian nations, because the natural growth and popu- lation of the U. States would be thereby arrested, it becomes unnecessary further to insist on the proof of a spirit of aggrandizement afforded by the purchase of Louisiana from France, against the known con- ditions on which it had been ceded by Spain to that country, or the hostile seizure of a great part of the Floridas, under a pretence of a dispute respecting the boundary. The reason given by the American plenipotentia- ries for this declaration, equally applies to the assign- ment of a boundary to the U. States on any side, with whatever view proposed ; and the unlimited nature of the pretension would alone have justified G. Bri- tain in seeking more effectual securities against its APPENDIX. 39o application to Canada, than any which the under- signed have had the honor to propose. Had the American plenipotentiaries been instruct- ed on the subject of Canada, they would not have asserted that its permanent annexation had not been the declared object of their government. It has been distinctly avowed to be such at different times, par- ticularly by two American generals on their respect- ive invasions of Canada. If the declaration first- made had been disapproved, it would not have been repeated. The declarations here referred to are to be found in the proclamation of general Hull, in Ju- ly, 1812, and of general Smyth, in November, 1812, copies of which are hereunto annexed. It must be also from the want of instructions that the American plenipotentiaries have been led to as- sert that G. Britain has induced the Indians to with- draw from the protection of- the U. States. The government of the U. States cannot have forgotten that Great-Britain, so far from inducing the Indians to withdraw themselves from the protection of the [J. States, gave the earliest information of the inten- tion of those nations to invade the U. States, and ex- erted herself, though without success, to prevent and appease their hostility. The Indian nations, how- ever, having experienced, as they thought, oppression, instead of protection from the U. Stales, declared war against them previously to the declaration of war by that country against G. Britain. The treaty b\ which the Indians placed themselves under the pro- lection of the U. States, is now abrogated, and the American government cannot be entitled to claim, as a right, the renewal of an article in a treaty, which lias no longer any existence. The Indian nations are therefore no longer to be considered as under the protection of the United States, (whatever may be the import of that term) and it can only be on the ground that they are regarded as subjects, that the American plenipotentiaries can be authorized to deny therigfhtof Great-Britain to interfere on their behal 50 39 i APFKM>lX. "u» the negotiations for peace. To any sncli claia?, it is repeated, that the treaties concluded with them/ and particularly that of Greenville, are in direct op- position. It is not necessary to recur to the manner in which the territory of the United States was at, first settled, in order to decide, whether the Indian nations, the original inhabitants of America, shall have some spot assigned to them, where they may be permitted to live in tranquility ; nor whether their tranquility can be secured without preventing an uninterrupted sys- tem of encroachment upon them under the pretence of purchase. If the American plenipotentiaries are authorized peremptorily to deny the right of the British govern- ment to interfere with the pacification of the Indian nations, and for that reason refuse ail negotiations on the subject, the undersigned are at a loss to under- stand, upon what principle it was, that at the confer- ence of the 9th ultimo, the American plenipotentia- ries invited discussion on the subject, and added, that it was not possible for them to decide without discus- sion, whether an article could be framed which should he mutually satisfactory, and to which they should think themselves, under their discretionary powers. warranted in acceding. The undersigned must further observe, that if the American government has not furnished their pleni- potentiaries with any instructions since January last, when the general pacification of Europe could not have been immediately in contemplation, this subse- quent silence, after an event so calculated (even in the view which the American plenipotentiaries hav< taken' ©fit, in their note of the '2 lib ult.) to influ- ence the negotiation, is, to say the least, no proof of a sincere desire to bring it to a favorable conclusion. The British government has entered into the negoti- ation with an anxious wish to effect an amicable ar- rangement. After convulsions unexampled in their nature, extent, and duration, the civilized world has need of repose. To obtain this in Europe, G. Bi'i- APPENDIX, 395 tarn has made considerable sacrifices. To complete the work of general pacification, it. is her earnest wish to establish a j>eace with the U. States, and in her en- deavors to accomplish this object, to manifest the same principles of moderation and forbearance ; but it is utterly inconsistent with her practice and her principles ever to abandon in her negociations for peace, those who have co-operated with her in war. The undersigned, therefore, repe.it, that the British government is willing- to sign a treaty of peace with the U. States on terms honorable to both parties. Jt has not offered any terms which tfie U. States can justly represent as derogatory to their honor, nor can it be induced to accede to any which are injurious to its own. It is on this ground that the undersigned are authorized distinctly to declare, that they are instruct- ed not to sign a treaty of peace with the plenipoten- tiaries of the U. States, unless the Indian nations are included in it, and restored to all the rights, privile- ges, and territories, which they enjoyed in the year 1811, previous to the commencement of the war, by virtue of the treaty of Greenville, and the treaties subsequently concluded between them and the United States. From this point the British plenipotentiaries • ;aii not depart. They are further instructed to offer for discussion an article by which die contracting parties shall re- ciprocally bind themselves, according to boundaries to bt agreed upon, not to purchase the lands occu- pied by the Indians within their respective lines of demarcation. By making this engagement subject to revision at the expiration of a given period, it is ho(.-ed that the objection to the establishment of a boundary beyond which the settlement of the United States should be forever excluded, may be effectual- ly obviated. The undersigned have never stated that the exclu- sive military possessions on the lakes, however con- ducive thev are satisfied it would be to a good under- standing between the two countries, without endan- gering the security of the U. States, was to be con- &J6 APPENDIX. si tie red as a sine qua non in the negotiation. When- ever the question relative to the pacification of the Indian nations (which, subject to the explanations already given, is a sine qua non,) shall be adjusted, the undersigned will be authorized to make a final proposition on the subject of Canadian boundaries, so entirely founded on principles of moderation and justice, that they feel confident it cannot be rejected. This proposition will be distinctly stated by the un- dersigned, upon receiving an assurance from the American plenipotentiaries that they consider them- selves authorized to conclude a provisional article on the subject, and upon their previously consenting to include the Indian nations in the treaty, in the man- ner above described. The undersigned avail themselves of this oppor- tunity of renewing to the American plenipotentiaries, the assurance of their high consideration. GAMBIER, HENRY GOULBURN, WILLIAM ADAMS. The Amcncan to the British Commissioners. Ghent, Sept. 26, 1814. In replying to the note which the undersigned have had the honor of receiving from his Britannic majesty's plenipotentiaries, dated on the 19th inst. they are happy to concur with them in the sentiment of avoiding unnecessary discussions, especially such as may have a tendency to create irritation. They had hoped that, in the same spirit, the British pleni- potentiaries would not have thought allusions again necessarv to transactions foreign to this negotiation, relating to the United States, and other independent nations, and not suitable for discussion between the United Stales and Great-Britain. The observation made with respect to Louisiana is the more extraor- dinary, as the cession of that province to the United States was, at the lime, communicated to the British government, who expressed their entire satisfaction with it, and lias subsequently received the solemn APPENDIX. 3'J7 sanction of Spain herself. The undersigned will further say, that whenever the transactions of the l*. States, in relation to the boundaries of Louisiana and Florida, shall be a proper subject of discussion, they will be found not only susceptible of complete justi- fication, but will demonstrate the moderation and forbearance of the American government, and their undeviating resnect for the rights of their neighbors. The undersigned are far from assuming the ex- clusive right to decide, what is, or is not, a subject of uncertainty and dispute, with regard to the bound- ary of the District of Maine. But until the British plenipotentiaries shall have shown in what respect the part of that boundary which would be affected by their proposal, is such a subject, the undersigned may be permitted to assert that it is not. The treaty of 1783 described the boundary as *a line to be drawn along the middle of the river St. Croix, from its mouth in the bay of Fundy, to its source, and from its source directly north to the high- lands which divide the rivers that fall into the Atlan- tic ocean from those which fall into the siver St. Lawrence, and thence along the said highlandsto the northwesternmosthead of Connecticut river.' Doubts having arisen as to the St. Croix designa- ted in the treaty of 1783, a provision was made by that of 1704 for ascertaining it : and it may be fairly inferred, from the limitation of the article to that sole object, that even in the judgment of G. Britain, no other subject of controversy existed in relation to the extension of the boundary line from the source of that river. That river and its source having been ac- cordingly ascertained, the undersigned are prepared to propose the appointment of commissioners by the two governments, to extend the line to the highlands, conformably to the treaty of 1783. The proposal, however, of the British Plenipotentiaries was not to as- certain, but to vary those lines in such manner as to secure a direct communication between Quebec and J Ialifax ; an alteration which could not be effected without a cession bv the the T T . States to G. Britain 3y« APPENDIX of all that portion of the state of Massachusetts inter- veiling' between the province of New Brunswiek and Quebec, although unquestionably included within the boundary lines fixed l>y that treaty. Whether ll was contemplated on the part of G. Britain to obtain the cession, with or without an equivalent in frontier or otherwise, the undersigned, in stating- that they were not instructed or authorised to treat on the subject of cession, have not declined to discuss any matter of uncertainty or dispute which the British Plenipoten- tiaries may point out to exist, respecting the bounda- ries in that or in any other quarter, and are, therefore, not liable to the imputation of having rendered their powers on the subject nugatory or inadmissibly par- tial in their operation. The British plenipotentiaries consider the under- signed as having declared, * thai the II. States will admit of no line of boundary between their territory and that of the Indian nations because the natural growth and population of the U. States would be thereby arrested.' The undersigned, on the contra- ry, expressly stated in their last note * that the lands inhabited by the Indians were secured to them by boundaries, defined in amicable treaties between them and the U- States :' but they did refuse to assign, in a treaty of peace with G. Britain, a definitive and permanent boundary to the Indians, living within the limits of the U. States. On this subject, the under- signed have no hesitation in avowing, that the U. States, while intending never to acquire lands from the Indians otherwise than peaceably, and with their free consent, are fully determined in that manner, progressively, and in proportion as their growing po- pulation may require, to reclaim from the state of na- ture and to bring into cultivation every portion of tin territory contained within their acknowledged boun- daries. In thus providing for the support Ot million-: of civilized beings, they will not violate any dictate o! justice or humanitv, for they will not only give to the few thousand savages, scattered over that territory. an ample equivalent for any right they may sun APPENDIX. 399 tier, but will always leave them the possession of lands more than they can cultivate, and more than adequate to their subsistence, comfort and enjoyment hy cultivation. It' this he a spirit of aggrandizement, the undersign- ed are prepared to admit, in that sense, its existence ; but thcv must denv that it. affords the slightest proof of an intention not to respect the boundaries between them and European nations, or of a desire to en- croach upon the territories of G. Britain. If, in the progress of their increasing population, the American people must grow in strength proportioned to their numbers, the undersigned will hope that G. Britain, far from repining at the prospect, will contemplate it with satisfaction. They will Hot suppose that that gov- ernment will avow, as the basis of their policy towards the U. States, the system of arresting" their natural growth within their own territories, for the sake of preserving a perpetual desert for savages. IfG. Bri- tain has made sacrifices to give repose to the civilized world in Europe, no sacrifice is required from her by the U. States to complete the work of general pacifi- cation. This negotiation at least evinces, on their part, no disposition to claim any other right, than thai of preserving their independence entire, and of gov- erning their own territories without foreign interfer- ence. Of the two proclamations, purported copies of which the British plenipotentiaries have thought proper to enclose with their* last note, the undersigned might content themselves with remarking:, that neiili- er of them is the act of the American government. They are enabled however to add, with perfect con- fidence, that neither of them was authorised or ap- proved by that government. The undersigned are not disposed to consider as the act of the British gov- ernment, the proclamation of Admiral Qofchrane, herewith enclosed, exciting a portion of the popula- tion of the U. States, under the promise of military employment, or of fret: settlement in the West-inch' to treachery and rebellion. The undersigned \< ■ 400 APPENDIX. sincerely regret to be obliged to say, that an irresisti- ble mass of evidence, consisting principally of the correspondence of British officers and agents, part on- ly of which has already been published in America, establishes beyond all rational doubt, the fact, that a constant system of excitement to those hostilities Was pursued by the British traders and agents, who had access to the Indians, not only without being discoun- tenanced, but with frequent encouragement by the British authorities ; and that if they ever dissuaded the Indians from commencing hostilities, it was only by urging them, as in prudence, to suspend their attacks, until G. Britain should recognize them as her allies in the war. When, in the conference of the 9lh ult. the under signed invited discussion upon the proposal of Indian pacification and boundary, as well as upon all the subjects presented by the British plenipotentiaries for discussion, they expressly stated their motives to be, 1st, to ascertain by discussion whether an article on the subject could be formed to which they could sub- scribe, and which would be satisfactory to the British plenipotentiaries; and 'idly, that if no such article could be formed, the American government might be informed of the views of G. Britain upon that point, and the British government of the objections on the part of the United States, to any such arrangement. The undersigned have, in fact, already proposed no less than three articles on the subject, all of which they view as betler calculated to secure peace and tranquility to the Indians, than any one of the propo- sals for that purpose, made by the British plenipoten- tiaries. The undersigned had repeated their assurances to the British plenipotentiaries, that peaC< , so far as il depended on the United States, would hmnedialeU fallow a peace with G. Britain, and added, that On Indians would thereby be reinstated in the saax situation in which thev stood before the commence- ment of hostilities. The British plenipoteptiarh - insist, in their last note, that the Indian nations shall APPENDIX. 401 be in eluded in the treaty of peace between Great- Britain and the IT. States, and be restored to all the rights, privileges, and territories which they enjoyed in the year 1811, previous to their com mencement of the war, by virtue of the treaty of Greenville, and the treaties subsequently concluded between them and the IT. States. Setting aside the subject of boundary, which is presented as for discussion only, there is no apparent difference with respect to the object in view ; the pacification and tranquility of the In lians, and placing them in the same situation in vhich they stood before the war, all which will be equally obtained in the manner proposed by the un- dersigned, and the only point of real difference is, the British plenipotentiaries insist that it should be done by including the Indians, as allies of G. Bri- tain, in the treaty of peace between her and the U. States. The IT. States cannot consent that Indians residing within their boundaries, as acknowledged by Great- Britain, shall be included in the treaty of peace, in any manner which will recognize them as independ- ent nations, whom G. Britain, having obtained this recognition, would hereafter, have the right to con- sider in every respect, as such. Thus to recognize these Indians as independent and sovereign nations, would take from the IT. States, and transfer to those Indians, all the rights of soil and sovereignty over the territory which they inhabit; and this being ac- complished through the agency of G. Britain, would place them effectually and exclusively under her pro- tection, instead of being, as heretofore, under that of the IT. States. It is not perceived in what res- pect such a provision would differ from an absolute cession by the IT. States of the extensive territory in question. The British plenipotentiaries have repeated the assertion, that the treaty by which the Indians placed themselves under the protection of the U. States, was abrogated by the war ; and thfnce infer, that the\ 51 402 APPENDIX. are no longer to be considered as under the protec- tion of the V. Slates, whatever nwn be the import of the term ; and that the right of G Britain to in- terfere in their behalf in the negotiation of peace, can only be denied on the ground that they are re- garded as subjects. In point of fact, several ot the tribes, parhes to the treaty of Greenville, have con- stantly been, and still are. at peace v ith the United States. "Whether that treaty be, or be not abrogated, is a question not necessary to be now discussed. The right of the U. States to the protection of the Indians within their boundaries, was not acquired by that treaty ; it was a necessary consequence of the sove- reignty and independence of the U. States. Previ- ous to that time the Indians living within the s:me territory, were under the protection ot his Britannic majesty, as its sovereign. The undersigned may refer the British plenipotentiaries to all the acts of their own government, relative to the subject, tor proof, that it has always considered this right of protection as one of the rights of sovereignty, which it needed no Indian treaty to confer, and which the abrogation of no Indian treaty could divest. They will particu- larly bring to their recollection, that when a similar proposition of considering Indian tribes as independ- ent nations, to serve as a barrier between the French and English territories, was made by France to England, it was immediately rejected, by a minister to whom the British nation is accustomed to look back with veneration, and rejected on the express ground, that the king would not renounce his right to pro- tection over the Indians within his dominions. But whatever the relation of the Indians to the U. States may be, and whether under their protection or not, G. Britain having by the treaty oi 1783, recognized the sovereignty of the U. States, and agreed to certain limits as their boundaries, has no right to consider any persons or communities, whether Indians or others, residing within those boundaries, as nations independent of the U. States, APPENDIX. i06 The tJ. States claim, of right, with respect to all European nations, and particularly with respect to G. Britain, the entire sovereignty over the whole territory, and all the persons embraced within the boundaries of their dominions. G. Britain has no right to take cognizance of the relations subsisting between the several communities or persons living therein. They form as to her, only parts of the do- minions of the U. States, and it is altogether immate- rial, whether, or how far, under their political insti- tutions and policy, these communities or persons are independent states, allies, or subjects. With respect to her and all other foreign nations, they are parts of a whole, of which the U. States are the sole and ab- solute sovereigns. The allegation of the British plenipotentiaries, that it is inconsistent with the practice or principles of G. Britain to abandon in her negociations for peace, those who have co-operated with her in war, is not appli- cable to the Indians, but on the erroneous assumption of their independence, which, so far as she is concern- ed, has been fully disproved. And although no pow- er from these tribes to the British government to treat in their behalf, would, for the same reason be admit- ted by the undersigned, they may nevertheless ob- serve, that the British plenipotentiaries having produc- ed no such powers, having no authority to bind the Indians, to engage for their assent to the pacification, or to secure the continuance of peace on their part whilst speaking of them as allies, do really propose to treat for them not as if they were independent nations, but as if they were the subjects of G. Britain. The undersigned so far from asking that, in rela- tion to the Indians, G. Britain should pursue a course inconsistent with her former practice and principles, only desire that she would follow her own example re- spectingthem, in her former treaties with other Europe- an nations, and with the U. States. No provision for the Indians is found in the treaty of 1703, by which France ceded Canada to G. Britain, although almost allthe Indians living within the territory ceded, or 404 APPENDIX. acknowledged to belong to G. Britain, had taken part with France in the war. No such provision was inserted in the treaty of peace of 1 783, between i • . Bri- tain and the U. States, although almost all the Indian tribes living within the territory recognized bv the treaty to belong to the U. States, had during the war, co-operated with G. Britain, and might have been considered as her allies more justly than on the pre- sent occasion. So far as concerns the relations be- tween G. Britain and the U. States, these Indians can be treated for only on the principles by which amnes- ties are stipulated in favor of disaffected persons, who, in times of war and invasion, co-operate with the en- emy of the nation to which they belong. To go as far as possible in securing the benefit of the peace to the Indians, now the only object professed by the British government in their present sine qua non, the undersigned offer a stipulation in general terms, that no person or persons, whether subjects, citizens, or Indians, residing within the dominions of either par- ty, shall be molested or annoyed, either in persons or their property, for any part they may have taken in the war between the U. States and G. Britain ; but shall retain all the rights, privileges and possessions, which they respectively had at the commencement of the war ; they, on their part, demeaning themselves peaceably, and conformably to their duties to the re- spective governments. — This the undersigned have no doubt will effectually secure to the Indians peace, if they themselves will observe it, and they will not suppose that G. Britain would wish them included in the peace but upon that condition. The undersigned have never intimated that their government had not furnished them with any instruc- tions since January last. On the contrary, they dis- tinctly told the British plenipotentiaries in confer- ence, though it appears to have escaped their recol- lect, on, that instructions had been received by the un- dersigned, dated at the close of the month of June. The undersigned will now add, that those instructions were drawn with a full knowledge oi the general pa- APPENDIX. 405 cification in Europe, and with so liberal a considera- tion of its necessary bearing* upon all the differences that hud bee . until then subsisting between G. Bri- tain and the U. States, that the undersigned cannot doubt that peace would long since have been conclud- ed, had not an insuperable bar against it been raised by the new and unprecedented demands of the Bri- tish government. With respect to the proposition which the British plenipotentiaries inform them they will be prepared to make, in relation to the Canadian boundaries, which appears to them so entirely founded on princi- ples of moderation and justice, but the nature of which they think proper at present to withhold, the under- signed can only pledge themselves to meet any pro- position from the British plenipotentiaries, character- ized by moderation and justice, not only with a per- fect reciprocity of those sentiments, but with a sincere and earnest desire to contribute to the restoration of peace, by every compliance with the wishes of Great Britain, compatible with their duty to their country. The undersigned have the honor of tendering to the British plenipotentiaries, the renewed assurance of their hitjh consideration. JONA. RUSSELL, A. GALLATIN. J. a ADAMS, J. A. BAYARD, H. OLAY, The British to the American Commissioners. Ghent, Oct. 8, 1811. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the plenipotentiaries of the U. States, dated on the 29th ult. A* the continuance of the negociation exclusively depends upon the question relating to the pacifica- tion and rights of the Indian nations the undersigned are unwilling to extend their observations to the other subjects brought forward in the note of the American plenipotentiaries, further than may be required for necessary explanation. In adverting for this purpose to the acquisition of Louisiana, the undersigned must observe, that the £06 APPENDIX. instrument by which the consent of his Catholic ma- jesty is alledged to have been given to the cession of it, has never been made public. His Catholic ma- jesty was no party to the treaty by which the ces- sion was made, and if any sanction has been subse- quently obtained from him, it must have been, like other cotemparaneous acts of that monarch, involun- tary, and as such cannot alter the character of the transaction. The Marquis of Yrujo, the minister of his Catholic majesty at Washington, iu a letter ad- dressed to the President of the U. States, formally protested against the cession, and the right of France to make it. Yet, in the face of this protestation, so strongly evincing the decided opinion of Spain as to the illegality of the proceeding, the President of the U. States ratified the treaty. Can it be contend- ed that the annexation of Louisiana, under such cir- cumstances, did not mark a spirit of territorial ag- grandizement? His Britannic majesty did certainly express satis- faction when the American government communi- cated the event, that Louisiana, a valuable colony in the possession of France, with whom the war had just been renewed, instead of remaining in the hands of his enemy, had been ceded to the U. States, at that time professing the most friendly disposition to- wards G. Britain, and an intention of providing for her interest in the acquisition. But the conditions under which France had acquired Louisiana from Spain, were not communioted ; the refusal of Spain to consent to its alienation was not known ; the pro- test of her ambassador had not been made, and many other circumstances attending the transaction, on which it is now unnecessary to dilate, were, as there is good reason to believe, industriously concealed. The proof of a spirit of aggrandizement, which the undersigned had deduced from the hostile seiz- ure of a great part of the Floridas, under the most frivolous pretences, remains unrefuted; and the un- dersigned arc convinced that the occasion and cir- cumstances under which that unwarrantable act of APPENDIX. 407 aggression took place, have given rise throng-bout Europe to but one sentiment as to the character ol the transaction. After the previous communication which the under- signed have had the honor of receiving from the American plenipotentiaries, they could not but feel much surprized at the information contained in their last note of their having received instructions dated subsequently to January, 1814. The undersigned have no recollection whatever of the American ple- nipotentiaries having communicated to them, either collectively, or individually at a conference or other- wise, the receipt of instructions from the govern- ment of the U. States dated at the close of the month of June, and they must remind the American pleni- potentiaries that their note of the 9th ult. distinctly stated that the instructions of January, 1814, were those under which they were acting. If therefore, the American plenipotentiaries received instructions drawn up at the close of the month of June, with a liberal consideration of the late events in Europe, the undersigned have a right to complain, that while the American government justly considered those events as having a necessary bearing on the existing differ- ences between the two countries, the American ple- nipotentiaries should nevertheless have preferred act- ing under instructions, which, from their date, must have been without the contemplation of such events. The British government never required that all that portion of the state of Massachusetts intervening be- tween the province of New Brunswick and Quebec, should be ceded to G. Britain, but only that small portion of unsettled country which interrupts the com- munication between Halifax and Quebec, there be- ing much doubt whether it does not already belong to G. Britain. The undersigned are at a loss to understand how- vice Admiral Cochrane' s proclamation illustrates anv topic connected with the present negotiation, or bears upon the conclusion which they contended was to be drawn from the two proclamations of the America* 40» APPENDIX. Generals. These proclamations distinctly avow- ing the intention of the American government per- manently to annex the Canachis to the 17. States, were adduced not as a matter of complaint, but simply for the purpose of proving what had been denied as a fact, viz. that such had been the declared intention of the American government. The undersigned observe, that although the Ameri- can plenipotentiaries have taken upon themselves generally to deny that the proclamations were au- thorized or approved by their government, without stating in what mode that disapprobation was express- ed, yet they avoid stating that the part of those proc- lamations containing the declaration in question, had not been so authorized or approved. It is indeed impossible to imagine, that if the American govern- ment had intimated any disapprobation of that part of General Hull's proclamation, the s;»me declaration ■would have been as confidently repeated four months after by General Smyth. His majesty's government have other and ample means of knowing that the conquest of the Canadas and their annexation to the U. States was the object and policy of the American government. For the present the undersigned will content themselves with referring to the remonstrance of the legislature of Massachusetts, in .lnne, J81-3, in which this inten- tion is announced as matter of notoriety. The undersigned deny that the American govern- ment had proved, or can prove, that previous to the declaration of war by the U. States, persons author- ized by the British government endeavored to exeite the Indian nations against the U. States, or that en- deavors of that knui, if made b\ private persons, (which the undersigned have no reason to believe) ever received the sanction of his majesty's govern- ment. The American plenipotentiaries have not denied that the Indian nations had been engaged in war with the U. States, before tiie war with G. Britain bad commenced, and they have reluctantly coniessed that APPENDIX 409 «o far from his majesty having- induced the Indian nations to begin the war, as charged against Great- Britain in the notes of the 24th Aug. and 9th alt. the British government actually exerted their endeavors to dissuade the Indian nations from commencing it. As to the unworthy motive assigned by the Ameri- can plenipotentiaries to this interference so amicably made on the part of G. Britain, its utter improbability is sufficiently apparent from considering by which party the war was declared. The undersigned, there- fore, can only consider it as an additional indication of that hostile diposition which has led to the present unhappy war between the two countries. So long as that disposition continues, it cannot but render any effort on the part of G. Britain to terminate this con- test utterly unavailing. The American plenipotentiaries appear unprepar- ed to state the precise ground upon which they resist the right of his majesty to negociate with the CJnited States on behalf of the Indian nations, whose co-ope- ration in the war his majesty has found it expedient to accept. The treaty of Greenville, to the words, stipula tions, and spirit of which the undersigned have so frequently appealed, and all the treaties previously and subsequently made, between the U. States and the Indian nations, shew, beyond the possibility of doubt, that the U. States have been in the habit of treating with these tribes as independent nations, capable of maintaining the relations of peace and war, and ex- ercising territorial rights. If this be so, it will be difficult to point out the pe- culiar circumstances in the condition of those nations, which should either exclude them from a treaty of general pacification, or prevent G. Britain, with whom they have co-operated as allies in the war, from proposing stipulations in their behalf at the peace. Unless the American plenipotentiaries are prepared to maintain what they have in effect advanc- ed, that although the Indian nations may be indepen- 52 41Q • APPENDIX. dent in their relations with the U. States, yet the cir- cumstance of living within the boundary of the U. States disables them from forming' such conditions of alliance with a foreign power, as shall entitle that power to negociate for them in a treaty of peace. The principle upon which this proposition is found- ed, was advanced, but successfully resisted so far back as the treaty of Monster. An attempt was then made to preclude France from negociating in behalf of certain states and cities in Germany, who had co- operated with her in the war, because although those states and cities might be considered as independent for certain purposes, yet being- within the boundary of the German empire, they ought not to be allowed to become parties in the general pacification with the emperor of Germany, nor ought France to be per- mitted in that negotiation to mix their rights and in- terests with her own. The American plenipotentiaries, probably awaro that the notion of such a qualified independence, for certain purposes, and not for others, could not be maintained, either by argument or precedent, have been compelled to advance the novel and alarming pretension, that all the Indian nations living within the boundary of the United States, must in effect, be considered as their subjects, and, consequently, if engaged in war against the U. States, become liable to be treated as rebels, or disaffected persons. They have further stated, that all the territory which these Indian nations occupy, is -t the disposal of the United States, that the U. States have a right to dispossess them of it : to exercise that right, whenever their policy or interest may seem to them to require it : and to confine them to such spots as may be selected, not by Indian nations, but by the American govern- ment. Pretensions such as these G. Britain can nev- er recognize : however reluctant his royal highness, the Prince Regent may be to continue the war, that evil must be prefered, if peace can only be obtained on such conditions. APPENDIX. 4U To support those pretensions, and tit the same time to show, that the present conduct of Great-Britain is inconsistent with her former practice and principles, the American plenipotentiaries have referred to the treaty of peace of 1783, to that of 1763, and to the ne~ gociations of 1701, during the administration of a minister, whom the American plenipotentiaries have stated, and truly stated, to be high in the estimation of Ins country. The omissions to provide in the treaty of 1783, for the pacification of the Indian nations, Which were to be included within the proposed boundary of the U. States, cannot preclude G. Britain from now ne~ gociatmg in behalf of such tribes or nations, u .less it he assumed, that the occasional non-exercise of a right is an abandonment of it. Nor can the right of protection, which the American plenipotentiaries have failed in showing to have been ever claimed l>y Great Britain as incident to sovereignty, have been transfer- red by G. Britain to the U. States, by a treaty, to which the Indian nations were not parties. In the peace of 17b3, it was not necessary for G. Britain to treat for the pacification of the Indian na- tions, and the maintenance of their rights and privi- leges, because there had been noladian nations living without the British boundaries, who had co-operated with G. Britain, in the war against France. With respect to the negociations of 17CJ1, between G. Britain and France, on which the American pleni- potentiaries more particularly rely, they appear, in the judgment of the undersigned, to have much misun- derstood the whole course of that negociation. It is very true that the French government brought forward, at one period of the negociation, a proposi- tion, by which a certain territory, lying between the dominions of the two contracting parties, was to have been allotted to the Indian nations. — But it does not appear that this formed a part ot their ultimatum, and it is clear, that Mr. Pitt in his answer, did not object to the proposition. He objected indeed to the propos- ed line of demarkation between the countries belong- 412 APPENDIX. ing to the two contracting parties, upon the two grounds : 1st. that the proposed northern line would have given to France, what the French had them- selves acknowledged to be part of Canada, the whole of which, as enjoyed by his most Christian majesty, it had been stipulated, was to be ceded entirely to G. Britain : 2dly, that the southern part of the proposed line of demarkation would have included within the boundary ot'Louisiana, the Cherokees, the Creeks, the Chickasaws, the Choctaws, and another nation, who occupied territories which had never been included within the boundaries of that settlement. So far was Mr. Pitt from rejecting, as alledged by the American plenipotentiaries, the proposition of considering In- dian nations a barrier,' that at one period of the ne- gociation he complained that there was no provision for such a barrier ; and he thus energetically urges his objections, in h?s letter to Mr. Stanley, the British plenipotentiary at Pans, dated on the 26th of June, 1761 ; 'As to the fixation of new limits to Canada towards the Ohio, it is captious and insidious, thrown out in hope, if agreed to, to shorten thereby the ex- tent of Canada, and to lengthen the boundaries of Louisiana, and in the view to establish, what must not be admitted, namely, that all which is not Canada is Louisiana; whereby all the intermediate nations and countries, the true barrier to each province, would be given up to France.' The undersigned confidently expect, that the American plenipotentiaries will not again reproach the British government with acting inconsistently "with its former practice and principles, or repeat the assertion made in a former note, that a definition of Indian boundary, with a view to a neutral barrier, was a new and unprecedented demand by any Euro- pean power, and most of all by G. Britain ; the very instance selected bv the American plenipotentiaries, undeniably proves that such a proposition had been entertained both by G. Britain and France, and that Mr. Pitt on the part of G. Britain had more parti cu- farly enforced it. APPENDIX. 413 It remains only lo notice two objections which the American plenipotentiaries have urged against the proposal of Indian pacification, advanced by the un- dersigned ; first, that it is not reciprocal : secondly, that as the United States could have no security that the Indian nations would conclude a peace on the terms proposed, the proposition would be in effect uui lateral. The article now proposed by the undersigned, and herewith enclosed, is free from both objections, and appears to them so characterised by a spirit of mod- eration and peace, that they earnestly anticipate the concurrence of the American plenipotentiaries. In making a last effort in this stage of the war, the undersigned are not apprehensive that the motives which have influenced his royal highness, the Prince Regent to direct a renewal of the proposition, with its present modifications, can be misunderstood or mis- represented. Whatever may be the result of the proposition thus offered, the undersigned deliver it as their ultimatum, and now await with anxiety the answer of the Amer- ican plenipotentiaries, on which their continuance in this place will depend. The undersigned avail themselves of this oppor. tunity of renewing to the American plenipotentiaries, the assurance of their high consideration. GAMBIER, HENKY GOULBUKN. WILLIAM ADAMS. i( The U. States of 'America engage to put an enl y immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, to hostilities, with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom they may be at war, at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been en- titled to in 1811, previous to such hostilities : provid- ed always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against the United States of 414 APPENDIX, America, their citizens and subjects, upon the ratifi- cation of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. " And his Britannic majesty engages, on his part, to put an end, immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, to hostilities, with all the tribes or na- tions of Indians with whom he may be at war, at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations respectively, ali the possessions^ rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to in 1811, previous to such hostili- ties: provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic majesty and his subjects, upon the ratifica- tion of tiie present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly." From the American to the British Commissioners, Ghlnt, October 13, 1814. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the plenipotentiaries of his Britannic majesty, dated on the 8th instant. Satisfied of the impossibility of persuading the world that the government of the U. States was liable k> any well founded imputation of a spirit of con- quest or of injustice towards other nations, the under- signed, in affording explanations on several of the topics adverted to by the British plenipotentiaries dur- ing this negociation, were actuated by the sole mo- tive ot removing erroneous impressions. Still influenced by the same motive, they will now add, that at the time when the Spanish minister was remonstrating at Washington against the transfer of Louisiana, orders were given by his government for its delivery to France : that it was, in fact, delivered a short time after that remonstrance ; and that if the treaty by which the U. States acquired it had not been ratified, would have become, of course, a French col- ony. The undersigued believe that the evidence of the assent of Spam to that transfer has been promul- gated. They neither admit the alledged disability of APPENDIX. 415 the Spanish monarch, nor the inference which the British plenipotentiaries would seem to deduce from it ; on the contrary, the assent was voluntarily given in the year 1804, by the same king who, about the same time, ceded Trinidad to G. Britain, and prior to the time when he was again engaged in war with her. The cession by France was immediately com- municated to G. Britain, no circumstance affecting it, and then within the knowledge of the U. States, be- ing intentionally concealed from her. She express- ed her satisfaction with it; and if in any possible state of the case she would have had a right to ques- tion the transaction, it does not appear to the under- signed that she is now authorised to do so. After stating, generally, that the proclamations of Generals Hull and Smyth were neither authorised nor approved by their government, the undersigned could not have expected that the British plenipotentiaries would suppose that their statement did not embrace the only part of the proclamations which was a sub- ject of consideration. The undersigned had, indeed, hoped, that, by stating in their note of the 9th ultimo, that the gov- ernment of the U. States, from the commencement of the war, had been disposed to make peace without obtaining any cession of territory, and by referring to their knowledge of that disposition, and to instruc- tions accordingly given from July, 1812, to January, 1814, they would effectually remove the impression that the annexation of Canada to the U. States was the declared object of their government. Not only- have the undersigned been disappointed in this ex- pectation, but the only inference which the British plenipotentiaries have thought proper to draw from this explicit statement, has been, that either the American government, by not giving instructions subsequent to the pacification of Europe, or the un- dersigned, by not acting under such instructions, gave no proof of a sincere desire to bring the present ne- gotiations to a favorable conclusion. The undersign- ed did not allude, in reference to the alledgod lnten- 410 APPENDIX. tion to annex Canada to the U. States, to any instruc- tions given by their government subsequently to Jan- uary last, because, asking at this time for an accession of territory, it was only of its previous disposition that it appeared necessary to produce any proof. So er- roneous was the inference drawn by the British ple- nipotentiaries, in both respects, that it was in virtue of the instructions of June last, that the undersigned were enabled, in their note of the 24th of August, to state, that the causes of the war between the U. States and G. Britain, having disappeared, by the maritime pacification of Europe, they had been authorised to agree to its termination upon a mutual restoration of territory, and without making the conclusion of peace to depend on a successful arrangement of those points on which differences had existed. Considering the present state of the negociation, the undersigned will abstain, at this time from addu- cing any evidence or remarks upon the influence which has been exerted over the Indian tribes inhab- iting the territories of the U. States, and the nature of those excitements which had been employed by Bri- tish traders and agents. The arguments and facts already brought forward by the undersigned, respecting the political condition of those tribes, render it unnecessary for them to make many observations on those of the British plenipoten- tiaries on that subject. The treaties of 1763, and 1783, were those principally alluded to by the un- dersigned, to illustrate the practice of G. Britain. She did not admit in the first, nor require in the last, any stipulations respecting the Indians who, in one case, had been her enemies, and in the other, her al- lies, and who, in both instances, fell by the peace with- in the dominions of that power against whom they had been engaged in the preceding war. The negociation of 17(31 was quoted for the pur- pose of proving, what appears to be fully established! -by the answer of England to the ultimatum of France delivered on the first of September of that year, that his Britannic majesty would not renounce his right oi APPENDIX. 417 protection over the Indian nations reputed to be with- in his dominions, that is to say, between the British settlements and the Mississippi. Mr. Pitt's letter, cited by the British plenipotentiaries, far from contra- dicting- that position, goes still further. It states that 'the fixation of the new limits to Canada, as propos- ed by France, is intended to shorten the extent of Canada, which was to be ceded to England, and to lengthen the boundaries of Louisiana, which France was to keep, and in the view to establish what must not be admitted, namely, that all which is not Canada is Louisiana, whereby all the intermediate nations and countries, the true barrier to each province, would be given up to France.' This is precisely the princi- ple uniformly supported by the undersigned, to wit, that the recognition of a boundary gives up to the nation, in whose behalf it is made, all the Indian tribes and countries within that boundary. It was on this principle that the undersigned have confidently relied on the treaty of 1783, what fixes and recognis- es the boundary of the U. States, without making any reservation respecting Indian tribes. But the British plenipotentiaries, unable to produce a solitary precedent of one European power treating* for the savages inhabiting within the dominions of another, have been compelled, in support of their principle, to refer to the German empire, a body con- sisting of several independent states, recognized as such by the whole world, and separately maintaining* with foreign powers the relations belonging to such a condition. Can it be necessary to prove that there is no sort of analogy between the political situation of these civilized communitities, and that of the wan- dering; tribes of North American savages? In referring to what the British plenipotentiaries represent as alarming and novel pretensions, what G. Britain can never recognize, the undersigned might complain that these alledged pretensions have not been stated, either in terms or in substance, as ex- pressed by themselves. This, however, is the less 53 418 APPENDIX. material, as any further recognition of them hy G. Britain is not necessary nor required. On the other hand, they can never admit nor recognize the princi- ples or pretensions asserted in the course of this cor- respondence by the British plenipotentiaries, and which, to them, appear novel and alarming. The article proposed by the British plenipotentia- ries, in their last note, not including the Indian tribes as parties in the peace, and leaving the U. States free to effect its object in the mode consonant with the re- lations which they have constantly maintained with those tribes, partaking also of the nature of an amnesty, and being at the same time reciprocal, is not liable to that objection ; and accords with the views uni- formly professed by the undersigned, of placing these tribes. precisely, and in every respect, in the same situation as that in which they stood before the commencement of hostilities. This article, thus pro- posing only what the undersigned have so often as- sured the British plenipotentiaries would necessarily follow, if indeed it has not already, as is highly prob- able, preceded a peace between G. Britain and the United States. The undersigned agree to admit it, in substance, as a provisional article, subject, in the manner originally proposed by the British govern- ment, to the approbation or rejection of the govern- ment of the U. States, which, having given no in- structions to the undersigned on this point, cannot be bound by any article they may admit on the subject. It will, of course, be understood, that if, unhappily peace should not be the result of the present negocia- tion, the article thus conditionally agreed to shall be of no effect, and shall not, in any future negociation, be brought forward by either party, by May of argu- ment or precedent. This article having been presented as an indispen- sable preliminary, and being now accepted, the un- dersigned request the British plenipotentiaries to com- municate to them the project of a treaty embracing all the points deemed material by G. Britain ; the un- dersigned engaging on their part to deliver immedi- APPENDIX. 419 ately after, a counter project with respect to all the articles to which they may not agree, and on the sub- jects deemed material by the U. States, and, which may be omitted in the British project. J. a ADAMS, J. A. BAYARD, H. CLAY, JONA. RUSSELL. A. GALLATIN. The British to the American Commissioners. Ghent, October 21, 1814. The undersigned have had the honor of receiving ihe note of the American plenipotentiaries of the 13th inst. communicating their acceptance of the article which the undersigned had proposed on the subject of the pacification and rights of the Indian nations. The undersigned are happy in being thus relieved from the necessity of recurring to several topics, which though they arose in the course of their discus- sions, have only an incidental connection with the difference remaining to be adjusted between the two countries. With a view to this adjustment the undersigned prefering in the present state of the negociation a general statement of the formal arrangement of arti- cles, are willing so far to comply with the request of the American plenipotentiaries containedin their last note, as to wave the advantages to which they think they were fairly entitled, of requiring from them the first project of a treaty. The undersigned having stated at the first confer- ence the points upon which his majesty's government considered the discussions between the two countries as likely to turn, cannot better satisfy the request of the American plenipotentiaries than by referring them to that conference for a statement of the points which, in the opinion of his majesty's government yet remains to be adjusted. With respect to the forcible seizure of mariners from on board merchant vessels on the high seas, and the right of the king of G. Britain to the allegiance of all his subjects, and with respect to the maritime 420 APPENDIX. rights of the British empire the undersigned conceive, that after the pretentions asserted by the government of the U. States, a more satisfactory proof of the conciliatory spirit of his Majesty's government cannot be given than not requiring any stipulation on those subjects, which though most important in themselves, no longer in consequence of the maritime pacifica- tion of Europe, produce the same practical results. On the subject of the fisheries the undersigned ex- pressed with so much frankness at the conference al- ready refered to, the views of their government, that they consider any further observations on that topic as unnecessary at the present time. On the question of the boundary between the do- minions of his majesty and those of the U. States, the undersigned are led to expect from the discus- sion which this subject has already undergone, that the north west boundary from the lake of the Woods to the Mississippi, the intended arrangement of 1803, will be admitted without objection. In regard to other boundaries the American pleni- potentiaries in their note of August 24th, appeared in some measure to object to the j impositions then made by the undersigned as the basis of uti possidetis. The undersigned are willing to treat on that basis, subject to such modifications as mutual convenience may be found to require, and they trust that the American plenipotentiaries will shew by their ready acceptance of this basis, that they duly appreciate the moderation of his majesty's government in so far con- sulting the honor and fair t, intensions of the U. States as in the relative situation of the two countries, to authorise such a proposition. The undersigned avail themselves of this opportu- nity to renew to the American plenipotentiaries, the assurance of their high considertion. GAMBIEB, HENRY GOULBUm WILLIAM ADAMS. APPENDIX. 121 The American to the British Commissioners. Ghent, October 24, 1811 The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the British plenipotentiaries of the 21st inst. Amongst the general observations which the un- dersigned, in their note of the 24th Aug. made on the propositions then brought forward on the part of the British government, they remarked that those proposi- tions were founded neither on the basis of uti posside- tis, nor on that ot status ante helium. But so far were they from suggesting the uti possidetis as the basis on which they were disposed to treat, that in the same note they expressly stated that they had been instructed to conclude a peace on the principles of both parties re- storing whatever territory they might have taken. The undersigned also declared in that note, that they had no authority to cede any part of the territory of the U. States, and that to no stipulation to that effect would they subscribe ; and in the note of the 9th Sept. after having shewn that the basis of uti possidetis, such as was known to exist at the commencement of the negociation, gave no claim to his Britannic majesty to cession of territory founded upon the right of con- quest, they added that even if the chances of war should give to the British arms a momentary posses- sion of other parts of the territory of the U. States, such events would not alter their views with regard to the terms of peace to which they would give their consent. The undersigned can now only repeat those de- clarations and decline treating upon the basis of uti possidetis, or upon any other principle involving a cession of any part of the territory of the U. States. As they have uniformly stated, they can treat only upon the principle of mutual restoration of whatever* territory may have been taken by either party. From this principle they cannot recede, and the undersign- ed after the repeated declarations of the British Ple- nipotentiaries, that G. Britain had no view to acqui- sition of territory, in this negociation, deem it neces- 422 APPENDIX. sary to add, that the utility of its continuance depends on their adherence to this principle. The undersigned having* declared in their note of the 21st of Aug-, that although instructed and prepar- ed to enter into an amicable discussion of all the points, on which differences or uncertainty had ex- isted, and which might hereafter tend to interrupt the harmony of the two countries, they would not make the conclusion of the peace at all depend upon a sucessful result of the discussion, and having since agreed to the preliminary article proposed by the British government, had believed that the negocia- tion already so long protracted, could not be brought to an early conclusion, otherwise than by the commu- nication of a project embracing all the other specific propositions which G. Britain intended to offer. They repeat their request in that respect and will have no objection to a simultaneous exchange of the projects of both parties. This course will bring fair- ly into discussion the other topics embraced in the last note of the British plenipotentiaries, to which the undersigned have thought it necessary to advert at the present time. The undersigned renew to the British plenipoten- tiaries the assurance of their high consideration. J. Q. ADAMS, J. A. BAYARD, H. CLAY, JONATHAN RUSSELL, ALBERT GALLATIN. The British to the American Commissioners Ghent, Oct. 31st, 1814. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note addressed to them by the Amer- ican plenipotentiaries on the 24th inst. in which they object to the basis of uti possidetis proposed by the un- dersigned as that on which they are willing to treat in regard to part of the boundaries between the do- minions of his Majesty and those of the U. States. The American plenipotentiaries in their note of the 13lh inst. requested the undersigned to communicate to them the project of a treaty embracing all the APPENDIX. 423 points insisted on by G.Britain, engaging on their part to deliver immediately after a contre project as to all the articles to which they might not agree, and as to all the subjects deemed material by the U. States, and omitted in the project of the undersigned. The undersigned were accordingly instructed to wave the question of etiquette and the advantage which might result from receiving the first commu- nication, and, confiding in the engagement of the American plenipotentiaries, communicated in their note of the 21st inst. all the points upon which they are instructed to insist. The American plenipotentiarieshave objected to one essential part of the project thus communicated : but before the undersigned can enter into the discussion on this objection, they must require from the American plenipotentiaries that, pursuant to their engagement, they will deliver a contre project containing all their objections to the points submitted by the undersigned together with a statement of such further points as the government of the U. States consider to be ma- terial. The undersigned are authorized to state distinctly, that the article as to the pacification and rights of the In- dian nations having been accepted, they have brought forward in their note of the 21st inst. all the proposi- tions they have to offer. They have no farther de- mands to make, no other stipulations on which they are instructed to insist, and they are empowered to sign a treaty of peace forthwith in conformity with those stated in their former note. The undersigned trust therefore that the American plenipotentiaries will no longer hesitate to bring for- ward in the form of articles or otherwise, as they may prefer, those specific propositions upon which they are empowered to sign a treaty of peace between the t.wo countries, GAMBTER, HENRY GOULBURN, W. ADAMS 424 APPENDIX. TREATY OF PEACE. JAMES MADISON, PRESIDENT OF THIS UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. To all and singular to whom these presents shall come. Greeting : WHEREAS a treaty of peace and amity between the United States of America, and his Britannic ma- jesty was signed at Ghent, on the twenty-fourth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and four- teen, by the plenipotentiaries respectively appointed for that purpose ; and the said treaty having been, by and with the advice and consent of the senate of the United States, duly accepted, ratified, and confirmed, on the seventeenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen ; and ratified copies thereof having been exchanged agreeably to the tenor of the said treaty, which is in the words following, to wit : Treaty of peace and amity between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America. His Britannic majesty and the United States of America, desirous of terminating the war which has unhappily subsisted between the two countries, and of restoring, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, peace, friendship, and good understanding between them, have, for that purpose, appointed their respec- tive plenipotentiaries, that is to say : his Britannic majesty, on his part, has appointed the right honorable James lord Gambicr, late Admiral of the white, now Admiral of the red squadron of his majesty's fleet, Henry Goidburn, Esquire, a member of the imperial parliament and under secretary of stale, and William. Adams, Esquire, doctor of civil laws : — and the Pre- sident of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the senate thereof, has appointed John. Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gallatin, citizens of the United States, who, after a reciprocal communi- cation of their respective full powers, have agreed up- on the following articles ! APPENDIX. 425 ARTICLE THE FIRST. There shall be a firm and universal peace between kis Britannic majesty and the United States, and be- tween their respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, without exception of places or persons. All hostilities, both by sea and land, shall cease as soon as this treaty shall have been ratified by both parties, as hereinafter mentioned. All territory, places and possessions whatsoever, taken from either party by the other, during the war, or which may be taken after the signing" of this treaty, excepting only the islands hereinafter mentioned, shall be restored without delay, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any of the artillery or other public property originally captured in the said forts or places, and which shall remain therein upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or anj' slaves or other private property; And all archives, records, deeds, and papers, either of a public nature, or belonging to private persons, which, in the course of the war, may have fallen into the hands of the offi- cers of either party, shall be, as far as may be prac- ticable, forthwith restored and delivered to the prop- er authorities and persons to whom they respectively belong. Such of the islands in the bay of Pas- samaquaddy as are claimed by both parties, shall remain in the possession of the party in whose occu- pation they may be at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, until the decision res- pecting the title to the said islands shall have been made in conformity with the fourth article of this treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to such possession of the islands and territories claimed, by both parties, shall, in any manner whatever, be construed to affect the right of either. ARTICLE THE SECOND. Immediately after the ratifications of this treaty by both parties, as hereinafter mentioned, orders shall be sent to the armies, squadrons, officers, subjects And citizens, of the two powers to cease from all hos- 54 426' APPENDIX, tilities : and to prevent all causes of complaint which might arise on account of the prizes which may he taken at sea after the said ratifications of this treaty, it is reciprocally agreed, that all vessels and effects which may be taken after the space of twelve days from the said ratifications, upon all parts of the coast of North America, from the latitude of twenty-three degrees north, to the latitude of fifty degrees north, and as far eastward in the Atlantic ocean, as the thirty-sixth degree of west longitude from the meridi- an of Greenwich, shall be restored to each side. That the time shall be thirty days in all other parts of the Atlantic ocean, north of the equinoctial line or equator, and the same time for the British and Irish channels, for the Gulf of Mexico and all parts of the West-Indies ; forty days for the North seas, for the Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean ; sixty days for the Atlantic ocean south of the equator as far as the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope; ninety days for every part of the world south of the equator ; and one hundred and twenty days for all other parts of the world, without exception. ARTICLE THE THIRD. AH prisoners of war taken on either side, as well by land as by sea, shall be restored as soon as prac- ticable after the ratification of this treaty, as herein- after mentioned, on their paying the debts which they may have contracted during their captivity. The two contracting parties respectively engage to dis- charge in specie, the advances which may have been made by the other for the sustenance and mainten- ance of such prisoners. ARTICLE THE FOURTH. Whereas it was stipulated by the second article in the treaty of peace, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, between his Britannic' majesty and the United States of America, that the boundary of the United btates should comprehend all islands, within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due east from the points where Uie aforesaid bounda- APPENDIX, 427 ries, between Nova Scotia, on the one part, and East Florida on the other, shall respectively touch the Bay of Funday, and the Atlantic ocean, excepting such islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the limits of Nova Scotia; and whereas the several islands in the Bay or" Passamaquoddy, which is part of the Bay of Fundy, and the island of Grand Menan. in the said Bay of Fundy, are claimed by the United States as being comprehended within their aforesaid boundaries, winch said islands are claimed as belong- ing to his Britannic majesty, as having been at the time of, and previous to, the aforesaid treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three within the limits of the province of Nova Scotia : in order, there- fore, finally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed that they shall be referred to two commissioners, to be appointed in the following manner, viz. one com- missioner shall be appointed by his Britannic majes- ty, and one by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the senate thereof, and the said two commissioners so appointed shall be sworn impartially to examine and decide upon the stud claims according to such evidence as shall be laid before them on tbe part of his Britannic majesty and of the United States respectively. The said commissioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in the pro- vince of New Brunswick, and shall have power to ad- journ to such other place or places as they shall think fit. Tiie said commissioners shall, by a declaration or report under their hands and seals, decide to which ofthetwocontracting parties the several islands afore- said do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of peace of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three. And if the said commis- sioners shall agree in their decision, both parties shall consider such decision as final and conclusive. It is further agreed, that in the event of the two. com- missioners differing upon all or any of the matters so referred to them, or in the event of both or either of the said commissioners refusing or declining, or wilfully omitting to act as such, they shall make. 428 APPENDIX. jointly or separately, a report or reports, as well to the government of his Britannic majesty as to that of the United States, stating in detail the points on which they differ, and the grounds upon which their respective opinions have been formed, or the grounds upon which they, or either of them, have so refused, declined, or omitted to act. And his Britannic ma- jesty, and the government of the United States here- by agree to refer the report or reports of the said com- missioners, to some friendly sovereign or state, to be then named for that purpose, and who shall be re- quested to decide on the differences which may be stated in the said report or reports, or upon the report of one commissioner, together with the grounds upon which the other commissioner shall have refused, de- clined, or omitted to act as the case may be. And if the commissioners so refusing, declining, qr omitting to act, shall also wilfully omit to state the grounds upon which he has so done, in such manner that the said statement may be referred to such friendly sovereign or state, together with the re- port of such other commissioner, then such sovereign or state shall decide ex parte upon the said report alone. And his Britannic majesty and the govern- ment of the United States en^a^e to consider the de- cision of some friendly sovereign or state to be such and conclusive on all the matters so referred. ARTICLE THE FIFTH. Whereas neither that point of the highlands lying due north from the source of the river K\ Croix, and designated in the former treaty of peace between the two powers as the northwest angle of Nova Scotia, now the north-westernmost head of Connecticut riv- er has not been ascertained ; and whereas that part of the boundary line between the dominion of the two powers which extends from the source of the river St. Croix directly north to the abovementioned north-west angle of Nova Scotia, thence along the said highlands which divide those rivers that empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence from those which fall into the Atlantic ocean to the north-west- APPENDIX. 420 ernmost head of Connecticut river, thence down along the middle of the river to Ihe forty-fifth degree of north latitude ; thence by a line due west on said latitude until it strikes the river Iroquois or Gatarag- ny, has not yet been surveyed : — It is agreed that for those several purposes two commissioners shall be ap- pointed, sworn and authorised, to act exactly in the manner directed with respect to those mentioned in the next preceding article, unless otherwise specified in the present article. The said commissioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in the province of New Bruns- wick, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think fit. The said com- missioners shall have power to ascertain and deter- mine the points abovementioned, in conformity with the provisions of the said treaty of peace of one thou- sand seven hundred and eighty-three, and shall cause the boundary aforesaid, from the source of the river St. Croix to the river Iroquois or Cataragny, to be surveyed and marked according to the said provisions. The said commissioners shall make a map of the said boundary, and annex to it a declaration under their hands and seals, certifying it to be the true map of the said boundary, and particularizing the latitude and longitude of the north-west angle of Nova Sco- tia, of the north-westernmost head of Connecticut river, and of such other points of the same boundary as they may deem proper. And both parties agree to consider such map and declaration as finally and conclusively fixing the said boundary. And in the event of the said two commissioners differing, or both, or either of them, refusing or declining, or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, declarations, or state- ments, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state, shall be made, in all respects as in the latter part of the fourth article is contained, and in asfuil a manner as if the same was herein repeated. ARTICLE THE SIXTH. Whereas, by the former treaty of peace that por- tion *of the boundary of the United States from the 430 APPENDIX. point where the forty fifth degree of north latitude strikes the river Iroquois or Cataragny to the lake Superior, was declared to be 'along- the middle of said river into lake Ontario, through the middle of said lake until it strikes the communication by water between that lake and lake Erie, thence along- the middle of said communication into lake Erie, through the middle of said lake until it arrives at the water communication into the lake Huron, thence through the middle of said lake to the water communication between that lake and lake Superior'. And whereas doubts have arisen what was the middle of said river, lakes, and water communications, and whether cer- tain islands lying in the same were within the domin- ions of his Britannic majesty or ot the United States : in order, therefore, finally to decide these doubts, they shall be referred to two commissioners, to be appoint- ed, sworn, and authorised to act exactly in the man- ner directed with respect to those mentioned in the next preceding article, unless otherwise specified in this present article. The said commissioners shall meet, in the first instance, at Albany, in the state of New-York, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think fit. The said commissioners shall by a report or declaration, under their hands and seals, designate the boundary through the said river, lakes, and water communica- tions, and decide to which of the two contracting par- ties the several islands lying within the said river, lakes, and water communications, do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent ot the said treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eighty- three. And both parties agree to consider such de- signation and decision as final and conclusive. And in the event of the said two commissioners differing, or both, or either of them, refusing, declining, or wil- fully omitting to act, such reports, declarations or statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state shall be made in all respects as in the latter part of the fourth article is contained, and in as full a manner as if the same was herein repeated. APPENDIX. 431 ARTICLE THE SEVENTH. It is further agreed that the said two last mention- ed commissioners, after they shall have executed the duties assigned to them in the preceding- article, shall be, and they are hereby authorised, upon their oaths impartially to fix and determine, according to the true intent of the said treaty of peace, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, that parj; of the boun- dary between the dominions of the two powers, which extends from the water communication between lake Huron and lake Superior, to the most north-western point of the lake of the Woods, to decide to which of the two parties the several islands lying in the lakes, water communications, and rivers, forming the said boundary, do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of peace, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three ; and to cause such parts of the said boundary, as require it, to be surveyed and marked. The said commission- ers shall, by a report or declaration under their hands and seals, designate the boundary aforesaid, state / their decision on thdfpoints thus referred to them, and VC. particularise the latitude and longitude of the most north-western point of the lake of the Woods, and of such other parts of the said boundary as they may deem proper. And both parties agree to consider such designation and decision as final and conclusive. And in the event of the said two commissioners dif- fering, or both, or either of them refusing, declining, or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, declarations. or statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state, shall be made in all respects, as in the latter part of the fourth article is contained, and in as full a manner as if the same was herein repeated. ARTICLE THE EIGHTH. The several boards of two commissioners mention- ed in the four preceeding articles, shall respectively have power to appoint a secretary, and to employ such surveyors or other persons as they shall judge neces- sary, Duplicates of all their respective reports, de- 432 APPENDIX. durations, statements, and descisions, and of their ac- counts, and of the journal of their proceeding's, shall be delivered b\ them to the agents of his Britannic majesty, and to the agents of the U. States who may be respect- ively appointed and authorised to manage the business on behalf of their respective governments. The said commissioners shall be respectively paid in such man- ner as shall be agreed between the two contracting parties, such agreement being to be settled at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. — And all other expences attending the said commissioners shall be defrayed equally by the two parties. And in the case of death, sickness, resignation, or necessary absence, the place of every such commissioner re- spectively shall be supplied in ihe same manner as such commissioner was first appointed, and the new com- missioner shall take the same oath or affirmation, and do the same duties. It is further agreed between the two contracting parties, that in case any of the Islands mentioned in any of the preceding articles, which were in the possession of one of the parties prior to the com- mencement of the present war between the two coun- tries, should by the decision of any of the boards of com- missioners aforesaid, or of the sovereign or state so re- ferred to as in the four next preceding articles con- tained, fall within the dominions of the other party, all grants of land made previous to the commence- ment of the war by the party having had such posses- sion, shall be as valid as if such Island or Islands, had by such decision or decisions, been adjudged to be within the dominions of the party having had such possession. ARTICLE THE NINTH. The U. States of America engage to put an end immediately after the ratification ol the present treaty to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians, with whom tiiev may be at war at the time ot such ratification ; and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been en- titled to in one thousand eight hundred and eleven APPENDIX. 43o previous to such hostilities : Provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities, against the United States of America, their citizens and subjects, upon the ratification of the pre- sent treaty being" notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. And his Britannic Ma- jesty engages, on his part to put an end immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, to hostili- ties with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom he may be at war at the time of such ratifica lion, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to, in one thousand eight hundred and eleven, previous to such hostilities : Provided ahvays, that such tribes or na- tions shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic Majesty, and his subjects, upon the rati- fication of the present treaty being 1 notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. ARTICLE THE TENTH. Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with the principles of humanity and justice, and whereas both his Majesty and the United States are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its entire aboli- tion, it is hereby agreed that both the contracting par- ties shall use their best endeavors to accomplish so de- sirable an object. ARTICLE THE ELEVENTH. This treaty, when the same shall have been ratified on both sides, without alteration by either of the con- tracting parties, and the ratifications mutually ex- changed, shall be binding on both parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington, in the space of four months from this day or sooner if practicable. In faith whereof, we, the respective plenipotentiaries, have signed this treaty, and have thereunto affixed our seals. ■')"> 434 APPENDIX. Done, in treplicate, at Ghent, the twenty fourth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and fourteen. (l s.) GAM BIER, (l s.) HENRY GOULBURN, (l s.) WILLIAM ADAMS, (l s.) JOHN a ADAMS, (l s.) J. A. BAYARD, (l s.) H. CLAY, (l s.) JON A. RUSSELL, (l s.) A. GALLATIN. Now therefore, to the end that the said treaty of peace and amity may be observed with good faith, on the part of the United States, I, James Madison, pre- sident as aforesaid, have caused the premises to foe made public ; and I do hereby enjoin all persons bearing office, civil or military, wthih the United States, and all other citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being- within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treaty and every clause and article thereof. In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the (l s) United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the city ot Washington, this eighteenth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States the thirty ninth. JAMES MADISON. By the president. JAMES MONROE, Acting Secretary of State. LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN FROM GREAT- BRITAIN, BY THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS OF THE U. STATES. -20 -37 Names of.vessels. ch'r. Whiting* bria; Ulysses brig Gypsey orig Pickering ?hip Roba St Betsey hip Margaret transport No. 50* brig Bloodhound* nop — 1 1 transport boats* ship Concord brig Elbe brig Herrnon a brig and sch'r snip Jane ship Emperor hip Experiment 4 ships and brigs sch'r Wade brig Eliza J shallops brig- sloop Endeavor brig Juno ship — brig— 3 sch'rs brig Wabisch sch'r Ann sch'r Pindar ship Jarrett 3 schooners chooner — ich'r Ann * schooners brifj; — -chooner — schooner— I 'top — ch'r Pauny 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 21 22 23 24-2 26 27 28 29-32 S3 34 35 38 39 40 41 42 43-45 46 47 48 49 50-5 53 54 65- 59 60 61 62 65 64-65<2 schooners l-i Q 1. 20 Taken by the is Arrived at Dash Paul Jones do. do. do. Teazer Madison Cora N. Y Militia do Fame do. Dolphin do. Madison Gun Boatsj do. do. Revenue Cutterf Amelia Madison Salem Lion Marblehead Lion &. Snowbird do. Hampton Road; Norfolk New -York Gloucester Charleston Portland .Gloucester Annapolis Putneyville Ogdensburg Salem j do. do. do. Gloucester St. Mary's i do. do. Polly Madison do. do. Jefferson Dolphin Nonpareil Gun Boatsf Pair Trader do.. Dolphin do. Jeffer. St. Dolphin Dolphin Lion Argus Polly Dolphin Buckskin Salem do. Cape- Ami do. Salem do. Charleston Amelia Salem do. made a cartel Salem do. do. Marblehead Portland Salem Baltimore Salem Note. Those marked with an [*] were H. B. Majesty's public vessel? dnd those nnth a [\] are U, S. public vessels. 436 APPENDIX. 16 brig Lamprey- transport brig* 'l97j sch'r Mary Ann ship Mary sch'r — sch'r Diligent 2 schooners a Snow sch'r Jane ship Ann Green 10; barque St. Audreys 8 brig Shamrock 6 sch'r Sally sch'r Nelson schooner — sch'r 3 Brothers barque brig- ship Henry .sch'r Alfred sch'r Eliza 'or. Lady Sherbrolce br Eliz. & Esther j ship Boyd brig Ranger sch'r Polly 3 brigs sloop Mary Ann ship Hassan brig Harmony brig- ship Briganza brig Waldo sch'r Ann sh. Prince Adolphus' 8 ship sch'r Harriet brig Ceres brig- brig William 5 ships &, brigs 7 briii &. schooner sch'r Industry sch'r Perseverance ship Simon Clark Honduras Packet* brig Amelia sch'r Mary schooner — sch'r Union 20 28] 21 . c Jf- 108 F. Essex* do. Buckskin Dolphin Fair Trader Polly Srjowbird Rev. Cutfcrf Dolphin Gossamer Rapid Rev{ CuMerf teazer Buckskin Fame Wiley Reynard Catharine Poliy Comet Spencer [Pqlly Marengo Gov. M'Kean G'obe Ma»i|da Wiley Reynard do. Paul Jones do. Yankee do. Tom Teazer Globe Gov. M'Kean Teazer High Flyer John Lynn Rossie do. do. Benj. Franklin Nonsuch Globe Mary- Ann do. do. do. John /Baltimore [ransomed iSalem do. Wisca Salees do. [Savannah Marb1ehea4 ton and Savannah ■ j a cartel Salem do. Boston Portland r ansomed Baltimore ). New- York Philadelphia i\o. do. Boston Wiscasset Piiiladelphia Savannah New-York mad" a cartel Baltimore Portland Baltimore Philadelphia Portland Baltimore Salem Gloucester Boston burnt made a cartel New- York Charleston Norfolk Charleston do. burnt made a cartel Salem -129 -131 APPENDIX. 4k brig Elizabeth 4 12 John Salera brigs do. ransomed -cb'r &- sloop Orlando Gloucester brig Gen. Blake Revenue Cutferf Charleston brig — Buuker Hill do. brig James do. Falmouth -hip Apollo 8 John Salem ship Royal Bounty 10 29 Yankee sunk brig Mary 47 ilo. made a certel Sc-hr. Venus Tcazer Portland ship Osborn 10 18 do. do. brig Eliza iMarengo New- York brig Richard [industry Marblehead brig Nancy Fair Trader Salem brig — iBunker Hill New York ;Schr— Leander Providence brig Leonidas 14 Mars Savannah Schr. Sky Lark Bunker Hill New-York brig Laily Prevost Marengo do. brig Friends Benj. Franklin Boston brig Mary do. do. ship Jane 12 1ft Rossie Salem ship John 16 30 F. President! Philadelphia Schr. — Teazer Portland ship Grenada 11 30 Young Eagle Charleston sch'r Shadock 2 10 do. do. barque Diana High Flyer Savannah brig Roe- buck Rosamand Norfolk ship Guerriere* 4,9 302 F. Constitutionf burnt brig lady Warren do. do. brig Abona do. do. barque Harriet do. do. brig Dutchess F. Congressf do. brig Traveller do. do. brig Henry Yankee Newport ship Hopewell 14 25 Comet Baltimore brig Hazard 6 ship Waspf Boston sch'r Phoebe Squando Portsmouth brig Thetis Yankee burnt brig Alfred do. do. brig Antelope Dolphin Salem ship Kitty Rossie Portland sch'r Spunk Fair Trader Salem sch'r Providence Wiley Reynard New York ship Guayana 9 Dromo Salem bar duke of savoy 8 Decatur do. ship Pursuit Atlas Philadelphia ship Evergreen Dolphin Salem brig New Liverpool ' ' Yankee New York ship Mary Ann 12 n High Flyer Charleston 438 APPENDIX. 179 ship Elizabeth 10 Sarah- Ann Charleston 180 sch'r James Dolphin Baltimore 181 brig Pursuit Rapid Portland 182 brig Tay do. do. 18* ship Britannia 6 Thrasher do. 184 tjrig Howe 6 Dart do. 185 brig Elizabeth Decatur Sewport 186 ship Jamaica 7 21 High Flyer Baltimore 187 brig Alert* IQ 122 F. Essexf New-York 188 transport ship* 378 do. made a cartel 189 brig King George do. BostoR 190 ship- 14 25 Revenge Portland 191 brig Ocean 7 26 Saratoga New-York 192 brig Tulip Atlas Philadelphia 193 ship Esther 12 25 Montgomery Gloucester 194 sch'r Venus Saratoga New- York 195 ship Quebec IG 52 do. do. 196 ship Richmond 14 25 Thomas Portland 197 ship Adonis 12 25 Montgomery Salem 198 ship Falmouth 14 30 Thomas Portsmouth 199 brig Two Friends I 1 Benj. Franklin Boston 200 snow Two Friends 6 Dart do. 20 1 brig William Rossie do. 203 sch'r Trial Leander Providence 203 sch John &t George Regulator Boston 204 ship — Poor Sailor Wilmington 205 brig— Dart Portland 206 scii'r Mary Ann Black Joke Norfolk 207 brig Laura* 10 50 Diligent Philadelphia 208 sch'r Rising States do. do. 209 brig Hannah Montgomery Salem 210 sch'r Mary do. do. 211 brig- Dart Castine 212 brig Pomona 2 Decatur made a cartel 213 brig Devonshire do. France 214 brig Concord do. burnt 215 brig Hope do. made a cartel 216 -ch'r Minorca Wasp Savannah 217 ->arque Charlotte Decatur Boston 218 ship Mariana Gov. M'Kean Norfolk 219 brig Diana DartJ Portland 220 brig- Teazer do. 221 ht ig Isabella do. do. 222 ship — Decatur Marblehead 223-225 A vessels Dolphin burnt 226 ship John 14 35 Comet Baltimore fj^r'Those in Italic are Letters of Marque vessels | This Privateer tame into the harbor of Portland triumphantly Viounted on the deck of her prize f ! .' APPENDIX. 43 227 ship Commerce ,141 26 Decatur Portland 228 brig Industry 10] 2d Comet Wilmington 229 privateer Nassau 4' 3C Dolphin Baltimore 230 privateer brig 8 40 Rapid burnt 231 brig Tor Abbey Thresher Cape Ann 232 brig Mary Ben]. Franklin Charleston 233 ship Prins. Amelia 10 SO Rossie Savannah 234 schr. — Teazer Portland 235 brig- Marengo Newbury port 236 brig Orient Teazer Portland 237 schr. Jenny do. do. 238 sch'r Adelia Rosamond New- York 239 brig Point Shares Baltimore Baltimore 240 brig San Antonio Marengo Philadelphia 241 brig Detroit* 18 78 GunBoatsf burnt 242 sch'r Caledonia* 4 16 do- Black Rock 243 sch'r Single-Cap Matilda New- Orleans 244 sch'r Fame Nonsuch Savannah 245 ship Phoenix 12 17 Mary Ann Charleston 246 brig Concord do. do. 247 brig Favorite 2 Industry Lynn 248 brig sir John Moore do. do. 249 brig lord Sheffield Marengo burnt 250 sch'r Betsey Ann Fame Salem 251 brig William Montgomery do. 252 brig Henry John do. 253 sch'r Four Brothers Fame do. 254 sch'r four Sons do do. ' 255-256 2 sch'rs Dart Portland 257 sch'r Antelope Rosamond Charleston 258 sch'r Dawson Wasp savannah 259 brig Diamond 10 Alfred Salem 260 brig George (2 do. do. 261 brig Neptune John do. 262 ship Jane do. do. 263 sch'r — Saucy Jack nade a cartel 264 sl'p Louisa Ann Benj. Franklin Portland 265 ship Venus Two Brothers >urnt 266 brig Ja. &. Charlott America Salem 267 brig Fr. Blake Nonsuch Charleston 268 brig swallow* 14 30 F. Presidenlf Baltimore 269 brit^Porgie High Flyer Norfolk 270 ship Ned 10 It John &. George Salem 271 sch'r Sister3 Fame do. 272 sch'r Comet 2 Rapid Savannah 273 Privateer Scorcher 1 2( do. rarht 274 sch'r Mary do. ransomed 275 sch'r Mary Hall ship Gen. Pikef Sacketfs Harbor 276 si. Elizabeth do. do. 277 transport sch'r* do. jurnt 140 APPENDIX. 278 brig Union 279 sch'r Neptune 280 barque Fisher 281 brig James Bray 282 brig lady Harriet 283-285 3 vessels 286 brig Freedom 287 sch'r America 288 brig — 289 packet John Bulls 290 ship Argo 291 P. Macedonian a 292 ship John Hamilton 293 brig— 29* sch'r Lorain 295 brig Bacchus 296 brig Venus 297-306 nine vessels 307 packet Townsendx J 298 packet Burehallx 308 sch'r— 309 brig Criterion 310 sch'r Neptune 311 brig Neptune 312 sch'r— 313 brig Fancy 314 sloop Nelly 315 brig Devonshire 316 ;-/i'r — 317 ship James 318 brig two Brothers 319 brig Active 320 brig— 321 brig Pomona 322 ship Betsey 323 brig Dart 324 ship Queen 325 brig Charlotte 326 sch'r William 327 brig Recovery 328 brig Lucey Sc Alida 329-332 three vessels 333 sch'r Swift 334 sch'r — 335 sloop Reasonable 3 36 sch'r Maria 337 sch'r Catherine 338 sch'r Maria '{.!'» ship Rio Notiva 34() sch'r Rebecca 12' 26 49 3Q6 16 30 18 67 18 40 30 150 24 25 Gen. Armstrong Revenge Fox Bunker Hill orders in Council do. Thorn Fame &c Drorno Joel Parlow Rover F. President! F. United Statesf Dolphin brig Argusf Revenge do. Polly Patriot Tom Highflyer do. do. Revenge Roba Revenge Joel Barlow Revenge Decatur Retaliation Gen. Armstrong Ben]. Franklin Highflyer Dart Leo Revenge America Gen. Armstrong America Liberty brig Argusf Revenge Jacks Favorite Rolla Roll a Liberty do. Lady Madison do. Rolla Jacks Favorite Budon Cape Ann Portland Boston New-York ransomed Marblehead Salem New-London , destroyed Baltimore New- York Baltimore Hampton Road3 Philadelphia Salem Savannah sunk &. burnt ransomed Baltimore made a car! el New- York made a cartel Portland burnt New London Philadelphia Prance New- York Jestroyed New York Charleston Portland Belfast Wilmington Snlem wrecked Salem Savannah New- York Norfolk burnt do. made aearlei destroyed ransomed Charleston made a oarf< New-York' Londor APPENDIX. 441 341 brig— 342 privateer Richard 343 ship Hope 344 ship Ralph 345 ship Euphemia 346 brig — 347 schooner — 348 sch'r Meadau 349 ship Mary 350 sch'r Erin 351 packet Nocton* 352 brigBarossa 353 schr Mary 354 brig Peggy 355 ship Arabella 356 brig Andalusia 357 brig &c sloop 358 F. Java* 359 brig — 360 ship Diligence* 361 schooner — 362 ship Neptune 363-364 two vessels 366 ship — 366 ship Volunteer 367 ship— 368 sch'r Ellen 369 ship Jane 370 sch'r Pr. of Wales 371 ship Aurora 372 373 two vessels 374 brig Pelican 375 ship— 376 brig Emu* 377 brig Ann 378 orig — 379 sch'r Sabine 380 transport Canada* 381 brig Isabella 382 brig 3 Brothers 383 sloop Mary Ann 384 nrivateer Andalusi* 385 sch'r George 386 ship Albion 387 brig Harriot 388 ship Nelson 389 -hip Neptune 390 ship— 391 brig— 392 ichoorjer — 5Q 14 90 438 60 74 120 100 25 14 Ned Holkor America do. do. Decatur do. Sparrow Rolla Eagle F. Essexf Rolla Eagle Hunter Growler Yankee do. F Constitution! Growler Eastport militia Gallinipper Decatur do. America F. Chesapeakef do S. Hometf Spy Growler Holkar Mars do. Lady Madison Growler do. United we stand Erie Militia Paul Jones do. Dolphin Yankee do. do. Hazard Yankee Decatur Saratoga Bona Dolphin Lovelv La?s Ocracoke Savannah Marblehead Portland do. France do. ransomed Newport Charleston madeU. S. vessel Martha's Vineyard Charleston Boston New- London Savannah ransomed burnt ransomed Macliias ransomed Portland France Kennebunk Portsmouth 'tjrnt New-Castle New Orleans , ■ansoraed Newport made cartels Charleston Newburn Marblehead do. Savannah lurnt nade a cartel do. New-York >urnt Savannah nade a cartel St. Mary's Boston New Orleans do. Newport New- London New Orlpan' 442 APPENDIX. 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408-410 411-413 414 415-41 417 418-42(j 421 421 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 brig Shannon brig Ceres ship Mentor sch'r Huzzar brig Resolution ahip Peacock* brig Antrim brig Fly chooner— brig Earl Percy brig Hero brig Rover transport Alder* brig Return brig Thomas] bree vessels three vessels sloop- two vessels brig — three vessels privateer Caledonia brig Tartar tender Fox* br. London Packet sch'r Farmer schooner — privat. sch'r Crown' ship Francis brig Malvina brig Charlotte Du. of Gloucester* priv. sch'r Richard priv. sloop Dorcas brig Edward -ch'r Hope brig- ship Nancy chooner— ch'r Delight packet Mary Ann* hip Dromo brig— Invinc. Napoleon} packet Anu* Jsch'r Greyhound 134 10 10 10 18 .2; 12 10 50 2fi 36 30 Yankee Paul Jones Saucy Jack Liberty ship Hornetf do. Saucy Jack Yankee do. ChesHpeakef do. Alfred Yankee Paul Jones Yankee Snap Dragon do. do. Divided vve-Fall do. do. sch'r Nonsuchf Gen. Armstrong Hero Paul Jones Sparrow Wasp militia volunteers T. blood, yaukee Ned Montgomery ship Madison Holkar i)o. Alexander do. Fox York Town ship Gen. Pike f Fame Gov. Tompkins Thomas do. Young Teazer do. do. Bristol Chatham New- Orleans Savannah >urnt sank New-Orleans Charleston Tarpaulin Cov* v New- York ^urnt Salem Bristol Chatham Boston burnt made cartels made a tender ransomed sunk ransomed Charleston Georgetown Mystic wrecked given up Machias Waldoborougk Brest (France) Wilmington Salem Sackett's Harbo? Savannah made a cartel Salem made a cartel Portsmouth Bristol Sackett's Harbor Machias Boston Wiscasset Boothebay Portland do. do. f This ship was originally a French privateer, and caplurrd by 11. B Majesty's ship Mutinc ; re captured by the .lit wander of Salem ; reri captured by If. B Majesty's frigate Shannon, and re-re recaptured by the Teazer of New York, and sent into Portland ' ' I APPENDIX. 443 446 brig Mary 4*7 br. Kingston packet 448 brig Mutiny 449 br S. Geo. Prevost 450 privateer L. packet 451 King's packets 452 brig David 453 Packet* 45 * ihip Mary 455 ship William 456 brig Harriot 457 brig Mars 458 >ch'r Pearl 459 ,>rivateer sloop 460 brig— 461 brig— 462 brig Dinah 463 sch'r Britannia 464 ship Loyal Sam 465 ship Venus 466 ship Susan 467 ship Seaton 468 sch'r Elizabeth 469 -hip Pelham 470 brig Margaret 471 trans Ly. Murray* 472 brig Morton 473-475 3 vessels 476 brig Sally 477 brig — 478 brig Hero 479 brig Resolution 480 brig Hero 43 1 brig James &c Saral 482 brig— 483 brig— 484 brig James 485 brig Sally 486 brig Ann 487 brig Thomas 488 brig— 489 barque 490 ship Betsey 491 ship Eliza 492 sch'r Success 493 sch'r Lady dark 494 sch'r Sally 495 sch'r Blonde 496 sch'r Ann 497 sch'r Dorcas 10 40 30 22 Anaconda Globe do. Rolla Thames Anaconda Gov. Plumer Anaconda do. Grand Turk Anaconda Fox 1 /lberty do. Gov. Plumer Sabine Globe Grand Turk Siro Globe Siro Paul Jones Globe do America L. of the Lakef Yorktown Young Teazer Benj. Franklin Teazer do. Nancy F. Essexf do. Marengo Gen. Armstrong orders in Council John Teazer Decatur Hoikar Dolphin Revenge Yankee Benj Franklin Bunker Hill Wiley Reynard John do. Libert* 7 New London Ocracoke Beaufort New Orleans Portsmouth Ocracoke Portsmouth made a cartel New Haven Sale m New Bedford Portsmouth Savannah made a cartel burnt do. Ocracoke Portland Charleston Beaufort France burnt do. do. Salem Sackett'* Harbor made a cartel Port laud ransomed New York Castiue Portland burnt ransomed New London Martha's Vineyard New York Boston Portsmouth made a cartel New York burnt Wilmingtou Boston ransomed New York Boston ransomed Salem -ansomei! 444 APPENDIX. 498 499 500 50i 502 503 504 505 506 507 508- 511 512 513 528 529 530 531 532 533 534 535 536 537 538 539 540 542 543 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558 559 561 562 563 564 565. 568- 570 571 -527 :-547 '-560 •567 569 isloop Eagle* brig Union ■ship Aurora hip — hip Integrity brig Avery hip Susan ihip Fox Isch'r Leonard Jbrig Betsey 5;0lihree vessels sch'r — brig — Gr. B. &. 14 transp* sch'r 3 Sisters sch'r Geii Hosford brig Nelly sloop Peggy scb Broth. $ Sisf brig Louisa loop Pox loop William loop Js k Eliza brig Chance brig Mary ;hip Venus brig Morton sch'r Dominico* ship Lon. Trader five brigs privateer Fly ch'r Ceres barque Henrietta brig Aun sch'r Flying Fish sloop Calherine sch'r Kate ship Louisa brig 3 Brothers brig Earl of Moira shooner — two vessels sch'r Loui>a priva. Kg. of Rome ship — schooner — three vessels two vessels brig — schooner — 20 05 10 Gun Boatsf T. B. Yankee do. Rambler T. B. Yankee Yorktovvn do. brig Argusf T. B. Yankee Jacks Favorite America Fox Yankee 2 row boatsf Saucy Jack Decatur Fox do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. Dolphin Yorktown Decatur do. ♦ I Snap Dragon 30 brig Enterprizef Yankee Snap Dragon do. Saucy Jack do. do. do. do. Industry Terrible Swiftsure Expedition brig Argusf P. Presidentf do. T. B Yankee Leo Brutus (Gen. Armstrong 88 F"ew York ranee do. wrecked Norway New Bedford France unk do. Plymouth made cartels Iransomed Bristol Sackett's Harbor St. Mary's Savannah burnt rausomed burnt ransomed Norway France ransomed Norway burnt Salem Wilmington Charleston do. destroyed Portsmouth made a cartel Beaufort do. ransomed Cape Henry do. [burnt St. Mary's Machias Eastport Machias Newport destroyed France do. do. do. ransomed burnt APPENDIX. 445 2 3 h .5 .6 7-5' ,9 iO ;l j 2-583 14 15-536 :7 18 IB !3 'l ■2 3 I 5 3 7 1 ) ) 2 J V 5 5 7 : i i i \ 5 J 3 1 ) I I 1 brig Boxer* schooner — schooner — brig Jane brig— 2 vessels sch'r Lilly brig Mary- Ann brig— a brigand sloop packet Lapwing* 2 ships sloop Traveller Duke of Montrose* brig Jane and Ann brig Daphne ship Eliza brig Alert barque Lion sch'r High Flyer* ship Industry ship Lond. Packet brig Atlantic brig Jane brie Jane brig Venus sch'r Elizabeth brig Harpy barque Reprisal privateer Dart sch'r Salamanca brig Susannah brig Richard brig Fowey sloop Lady Francis trans Barbadoes* trans Alliance* hip— 828 brig Elizabeth 829 Jsbip AnnCatherinr jGov Tompkins brig Rat tlesnakef General Stark Terrible Surprize brig Rattlesnakef sunk M 10 12 made a eartel Wilmington wrecked Portsmouth Machias 30 89 Fox Macedonian Hope F President! do. do. Mars Alfred do. Chasseur T. B Yankee do. , Frolic Leo Delile brig ErMerprizef Mars bs. Rati. & Rot f Grand Turk Diomede Tuckahoe do America do. Diomede do. Fox Diomede burnt ransomed Philadelphia sunk do. do. New-Bedford Marblehead burnt Beaufort France do. destroyed Cape Francois unk St Mary's Charleston Wilmington France wrecked burnt do. Portsmouth burnt Savannah New- York G: mcester Bristol bs. Rati. &c Ent.f'burnt do. Wo Invincible. Mars Viper Fairy America Mary Viper Saucy Jack America Vipeit Rattlesnake do. Caroline Sauey Jack Wilmington do Newport Wilmington Charleston New-York Newport Charleston amden ii ray ance larleston bavanuab APPENDIX. A schr. Nimble Saucy Jack Beaufort schr. Jason Caroline burnt schr. — Kemp Cape Francois schr. 'IV i nit aria Saucy Jack Savannah -842 nine vessels P. Neufchattel France •851 nine vessels Comet lestroyed •-855 four vessels do. ansoined -857 two vessels do. Wilmington brig Apolio 6 America Salem brig Anne do. made a cartel cutter Patty do. unk brig- do. Jo. brig Henry 6 Gov. Tompkins New. York brig Abel ild. Elizabeth City ship— Invincible Wilmington sch. Eocouragem't. , Frolis destroyed brig Two Sisters Wasp Philadelphia achr. Hope America burnt schr. Sylph do. do. schr. Eclipse Wasp wecked schr. Cobham Jonquilla Wilmington brig Louisa Kemp Elizabeth City ship Hive Surprize Norfolk scbr. Picton* 8 20 F. Constitutionf sunk ship Lovely Ann do. made a cartel schr. Phoenix do. sunk brig Nimble Invincible Teneriffe brig Ceres Grampus burnt schr. — Saratoga New Bedford sch. Friends Adv'tr. Fox Wiscasset brig Fanny Galloway France brig— Fox burnt schr. Eliza Snap-Dragon Beaufort schr. Kentish Saratoga Fairhaven ■schr. Prince Regenl to Invincible ransomed cutter Lyon do. given up brig Portsea 8 do. ransomed brig Conway 10 do. Portsmouth sch Francis &, Luc} do. made a cartel brig James Young Wasp France -891 two vessels do. made cartels schr. — boat Alerlf Burlington ship Union Rambler wrecked brig. Fair Stranger Fox Portsmouth transport Mary* 12 82 Rattlesnake France brig— Expedition destroyed sch'r Miranda Chasseur Jo. sloop Martha 4 20 do. made a cartel •900 two vessels do. lestroyed sctfr Adeline 20 Expedition New- York 57 449 450 APPENDIX. 902 br. Experience 9©3 hip Experence 904- -eh'r— 905 rig Hunter* 10 do. do. 1180 sloop Little Belt* 3 do. do. 3181 sch'r Chippeway* 3 do. do. 3182 P. Confiance* .39 300 M'D ouo's fleetf Plattsbargh 1183 orig Linnet* 16 120 do. do. 3184 sloop Chub* il 40 do. do. 1185 doop Finch* 1 1 40 do. do. 1186-1138 I Gun Boats* 6 127 do. sunk 1189 ransport Farmer* Mam mouth do. 1190 'irig Britannia do. do. 1191-1193 "hree brigs do. burnt 1194 :>r Fortune of War 3 40 Gun Boatsf Sapelo 1195 ship Corontandel a 66 York Baltimore 1196 brig Cyrus do. made a cartel 1197 doop Regulator do. Chatham 1198 brigQ Charlotte Surprize destroyed 1199 ship Milne.s a 15 do. burnt 1200 brig Lively do. do. 1201 -chV P. Regent do. do. 1202 ship Dorris do. do. 1203 brig Willing Maid do. do. 1204 brig Polly 4 15 do. do. 1205 sch'r Sally do. do. 1206 privateer Lively 1 17 do. Salem 1207 ship Caledonia do. ransomed 1208 brig Eagle do. do. 1209 brig Traveller 100 do. made a cartel 1210 brig Wellington -') 15 do. do. 1211 brig Eliza 82 do. do. 1212 sch'r Ann do. Salem 1213 transport Stranger* 66 20 Fox do. 1214-1216 three vessels Spark given up •'2! 7 Ketch Expedition Grampus New- York APPENDIX. 4-56 1218 1219 1220 1221 1222 1223 1224 1225 1226 1227 1228 1229-1 1231 1232 1233 1234. 1235 1236 1237 1238 1239 1240 1241 1242 1243 1244 1245 1246 1247 1248 1249 1250 1251 1252 1253 1254 1255 1256 1258 1259 1260-1! 1266 12C7 1268 3 2b9 1270 1271 3272 1273 1274 3-1257 sch'r Charlotte Ann sch'r William brig Eclipse brig Catherine sch'r Retrieve packet Leith* sch'r WiMiam&.Auri be. Peggy &- Ann Cutter Fy ing Fish brig Aaron brig Harvest (wo vessels brig Steady sch'r James brig Coaliers brig Harmony brig Elizabeth *hip — Princess Mary sch'r Eliza brig Stranger sch'r— hip Hermes* sloop Jane brig Tritor trans, ship Aaron* brig Apollo Cutter Gen. Doylt sloop George br. Boswick Packet brig Sibron brig Nymph brig Albion ship Harmony brig Charlotte brig Mary Ann brig Douglas Launches* one do. do. ship Neptune 6 transports* sch'r Ann brig Susan ship James ')ii£C Jane sch'r— transport 6loop* brig Avon* 'lri^; Concord brig Speculation 14 •28 4 175 65 10 Surprize Viper Chasseur Grampus Fox sloop Peacockf do. do. Sabine do. York Green [84 20 Prin.Neufchattel do. Amelia do. do. do. Whig do. sloop Peacockf Leach Mobile Fort Prin. Neufchattel do. do do do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. Amelia ISaco [Salem New York wrecked burnt do. do. do. Saco do. Machias destroyed 22;l.^(i burnt do. do. made a cartel burnt Baltimore burnt made a cartel burnt ransomed blown up burnt sunk i\o. do. do. do. made a cartel unk made a cartel burnt ransomed J burnt do. Nantucket do. unk New- York Chaunceys Gigf Sacketts|Harbor her own crew Machias Fox Portsmouth Dash Leo brig Eaglef ship Waspf Siro Grampm burnt Portsmouth ransomed Wilmington Pittsburgh sunk made a cnrW do 456 APPENDIX, >r.6ir Jn.Sherbroke -itiip Adventurer hip Fanner ;c.h'r Ann &. Eliza hip Urania tup Anisba brig Eliza hip Dobson snip Sallust sloop Christianna brig Prudence sloop Favorite brig Cornwallis brig Alert irig Harmony Ihip Carlbury brig Seaflower brig Stranger sloop Fortitude brig Wnus brig Diana sloop L^ith Packet br. VVilliam &. Ann brig Peggy &. Jane barque William ship Sir Ed. Peliew brig Bellona brig Tritton brig Duck hip Mary pr.thinksltomyself ;ch'r Britannia orig Halifax Packet brig Harvest sch'r Prince Regent liriva. Retaliation brig Commerce sloop Farmer brig Britannia sch'r Two Brothers brig Ann-Eliza brig Uniza brig Ansley )rig Sarah brig Sir H. Popham sch'r Rapid ship Champion I- 1323 two vessels schr. Thomas «-h'r Good Intent 8 Syren brig Syrenf Mammoth do. do. do. do. do. do. 50 Chasseur do. do. ,00 do. do. 43 do. do. 4 10 ship Peacockf 8 20 do. do. do. 6 20 do. do. 10 40 do. J do. do. 4 20 do. 11 do. 10 do. 14 do. 15 do. 2 20 Dash 19 Harpy 40 do. York Dash 5 20 Two Friends Chasseur Mammoth do. 50 do. do. do. do. do. do. do. GC do. do. 4( i do. 41 do burnt do. do. do. do. do. made a cartel burnt made a cartel do. bur n t do. made a cartel burnt made a cartel Baltimore destroyed do. do. do. made a cartel destroyed do. do. do. made a cartel destroyed do. do. do. Portland burnt Portsmouth do. Portland Barnstable Charleston sunk burnt made a cartel burnt do. scuttled burnt do. do. made a cartel destroyed made a cartel do APPENDIX. 46 [brig Joseph jl02j Mammoih made a cartel brig Eliza do. given up ,ch'r— Cus. House barge Camden brig Alalanta sloop Waspf Savannah brig Europa 10 22 Petapsco Wilmington brig Canada id Lawrence do. sch'r Fox* 2 25 by her own crerv Newbem brig William Chasseur do. brig Lulice 7 sloop Waspf burnt brig Bon Accord 7 do. sunk transport Mary* 2 10 do. burnt brig Three Brothers 7 do. do. brig Bacchus 2 11 do. do. ship Ann Dorothy Saratoga Boston brig Hiram David Porter ransomed brig Na::cy Scourge LNew-York ship Lord Hood do. burnt brig Belfield do. do. brig Susan &. James Fox do. sch'r Retrieve do. do. brig Concord do. made a carte! brig Cossac Surprize Boston sch'r Pink Grand Turk sunk brig Brothers do. do. brig Belgrade 50 do. made a cartel brig Robert Stewart do. burnt sch'r Commerce do. do. sch'r Mary Surprize sunk sch'r Bird Grand Turk Salem trans, ship Ocean* Gen Putnam do. sch'r Georgiana Grand Turk do. sloop — Scorpion do. sch'r — do. sunk sch'r Eugene Midas do. sch'r Stringer do. do. sch'r Betsey &t Jane Cadet Thomastown brig- Jonquille. ransomed sloop — Saucy Jack do. sch'r Mary do. do. sch. Kings tonPacket do. made a tender sloop Cyrus Packet tender burnt sloop Jane Saucy Jack made a cartel ship Amelia IV 40 do. burnt sch'r Weasel do. St. Mary's sch'r Jane do. Savannah brig Louisa Macedonian aurnt brig Britannia do. do. ship Sir Ed Pellew o 19 do. sunk sch'r Mariner 22 do. made a carte! ceh'r — Resolution Charleston 58 1376 1377 1378 1379 1380 1381 1382-1383 1384 1385 1386 1387 1388 1389 1390 1391 1392 1393 1394 1395 1396 1397 1398 1399 1400 1401 1402 1403 1404 1405 1406 1407 1408 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413 1414 1415 1416 1'117 1418 1419 1420 1 \i 1 1422 ! 423 1 424 2 'J26 APPENDIX. brig S. B. 2 12 Kemp Charleston ship Ros.bell 16 35 do. do. brig Pon'sea 8 26 do. do. ship Princess 2 14 do. do. sch'r — Young Wasp Ocracoke sch'r Hazard Surprize burnt two vessels do. made cartel'' sch'r Mary do. burnt trig Courtney Yankee Pairhaven Cossac 6 do made a carte'i 1514 ;h'r Resolution Kemp Beaufort 1515 loop — do. iiven up 1516 hip Otway g do. ransomed 1517 »"g— 1 8 IS do. do. 1518 brig Alexander Leo wrecked 1519 brig Eagle Lawrence do. 1520 jrig Susannah P. Constitmionf STew-Yoris 1521 Oi ig Lord Nelson do. burnt 1522 ship Arabella Rambler Vlacoa 1523 brig Madeira do. given up 1524 ship Anne 4 ; >5 Zebec Ultor New- York 1525 >ch'r Perseverance do. burnt 1526 *irig John do. do. 1527 >r Maria- ArrabeIJa do. do. 1528 ■loop Twins do. do. 1529 .loop L'Esperance do. do. 1530 •<- r long gu«s of a %ioV. 4(54 APPENDIX. ed from England in September last. She is in all respects, n remark- ably fine vessel of her class. The enemy acknowledge a complement of 182 men ; 12 of them supernumerary marines from the Medway 74. They acknowledge, also, a loss of 14 killed, and 28 wounded ; but Mr. Mayo, who was in charge of the prize, assures ine that the number of killed was certainly greater. Among the killed is Captain Dickenson, who fell at the close of the action, and the boatswain ; among the woun- ded, is the second lieurenant, purser, and two midshipmen. Each of the midshipmen lost a leg. Having removed the prisoners, and taken on board such provisions and stores as would be useful to us, I scuttled the Penguin, this morning before day-light, and she went down. As B he was completely riddled by our shot, her foremast and bowsprit both gone, and her mainmast so crippled as to be incapable of being secured, it seemed unadvisable, at this distance from home, to attempt sending her to the United States. This ship did not receive a single round shot in her hull, nor any ma- terial wound in her spars ! the rigging and sails were very much cut ; but having bent a new suit of sails and knotted and secured our rigging, we are now completely ready, in all respects, for any service. We were eight men short of complement, and had nine upon the sick list the morning of the action Enclosed is a list of killed and wounded I have the honor to be, &x. J. BIDDLE. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed, 1 —Wounded, 11. BRITISH bOsS. Killed, 14.— Wounded, 28. note — The above Victory rvas not received in time to be inserted in ifr igropn place. SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. Albany (N. Y) Jacob B Angus Wm. Adams Wm. Anderson John Black Moses Blakeman Edward Bulkley Gaius Clark L. P. Crary Alvin Crettenden Ann Y. Carlow Elijah S Carpenter Joshua Dresser Joseph Denison Jacob Duessler Solomon Enders Samuel Emery Timothy Fletcher Wm H Fowler Wm. Forman Ranssellear Gansevort John Groat Z Galusha J P. Gould S. W Goodwin Eleazer Hull Gersham Hinckley Francis Janes Stephen Janes MW Johnson David Johnson Sarah Ann Johnson AsaL. Johnson P. W. Joraleman James Lewis David Lynch John M'Farran James Nutts Benj. Ostrander Merchant Price Samuel Parsons Charles Rice Joseph Fobbing P S Van Rcnsellear Josiah Smith J. H Sturtevant S. B. Sherwood Elisha Tripp Henry Turner Aaron Tyler Richard Thomas John Trotter Charles Vandorvoort Harvey Williams J A. Wemple James Warren Samuel L White [Win. Wood James Winchester Eli Wadsworth Bradford {Pa) Samuel Dunham Jonah Fox Jonathan Pease Benj. Shoemaker Bozrah George W Jillson Berlin Wm. Steele Bolton Henry S Tucker Binghamton,N Y. Harlow Barnaby ^Aurora Burrell | S. Cloze James M'Kenny David H. Peas Tracy Robinson Henry T Shipman Bristol James Hart Orrin Bronson 59 Boookfield Vmon Dibble 1 liadeus Gray It i-hen Gregory f \V r ileman Berkshire -aac Keeler lohnson Tuttle Bethlehem N Y. Joseph Babcock — 11 ^ oios Bailey ilijah Comsfock Phomaa Carhart farvis Streeter 'aul Wealherbee Coventry I Ripley ColumJna VI osely Brewster Jt'sse Newcomb Chatham George Gates Cairo N Y. Charles P. H well .Nathaniel Stone Chenango N Y. Mason Whiting Canaan Wm. Bailey Chatham N. Y, James Barnes Cornelius Kesler \ E. Mosher Wm. Peterson Daniel Travies Coeymens N. Y, Zirnry Betts .odrew Barger ■^ephen Coverts jr Nathan Coleman Robert Martin jr- 4M> SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. Simeon Puffer Jacob Randall John Row David Springstcd Jr. Eii Stewart Jesse Smith A I) Schermerhorn Ira Si. iik ins Israel Srtears Jacob J Schermerhorn i I'eneyck Tii >mas Wdbec James Waldron Danbury. Isra*?! Amb.t r Lemuel W. Benedict 1 R Brown Mali Benedict .Val'er Brig^s Earn Benedict U • r Dibble J >hn Foot N S Penney John W. Gould Ebeuezer Hack, jr. Aaron Hoyt '/■ Joyce Jonathan Lygett Zalmon Lyon JohnrMurpbey David S Mygidt Joseph Moore Aaron Nichols Thomas R Peck Wm. Peck JoM Smith Hugh Starr John P. Smith E' 1 azer, Sprague Samuel Tweedy James B Weed Durham, A*. Y. T. H Bagley Thos. Carter, jr. Win. T. Howell John Shafeth Vincent StilwUl Els •• ler A. Van Tassell Deposit, JV. Y j Wm Boiler End Windsor Timothy Allyn Renin- j' Reed Wilbur Last Hurl ford JDarda Bid well OBlecta Kiibourn Daniel Marsh, 2d. !J. C. Pitkin Enfield [Nahum Kir.s ;Ab(.er Russell (Dnarles Rudd Ebeuezer Richardson Farmihglon .lame- K Camp A W Langdon Lemuel Whitman Fairfield Air'- Burr Ephraim Ginnings Jonathan Lewis Goshen Lewis C. VVadhams Gtnslenhury Davii! Porter Greemvieh. JV Y John Williams Greenville. JV. Y [Gideon Cobb Joshua NHson [Reuben Rundle, jr. Hartford Silas Andrus — 200 Augustus Andross Harry Burr Thomas Cooley Oiin Day James P< ster Ephraim Goodwin Wm S. MaT&h— 1000 Alfred Mills Wm. J. M'Cready Joshua Miliar Frederick Robins Wm. Russ.ell Amareth Smith Elijah Smith John Steele, 2d. Wm Thompson Horace Wells Vm Wtare Hartrinton Frederick Phelps David Wooiiin Hudson JV. Y. Kichard Barker Henry Bun-hstead Jerod Coffin ! ihn G. Davis \ L Fonda Elias Hopkins John W Jenkins Samuel Munson He»>ry Miner C. G Pi ok ham Wnhn Padd ck Sludley Frederick Sfnrr Lemuel Steele, jr. jj D W Williams L' man Webster llarpersfuld, JV. Y. James Auslin lames Bell Jacob Foote Thomas Hendry Mathew Lindley Th< mas Maxon Vbner Mack Daniel Matthews Bbenezer Pennfield Prunian Peuufiekl E Wilcox Huntington Hez< kiah Marsh Ilmnden Rev E B Coleman Hillsdale. JV. Y. George Allen Reymond Hadsit Z-idock Knapp Stephen W Murray Daniel Mun house B' > jamiq Tiffanny Kimlerliook. JY I Jacob I) Crofman Aaron Gardnicr SUBSCRIBERS NAMES, K> Peter Ralmnn Stephen Sallet Caleb Thomas Thomas Tillsoo Henry J Vos burgh Litchfield Luman Agard .Silas Bigelow E. W". Bolies Raphael Beach" Samuel Bradley H Bulkley Samuel Barber Beuj. Bissel James Carman Thos. Crosby John Churchill, jr. Ems Fnnnons Jacob Griswold, jr. Morgan Griswold Arthur O Hard K Laurence, jr. John Landon Jacob Norlhrop Hainan Osborn Elijnh Phelps, jr Jusiah Parks John Palmer Emanuel Russell Win. Revv James Stone, 2d. Julius Stone Eli Taylor Asahel Towner Jaioes Tryon E B Whitman David We sels William Ward, jr. Curlis Williams Jonathan Wright; 2d. Lansingburgk, N. Y. J hn B« ntley Joseph Chout John P. Chout John DnftVy Levi Eastman Joshua Gritlm Isaac Uasbrook Sheldon Judson Reuben Kine: j|J L Lansing David AP Murray ,1 1, M'DonaW Charles Olusted T. B Payne John Wright Lenox, Mass. Francis Douglass Isaac H.lls Lee. Mass. Samuel Bayard I siah Hadlock misha Whiting Mttusfield Stephen G. Fields l-a Stafford Samuel F Reed Mi/ford Sam. Buckingham, jr. Everett Baldwin Dan Bassett Anthony Bristol Jonah Clark Garry Gillett N >ah Kelsey Muses Mallory, jr. Peter Merriman Isaac Tibballs Rufus Tibballs Middletown Clark &. Lyman. 353 MiUihfuu,N Y. Reuben Randall Montgomery, V. r. John A: ; dr>ss New Hartford Ira Hubbell Saltu >n Johnson Richard Lane Gilbert Smith Northampton, Mass. Vretus BHden Vescot Bartlett Jursham Clark Vbel Marsh White Osborn >'iver Pommy }»*orge Parsons Vta W Partridge John Woodard Netv-Milf&rd Israel Gi ,t Marcus Lock ui)d J .siah />• ckw ood Orange Merwin iizra Noble i\ m. S Oimsted liii Siarr Webb Henry Wrme Henry Warner U range Warner Asa Warner David Warner New- Haven Chauocey Allen Nt wtown James Foot Harry Finch Reuben Northrop New Lebanon filly W Monroe L'owman Nassau, N. Y. Blijah Adams Ruua Adams Gideon Barber Francis Deane Orrin Harraan Thomas Rosekrans G Smith New- Baltimore, N. Y David Adams Win. P. Capper [Jonathan David (Isaac Titus Samuel Williams Orford Socrates Ralcam Owego, N. Y. Elisha Bundy C. C R Creag Jedediah Hunt Leonard Mack — 1 1 John Ripley alhaniel Sackett James Wright Ortvel, Pa. !john Cowles Theron Darling 468 SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. Amasa Dimick Wm S Eastabrooks Lemuel Streater Plymouth Sheldon Bidwell Led ley Woodward Piltsfield, Mass. Budon Baker Elijah Biegs Jr. Spencer Clark Orrin Goodrich Gilbert Graham Wm. Gay, Jr Edward Lynch Lyman Peaborty Richmond. Mass Heman Gaston Rutland, Ma3S. Artemus ^lair Roxhury Asuf Bas&i\l Sulton, Mass. Timothy M Naman Suflield Thad.us G a ger Levi Hart Jesse Homieson Th -mas J u&Uiiig Efisha Paiiiialee Horace S^e 'on Sprit i r jield, Mass Arthur A .tlrus Daniel Austiu, Jr. Daniel Ashley Oliver Allen Timothy Allen Freeman Al'yn Aaron Burriel Alfred Bates Erastus C Baker Benj \. Bennett Charles Burnam E W Bliss Wm Ball Abner Crain Elam Chaffee Joshua Crosby Samuel Chandler John Crook Elijah Cutler Nathan Crocker Curtis S. Chapio James Chapman, Jr. Joseph Carew Joshua Childs O Di'kinson Julius Dart anford D^rt Calvin Eaton Aflanijah Foote Noali Foote Lewis Foster Calvin Gay Georg* Hunt Joseph Hopkins Ramsey Hall Zenas Hancock James Hassett, Jr. Luther Hitchcock Michael Hancock Luke Junes Parmenus King Win. Loyd David Leonard Charles Laihrop Enoch Ludenton iMoses Leonard Eh Moore Jason Mills ^:'»uel Nobles, Jr. icliard Orchard .Si< phen Popkins Jacob Perkins John Patrick ' Daniel Prince lesse Pomroy • • Parsons . Benj. Phelps Ezra Richmond pmuy Russell Ge rge Reynolds Rufus Richardson Simon Sanborn Calvin Shattuck Perez Smith Horace Stebbins Austin Stedman |B S 'Puffs jEber Ward [Samuel Wardwell Theodore White .Nathan M Wood Sheffield Neal M'Keever Sherman Jesse G Killam Stockbridge, Mass. Wm Greenleaf Elijah Gibbs Jonathan Ingersoll James Miller jE B Pomroy Levi Sheoard Somers iirr'm Clark Vashni Hall Austin Pitkin Slephentown, A'. Y. Peleg S Carr Caleb Carr J. Carpenter Herman Darling B T Green Jerot! Harrison George Holcomb Wm. Kendall Samuel Post Sand Lake, JV. Y. David Arnold Henry O Blunt Albert Bennett Wm D Butts John Bowers Henry Ciperly Lan) Ferry Silas Hawley George Steele Edmund Stoddard Adams Stone John Stevens, jr. — 6. Belden Taylor Torrirtfrford Cyrus Bissell Horace Gillet Vlfred Mills John Rood Samuel Woodward Troy, N. Y. Joel Akerly Abraham Brower SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 4W Walter Bugler Win P Davis Epnraim Bacon Jr. Peter Earl Miua Hytta John James George W. Keach Eieakiin Meeker Nathan Stone Samuel Smith J. P Sheldon John Winn Francis V Yronnet Tioga, N.Y. G. H Barstow John Eastabrooks Miles Forrnan John Russell Ira Ransom B. J. Woodruff Thomas Wright Union, N. Y. Silas P. TruesUale John La Grange Vernon Habb Wyllis IV instead J. M. Brooks Jesse Byington Stephen Cables S. &. M Camp Benj. Jennings Amasa Mallory Josiah Smith Jr. Riley Whiting Windsor Samuel Brown Thomas Barber Martin Ellsworth Almeriu Giliett Isaac Heyden Elisha Moore Daniel Porter John Palmer Henry Ruick Henry Stiles Wintonbury Samuel Brown Asabal Clark 2 Benj. Graham Isaac Harden West Hartford \. & R. Seymour Vbsalom Stedman - >hn C. Stanley .iiram Sedgwick John Wattles Woodbury sewis Beers > >hn Chatfield lauiel Huntington Samuel Jones James Judson Jr. J »seph M. Palmer \sahel Strong i\. C. Sanford Watertown Joseph P Bronson Christopher Merriam James Merriam Elijah Merriam Charles Merriman Joel P Richards Vsa Welton Henry Warren Waterbury fclliel Mann Washington John B. Allen Sherman Bassett Lemon Canfield Hermanns Marshall Henry Piatt Joeiah Reynolds Silas Tracey Nathaniel Taylor Mar i in Whitlesey Watterford, N. Y. Manoah Brace Zophar Beach J H Douglass Wm. Fowler P. H Harris J H. Mabbeth lN^ Payne Jr. Wm. Russell John Robson David Spencer N. G Vanderburg Truman Webster i, Windsor, N. Y. George Harper Westorlo. JV. Y. James Biliings Henry Clark Franklin roster J hn Green Jr. Dauiel Gardnier Jr. Daniel Huyck Zenos W. Lay Wm M'Clure David Rugar Frederick Rosekranse D J. D Verplank W. Springfield, Masc. Benj Ashley Jr. Genubeth Bliss Hosea Bliss Hiram Baggs Samuel Carter Daniel Dole Waterman Ellis James Kent Owen Loomis Gaius Munger John Porter George Phelps John Rockwell Jerry Stebbins Wm. Tinker Wysox, Pa. Clarisa W Barstow Cyp Grant Godfrey Vouch Amherst H. James &. S. Morton dshford Elisha Kinney Erastus Stebbins Caleb Lewis Samuel Collins Frederick Cutler Andrew Perkins Job Wheaton Simeon Staples jr. George Nichols Leonard Simmon? Barkhwnsled Truman Walling George Deming 470 •SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. Bellows Falls William Lowell Oi rio Sikes Barre Joseph SeKon Canaan Oren Perry Albe;t Keys Nathl Foster Nehpmiah Hubbell Silas Cook Loft Kingsbury Frederick J Fane W Mead Lawrence Mix Solomon Petts Jared Hinsdale MIcah B Welton H' rman Hinsdale Sanuel Ferguson S< bastian C Dean Salter Hewit Bradford Dean Is.iai' .Mix Chas Rundall.jr. Colebrook Eli Marshall AH»n Deraing Samuel Barber Michael Grmell. jr. Barnes Hubbard Jared Rexford Elisha Loomis Stephen Hart Joel Loomis En-'S North Beth Dart R man Perry Chtuncey Peny Reuben Bolles, 2d. Win Pierpont, 2d. Hubbell West Thomas Simons Elisha Howell Canton John Colyer, jr. James Colyer Cornwall Wrn Bennett Frederick Main Edmund Cole Joel Barnes Josiah Dean David W Norton C/aremont jV.H. loses Gay George W Farge Uriel I) i- an David Hitchcock Charles Higbejr Joseph Whitmore Benedict Tyler Bela I Shury Charles Stearnes Charleston N. II. Hi chard M'e Crae losiah Hartjr CrarigUm (R. I ) Philip Waver Chelsea Harvey Hale Clmrfet- n William Philips Dudley Ephraim Unham Barlow S. Wild Kphraim \dams Jacob C. Gould Joseph Si-hol field Daniel Mullet Douglass S onuel H dbrook R riJAinin Cras;gen ' nnforr Gould Phomas P Gordon \nos Alareh jr. Calvin Gould f issppb Lee John /Jalcomjr. D 8 Row - m Stephen Kemfson Theodore Stone Moses Knap Rufus Gould Allen Siarnes Elias Guild R .bert W Rammett Liherty FP"o©d Samuel B Goddard /Jowdoin Zfrostow IDexter Shove Comfort B Thorpe Charles Martin Reuben White John Andrews Vlelcome Whipple Sylvanus Cone Arnold I inoar Moses Taft Levi Hubbard Nelson Thaj er Preston Wiimortb George Doud Elisha Thayer East Hartford I >^l Simonds Roswell Williams Russell Buriiham Giles Biirnham \u^ti?i Braes Ellington Rufus Parsons Granby I Iphens Bartlett Reuben Case Nathan Gillett Clark Ri e Goshen Vnman Siarr Thomas Mun«on Viles Thompson B "edict Sweet H ace Cook lah North Hiram Cobb Julius Gri-wold Phineas Cook Tracy Cook Wrn Br vvn Charles F Butlei Jndah Lewis Viiirustus Miles iLadowiek Denison Granville [Waterman Corthen Hartford [John W S 'eetlaud Hart land Jonathan Bugly JE. Spooner SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 471 Aaron Millard jr. Joseph Amsdeo jr. James B Sumner Petrr Gebson Zebina Lull Hartford VI. Asa Kemball Jonathan W Gay- David Masson rd Kibbe Job Densmore Nathan Hayes Joseph M Buukland David TrumbuM Harvey Bruce George E. Wales Moses Marsh Johunion. R. I. George R. Stone Isaac Harris William Waterman Mo way llembatl J. ib. Waterman John B Brown Harry Smith Russell Dudley William Cullru S J R Bowen Phelps Mowny John Haris C. Cobgrave Alfred Alarich J. D Kumbale A J. G. Sea ham G. B. Hutching Killing! y John W. Cook Olney Williams Spencer Lain Kent Jesse Higgins Ira Judd Tollman A Chambler William Ross Bethel Smith Samuel Green Sam. Stuart Ke.ene Janes Wells /osiah Wood Wm. Sawyer Calvin Ward intone Helt ifihn W Eaton David barker las Perry Ludlow /oseph Sheldon Lebanon N. H. Banter Skinner Montague Hosea Dennis Monson Thos Riddle Elisha Rider Augustus Stebbins Sidney Pesro ■union Buurgfed E U. A. Whiting Surd Wells Jalvin Gibbs f$aml Patten Enoch Noyes ijyril B. Aldrich .', man ClafTen / hn Cadwell Norlhjiehl / -hn Abbott / .dm fiowers Eb. Nightingale, jr.— J* Jesse Thompson New Marlborough tym Abbott Reuben Pettis Burr Sc Adams Salmon Mason Isaac Cleveland Edwin Benton Danie! Taft David Foster New Hartford Aaron Merrill E Spencer North Bridge Toe I Laikey Lyman Fay S L. Alarich Sam Whiting fDanford Draper (John Sabin Oxford rileston Bacon krnold Jihnson Eli E Burt J >hn Barns / ihn Tyron Welcome Gane Milliard Howland ./ hn Hammond /oseph Mungar Ebenezdr Emerson William Clark Stephen Davis ttussell Clark Charles P Nichols Samuel Rich Otis Abner Loveland, jr. Plymouth James H Spithead Palmer Danl. Sbeaner John Frink Elisha Cleveland Ezekiel Terry, jr PalU n Cephas Mills Pomfret John Richmond jr. G| Joseph Hecrington John Kelly Sylvester Stanley Benjamin C Richmond Providence William Shelden Sandisjteld, Mass, Ira French Alpheus Persons Silves Smith Samuel Wolcott Joseph Wolcott Harmon Bosworth ibner Sherwin James Burt Sharon Thos Miller Tfrowbridge Lockwcor Chas. R Brown Mather Dibble Wm. William? 472 subscribers' names. N Yeomans &c Curtis: John A. Elliott Clark Sherwood E. Reed & Wilkins Sylvester Wheeler Samuel Strong Salsbury Chas Wright Ed.vardN HoIIey Benjamin Hmman Chauncey Bragg Stephen Panerson "Wendall King Benjamin G. Olmsted Sulton Jonathan Howard Samuel Williams Sheffield Lott Taft, jr Heher Bosworth PJin Brigham Stafford Cyrus Thompson Samuel Bla^ jr. Joseph N Whales David Copeland Calvin S.nith Eli Bodges Calvin talker Somers Lyman Kibhe Samuel McNary Edward Colton Srvanzey David Twitchet Joseph Cross, jr. Southtvick Orrin Carrington Eliukim Sriles Aaron French James Stocking Jacob Bvckman Simsbury Thaddeus Tuller, jr. Luther B irber Loren Weston Smith field Alexander Tnain Alexander C. ?Fitt Chester Manu (John S. Dudley v Bullard 1 Pratt j Mney Esbu J hn Drake "G. A Tripp Gril Flint Robert Cook ^biather White Dauiel Theny Thomas Bettlehill Sturbridge Ezckiel Bullarld Jr. Sutton Sam. Burt John Vant Va'haniel Putnan J hn Puiuan Bufttf Sibiey Thoinpson )finiel Perren jr. ''►hn Jacobs 4th. lohn Houghton i-aac E'lis I K Jeffs Lewis Haywood Solomon Newell eth Trip Tolland Erastus Stores Hezekiali Nye Orren Hatch IFm. Cliapman •spencer Aldin Torrington Gurdon Brown Samuel Spencer Uri Taylor Nathan Gillett Vbijah Osborn Ourtiss Tuttle Torace Cowles Thomas Hurlbut Eii Tutlle Preston Pond \Fanson H Kingsbury "l 'uben Loomis Oiijah Pond, jr. >Vrirren Loomis \Vm. Cheiaew Barzilla Blake Jame- Etfgleston Oliver Loomis Demas Coe £. Loomis Winchester Allyn Jewett [John P. Ovortt John H Storrs Jesst Williams Selab Austin Charles C. Caul Ward Walton Barney Mc Manus John Perkins Reuben Champion Wilham Bolles Nehemiah Johnson Selden Wellon James Wright Elias Tyrrell Asa Mallory Alexander Cleveland Moses Hay den Daniel White Oliver White Elijah Pinney Zenas Wilson William More, jr. \lpheus Moore Isaiah Tuttle Westjield lafeth Stiles Jacob Noble Hezekiah Farmer Henry Fowler David King John W. Taylor Roswell Dewey Benjamin Hastings Joel Farnamon Williams Fowler Aaron G Fish Warham Sacket L Clark Aaron Sacket Royal Fowler West Springfield Jacob Hatheway