^ii^ Ss<*w.^' >^r% '|r< I s* ^. I I I ^1 I S«^' ^^# % :^^^^" v^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. SCHOOL HISTORY OF THE State of Missouri. BY PERRY S.'^RADER, A. B. BRUNSWICK. MO.: P. S. RADER, PUBLISHER. CO Copyrighted October 9th, 1891, by Perry S. Rader. All Rights Reserved. •WOODWARD & TIERNAN PRINTDfG CO., ST. LOUIS. MO. PRBFACE. In offering this little volume for use in public and other schools it is not without the hope that it may aid in inspiring the young with a purpose to make Missouri the brightest and best of the constellation of States. Our State at this time has a population almost as large as all the States had at the time of the formation of the Union in 1789. Our people have come from every State and almost every nation. This may be indicative of strength or of weakness. It is a heterogeneous people that should become homogeneous in feeling, purpose and State-pride. But this is far from the case. Many Virginians who have lived on our soil for a quarter of a century are yet Virginians; immigrants from New England, are yet New Englanders ; and the same is true of the settlers from almost every State and country. We still go to other States for our leading preachers, judges, lawyers, educators and governors. This ought not to be. We need to cultivate a State-pride above any other State, perhaps. It is also true that we have a history of which we may justly be j^roud. Few States have so charming and important a story. But it has rarely been told. The ( iii ■) iv PREFACE children in our schools know far more of the history of the Atlantic States than of their own. It is the opinion of the author that a fuller acquaintance with Missouri's history will make her population a much stronger, a more patriotic and a happier people. Knowledge of our own deeds and convictions and glory will create mutual confidence and admiration, and then business enterprise, moral and spiritual culture and intellectual emulation will follow, and more rapidly than ever before. As a native of the State, who is proud of that fact, I may be permitted to wish that this volume will do its share in helping toward these good results. Brunswick, December ^, 1891. SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS. Successful instruction in any branch of learning depends almost entirely upon the intelligence and skill of the teacher. This is peculiarly true of a history which is confined to the limits of one of many States. The object of this book is to teach th-e children of Missouri something of the wonderful history of their native State, of the lives of the great men who have adorned it with honorable and glorious deeds, and of its relations to the general history of the nation. The author, in the narratives herein, has not lost sight of the fact that the State has been one of a great whole. But only so much of the national history is given as is necessary to show that relation and make her own interesting. The biographies are to be used with discretion. To force the pupil to commit to memory the exact date when some prominent man became a member of the Legislature would be to burden the mind with unnecessary labor. Such facts are given to aid the pupil in grasping the real events in a life and to connect it with State history. The mind is not a garret-room in which to store away uninteresting things. Correlation of events is far more important than a mere knowledge of dates and isolated facts. (1) 2 SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS. The first words in each section are printed in italics so as to suggest the subject matter of that section. These can easily be changed, by the skillful teacher, into a question, and the pupil may be trained to connect these catch-words with the subject matter following, and thereby study with reference to them as the conclusion of the discussions and arguments of the section. In the Appendix may be found a treatise of the institutes of the State. This properly belongs to works on Civil Government, and for that reason is put in the Appendix ; but where no such Civil Government is in use in the school, it is recommended that this treatise be studied as a part of the State's history. The list of officers is only for reference. Instead of a contents a complete index is given as more useful for ready reference. ^ 93° Longitude Si ^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. PART I. FRENCH AND SPANISH PBRIOD. CHAPTER I. DISCOVERIES. 1. The History of Missouri has long been neglected. Missouri did not come into the Union till after the war of 1812, and indeed until within the memory of persons still living who were residents of her soil at the time of her admission. But she was the first Territory west of the Mississippi, with the single exception of Louisiana, to become a State. Because of her position west of that great river and on the border line between the North and South, because of the national disturbances which grew out of her admission, because of the special condition imposed on her at the time of her admission, and because of 4 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL her subsequent relations to the extension of slavery into other Territories, her history is am unique one, and has no parallel in other States. Its study has often been more partisan than patriotic. Often prejudiced men have taught it only for the purpose of dividing the people against each other, instead of conserving harmony and patriotism. 2. Her history is an epitome of the history of the United States. The way in which mighty forests and fertile heaths can be changed by cultivation and population from a Avild wilderness to a civilized community, can be traced as plainly in the history of Missouri as in that of New England, the Middle or Southern States. In it we can easily trace the downfall of cherished institutions, and the uprising of a new order of things. In it we can study the growth of laws, religion, and education. In it we see an explanation of our country's wonderful growth and great strength. To study thoughtfully the history of Missouri, then, is, in many respects, to study the history of the United States. To inspire in the young a love for Missouri and a pride in her greatness and the honor of her people, and thus to assist them in being more useful and worthy citizens, is the object of this book. 3. TJie first white man to put foot on the soil of Missouri was Hernando De Soto, in 1541. De Soto was a Spaniard. He had been with Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, and had returned from his buccaneering ventures there to Spain with a fortune of a half -million dollars. Hearing of the wonders of Florida and the country beyond it, that it abounded in gold and precious stones, he was fired with a passion for its conquest. DISCOVERIES. 5 and obtained permission from the King to fit out an expedition for this purpose at his own expense. It was more like a royal pageant than an exploring party. His force consisted of six hundred followers, twenty officers, and twenty- four ecclesiastics, all gorgeously arrayed in splendid armor. He landed in great pomp at Tampa bay in 1539, and driving a great number of cattle and hogs before him for food for his men, proceeded west. The Indians and forests interposed. His followers were not trained to overcome the hardships of either. Some were killed by the Indians, and others died from sickness. No gold was found. The Indians told him of fabulous amounts of it to be had on the Mississippi river. He pressed forward and reached the river near Memphis, Tenn., in 1541, and pursued his way north into the region now known as New Madrid county in our own State. He then moved west, crossed the Ozark mountains, and spent the winter on the prairies and plains beyond, all the time searching for gold and silver, but finding none. He moved southward into Arkansas, reached Hot Springs and White river, and then came back to the Mississippi, where he died in the spring of 1542. The Indians believed him to be the Son of the Sun, who could not die. His priests, to conceal his death, therefore, wrapped his body in a mantle, sunk it at midnight in the great river he had discovered, and chanted over it the first requiem ever heard in the Mississippi valley. ''The wanderer," says Bancroft, ''had marched over a large part of the continent in search of gold, and found nothing so remarkable as his burying place." Most of his soldiers perished before they reached Spain. 6 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL 4. French Explorations. The Spanish, however, were not the first settlers. On the contrary, they did nothing toward colonizing Missouri, and it was two hundred and twenty years after De Soto's death till they again appeared on this territory. Even the part they then took, was unimportant. In the meantime the French, moved by a desire of doing missionary work among the Indians and enticed by the profitable fur trade, had pushed many hundred miles further west than had the English settlers along the Atlantic coast; had, from their homes in Canada, penetrated the forests around the Great Lakes, made several explorations of the Mississippi, and taken possession of the country in the name of France. We must speak briefly of these expeditions. The first was in 10 73, by James Marquette. He belonged to a noble family of the beautiful old cathedral city of Laon in France. He was a kind of soldier-priest, and it was in spirit of a missionary to the Indians that he and Louis Joliet, with five other men, left Quebec, which was then a French colony, and began a toilsome journey toward the Southwest. They discovered the upper Mississi^Dpi, and passed down it to the mouth of the Arkansas. 6. La Salle and the ascent of the Missouri. In 1682 La Salle, another Frenchman from Quebec, explored the Mississippi to its mouth, and formally took possession of the whole country in the name of Louis XIV., the reigning King of France, in whose honor he called the country Louisiana. It was of indefinite limits, and, of course, included the present territory of Missouri. So our soil first belonged to France. Within the next fifty years various settlements were projected, all in the interest of the DISCOVERIES. mining of gold and silver. Most of these were on the east bank of the Mississippi, but in 1705 a prospecting party of Frenchmen ascended the Missouri river to where Kansas City is now situated. This was the first ascent of this noble river by white men. It was first called Pek-i-ta-nou-i, by Marquette, which is an Indian word, meaning ' 'muddy water. ' ' About 1712, it was first called Missouri, from the .name of a tribe of Indians who inhabited the country at its mouth and along a considerable portion of its banks. There is no authority for the often "repeated assertion that "Missouri means muddy." This definition of the word was given it after the name of the river was changed from Pekitanoui to Missouri. 6. An exploration of the interior of Missouri by the French was begun in 1719. The authorities at New Orleans ordered the expedition, and De Dutisne was placed in charge of it. He started with his force from the mouth of Saline river, a stream about seventy miles south of St. Louis. He moved northwest across the Ozark mountains to the Osage river, near which he came upon a village occupied by Osage Indians, containing about 100 cabins and huts. One hundred and twenty miles further west he found two other large villages, inhabited by Poncas Indians, who seemed to own many horses. He returned by way of the Missouri river, and took formal possession of the country ROBERT CAVALIER DE LA SALLE. 8 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL by erecting posts with the king's arms. After this expedition the daring Frenchmen ventured into the forests for purposes of hunting, trading and mining. The rapidity with which they came excited the jealousy of the Spanish, who still claimed the country. 7. The Spanish Caravan. The Spanish authorities determined to destroy the power of the French along the Missouri and Mississippi. In 1720 they organized a motley troop at Santa Fe, to which was given the name of ''The Spanish Caravan." It moved across the plains and entered the Missouri country. Its leader had been informed that the Pawnee Indians were friends of the Spanish and enemies of the French and Missouris. He directed his guides to lead him to the Pawnee camp. Instead of doing so, they led him to the camp of the Missouris. There he told the Missouri chief of his intention to kill all his tribe and exterminate the French. The chief heard him with silence, treated the caravan with hospitality, summoned his warriors and while the Spanish supposed they were in the midst of their friends, fell upon them and exterminated the whole caravan. 8. Fort Orleans. The boldness of the Spanish caravan induced the French to send a force up the Missouri, w^hich built a fort somewhere along the south shore, within the present limits of Saline County, perhaps about fifteen miles above the mouth of Grand river. De Bourgmont, from Mobile, was in command, and called it Fort Orleans. At this time a general Indian war was being waged, which greatly interfered with the fur trade. To remedy this, Bourgmont undertook to make peace among the Indians. He succeeded in holding a council of their chiefs, on THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 9 the Kansas river, where the pipe was smoked, and a general peace was concluded. Soon after this Fort Orleans was destroyed and the garrison massacred, probably by the Missouris, who were always troublesome to the whites, but this point is in doubt. The fur trade went on, but so far there had been no permanent settlement within the present limits of Missouri. CHAPTER II, THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 9. The first place settled in Missouri was Ste. Genevieve (pronounced Jen-e-veev) in about 1735. It was about three miles from the present town of that name on the Mississippi river, sixty miles below St. Louis. For some time daring and hardy Frenchmen had been gathering in and around Kaskaskia, a settlement in Illinois, until at this time it had about six thousand people. Most of them had come in search of gold and silver. Some of them, under Renault, a wealthy and extensive miner, crossed over into Missouri in search of these metals. They found none, but they did find lead in abundance. Furnaces were prepared for smelting, and it was conveyed in boats, to New Orleans, and then to France. In 1785 the old town was destroyed by flood, and the site of the present town was selected. Many settlers came from the east side of the 10 HISTOR Y OF MIJSSO URL Mississippi, and the town soon became an important trading point. 10. The next settlement of any consequence was St. Louis. Its founder was Laclede, whose name has since been given to many business institutions in the State. His full name was Pierre Laclede Ligueste, but he was more generally known as Pierre Laclede. He was a man of great business sagacity. In 1762 he and some associates, among them Antoine Maxent, obtained from M. D'Abbadie a monopoly of the fur trade with the Indians of Missouri. D'Abbadie was the director-general, the civil and military commander of Louisiana, and exercised a vice-regal authority. Laclede explored the regions along the Mississippi in search of the best point at which to establish a trading post and sell goods. His keen commercial sense directed him to a bluff on the west side of the river. Here on the spot where the old Merchant's Exchange and Barnum s Hotel afterwards stood, on the south side of Market street, which took its name from the only market house the city contained for sixty years, he cleared away the heavy timber and erected his trading post, in February, 1764. This was the beginning of St. Louis. Laclede was right. It was the best place for trade then. It is the best now. 11. The first settlement in St. Charles wsls made by Blanchette, "the hunter," about the time St. Louis w^as founded, and was called Village des Cotes (the village of the hills). It was the first settlement north of the Missouri river. Most of the Indian wars, massacres and adventures which attended the early settlements of the State, took place here. It was here the first THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS. H forts were built, and here the renowned Indian chief, Black Hawk, made his first efforts against the whites. 12. About this time ended French rule in Missouri. The battle of Quebec, in which had met the chivalrous Montcalm and the noble Wolfe, the one commanding the intrepid French and the other the invincible English, had been fought more than four years before. It was the end of a contest between these two peoples for the possession of America. It was decided in favor of the English, and the decision marks an epoch in the progress of civil liberty. France, by a treaty ratified at Fontainbleau in 1763, gave up all her territory in America — the Canadas, and all that part of Louisiana east of the Mississippi, except New Orleans, to England; and New Orleans and all the country west of the river, to Spain as an indemnification for her losses in the war. England thus acquired rule over the east side of the river before Laclede had settled in St. Louis, but Missouri belonged to Spain. England at no time before or after this was entitled to Missouri's soil. Because of the long war between England and France, the settlers along the upper Mississippi valley, most of wdiom were Frenchmen, greatly disliked the idea of being subject to England. It was thought Spain could never exercise dominion over her newly acquired territory, and hence many of them crossed over the river into Missouri. This will explain why the population increased so rapidly for the next few years, and why it was mostly French, although governed by Spain. 13. St. Angers rule. Although the title to Louisiana was now in Spain, the officers of that nation did not succeed in formally taking possession of the country till 1770. Soon after the treaty 12 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL was signed, St. Ange de Belle Rive, who was commander for the French in Illinois, surrendered his authority to Captain Sterling, the representative of England, and settled in St. Louis. He was followed by many of the French settlers east of the river. By common consent, and probably by permission of the government at New Orleans, he was made the commandant of the settlement. He was a wise and safe ruler. 14. St. Ange and Pontiac. St. Ange and the settlers were enemies of English rule, and friends to England's enemies. They were admirers and supporters of Pontiac, a powerful Indian chief, who was the terror of the whites from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. Pontiac, aided by the French, had met a strong English army at Pittsburgh under Braddock and George Washington, and disastrously defeated it. St. Ange invited Pontiac to visit him, which he did. He was entertained with great distinction at the house of Madame Chouteau (Sho-to) and was visited by the principal citizens. But when France lost her possessions in America, Pontiac thereby lost his greatest support. His allies among the Indians soon afterwards forsook him. He was crushed in spirit and sought to drown his sorrow in intoxicating drink. He visited Cahokia, richly dressed in robes adorned with eagles' feathers. Becoming stupefied by drink, he wandered into a thicket near the place, and was there assassinated by a Kaskaskia Indian, who was hired by an English trader and received a barrel of whisky for the murder. St. Ange had his body brought to St. Louis and buried at the intersection of Walnut and Fourth streets, where it still rests. Near his grave St. Ange was buried in after years. Houses are there now, SPA NISH B ULE. 13 and it is known by few that the great Pontiac and the good St, Ange lie in unmarked graves in the midst of the great city. CHAPTER III. SPANISH RrLE. 15. Tfie first Spanish lieutenant-governor, acting as a subordinate in most things to the governor at New Orleans, was Don Pedro Piernas. The people regretted to see the flag of France low^ered, and even shed tears when they realized that they were to be ruled by one of a different blood and nation from themselves. But their regrets did not last long. Piernas was a mild and safe ruler. He made few laws, and they were just and easily obeyed. He appointed St. Ange captain of his infantry, and filled nearly all the subordinate offices w4th Frenchmen. He began systematic surveys of the lands and appointed a Frenchman surveyor. He further publicly confirmed all the land grants made by St. Ange between the time of the transfer of the territory from France to Spain in 1763 and the beginning of the Spanish rule in 1770, which grants would of course have been illegal had he not confirmed them. He finally won the entire confidence of the people by marrying a French lady, so that after they had known him for five years they again shed tears to give him up. He had found a population of 891, most of which was confined to St. 14 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. Louis and Ste. Genevieve. The people were mostly French, and few of them could read or write. There were no schools and very little desire for any. But they were honest, industrious and peaceable. Indeed, during the entire Spanish period of thirty-eight years, only one case of murder of a white man by a white man in St. Louis is reported. 16. The soil at that time was covered with thick forests or rank prairie grass, filled with all kinds of game, and inhabited by Indians who lived in wigwams and hunted and fished for subsistence. The French settlers were possessed of an aptitude for easy and peaceable intercourse with the natives. They studied their language, took part in their sports, adapted themselves to their usages, humored their whims, and never ridiculed their religious notions. Often the settler, of plastic temper, with a free-and-easy manner, would decorate his hair with eagle feathers, attach hairy fringes to his hunting shirt, and mix and mingle with the Indian as if he were his equal. Hence it was that there were fewer Indian wars in the early settlement of Missouri than in many of the other States. 17. The land was oivned largely hy tenancy in common. The principle of landlord and tenant, or of proprietary government, which was the most usual way of holding the soil in the early Atlantic States, never existed among them. The monopoly of -the fur trade granted to Laclede was only a semblance to it, and even that, after it expired in 1772, was never repeated, and thereafter but few settlers received any special favors from the government. The settlements had each a common in the rear of the houses, inclosing hundreds of acres under one fence for the SPANISH RULE. 15 benefit of all. But the settlements themselves were compact villages, for the settlers were sociable and loved to congregate together. Nearly all the early ones were along some river. A long street usually extended parallel to it. The land along it was divided into lots a few rods wide and perhaps twice as long. On these the houses were built, which were usually one story high, constructed of corner posts and studs, to which were attached numerous cross-ties. Then a stiff mortar, made of mud and cut straw, was plastered onto the outside. The roof was shingled with bark or clapboards. The chimney was the celebrated stick-and-dirt chimney." It was made of rock and burnt dry to some distance above the intense heat of the fire, and from that distance was finished with alternate pieces of wood and clay plaster. The floors were made of logs with the upper roundness hewn flat, or of split logs, the flat sides of which were turned up, and, by notchings in the ends, were thus put on a level. These were called puncheon floors. The doors were hung on wooden hinges. Back of each house was a field, 192 feet wide and 7,800 feet long, containing about thirty-four acres/ Each villager had one or more of these fields assigned to him, according to his desires, or the necessities of his family. Next to the fields was the common, stocked with cattle, hogs and horses, the property of all. 18. Hospitality tuas a duty and a virtue. Each house was a free hotel to the extent of its capacity. Amusements, festivals and holidays were frequent. There were no statutory laws; no trades nor professions; no courts, no prisons. The priests were their instructors and judges in all matters of learning and religion. 16 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL In politics they were attached to France, and were not anxious about any political questions, believing that France ruled the world and ruled it right. 19. TJiere were no trials by jury during either the French or Spanish period. This great bulwark of English liberty — perhaps the distinctive characteristic of their government wherever the Anglo-Saxon race has spread — had no sway till after Missouri was acquired by the United States. If one wished to recover property, or had committed a crime, the matter was submitted to a judge, who decided as he understood the law and merits of the cause, or as his prejudices directed him. 20. We have now come to the time of the Revolutionary War, which though fraught with very great consequences, yet disturbed these sturdy settlers very little. They were French subjects of Spain, and the war was fought by England and her subjects. These settlers, removed a thousand miles from the scene of the war, therefore took no part in it, except as did Spain and France, to sympathize with the Colonies and wish for their success. In 1778 Virginia sent out General George Rogers Clark, who captured the British settlements in Illinois, such as Kaskaskia, Cahokia and St. Vincent's, now Vincennes. The British undertook, soon after this, a comprehensive movement for the expulsion of the Spanish from the Mississippi Valley. The plan was first to capture St. Louis, recapture the towns taken by Gen. Clark, and then move down the river to New Orleans. In a spirit of generous chivalry, Gen. Clark offered his force to Governor DeLeyba, a cowardly, drunken, weak-minded Spaniard, who, in 1778, had succeeded Cruzat as governor. Leyba assured SPANISH RULE. 17 him there was no need of his aid, and it was therefore refused. The people, however, began a series of fortifications, and con- structed a rude wall, which extended around the city and down to the river. Four or five months passed and nothing happened. But, on the 26th of May, 1780, a force of 150 whites and 1,500 Indians gathered in the woods around St. Louis, and first captured two citizens where the fair grounds are now situated, and which at that time, were outside the wall. They were John Babtiste Riviere, whom they kept as prisoner, and a man by the name of Cardinal, after whom Cardinal Spring is named. Him they killed. The hostile force proceeded at once to the attack. In doing so they intercepted several citizens, some of whom they killed, others escaped and alarmed the town. The fort had a few cannon, and the people were well supplied with small fire-arms. With these they made a spirited and determined resistance. The Indians were terrified by the cannon and withdrew. The number killed has never been definitely known. It was perhaps not more than thirty, though Lieutenant-Governor Sinclair says ''sixty-eight were killed, and eighteen blacks and white people taken prisoners." During the battle Commandant Leyba was aroused from a drunken carousal by the sound of the artillery. He at once ordered the firing to cease. Some of the in- habitants did not hear the order, and continued to fire. He then directed the cannon -to be turned oil them, which was done. This so infuriated the people that his removal was requested of the Governor at Louisiana. -He died within a month, from suicide, despised by every one as a traitor. Cruzat, whom he had two years before succeeded, was again appointed Lieutenant-Governor. 18 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL 2 1 . Cruzat had succeeded Piernas as Lieutenant-Governor , in 1775. His first term lasted till 1778, and was modeled after that of his wise predecessor. His second term, which began in 1780 and lasted till 1787, was mild and prosperous. A census, taken in 1785, shows a population of about 1,500 for all Missouri, which number was swelled to 2,100 by another census of 1788. This increase was largely due to a freshet in the Mississippi, which overflowed much of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, and caused some of the inhabitants of those towns to cross over into Missouri. To such a height did the angry waters rise that 1785 was long afterwards known as 'Hhe year of the great water." While Cruzat was commander, the trade of the Mississippi was much impaired by pirates. Grand Tower was a large column of rock situated about midway between St. Louis and the mouth of the Ohio. Here a large band of pirates collected and would capture and pillage passing boats, appropriate their cargoes, and kill their crews. These depredations went on until 1788, and many a daring robbery and foul murder was committed. Other portions of the river were also infested. That year, however, the Governor at New Orleans ordered all boats traveling on the river to go together. By this means their combined strength was too much for the pirates, and they were dispersed and never afterwards heard of. 22. In 1787 ^ Manuel Perez came into office. During his administration, bands of Shawnees and Delawares, driven by the advancements of the whites from beyond the Alleghanies, settled near Ste. Genevieve and Cape Girardeau. Here they remained for thirty-five years, till 1825, when they were required SPANISH RULE. 19 to move still further westward. They were peaceable and industrious and never quarreled with the whites of these regions. They became useful to them as hunters and small farmers, and were established in small settlements close to the whites as an intervention between them and more unfriendly tribes. In after years one of these Shawnee chiefs is said to have addressed these words to General Harrison: ''You call us your children ; why do you not make us happy as our fathers, the French, did? They never took from us our lands; indeed, they were in common between us. They planted where they pleased, and cut wood where they pleased. So did we. But now, if a poor Indian attempts to take a little bark from a tree to cover him from the rain, up comes a white man and threatens to shoot him, claiming the tree as his own." The honorable conduct of the Missouri settlers toward the Indians is a part of our history which admits of just pride. 23. Li 1793 Trudeau came into office, and in 1799 he was succeeded by the last of the Spanish commandants, Delassus (de-la-su), a Frenchman by descent, and perhaps also by birth. Aside from the "hard winter" of 1798-99 and the "small-pox", of 1801, there are but two important facts to consider. They explain the rapid increase of the population which in 1800 arose to about six thousand, and in 1803 to about ten thousand, and also why nearly all of the increase was English instead of French. By the Revolutionary war the Colonies acquired all the soil east of the Mississippi except Florida, and Congress in 1787 passed a law prohibiting slavery north of the Ohio river. Hence many of the settlers in that territory who owned slaves 20 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. came to Missouri, and many others from the slave States sought homes where the law did not apply. The other cause was the liberal terms upon which the immigrant could obtain soil west of the Mississippi. In 1796 the English of Canada threatened an invasion of Upper Louisiana. The Spanish authorities conceived themselves under the necessity of strengthening their settlements for defense. They argued that the hostility of the people of the United States would prove a sufficient guaranty of their fidelity to Spain. Hence lands were freely offered to all such settlers as would pay the office fees and expenses of surveying. By these terms one could get eight hundred acres of land of his own choosing, for about fifty dollars, almost entirely free from subsequent taxes. In making these grants no favoritism was shown Catholics as against Protestants, and the king gave orders that the people were not to be disturbed in the exercise of their religion. 24. Such in brief is the History of Spanish Rule in Missouri. It was, for the most part, brave, manly and wise. The people were far away from the civilization of the world, in the very heart of a continent inhabited by savages, with only a few settlements by white persons within a thousand miles of them. They were free from taxation, free from the tyranny and interference of a foreign king, and untrammeled by a bigoted priesthood. Yet the amicable terms they maintained with the Indians, and the orderly government they held over themselves without laws or juries, and almost without officers of any kind, enlist at once our a.dmiration and hold our serious thought. So that we do not wonder that, when the country was transferred to the United SPANISH RULE. 21 States in 1804, ''few of the French and part of the English- Americans only were reconciled to the change, though they never manifested any discontent." 25. Population. Another census taken in 1800, gives the population of St. Louis at 925; of St. Charles, at 875; of Ste. Genevieve, at 949; of New Madrid, at 782, and the entire population of Missouri at 6,028. Of this number 4,948 were w^hites, 197 free colored, and 883 slaves. Nearly four years later when the territory was transferred to the United States, it had increased to 9,020 whites and 1,320 colored, most of the latter being slaves. 22 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL PART II. TKRRITORIAL l^ERIOD. CHAPTER I. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE. 26. The situation. By the treaty of 1763 Spain acquired all the countr}^ west of the Mississippi and the island on which New Orleans is situated. Events which startled the world liad been taking place in Europe toward the close of this century. Napoleon Bonaparte was in the full flush of military triumph,, and had raised France to great political supremacy on land. He w^ished also to advance her to a high position at sea and in commerce. In furtherance of this plan he determined to have Louisiana. He asked the king of Spain to cede all that territory to France, and in return offered to establish the king's son-in-law upon the throne of the new kingdom of Etruria, which he wa& about to set up. The transfer was made on October 1st, 1800, and thus the title to a territory much larger than all the thirteen original colonies was acquired by the single stroke of the pen. But the negotiation was kept secret. Napoleon feared THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE. 23 if England knew it at once she might make it impossible for him ever to possess the countr3^ But, nevertheless, the title to Missouri was now in France again. We must see how it came to belong to the United States. 27. The imr chase. It was not many months till it became known in America that the cession had been made. The announcement created great unrest throughout the country, especially in the Ohio valley, which at this time was inhabited by over a half -million people from the Atlantic States. For some years before the transfer to France, Spain had claimed the sole right of the navigation of the Mississippi, which was the only way the people of the Ohio country had of reaching the world's markets. This claim on the part of Spain greatly disturbed their trade and aroused the people to indignation and resentment, and led them to declare they would take up arms to hold the Mississippi. The people beyond the Alleghanies gave little heed to these Ohio troubles till Louisiana was transferred to France. Then a protest arose from the whole nation. A weak nation like Spain was not to be feared, but a powerful one like France, in full control of the Mississippi river and a strong garrison at New Orleans, could greatly impair the power and greatness of the United States. President Jefferson, therefore, instructed Mr. Livingston, the minister to France, to protest in the name of his nation against any attempt by France to occupy Louisiana. But about this time England was drawn into the war against Napoleon. She was mistress of the sea and could easily thwart Napoleon's plans of possessing himself of Louisiana. She too objected to France having that great country and 24 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL determined to oppose Napoleon in any attempt to possess himself of it. From these reasons and because of the demand for all his forces for his military operations on land, Napoleon saw the coveted prize had gone from him forever. Besides he was in need of money. But he was determined to put it out of the reach of England, and hoping to conciliate the United States toward him he proposed to Mr. Livingston to sell Louisiana. President Jefferson sent Mr. Monroe, afterwards President himself, to France to assist in the purchase of New Orleans and West Florida, but on his arrival he found Napoleon willing to sell all of Louisiana. Monroe and Livingston therefore under- took to purchase the whole. Napoleon had instructed his officer not to take less than fifty million francs, but he at first asked one hundred million. The American ministers offered eighty million, and the trade was soon closed. Of this sum, which amounted to $15,000,000, one-fourth was remitted because of the damage which had been done to the trade of the Ohio country after Louisiana had been transferred from Spain to France. 28. The contract of purchase was signed on May 3rd, 1803, and on October 17th the treaty was ratified in the United States Senate by a vote of twenty-four to seven, and, on the 21st, Congress, by a large majority of each house, at once provided for the bonds with which to pay for the purchase. By Article III. of the contract, written by the great Napoleon himself, it was stipulated that **the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of MISSOURPS FIRST YEARS AS A TERRITORY. 25 citizens of the United States ; and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess." These words are important, because they entered largely into the con- troversy which grew out of Missouri's application for admission into the Union. The purchase having been made and indorsed by Congress, it only remained for the United States to take formal possession of the territory. This was easily done. On the 9th of March, 1804, the American troops crossed the river and entered St. Louis, and Delassus, on the part of Spain, delivered Upper Louisiana to Captain Amos Stoddard, of the United States Army, who had been commissioned by France to receive it in her behalf, and on the next day he transferred it to the United States. The territory thus acquired amounted to 900,000 square miles, almost one-third of the entire area of the United States at present, and included all the country west of the Mississippi to the Rocky mountains except a part of Texas and New Mexico. CHAPTER II. MISSOURPS FIRST YEARS AS A TERRITORY. 29. Louisiana was divided into two parts soon after its transfer to the United States. All of it now within the State of Louisiana was then called the Territory of Orleans ; to the rest was given 26 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL the name of the District of Louisiana at first, but within a year it was changed to the Territory of Louisiana. It of course embraced the country now called Missouri. For the purposes of government the district was attached to the then Territory of Indiana, whose governor at that time was General William Henry Harrison, afterwards President for a short time. He first set in operation the powers of the United States over the new territory. The people objected to being attached to Indiana, and drew up a remonstrance and petition to Congress in which they asked to be organized as a territory of the second class. Fifteen men, ''elected by the free men of the district," were chosen to prepare the paper, and of this number eight were of French extraction, which fact indicates of what races were the settlers of Missouri at that time, and also how readily the Frenchman adopted the political methods of his neighbors of English blood, with whom almost alone it was a rule to ask for a redress of grievances by petition. 30. TJieir petition was in part granted. Congress recognized three grades of territories at that time. The district was separated from Indiana and erected into a Territory of the first or lowest grade, instead of the second, for which they had asked. The Governor and three judges, to be appointed by the President, were to make laws for the government and regulation of the Territory, subject all the time of course to the approval of Congress. This was agreeable to the people. But nothing was done toward a settlement of the disputed titles to their lands. These were in great confusion because of the loose way in which the Spanish had always made surveys and grants of land, and Missorurs first years as a territory. 27 because much soil had heen granted to settlers by the Spanish rulers after the territory had been ceded to France in 1801 and before it had heen transferred to the United States in 1804. Nothing was done towards remedying the uncertainty of the land-claimants' tenures, and as a result immigration was greatly retarded, and the people undertook to defend their titles for themselves. There were courts for them to apply to, but not sufficient laws to enable the courts to give relief. The delay of Congress in passing the needed legislation begot impatience and disorder among the people. In some cases the adverse claimants to the soil, with gun in hand, determined between themselves who should be its owner. .. But in 1812, after a delay of n.early eight years. Congress passed a law confirming the titles of the inhabitants of the different villages to the lands which they had occupied prior to the Louisiana purchase. This gave the desired relief. The tide of immigration now set in strongly again and the price of land increased, in some instances, six hundred per cent in a few years. It must be remembered, however, that these disorders in regard to the land titles were almost entirely confined to those parts of the territory which had been settled during the Spanish domination and which now were fast losing their French aspect because of the rapid influx of persons of English blood. 31. The first Governor appointed under the new order of things was General James AVilkinson. With him were associated as chief justice, J. B. C. Lucas, a very worthy gentleman, who had been a judge in Pennsylvania; and as secretary, Dr. Joseph Browne, who was a brother-in-law of Aaron Burr, by whose 28 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL request he obtained the appointment. Just at the time of Wilkinson's appointment the dissatisfaction above spoken of in regard to bind titles was beginning. His previous life and" general qualifications, it was thought, would check all this, and bring the United States government into popular favor with the inhabitants whose traditions, customs and blood were so very different from those of the rest of the Union. But this proved to be a sad mistake. To properly . understand these assertions it will be necessary to speak of the unusual course of the contemptuous Aaron Burr and Wilkinson's connection therew^ith. 32. Burr and Wilkinson. Burr had, in 1801, been elected Vice-President, and prevented from being President only by a very narrow majority vote of the House of Representatives. Becoming unpopular as a politician, sour at his disappointment, but still ambitious for political renown, towards the close of his term he came to the West with the object of revolutionizing Mexico, making himself its ruler, and ultimately attaching all the country w^est of the Alleghanies to his dominions. He expected his chief support from the Territory of Louisiana. There is no reason to believe that Wilkinson was not influenced by him and perhaps half-heartedly and secretly joined in his plans. Burr visited the Territory in September 1805, and in 1807 he was put on trial for conspiring to break up the Union, and the next year Wilkinson was tried as an accessory to his crime. The latter was the principal witness against Burr, and in the course of the trial was able to show that he had written to the proper authorities at Washington more than a year before the final collapse of Burr's plans, that "Burr was about something, MISSOUEFS FIBST YEARS AS A TERRITORY. 29 and an eye ought to be kept on him." This letter perhaps prevented Wilkinson's conviction, but it will be seen that it was written a year after Burr had first visited him. In fact the evidence seems strong that Wilkinson at first secretly supported Burr, but within a year, from fear of the results or from some other equally good cause, concluded it best not to yoke his fortunes with Burr's any longer. Wilkinson, besides his com- promising relations with Burr, was a speculator in land and his conduct was otherwise odious to the people. Hence he was removed after acting as Governor about two years and was succeeded by General Meriwether Lewis, of the celebrated Lewis-and-Clark Expedition. He afterwards became prominent in the war of 1812. 33. In the mea7itime the people prospered. The population, at first confined almost entirely to the villages, had begun to extend itself into the surrounding forests and prairies. Settlers had found their way into Warren county, as far west as the present western boundary of St. Charles county, into Franklin county and along the Gasconade. Most of the immigrants at this time were from the Atlantic States. Their industry, superior knowledge and enterprise soon gave them a controlling influence. They occupied the most prominent positions and took the lead in society and business. No more immigrants came from France and Spain. Lands began to have a recognized value and soon speculations in them were active. The pursuits of the people began to be largely agricultural. In 1808 the first newspaper was established. It was the first paper published west of the Mississippi river. It was called the ' 'Missouri 20 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. Gazette," and with varying success has been continuously jpublished since. Its present name is the ''St. Louis Republic." CHAPTER III. EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS. 34. The famous expedition of Lewis and Clark was projected "by President Jefferson soon after the purchase of Louisiana, and was placed in charge of General Lewis, the President's private secretary, and Captain William Clark, of the Ignited States Army. Each of these gentlemen after- wards became Governor of Mis- souri by appointment. The com- pany was composed of nine young men from Kentucky, 'fourteen soldiers, two Canadian boatmen and a few servants. They began the ascent of the Missouri river in May 1804, and passed up it to its head waters, stopping off fre- quently to explore the surrounding country, collected facts about the character and strength of the various Indian tribes, about the fertility of the soil, and the number and extent of the GEN. MERIWETHER LEWIS. EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS. 81 tributaries of this great river. They spent the first winter just this side of the Rocky Mountains in forts constructed by them- selves. Early next spring they began crossing the mountains and had many a sharp and wild encounter with grizzly bears, mountain lions and other animals. In November, 1805, they reached the ocean, having traveled over four thousand miles. It was the first expedition of the kind ever undertaken by our government, and the return of the party safe and successful, after an absence of over two years, was hailed with delight throughout the entire West. Congress joined in the general acclaim and voted each of the persons engaged in the expedition a tract of land in recognition of his services ; and in further reward for General Lewis's services, he was appointed Governor of the territory which he had done so much to make known. 35. About the same time Zebulon Montgomery Pike made like expeditions to the sources of the Mississippi, Arkansas, Platte and Kansas, and thereby really rendered more service to Missouri than did the expedition of Lewis and Clark. In 1810 the journals of travels kept by Pike were published, with maps and atlases of the country explored, and extensively read. They furnished the first reliable information of the extent and value of the new country. After their appearance all complaints were hushed about the amount paid for the Louisiana purchase. Pike county, in the eastern part of the State was named for this energetic explorer. It was because of his well-earned celebrity, perhaps, that many people in the Eastern States for a long time knew the name of only one county in Missouri and that was Pike. 32 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL CHAPTER IV. THE NEW MADRID EARTHQUAKE. 36. A little after midnight of December 16th, 1811, began a series of earthquakes among the most extensive and destructive in the world's history. They extended over half a hemisphere. Sabrina, one of the Azores Islands, was elevated 360 feet above the level of the sea. Caracas, a city of Venezuela of 10,000 people, Avas totally destroyed and sunk sixty feet under water. In America, the center of the earthquake's disturbances, both in point of violence and in position, was near New Madrid on the Mississippi river, in the southeastern part of Missouri. The disturbances extended north to the mouth of the Ohio river, south to the mouth of the St. Francois, and far into Arkansas and Tennessee. They began in a sudden shock which shook down walls, wrecked houses, tore up trees and set many things on the surface contrariwise. This was followed by undulations of the earth resembling waves, increasing in elevation as they advanced, and when they had attained a fearful height, the earth would then burst and vast volumes of water, sand and pit-coal were thrown up as high as the tops of trees. The earth rocked and reeled under men's feet. Fissures were formed, six hundred and even seven hundred feet in length, and twenty or thirty in breadth. Large oak trees were split in the center and forty feet up the trunk, and one part left standing on one side of the fissure, and the other part on the other twenty feet distant. THE NEW MADRID EARTHQUAKE. 33 There issued no burning flames, but flashes such as result from the explosions of gas. The atmosphere was filled with this thick gas, to which the light imparted a purple hue. The waters in the Mississippi river suddenly rose several feet. In some places trees which had rested on the bottom of the river for perhaps centuries, were elevated above the water and yet rested on the soil. Other places off the shore suddenly sunk and the water overflowed them. The water thrown up during the eruption of the ''land waves" was lukewarm, so warm as to produce no chilly sensation to persons wading or swimming through it. Many fissures, besides the ones described, were of an oval or circular form,' forced up to a considerable height, and others formed large and deep basins one hundred yards in diameter. 37. But the most marked features yet remaining of the extent of these land disturbances were the great depressions and elevations of the surface. Great tracts of country which hitherto had been lakes became dry land, and much dry land became lakes. Reelfoot Lake, on the opposite side of the river in Tennessee, twenty miles long and seven wide, was formed. The trunks of dead oaks and cypresses above thirty feet in height cover its bottom, over which boats can now be plied without interruption. A large extent of country on the Missouri side of the river was sunk ten feet below its former elevation. Much of the soil was ruined for agricultural purposes, some of it for all time. 38. Afterwards Congress attempted to give relief by passing a law granting to each proprietor who had sustained serious loss, a section of land in what was known as the ''Boone's Lick 34 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL country," on condition that he relinquished his desolated farm to the Government. Twice as much land was ''located" under this law as was ever destroyed in the New Madrid country. The ''locations" were called New" Madrid claims, and because of their conflict with other entries, have been the source of endless litigation. CHAPTER V. OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 39, Wc have noiv come to the first settlement by people of English blood within Missouri. It was in How^ard county, in the river bottom- near Franklin, in 1810. The country had been previously visited by William Nash and some surveyors in 1804, who located claims, and again by Lewis and Clark who explored the country and speak of having encountered many rattle- snakes there. In 1807 Nathan and Daniel Boone, at this time residents in St. Charles county, and sons of the celebrated Daniel Boone, began the manufacture of salt at Boone's Lick in the western part of w4iat is now Howard county. This they shipped down the river in canoes made from logs, hollowed out and made water-proof by daubing the open places with clay. Col. Benjamin Cooper with his large family joined them in 1808, but Governor Lewis informed them that the protection of the government from the Indians would not be extended them OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 35 at that distant home, and ordered them to return to the Gasconade settlement. This they did, but in 1810 Cooper, accompanied by about one hundred and fifty families, mostly from Madison county, Kentucky, again came to Howard county, and of this great number all settled in Howard except Stephen and Hannah Cole who crossed the river and became the first settlers of Cooper county, near the present site of Boonville. 40. Daniel Boone was a man whose like this country perhaps will never see again. His father came from England and settled in Bucks county, Pennsylvania, where Daniel was born, July 14, 1732 (the same year in which George Washington was born), and where he received the rudest education. When he was eighteen his family moved to North Carolina. In 1769 with five hunters he explored the border regions of Kentucky, and was captured by the Indians but soon made his escape. In a short time he was joined by his brother, and both were captured and a companion was killed. They escaped, his brother returned to North Carolina and he was left alone in the wilderness with only his rifle to gain subsistence and defend himself from the Indians. He continued his explorations, and in 1773 he moved to Kentucky with seven other families, and was soon employed to lay out the lands by Virginia, of which Kentucky was then a part, and in commanding the garrisons which had been established for fighting the Indians. His life in Kentucky was spent in hunting, fighting the Indians, being captured by them and escaping. In 1792 he lost all his lands because of defective title and quitted Kentucky in disgust. Hearing of very fertile lands in Missouri, he came here about 1794 and settled forty-five 36 HISTOB Y OF MISSO URL miles northwest of St. Louis, in what is now Warren county, ■ m DANIEL BOONE. There he obtained a grant of ten thousand acres of land, by OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 37 reason of an agreement he formed with Delassus to bring one hundred and fifty families into Upper Louisiana from Virginia and Kentucky. But the grant was never confirmed because Boone failed to get the signature thereto of the direct repre- sentative of the Spanish crown. Afterwards Congress granted him a thousand acres for his gallant public services. He spent most of his latter days with his son, Major Nathan Boone, and died in 1820 in his house, a two-story stone, the first of its kind in Missouri, some six miles from the Missouri river in St. Charles county. His body was buried in a cherry coffin which he had prepared himself and kept ready for years. The Legislature adjourned for one day out of respect for the old hero. The remains of himself and wife were afterwards interred with ceremonial pomp at Frankfort, Kentucky, in 1845. His descendants in Missouri are numerous and can be found in various parts of the State. Only a few years ago one of his kindred, the Hon. B. G. Boone, of Clinton, served as Attorney- General. 41. Territorial officers. Wilkinson, the first Governor of the Territory of Louisiana, was succeeded in the spring of 1807 by Meriwether Lewis, who, while on his way to Washington, committed suicide in Tennessee in 1809 by shooting himself. President Madison appointed as his successor Gen. Benjamin Howard of Lexington, Kentucky. In 1812 Congress passed a law by which on the 12th of December of that year Louisiana was to be advanced from the first to the second grade of Territories, and its name changed to Missouri. The last official act of Gov. Howard was to issue a proclamation ordering an 38 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. election to be held in November for a delegate to Congress and for members of the Territorial Legislature to be organized under this law. He resigned soon after this to become brigadier- general in the army during the war of 1812, and died in St. Louis in 1814, having filled his position with commendable merit. Howard county, which was settled while he was Governor, was named in his honor. He was succeeded by Captain William Clark, of the celebrated expedition of Lewis and Clark, who served as Gov- ernor till Missouri was admitted into the Union. No man ever in the West had more influence over the Indians than did ''Red- c-- head," the name by which Clark was known. He stood between them and the whites for years, was always their trusted friend and averted many a threatened invasion by them and succeeded in amicably purchasing their lands for the United States or obtaining them by treaty. Edward Hempstead of St. Louis was elected the first delegate to Congress in 1812 and was the first delegate to that body from west of the Mississippi river. He was succeeded in 1815 by Rufus Easton, and he in 1817 by John Scott, who served till Missouri became a State. All were honorable and able men. By an act of 1816 Missouri was advanced to the third or highest grade of territorial government. Vn\V ^^^ \ CAPTAIN WILLIAM CLARK. OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 39 42. The settlement about Boone's Lick grew rapidly. However, the Indians, especially the Pottawatomies and Foxes, stole the settlers' horses and kept them in almost constant alarm. Five different forts were built for their protection, but nevertheless many of the prominent men were killed, some of them in their own houses. Yet there was no power to avenge their wrongs or to prevent these recurrences except the strength of their own arms, for this part of the Territory at that time was beyond the organized jurisdiction of any government. In 1816 Franklin — now known as Old Franklin — was laid off opposite the present site of Boonville. It was the first town of any importance west of St. Charles. It grew rapidly and soon came to have con- siderable population. Indeed, for many years Franklin was the center of societ}^ and commerce for all that class of immigrants who came from the older States and who for the most part settled, not in St. Louis and south of it along the Mississippi, but in what soon became Howard county. Among its inhab- itants were men who afterwards became the most prominent Governors and useful Supreme Judges of the State. It was for many years a Government land-office, with Thos. A. Smith as Receiver and Charles Carroll as Register. It had the first newspaper published west of St. Louis, which still lives in the ^'Columbia Statesman." The old town has long since been mostly washed away by the encroachings of the Missouri river. 43. Howard county t(^as organized in 1816. It at first included all that territory from which have since been carved thirty-one counties, twelve south of the Missouri river and nineteen north of it. For this reason it is yet known as the ''mother of 40 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL counties." Its seat of justice was first Cole's Fort, on the south side of the river in Cooper county; in 1817, it was removed to Franklin and in 1823 to Fayette. It was long the center of political influence in the State and before the war ^'Howard county, the mother of Missouri Democracy," was frequently heard. Around Franklin as a center, population rapidly increased, and in a few years it had spread out into what afterwards became Boone, Callaway, Cooper and Chariton counties. All central Missouri was being rapidly transformed from a wilderness into happy homes. 44. The Wen- of 1812 ended in 1815. At its close immigra- tion to Missouri set in more rapidly than perhaps was ever elsewhere known in tlie United States up to that time. The rush was greatest from Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina and Tennessee. As many as one hundred persons are said to have ''passed through St. Charles in one day on their way to Boone's Lick, and this rate was kept up for many days together." Many of these ''movers" brought with them a hundred head of cattle, besides hogs, horses and sheep and from three to twelve slaves. These long trains presented a sight which will never be seen in this country again. It was long before the day of railroads and just before the time of steamboats. There was the huge wagon filled with the family's "plunder," drawn by three or four yoke of oxen. Next came the herds of cattle and sheep, each with many bells, making a beautiful chime, and as this mingled with the dull thud of the wagon, the coarse voice of the herder and driver, a peculiar impression was made which only those can appreciate who have heard it. At night the family would camp OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 41 around the fire, the cattle would lie down and ruminate, the ''movers" would recount the thrilling incidents of the day, the slaves joining in, and, whenever an opportunity offered, telling strangers of the "quality" of their families. 45. When the immigrant arrived at ]iis journey's end^ his first business was to look him out a farm. Though land speculators had done much to confuse titles to the soil, yet land was abundant, and with no great toil each man could "open him up a farm." A log cabin was easily raised^ and the land fenced with what was known as a "Virginia rail fence." Until his first crop was raised, he could easily obtain a subsistence for himself and family by hunting and trapping. At that time the forests, and even prairies, which were covered with a high luxuriant grass, abounded in deer, bear, wolves, panthers, wild cats, wild turkeys and various small game. The flesh of some of these, such as the deer and bear, furnished him food, and their skins were made into serviceable clothes. While his lot was romantic yet it required stern hardihood to endure it. The Indians were about him and were not always friendly. The fiercer wild animals attacked his young cattle, and often carried away his lambs and pigs. He had but few books and papers, schools were rare, and only occasionally did he hear the Gospel preached, but his hardships inspired him with self-confidence and a purpose of character, which yet mark his descendants. 46. His log cabin differed somewhat from the houses of the French settlers. The posts were not set upright and slats nailed horizontally to them, as was the fashion with the French settler, but instead, he generally used large logs, hewn into shape, and 42 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL fitted into one another by means of notches in the ends. These were hiid one on another, and the spaces between were filled with pieces of wood called ' 'chinking" and around these was daubed a plaster made of clay. The door was made of heayy cross-pieces and rough -hewn boards. They were hung on wooden hinges and fastened on the inside with a wooden latch. The latch could be raised from the outside by a string attached to it which passed through a hole in the door aboye the latch. To lock the door was simply to draw the string inside, and so ''my latch-string always hangs on the outside" became a popular term of hospitality and an assurance of welcome to the neighbor or passing stranger. The windows were without glass. The light was admitted by a shutter which stood ajar, or through greased paper attached to a frame- work something like a sash. Sometimes the cabin was thirty feet square, and if two rooms were built a wide hall ran between, and the larger room was called the "big house." As the farmer grew wealthier, popula- tion increased and the means of transportation improyed, all these things gaye way to the conyeniences of modern life. 47. He had Utile money, and indeed had need for but little. He raised his own food. The materials for his clothing were grown in his fields or sheared from his flocks and were conyerted into cloth and made into garments by the women of the house- hold. What trading he did was mere barter; that is, the exchange of one article for another. Peltries, lead and its product in the shape of shot, were used in the place of money. There were Spanish dollars, howeyer, and these were often cut into halves, quarters, and even eighths, which, because of their OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 43 small size, came to be called ''bits." For any less amount pins, needles, sheets of writing paper, and other articles of small value were used. 48. But agriculture was not the only pursuit. Lead was produced in great abundance. ''One million five hundred thousand pounds were annually turned out by the Maramec mines alone, which gave employment to three hundred and fifty hands, exclusive of smelters, blacksmiths and others." Much of it was turned into shot and a tower for that purpose was erected at Ste. Genevieve. The fur trade was very large. As early as 1804 it amounted to two hundred thousand dollars per annum. Large trading companies, with headquarters in St. Louis, were organized, which sent out trappers along almost every tributary of the Missouri to the Rocky mountains. 49. In 1811, The New Orleans, the first steamboat built west of the Alleghany mountains, made the trip from Pittsburgh to New Orleans. This settled forever the question of the use of steam as a motive power on the western waters. In the next eight years sixty-three steamers were built and plied on the Ohio and Mississippi. On the second of August, 1817, the first steam- boat that ever ascended the Mississippi above the mouth of the Ohio arrived at St. Louis. Its name was "General Pike" and its master was Jacob Read. On May 28th, 1819, the Inde- pendence, the first steamboat to ascend the Missouri, arrived at Franklin, having been twelve days on the journey from St. Louis. Soon after this steamboats became common on these rivers, and their appearance, which was at first dazzling, became familiar sights. They added a new impetus to commerce and 44 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL assisted much in the speedy delivery of the mails. Yet these conveniences could scarcely be compared to our modern rail- roads. It usually took a letter from four to six weeks to come from New York or Washington, and the postage on a single letter, even many years afterwards, w^as twenty-five cents. 60. The last feiv years before Missouri's admission into the Union was a season of severe trial in finances. The year 1818 found nearly everybody in debt. The Bank of St. Louis was established in 1816, and the next year the Bank of Missouri, with a capital of $250,000, was organized. These for a time increased the volume of business, but also aided the spirit of speculation in land and accelerated other ventures. Government land was sold for two dollars an acre, one-fourth cash and the rest in payments of two, three and four years. So great was the mania for speculation in land, that rarely none but the first payment was made. Dealing at the stores was also upon credit. Payments were made with promissory notes or bank notes, which were considered as good as cash. These of course drove out the coin ; and when the day of final settlement came there was no money with which to make payments. Land and all kinds of farm products, though abundant, were unsalable. The Terri- torial Legislature tried to give relief by issuing certificates which were made receivable for taxes and debts of every kind due the State. The courts set this act aside, and for doing so were of course summarily abused, but relief came in time, though slowly, as is usual after such depressions. 51. Population of the entire territory now known as Missouri was about 20,000 in 1810. In 1820 it was 66,000. The popula- OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 45 tion of St. Louis in 1811 was about 1,400, ' 'composed of a motley mixture of Canadian-French, a few Spaniards and other Europeans, and a somewhat larger proportion of Americans." In 1820 it was 4,928. Of the population of this territory in 1820 about 10,000 were slaves. The number of counties increased from five to fifteen in the ten years preceding 1820. 46 IIISTOR Y OF MISSO URL PART III. IVIISSOURI AS A SXAXE. CHAPTER I. THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION. 52. The Territorial Legislature made application for the admission of Missouri into the Union as a State in 1818. The application produced a violent sectional issue in American politics. It opened up a long acrimonious struggle between the North and South for political supremacy in the nation. That struggle, attended with bitterness from its beginning, continued up to the time of the civil war, through that w^ar, and has scarcely ended even yet. The people of Missouri wished to decide for themselves whether slavery should exist in the State. To this the North urged two strong objections. 53. The first was, the people were sure to permit slavery. It existed in the Territory at the time of the application ; had been there for fifty years, and nothing was surer than that the people would not voluntarily abolish it. Slavery had never existed north of the Ohio river, above the latitude of which lies most of Missouri. The admission of Missouri would be a precedent. If THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION 47 the privilege were given to her people to decide upon the existence of slavery within her borders, so must, it be extended to the whole Louisiana purchase. Missouri was on the border line between free and slave labor. The question, then, was whether Congress would interfere with the further extension of slavery. If permitted to exist in Missouri, without some limitations now agreed upon, it might, by the voice of the people, exist in all the Louisiana purchase. Against its further extension many citizens throughout the North protested in the name of freedom, humanity and a higher civilization. 64. The second objection was, the admission of Missouri would turn over the control of the nation from the North to the South. It was also the real objection, the one which did most in controlling the northern members in Congress. The Union had been originally formed of seven free and six slave States. Up to February 1819 there had always been one more free than slave States, there being at this time ten of the former and nine of the latter. The free States had acquired a large and constantly increasing predominance in Congress. This was the political situation when early in 1819 Missouri and Alabama made application to become States. Both were slave Territories, both had been settled by emigrants mostly from slave States, and of course it was assumed that their political affiliations would be with the South. If admitted, the number of slave States would be increased from nine to eleven, while the free States would remain ten. This would give the South the mastery in Congress. 55. Alabama. — Georgia had ceded Alabama's territory, and in doing so had made stipulations in regard to slavery, which 48 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. were regarded by Congress as deciding that slavery as a form of labor might exist in that State. Accordingly Alabama was admitted without opposition as a slave State. This made the number of Northern and Southern States exactly the same. The fight for political supremacy, therefore, was not made over Alabama but Missouri, which lay much further north, and was supposed to be connectional ground between the free soil and slave territory, and might, therefore, be claimed by either. The South espoused the cause of the people of Missouri because it wished to gain political ascendency 'in Congress and because it was intimately interested in the extension of slavery. 56. The struggle for the admission of Missouri was precipitated in Congress by a resolution of Mr. Tallmadge of New York: "That the further introduction of slavery shall be prohibited; and that all children born within the State after the admission thereof shall be free at the age of twenty-five years." This led to a long discussion in which hot and bitter words were bandied to and fro with frequency. It will be remembered that when the contract of purchase was signed, transferring Louisiana from France to the United States, article third, written by the great Napoleon, provided that "the inhabitants of the ceded territory, shall be incorporated into the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States, and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property and the religion which they profess." This contract with this article in it, was accepted THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION. 49 in 1803 by Congress. It was now seized upon by the opponents of the TaUmadge resolution as having settled the question of slavery in Missouri before her application for admission. Slaves, it was contended, were property. Slavery existed in the Territory when the terms of purchase from Napoleon were signed, when those terms were accepted by Congress, and had been here ever since. If, therefore, slavery was to be prohibited there it should be left to the State itself to do so. Besides it was further con- tended that these terms of purchase were exactly similar in their tenor to the stipulations Georgia had made wh^n ceding Alabama, and which stipulations obtained for that State the right to abolish or maintain slavery as she pleased. 57. To deny 3Iissouri the same right was, therefore, to take from her her dignity as one of a Union of equal States, to make her yield to conditions which had never before been imposed on any State, and which would not now be attempted in her case if the free still outnumbered the slave States. This point was urged with great ability by John Scott, Missouri's delegate then in Congress, who felt that to deprive the people of the right of choosing their own local institutions was a humiliating condition, and violated the old maxim that ''all just governments derive their powers from the consent of the governed." In reply to him it was held that slavery existed only by virtue of a local law ; that it had never been sanctioned by national laws, and that on the contrary the Constitution had from the first implied an opposition to it, in that it contained an agreement that the slave- trade should cease in 1808. The supporters of the Tallmadge resolution further held that slavery was not only a moral wrong. 50 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. a political evil, a commercial weakness, but it was contrary to universal freedom which must necessarily inhere in a republic. These views were so discordant that one would scarcely suppose a compromise for the admission could ever be reached. Yet such vv'as the fact. 58. The Missouri Compromise. This was accomplished by the application of Maine for admission in December 1819, and while Missouri's case yet seemed hopeless. Maine would of course be a free State. Had she applied for admission at the same time Alabama and Missouri did, perhaps all the contention of which we have spoken would never iiave arisen. Then, admitting the three at once, the free would not have been outnumbered by the slave States. As it was, those in favor of letting Missouri settle the question of slavery for herself declared both Missouri and Maine should be admitted without regard to slavery or both kept out. This brought on a dead-lock in Congress, which lasted for weeks and finally ended in a measure known as the ''Missouri Compromise." This was an agreement that Maine should be brought into the Union ; that Missouri should settle for herself the question of the existence of slavery within her territory ; and that slavery should forever be prohibited from all other territory "north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude" which was the south line of Missouri. The agreement was implied, though not expressed, that Missouri shoi.ld be admitted into the Union according to this agreement. This compromise opened up the way for Missouri's admission. In 1857, long after that was accomplished, the Supreme Court of the United States declared this compromise, by which slavery THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION. 51 was excluded north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, unconstitutional, and that therefore the South had no right to yield to it and the North no right to ask it. 59. But the people of Missouri accepted the compromise as final, and hegan at once to form a State government. A con- vention to frame a constitution met in a hotel, known as the * 'Mansion House," in St. Louis, early in June, 1820. David Barton was elected president. Among its members were some very able men. Some of them were afterwards very prominent in the affairs of the State, such as David Barton, Edward Bates, Alexander McNair, Thos. Riddick, John Rice Jones, Duff Green, Pierre Chouteau, Jr., Benjamin Reeves, A. Buckner, John D. Cooke and John Scott. There were in all forty-one members. They were in session a little over a month, and spent for stationery $26.25 and framed a constitution which in some respects was superior to any Missouri has since had. It withstood all attempts to supplant it by another until 1865 when the war-time emergency articles, called the ''Drake Constitution," replaced it. It took effect immediately without submission to a vote of the people. This constitution was to pass through the fiery ordeal of being approved by Congress before Missouri could become a State. As had been supposed all along, the constitution permitted the existence of slavery. It was reasonably and properly supposed by the people of Missouri and by the South that the Northern delegates had consented to this by the agreement known as the Missouri Compromise. But now when the State claimed a ful- fillment of this promise Congress would not stand to the agree- ment, and hence a second compromise had to be agreed upon. 52 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL 60. One clause of Missouri's Constitution stipulated its legis- lature should enact a law to '^prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to and settling in the State." This clause it was now contended was contrary to a provision of the federal con- stitution which guaranteed to 'Hhe citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States." The members of Congress from the North held that free negroes were recognized as citizens in some of the old States and hence this clause in Missouri's constitution was in conflict with the federal constitution. It will be remembered that it is made the duty, by that same constitution, of the Supreme Court of the United States to determine what State laws are in conflict with it, and when any law is found to be so it is void from the time of its enactment. Why Congress should desire to assume the functions of this high judiciary is not explicable except on political grounds. 61. The claim led to an absurdity. If one State could declare a certain class of men '^citizens" and then the constitution should come in and say all the other States should therefore acknowledge them as citizens too, and should extend to these citizens all the privileges and immunities of citizens of each of these respective States, of course there would be no limit to citizenship. Free negroes would not alone be citizens. One State might declare a Chinaman or an Indian a citizen, and by this claim all the other States must acknowledge him a citizen, and must have nothing in their laws which would not allow him ''all the privileges and immunities" of any of their own residents. This of course led to an absurdity. The object of the clause in the THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION. 53 Missouri constitution was to keep an undesirable class of persons from settling within her borders. Illinois had exactly the same law as late as 1846, and Congress at no time attempted to interfere with it. This clause, however, was the subject for long and bitter discussion in the House. The Senate saw the absurdity and dishonesty of such opposition and soon became in favor of admission. 62. It was at this time that the great Henry Clay of Kentucky came to the rescue. He has been called the author of the ^'Missouri Compromise." *This is a mistake. Mr. Thomas of Illinois was the author of that measure, yet Mr. Clay gave it his powerful support. But he was the author of the second com- promise. He induced the House to agree to leave the provision for the admission of the State to a committee of twenty-three members from the House — the then number of States — to act jointly with a committee from the Senate. This committee reported to the House a resolution admitting Missouri whenever her legislature should pass a Solemn Public Act repealing the clause in reference to the exclusion of free negroes and mulattoes, and when this was done the President should proclaim her admitted. This resolution passed the Senate by a vote of twenty-eight to fourteen, and the House by a vote of eighty-six to eighty-two. 63. The Solemn Public Act. Then the Governor of Missouri called the Legislature together to pass the ^'Solemn Public Act." It first spoke of the absurdity of Congress in demanding it, declared if any clause in the State constitution was in conflict with the federal constitution, that clause was therefore void and 54 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL had always been ; but ''to give to the world the most unequivocal proof of her desire to promote the peace and harmony of the Union," it there ''solemnly and publicly declared and enacted" that no part "of the constitution of this State shall ever be con- strued to authorize the passage of any law by which any citizen of either of the United States shall be excluded from the enjoy- ment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizens are entitled under the constitution of the United States." A certified copy of this Act was sent to President Monroe. He promptly issued a proclamation declaring the admission of the State complete. The precise date thereof was August 10th, 1821. Thus ended for a time a struggle which had not up to that time had a parallel in the admission of any other State. CHAPTER II, FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 64. The first election, under the new constitution, was held on the fourth Monday of August, 1820. Political parties did not divide the voters. On the contrary, the personal popularity and merits of the several candidates determined the result, for the most part. Alexander McNair and William Clark, both of St. Louis, were the candidates for Governor. The latter had been the Territorial Governor for eight years. He was now defeated FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 55 "by a majority of 4,020 votes in a total vote of 9,132. William H. Ashley of St. Louis was elected Lieutenant-Governor. The State government in all its branches did not immediately go into effect. It was far into the year 1821 before either the Circuit or Supreme courts were in operation. 65. First Governor. — Alexander McNair was born in Penn- sylvania in 1774, and received a fair English education. His parents died about the time he became of age, and he and his brother agreed upon the division of their estate in a novel manner — that whosoever should be victor in a fair encounter should be owner of the home- stead. Alexander received a severe whipping at the hands of his brother, to which he afterwards acknowledged he owed the honor of being Gov- ernor of Missouri. In 1804, he moved to St. Louis, and for a number of years was United States Commissary for that station. In the city tax-list of 1811, he appears as taxed for one of the nineteen ''carriages for pleasure" then held in that city. During the war of 1812, he was colonel of Missouri militia in the United States service. He was elected Governor in 1820, and held office till 1824, and died in St. Louis in 1826. He was a man of great popularity and strict integrity. ALEXANDER MCNAIR. 56 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL 66. The General Assembly, which is the name given the legislative branch of the State government, was composed at its first session of fourteen Senators and forty-three Representatives, At that session, which met in St. Louis in September, 1820,, acts were passed creating the counties of Boone, Callaway, Chariton, Cole, Gasconade, Lafayette, Perry, Ralls, Ray and Saline. Most of these were carved from the territory first embraced in Howard county. David Barton and Thomas Hart Benton were elected LTnited States Senators. They were not allowed to take their seats in the Senate however until 1821,, because the State was not j^et admitted into the Laiion. Mr. Barton was a native of Tennessee and was a soldier in the war of 1812. He had served as judge of the circuit court a short time about 1816, but had no brilliant career as a jurist. He was a fluent orator and a man of resplendent genius. At the time of the admission of Missouri he was the most popular man in the State. He was chairman of the convention that framed the State constitution and was unanimously elected to the Senate in 1821 and re-elected in 1825. During his last term he became unpopular in the State because of his espousal of the cause of John Quincy Adams for the Presidency against General Jackson, who was a great favorite in Missouri. Accordingly, in 1833 he was defeated as a candidate for Congress, but afterwards served one term in the State Senate. Toward the close of his life he became insane and died near Boonville in 1837. 67. Col. Benton was elected United States Senator with Mr, Barton, but not without great opposition. Mr. Benton had been a resident of Tennessee, had there been a member of th^ Legis- FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 57 lature, and attained to the rank of colonel as commander of a Tennessee regiment in the war of 1812. But his brother, Jesse Benton, and Amos Carroll had there fought a duel. Andrew Jackson had earnestly espoused the cause of Carroll, which led Thomas Benton to vigorously denounce Jackson. In return Jackson attempted to horsewhij) Benton on the streets of Nash- ville, and was shot in the arm by Jesse Benton. This made the Bentons very unpopular in Tennessee, and in 1813 Mr. Benton came to Missouri. In 1817 he had a very noted duel with Charles Lucas, at that time United States attorney for the district of Missouri, and a son of the first chief justice of. the Territory. Lucas was about twenty-five years old, and Benton was about forty. Lucas had challenged Benton, and when the fight came off was wounded in the neck but not killed. He expressed him- self as satisfied. Then Benton in a violent rage demanded of. Lucas that they fight till one or the other was killed. This they afterwards did and Lucas was killed. In the minds of many people this action of Mr. Benton was regarded as murder, and lost him many friends in the new State. He was opposed for the Senate by his adversary's father, Judge Lucas, and the balloting ran through several days without a choice. Finally Mr. Barton said he preferred Benton for his associate. He was accordingly elected, and served for thirty years, the longest term ever extended to any Senator by any State. 68. The first Congressman. Missouri was then entitled to only one Congressman. John Scott was elected. He had for some time been the Territorial delegate and was a man of ability. He was born in Virginia, in 1782, graduated at Princeton 58 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URl College in 1805, and soon afterwards settled at Ste. Genevieve, Missouri ; was a delegate to Congress from the Territory of Missouri from 1817 to 1821 and then a Representative in Congress till 1827, where he took high rank as a man of educated talent and hold integrity. When the contest came up in the House of Representatives for the election of a President he voted for John Quincy Adams, and was supported in his action by Senator Barton, but opposed by Mr. Benton, who favored Jackson. As a consequence Scott was never again returned to Congress. Nor did he ever again enter politics. He devoted himself studiously to the practice of law, and for forty years had a practice which extended over a great part of the State. 69. The Supreme Court. By the terms of the constitution the judges of the Supreme and Circuit courts were to be appointed by the Governor, and the appointments confirmed by the Senate. This law remained in force till 1851, when it was changed, and judges thereafter were elected just as other officers. The first members of the Supreme Court were Mathias McGirk of Montgomery county, John D. Cook of Cape Girardeau, and John Rice Jones of Pike county. They were all men of great probity and judicial learning, and were elected without any regard to their politics. Mr. McGirk remained a member of the court until 1841. Mr. Cook resigned within a year or two, and Judge Jones died in 1824. Both had been members of the constitutional convention. Mr. Jones had also been very prominent in the Territorial days as a member and president of the Legislative Council. He was the first English lawyer resident within the country now FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 59 called Illinois, having settled at Vincennes in 1787. He came to Missouri in 1808, and afterwards settled at Potosi, where he became the partner of Moses Austin, the man who gave his name to the capital of Texas. George Tompkins was appointed in place of Mr. Jones, and served till 1845, twenty - one years, and then retired, having become sixty - five years old, beyond which age no person was then legally capable of being judge. He had in early man- hood been a school teacher, and about 1810 conducted the only English school in St. Louis, but afterwards located in Franklin, Howard county appointed to the Supreme Court from that place. 70. The State Seal. The constitution of Missouri provided that the Secretary of State should procure a seal of the State with suitable emblems and devices, ''which should not be subject to change." The Legislature of 1822 directed what the devices and emblems should be, and the present seal was fashioned and has been in use since. The following is a description of it: On a circular shield equally divided by a perpendicular line, is a red field on the right side, in which is the grizzly bear of Missouri. Above, separated by a wave or curved line, is a white or silver crescent in an azure field. JOHN RICE JONES. and was 60 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. On the left, on a white field are the arms of the United States. A band surrounds the escutcheon, on which are the words, ''United we stand, divided we fall." For the crest, over a yellow or golden helmet, full- faced and grated with six bars, is a silver star, and above it is a con- stellation of twenty -three smaller stars — Missouri being the twenty-fourth State to unite with the Union, the large star represents her and the other stars the rest of the Union. The supporters are two grizzly bears, standing on a scroll on which is inscribed the motto of the State, "Salus populi suprema lex es/o" — let the welfare of the people be the supreme law. Underneath the scroll are the numerals, MDCCCXX., which was the year of the adoption of the first constitution. Around the entire circle are the words, ''The Great Seal of the State of Missouri." This seal is still kept in the office of the Secretary of State and is stamped on every contract to which the State becomes a party. 71. Rufus Easton. — One of the most noted men in Missouri throughout the entire Territorial period and long after she became a State, was Rufus Easton of St. Louis. He was born FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 61 in Connecticut in 1774, and came to Missouri in 1804, having previously distinguished himself as a lawyer in New York, and was the same year appointed a Terrritorial judge of the United States Court. Two years later he became the attorney of the court, and in 1808 became the first postmaster of St. Louis. He continued to practice law and soon became the leading lawyer of the Territory. In 1813 he went to Congress, and was suc- ceeded two years later by Edward Hempstead. Upon the organiza- tion of the State government he became Attorney-General and held the office till 1826. He died in St. Charles in 1834. No man in all the early Missouri history was more thoroughly devoted to, and in- fluential in, up-building the moral, social and commercial life of the people. As a lawyer, he had no peer in the Territorial days, and as a man of upright conduct he did more than any other person in exposing the conspiracy of Aaron Burr. : U' RUFUS EASTON. 62 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL CHAPTER III. BATES AND MILLER— 1824-32. 72. The second Governor was Frederick Bates of St. Louis. He had been prominent in the Territorial days and was a member of the constitutional convention. His opponent was William H. Ashley, who had been Lieutenant-Governor during McNair's administration, and because of his daring intrepidity in advancing the fur-trade into the Rocky mountains and in fighting the Indians, had invested his character with much romance. But Bates was successful. Before Mr. Bates had served a year as Governor, the people were called upon to mourn his death. Benjamin Reeves of Howard county had been elected Lieutenant-Governor along with him, and of course the office of Governor would have fallen to him had he not resigned before the death of Governor Bates. Under the law, therefore, the office devolved on the President of the Senate pro tempore, who at that time was Abraham J. Williams of Columbia, and who at once began to exercise the duties of Governor. He proclaimed a special election to be held December 8th, 1825, which resulted in the election of John Miller of Howard county, who served out the remainder of the term. A strange coincidence in the lives of Williams and Miller was that neither of them was ever married. The case of Mr. Williams was the only one in the history of the State in which the President of the Senate pro tempore became Governor. He served until January 20th, 1826. BATE 8 AND MILLER— 1S2 4-32. 63 73. Frederick Bates was born in Goochland county, Virginia, in 1777. His education was begun in a private family school and ended in an academy. He studied law and at the age of twenty went to Detroit, a military post, and became its postmaster. In 1805 he was appointed by President Jefferson the first judge of the Territory of Michigan. In 1806 he moved to St. Louis, and from that time till Missouri became a State Mr. Bates was continually in some capacity a Territorial officer. He was Secretary of the Territory under Governors Lewis, Howard and Clark, and during the interims between their administrations he was acting Governor, and also during their protracted absence from the Territory. In 1808 he compiled the ''Laws of the Territory of Louisiana," the first book printed in St. Louis. In 1824 he was elected Governor to succeed McNair, without any solicitation or effort on his part. He died August 4th, 1825. 74. Dueling had become a threatening evil among the promi- nent men of Missouri, and had greatly shocked public sensibility. Many of the duels had been fought on an island in the Mississippi river below St. Louis, which was long afterwards known as "Bloody Island." During the administration of Governor Bates the Legislature undertook to break up this barbarous practice FREDERICK BATES. 64 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL by making it odious. A bill passed botb bouses making the ''whipping post" the mode of punishment. But the Governor vetoed the bill because he could not approve of whipping as the penalty. In his veto message he said: ''I am happy to record my utter detestation and abhorrence of dueling. My duty to my neighbors and myself would compel me, if possible, to put down so barbarous and so impious a practice." After his veto the bill failed to pass. This is the first recorded veto by a Governor of Missouri of which we have any knowledge. 75. The Visit of La Fayette. The year 1825 was made memor- able by the visit of Marquis de La Fayette, and his son George Washington La Fayette, to St. Louis. This great man, after an absence of fifty years in his own beloved France, had, on the invitation of the President of the United States, made a visit to the country whose independence he had done so much to win. While his own land had been filled with tumult, war and poverty, he now found the thirteen Colonies developed into a strong young nation of twenty-six States, happy, prosperous and free. He visited every State, and in St. Louis, with its largely French population, he was received with great favor. His entrance into the city was an ovation — not like the triumph of a military conqueror, but like that of a devoted father and patriarch returning to his own after a long absence in a patriotic trust elsewhere. He came up the Mississippi, landed at the city on April 29th, 1825, where half of its population had assembled to meet him, all familiar with his name, and many of them of the same nationality and familiar with his language. BA TES AND MILLEB—1 82 4-32 . 65 76. TJte capital of Missouri was fixed by the constitution on the Missouri river., within forty miles of the mouth of the Osage (see map). Congress had granted the State four sections of hand to be used for the seat of government. The first session of the General Assembly had appointed a commission of five men to locate the capital. After long and weary examinations Jefferson City was chosen and the first session of the Legislature met there in 1826. Prior thereto it had held its sessions in St. Charles. The State-house was begun in 1823, at Jefferson City, on the site now occupied by the Governor's mansion, and was completed by 1826, at a cost of $25,000. It burned down in 1837, and the present building was in part erected the next year from stone taken from quarries at the edge of the bluff only a few rods from the Capitol. This building was enlarged in 1887, the whole structure having cost not less than $600,000. It is one of the finest in all the States. 77. In 1828 General Miller was re-elected Governor, without opposition. The Adams part}^, which was now beginning to be called the Whig party, had no candidate. Daniel Dunklin of Potosi was elected Lieutenant-Governor. Miller's adminis- tration was most satisfactory to the people. He was born in Berkeley county, Virginia, November 25th, 1781, reared on a farm, and had the advantage of a common school education only. He evinced his predilection for militar}^ life when a boy by always ' 'playing soldier," and his ability to lead by always being captain of his company. In the early part of the present century he located at Steuben ville, Ohio, where he edited and published the ''Western Herald" and "Steubenville Gazette >> 66 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. While thus engaged, he was appointed general of the State militia of Ohio, and held the rank of colonel in the United States army throughout the war of 1812. He commanded the 19th United States Infantry and was assigned to duty under Gen. William Henry Harrison. In May, 1813, while General Harrison was collecting forces at Fort Meigs (pro. Megs) for the purpose of invading Canada, General Procter of the British army, under the cover of night, erected a hattery of six guns so near the fort as to make its dislodgment necessary by General Harrison. Instead of assuming the responsibility of a commander and ordering the troops to take the battery. General Harrison called a council of war, and asked each colonel if he could or would take that battery. When Col. John Miller was called, he was in- dignant at what he regarded as General Harrison's unmilitary deportment, and without making excuse, replied (using the identical words which afterwards became so famous), '^I'll try. Sir." He was given a detachment of 350 men, a part of whom were regulars, and the remainder volunteers and Kentucky militia. These brave soldiers attacked a body of British regulars and Indians, of more than double their number; but the impetuosity of their charge was irresistible, and after a severe struggle they drove the enemy from the JOHN MILLER. BA TES AND MILLEB—1 82 4-32 . 67 batteries. They spiked the cannon, took a large number of prisoners, and having fully accomplished his object, Miller returned in triumph to the fort. The engagement was one of the most bloody and desperate of the whole war, and its brilliant success was due to his intrepid gallantry. Ten months later Col. James Miller of the 6tli United States Infantry, under similar circumstances made the same reply — ''I'll try. Sir" — at Lundy's Lane, and his heroism was rewarded by an order directing the words to be stamped upon the buttons of the soldiers of his regiment. But equal glory for equal heroism is due Col. John Miller for his heroic daring at Fort Meigs. At the close of the war Colonel Miller was retained in the regular army and ordered to duty in Missouri. In 1817 he resigned his command and held the office of Register of Lands till 1825, when he was elected Governor, and served till 1832, a period of nearly seven years, a longer term than has ever been extended to any other Governor. In 1836 he was elected to Congress and served six years. He died March 18th, 1846. 78. Congressmen. — In 1828 the Adams or Whig candidate for Congress was Edward Bates, a brother of Frederick Bates, and the eloquent gentleman who afterwards became a member of President Lincoln's Cabinet as Attorney-General of the L^nited States. The Democrats had two candidates, Dr. William Carr Lane and Spencer Pettis, both of whom were popular with the people, with about an equal number of supporters. The Democratic leaders regretted this double candidacy, and lest both be defeated it was proposed that one should withdraw. The matter was left to Mr. Benton, and he promptly decided 68 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. that Pettis should alone be the Democratic candidate. Mr. Pettis was elected and reflected credit upon himself and his State. In 1830 he was a candidate again against David Barton. The whole nation was then much concerned about President Jackson's purpose to abolish the United States Bank, the Democrats in Missouri enthusiastically supporting Jackson, and the Whigs with equal earnestness opposing him. The president of the bank was Nicholas Biddle, who, from that fact, was the leader of the party which clamored for its re- charter. Mr. Pettis in his canvass warmly criticised Biddle, and thereby gave offense to Major -_ Thomas Biddle, an officer in the United States army at St. Louis, and a brother of the president of the bank. Major Biddle scurril- ously attacked Pettis through a newspaper, to which Mr. Pettis replied in kind. Thereupon Biddle went to his room at the hotel and severely chastised him with a cowhide. Mr. Pettis, upon the urgent request of Thomas Benton, continued to make his canvass, and was elected by an overwhelming majority, the people feeling that he had been attacked on account of his political opinions and therefore gave him a very large vote. A short time thereafter he challenged Major Biddle for a duel, and both were killed on Bloody Island. This duel did much to EDWARD BATES. BA TES AND MILLEB—1 824-32 . 69 arouse harsh feelings between the political parties of Missouri, but it also in a few years did much to create a public sentiment against the barbarous practice of dueling and in less than ten years it had almost disappeared from the State. But the death of Pettis made necessar}^ a special election to fill his place in Congress. It resulted in the election of Wm. H. Ashley, who continued in Congress till 1837, and was succeeded by ex-Governor John Miller. 79. Slavery attracted attention even at this early date. A unique incident occurred in regard to it about 1827. It was an effort to set in operation plans for its gradual destruction. Accordingly a secret meeting was held, attended by twenty of the leading politicians of both parties, in about equal numbers from each. The United States Senators at that time were Messrs. Benton and Barton. The first was a Democrat and the other a Whig. Both took part in this meeting and led the movement. An agreement was signed by all the members present by which they undertook to persuade each party to commit itself to gradual emancipation of slavery. Resolutions in the form of memorials were drawn up to be presented to the people throughout the State for signatiire. A very little matter made the whole undertaking impossible before the day on which it was to be first presented to the public. Arthur Tappan of New York was at that time a very noted, enthusiastic but fanatical Abolitionist. The report was published generally that Tappan had entertained some negro men at his private table, and that these negroes had ridden out in his private carriage w4th his daughters. This ''raised such a furor" that the movers 70 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL in this laudable plan ''dared not permit the memorials to see the light." It is difficult to appreciate in our day the effect of the conduct of Tappan. But it is another illustration of what small things sometimes change the history of nations. These twenty men claimed they had the power to carry out their project, but after the Tappan incident they began to fear the result if they should succeed. 80. Governor 3Iiller's administration was a time of general prosperity. The great body of the people were quietly toiling and preparing for the rising greatness of the State. All kinds of agricultural industry were followed with profit. At first most products sold at very low prices ; wheat at fifty cents per bushel, potatoes at fifty cents, flour at $1.50 per hundred and pork at the- same price, cows at from eight to twelve dollars and working oxen at from thirty to forty dollars. But these low prices were largely due to the difficulty of reaching the world's markets.. Towards the close of his term steamboats became more frequent on the rivers, and transportation cheaper and easier. Then prices became better. The ''prairie fires" at this time presented a sight never to be seen again. The prairies and woods were filled with snakes and numerous wild animals. To destroy these and prevent vegetation from decaying, in the nights of spring and fall the "prairie fires" were set, and made a beautiful scene^ though sometimes attended with danger. 81. At the election in 1832 there were three candidates for Governor. Daniel Dunklin of Washington county was the Democratic, Dr. John Bull of Howard was the anti-Jacksort candidate and Samuel C. Davis was an independent candidate- GOVERNOR DUNKLIN'S ADMINISTRATION 71 Dunklin was elected by a majority of about 1,100. The Lieu- tenant-Governor was Lilburn W. Boggs of Jackson county. Dr. Bull was the same year elected a member of Congress, under a new apportionment which gave Missouri two representatives instead of one. Governor Dunklin was inaugurated November 22d, 1832. CHAPTER IV GOVERNOR DUNKLIN'S ADMINISTRATION— 1832-36. 82. Daniel Dunklin, fifth Governor of Missouri, was born in Greenville District, South Carolina, in 1790; moved to Kentucky in 1807, and to Potosi, Missouri, in 1810. He was sheriff of Washington county while Missouri was yet a Territory, and was a member of the constitutional conven- tion of 1820. He became Governor, November 1832, and espoused the cause of public schools so ardently that he may be justly called the Father of the Common School System of Missouri. One month be- daniel dunklin. fore his term as Governor expired he resigned to accept the office 72 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. of Surveyor-General of Missouri, Illinois and Arkansas, which had been tendered him by President Jackson. In this capacity he established the boundary line between Missouri and Arkansas, and laid out most of the counties of these three States. He died in 1844, and is buried near Pevely, Jefferson county, on the serene bluffs overlooking the Mississippi — one of the most beautiful places on the majestic river. 83. The Asiatic cholera, perhaps the most violent epidemic ever known in America, reached St. Louis in 1832. It had devastated cities in Europe ; had crossed the seas and invaded New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore. The people of St. Louis had taken warning and made vigorous efforts to prevent its coming by using proper food and carefully cleaning the streets. But the deadly malady nestled in the wings of the wind and baffled all opposition. It first attacked a soldier at Jefferson Barracks, at the outskirts of the city. It then spread rapidly among the people, many of whom fled to other climates. It lasted six or seven weeks. During a greater part of this time there were from twenty to thirty deaths a day. When it finally disappeared there had fallen one in every twelve 6f the city's population. It also appeared the same year in Ste. Genevieve > Cape Girardeau, and other places, but the next year it prevailed with greater fatality in them. In 1849 it came again to St. Louis, with more direful results. In the midst of the consternation which seized upon the people a board of physicians pronounced against a vegetable diet and in favor of meat, and the city council passed a law prohibiting the use or sale of vegetables. The people, interpreting this to mean that meat was a remedy for the disease, GOVERNOR DUNKLIN'S ADMINISTRATION. 73 engorged themselves with it, eating even to gluttony. The price arose to enormous sums. But in a month or two the undue stimulating effects of the meat diet were seen, and the ordinance repealed. But still the number of deaths reached 160 a day, and between April 30th and August 6th, 4,060 persons died from cholera alone. In 1850 and 1851 and again in 1867 it prevailed at various points along the Mississippi and Missouri, but rarely reached the towns a few miles from the river courses. In all these places the dreadful pestilence stalked the land leaving death and despair in its wake. The healthiest and stoutest men were often the first stricken. Persons of robust bodies would be attacked and in three or four hours waste away to skin and bones. So infectious was the disease supposed to be that burials frequently took place at night by torchlight, and often women and even parents assisted in burying their own dead. 84. Lovejoy. — Another noted attempt to emancipate slaves was made about this time by Rev. E. P. Lovejoy, who, on his return from the theological school at Princeton College in 1833, began in St. Louis the publication of a paper devoted to the condemnation of slavery and its gradual extinction. His views, though at this day they would be regarded as mild and prudent, were abusive and full of denunciation. They were received in the spirit in which they were made, and instead of winning the people to his cause he drove them from him, and soon they shared his spirit of denunciation and became as abusive as he was. At the end of a year or two he found a longer residence in Missouri unprofitable and unsafe, and announced his purpose to remove to Alton, Illinois. The people thereupon sacked his 74 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. office, threw his presses into the street, but without personal injury to him. At Alton he followed the same course pursued in St. Louis, but with worse results. His office was twice sacked and in a third attempt Lovejoy was shot. His death aroused great feeling in the North, and greatly incensed its people toward the South, especially toward slavery, although he had not met his death in a slave State or at the hands of slaveholders. Being a man of talent and noble purposes, had he pursued a milder and more persuasive course, he might have averted much of the trouble which afterward came to Missouri. But his life was only another illustration of how unalterably opposed Missourians are to abuse and outside interference^ with their affairs. 85. The Platte Purchase forms a unique niche in our American history. It was a procedure by which a large tract of land was added to an already large State. It was brought about by the inhabitants of Clay and adjoining counties, led by men then or afterwards prominent in the State, and all gentlemen of ability and honor. Among them were General Andrew S. Hughes, who was said to be scarcely second to the celebrated John Randolph in wit and sarcasm and was a lawyer of excellent parts; Wm. T. Wood, afterwards a resident of Lexington and a well known judge; A. W. Doniphan, the brave commander of ''Doniphan's Expedition" of the Mexican war; and David R. Atchison, afterwards United States Senator. With the assistance of these gentlemen, Senators Benton and Linn pushed through Congress a bill by which all the country now embraced in the counties of Atchison, Andrew, Buchanan, Holt, Nodaway and GOVERNOR DUNKLIN'S ADMINISTRATION. 75 Platte became a part of Missouri. On September 17th, 1836, Captain William Clark, who had been superintendent of Indian affairs throughout Missouri since the time he was the Territorial Governor, formed a treaty with the Sac, Fox, and Iowa Indians, by which they ceded this territory to the United States. In return the Indians were given $7,500 and 400 sections of land in northwestern Kansas, and the entire country, therefore, has been known as the Platte Purchase. It all lies between the Missouri river and a meridian line drawn through the mouth of the Kansas river, at Kansas City, and comprises one of the richest bodies of land to be found anywhere. In December, 1836, Congress passed a law opening the country to settlement, and the next year found it teeming with people from every State and many came from Canada, on account of the Canadian rebellion. In a few years Platte county was next to St. Louis in population, and sent three members to the Legislature, and Buchanan sent two. This ascendancy continued till the large emigration to Kansas in 1856. 86. The election for Governor in 1836 took place in August, and was preceded by a warm campaign. Lilburn W. Boggs was the Democratic candidate, and William H. Ashley of St. Louis, the Whig candidate. Boggs was elected, and Franklin Cannon of Cape Girardeau was chosen Lieutenant-Governor. The vote at this election was sixty per cent greater than it had been four years before. In November, Ashley was elected a Representative in Congress. 76 HISTORY OF' MISSOURI. CHAPTER V. GOVERXOR BOGGS AND MORMON TROUBLES. '^ 87. Lilburn W. Boggs, the sixth Governor of Missouri, was born at Lexington, Kentucky, in 1796. He served as a soldier in the war of 1812, and in 1816 came to Missouri, first settling at St. Louis, then at St. Charles, Franklin, and Fort Osage in Jackson county, being engaged most of the time in the fur-trade with the Indians. In 1826 he was elected to the Legislature, and served in that body during several sessions. In 1832 he became Lieutenant - Governor, and on the resignation of Gov- ernor Dunklin, assumed the duties of his office. He was elected Governor in his own right within a month, inaug- urated November 23rd, 1836, and served four years. He was afterwards a leading member of the State Senate, and in 1846 moved to California, where he filled honorable public offices, and died in 1861. LILBURN W. BOGGS. GOVERNOR BOGGS AND MORMON TROUBLES. 77 88. The first military glory of any consequence won by Missourians was in 1837, during the Seminole war. The Semi- nole and Creek Indians had agreed to move from Florida west of the Mississippi, and the national Government ordered them to do so. They refused to go, and when the attempt was made to force them, they retreated to their swamps, and from there carried on a fierce predatory warfare for a year or two. The Government was in need of soldiers and the Secretary of War called on Missouri for one thousand mounted volunteers. This of itself was a compliment to the State, for such a request was made of no other State. They were enrolled from Boone, Callaway, Howard, Jackson, Ray, Chariton and Marion, and were soon on the march to Florida, under the gallant Colonel Richard Gentry of Columbia. After a toilsome journey they joined the regular army under General Zachary Taylor and took part in a bloody battle with the Indians near 0-kee-chd-bee Lake, where the whole force of the Seminoles had been gathered under Tiger Tail, Alligator and other warriors. The soldiers had to cross a miry swamp to reach the Indians and to stand knee-deep in mud and water while the battle lasted. Nevertheless these hardy volunteers, with Colonel Gentry in the lead, bravely marched on and fought on till the Indians were routed. One hundred and forty of them, mostly Missourians, were killed, among them Colonel Gentry. This battle ended the war. Gen. Taylor, in his report of it, did great injustice to the Missouri volunteers, and spoke of them so sneeringly as to lead them to think they had been slandered by him. The matter came up in the Missouri Legislature, where, after a thorough investigation. 78 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL resolutions of the highest praise of Colonel Gentry and the volunteers were adopted. The President, through the Governor of Missouri, was requested to have justice done in the matter, but nothing came of this request. MORMON TROUBLES. 89. The founder of Mormonism was Joseph Smith, an unedu- cated, fanatical youth of New York, who regarded himself as the ^'Revelator and Prophet" of a new faith, and claimed he was, by divine appointment, to establish a kingdom as precursory of the millennial reign of Christ on earth. He was born at Sharon, Vermont, in 1805, and removed with his father to Palmyra, New York, in 1815. Here he became within a few years much impressed by religious revivals, but soon relapsed into his habits of swearing and drunkenness. In 1823 he claimed an angel came to him and revealed the place where plates containing inscrip- tions of the early history of America could be found. These plates the angel of the Lord delivered to him the next day at the place mentioned in the dream. They were covered with Greek and Hebrew characters, resembling hieroglyphics, and by the aid of Oliver Cowdery, whom John the Baptist came to the earth to ordain, he translated them into the ''Book of Mormon," as a special revelation from Heaven. This book has been the mythical source of the Mormon faith, and ever since the faithful Mormon, or Latter Day Saint, often tells of his ''revelations." The proof is pretty good now that it was written by an erratic Presbyterian minister, as a part of a novel he had prepared on GOVERNOR BOGGS AND MORMON TROUBLES. 79 the ten lost tribes of Israel, and which he had submitted to the publishers but never printed, but while there a copy was stolen by a printer. 90. At Independence. — Smith made some converts in New York. In 1831 he moved to Ohio, and the next year to Jackson county, Missouri, found the ''Zion" of his prophecy at Inde- pendence and named it the ''New Jerusalem." The ''Saints" entered much land, owned all things in common, though most of the titles were in the bishops, established the "Lord's Store- house" at the New Jerusalem and started the "Evening Star," the first newspaper published in that part of the State, in which weekly appeared "revelations" promising wonderful things to the faithful. They called all persons not Mormons, Gentiles, and pronounced curses upon them, who tarred and feathered two of their bishops and threw their printing press into the streets. An encounter took place between the Mormons and Gentiles in 1833, near Westport, in which the latter were defeated, and two .Gentiles and one Mormon were killed. Then the Mormons determined to drive out the Gentiles from Independence, but the latter were successful and compelled the Mormons to cross the river into Clay, Carroll and chiefly Caldwell county. 91. Li Caldivell county the Mormons began another town and called it "Far West," and Joe Smith promised it would soon become one of the mighty cities of the world. Missionaries canvassed the East for converts. They poured into the new town rapidly. Settlements soon extended over four or five counties. In 1837 they began work on the temple at Far West. It was to be the most magnificent in the world. Five hundred 80 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL men began work on it and in a half day excavated a cellar 120 by 80 feet and four feet deep. But it was never to be completed. Many industrious, prosperous citizens had been drawn hither. But their prosperity was to end also. Many thieves had also come. They believed it was proper for them to steal from the Gentiles. They, therefore, wandered through the country and appropriated whatever they saw and desired. The county officers being Mormons, no punishment was inflicted upon the thieves. This condition appealed to the citizens of other parts of the State for interference. 92. It iirst began at DeWitt on the Missouri river in Carroll county. Here the Mormons had established a thriving settle- ment. It was a good boat landing and the best port for Far West trade. Colonel G. W. Hinkle was the principal man of the town. A committee of citizens, led by Rev. Sarchel Woods, notified him that at a large meeting in Carrollton it had been determined to drive the Mormons from DeWitt. Hinkle drew his sword and defiantly threatened death to all persons who would interfere with the Saints. ''Put up your sword. Colonel," said Mr. Woods. ''I am an old pioneer, have heard the Indians yell, the wolves howl and the owls hoot; and am not alarmed at such demonstrations." But Hinkle did not go, and toward the last days of September, 1838, four or five hundred troops, under General Congreve Jackson of Howard county, had bivouacked near the town. The Mormons were reinforced also, and the Gentiles were anxious for a fray. But Judge Earickson, of Howard county also, interfered in the interest of amicable settle- ment. The Mormons finally agreed to leave, to pay for all the GOVERNOR BOGGS AND MORMON TROUBLES. 81 cattle stolen, and the Gentiles were to pay first cost on their lands. Men, women and children loaded their goods into wagons and started a long, sad train for Far West. 93. Mormons expelled.— The indignation against the Mormons had now become general. The people clamored for their expul- sion from the State. Governor Boggs ordered out the militia to put down the insurgents and enforce the laws. General John B. Clark of Howard county was put in charge of the raw militia and General A. W. Doniphan of the regular militia. A thousand Mormons, commanded by Colonel Hinkle, were in arms. Clark and Doniphan first met in the southwest part of Caldwell, David Patten, or Captain ''Fear-Not," who led the "United Brothers of Gideon," and who was here killed. Fifteen miles east of Far West they met 125 Mormons under arms, and a skirmish ensued in which eighteen of them were killed, some of them after they had surrendered. Clark and Doniphan pressed on toward Far West. The Mormon leaders agreed upon terms of surrender without a battle. They were to deliver up their arms, surrender their prominent leaders for trial, and all other Mormons should leave the State. Much distress followed these terms of surrender and the consequent removal. Many of the Mormons were poor. Like most early settlers of Missouri they had put most of their money in land. This they were required to part with for almost nothing. Farms were traded for a horse, or a wagon or a yoke of oxen. Most of their number, at that time about 4,000 in Caldwell count}^, went to Nauvoo, Illinois. Far West is now a cornfield with only a few gravestones to mark its former site. 82 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL 94o Among the leaders surrendered were Joseph Smith, Parley P. Pratt, Col. Hinkle, Jacob Gibbs and others, about twenty in. all. They were indicted for treason, arson, murder, robbery, resisting legal process, etc. By change of venue their cases- were taken to Boone county for trial. On the way Joseph Smith escaped by bribing the guard. Pratt escaped from jail. Gibb& and. the others were tried before Judge David Todd and acquitted. General Doniphan was their lawyer. Joe Smith joined his followers in Illinois. There, about 1842, he had another ' 'revelation" authorizing polygamy. He, his brother and others- were arrestecf and lodged in jail. Here a mob put them to death in June, 1844, but not till the Prophet had fought with desperation for his life, killing one man and wounding two others. After his death the ''Council of Twelve Apostles" elected Brigham Young to be his successor. The Mormons were soon driven from Illinois to Utah, where they are still numerous and powerful. 95. The part taken by Governor Boggs to drive out the Mormons determined their leaders upon his assassination. He lived at Independence, and to that place in 1841 came Peter Rockwell, a Mormon, who hired as a common laborer under a different name. After he had become acquainted he easily found an opportunity for his desperate intention. Late one evening as Boggs was leaning with his back to an open window, Rockwell shot him in the head. The wound was a terrible one; three of the balls lodged in his head and neck ; another passed through and came out at the mouth. Nevertheless he recovered. Rock- well was tried and acquitted. THE ADMINISTEA TION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMABUKE. 83 CHAPTER VI. THE ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMADUKE. 96. The Presidential election of 184-0 was attended with deep interest in Missouri, as in other States. The Whig candidate was William Henry Harrison, who had set in operation the powers of the United States government in this territory. He was called the ''Log Cabin Candidate" and the contest was called the "Log Cabin, Coon Skin, and Hard Cider Campaign." Great assemblages were held throughout the State, addressed by the most powerful orators of the day, among whom were many men of great ability. At these ''log cabins, real coons and hard cider were liberally displayed," and bands of music, banners and great processions. Harrison was opposed by the Democratic candidate, Martin Van Buren. 97. There ivas some dissatisfaction in Missouri with the Democratic party, which had been in power in the federal government for many years, because of the wide-spread financial troubles of the few years before. These had grown out of the wild speculations in lands and general recklessness in trade which had seized upon the nation some years before, and these financial panics were the natural results of the stringency and reaction following these reckless speculations. But the Whig 84 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL party saw a good opportunity to turn them to fine political advantage and was not slow to do so. A few years before the charter of tlie old United States Bank, which had been in existence, with the exception of a few years, for forty years,- expired. The Whigs strongly favored its re-charter, but were defeated by the Democrats under the lead of President Jackson, who had the national funds deposited in the various State banks. In each State there was one central bank, with branches at other commercial centers. In Missouri the principal bank was in St. Louis, with branches at Fayette, and later on at other points. This action on the part of Jackson preceded only about a year the storm which swept over the financial world in 1837, although the death blow to the bank had been given in 1832. The fate of the bank had little or nothing to do with the distress, yet they came close together and the Whig party made much out of the coincidence. But the people of Missouri had, from their organi- zation as a State, profited by the lessons learned in the financial troubles of 1818, and had avoided in a great measure much of this speculation. They had always believed in ''hard money,". or gold and silver, and hence never were afflicted with the ''wild-cat" paper currency which proved so injurious to tlie prosperity of some States, except as they felt it in their foreign trade. The Democratic party being then the special advocates of "hard money," the majority of them up to this time had voted with that party. 98. TJtc WIn'g.9 undertook to win tliem from their old faith, and the campaign of 1840 was the most energetic of any ever had in the State prior to the civil war if not up to tliis time. THE ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMADVKE. 85 They supplemented their national ticket in Missouri by adding to it one of the most powerful stump-speakers ever in the State, General John B. Clark of Howard county, as candidate for Governor. Their principal doctrines were opposition to Jackson's policy, and the liberal use of the State's and Government's money in public improvements within the State. But the Democrats were also active. They regarded President Jackson as the people's friend and the doctrines he and his followers so much emphasized as the true principles of civil government. In opposition to Clark they nominated Thomas Reynolds, also of Howard county, and a man of solid worth, and in spite of the active efforts of the Whigs the Democrats again carried the State, as they had always done since the formation of parties in the State, and as they have never failed to do since when all men in the State were allowed the right to vote. Thomas Reynolds was elected Governor, and Meredith M. Marmaduke of Saline, Lieutenant-Governor. 99. The Whigs at this election for the first time assumed a distinct organization in Missouri. Before that, some Whigs had been very prominent in politics, and had been elected to important offices, but they were chosen often on account of their ,^'1'^^ JOHN B. CLARK. 86 HISTOR Y OF MISSO UEI. personal popularity and worth, rather than because of their politics. But for the next twelve years the party made bold and aggressive campaigns at every election, although it at no time gained control of the State. Among its members were many of the ablest and best men Missouri has ever had. They were also its wealthiest, which fact contributed no little to their defeat at the polls. The Whigs were often styled the ''aristocrats" of Missouri by their political enemies, and this did its share in preventing the party from gaining strong hold on the popular heart. 100. Muster Day was a time of much interest to the people of Missouri up to about 1840. In 1825 the Legislature had enacted an elaborate law for organizing the militia. By it every man over eighteen years old and under forty-five, except a few specially exempt, were enrolled as State soldiers. The purpose of the law was to prepare the State for Indian wars or any other emergency that might arise. The militia were arranged in divisions, brigades, regiments, battalions and companies. A company consisted of sixty-four privates, each battalion of five companies, each regiment of two battalions, each brigade of four regiments, and a division of any number of brigades. Captains, commanded companies, majors commanded battalions, colonels- regiments, brigadier-generals brigades, and major-generals- divisions. The Adjutant-General of the State was the chief officer of the militia. Captains, majors and colonels were elected by the vote of privates; generals, by the vote of under officers. On the first Saturday of April every year, the citizens of each township, or, if the population was sparse, of each county, came THE ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMADUKE. 87 together to be organized into companies and drilled for soldiers. This was called ' 'Muster Day. " Then in May, the companies came together and were organized into battalions, drilled and paraded for several days. In October, drills were had by regiments and brigades. All of these occasions were looked forward to by the people with a great deal of interest and expectation. The wealthy made display of gorgeous uniforms and splendid steeds, and chivalric heroes were received with demonstrations of popular favor. On Muster Day, nearly all the people from the surrounding country witnessed the organization and drill of the soldiers, and as a result it became a time when debts were paid, loans made and much trading done. No other day in all the year was so generally observed, and none did so much to get the people acquainted with each other. It also did much toward cultivating a pride in the State and her institutions. Offices in the militia, though almost entirely without emolument, were as eagerly sought after as any in the State. However, there were some persons exempt from this service. They were any civil officer, preachers, teachers, millers and students in school. Ministers were at no time required to perform any kind of military service, nor were the-y permitted to hold any civil office till the new constitution was adopted in 1865. But under the military law ministers could be chaplains, and to be chosen as such was an honorable distinction. 101. Imprisonment for cleht. — The one action in Governor Reynolds' life for which he will be most remembered, and in which he most prided, was the repeal of all laws which permitted imprisonment for debt. This was done b}^ the Legislature at its 88 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. session in 1842-43. Up to this time when one proved in court that another owed him a debt, however small or large, he could have him imprisoned till it was paid. The laws in those times were unduly hard on the debtor. They allowed him but few things that a sheriff could not lay hold of and sell. If he had been unfortunate and lost his property, he could retain not over a hundred dollars worth for his family, and besides the avaricious creditor could come with an armed officer and take him away to jail, and thereb}^ deprive his wife and children of the benefit of his toil. The worst part about such a law was that it was the cruel and avaricious man, the one without mercy or a danger of want, who oftenest made use of it. It also worked the greatest hardship on those who needed the State's protection most. This barbarous law, which was once in force in most of the early States, Governor Reynolds determined to have repealed. He wrote the act himself and by earnest and persistent endeavor pushed it through the Legislature. It was one of the shortest laws ever enacted, and simply read, ''Imprisonment for debt is hereby forever abolished." 102. In ISIfS died Dr. Letuis F. Linn, one of Missouri's Senators in Congress. He was perhaps the most popular man THOMAS REYNOLDS. THE ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMADUKE. 89 the State ever had. He was born in 1795, near Louisville, Kentucky. In early life he began the study of medicine and became by his own efforts a very skillful and successful physician. In 1816 he moved to Ste. Genevieve, Missouri, and though often tendered public office steadfastly declined. His chivalric conduct in caring for the sick at the time of ' the cholera scourge in 1833 made him the idol of southeast Mis- souri. During the pestilence Alexander Buckner and his wife of Cape Girardeau had died on the same day. Buckner at the^ time represented Missouri in the national Senate, and numerous petitions were sent Governor Dunklin to appoint Dr. Linn to the vacancy, who himself was just recovering from an attack of the cholera contracted while attending to others stricken with the dreadful disease. The Governor did so and when the Legislature met he was unanimously elected. He was re-elected in 1836 and again in 1843, this time receiving 119 out of the 129 votes, and during the whole period carefully looked after the interests of his State in that august body. Meetings were held in almost every county of the State to pay proper tribute to his name when he died, and the Legislature unanimously voted to erect a suitable monument to his memory. The Legislatures of Wisconsin and Iowa voted unanimously to wear mourning LEWIS F. LINN. 90 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. for him for thirty days, so highly did they appreciate his services while in the Senate in behalf of their young States. David R. Atchison of Platte county succeeded him in the Senate and served till 1855. 103. Governor Reynolds, elected in 1840, was a man of excellent ability. He was born in Kentucky, resided in Illinois for a few years, where he was Supreme Judge of the State. In 1828 he moved to Missouri, was successively a member of the General Assembly, Speaker of the House, Circuit Judge, and Governor. While yet holding this last office, on February 9th, 1844, for the first time in his life, he asked a divine blessing at his breakfast table, then went to a room in the Executive Mansion, locked the door and shot himself. For several months he had been in poor health. It was thought this and domestic troubles had impaired his sanity. He left a note in which he said ''the abuse and slanders of his enemies" had rendered his life a burden to himself and prayed God to "forgive them and teach them more charity." Lieutenaijt- Governor Marmaduke became the Governor and served till the 20th of the next November, being a man of eminently respectable talents, and making a wise and safe ruler. M. M. MARMADUKE. THE ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMADUKE. 91 104. The election of 184-4- has some interests beyond ordinary elections. Congress, at a previous session, had given instruction for the division of the State into Congressional districts. By the census of 1840, Missouri had, because of the great increase of her population, become entitled to five Representatives in Congress instead of two as was the case from 1830 to 1840. Up to this time the State had never been divided into Congressional districts, nor was it now. The Legislature would not acknowledge the authority of Congress in the matter and refused to district the State. This action created some feeling in political affairs, and the Whigs, professing to believe the election of Congressmen on a general ticket in this wise would be illegal, refused to nominate candidates, and let the election go by default. The Democrats, left free from the opposition of a common rival, disagreed among themselves. One faction, which wished for stable silver and gold (hard) money and also desired the return of Thomas H. Benton to the Senate, became known as ''Hards," and nominated John C. Edwards of Cole county for Governor, and James Young of Lafayette for Lieutenant-Governor, and placed on the same ticket five candidates for Congress. The ''Softs" desired a liberal issue of paper money and were opposed to the return of Mr. Benton to the Senate, his long dominant infiuence in the State having become irksome to them. They did not nominate a candidate for Governor, but supported Charles H. Allen, an Independent candidate, who was also supported by the Whigs. Edwards was elected by a majority of 5,600 votes, and was inaugurated November 20th, 1844. At this election John S. Phelps and Sterling Price were elected to 92 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. Congress — men destined to become very prominent in State affairs for the next thirty years. CHAPTER VII, THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GOVERNORS EDWARDS AND KING. 105. John Cummings Edwards, the ninth Governor of Missouri, was born in Kentucky in 1806, but was reared in Rutherford county, Tennessee, and received a classical education. He was licensed to practice law in Tennessee, and came to. Missouri in 1828. In 1830, he was appointed Secretary i of State by Governor Miller, and held the office till 1837, and then was a member of the Legislature for one term, in the meantime giving special attention to his farm of which he was very fond. In 1840, he was elected to Congress and in 1844 he became Governor and served till the 27th of December, 1848. The following May he left Missouri for California, where he died in 1888. JOHN C. EDWARDS. THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF EDWARDS AND KING. 93 106. Attempts at a new constitution. In 1845 sixty-six delegates were chosen to a convention, provided for by the Legislature, to frame a new constitution for the State. They were the strongest and best the State afforded, and were chosen, in many cases, without any regard for their politics. The instrument was drawn up, and voted on at the next election, in 1846. A majority of the votes outside of St. Louis were for it, but in that city so great was the opposition, that it was defeated by 9,000 votes on the entire count. This was largely due to one newspaper, ''The New Era," edited by William Campbell, one of the brightest men in the State, who opposed the new constitu- tion on the ground that it provided that judges of the Supreme and Circuit courts should be elected by the people instead of appointed by the Governor, as the law then required. He brought to bear the whole power of his powerful writing against this change, and succeeded in defeating the new constitution. But at the very next session of the Legislature the old con- stitution was amended, the change providing for an elective judiciary, and this amendment being ratified at the following session it became the law, and thereafter judges were elected by the people. 107. The Annexation of Texas and the acquirement of New Mexico are a part of the history of Missouri. The United States had once a shadowy title to Texas. Under Preside^ Monroe it was traded to Spain for the Floridas. The policy of the nation, it mattered not which party was in power, was from that time on to regain it. But from the time Spain acquired it there had been a constant stream of emigrants thither from Missouri. 94 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL Hence the people of this State were closely connected with those of Texas by ties of blood. ''It is probably within bounds to assert that between 1822 and 1836 there were few prominent Missouri families that were not at some time represented in the life of Texas." In 1835 Texas won her independence from Mexico in a predatory war known as the "Texas Rebellion," and was largely assisted by Missourians who could not ignore her cry for help, although all the assistance given was by private -citizens, who gave their aid on their own responsibility and not from any authority or consent of the State or nation. But soon after winning her independence Texas desired to become a State. This was at first stoutl}^ opposed, but in 1844 her admission was made the principal issue in the Presidential campaign. Missouri's interest in the matter was yet strong. She was in favor of the admission of Texas, and so cast her vote against Henry Clay, the most popular candidate the oj^position could bring forward, and always a favorite in Missouri. The nation as well declared for her admission, and the matter having been settled by the popular voice, Texas was admitted into the Union in 1845. Mexico had prior thereto warned the United States that such admission would cause her to declare war. Accord- ingly on April 24th, 1846, the Mexican commander on the Texas border notified General Zachary Taylor that he considered hostilities to have begun, and a few days afterwards Congress declared "war existed by the act of Mexico." 108. Many Missourians took part in the Mexican war. A few hundred of them joined the regular army under Taylor and Scott and shared in the honor of capturing the city of Mexico. But so THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF EDWARDS AND KING. . 95 far as the United States was concerned this was by no means as- important as the subjugation and acquirement of New Mexico, which was done ahnost entirely by Missouri vohmteers. In the middle of May, 1846, Governor Edwards called for volunteers to join the ''Army of the West." Thirteen hundred and fifty-eight men assembled at Fort Leaven- worth from the counties of Jackson, Lafayette, Saline, Clay, Franklin, Cole, Howard, and Callaway. A. W. Doni- phan of Clay was elected colonel, and because of his prudent wisdom and energy in the campaign, it has usually been called ''Doniphan's Ex- /^ pedition." They were joined there by 300 regulars from the United States Army, with 16 pieces of artillery, and the whole force was placed under the command of General Kearney,, also a citizen of Missouri. In June they set out over the plains for Santa Fe, 900 miles distant and reached it in less than fifty days, having traveled through an uninhabited country and suffered much for water, yet with little loss in men or animals. 109. Upo7i their approach, the Mexican governor abandoned the place as a result of a bribe, and so the Americans took possession "without firing a gun or shedding a drop of blood." Santa Fe was then the center of the overland trade with Missouri ALEXANDER W. DONIPHAN. 96 • IIISTOR Y OF MISSO URL and the distributing point of all trade of northern Mexico. It was the political capital of the country north of the Rio Grande, which hitherto had resisted all attempts at conquest by Texas. The next day after its capture, General Kearney issued a proclamation by which he absolved the people from all allegiance to Mexican authority, and by ''one stroke of the pen transformed them into citizens of the United States." This proclamation was not acknowledged by the President, but he virtually connived at it, and it was upheld by the sword for two years and then ratified by the treaty of 1848, which ended the Mexican war. General Kearne}^ with characteristic energy and aggressiveness, caused a constitution and code of laws to be prepared by Doniphan and Willard P. Hall, both lawyers, which changed New Mexico in name and fact from a province of Mexico into a Territory of the United States. He appointed Charles Bent Governor and F. P. Blair, Jr., Attorney-General. Both were Missourians. He then set out for the Pacific coast to bring California under like subjugation, leaving Colonel Doniphan in command. The day after his departure Colonel Sterling Price arrived at Santa Fe. He had resigned his seat in Congress and taken the lead of a large force of men who had collected in companies of one each from the counties of Boone, Benton, Carroll, Chariton, Linn, Livingston, Monroe, Randolph, Ste. Genevieve and St. Louis, and marched to join the ''Army of the West." 110. Leaving Price in charge of (lie troops at Santa Fe, and having in a short time put down a considerable uprising of the Navajo (pro. Nav-a-ho) Indians, who had long been in hostilities with the people of New Mexico, Doniphan started to Chihauhau THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF EDWARDS AND KING. 97 (Slie-waw-waw) 900 miles distant, to join General Wool. A sandy desert, without wood or water, had to be crossed. In three days this was done and the army had running water. They arrived on Christmas day at a little place called Bracito ( Bra-se-to ) . Here they halted and began to collect feed for their horses and water and fuel. Suddenly a superior force of Mexicans darted upon them in full fire. The Missourians quickly formed on foot, held their fire till the Mexicans came within easy range of their guns and after a half hour's fighting drove them from the field, "leaving sixty-three dead and one hundred and fifty wounded." 111. Capture of Chihauhmi. — Two days later Doniphan reached El Paso and learned Wool had not taken Chihauhau nor moved toward it. After waiting till the 8th of February for the arrival of some artillery from Santa Fe under Captain Weightman, he set out again. In three weeks he was within fifteen miles of Chihauhau, 225 miles from El Paso, with 924 effective men and a caravan of 300 traders' wagons which had followed him all the way for protection and trade with the Mexicans. Here Doniphan learned ''the enemy was strongh^ posted on high ground, fortified by entrenchments and well supplied with artillery," consisting of ''about 4,000 men, of whom some 1,500 were rancheros badly armed with lassos, lances and corn-knives." Despite their superior numbers he determined to attack them. He advanced with seven dismounted companies and three mounted. A charge of these with the aid of two twelve-pound cannon decided the battle. The Mexicans fled. Three hundred of them were killed, three hundred wounded and forty prisoners. The 98 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL Missourians' loss was one killed and eleven wounded. The Missourians now started for the mouth of the Rio Grande, which they reached the 9th of June, 1847, and the next da}^ embarked for New Orleans and for home. 112. After leaving Chihaukau only one incident need be mentioned. This is a pleasing and novel episode. The Mexican people of Parras had shown great kindness to the sick of Wool's army. After he left they had been plundered and threatened by a marauding band of Indians. Although Mexicans they appealed to Doniphan for help, who detached Captain Reid and thirty-five men for the purpose. They severely punished the Indians and recaptured and returned to their parents eighteen Mexican boys and girls. This shows how willing these Missouri boys were to do an act of humanity to even an enemy in distress. 113. This was the end of " Doniphan^ s Expedition.' ' He had traveled 3,000 miles from Fort Leavenworth to the mouth of the Rio Grande in nine months, with a loss all told of less than fifty men, and had prepared the way for the acquirement by the United States of New Mexico, a tract twice as large as Missouri. 114. We must return to Santa Fe to note what had been going on there. There was a * 'deadly hostility'' toward the Americans; an intrigue was formed, and at an uprising of Mexicans on the 19th of January, 1847, Governor Bent had been killed while on a visit to his family at Taos, seventy miles from Santa Fe. Colonel Price set out at once with 350 men and met the Mexicans at Canada, New Mexico. After a short skirmish the Mexicans were driven from their position. They left behind thirty-six THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF EDWARDS AND KING. 99 dead on the field. Price's loss was two killed and seven wounded. Price followed on. He was joined by Captain Burgwin with one company, which swelled his number to four hundred and eighty. Tlie enemy had taken refuge in a pueblo near San Fernando de Taos. This place was enclosed with strong walls and pickets. In it were two pyramid-shaped buildings, seven or eight stories high, and built of sun-dried brick. Their walls were thick and pierced for rifles. Here the Mexicans successfully defended themselves for two days. Price's cannon could not make a breach in the stubborn walls of these buildings. He therefore ordered that they be stormed on all sides at once. The soldiers cut their way through the walls with axes, and then brought up their six-pound cannon, by which the ''holes were widened into a practicable breach." The buildings were carried without further resistance and the siege was ended, with 150 Mexicans killed out of six or seven hundred, and seven of the Missourians killed and forty-five wounded, many of whom died. Fifteen of the prisoners were hanged for treason. 115. Thus ended the revolt. But it began again in a few months. It had all the time been carried on by small bands of marauders, red and white, who robbed passing trading wagons. Soon came the report that a large hostile force was approaching from the South. Price called for additional troops. He was soon at the head of 3,000, nearly all of whom were from Missouri. With this number he found no difficulty in maintaining order and the position he had won. The people of New Mexico in a short time submitted to the situation, and 100 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. the treaty of 1848 ending the Mexican war gave sanction to what had been done by Kearney, Doniphan and Price, and acknowledged that New Mexico had for some time been territory of the United States. 116. In 18J/.8 Austin A. King, of Ray county, was put forward by the Democrats for Goyernor, and James S. Rollins, of Boone, by the Whigs. The Democrats had steadily gained in numbers during the past four years, and although Rollins was one of the most popular and gifted men in the State, King was elected by 15,000 majority out of a total yote of 83,000. Thomas L. Price, a Benton Dem- ocrat from Cole county, was elected Lieutenant - Goyernor. With few exceptions the Goy- ernors of Missouri haye been men of ability, learning and integrity, and Austin A. King may be regarded as the equal of almost any of them. He was moreoyer an eminently practical man, of fine habits and free from those vices which sometimes beset public men. He was born in Tennessee in 1801, a son of an old Reyolutionary family, and received a good education for his day. He became a learned lawyer, and came to Missouri, first settling in Boone county, and served one term in the Legislature from there. In 1837 he !/ AUSTIN A. KING. THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF EDWARDS AND KING. 101 moved to Ray county and was appointed Circuit Judge, and served in that capacity till elected Governor. When the war came on he earnestly, and even bitterly, denounced the secession movement, and was elected by the Union party to Congress in 1862 and served two years. He died in 1870. 117. A destructive fire occurred in May, 1849, among the boats of St. Louis. The steamer *' White Cloud" took fire. Twenty-three other boats were soon in fiames. The line of conflagration was a mile long. The fire spread to the city and whole blocks were burnt. All the buildings on Front street, from Locust to Market, were swept away. Three million dollars was the value of the property destroyed. 118. The Iowa Line. — In 1849 the Supreme Court of the United States settled the long and sore contest between Iowa and Missouri as to which should own a strip of land twenty miles wide lying between the undisputed territory of each. Missouri claimed the northern border should be a parallel of latitude which passed through the rapids of the river Des Moines, and Iowa claimed it should be a line which passed through the rapids of the Mississippi twenty miles further south. From 1837 the inhabitants of this strip had voted at Missouri elections. But in 1845 a Missouri sheriff, acting under the order of a Missouri court, had arrested some criminals on this strip, and was himself arrested and convicted by an Iowa Territorial court on the ground that he was exercising authority on Iowa territory. The contention at once took a serious face, and was made the subject of many fiery speeches in the campaigns for several years. Unfriendly and revengeful feelings 102 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. began to grow between the people of Missouri and Iowa. The matter was quietly and peaceably settled, however, by the United States Supreme Court, and thus the importance of having such a body to settle disputes between the States was shown 119. The Indian border line was adopted as the proper dividing line between the two States. It ran almost in the middle of the twenty-mile strip. It had been established in 1816, by John Sullivan, as the northern boundary of Missouri. Sullivan was a United States surveyor, appointed for the purpose of establishing this line. The mistake made in running it was one cause of the trouble, and that mistake has never been corrected and still remains. He began on a meridian one hundred miles, north of Kansas City, and, instead of running due east, varied to the north, and at the river Des Moines had varied four miles- in that direction. But the United States had by no less than sixteen treaties with the Indians recognized the line he ran as the border of Missouri. Missouri had so regarded it up to 1837,. and the court now held that it should forever be the dividing line between the two States. It is perpetually marked by iron and stone posts four feet six inches long, squaring twelve inches- at the bottom and eight at the top, and set deep in the ground every ten miles along the entire border. On the north side of three of these iron posts is the word ''Iowa" and on the south side the word ''Missouri." By this decision Missouri lost a strip of land ten miles wide on the east and fourteen on the west; and Iowa lost the rest of the twenty-mile strip. BENTON AND THE J A CKSON RESOL UTIONS. 103 CHAPTER VIII. BENTON AND THE JACKSON RESOLUTIONS. 120. The slavery question again stirred the State. It grew out of the acquisition, by the nation, of California and New Mexico. All of the last and part of the first lay south of parallel thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, agreed upon by Congress as the line north of which slavery was not to exist. But African slavery had never existed in New Mexico. When it therefore became territory of the United States, the North contended that slavery must not be introduced there. It was the desire of the South that it should. A large portion of the people of Missouri held that the proper way to settle the matter was for Congress not to interfere at all, but to let the inhabitants of the territory determine for themselves whether they wished slavery or not within their bounds. By way of giving expression to this view a series of propositions known as the ^'Jackson Resolutions" were passed -by the Legislature in January, 1849. They were so called because Claiborne F. Jackson of Howard county, afterwards Governor of the State, was chairman of the committee Avhich reported them to the Senate, though they were written, it is said, by Judge W. B. Napton, a member of the Supreme Court from the county of Saline. 121. The Jackson Resolutions were passed by a vote of about twenty-four to seven in the Senate and sixtv to twenty-two in the 104 HISTOB Y OF IflSSO URL House, the Democrats generally voting for them and the Whigs against. The resolutions were six in number. Only the salient points of each are here given. The first contended that the Constitution gave Congress no power to legislate on the subject of slavery; the second, that the territories ought to be governed for the benefit of the people of all the States and that under the Constitution no laws could exclude the citizens of any part of the Union from moving to such territories with their property; the third, that the General Assembly regarded the conduct of the Northern States as releasing the slave-holding States from all further adherence to the Missouri Compromise, but, for the sake of harmony and the preservation of the Federal Union, they would agree to the application of the principles of that compromise to these territories; the fourth, that the right to prohibit slavery in any Territory belongs exclusively to the people thereof; the fifth, that if Congress passed any act in conflict with these principles, Missouri will cooperate with ^'the slave - holding States for our mutual protection against the encroachments of northern fanaticism." The sixth resolution instructed Messrs. Benton and Atchison, Missouri's United States Senators, to act in conformity with these resolutions. Atchison did so, but Benton refused, and appealed to the people for indorsement. He claimed slavery was an ''incurable evil" and therefore it ought not be extended. 122. The claim luas admitted by many of the men who voted for the resolutions, but they yet held that the people of the territory ought to determine for themselves whether slavery should exist in their midst ; that it was not a question whether BENTON AND THE JACKSON RESOLUTIONS. 105 slavery was right or wrong, but of non-interference by Congress. They said the people of the slave-holding States had a right, under the Constitution which guaranteed freedom of commerce between the States, to go into any of the Territories they had helped to acquire, taking their slave property with them if they so desired, upon the same footing as that upon which people of the North were permitted to move into the same Territory with their horses or other personal property. It was by no means certain that all the Territories would desire to become slave States. Some would not. Mr. Benton had always been quietly opposed to slavery, but he could have accepted this view of non-interference without surrendering his convictions in regard to it. It was afterwards, in 1857, accepted by the Supreme Court of the United States, the final authority on all such questions. 123. But Mr. Benton ivas not a man of Compromises. He welcomed friction, and gloried in the prospect of overcoming his enemies. He was possessed with superb courage, physical and moral, and an imperious will. He ignored and brushed aside the views of the supporters of the Jackson Resolutions. He had no conciliation to make. He had always been ardently devoted to the Union. In this ardor and his own imperious domination, he mistook the views and purposes of those of his own party who differed from him. He had been a devoted follower of Andrew Jackson, and gave great support to that man of iron in his endeavors to humiliate, break down, and punish Mr. Calhoun, against whom Jackson had a deep personal grievance. Benton could see nothing in the Jackson Resolutions 106 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. but a reiteration of Calhoun's nullification doctrines. He thought they meant disunion and secession. Perhaps he was honest in this view. His ardor for the Union and his devotion to Andrew / J THOMAS II. BENTON. Jackson and his dislike for Calhoun perhaps led him to enlarge their import and grounded him in his belief. Yet the friends of the Resolutions did not so regard them. Many of those who strongly supported them, were a few years later loyal supporters BENTON AND THE JACKSON RESOLUTIONS. 107 of the Union cause. Benton had given the Resolutions a meaning which few or none of those voting for them believed was the proper inference. He appealed to the people to stand to his interpretation. He made a tremendous struggle to be sustained, and spoke with incisive invective against his opponents in every part of the State. Strong men of the Democratic party opposed him. The Whigs took no j^art in the contest. 124. When tJie General Assembly met Benton ivas defeated, the opposing Democrats voting with the Whigs and thus elected Henry S. Geyer of St. Louis to the United States Senate. Mr. Benton had been the political leader and autocrat of the State for thirty years. But from this time on his power was broken. He represented St. Louis one term in Congress from 1852-54, but was then defeated by Luther M. Kennett, a Know-nothing. In 1856 he was an unsuccessful candidate for Governor on his own personal strength as an independent candidate, but was defeated. Had he not tried to make the Jackson Resolutions mean something which the great body of the people did not intend them to mean, he might have held his seat in the Senate till his death. After his defeat the Democratic party committed itself to non-interference by Congress in questions of slavery in new territories, and there was political peace for a few years till the breaking out of fresh trouble in Kansas. 125. Henry S. Geyer, who succeeded Mr. Benton in the Senate, was born in Maryland, came to Missouri about 1815, was a member of the Convention in 1820 which framed the Constitution, w^as a member of the Legislature for several terms, 108 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. and Speaker of the House for the first five years after the admission of Missouri into the Union. No man of the earh^ days did more to systematize Missouri's Laws. He was regarded as the ablest hiwyer of the State prior to the Civil War, and in his practice before the United States Supreme Court came in contact with Daniel Webster, Reverdy Johnson, and other men of great fame and was a match for any of them. He made an argument and won the decision in the famous Dred Scott case, which attracted attention throughout half the enlightened world. But as a statesman he was a great disap- pointment. He made no brilliant record in the Senate, and this became all the more apparent from the fact that he was the only avowed Whig ever elected to that body from Missouri. He died in 1859 at the age of sixty-one. 126. Internal improvements. In the meantime the State had, for the first time since its organization, committed itself to a liberal policy of internal improvements. As early as 1836 charters had been granted to private companies to construct better wagon roads. Commercial centers had sprung up far from the navigable rivers. Freighting to them had been done almost exclusively by ox- wagons. Plank or macadam roads HENRY S. GEYER. BENTON AND THE JACKSON RESOLUTIONS. 109 were now constructed. This gradually called into use wagons and other vehicles drawn by horses. No State aid had been given to any of these improvements. But in 1849 the General Assembly — the same one which passed the Jackson Resolutions — found the State out of debt and her revenue largely increasing, and a popular demand for State aid to railroads. In February the construction of the Missouri Pacific railway from St. Louis to the western border of the State was authorized. The survey was soon made, and construction began in July 1850. Other railroads were then rapidly projected. 127. The doors of the public treasury had been opened to the Missouri Pacific. Other roads claimed an equal right to favoritism. There was no stopping place now. In quick succession aid was given to the St. Louis and San Francisco (the ''Frisco"), the Iron Mountain, the Wabash, the Hannibal and St. Joseph, and other railroads. In eight years these roads received from the State its bonds to the amount of twenty-three million dollars, which they were allowed to sell for cash, but the interest of which the roads agreed to pay. In this most of them failed, and hence the State had to pay the interest. Besides this immense sum of about twenty million dollars, the debt was in a few years atigmented by the great debt caused by the civil war. But for most of the war debt the State was^ reimbursed by the United States government. In 1865 the entire debt was thirty-six millions. In 1872, the first year all the citizens were again allowed to vote, it amounted to over twenty-one millions, and in 1891 to over ten millions. 1 10 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL CHAPTER IX. FROM IS 52 TO 1861. 128. At the election of 1852 Sterling Price of Chariton county was put forward by the Democratic party for Governor. The Whigs nominated James Winston of Benton county, who was a grandson of the great Patrick Henry, and a man of many marked characteristics. He was a natural orator and dis- tinguished for his brilliant conversations, but was awkward and clumsy. He was a great walker and made his canvass of the State on foot. He was the best natured of men, and did not give himself a moment's concern when the returns announced that Price had been elected by a majority of nearly 14,000 votes. Wilson Brown of Cape Girardeau was elected Lieutenant- Governor. The new Governor was inaugurated the first Tuesday in January 1853, and the Legislature for many weeks was stirred by animated discussions of the famous Jackson Resolu- tions which had been passed by the previous session of the General Assembly. 129. Sterling Price was born in Virginia in' 1809, educated at Hampden-Sidney college, and came to Missouri with his father in 1831, first settling at Fayette, and two years later at Keytesville in Chariton county, where he engaged in merchandising and keeping hotel for two years, and then settled on a large farm six miles south, and engaged in agricultural pursuits till 1861. In 1840 he was elected to the FBOM 1832 TO 1861. Ill Legislature and was chosen Speaker, and in 1842 was re-elected to both positions. In 1845 he was elected to Congress. When the Mexican war broke out he resigned and was commissioned GEN. STERLING PRICE. by President Polk to raise and command a regiment, and before the war closed rose to the rank of Brigadier-General. In 1852 he was elected Governor as an anti-Benton Democrat^ 112 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL and made the State a faithful, safe and wise chief magistrate. During his term he urged the Legislature to pass a law increasing the salary of the Governor, for the benefit of his successor. The Legislature provided for the increase to begin at once. Governor Price refused to accept the additional salary, and it was never afterwards claimed by him. In 1860 he supported Stephen A. Douglas for the Presidency, and was elected to the convention wdiich declared Missouri would not secede and was m^de its chairman. After the capture of Camp Jackson by the Union troops, he accepted from Governor Jackson the appointment of Major-General of the State troops, and in May 1862 joined the Confederacy and fought for it till it was vanquished. The brilliant qualities which he exhibited in so many ways during that war so endeared him to the people of the South, that with the exception of Lee and Jackson, no man among all their cherished heroes is remembered with more ardent and sincere affection. After the war he returned to St. Louis and engaged in the business of a commission merchant, and died there in 1867. 130. The Gasconade railroad disaster occurred on November 1st, 1855. The Missouri Pacific Railroad, the first built within the State, had been completed from St. Louis to Jefferson City, and it was proposed to celebrate the occasion by a noted excursion to the State capital. The train consisted of nine crowded cars, and some of the most prominent men in the State were on board. The bridge across the Gasconade river had been completed with the exception of one span. In place of this strong temporary scaffolding had been erected, and the FBOM IS 52 TO 1862. 113 inspectors pronounced it strong enough to carry the train across in safety. That was a sad mistake. In the midst of a great storm, while the thunders pealed and the lightnings flashed, it gave way under the Aveight of the engine, several cars went down, forty-three persons were killed outright, and a much larger number badly wounded. 131. At the election in 1856 the Democratic candidate for Governor was Trusten Polk of St. Louis. Robert C. Ewing was the American candidate and Thomas H. Benton was an independent candidate. Polk was elected. He received 47,000 votes, Ewing 40,500, and Benton 27,600. The election of United States Senator enlisted more than ordinary interest. Two years before the Legislature had bal- loted for days, trying to elect a successor to David R. Atchison. It had failed to do so and for two years Missouri had only one Senator, Henry S. Geyer. But in 1857 James S. Green was elected to serve till 1861, and Trusten Polk to serve till 1863. Polk within a few months resigned as Governor, and Hancock Jackson, the Lieutenant - Governor, served till the special election in August, when Robert M. Stewart was chosen over James S. Rollins. DAVID R. ATCHISON. 114 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 132. Trustcn Polh was born in Delaware in 1811, graduated at Yale College in 1831, and came to Missouri in 1835, settling in St. Louis, where he took the highest rank as a lawyer and citizen. No man in the State was more popular with the young members of the bar, none more respected by the people. He was a man of the cleanest habits, of great candor and sincerity. In 1843 he was city Counselor of St. Louis and in 1856 was elected Governor, and within a few months to the United States Senate. He made a useful Senator, being very attentive to the interests of his constituents. Early in the war he was expelled from the Senate * by the Republican members on a charge of disloyalty. He died in St. Louis in 1876. His public services after * the war were given to his church and to upbuilding the educational interests of the State. 133. James S. Green was born in Virginia, in 1817, and was educated at the common-field schools of that State. He came to Missouri in 1837, settled in Lewis county, and a few years later was admitted to the bar. He was a member of the constitutional convention of 1845, and at once measured arms with the ablest members in forensic debate. In 1846 and 1848 TRUSTEN POLK. FEOM 1852 TO 1861. 115 he was elected to Congress, and again in 1856, but before lie took his seat was chosen United States Senator by the Legislature. He was a strong believer in State - rights, and his arraignment of Benton before the people of Missouri in 1849, when but thirty-two years of age, was one of the most ag- gressive and most successful warfares in political annals. He was a very strong debater. In the Senate he had peers but no master. He was the one man of all the members of that body that Stephen A. Douglas most disliked to meet. He was ex- pelled from the Senate early in 1861 for secession utterances. This ended his public career. 134. James S. Rollins was born in 1812. His ancestry was of Irish and Virginia stock. His father was a man of wealth, and he received a thorough classical education. To him is largely due the educational system of Missouri. He is properly called the Father of the State University, and his efforts aided the public school system and secured the normal schools, the agricultural college, the school of mines, and two of the lunatic asjdums. He did much also toward building up the great railroad systems in the State. He came to Missouri in 1830 and spent a year on his father's farm, who had settled JAMES S. GREEN. 116 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. near Columbia, which place was Mr. Rollins' home till his death. He became a lawyer and practiced with distinction. He became a member of the Legislature at the age of twenty-six, JAMES S. ROLLINS. as a Whig. He was again elected in 1840, 1846, 1854, 1866 and 1868, at least half of the time as a member of the Senate. The first bill he ever wrote was one providing for the establishment of the University, and the first speech he made in the Capitol FBOM 1852 TO 1861. 117 was in support of this bill. It became a law in 1838. In 1848 he was the Whig nominee for Governor against Austin King, and made a splendid canvass of the State in which he pleaded for general public education and internal improvements, and was defeated by 15,000 majority for King. He was again Whig candidate for Governor in 1857, against Robert M. Stewart, when there were no other officers to be elected, this election beino' to fill a vacancv caused bv the resignation of Governor Polk, who had been elected United States Senator. Stewart was elected by 231 majority. When the threatenings of dire war came on he was for the Union, but did not declare himself as unconditionally so until after the clouds of war had burst. He was elected to Congress in 1860 against John B. Henderson (Democrat), by about 275 majority, and again elected in 1862 by a majority of over 5,000. In that body he boldly espoused the Union cause, and although a large slave-holder, ably supported and voted for the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery. In 1862 he introduced the bill providing for the Pacific railroad from the Missouri river to the Pacific coast. It became a law. In 1872 Mr. Rollins was before the Democratic convention as a candidate for Governor, but was finally defeated by Silas Woodson. He died in 1889, full of honors and years. He was one of the ablest and most polished speakers in the State, and his speeches always abounded with the steadfastest patriotism. 135. Robert Morris Stewart came from New York, where he was born in 1815, and received a good education. He taught school when he was seventeen and until he was twenty, moved 118 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. to Kentucky, studied law, was admitted to the bar at Louisville^ came to Missouri in 1839, in a few years settled in St. Joseph and practiced law. In 1845 he was elected to the State Consti- tutional Convention and soon gained a well-deserved reputation as a debater. From 1846 to 1857 he was a member of the State Senate. In 1857 when Governor Polk resigned, he was elected as a Democrat and made an excellent officer. When the question of secession was sub- mitted to the peoj)le, he was elected a delegate to the con- vention which was to finally decide the matter, as a Condi- tional Union man, but soon ^ ardently and unconditionally sup- ported the Union, but not as an abolitionist, for he was always opposed to abolition, but as an opponent to secession and a steadfast adherent to the govern- ment his fathers had established. In 1848 he projected and survej^ed at his own expense the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad, and obtained from Congress a grant of land which insured the building of the road. He also was tlie projector of the St. Joseph and Denver road. After his retirement as Governor, he became editor of the St. Joseph "Journal,'' till his health failed him. He was much afflicted, but of indomitable energy, and much of the surveys of these ROBERT M. STEWART. FBOM 1852 TO 1861. 119 railroads was superintended by him while hobbling about on crutches. His decided stand against secession, when so much seemed to depend on the action of ^lissouri, helped to save the State to the Union, and made his action one of national consideration. He was never married, was a man of free-and- easy habits, and died in 1871. KANSAS TROUBLES. 136. Sectional contention would not cease. In 1854 it arose afresh when a bill passed Congress organizing Kansas into a Territory. The Missouri Compromise had been repealed by that bill. The Compromise was the first effort made by Congress to interfere with the local institutions or affairs of a State. It cannot be wondered at then that all of Missouri's representatives in Congress were in favor of its repeal. But other States saw the injustice of such distinctions. The bill for the repeal passed overwhelmingly,, and declared in favor of letting the inhabitants of any new territory determine for themselves whether they wished slavery therein. By this privilege the people of Kansas could decide for themselves in favor of slavery or against it. This was the same doctrine as the fourth of the Jackson Resolutions. (See section 121.) 137. Botli North and South wished to he triumphant in Kansas. The struggle is important as a part of the history of each, and especially of Missouri, because it was the last peaceful contest for political supremacy by each before final appeal to arms, and on the part of the South Missouri was the chief representative, 120 HISTOR Y OF MISSO UEI. while Massachusetts was the most enthusiastic actor among the northern States. Long before the Kansas bill became a law it was generally supposed that Congress would pass it. To therefore gain a majority vote of the people of Kansas in declaring against slavery, Emigration Aid Companies and ''Kansas Societies, Leagues and Committees" were organized in Massachusetts and throughout the North which sent out men to Kansas to be ready to vote. These companies practically sent out men only. As many as 223 men to five women were in one compan3^ A United States marshal who searched this company found no agricultural implements but many guns, revolvers and ammunition. All the companies were not as this one, but there were few actual settlers. By such a course it became evident that Kansas would become a free State. Nearly three thousand immigrants, mostly from Missouri, in search of new lands and wide range for their stock, had settled within this new Territory.' They cared but little for slavery themselves. But when they saw the purposes and results of the Emigrant Aid Companies they were constrained to do what they could to defeat those purposes. 138. Counter Aid Societies were formed in Missouri. They were known as Blue Lodges. Their objects were the same as those of the Emigrant Aid Companies. Neither were right. But the Missourians thought themselves far less to blame for aiding in the formation of a new State adjoining their border and so far inhabited, in the main, by their own kinsmen than were people of a State a thousand miles away. Besides, the Blue Lodges were formed as a result of, and as a counter-balance FROM IS 52 TO 1861, 121 to the Emigrant Aid Companies. Just ho\y many pretended settlers were sent out by either of these societies will never be known. Much illegal voting was done on both sides in the ensuing years, and a terrible guerrilla warfare was the result. The political rights of these ''settlers" came to be known as ''squatter sovereignty." At the election in November 1854, a pro-slavery delegate was elected to Congress. The opposition charged that the Missourians had elected him by fraud. But they did not contest the legality of his election and he was allowed to take his seat, 139. An election of the members of the Territorial Legislature which Congress had provided for was held in March 1855. The pro-slavery party, or the "Missourians," as it was called, was successful. In February previous a census showed an entire population of 8,601, and 2,905 voters, of whom a large majority were from slave States. There were 6,307 votes cast. The eastern immigrants charged that 5,000 Missourians had crossed over into Kansas Territory and voted. The pro-slavery men charged that a company of northern immigrants had arrived at Lawrence on the day of the election and voted notwithstanding such a short stay. Undoubtedly there was much illegal voting on both sides and the evidence seems to be strong, though not conclusive, that the Missourians were the chief sinners. The election of six pro-slavery members was contested, and the contest sustained, the Governor giving the certificates of election to the opposing anti-slavery candidates. He also took it upon himself, when there were no contests, to refuse certificates to two other members who had been elected by illegal votes. But 122 HISTOR Y OF 311380 URL after these attempts at righting the matter the anti-slavery men were still dissatisfied. 140. They refused to acknowledge the authority of this Terri- torial Legislature, or to be obedient to laws it passed. They disregarded its laws whenever they chose and resisted arrest whenever they were brought to account for so doing. Then began the active trouble. The grand jury made some indict- ments, and the sheriff attempted to arrest the offenders. They resisted, and the anti-slavery leaders, by speeches, through their papers and in many ways, urged them to do so. The sheriff ordered by-standers to assist him in making the arrests. The offenders would then be joined by anti-slavery sympathizers. These contending factions soon learned to rob each other, burn each others houses and destroy other property. From these differences in Kansas sprang many kinds of lawless and political crimes, and finally a civil war between the rival factions which did not end till the final establishment of the anti-slavery party in 1859. 141. During these disturbances John Brown inaugurated a system of murder for opinion's sake and in the dead of night put to death five peaceable settlers whom he had never before seen, whose only crime was that they differed with him in regard to slavery. For this crime he went unpunished. Such a course soon brought into activity a set of robbers and marauders who were described as ''jayhawkers." The counties in Missouri adjoining Kansas now began to suffer. Their inhabitants had much more property to lose than those of Kansas because they w^ere older settlers. These marauders were not slow to learn this FBOM IS 52 TO 1861. 123 fact. They cared as little for Missouri law as for Kansas authority. They came into these counties and took whatever they could. One of these raids was headed by John Brown, and was made in December 1858. He took away eleven slaves. A slave owner was also killed whose only crime seems to have been an objection to the way in which he was dispossessed of his property. This raid was made soon after the Governors of the two States had attempted to bring about reconciliation. There were other raids also, in which ''peaceable and law-abiding citizens" were subjected to outrages, insults and lawless violence. The General Assembly of Missouri appropriated thirty thousand dollars to be used by Governor Stewart as he thought best. Three thousand dollars were offered as a reward for John Brown. He nevertheless succeeded in conducting the negroes into Canada and then sold his stolen horses in Ohio. All his raids in Missouri were marked by blood. Yet he was received in many parts of the North, not as a monomaniac or a fugitive from law, but as a popular hero. The General Assembly of Missouri at the time it appropriated the thirty thousand dollars for the suppression of these raids declared it did ''not doubt that at least nmety-nnie out of every hundred of the citizens of Kansas deplore the events under consideration." The efforts put forth by the Legislature, the Governors of Missouri and Kansas, and the officers of the United States Army, partially quieted the troubles, and the guerrilla warfare ceased for two years. 142. But in ISGO it began again. This time the jayhawkers were led by the desperate James Montgomery. They broke up a United States Court and compelled the judge and its officers 124 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL to flee for their lives. They also killed a citizen of Missouri by name Samuel Hindes. Their charge against him was that he was in search of runaway negroes. Congress had some time before this passed the Fugitive Slave Law, by which any slave owner was permitted to pursue a fugitive slave into a free State^ recover him and return to his home. It was while Hindes was in search of a fugitive slave in Kansas that Montgomery established himself at Fort Scott, a town just over the Missouri border, whence he declared he intended to ''clean out southern Missouri of its slaves." 143. The people of Missouri became very much excited at these threats. Exaggerated reports were brought to Governor Stewart that Montgomery had begun to lay waste the country and that ''citizens of Missouri on the Osage and in Bates and Vernon, are flying from their homes into the interior." Brigadier-General D. M. Frost was ordered to proceed to the border with enough men to end the difficulty. He reached it in November 1860, with 650 troops, but found General Harney of the United States Army had preceded him. Montgomery, at the advance of these forces disbanded his jayhawkers and fled. Frost in his report to Governor Stewart said Hindes' "only crime was that he had been faithful to the laws and institutions of his State." He also says the "deserted and charred remains of once happy homes" were general. 144. Jayliawhing now ceased as such, but it did not actually cease. It did not cease during the first two or three years of the civil war, nor indeed so long as there was left anything along the Missouri border for the "jayhawkers" to steal or FBOM 1852 TO 1861. 125 anybody to rob. But they now came with United States com- missions in their pockets under '^ which guise they carried on a system of robbery and murder which left a good portion of the frontier of southeast Missouri an entire waste.*' 145. The progress in wealth and jyojpulation from 1850 to 1860 was enormous, notwithstanding the predatory disturbances on the Kansas border. The population had increased from 682,000 to 1,182,000, a net increase of a half million, and an increase in percentage of seventy-three for the ten years. Of this number 115,000 were slaves. Their increase had been 27,000, or thirty per cent. Of all the population 160,000, or one-seventh were foreign born in 1860. Of these 88,000 were German, and 43,000 were Irish. The revolutions in Germany in 1849 had caused many of its inhabitants to seek safety in Missouri. This explains the large immigration of Germans during this decade. The failure of the potato crop in Ireland in 1846-47 will also explain the large immigration from that country. These new immigrants turned their attention mostly to farming, especially the Germans, and became useful and prosperous citizens. Missouri had risen in these ten years from the rank of thirteenth to eighth in the number of her population and was now the first of the Southern States. 146. MissourVs -financial prosperiti/ was not behind the increase in population. The assessed value of her property had arisen from one hundred and thirty-seven million dollars in 1850 to five hundred and one million in 1860, an increase of two hundred and sixty-five per cent. The property consisted mostly in farms and agricultural wealth. The manufactured 126 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. products were estimated at forty million dollars in 1860 and the capital invested in factories was twenty millions. But much wealth was made known during this decade. By a system of surveys it became known that one-fifth of the State is underlaid with workable beds of coal; that there are ''more than a thousand valuable veins of lead and half as many of iron, besides many of zinc, copper, hydraulic lime-stone and other minerals. The new immigrants had also shown that much of the country south of the Osage river, heretofore regarded as worthless, was very valuable for grapes and other fruits. CHAPTER X. IS 60 AXB THE WAR. 147. The new Republican jmrty — From the time John Quincy Adams became President in 1825 up to the election of 1852 there had been two leading political parties, the Democratic and Whig. While the Whig party had among its members many of the ablest men of the nation yet it had never been successful at the polls, except in the election of Harrison in 1840 and of Taylor in 1848. But in most of the free States many Whigs and Democrats had for some years been forming anti- slavery societies and the cause of the restriction of slavery was stirring the people. The troubles in Kansas and the debates in Congress on the subject had given new force to this cause, so 1860 AXD THE WAB. 127 that after the election in 1852, at which the Democrats elected Franklin Pierce to be President, the Whig party went out of existence and a new party wholly devoted to opposing the extension of slavery was formed. It in time took the name of Republican. In 1856 its candidate for the Presidency was John C. Fremont, a son-in-law of Thomas H. Benton. He received 115 of the 289 electoral votes, and hence the new part}^ had great hopes of success in 18G0. 148. Public feeling ivas now at unrest and deeply disturbed. The agitation of abolition had stirred the people as nothing else had ever done. A large class of people in the North were determined to destroy slavery at any cost. Many people in the South felt that the only way to preserve their own peace and property was to quietly withdraw from the Union. Others believed it wisdom to remain in the Union and there settle their troubles. It seems strange now that any civilized people who had established and for seventy years lived under a republic of popular sovereignty, could have wished to perpetuate slavery. But there were mitigating circumstances. Slavery had originally existed in all the Colonies. When it became unprofitable in the North the slaves were sold into the South where it was profitable. Many of the now slave-owners had inherited it from their fathers and not sought it. Slaves were valuable property. Men have, in every civilized country, been slow to give up valuable property without resistance. Besides it was difficult to know what to do with the slaves if they were freed. Many persons feared the consequences if millions of ignorant people should be turned loose, penniless, among their old owners. Beyond 128 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL this, it can be said in all truthfulness that slavery had been a benefit to the slaves themselves. They had been taken from savage and barbarous races in Africa, and the discipline of slavery in America had taught them many of the habits of civilization. They had learned how to work, which always exalts a people ; had learned the arts of peace and frugal honesty. But slavery had been no benefit to the white people of the South, and a better reason for its extinction was the desire of the slaves themselves to be free. 149. Tlie Fugitive Slave Law did much to aggravate the con- tentions and troubles between the North and South. It had been passed by Congress a few years before and gave to each slave-owner the right to pursue a runaway slave into any State and retake him without any verdict from a court declaring who was his rightful owner. All the claimant had to do was to exhibit to a marshal, a certificate from a county clerk describing the slave. The marshal was then required to put the slave into his peaceable possession. This law the United States Supreme Court said did not violate the Constitution. The decision gave great offense to the North. At least fourteen Northern States by their legislatures soon passed laws nullifying the Fugitive Slave Law by making it a crime for any sheriff to obey it, and by forbidding any State officer to aid in enforcing it. Their course made it impossible to enforce this law of Congress. The Southern States then argued if fourteen Northern States could thus nullify a law of the Union that they could withdraw from that Union. In the Presidential campaign of 1860 the Breckenridge party in the South declared if the Republican party were successful at the polls the Southern 1860 AND THE WAB. 129 States would withdraw from the Union. When it did succeed they proceeded at once to carry out that threat. 150. The Election. — The Democratic party in 1860 divided into two factions. One part, known as the State-rights men, nominated John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky for President. The other part, which was opposed to secession and to the interference of the national go^^ernment with the local affairs and institutions of any State, nominated Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. The remnant of the old Whig and Know-nothing parties,, now known as Constitution-Union men, nominated John Bell of Tennessee for President and . Edward Everett of Massachusetts for Vice-President. The Republicans nominated Abraham Lincoln. The contest in Missouri was warm and intense, but not violent. The State was carried by Mr. Douglas which was the only State that gave him its electoral vote. Mr. Lincoln was elected. The number of votes for Douglas in Missouri was 58,801, for Bell 58,372, for Breckenridge 31,317, for Lincoln 17,028. Nearly all those voting for Lincoln were Germans. Of those who voted for Breckenridge, not half were in favor of secession. Many of them had come from the South, -and in the intense excitement of the time their sympathies naturally enlisted them with the ''Southern Rights men" who carried every Southern State. Besides most of them, perhaps -all, opposed the interference by Congress with the reserved rights of the States, but did not wish to carry this opposition to the extreme of secession. 151. On the State ticket the Democrats did not divide. Their candidate was Claiborn F. Jackson of Saline county, who was 130 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL a Douglas Democrat and who received 74,446 votes. Sample Orr, an ''American" or ''Know-nothing," received 64,583 votes. The Breckenridge candidate was Hancock Jackson, who received 11,415 votes. James Gardenhire was the Republican candidate; he received only 6,135 votes. Mr. Jackson was elected. CHAPTER XI. THE FIRST MONTHS OF IS 61, 152. Tlie Situation.— On December 20th, 1860, South Carolina, through her Legislature, declared she no longer owed any allegiance to the Union. Within six weeks Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Georgia and Texas — seven States — seceded. As Missouri was at this time the first in population of the slave-holding States and as most of her people were of Southern origin, it may be seen at once that she was now confronted with the gravest problem she had ever had to settle. 153. The Governors. Robert M. Stewart, the retiring Gov- ernor, had been reared in New York and his feelings naturally inclined him with the North. He sincerely desired to keep Missouri in the Union. But he was opposed to forcing South Carolina and the other seceded States back into the Union, and if the Union should undertake to do tliis he was opposed to Missouri helping in the undertaking. He was also opposed to troops coming into Missouri either to wrest her from the Union THE FIRST MONTHS OF 1861. 131 or keep her in it. He stated the proper position for Missouri to assume and adhere to, was '^ armed neutrality." He set forth all these points forcibly in his last message in which he said: ''If South Carolina and other Cotton States persist in secession Missouri will desire to see them go in peace, with a hope that a short experience at separate government will induce them to return to their former position. In the meantime Missouri will hold herself in readiness, at any moment, to defend her soil from pollution and her property from plunder by fanatics and marauders, come from what quarter they may." He closed his message by saying : ''I here record my unalterable devotion to the Union so long as it may be made the protector of equal rights." There can be no doubt, as subsequent events under more exasperating tests showed, that at this time the great majority of the people of Missouri were of the same opinion as Governor Stewart. The votes given the various candidates in November showed this and the vote in February made it still more clear. 154. Governor Jackson, unlike Governor Stewart, had been reared in the South, and many social and political ties, bound him to her people. In his inaugural address he declared that all Missouri wished was ''to be let alone." He believed the Northern States had, by passing laws which nullified the "Fugitive Slave Law," themselves practically abandoned the Union. He believed if arms were employed by the general government to force a State back into the Union that it would be such an insult as all the States ought to resent, and in that event the true position for Missouri would be to secede and 132 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. unite' with the South. He declared ''the destiny of the slave- holding States is one and the same. Their common origin, pursuits, tastes, manners and customs bind them together in one sisterhood. And Missouri will, in my opinion, best consult CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON. her own interests, and the interests of the whole country, by a timely determination to stand by her sister slave-holding States." It cannot be denied that Governor Jackson was at this time in favor of Missouri's seceding if the federal government should THE FIRST MONTHS OF IS 61. 133 make war on the seceded States to force them back into the Union, but until that was done he was not in favor of secession. Even this position he afterwards abandoned, when the seceded States attempted to capture the government forts and arsenals within their respective borders. He, then took the position at first declared by Stewart that the proper course for Missouri was to preserve an ''armed neutrality," and keep out of the State all ''marauders come from what quarter they may," but to take no part herself in the conflict between the States. 155. The Legislature. The Lieutenant-Governor, whose duty it is to preside over the Senate, was Thomas C. Reynolds. From the outset he was in favor of secession, because he believed it impossible for Missouri to preserve an ''armed neutrality" in the impending conflict, which he saw was inevitable. He accordingly urged the General Assembly to declare Missouri determined to resist all attempts by the federal government to force the seceded States back into the Union or to collect the government revenue in those States. He also urged that to make her able to resist coercion she must organize and enlarge her military forces. He appointed all the committees of the Senate in accordance with his views, and placed men on these committees who would endeavor to shape legislation in keeping therewith. Bills were immediately introduced in both houses to arm and equip the State militia and to provide for a State convention to consider what position Missouri should take in regard to secession. These bills were received with prompt and almost unanimous approval in the General Assembly. 134 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 156. The First Gun. Events seemed to be rapidly urging Missouri on to secession, and the Southern Rights men were ''exultant and even defiant." But just at this time an event took place which made the supporters of the Union bold and aggressive. President Buchanan had sent a war vessel, the ''Star of the West," laden with stores, guns and ammunition, for the purpose of strengthening Fort Sumter and other arsenals in South Carolina. As she attempted to land at Charleston the South Carolina forces fired on her, drove her back, and the first gun of the war was fired. Northern men now thought only of resenting the insult to the flag, and this occurrence put new purpose in them and iron in their purposes. But Southern men were enraged by the President's attempt to overawe them by sending this vessel and strengthening these forts, and were equally determined. 157. The bill creating the convention passed the General Assembly and became a law on January 18th. In the Senate there were only two votes against it. In the House there were eighteen against and one hundred and five for it. The duties and powers thus committed to this convention were contained in the following words creating it, which said it was "to consider the then existing relations between the United States, the people and governments of the different States, and the government and State of Missouri ; and to adopt such measures for vindicating the sovereignty of the State and the protection of its institutions as shall appear to them to be demanded." The law also provided if such convention should finally pass a secession ordinance that it should never be valid until submitted to the THE FIRST MONTHS OF 1861. 135 people and adopted by a majority of the qualified voters of the State. These '\j'Ords creating this convention are important, because the limit and extent of its powers are by them defined and the purposes of calling it set forth. In the subsequent pages it will be seen that the convention when it came together far exceeded the limitations and purposes contemplated by the Legislature and exercised powers never before claimed by any body in the State. It is to be further observed that whatever might have been the individual washes of the members of this General Assembly for secession, yet they voluntarily transferred what power they had to take Missouri out of the Union to other hands and were determined that no body of men should take her out, but that this must be done, if done at all, by the people themselves. 158. The People. The election of delegates to this convention was to take place on February 18th, just one month after the bill creating it became a law. A thorough canvass was at once begun throughout the State and carried forward with great interest till the end. The people divided into three parties, namely. Secessionists, Conditional Union men and Unconditional Union men. The leaders of the Secessionists w^ere Governor Jackson, Lieutenant-Governor Reynolds, both United States Senators (James S. Green and Trusten Polk), General D. R. Atchison (formerly Ignited States Senator) and Thos. L. Snead (editor of the ''St. Louis Bulletin"). They did not desire the disruption of the Union, and deplored the haste of South Carolina and the other States in leaving it. But believing that all the seceded States would remain out of the L^nion and form 136 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL a separate Confederacy, they considered it the true duty of all the slave-holding States to unite together ; believing also, that if a separate confederacy were formed, there would be war between it and the Union, they felt they were bound by the strongest kindred ties to stand by the South. They were not especially devoted to slavery. In fact slavery was no longer the most prominent question in these discussions. It was from this time on put far in the background. The issue rose transcendently above this. ''They were secessionists only because they believed the Union had been dissolved, that its reconstruction was impossible, that war was inevitable, and that in war the place for Missouri was by the side of the Southern States, of which she was one;" so wrote the learned Thomas L. Snead, twenty years after the war had ended, who of all the Secessionists best understood the situation. 159. The Conditional Union men were tlie most formidable opponents of the Secessionists. They M^ere led by Judge Hamilton R. Gamble of St. Louis, A. W. Doniphan of Clay, James S. Rollins of Boone, John B. Clark of Howard, ex-Gov- ernor Sterling Price of Chariton, ex-Governor R. M. Stewart of St. Joseph, William A. Hall of Randolph, John S. Phelps of Greene and Judge John F. Ryland of Lafayette, ably assisted by the ''Missouri Republican," then the ablest paper w^est of the Mississippi, and edited by the great Nathaniel Paschall, "a man of mature age, strong intellect and consummate common sense." These leaders were the ablest, most popular and most prominent men in the State, and it is doubtful if any State in the L^nion could have shown at that time a finer array of many-sided great THE FIRST MONTHS OF 1861 . 137 men. Their astuteness, popularity, well-known patriotism, added to the fact that many of them were themselves large slave-owners, at once began to divide the Secessionists. They were for Union, provided the Federal Government would not attempt to force the seceded States back and coerce them into submission. They declared themselves ready to resist coercion. But they did not fear it. They pleaded with patriotic pride for the preservation of the Union of their fathers, which had been bought with blood and which had brought a thousand blessings to one curse ; they urged the people that they must not allow their feelings to control them, but must remember that the steps they took might involve their children and their children's children in untold misery. 160. The Unconditional Union men were for the Union come what might. They believed the seceded States should be coerced into submission. The impersonation of this movement was Frank Blair. He saw that the only outcome of the trouble was war, that it must come in the near future and he was determined to hold Missouri for the Union. Blair contended that what was wanted in the convention were ^'men who were now and who would hereafter, under all circumstances, and in every emergency, be for the Union;" that he himself intended to stand by it to the last and to oppose in every way the secession of Missouri. At first his chief following was among the Germans, who had no kindred in the South, who had bought their lands from the Federal Government, who had enjoyed uninterrupted peace under it, and who felt that they should stand by it. But soon he had some able seconds. Thev were 138 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL Samuel T. Glover, James 0. Broadhead, B. Gratz Brown and Edward Bates, all of St. Louis. 161. The election of ninety-nine delegates to this convention took place on February 18tli, and resulted in an overwhelming victory for the Union cause. Not a single avowed Secessionist was elected. The Union candidates received a total majority of 80,000, and the entire vote therefor was almost three-fourths of all the ballots cast. It was a great disappointment to the General Assembly, whose members had confidently looked for an overwhelming victory for secession. It put a stop to any preparations by it for war and for two months the discussions were mild, and submissive to the popular will. On the other hand the triumph of the Union men emboldened the convention, after a session or two, to take the extremest action. CHAPTER XIL THE CONVENTION. 162. The Convention, whose members had been elected on the 18th of February, the very day on which Jefferson Davis had been inaugurated President of the Confederacy, met at Jefferson City on the last of the month. Ex-Governor Sterling Price was elected President. He was an avowed Union man. The fifteen State-rights men voted for Nathaniel W. Watkins, a half-brother of Henry Clay. Soon after organization the THE CONVENTION 139 Convention adjourned to meet in St. Louis on March the 4th, the day Lincohi became President. Its members were the ablest men in the State, now met at the time of the greatest crisis in its history, ''to consider its relations to the Government of the United States.". In the last pages of this volume may be found a list of these delegates and the counties for which they were delegated to act. Of the ninety-nine members fifty- three w^ere natives of either Virginia or Kentucky, three were Ger- mans and one an Irishman. Thirteen were from the North. Mr. Gamble who had been Supreme Judge of the State, Willard P. Hall the vice-pres- ident, Robert AVilson of great ability, James 0. Broadhead one of her ablest and most scholarly lawyers, and John B. Henderson always a steadfast opponent of secession, were Virginians. 163. The Committee on Federal Relations, through its chair- man, Hamilton R. Gamble of St. Louis, on the 9th of March made a report declaring that secession by Missouri was "certainly not demanded." A part of the report said, "the true position of Missouri to assume is that of a State whose interests are bound up in the maintenance of the Union, and whose kind feelings and strong sympathies are with the people of the Southern JAMES O. BROADHEAD. 140 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. States, with whom we are connected by the ties of friendship and blood." The resohitions were adopted by ahnost a unanimous vote, the opposition to each being only five or six votes. Thus was secession finally defeated. The Convention also declared the employment of military force to coerce the seceded States would plunge the country into war, and it therefore "earnestly en- treated" the federal Government and the seceded States "to with- hold and stay the arm of military power and upon no pretext whatever to bring upon the nation the horrors of civil war." 164. A difference of opinion manifested itself in the conven- tion when the question was raised, what would Missouri do if the Pl'esident should call on her to furnish troops to coerce the seceded States? They were opposed to coercion, but what would Missouri do if she were going to remain in the Union, if Congress and the President determined to undertake coercion and should call on her for troops for the purpose? Mr. James H. Moss, a delegate of ability fi'om Clay county, said he would not vote for secession under any circumstances, and introduced a resolution asking the Convention to declare that Missouri would "never furnish men or money for the purpose of aiding the general Government in any attempts to coerce a seceding State." He supported the resolution warmly, and passionately pleaded with the Convention to pass it. He declared "Missouri would never, never furnish a regiment to invade a seceded State." William A. Hall, of Randolph, who had been a circuit judge for sixteen years, replied to Mr. Moss, in argument that could not be gainsaid, "if Missouri remained in the Union it would be her duty to furnish both men and money to the general Government THE COXYENTION. 141 when properly called upon for them, whether to coerce a State into submission or for any other purpose." Mr. John B. Hen- derson, of Pike, declared "the President has no more power to use force than you or I," and that no man could believe the ''President will so far disregard his duties under the Constitu- tion, or forget the obligations of his oath, as to undertake the subjugation of the Southern States by force." Mr. Prince L. Hudgins, a State-rights man from Andrew county, said: "I da not believe a State has a Constitutional right to secede; but seven States claim to have seceded, and I for one am anxious to bring them back. You cannot do this by threats, nor by force, nor by abuse." Nearly all the delegates spoke against coercion, yet the Moss resolution failed, some voting against it because it was useless, a greater number honestly accepting Judge Hall's logic. By ''the pitiless logic of facts" when the war did come on Mr. Moss raised and commanded a regiment for the subjugation of the South, and Mr. Henderson was one of the most ardent supporters of Lincoln in the use of force. And Mr. Hudgins before the next session of the Convention was arrested in St. Louis as a secessionist, thrown into prison and kept there until after the fall of Lexington, when he was exchanged for other prisoners. 165. Adjourned. The Convention, after it passed these reso- lutions, brought its labors to a close and adjourned on March the 22nd, subject to the call of the executive committee. By this last arrangement it provided a way for self-perpetuation till secession became utterly impossible, as we shall hereafter see. On the 28th of the same month the Legislature adjourned without having 142 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. made any arrangements for the war, or for raising and support- ing a militia for the protection of the State. In fact it may be said, in all truthfulness, that the vast majority of the people did not want war, nor did their desires go to the extent of even those of Governor Stewart, who counseled ''armed neutrality." 166. The bill for arming the State, called the ''Military Bill," was taken up in the Legislature on March 5th. Governor Jackson urged its passage with all the power of his personal influence. It was favored by most of the State-rights members. But some Union men also favored it. They wished to prepare the State for defense from any kind of marauders ; but the majority of the members interpreted the recent election to mean that the people were opposed to secession and to any kind of warlike actions The bill was defeated, and Missouri again recorded her unwil- lingness to secede. 167. The election of United States Senator this year throws some light on the position the General Assembly regarded the State as holding to secession. Early in the session when it became apparent that a convention would be held to consider the question of secession, the Legislature had determined not to elect a successor to James S. Green, whose term would expire on March the 3rd, till after it was learned whether the people preferred secession or the Union. When they voted for the Union, the Legislature proceeded to elect a Senator, on March 12th. Mr. Green had been one of the most popular men in the State, but he was an avowed secessionist. His election was therefore impossible, although on one ballot lie got 76 out of the 156 votes cast. Waldo P. Johnson, of Osceola, St. Clair county, was THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 143 elected on the 15tli ballot. As indicating the part taken in the war by those most prominent in bringing it on, it is proper here to remark that James S. Green, who was set aside for being a secessionist, ''did not raise his hand nor his voice for the South during the war, while Johnson, who had been elected because he was a good Union man, quickly resigned his seat in the Senate, entered the army, and fought for the Confederacy till the end of the war." CHAPTER XIII. THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 168. There was a Government Arsenal in St. Louis, well stored with forty thousand or more stand of arms and other valuable munitions of war. This arsenal now became the center of all warlike intentions. Both sides wanted it, in the event that there was to be war. Governor Jackson had all along believed the war to be inevitable, and if it came he believed Missouri would be the natural ally of the South, and he determined to put her on that side if he could. He did not declare this purpose publicly, but he instructed General Frost, who had gone into camp just at the edge of St. Louis after his return from the Kansas troubles with about 700 men, to keep himself well informed of all movements and if he deemed it necessary, to seize the arsenal and hold it for future disposal. General Frost in 144 HISTOR Y OF MISSO UBL furtherance of this plan waited upon its commander, Major Bell, who frankly told him tluit he thought the State had a right to claim the arsenal as being on her soil and that he would not defend it against the proper State authorities, but would against ''all irresponsible mobs." But before Frost could thus peaceably take possession of the arsenal, it was supplied with additional troojDS, Major Bell was relieved of command, and Major Hagner put in his place, and by the 18th of February, the day on which the State voted not to secede, there were four or five hundred soldiers behind the walls, able to repulse almost any attack which might be made on it, and on the next day General Harney notified the President that there was no danger of an attack and never had been. In this condition of things each side would have gone on without any disturbance from the other, had there not appeared on the scene a man who was ready for war. This man was Captain Nathaniel Lyon. 169. Captain Lyon was born at Ashford, Connecticut, educated at West Point and was an officer of the regular army. He was at this time forty-three years old and is described as having been "of less than medium height; slender and angular ; with abu-ndant hair of a sandy color, and a coarse, reddish-brown beard. He had deep-set blue eyes, and features that were rough and homely." His disposition made him fretful and impatieii^ under restraint. He could see only one side of a question, "but he saw that with terrible earnestness, and with no patience with any person who saw the other side. All persons who did not agree with him he regarded as being influenced by unworthy or improper motives. He was devoted THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 145 to the Union and always eager to crush those who were not. Upon his arrival at St. Louis he at once set to work to make himself department commander, and never ceased until he had been given almost unlimited power to do as he pleased.. His chief helper was Frank Blair, who at all times pushed him 146 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL forward. Yet he was restive, and this led him to fear that Mr. Lincohi ''lacked the resolution to grapple with treason and to put it down forever." He thought the best thing to do with a conservative man like Major Hagner was to ''pitch him in the river." He had been in Kansas through all its border troubles between the Free-soil and the Pro-slavery men. He had formed the greatest dislike to the latter and in the troubles between the two factions said he foresaw "sectional strife, which I do not care to delay." He came to St. Louis possessed with this idea and feeling, and at once went to drilling the "Wide Awakes" and other volunteer soldiers, and those quartered within the arsenal. In this he showed the greatest diligence and skill. He inspired every one with his own courage and zeal. By the middle of April, four regiments had been enlisted, and he proceeded to arm them with guns from the arsenal. With this well-trained force he and Blair felt strong enough to attack the State government, and they lost no time in finding a pretext for so doing. 170. A Call For Troops. — Fort Sumter surrendered on April 13th, 1861. On the same day President Lincoln issued a proclamation "for seventy-five thousand men to suppress combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings," and on the same day the Secretary of War telegraphed Governor Jackson his requisition for four regiments of infantry. On the 16th the Governor replied, "not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on an unholy crusade upon the seceded States." The people of Missouri indorsed the Governor's reply, but to Blair THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 147 and Lyon it was reason enough to make an attack upon Frost. Besides, this reply was supplemented by frequent reports that guns and ammunitions, obtained from the Government arsenal in Louisiana, had been secretly brought up the river and conveyed to Camp Jackson, where Frost's little command was now encamped. 171. Liberty Arsenal. — There was another Government arsenal about four miles south of Liberty in Clay county. It was in charge of Major Nathaniel Grant and two other men, and contained about 11,000 pounds of powder, about 1,500 guns and twenty or thirty small cannon. On April 20th, just six days after President Lincoln's call for troops, 200 men under the command of Colonel H. L. Routt, most of them from Clay and Jackson counties, quietly took possession of this arsenal, with no interruption except the protests and railings of Grant, at whom they only laughed. Within the next few days they carried away most of the guns and powder. These were never retaken but were used in after years in the service of the Confederacy. The captors, however, seemed to have had no other purpose than to supply themselves with arms and ammunition for whatever troubles that might arise. But the capture of this arsenal and the reports about Camp Jackson determined Lyon on making the attack upon that camp. 172. New Regiments . — Besides he had been encouraged by a special order from the Secretary of War at Washington, Mr. Simon Cameron, who on April 30th directed him to "enroll ten thousand loyal citizens of St. Louis and vicinity." Five new regiments were enrolled under this order, known as the ''Home Guards," 148 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. while the other live regiments already enrolled were known as Missouri Volunteers. The first regiment of the Missouri Volun- teers was composed mostly of natives of this country and Irishmen. The other nine were composed almost exclusively of Germans. 173. The time was noiv opportune to make the attack. General Harney, who was in charge of the department, and to whom therefore Lyon and Blair were inferior officers, had been summoned to Washington to answer for his official conduct on the complaint of Blair. This complaint was founded on a conflict between Lyon's troops and the St. Louis police. Lyon had been patroling the streets in front of the arsenal with his troops. This was in violation of the city laws and an interference with the duties of the Board of Police Commissioners. The Board complained to Lyon and demanded that he should obey the laws. Lyon refused. The Board was powerless to enforce their complaints in the face of his well armed troops, and appealed to General Harney. He ordered Lyon to withdraw his patrols into the limits of the arsenal and not to issue arms to anyone except by his sanction. This led Blair to charge Harney to the Secretary of War, as having controverted his orders, and in consequence Harney was summoned to Washington to defend himself. Harney, who was opposed to any aggressive attacks, was now out of the way and Lyon was left in full command. 174. General Lyon, disguised as an old woman, on May the 9th, the next day after the arms and ammunitions had been received at Camp Jackson from Louisiana, drove through the camp, and satisfied himself that the men had in their possession guns and ammunitions which had been taken from the captured THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON 149 United States arsenal at Baton Rouge and which rightfully belonged, in his opinion, to the federal Government. These were easily to be seen, for Frost had required them to be stacked outside at the entrance to the regular camp. Lyon returned and reported that the camp was ''a nest of traitors." This was Thursday the 9th. Harney would return on Sunday. He and Blair determined on an attack forthwith, and that it should be made next day. On the next morning, General Frost, who had for two days been receiving reports that Lyon would make an attack on his camp, addressed him a letter in which he denied that he or any part of his command was actuated by any hostile intentions to the federal Government, and closed by adding: ^'I trust after this explicit statement we may be able, by fully understanding each other, to keep far from our borders the mis- fortunes which unhappily afflict our common country." But Lyon refused to receive the letter and sent it back. His troops were already forming for the march to the camp, which he declared was made up mostly of secessionists, who were plotting to overthrow the Government's authority. 175. The Attack. — He surrounded the camp with his well disciplined soldiers, and sent a demand to Frost for his imme- diate and unconditional surrender. As his force numbered 7,000 men and more, and Frost's 700, the latter at once did so. The captured soldiers stacked their arms and were arranged in a line along Olive street, which was occupied by Lyon's troops, there halted and kept standing over an hour. Great numbers of men, women and children from the city gathered around the troops and prisoners, and at times attacked the troops with stones, and 150 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL called them, in derision, "Dutch Blackguards," because one of the German companies called itself Die Schwartze Garde (the Black Guard). The soldiers resented this by firing into the crowd, first with a few shots, which were almost immediately "followed by volley after volley." When the firing ceased twenty-eight persons lay dead or mortally wounded, among them three of the prisoners who had only a little while before surrendered, and an infant in the arms of its mother and one of Lyon's soldiers. The march was at once resumed to the arsenal and the next day the prisoners were released on their own parole not to bear arms against the Government while the Civil War should last. 176. The attack upon Camp Jackson proved to be a bl under. It was intended to crush out all spirit of secession in the State and completely disarm and crush the influence of those who wished it to secede. This number was small. It will be remem- bered that the question of secession had been submitted to the people on February 18th and had been declared against by a majority of eighty thousand votes. Since that time instead of gaining, the secession sentiment had waned. Even the doctrine of the numerous Conditional Union men, that Missouri would secede only when the federal Government should attempt to coerce and force the seceded States back into the Union, had been abandoned, and most of those who had prior to February 18th held to this view, had prepared to quietly submit to this attempted coercion. With the exception of Governor Jackson and a handful of his enthusiastic followers, the vast majority of the people preferred that Missouri should remain in the Union and take no part in the Civil War, now already begun in other THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 151 States. But now every thing was changed. In the twinkling of an eye, a thrill of horror ran through the State at the needless killing of private citizens and surrendered prisoners by a foreign- born soldiery led by an unrelenting captain from another State, whose course seemed to receive the entire sanction of President Lincoln. The news was telegraphed to Jefferson City. At that very time it happened the ''Military Bill," designed for the organization of the State militia for any emergency that might arise, was being considered and had been under consideration for several days. It was being successfully opposed, because it was believed the people had pronounced against any military prepara- tions, and for the further reason that it was feared the Governor might use the militia in aid of secession. The bill for these reasons could never have been passed had not the Camp Jackson affair occurred. But as an indication of the popular revulsion and excitement that the United States forces had attacked the State's forces, within fifteen minutes after the news had been received at the Capitol the Military Bill had been rushed through both houses of the General Assembly, and was ready for the Governor's signature. Within five days the Legislature passed laws authorizing the expenditure of over two million dollars "to repel invasion and put down rebellion," as it said. 177. Preparations for the War by both sides now went on apace. Hundreds of men who, up to this time, remained loyal to the Union felt themselves driven into the secession movement by the unfortunate affair at Camp Jackson. Among them was Sterling Price, who had been Governor of the State from 1853-57, and who had reflected great glory upon Missouri in the 152 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. Mexican War. He now offered his sword to Governor Jackson to fight for what he declared to be in defense of the State. He was appointed major-general of ' 'Missouri State Guards." The State was divided into eight military districts and over each was appointed a brigadier-general to organize and drill the militia. For this purpose Governor Jackson appointed A. W. Doniphan, Monroe M. Parsons, James S. Rains, John B. Clark, Thomas A. Harris, Nathaniel W. Watkins, A. E. Steen, W. Y. .Slack and James H. McBride; Colonel Doniphan, however, refused to accept the appointment, but remained steadfast in his allegiance to the Union, yet took no part in the war. 178. General Harney had in the meantime returned to St. Louis. He deemed the attack on Camp Jackson as proper and just, and said two of the streets of the camp were called Davis and Beauregard, after Jefferson Davis and the general who had led the attack on Fort Sumter, and that soldiers therein had openly worn the dress and badge of Confederate soldiers. He issued a proclamation on May 14th in which he declared ''No Government in the world would be entitled to respect that would,- for a moment, tolerate such openly treasonable preparations," and announced that the whole power of the United States would be employed, if necessary, to maintain its authority as ''the supreme law of the land." Beyond this he wished only to preserve the general peace and to protect all loyal citizens from violence of any kind. On May 17th he asked the War Department for ten thousand stand of arms, and that nine thousand men should be furnished him by Iowa and ^Minnesota. THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 153 179. Price-Harney Agreement. — -While these preparations for war were going on, conservative men appealed to Harney and Price to preserve the peace and agree upon a plan of neutrality; General Harney accordingly sent an invitation to General Price to meet him for the purpose of forming such an agreement, which Price, with Governor Jackson's approval, readily ac- cepted. The Price-Harney agreement was formed, wherein each avowed it was his purpose ^'to restore peace and good order," and Price was to be intrusted with the duty of keeping order in the State, subject to the laws of the Federal and State govern- ments. H this were done the people were assured by Harney that he would have no occasion, as he had no wish, ''to make military movements in the State which might create jealousies or excitement.'" In accordance with this agreement. Price dis- missed the troops at Jefferson City. But because the agreement, which Harney said produced a good effect throughout the State, did not include that all military organization should cease and the militia be dispersed, this action of Harney's gave great offense to Blair and Lyon, who at once determined upon his removal. Accordingly, 0. D. Filley, as a member of the St. Louis ''Safety Committee," which had all along supported Lyon and Blair, sent out a circular letter to every part of the State asking that full and detailed reports be sent in of all offensive treatment of loyal Union men by the secession element. These reports were very voluminous. They were forwarded to President Lincoln, who sincerely believed them, but Harney did not, but declared that Price was faithfully carrying out his part of the agree- ment. The President thought these outrages "should be 154 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL stopped," and therefore relieved Harney, and put General Lyon in conimand. 180. War Declared. General Lyon was no longer impeded by a conservative superior officer, but was left free to pursue any course he pleased. Both sides began at once to again make active preparations for the war. But before much had been done William A. Hall and other honorable citizens made another effort to prevent a conflict, and persuaded Governor Jackson to ask an interview with General Lyon ''for the purpose of effecting a pacific solution of the troubles of Missouri." Lyon regarded Governor Jackson as a traitor, but if he should come to St. Louis for this purpose, Lyon promised that he would not arrest him while there or on his way back to the capital. Accordingly the interview took place at the Planters' House, St. Louis, on the 11th of June. The Governor was accompanied by General Price and Thomas L. Snead, who appeared for the State, while Lyon, Blair and Major Conant represented the federal Government. General Lyon led the conference for his side, which lasted for four or five hours. In a proclamation which the Governor published next day he declared that in this interview he had proposed to Lyon and Blair: ''That I would disband the State Guard and break up its organization ; that I would disarm all the companies which had been armed by the State ; that I would pledge myself not to attempt to organize the militia under the Military Bill ; that no arms or other munitions of war should be brought into the State ; that I would protect all citizens equally in all their rights, regardless of their political opinions; that I would suppress all insurrectionary movements within the THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 155 State ; that I would repel all attempts to invade it from whatever quarter and by whomsoever made ; and that I would thus maintain a strict neutrality in the present unhappy contest, and preserve the peace of the State." This was a clear abandonment of secession by the Governor, but the proposition was made upon the condition that the federal Government would undertake to disarm the Home Guards, and would pledge itself not to occupy with its troops any locality in the State not occupied by them at that time. Finally, when this proposition had been fully discussed (till all present understood it), Lyon suddenly broke up the conference by this reply: '^Rather than concede to the State of Missouri the right to demand that my Government shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring troops into the State whenever it pleases, or move its troops at its own will into, out of, or through the State ; rather than concede to the State of Missouri for one instant the right to dictate to my Government in any matter however unimportant, I would" (pointing to everyone in the room) ''see you, and you, and you, and you, and you, and every man, woman and child in the State, dead and buried. This means war;" and, turning to the Governor, he said; "in an hour one of my officers will call for you and conduct you out of my lines." And it did mean war. Men who had known and loved each other for years, now bade farewell and turned away, a part to fight for the Union, the other part for the State. 181. Francis Preston Blair was born at Lexington, Kentucky, February 19, 1821, and died in St. Louis, Missouri, July 8, 1875. He was a descendant of the Blairs and Prestons of Virginia, two 156 HISTORY OF MLSSOURL families of great excellence and marked intellect. His father was Francis Preston Blair, the trusted adviser of Andrew Jackson and afterwards of Mr. Lincoln. A truer type of the American FRANK P. BLAIR. patriot was never known than the elder Blair. At the age of nine Frank went with his father to Washington and was well instructed in the hest schools. At twenty he graduated at the THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON 157 renowned Princeton College. Two years later he graduated in law from the Transylvania University of Kentucky. He came to St. Louis and began the practice of law with painstaking energy. His health failing, he went in 1845 to New Mexico and took part in setting in operation the government of the United States in that newly conquered territory. He returned to Missouri, again pursued his profession, and in 1852 and 185S was elected to the Missouri General Assembly. He espoused the cause of Free-soil and Emancipation with greatest energy and courage. At that time his cause was most unpopular, but no kind of threats or intimidation deflected him from his course. He gained but little following outside of St. Louis, but in that city the German citizens were his strong supporters. In 1856 he had so thoroughly organized the Free-soil party that he was elected to Congress, and was again elected in 1858 and 1860. In 1858 his party candidates were elected to the municipal offices of St. Louis and held them without interruption to the close of the war. He foresaw the impending struggle in Missouri long before other men did and he set about to crush every effort at secession, and not till the last gun was fired did he cease. He held a ratification meeting of Mr. Lincoln's nomination in 1860, which was much disturbed by some lawless persons. To put a stop to this he organized a kind of vigilance company or body- guard known as the "Wide Awakes." These accompanied him wherever he went in his canvass and protected him from insult and his audiences from being dispersed. He afterwards organized them into the first Union company formed in the State and was made its captain. Then he enlarged it into a 158 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL regiment and was elected its colonel. Then he went off to the war, and neither side ever had a braver officer nor one who did harder fighting. He took part under General Grant in the siege of Vicksburg in 1863, and was in the hottest of all the fight. ''During the siege, by an order of Grant, he laid waste the country for fifty miles around Vicksburg, drove off the white inhabitants, burned the grist mills, cotton gins and granaries, and destroyed the crops." On the death of General McPherson he was made general of the seventeenth army corps. He did valiant service ujider General Sherman in the subjugation of Tennessee and continued with him till the close of the war, always bearing the brunt of battle. He took part in the siege of Atlanta and in the subsequent ''march to the sea," in which his men were always in front, and never went hungry if there was anything to forage on, and for this reason they w^ere often accused of wantonness. He had always been opposed to the radical emancipationists and in 1863 again offered himself in St. Louis as a Conservative Republican candidate for Congress. He got 153 more votes than Mr. Knox, the Radical Republican, but Congress declared the latter elected. When the war was over Mr. Blair was found to be the best friend of the vanquished in the State. He was a man of steel and iron to crush out secession, but when the secessionists yielded he laid down his arms. He had fought for the Union and won, and he wished to re-establish it in its best sense as a Union of the whole people. He returned to Missouri and found hard, rigid laws which disfranchised half of the citizens of his former days before the war. He could BOONVILLE, CARTHAGE AND COWSKIN PRAIRIE. 159 have had any office in the gift of the State for the acceptance, but he voluntarily put all aside, and espoused the cause of the disfranchised men. He canvassed the State, amid great danger and insult, and finally won. President Johnson nominated him for many offices but the Senate always refused to confirm the appointments. In 1868 he was a candidate for Vice-President on the Democratic ticket with Seymour. In 1871 he was a member of the State Legislature and was elected United States Senator, to fill out the unexpired term of Charles D. Drake, and served till March 4th, 1873. CHAPTER XIV. BOONVILLE, CARTHAGE AND COWSKIN PRAIRIE. 182o Jackson and Price hastened to Jeferson City immediately after the conference with Lyon, arriving there at two o'clock in the morning. Before daylight the Governor had issued his proclamation, setting forth in full the propositions of the con- ference, and asking for fifty thousand volunteers "for the purpose,", he said, "of repelling the attack that had been made on the State and for the protection of the lives, liberties and property of her citizens." He also sent orders to the com- manders of the different military districts (mentioned in section 177), to assemble their men and prepare for active service. On the next day he and Price, and the State officers with the State 160 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL papers, hastily set out for Boonville, General Price having previously caused the railroad bridges over the Osage and Gasconade to be destroyed so as to prevent Lyon's approach by rail, and directed General Parsons, who had collected a small force, to retire to a point along the Missouri Pacific railroad and there await orders. On his arrival at Boonville Jackson found General John B. Clark already there with several hundred men. They continued to arrive during the next two days, and came in little squads from all around the country, but mostly from north of the river where Clark and Price and Jackson were greatly beloved. But Price soon became convinced that it would be impossible for him to hold the river against the superior force of General Lyon, who was rapidly moving up the river. He needed time to organize an army, train the troops who knew nothing at all of a soldier's duties and to furnish them with guns and ammunition. He, therefore, leaving Jackson and Clark behind him, hastened on to Lexington, His plan was to assume command of the troops who had been assembling at that point, which had been threatened by a large body of Kansas and national forces, and withdraw them to the southwest, where he hoped for time to organize, arm and equip them. 183. Tlie movements of General Lyon were equally active. Immediately after the conference in St. Louis with Jackson and Price, he telegraphed to Washington for 5,000 stand of arms and authority to enlist more troops in Missouri. Both requests were immediately granted. He ordered Colonels Sigel, Salomon and B. Gratz Brown with their regiments to set out for Spring- field. Brigadier-General Thomas W. Sweeney was put in BOONVILLE, CARTHAGE AND COWSKIN PRAIRIE. 161 command of this expedition, and its object was to intercept Governor Jackson if he should attempt to retreat to Arkansas. Lyon himself took 2,000 well trained troops and started by boat next day for Jefferson City. He arrived there on the 15th of June, and leaving Colonel Boernstein and 300 men to hold the city, he himself proceeded up the river. When within eight miles of Boonville, he landed most of his men, and caused the boats to move on past the city with the rest, in order to deceive Jackson as to his real movement. 184. The Battle of Boonville was fought on Monday, June 17th, between Colonel Marmaduke with less than 500 men, and General Lyon with over three times that number. The engage- ment was sharp and was kept up for some time. It took place one mile east of the city and resulted in routing Marmaduke, with two men killed and five slightly wounded. Lyon's loss was two men killed and nine wounded. Jackson was now obliged to beat a hasty retreat to the southwest, which he did with his entire force, including General Parsons who had joined him at Boonville on the very day of the fight with Lyon. Lyon remained at Boonville two weeks waiting for his transportations, and thoroughly discouraging any secession movements by his very presence. This battle of Boonville, trifling as it may appear from the amount of fighting done, proved to be perhaps the most important to the Union cause fought in Missouri during the entire war. It was the first real fight between the State and Union forces and the Union had won. It was fought on the part of the State, by volunteers alone. When these were defeated it almost put a stop to volunteer enlistment in Price's 162 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. army. The ardor of the Southern sympathizers had led them to believe that Jackson's forces would gain this battle. When he failed they were so discouraged and -calmed that they quietly submitted. All north Missouri was now in complete subjection. At Lexington Price was threatened with a force of 2,500 men from Kansas under Major Sturgis. He therefore ordered his troops to proceed southward under command of General Rains, to join Jackson, and set out himself for Arkansas to induce General Ben. McCulloch with a large Confederate army to enter the State and assist in driving Lyon from it. 186. The Battle of Carthage. Jackson retreated southward rapidly. His force consisted of between six and seven thousand men, so badly organized and so poorly supplied with arms and ammunition that it was little better than a mob. At Lamar he was joined by Rains and as he approached Carthage he sud- denly found Colonel Sigel in his front, with about a thousand well armed men. On July 5th a line of battle w^as drawn on a ridge which gently inclined to- wards Coon creek, about nine miles from Carthage. About 2,600 infantry armed with shot- guns and rifles, and 1,500 mounted men similarly armed, took part in the fight on the part of the State troops. Sigel opened MAJ.-GEN. FRANZ SIGEL. BOONVILLE, CARTHAGE AND COWSKIN PRAIRIE. 163 the fight with a steady fire of shot, grape and shell. It was kept up for about an hour, when about two thousand of Jackson's unarmed men were ordered to take shelter in the skirting of woods on his right. Sigel did not know they were unarmed but supposed they were ordered to attack him in the rear, and with- drew his men in good order beyond the creek. There he left Essig's battery and five companies of infantry to prevent the State troops from crossing. When the troops got within 400 yards of the ford they were met by the well directed shots from Essig's battery. Here the hottest fighting of the day followed. But Generals Clark and Parsons managed to cross at another ford, and were about to cut off any possibility of Essig's escape. He therefore fell back to the main body of Sigel's army, who continued his retreat on to Sarcoxie, fifteen miles away. Sigel's loss was thirteen killed and thirty-one wounded. Jackson's loss was ten killed and sixty-four wounded. The losses on each side have often been erroneously reported to be three or four hundred. 186. Other Movements. — The day after the battle of Carthage, Governor Jackson entered that city with his army, and there was met by General Price, who had been successful in Arkansas in inducing General McCulloch to cross the border with several regiments of Confederate and Arkansas troops, and who had on July the 5th captured a company of 137 men, whom Sigel had left at Neosho for the protection of that town. They also captured what they regarded still more highly, namely, 150 stand of arms and six wagons laden with supplies. Here for the first time the State troops came in sight of Confederate soldiers 164 HIS TOR Y OF MISSO URL and they were hailed with loud huzzas and great rejoicings. On July 9th Price went into camp on Cowskin Prairie, in McDonald county, for the purpose of organizing his army. 187. Governor Jackson Leaves the State. On July 12th Gover- nor Jackson left for Memphis, in order to persuade General Polk, to whose command all the country west of the Mississippi was attached, to send into Missouri a sufficient Confederate force to repossess the State. This was now necessary to his fortunes, as it was well known that one of the first acts of the Convention, which had been called to reassemble on July 22nd, would be to depose Jackson, and elect a Governor of its own choosing, and organize a State government to wield the power of the State against the South. Polk ordered General Pillow to take 6,000 men from West Tennessee and move them by way of New Madrid into Missouri. There they would be joined by a force of State troops under Jeff. Thompson. The object was to move upon Jefferson City, threaten St. Louis as they passed, drive the Federal forces from the State and re-establish Jackson at the State capital. General Pillow did move to Missouri but not until it was too late to do Jackson any good. Besides, his movement was only a feint. On August 3rd, General Fremont with nine large vessels and a large force of troops dropped down the Mis- sissippi river to Bird's Point, and virtually caused Pillow and Thompson to abandon their invasion, though he did not fire a gun, and in a few days returned to St. Louis. 188. Lyon's Movement. — We left General Lyon at Boonville. On the 17th of June he issued a proclamation in which he stated the Governor and Legislature had adopted means to effect a BOONVILLE, CARTHAGE AND COWSKIN PRAIRIE. 165 separation of the State from the Union, that they sympathized with the secession movement, that constant complaints had been made to him, accompanied by appeals for relief, against the hardships of the Military Bill. This relief he considered it the duty of a just government to give. He remained in Boonville two wee'ks and then set out to run Jackson down, give him battle and compel him to surrender or drive him from the State. 189. General Fremont in Command. — Before leaving Boon- ville Lyon had been informed that Missouri had been detached from the Department of the West and added to the Department of the Ohio, commanded by General George B. McClellan. General Blair at once set out for Washington to obtain a revoca- tion of the order making this change. He did not succeed, but finally persuaded the Administration to organize Illinois and all the country west of the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains into the ''Western Department" under the command of General John C. Fremont who took control July 26tli with headquarters at St. Louis. Colonel John D. Stevenson was placed in command of the Missouri from its mouth to Kansas City, given a sufficient force to garrison Jefferson City, Boonville and Lexington, and ordered to protect the loyal inhabitants of adjacent counties, to disperse all gatherings of hostile men and prevent volunteers from crossing the river to Price. All the rest of the State north of the river was intrusted to Colonel Samuel Curtis, who had already occupied parts of it with Iowa troops. Southeast Missouri was held by an ample force gathered at Cairo, Illinois, under General Prentiss. Then Lyon started for Springfield. He arrived within twelve miles of that place on July 12th, and, 166 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL * 'accompanied by a body-guard of ten stalwart troopers for his especial escort, he dashed through the streets of the city on his iron-grey horse, his bearded warriors being mounted on powerful chargers and armed to the teeth with great revolvers and massive swords." The next day he telegraphed to headquarters that Governor Jackson was in that vicinity with not less than 30,000 men, and asked for 10,000 additional troops. As a matter of fact Jackson had on the previous day left for Arkansas, and the entire combined force of Lyon's foes did not at any time amount to over 15,000 men, armed and unarmed. 190. Organization. — Lyon's two weeks delay at Boonville proved invaluable to Price. After the battle at Carthage he led his troops toward Cowskin Prairie, and there had a breathing spell, and began at once a systematic organization of his army and energetic preparations for an active campaign. He had few arms or military supplies of any kind, and no money with which to procure them. But he needed no money to pay the men. They never expected any pay, had never been promised any, but had volunteered their services to fight for the State and to help the Governor maintain its dignity and himself at its head as its rightful executive, as they believed. They were intelligent men; such men imbued with the spirit and purposes which actuated them, can alw^ays devise munitions of war. Governor Jackson on leaving the capital had brought along a supply of powder. The lead was taken from the Granby mines near by. One of the officers. Major Thomas H. Price, devised from the trunks of large trees monster molds for buckshot and bullets. There were a few cannons in the army, but no ammunition for them, either. The THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK, 167 way these were prepared is thus told by Lieutenant Barlow, who was an officer of artillery : ^'One of Sigel's captured wagons furnished a few round shot ; with these for a beginning, 'an arsenal of construction' was established. The owner of a tin- shop contributed canisters ; iron rods which a blacksmith gave and cut into small pieces made good slugs, and a bolt of flannel, with needles and thread, provided material for cartridge bags. A bayonet made a good candle-stick, and at night the men went to work making cartridges and filling the bags from a barrel of powder placed some distance from the candle." The work of organizing and equipping the State Guard thus went on apace, and by the end of July it was ready to take the field with an effective force of 5,000 men armed with hunting rifles, shotguns, a few cannons and a few army guns, while 2,000 more unarmed men were waiting to pick up the guns of those who might be stricken in battle or by disease. CHAPTER XV. THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 191. Forward Movements. — On the 28th and 29th of July General Price, with a force of 5,000 armed and 2,000 unarmed Missourians, General McCulloch with a brigade of 3,200 well armed men, and General Pearce with 2,500 Arkansas troops, in all nearly 13,000 men, began to unite their forces near Cassville, 168 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL fifty-two miles southeast of Springfield. On the 31st they started for that city. Lyon learned of the movement next day, but was led to believe they were marching upon the city by separate routes. He determined therefore to attack them in detail and started the same day to meet the force advancing from Cassville. He went twenty-four miles in that direction, but being unable to learn anything about the army in front of him, which was, in fact, the entire forces of Pearce, Price and McCulloch, and fear- ful that they, with their larger force, would flank him and cut off all communication with Springfield, on Monday, August 3rd, he returned thither. By this time McCulloch had pretty well lost confidence in ''the undisciplined mob" of Missouri troops, and in order to pacify him General Price, who was a far abler general, yielded to him the chief command. McCulloch followed Lyon toward Springfield to Wilson's Creek, about nine miles south- east. Here he camped in a considerable valley, within reach of some ripening cornfields, which were to be the only subsistence of his army for the next day or two. Near the ford across this creek the valley was narrow, and toward the west was a hill gradually rising from the creek to a height of nearly one hundred feet, and covered with undergrowth and scrub-oak trees. This hill has since been known as "Bloody Hill," and here on Saturday, August 10th, 1861, was fought the bloody battle of Wilson's Creek. General McCulloch still hesitated to move on Springfield and attack Lyon. He delayed till Friday when Price, having heard that General Lyon was greatly perplexed, notified him that unless he moved at once he would resume command him- THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 169 self and make the fight with his forces alone. McCuUoch yielded, and that night the combined troops were ordered to rest on their arms prepared to march at any moment. General Lyon, who had always overestimated the size of the armies in front of him, had received no assistance from General Fremont, who was now in charge of the Western Department. Two regiments had been ordered to him from Kansas and the Missouri river. But these could not reach him inside of two weeks. By that time the enlistments of one-third of his men would expire, and as they had received no pay, he knew that they would not re-enlist but would return home. He believed it would be defeat to fight. Yet he knew to retreat was to turn over to Price all southwest Missouri, perhaps all the State except St. Louis, to lead thousands of volunteers to join Price's army, to discourage the Union cause and to re-establish Jackson as Governor. Defeat was better than this. He would hazard battle rather than retreat. Friday, August 9th, he ordered Colonel Sigel to set out late in the afternoon with his entire force of 1,200 men, turn the Confederates' right flank and attack them in the rear. He him- self set out with -4,200 men. About midnight he halted within two miles of Bloody Hill, and on the next morning at dawn started for that point. At five o'clock he came in contact with the advance State forces under Hunter, which fell back over the brow of Bloody Hill. As they did so Lyon opened on them with his cannon, and immediately Sigel, who had completely gained the Confederate right, responded with his guns upon the eastern outposts. McCulloch hastened off to meet Sigel and Price to engage Lyon. Price's and Lyon's forces formed within three 170 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. hundred yards of each other, but the undergrowth kept them entirely concealed. Price deployed three thousand and one hundred men under Generals Clark, Parsons and McBride along the eastern declivity ; Lyon, leaving the rest of his men for reserve, took one thousand nine hundred of them and formed along the western side, his under officers being the afterwards famous Generals Schofield, Totten, Sturgis, Granger, Elliott and Osterhaus. Price waited for Lyon to make the attack. This he did soon after six o'clock. ^'Forward" rang along the lines and was plainly heard by both sides. Then followed the crackling of the brush through which Lyon's men were advancing, then the sharp click of a thousand rifles, the reply of a thousand shot- guns and the roar of the cannon. The battle raged for five hours with desperate fury. '^The lines approached again and again within less than fifty yards of each other, and then, after delivering a deadly fire, each would fall back a few paces to re- form and re-load, only to advance again to this strange battle in the woods." Frequently the deepest silence would fall upon the men after one of these charges. The two armies were grappling in a death struggle for Missouri. About nine o'clock Sigel had been completely routed with very little hard fighting and was in full retreat to Springfield. His men had taken instant flight on the dashing onslaught of the third Louisiana regiment, which they took for Iowa friends. Throwing themselves into the brush which lined both sides of the road, they became separated. Sigel and Salomon, with about two hundred Germans and Carr's company of cavalry, started for Springfield, but were suddenly set upon by Colonel Major, THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 171 with some mounted Missourians and Texans. The Germans being abandoned by Carr, were nearly all either killed, wounded or captured. Sigel reached Springfield with one man only. The entire Confederate force, after the defeat of Sigel, was ordered to assist Price in his conflict with Lyon. Seeing all this army concentrating before him, Lyon determined to dash upon Price with all his might and crush him to the ground before these gathering forces could come to his relief. Then followed the hottest fight of the day. "The engagement at once became general and desperately fierce along the entire line. Price's men appearing in front, often in three or four ranks, lying down, kneeling and standing, and the lines often approaching within thirty or forty yards." Walking along in front of his men, now broken down by the long night-march and four hours' hard fighting, the intrepid Lyon encouraged them to make one more effort to win the day. Suddenly, his horse was shot from under him, and he himself was wounded in the head and in the leg. He was stunned for the moment, and was heard to confusedly say he feared the day was lost. Then recovering himself, he mounted another horse and rode gallantly along the lines, waving his hat and urging his men to follow. The soldiers instantly closed around him, and together they dashed into the fight. The next moment a ball had pierced Lyon's breast and he was dead. The command fell on Major Sturgis, who ordered retreat. The Union forces moved away in perfect order from the field for which they had fought so bravely and so ably. 192. The results of the battle. Of the 5,400 Union men who took part in the fight 1,317 officers and men were killed. 172 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL wounded or missing. The heaviest loss was by the first Missouri regiment of vokinteers (Blair's old regiment) and Osterhaus' battalion which lost 350 out of 925 men, or about thirty-seven per cent. General Lyon, every brigadier-general and every colonel engaged on Bloody Hill were either killed or wounded, so that the army was led off by a major. The total loss of the Confederate and State troops was 1,230 killed and wounded, out of 10,000 men who in some way took part in the battle. The heaviest loss was among Churchill's Arkansas regiment which lost 197 men out of 500, or thirty-nine per cent. Colonels Weightman, Foster, Kelly, Burbridge, Cawthon and Ben Brown were killed ; Generals Slack and Clark and Price were wounded . The total number wounded, killed and missing on both sides was 2,547, or sixteen per cent. Of the 7,700 men who took part in the battle on Bloody Hill, on both sides, 1,880 or about twenty-five per cent were killed or wounded. Old soldiers who took part in the battle have frequently corroborated each other in stating that on one acre of the field where the battle was fiercest, at least half the surface was covered with dead or dying men. 193. TJie Dead. Major Sturgis reached Springfield about five o'clock with the rest of Lyon's army. In the afternoon he had sent an officer under a flag of truce to beg the body of General Lyon. After the great soldier had been killed his body was borne to the shade of a tree near by, and when retreat was ordered it was obeyed so hastily that the body was left behind. It was now conveyed to Springfield in General Price's own wagon, which he proffered for the purpose. The next THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 173 morning the whole Union army continued its retreat to RoUa, and in the confusion of starting, Lyon's body was again forgotten. Mrs. John S. Phelps, wife of the afterwards Goyernor, had it buried in Springfield. Soon afterwards it was disinterred and sent to Connecticut, his natiye State, and there finally buried. After the battle the Confederates remained on the field which they had won, and ministered to the wounded and buried the dead of both armies. Before sunset on that withering hot day, all those who had died for the Union and all those who had died for the State, and all those who had died for the South, had been laid side by side under the sod. 194. The Retreat. — Lyon's army had been completely defeated. It was now at the mercy of Price and McCulloch if they chose to pursue. It had an immense and richly-laden wagon train and other ''spoils" yalued at $1,500,000. These it undertook to conduct safely to Rolla. Their adyersaries had come out of the battle with six or eight thousand men who had scarcely fired a gun. Besides, the battle gaye them plenty of arms and ammunition. They could also haye had this immense army train, and thereby supplies for their army for months. But McCulloch refused to follow up the yictory and take easy possession of the fruit which the rules of war made his. He was a Confederate officer in command of a Confederate army. He had been stationed in Arkansas for the defense of Indian Territory. His duty was to defend, not to attack. Missouri was yet in the Union. He had no authority to attack a loyal State. He had repelled Lyon's intended inyasion of Arkansas and Indian Territory, and haying succeeded he now 174 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL conceived it his duty to withdraw from Missouri. In vain did Price beg him to lead the forces against the retreating Union army. To have done so would have been to retake the State within sixty days. Price was unable to accomplish this movement with his forces alone, and before he could undertake it the Union army had increased to many times larger than his own. Sturgis made the trip to Rolla in peace. On the w^ay he w^as joined by many fugitives, who with their wives and children, cattle and horses, wagons and household goods, were fleeing before the victorious army. On August 17th, he arrived at Rolla, 150 miles northeast of Springfield. 195. Distinguished Men. It is worthy of note that at least seven of the officers who took part in the battle of Wilson's creek afterwards became major-generals in the Union army, among whom were Schofield, Stanley, Steele, Sigel, Granger, Osterhaus and Herron; also that thirteen of them became brigadier-generals, among whom were Sturgis, Carr, Plummer, Mitchell, Sweeney, Totten, Gilbert and Powell Clayton. Among the Missourians who rose to the rank of general, were Price, Parsons, Slack, Jo. Shelby, John B. Clark, Jr., Colton Green, and Frank Cockrell. THE LAST MONTHS OF 1 861 . 175 CHAPTER XVI. THE LAST MONTHS OF 1861. 196.' The second meeting of the Convention, which, instead of dissolving after its March session, had only taken a recess to reconvene at the call of its executive committee, was begun in Jefferson City on July 22nd. Its former president, Ex-Governor Price, had accepted the position of major-general of the State troops, and his seat was declared vacant from that fact. Gene- ral Robert Wilson, of Buchanan county, was elected president in his stead. The Convention then entered upon some extra- ordinary proceedings. On July 3rd it declared the office of Governor vacant and elected one of its own members, Hamilton R. Gamble, of St. Louis, Governor in Jackson's place. It declared the office of Lieutenant-Governor vacant and elected Willard P. Hall, of St. Joseph, in Mr. Reynolds' stead. It went further and declared the offices of the members of the Legislature vacant and agreed upon a time for electing their successors. Before that time had arrived the election was postponed, by subsequent sessions, till November 1862, and before an election was held at all, it passed laws prescribing that no person should be allowed to vote who did not indorse the actions of the Conven- tion. It went still further and began to perform the duties of the General Assembly, and these duties it exercised for seventeen months before giving the people a chance to elect a new Governor 176 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL ill Jackson's place, or a new Legislature in place of the one whose powers it had assumed. These acts of the Convention have usually been excused on the ground of military necessity. That the great mass of the people quietly submitted to such a change, was positive proof that they realized the State was now in the midst of a great war, which required the exercise of new and extraordinary powers of the body which assumed to act for the State; and whether they approved of the course of the Convention or not as being the best policy, it remains true that nearly all its members were conservative, loyal men, who at all times had in mind only to secure peace and keep the State in the Union. As soon as it was certain that the destiny of the State would be safely Union in the hands of a new Legislature, the Convention laid down its assumed powers and permitted the Legislature to exercise them as it had done in former days. 197. Proclamations. — On August 3rd, 1861, Governor Gamble issued his first proclamation. He announced himself for the Union. He stated that many persons had joined Jackson's or Price's army under a sense of duty to State authority. He announced that they were under no such obli- gation ; that the act of the Legislature by which the State Guard — the name by which Price's troops were known — was organized, had been set aside by the Convention, and, therefore, was not binding on the people of the State. He commanded the State Guards to disband and return home, and the troops belonging to the Confederacy to depart from the State. He promised that all those citizens in arms who would return to their allegiance to the Union and become loyal and peaceable THE LAST MONTHS OF 1861. 177 should have the Union's protection. On August the 24th he issued another prochimation calling for 32,000 men to enlist for six months 'Ho protect the lives and property of the citizens of the State." On August 5th Governor Jackson, who had returned to the State, issued from New Madrid his proclamation which he called the Declaration of Independence of the State of Missouri. After reciting various usurpations and outrages by the Federal military and civil authorities against the people of Missouri, he declared "in their name, by their authority and on their behalf, the political connection heretofore existing between said States and the people and government of Missouri is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that the State of Missouri as a Sovereign, Free and Independent Republic, has full power to levy war, conclude peace, establish commerce, contract alliances and do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do." This proclamation was pretty generally laughed at. It was issued for the purpose of strengthening the secession cause in Missouri, but gave Jackson's enemies in the Convention and out of it an additional argument for their claim that Missouri could be kept in the Union only by an armed force to fight down all opposition. In November, General Price issued his procla- mation, also, in which he said he was ardently "struggling, in behalf of a bleeding country, against the most causeless and cruel despotism known among civilized men," and asked for 50,000 new volunteers. Only a few thousands responded to this call. 198. Fremont's Proclamation. General Fremont, who was more of a cavalier than a soldier, busied himself in issuing his 178 HISTORY OF MISSOURI, ''emancipation proclamation," which was finally done on August 30th. He declared martial law throughout the whole State, suspended the civil courts and declared all persons who should be taken with arms in their hands should be tried by a court- martial, and, if found guilty, should be shot. He further declared all property of every kind of all persons who had or would take up arms against the United States should be confis- cated to the public use, and all their slaves set free. President Lincoln set aside all that part of this ''proclamation" which related to confiscation of property and liberation of slaves. 199. Battle of Lexington. After the battle of Wilson's Creek, General McCulloch withdrew to Indian Territory, General Pearce took his Arkansas troops back to Arkansas, and General Price started north for the Missouri river. On the 13th of September his forces drew up in front of Lexington, and on the 18th began besieging the place. The Union troops were well intrenched behind good embankments on Masonic College Hill, the present location of Central Female College. General James A. Mulligan was in command with about 1,500 Missourians and an equal number of Illinois troops. General Price's men numbered about 7,000 fit for service. They made movable breastworks of bales of hemp, under shelter of which they approached within thirty yards of Mulligan's works. The siege was kept up for fifty-two hours. Then Mulligan surrendered. According to General Price the fruits of this victory were 3,000 prisoners, 5 pieces of artillery, over 3,000 stand of arms, 750 horses, about $100,000 worth of commissary stores and a large amount of other property. He also obtained the restoration of "$900,000 in money which THE LAST MONTHS OF 1861. 179 » had been taken from a bank in the city." During the siege both armies underwent great hardships. When it first began thousands of Price's troops, who had not slept or eaten for 36 hours, fought desperately all day. When Mulligan surrendered, his men were entirely out of water, and all they had had during a great part of the siege had been obtained by catching the water of a slight rain in their blankets and then wringing them in buckets. 200. Hunter and HaUecJc. After the battle of Lexington, feeling keenly the loss of that important place and the previous death of General Lyon, Fremont took the field himself on the 27th of September with 20,000 men well armed. Three days later General Price abandoned Lexington, having held that place only a week, and started southward. Fremont, who had gone to Jefferson City expecting Price would attack him there, also turned southward, following almost the route previously traveled by Lj^on. Several little squads of Confederates or State troops were run into along the march to Springfield, and some sharp skirmishing, but no hard-fought battle took place. When the Osage river was reached a rude bridge was constructed after a few days, and all the troops, now swelled to 30,000, crossed over and proceeded rapidly to Springfield where Price was supposed to be. On November 2d, Fremont received notice that he had been relieved of command and replaced by General David Hunter, who was some distance in the rear. Nevertheless, 110 of his officers requested him to lead the forces against Price. He stated that unless Hunter came up by night he would do so. Hunter failed to come up. The whole army was preparing to 180 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL « move before dawn, but at midnight Hunter arrived, set Fremont's order aside, then fell back from Springfield and in five days was himself superseded by Halleck, w^ho continued to fall back, and so 1861 closed with no more battles. 201. The Secession Legislature. While General Price w^as at Lexington, Governor Jackson issued a call from that place for the General Assembly to meet on October 21st at Neosho in the southwest corner of the State, where it could be under the shelter of Price's army. Just how many members were present is not known, for the records of its proceedings were lost. Perhaps not a quorum of either house. If this were true, its actions could not be binding upon the State. Yet it is true that it passed a secession act by which it declared Missouri withdrawn from the Union. It elected John B. Clark, Sr., and R. L. Y. Peyton to the Confederate Senate at Richmond, Virginia, and eight other gentlemen to the House. For purposes of its own the Confederacy chose to recognize these acts of the Legislature as legal, and admitted Missouri into the Confed- eracy. There can be no doubt that many of the people indorsed the action of this Legislature. In fact, ever since the attack on Camp Jackson, public sentiment had been growing for secession. But the Convention, which some months before this declared vacant the seats of the members of the Legislature, still exercised the duties of that body and was sustained by the strong hand of military power. In its subsequent dealings with the State, Congress chose to recognize the Convention as being the only powder that could take Missouri out of the Union. Con- sequently the State never seceded. But after this ''Secession THE LAST MONTHS OF IS 61. 181 Act" the organization of the State Guard ceased, and all those who ''went south" and joined the Confederate army were known as Confederates, although it was more than three months after this before any of them ever saw a Confederate flag. Soon after this Governor Jackson went south and remained out of the State most of the time till his death, which occurred at Little Rock, December 6th, 1862. From that time on Thomas C. Reynolds, the Lieuten- ant-Governor, acted in Jackson's stead till the people elected Thos. C. Fletcher Governor, in 1864. Of course the power he exercised was limited, and was in dispute of the right of Gamble to act as Governor of the State. He ap- pointed members to the Confederate Congress, both House and Senate, and made a few other like appointments, but aside from this he was Governor only in name. THOMAS C. REYNOLDS. 182 HISTORY OF MISSOURI, CHAPTER XVII . EVENTS IN 1862. 202. Order No. 2^. The war had produced local disturbances in nearly every county in the State, and in some localities neither life nor property was safe. But in St. Louis everything was orderly and the Union forces there were in full control. From this reason many avowed supporters of the Union cause had taken refuge in the city. General Halleck, on December 12th, issued ''Order No. 24," making assessments on certain wealthy citizens of the city, who favored the cause of Governor Jackson or the Confederacy, by which the}^ were required to contribute money for the support of these refugees. Some of these citizens refused to pay the assessments and their property was seized by force. Samuel Engier, a prominent merchant, did not approve of this summary way of taking away his property, and attempted to recover it by suit at law. For so doing he and his lawyer were arrested and lodged in a military prison. After this the assessments were generally paid. This method of raising funds was repeated during the next few years by the various little commands stationed at different points in the State and great sums of money were thus obtained. 203. Oilier Orders. The Convention at its third session in October, had passed a law that no person should hold any civil office in the State who did not, within sixty days, take an oath to support the Union and the acts of the Convention. General E VENTS m 1862. 183 Halleck issued an order extending this law to include the Mer- cantile Library of St. Louis, all the officers of railroads in the State and all the professors in the State University, ''which should not be used," he declared, ''to teach treason or to instruct traitors." Any officer who refused to take this oath was replaced by one tliat did. The Provost Marshal also issued his order requiring a copy of all newspapers to be sent to him, that their loyalty might be inspected, and if any paper was not so sent it was suppressed. 204. Battle of Pea Ridge. General Halleck had wintered a large part of Fremont's army in and around Lebanon, Laclede county, under command of General Curtis, while General Price remained around Springfield. On February 11th, 1862, Curtis moved out upon Price who fell back towards Cassville, then across the State line into Arkansas, where he was joined by General McCulloch, and General Albert Pike with a large number of Indians and white troops from Indian Territory. It was as Price's troops came in sight of McCulloch 's men that they for the first time saw a Confederate flag — about the middle of Feb- ruary, 1862. These, added to Price's 8,000 Missourians, made a grand army of nearly 20,000 men, and the whole was placed under the command of General Van Dorn, a very courageous and daring officer. Curtis, with perhaps a less number of troops, followed Price at some distance, and encamped near Pea Ridge, a little place only a few miles over the line in Arkansas and about thirty miles from Cassville. Hei'e, early in the morning of March 6th, 1862, he w^as vigorously attacked by Van Dorn, and a bloody battle followed, which was skilfully and 184 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. desperately fought on both sides. It histed for three days, with ever-changing fortunes to the opposing forces. At one time it seemed that the Union cause would win, then the opposition, then again the Union. On the third day victory perched on the Federal banner, and the Confederates retreated. The Union loss was 1,351 killed, wounded and missing. The Confederate loss was about the same. General McCulloch was killed, so was General Mcintosh and General W. Y. Slack, of Chillicothe, Mo., and General Price was wounded in the arm. 205. Price joins the Confederacy. One month after the battle of Pea Ridge General Price published an order in which he bade farewell to the State Guard. Shortly afterward he was trans- ferred to the east side of the Mississippi with about 5,000 State troops who had followed him into the Confederacy, and from this time on they were known as Confederate troops. They were from time to time joined by other Missourians, but it is not likely that the number ever exceeded ten thousand men. Of their subsequent career it is not proper here to speak. Suffice it to say that this band of men fought on till the 9th of April, 1865, and on that day, the very one on which Lee surrendered, their number now reduced to 400, they fired their last gun at Fort Blakely on the Gulf of Mexico. 206. State Militia. The State Convention, which held its third session in October, 1861, had also passed a Military Bill, not greatly unlike the ''Military Bill" passed by the General Assembly in May, which had been urged by Lyon and the Convention as one cause for attacking Camp Jackson. This bill provided for the organization of the supporters of the EVENTS IN IS 62. 185 Convention and the Union cause throughout the State, under the name of the ''Missouri State Militia." Companies of these were enlisted in nearly every county, and among the promi- nent officers thereof, who were tlien and have since been also prominent citizens of the State, were Colonel John F. Philips of Pettis, Colonel T. T. Crit- tenden of Johnson, Major A. W. Mullins of Linn, Colonel John F. Williams of Macon, and General Odin Guitar of Boone. 207. Missourians in Opposing Companies. Early in April General Halleck set out for Corinth, Mississippi, and left General Schofield in command in Missouri. Governor Gamble appointed him Brigadier-General of Missouri State Militia, with power to call as much of it into active service as might be required to put down all marauders. Confederate companies for opposing these were also organized, and as a result most of the battles and skirmishes thereafter took place between these opposing companies of Missouri citizens. A few of the most important will be noticed. 208. Porter, Poindexter and Guitar. Colonel Jo. C. Porter led a band of marauding secessionists in the northeastern part of the State. They were first attacked by Colonel H. S. Lipscomb, JOHN F. PHILIPS. 186 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. with 450 State ^lilitia in Schuyler county, early in July, 1862. Driven out of this county they passed rapidly into Scotland, Marion and Warren counties, and on July 22d suddenly fell upon Major H. C. Caldwell (now United States Circuit Judge of the district of which Missouri is a part) at Florida, in Monroe county. Porter then turned south, and was met at Brown's Spring in Callaway county on July 27th by Colonel Guitar with about 400 State militia and Major Caldwell with a part of the third Iowa. The fighting was desperate, many were killed and wounded on each side, and Porter was defeated. Porter now retreated rapidly to the north and near Kirksville was joined by J. A. Poindexter ; and their combined forces of over 1,500 men made a stand in this town. They were attacked August 6th, by General John H. McNeil, aided by ''Merrill's Horse," and were terribly defeated, sustaining a loss of over 200 killed, wounded or captured. Among the pris- oners were seventeen men who were charged with having taken up arms after being released upon their oath to bear allegi- ance to the Union. These were condemned to death and shot. The remnant of Porter's force retreated southward and was met at Compton's Ferry, on Grand river in Carroll county, by Colonel ODIN GUITAR. EVENTS IN 1862. 187 Guitar, who, by attacking him while crossing the river, caused great confusion among his men and completely broke up his band. Guitar also encountered Poindexter on Yellow creek in Chariton county and routed him completely. For these gallant achievements Governor Gamble promoted Guitar to the rank of Brigadier-General of Enrolled Missouri Militia. 209. McNeil at Palmyra. Ahoni the time of his retreat and raid southward through Marion county three of Porter's men had captured Andrew Allsman, who had formerly been a Union soldier, but, being too old to endure the active duties of the service, had returned home, and, being well acquainted in the county, was frequently called upon for information as to the loyalty of certain citizens and to accompany scouting parties in search of suspected persons. He had also needlessly busied himself as a tale-bearer to officers of the State militia and other- wise made himself odious to the Confederate element. After his capture General John H. McNeil had published in the papers a notice to Porter that unless Allsman was returned within ten days, ten captured men, who he alleged had belonged to Porter's band and had violated their paroles, when in fact some of them had never been in arms, should be put to death. It was not then known whether Allsman had been killed or not, but as he never returned there can now be no doubt of it. At the end of the ten days the ten men, who were not responsible for the arrest or absence of Allsman, were taken from the Palmyra prison, put into wagons, each one seated on his coffin, and driven a half mile east of town. Then the coffins were removed and placed in a row a few feet apart, each of the men 188 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL was made to kneel beside his coffin, and then thirty soldiers of the second Missouri State Militia were commanded to fire, and this terrible crime against humanity stood, and still stands, as a dark spot in American History. 210. Disfranchisement and Soldiers at the Polls. The Con- vention elected on the 18th of February, 1861, had in June, 1862, passed a law that no person should vote who had been found in arms against the government of the United States or the provisional government of Missouri since December 17th, 1861, or ''who had directly or indirectly given aid, comfort, or countenance to the enemies or opposers thereof." The resolu- tion was first introduced by Ex-Governor R. M. Stewart. It disqualified many men who had before this been voters. As to those who had actually taken up arms this measure worked no hardship while the war lasted, for they showed no desire to vote anyhow. But it disfranchised many persons whose only crime was that they were relatives or friends to those who had taken up arms. At the election held in the following November, the soldiers were at the polls with their guns. They were there to prevent anybody from voting who were disqualified by the act of the Convention. Soldiers at the polls are always objection- able to a people accustomed to governing themselves ; but in this case the objection was great, because they were there to aid in enforcing a law which prescribed a punishment for an offense which had been committed before the act was passed, and which disqualified almost as many more men as had ever taken up arms. But, at the election in 1863, the soldiers were required to vote in their camps, and this proved more satisfactory to the people. E VENTS IN 1 8 62 . 189 211. Emancipation Efforts. None but Union men voted in 1862 ; hence none but Union men were elected. The only question which divided the voters was emancipation of slaves : whether they should be freed at once, or after ten or twelve years, or with or without pay to their owners, or whether they should be freed at all. County officers, members of Congress and members of the Legislature were elected. The emancipa- tionists were successful. They had a large majority in the House of Representatives of the Legislature, which met on the last Monday of December, but not two-thirds of both houses. They could not, therefore, pass an emancipation act. The State Constitution stood in their way. It forbade the Legislature to free slaves except by paying full value for them before freed. Such payment could not well be made by a State alread}^ heavy in debt from the war. Emancipation could come through the Legislature, then, only by an amendment to the Constitution. This could be made only by two-thirds of all the members of each house in two successive Legislatures. This number of one Legislature were required to first vote for the amendment. Then it had to be published in all the papers in the State a year before a general election. If the next Legislature after such an election by two-thirds of each house should vote for the amend- ment, it became a part of the Constitution. This was too slow a process for the emancipationists. They had only a majority in the present Legislature. It was not known that they would have that in the next one. Emancipation would be delayed four years, perhaps longer. The Convention must be appealed to. It was thought it had unlimited power. If not, perhaps it 190 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL would assume it. Governor Gamble was requested to call another session of the Convention. He did. It met in June, 1863. CHAPTER XVIII, 1863 AXD IS 64. 212. The last Sessio7i of the Convention was held in June, 1863. An '^ ordinance" was passed declaring all slaves free after July 4th, 1870, but all those over 40 years old should remain under the control of, and be subject to, their owners for the rest of their lives ; those under 12 years, until they were 23 years old ; and those of all other ages until the 4th of July, 1876 ; but none were to hg sold after July 4th, 1870. The Convention also declared that all parts of the State Constitution in conflict with this ordinance were void and '^lereby abrogated." It adjourned sine die July 1st, 1863. It will be seen hereafter that this ordinance was supplanted by another law before the time arrived for its enforcement. 213. Neiv Senators. Trusten Polk and Waldo P. Johnson had been expelled from the United States Senate in 1862, because of their secession sentiments and aid to the secession movements. Robert Wilson of Andrew, and John B. Henderson of Pike, were appointed to the vacancies b}^ Lieutenant-Governor Hall, in the absence of Governor Gamble. In January, 1863, the General Assembly elected Mr. Henderson to fill out the unex- 1863 AND 1864. 191 pired term of Polk, and then elected him to serve six years till March 4th, 1869, but elected none to fill out Mr. Johnson's term, which would terminate March 4th, 1867, but in the following November it elected B. Gratz Brown for a term expiring March 4th, 1867. 214. The Sacking of Lawrence. That a rank growth of gene- ral freebooting should have sprung up along the border in both Missouri and Kansas was to be expected from the lawless state of affairs which has been recounted under the head of ''Kansas Troubles." The war opened a wider field for spoliation. Early in the struggle appeared a band of ''jayhawkers," known as ''red- legs," because they wore red morocco leggings. The band was originally devoted to horse stealing, but became flexible enough to include rascals of every kind. At intervals the band would dash into Missouri, seize horses and cattle, commit other and worse outrages, then return with their booty to Lawrence and sell it at public auction. They did not hesitate to shoot people who objected to their acts or inquired into their doings. Mr. Spring, an honorable Kansas historian, says: "The gang con- tained men of the most desperate and hardened character, and a full recital of their deeds would sound like a biography of devils." The people of Lawrence could not drive them out or put a stop to their maraudings, and so their course of robbery, rapine and murder went on. The depredations of these red-legs, the campaign of Lane into Missouri some time before, and the troubles dating back to 1854, led to the awful destruction of Lawrence on August 21st, 1863. Quantrill, who led the raid, once lived in Lawrence — "a dull, sullen, uninteresting knave" — 192 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. and, just as the war began, was driven from the town to Missouri for some misbehavior. He now returned at the head of a band of Missouri bushrangers. They rode quietly into Kansas, traveled forty miles the night before the massacre and reached Ijawrence at daybreak, 175 strong. Armed with revolvers, they were commanded to ''kill every man and burn every house." With a wild cry like that of savage Indians, they dashed through the sleeping and defenseless town, killing men indiscriminately, but especially butchering all red-legs to be found. In the meantime they shouted — ''We are here for revenge, and we have got it !" Stores, banks, hotels and dwellings they rifled and then set them on fire, and of the dead 183 were counted; and from this sickening scene — the town in flames, the principal streets lined with corpses, many of them charred and blackened — the guerrillas galloped away, easily evading Major (lately Senator) Plumb with 250 Union troops, whom they passed on the way and escaped. "Order No. 11" was four days later issued for the purpose of taking reprisals for this raid on Lawrence, and making it impossible for such men to live in border counties. 215. Order No. 11. On August 25th, 1863, General Thomas Ewing, of the Eleventh Kansas Infantry Volunteers, issued from his headquarters at Kansas City an order which has become famous as "Order No. 11," and which shows the biting misery the people then had to endure on account of the fratricidal war which was being carried on, not by great generals and brave soldiers in open and honorable battle, but by roving bands of guerrillas of both armies, whose purpose was to murder, rob and despoil, almost as much as to maintain the authority of the 1S6S Ayn 1864. 193 Union or establish the authority of the Confederacy. Order No. 11 commanded all persons then living in the counties of Cass, Jackson and Bates, except those living in the principal towns, to remove from their places of abode within fifteen days. All persons who could show to the nearest military commander that they were loyal citizens, were permitted to move to the military stations or to Kansas. All other persons were to move entirely out of these counties. Their grain and hay were to be taken to the nearest military station, where the owners were granted certificates showing their value, and all produce not so delivered was to be destroyed. The military commanders were directed to see this order promptly obeyed, and they did so with dire earnestness. The whole district soon presented a scene of desolation rarely equaled. Cass was almost wholly depopulated. Of its 10,000 inhabitants only about 600 remained in the county, and these were gathered at the military stations of Harrisonville and Pleasant Hill. There was also an immense destruction of property. Immediately after the close of the war it was esti- mated that at least one-third of the houses had been burned and one-half of the farms laid waste. In Bates results were still worse. Within fifteen days nearly every inhabitant had crossed its border, and for three years its history was a blank. During these years the prairie fires swept over the land, adding to the desolation, and when, in 1866, the older inhabitants returned, not a vestige of their old homes was left save the blackened chimneys rising above the rank weeds. From these reasons these counties were, for a score of years, known as ''The Burnt District." A member of General Ewing's staff was. 194 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. Colonel George C. Bingham, who opposed the issuing of this order, and begged Ewing not to issue it. When Ewing per- sisted, he became defiant and told him if he did so he would make him 'infamous." Being one of the finest artists in the State, after the war closed he painted ''Order No. 11." The painting became very celebrated, was copied, and can to this day be found in some Missouri homes. But as soil cannot be destro^^ed, after the unhappy conflict had closed, many old soldiers from either army settled in these counties, and to-day they are among the most prosperous in the State. 216. Radicals and Conservatives. The campaign in the fall of 1863 excited much interest. Those who approved of the Convention's ordinance emancipating slaves, wdio supported the administration of Governor Gamble and the actions of the Con- vention, and opposed Order No. 11, and other kindred acts, were called Conservatives. Those who favored the freeing of the slaves at once, who wanted all the management of the war, together with the State and Enrolled Militia, turned over to the national Government, who opposed the administration of Governor Gamble, and who favored more rigid election laws, were called Radicals. Much interest was taken in this campaign. The Conservatives were successful, electing their three judges of the Supreme Court by a majority of only a few hundred out of a total vote of 93,777. 217. Price's Raid. In January, 1864, General Rosecrans had succeeded to the command of the Western Department. The first formidable force he was called upon to resist, was General Price, who, since the battle of Pea Ridge had been in Arkansas 1863 AND 1864. 195 and the South. Early in September he started upon a bold dash through the State, which has been known as ''Price's Raid." He entered southeastern Missouri with a large force. At Pilot Knob he met General H. S. Ewing with 1,200 men, who gallantly held his position for a time, then spiked his guns, blew up his magazine, and retreated to Rolla to join his forces with General McNeil's. His loss had been about ten men, while Price's had been several times that number. The Union forces from every part of the State were now concentrated at Jefferson City to defend the capital, and the whole was in command of General Brown, ably re-enforced by General Clinton B. Fisk from north of the river, and General McNeil from Rolla. Price moved rapidly in that direction, burning the bridges behind him so as to impede pursuit. On October 5th he met the outposts of the Union army at the Osage river, under command of Major A. W. Mullins and Colonel John F. Philips. They gradually fell back with slight skirmishing as he ap- proached. Price soon found the capital well intrenched, and a large army prepared to resist any attack. He, therefore, moved onward toward Boonville and Lexington, hotly pursued by General A. J. Smith. Soon a very heavy Union force, under command of General Pleasonton was in pursuit of Price, whose army was now being rapidly increased by recruits. In Saline county he sent General Jo. Shelby and General John B. Clark, Jr., to attack Glasgow, on the opposite side of the river in Howard county, which they easily captured. At Little Blue creek in Jackson county. Price encountered General Curtis, and a sharp contest for a few hours was waged, when Curtis fell 196 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. back. But on the 20th his forces were defeated at Independence by Pleasonton. Price had been disappointed in the small number of recruits he had gathered. The number had not been over six thousand and the raid had accomplished nothing, and so he hastily retreated to Arkansas, his troops on the way undergoing the greatest hardships for lack of food and water. He entered the State no more till the war was ended. During the raid. Price had marched 1,434 miles, and fought forty-three battles and skirmishes. 218. The Centmlia Massacre. On September 27th, 1864, a band of over 200 murderous outlaws, under the command of the notorious guerrilla chief. Bill Anderson, made a dash upon Centralia, a small town upon the Wabash railroad in the northern part of Boone county. They first employed themselves in robbing the stores of their goods and private citizens of their money, and when the train arrived from St. Louis they robbed the passengers of their money and jewelry. On board the train were twenty-three Federal soldiers. These surrendered, but were taken to the edge of the town and shot, while begging for their lives. The number has been reported by Anderson's men as 27. Such was what is known as the "Centralia Massacre." Then they returned, set fire to the train, and set it in motion to run at its will, and the whole was burned. Later in the same day the guerrillas were attacked by Major Johnson, who was in the neighborhood, with 150 militia. The lines of battle were drawn up just at the edge of town. Anderson's followers dashed with tremendous ferocity upon Johnson's force, and sixty-eight of them were killed at the first fire, so accurate was the marksman- 1863 AND 1864. 197 ship of the guerrillas. Johnson's men fled in every direction, but were overtaken, and seventy-three of them were killed and robbed. The guerrillas had only two killed. Anderson, after this massacre, began burning the towns and bridges and depots along the railroad, and a month later was met in Ray county by Colonel S. P. Cox, with a company of Enrolled Militia from Caldwell and Daviess counties, and killed. 219. Other Engagements. It would be a mistake to suppose because Price was outside the State during the greater part of the war, that therefore there was peace and order. The important battles have been mentioned, but this was not all the war nor the greater part of it. According to the official records, between the time of the capture of the Government arsenal at Liberty, on April 20th, 1861, and the 20th of November, 1862— a period of nineteen months — over three hundred battles and skirmishes had been fought within the State. During the next two years it is estimated there were 150 more, but they were relatively more destructive of life. So here is a total of 450 battles and skirmishes for the entire war, an average of four for every county in the State. North of the river these engagements were mostly between the State or Enrolled Militia, and regularly enlisted Confederates who were attempting to make their way south to join the regular army. It was to prevent them in this attempt that these skirmishes were fought. But, nevertheless, many of them "went south," as it was then described, and fought on till peace was established. Most of them went after the battle of Pea Ridge, from which time the State was practic'ally under the control of the Union authorities, and no Confederate 198 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL army of any consequence was in the State till the time of Price's raid, nearly two years and a half afterwards. There must have been some cause for their going. Two reasons are given. 220. One ivas found in the Order of Governor Gamble on July 22nd, 1862, enrolling the entire fighting population of the State, and authorizing General Schofield to call into active service such a portion of it as he might deem necessary to put down all marauders and preserve the peace. This order was generally regarded as preliminary to a draft. The Southern sympathizers looked upon it as an attempt to force them into the Union army and to make them fight against their Southern friends and kindred, whether they wished to or not. And they were, therefore, determined that if they must fight at all it would be for the South. Some of Price's men who had returned home after he had published his farewell address to the State Guard and joined the Confederacy, had led guerrilla outbreaks and done other unlawful acts, such as burning railroads, but most of them, by far, took an oath not to bear arms against the United States or the provisional government of Missouri, and had given a bond to faithfully keep this oath, which they were trying to do. But this order of Governor Gamble's they regarded as breaking the contract, w^iich the oath implied, that they were not to fight any more, and so they now 'Svent south" again. 221. The Second Reason. But a larger number of men were induced to join the Confederacy because of the way they were treated by the Union officers and soldiers. Unoffending citizens, notably those who were suspected of disloyalty, were 1863 AND 1864. 199 constantly interfered with. Some military officials, especially those from other States, 'instead of discharging the duties of their office in such a way as to give as little offense as possible, acted as if it were the true policy to exasperate the people among whom they were stationed and drive them into the rebel army, or worse still, into some wild and predatory band of guerrillas." They seemed to forget that there was such a thing as military law, and frequently conducted themselves in a manner which would not have been excusable even in an enemy's country. But it is fair to add that these insults and offenses to private citizens often resulted from ignorance and excess of zeal rather than from a spirit of wantonness and a desire for personal gain. Their ignorance consisted in the fact that, by some curious process, they appeared to have satisfied themselves that Missouri was disloyal, which was never the case, especially when the people were left in peace to decide for themselves for or against the Union. 222. The Number of Soldiers. But the number of these men that ''went south" was not as large by far as is usually supposed. The entire number that enlisted during the last three years of the war was less than 20,000. Add to these the 10,000 who had joined Price east of the Mississippi, and 10,000 for those who either returned home after the battle of Pea Ridge or had prior to that time served as State troops, and the number is swelled to the grand total of 40,000 men, which will include all the soldiers that Missouri furnished to Jackson and the Confederate service. But the number of Union enlistments reached the magnificent array of 109,111 men, which was 33,000 200 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL more than the number furnished by Iowa, 89,000 more than by Kansas, and three-fourths as many as by Massachusetts, and is an undeniable answer to all assertions that Missouri was ever disloyal to the Union. Of these 109,111, eight thousand were negroes, who had formerly been slaves. The Provisional Government had been so successful in managing the affairs of the State, that they established order over a great part of it and answered every call made by the national authorities upon them for men without a draft and with a small expenditure of money. The number of Union soldiers was forty-seven per cent of the entire number of men of military age, and the number furnished both armies w^as sixty-four per cent of those subject to military duty. These figures become more instructive when it is remem- bered that in 1860 Mr. Lincoln obtained only ten per cent of the State's vote. 223. Governor Gamble having died on January 31st, 1864, aged sixty-six, Lieutenant-Governor Willard P. Hall became Governor. Hamilton R. Gamble was born in Virginia, in 1798, and w^as of Irish descent. He w^as educated at Hampden-Sidney College. Before he was of age he was admitted to the bar in three States. In 1818 he moved to Franklin, Howard county, and was shortly afterward appointed prosecuting attorney. At that time the territory of Howard embraced nearly one-third of the present State. In 1824, Governor Bates appointed him Secretary of State, which required him to move to St. Charles, the then capital. Soon afterward, on the death of Bates, he settled in St. Louis, and made that his home till his deatli. After he took up his home there he soon established a reputation IS 63 AXD IS 64. 201 as a great lawyer, and from that time on was connected with almost every important suit pending in the St. Louis courts followed them to the Supreme Court of the United States, argued HAMILTON R. GAMBLE. them in person and obtained a high reputation as a jurist. In 1846 he was a member of the Legislature. In 1852 he became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and served for 202 HISTOR Y OF MISSO VRL three years, being at the time a Whig. When the important question of secession was submitted to the people, he earnestly and ably espoused the cause of the Union, and was elected without opposition to the Convention which was to decide Missouri's course during the war, and was made chairman of the committee on Federal relations, and wrote the report against secession which was adopted. When Claiborne Jackson was deposed as Governor, Mr. Gamble was elected to the office of Provisional Governor by the Convention. He assumed the duties of Governor August 1st, 1861, and exercised them till his death. He was chosen for only one year, but by a vote of the Convention, in June, 1862, he was to continue in office till after the election in November, 1864. His powers as Governor were great, but he exercised them with a steadfast purpose to restore peace. 224. Willard P. Hall was born at Harper's Ferry, Virginia, in 1820, and was of New England stock. He graduated at Yale College at the age of nineteen, at twenty-one he was admitted to the bar at Huntsville, Missouri, settled in St. Joseph in 1842, and gave such evidence of his ability that the next year Governor Reynolds appointed him Circuit Attorney. In 1844 he was Presidential elector on the Democratic ticket and carried the vote of his State, which had been cast for James K. Polk, to Washington. The next year he joined Doniphan's regiment for service in the Mexican War. General Kearney detailed him to draft a code of laws for New Mexico, which he did, and so successfully that it has remained the law of that Territory to this day. In 1847 he went to Congress, and was a member THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR FLETCHER. 203 of that body for six years. He then resumed the practice of law and the management of his large farm near St. Joseph, and gained the reputation of being one of Missouri's greatest lawyers. He was elected to the Convention in 1861 and became one of its most prominent members against secession. When Thomas C. Reynolds was deposed as Lieutenant-Governor, he was elected by the Convention in his stead, and when Mr. Gamble died he became Gov- ernor, and served as such about one year. WILLARD P. HALL. CHAPTER XIX. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR FLETCHER. 225. Thomas C. Fletcher became Governor January 2d, 1865, and served till 1869. He was the first Republican, the first native-born, and the youngest Governor of Missouri up to that time. He received 71,531 votes, and his Democratic opponent, Thomas L. Price, received 30,406. He was born in Jefferson county, January 22d, 1827, and in early life received 204 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. a very meagre education. This defect he remedied by hard and persistent study while serving as deputy clerk of the courts of his county. Afterwards he was elected clerk of these courts, and in 1856 was admitted to the bar. In 1860 he advocated the elec- tion of Mr. Lincoln, and soon after- wards warmly indorsed the course of Lyon and Blair. He recruited the 31st Missouri regiment of infantry and was made its colonel ; was wounded and captured, and in 1864 was nominated for Governor while serving as brigadier-general under Sherman, in Georgia. He opposed the wholesale disfran- chisement of the Drake Constitu- tion and did what he could to have it repealed ; but while it remained the law he enforced it with firmness and vigor. He has never held office since being Governor. 226. The Constitution of 1865. The General Assembly had submitted to the people, at the election in 1864, a proposition for a Convention to amend the Constitution. It was voted to have the Convention by a majority of 29,000, and QQ delegates were elected thereto. It met in the Mercantile Library Hall, in St. Louis, in January 1865, and elected Arnold Kreckel president and Charles Drake vice-president. It in time adopted a con- stitution which never had a parallel in America for its rigid* severity. It became known in history as the ''Drake Consti- THOS. C. FLETCHER. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR FLETCHER. 205 tution," because Charles D. Drake was the leading spirit in the Convention, and from this fact and its extreme severity, has been called the ''Draconian Code," in comparison to the laws of Draco of Greece, which affixed the penalty of death alike to petty thefts and murder, Draco justifying them by saying small offenses deserved death, and he knew no greater punishment for great ones. 227. Manumission Day. The Convention, on January 11th, 1865, passed an ordinance which declared that "hereafter in this State there shall neither be slavery nor involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, and all persons held to service or labor as slaves are hereby declared free." This ordinance received an overwhelming majority on final passage, 60 delegates voting for it and only 4 against it. The Convention refused to submit this ordinance to the people by a vote of 44 to 4, and Governor Fletcher next day issued his proclamation that "henceforth and forever no person shall be subject to any abridgement of liberty, except such as the law shall prescribe for the common good, or know any master but God." An effort was also made in the Convention to "pay loyal owners for their slaves," but this, too, failed by a vote of 44 to 4, and hence the vexed question of slavery was settled now, at last in all its aspects, forever. This ordinance was passed January 11th, 1865, and for that reason this day has since been known as "Manumission Day." But for a number of years there had practically been no slavery in Missouri, the slave-owners making little or no efforts to restrain their slaves. There had been 114,931 of them in I860-, 206 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. and by this time many thousands had either gone off to other States or enlisted in the army. 228. The Test Oath. Th-e Convention had done a good work in passing the ''Manumission Act." Had it stopped at this, no one would have thought of calling its declarations the "Draconian Code." But it went further and prescribed a ''test oath," which prevented at least one-third of the people from voting till 1872^ and almost as many more would have been disfranchised had they sworn strictly to the truth when they came to take that oath. This test oath declared that no person should vote or hold any kind of office, who had "ever" engaged in hostilities, or given aid, com- fort, countenance or support to persons engaged in hostilities, against the Government of the United States ; or had given mone}^, goods, letters, or infor- mation to its enemies, or by act or word manifested his adherence to the cause of such enemies, or his sympathy with those engaged in carrying on rebellion; or had ever been in anywise connected with any society unfriendly to such Government; or had ever knowingly harbored, aided or countenanced any person engaged in guerrilla warfare; or had ever done any act to prevent being enrolled into the military service of the Union or the State. CHARLES D. DRAKE. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVEJ^NOR FLETCHER. 207 Any person who had done any of these things, or any other thing like them, could not vote, teach in any public or private school, practice law, preach the Gospel, ''or be competent as a minister of any religious denomination, to preach, teach, or solemnize marriage, unless such person shall have first taken said oath." It did not only require allegiance and loyalty to the Union from that time on, which would have been a just and wise provision, but it applied to all men who had ever borne arms against the United States, or had sympathized at any time with those who did take up arms, or had done them acts of common kindness, or had refused to bear arms for the national Government. All. disloyal citizens attempting to teach or preach without taking this oath were to be fined not less than five hundred dollars, or committed to prison not less than six months, or both; and if they falsely took it, they were to be tried for perjury and punished with imprisonment in the penitentiary. 229. A Retrospective Law. An effort was made in the Conven- tion to change the words ''has ever" (been guilty of the things recited as offenses in the oath) to "who has since December 17th, 1861," been guilty of them. This was done for a very just reason. On August 3d, 1861, Governor Gamble issued a proclamation in which he promised that all citizens in arms who should return to their homes, and become peaceable and loyal, should not be molested. This proclamation was indorsed by President Lincoln, who promised to such persons the protection of the national Government. The Convention of 1861 had, in October of that year, promised that all persons who would obey this proclamation and take the oath of allegiance to the Govern- 208 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. ment before December 17th, 1861, should not be punished ''for offenses previously committed." Many citizens in the State had thereupon taken this ''oath." Others had returned from Jack- son's support and become loyal citizens. It was but just that good faith should be kept with these men, and that the "test oath" should not be made to apply to them. But the Convention thought otherwise. The iron-clad oath was made to apply alike to all time, past and future. 230. Ousting the Officers. The Convention, on March 17th, 1865, passed an ordinance vacating the offices of the judges of the Supreme Court, of all the circuit courts and all the county offices. The ordinance was to take effect May 1st, and was never submitted to the people. It gave the Governor the power to fill all these offices by appointment. Many of the terms of the officers, all of whom had been elected by the people, had not expired, notably those of the Supreme Judges. They had been elected for a term of six years, and had served not more than fifteen months. The reason assigned for this wholesale removal was that only loyal men should be in office. This was delusive, for Governor Hall in his last message on the 29th of December previous, had announced that "all of the civil offices of the State are filled with men of avowed loyalty." The real reason was to get rid of the Supreme Court judges. But there were great obstacles in the way of their removal. It was not yet sure that the people would adopt the new Constitution. To submit the question of removal to them along with the Constitution might result in the defeat of both ; the people would see no use in turning out officers elected only a short time before. By the THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR FLETCHER. 209 old Constitution, which was the supreme law until replaced by a new one, they could be removed only by the Legislature, which would not meet till January. By that time the Supreme Court might set aside the test oath and other portions of the Constitution. That method was too slow. The power of removal had not been granted to the Convention when the people elected their delegates. It could be assumed only in violation of the old Constitution, which had been in effect since 1820. It was assumed, and with one fell sweep the offices of all" judges and all county offices were vacated. 231. Defeat Forestalled. The Convention agreed to submit their Constitution to the people for indorsement. But to make sure that it would not be rejected, they also passed an ' 'ordi- nance" declaring that no one should vote for or against it who would not first take the test oath. In order to be sure that none took the oath falsely, a system of registration of voters was provided for. The registering officer was given the power to pass upon the qualifications of all persons to vote, and if he deemed any of them could not truthfully take this oath, he refused to enter their names upon the rolls. Yet, after these extreme precautions, the Constitution was adopted by the people by a majority of only about 1,800 out of a total vote of 85,000, which was 55,000 less votes than were cast for and against having the convention the previous November. The election was held June 6th, 1865. 232. Enforcing the Ousting Ordinance. The American people have always been quick to resent ^ny interference by a legisla- tive body with the judiciary, especially when it partakes of 210 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL partisan politics. This ''ousting ordinance" was no exception to the rule. It gave great offense to a large number of persons, and assisted in driving them to the side of the reactionary current of feeling then rapidly setting in. The enforcement of the law against the Supreme Judges was resisted by two of the judges, W. V. N. Bay and J. D. S. Dryden. Judge Bates had resigned. Soon after the ordinance became a law Gover- nor Fletcher appointed David Wagner, Nathaniel Holmes and W. L. Lovelace Supreme Judges. Judges Bay and Dryden declared the law without proper authority and refused to vacate. Governor Fletcher, therefore, directed the police of St. Louis to arrest them and forcibly eject them from the court. This was done, and they were taken before a criminal court of the city for disturbing the peace, and never afterwards attempted to resume their offices. 233. The Results of the Draconian Code. A most violent proscription followed the enforcement of this ''test oath." "Tens of thousands of old and honored citizens, men of education and influence, who had taken no part in the war, were denied the right to vote, and that, too, on the adoption of an organic law which was to govern them and their children after them." But, hard as this was, it is not to be compared to the further penalty of the law which forbade them to preach, teach, practice law or follow other simple employments. Their only remaining rights seemed to be, as they were plainly told, "to pay taxes, work the roads and hold their peace." In St. Louis, Francis Preston Blair — whose patriotism is a nation's pride, and who had done more than any other man to keep Missouri in the Union — THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR FLETCHER. 211 was denied the privilege of voting because he refused to take the test oath. He filed an oath that he had been loyal ever since the adoption of the Constitution, and he would full and true allegiance bear to the State and national Governments thereafter ; but claimed the judges of election had no right to inquire as to his conduct prior to the' time the Constitution was adopted. He brought suit in the Supreme Court to compel the election officers to receive his ballot. It decided against him. The Missouri Baptists at their annual State meeting, fifty delegates being present, agreed to decline to take the oath, even if they had to give up preaching to do so. They declared it interfered with religious liberty, with freedom of the worship of God and was contrary to the federal Constitution. The Catholic archbishop informed the clergy they could not take the oath without a surrender of religious liberty. Some men, who believed the dictates of conscience more binding upon them than this '^code," undertook to preach the Gospel anyhow. For doing so they were indicted as criminals. Fourteen ministers were indicted at Palmyra at a single session of the circuit court. At other places men were indicted 104 times a year for no greater crime than preaching the glad message of salvation ; a much greater number were indicted a less number of times ; a few were consigned to the common jail. These were not bad and quarrelsome men, but as good, able and peaceable as could be found in the State, and clergymen of both Protestant and Catholic churches. In Cape Girardeau county three Sisters of Charity were dragged into court and tried for teaching without having taken this iron-clad oath, but the jury refused to convict 212 . HISTORY OF MISSOURI. them. At Louisiana, the Rev. J. A. Cummings, a priest in the Catholic church, was convicted in the circuit court. His crime was teaching and preaching without having taken the oath referred to. There was no evidence that Mr. Cummings had been guilty of any act of disloyalty, or that he had at any time a disloyal thought or sympathy. He was not so charged. He was charged only with preaching and teaching without having taken an oath, which had he taken falsely, however loyal he was then and thereafter, would have made him liable to imprisonment in the penitentiary. He was convicted, sentenced to pay a fine of five hundred dollars and to be committed to jail till the fine and costs were paid. He appealed his case to the Supreme Court of the State. It decided against him. Then he appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, and it set the test oath aside as contrary to the nation's Constitution. That court declared it an ex post facto law. It said no State was permitted to enact a law which punished men for offenses com- m.itted before the law was passed. After that decision, indict- ments ceased for preaching the Gospel and practicing law and pursuing other employments. These indictments had in but few cases been followed by fine and imprisonment. Final action had been taken in but very few of them, the courts in most cases delaying trial in the matter till the national Supreme Court should decide the Cummings case. When that decision was made in favor of the preachers, teachers and lawyers, the indictments were never again called up in court, and never again heard of. 234. Registration Act. The Supreme . Court of the United States had, by its decision in the case of J. A. Cummings and THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR FLETCHER. 213 in that of Francis P. Blair, set aside all that part of the test oath which disfranchised so many men. Since then some of the strongest Union men in the State had set themselves against it, including such prominent citizens as Francis P. Blair, John S. Phelps, B. Gratz Brown, Carl Schurz, Samuel P. Glover, John F. Philips, James 0. Broadhead and Willard P. Hall. The movement had gained great momentum, but still its opponents had a majority in the Legislature. At the session of 1868 it was therefore determined to again make an attempt at general proscription. A very stringent registration law was passed. It gave the Governor power to appoint superintend- ents of registration in each senatorial district, who in turn appointed three registers in each county. These four officers were authorized to make a list of all the legal voters in the county. They were forbidden to enroll any person who would not* take an oath of loyalty, and besides were given the power to refuse to enroll any others than those they chose. In many counties they chose to refuse half the citizens. In some cases wealthy candidates for office influenced the registers to enroll their followers, but few others. No one was allowed to vote whose name was not enrolled by these registers. This law, perhaps, disfranchised more voters than the original ''test oath." It was made a principal issue in the campaign of 1868, and the canvass was attended with bitterness and often violence. 235. The Election of 1868. The Republican candidate for Governor was Joseph W. McClurg of Camden county. The Democratic candidate was John S. Phelps of Springfield. 214 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. McClurg's majority was 19,000, and the whole vote cast was 145,000. E. 0. Stanard of St. Louis was elected Lieutenant- Governor. CHAPTER XX, MCCLUBG'S ADMINISTRATION. 236. Joseph W. McClurg was born in St. Louis county, February 22d, 1818, and was educated at Oxford, Ohio. He taught school in Ohio and Louis- iana, and was deputy sheriff in St. Louis before he was twenty- one. Two years later he was licensed to practice law, but soon afterwards ■ engaged in merchandising in Camden county. When the war came on he took positive and enthusi- astic grounds for the Union. He entered Congress as 'a Republican in 1862 and served till January 1869, when he resigned to become Governor of Missouri. He was again a candidate in 1870, but was defeated. In his last message to the Legislature he recommended the passage of a law JOSEPH W. MCCLURG. MCCLUBG'S ADMINISTRATION. 215 prohibiting the sale of intoxicants as a beverage — the only time such a recommendation was ever contained in a Governor's message. In 1889 he was appointed by President Harrison Register of the United States Land office at Springfield, Missouri. 237o Negro Suffrage. The Legislature had in 1867 agreed by a large majority to submit to the people an amendment to the Constitution granting the negro the privilege of voting. The amendment was voted on at the election in November, 1868, and was defeated by nearly 19,000 majority. But on .January 7th, 1870, the question again came before the Legislature in the XVth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which the Legislature adopted by about a two-thirds vote of both houses, thus giving the negro the privilege of voting. This was before the ballot had been restored to those who were disfran- chised by the Drake Constitution. 238. Repeal of the Test Oath. The same Legislature, how- ever, agreed to submit to. the voters an amendment to the Constitution abolishing the test oath. This was voted on in November, 1870. A very warm and earnest campaign preceded the vote. The Republican party disagreed in regard to what should be done with the great number of disfranchised citizens. Many were in favor of postponing the giving of the ballot to these men. These were called ''Radical Republicans." But an equal number believed in entire removal of all political disabili- ties at once. They were called ''Liberal Republicans." The Republicans met in Convention, in Jefferson City in August, 1870, and voted to adhere to the Radical Republican doctrine, by a vote of 349 to 342, and nominated Joseph W. McClurg the then 216 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL Governor, for re-election. The Liberal Republicans withdrew • from the Convention, adopted a platform for immediate re- enfranchisement, and nominated B. Gratz Brown for Governor. The Democrats declined to nominate State officers, but supported the Liberal Republican ticket. Mr. Brown was elected by 41,000 majority, and the people voted to repeal the test oath, by a majority of 111,000, there being only about 16,000 votes against it. J. J. Gravelly was elected Lieutenant-Governor. The Liberal Republicans and Democrats had also obtained a majority in both houses of the Legislature, and they went to work at once to repeal all obnoxious laws, and restore to ever}^ man equality before the laws, and remove all disabilities from all. As a result, at the election in 1872 the vote was 112,276 greater than it was in 1870, an increase of sixty-seven per cent in two years. By this fact we can arrive at an estimate of the number disfranchised. Of this number — 112,276 — it is not proper to count the negro vote, because the XVth Amendment to the national Constitution, bestowing on negroes the right to vote, became a law of the nation prior to the election of 1870. It is possible, however, that twenty-five per cent of the increase, or 28,000, were immigrants and young men now for the first time old enough to vote. This would leave 84,000 men who had been disfranchised by the sweeping proscription of the Drake Consti- tution — more than twice as many as ever took up arms as State Guards or Confederate troops. 239. The restoration to citizenship was wise and just. What- soever good reason there might have been for denying to so many citizens the right to vote and follow their chosen employ- MCCLUBG'S ADMINISTRATION. 217 meiit in 1865, it could not be urged that the conduct of these men had been such as to make it unsafe to trust them with full and equal citizenship within a few years after the war had closed. Their conduct was as peaceable and orderly as that of any class of men in the State. Not even did the preachers, teachers and lawyers, after the United States Supreme Court had restored to them the privilege of following their chosen pursuits, make harsh or disloyal assertions in public. Political subjects were rarely spoken of in the pulpit or school. The great mass of these men had quietly returned to their homes, controlled by a desire for peace and to submit in good faith to the authority of the Union. They had gone diligently to work at whatever employment was open to them, to regaining their lost fortunes, rebuilding their burnt houses, and re-establishing themselves in the land whose fruits they had enjoyed before the war. Nothing is to be feared from such men, and now that the duty was upon them again to maintain the Union they loyally and honestly undertook to do so. 240. Senators. In January, 1867, Charles D. Drake was elected to the Senate of the United States to succeed B. Gratz Brown, whose term expired March the 4th of that year. Mr. Drake served till 1871, when he resigned to become a judge of the Court of Claims in Washington, and was succeeded by Francis P. Blair who served out the remainder of the term till 1873. Carl Schurz (pronounced Shoorts) was elected for a term of six years, from 1869-75, to succeed John B. Henderson. Mr. Schurz was a native of Germany. After his term in that body terminated he was a member of President Hayes' Cabinet as Secretary of the Interior. 218 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. CHAPTER XXI, THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR BROWN 241. Benjamin Gratz Brown, the 20th Governor, served from January 1871 to 1873. He was born at Lexington, Kentucky, in 1826, and was a descendant of much honored families of Virginia and Kentucky. He received the best of schooling in his native State and graduated at Yale College at the age of twenty-one. He came to Mis- souri in 1849, settled in St. Louis, and began the practice of law, but abandoned it in a year or two. In 1852 he was elected to the Legislature and was re-elected in 1854, both times as a ''Free Soil man." In 1854 he became editor of the ''Missouri Democrat," and con- tinued as such till the breaking out of the war, with great ability and reputation. Early in the war he raised a Union regiment, became its colonel, and bore himself as a gallant and brave officer in the campaign in south- west Missouri. In 1863 he was elected to the United States B. GRATZ BROWN. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR BROWN. 219 Senate by the radical emancipationists, and served till 1867. In 1866 he led the opposition to the test oath proscription. In 1870 he was nominated for Governor by the Liberal Republicans, was elected and served two years. Then he returned to St. Louis, resumed the practice of law and gained distinction at the bar. In 1872 he was nominated by the Liberal Republicans for Vice- President along with Horace Greeley for President, and was defeated. He was a most excellent Governor, and did much to bring about peaceable and kind feelings between the discordant elements created by the war. He died in St. Louis, respected, honored and loved as a good and true man. 242. Peace and Prosperity. As the people got away from the war and began to study the lessons it had taught, the better side of mankind again showed itself. A general desire for peace grew stronger and stronger. A purpose to restore order, to re-establish prosperity, to retrieve broken fortunes, was manifest everywhere. Many a noble estate had been swept awa}^ by the fell hand of cruel war. Many a rich plantation had been laid waste, many a comfortable farm-house had been burnt, cattle and horses and all kinds of stock had been seized and driven from the land, confidence was destroyed, and deep feelings of resentment had laid hold on those formerly neighbors. But now that it was all over, that the cause was gone, these feelings gave way to higher and better and more manly ones, and the determination was sure and settled that the war should be over forever. Men began, in their cool and quiet labors, to see that they could honestly differ about even such a thing as war. This was followed by peace and mutual confidence, and 220 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL now again the woodsman's axe was heard in the forests, the plow was set deeper into the soil, the grain ripened in the fields was garnered and sold in the open market. A few malevolent spirits still sulked abroad, but the great body of the people — Union and Confederate soldier, northerner, southerner, foreigner and native alike — united in action and feeling in intellectual and moral up-building. While the war had lasted many of the schools were closed, till at one time there were only 1,200 open. By 1870 this number had increased to 5,000. Population had decreased from 1,182,000 in 1860 to about 900,000 in January, 1865. Now, in 1870, it was 1,719,000, according to the United States census, but in fact it was somewhat smaller. The taxable wealth had almost doubled within the four years previous to 1870. Tens of thousands of immigrants, mostly from the Atlantic States and north of the Ohio, had come into Missouri and acquired homes. On every side the people were fast effacing all traces of the war. 243. Neither was the negro neglected nor forgotten. He had been a slave; he was now a citizen. He must be educated and taught the responsible duties of citizenship. Schools were established for him, too. At first this was opposed by many of the old slave-owners, but heartily supported by a few, and later on by all of them, and in many cases enthusiastically, until to-day there are good schools provided for him in every town and in almost every township. The annual length of these schools is the same as those for white children, though there is, as a matter of course, a difference in the comparative merit and worth. The negroes themselves have shown both a willingness THE A BMINISTRA TION OF GO VERNOR BR ^yN. 221 and an earnest desire to be educated and to use the schools properly. In this State, the relations of the two races promise harmony and honest and just treatment. In spite of the carpings of pessimists and the slanders of the political partisans, the wide expanse of history does not contain an instance of more honorable, humane and wise treatment by a powerful dominant race of a weak and dependent one, lately liberated and left to live among their old owners, than that of Missouri furnishes. 244. Railroad Difficulties. The Drake Constitution permitted counties to subscribe any sum of money to aid in building railroads. It unfortunately authorized the county court to issue bonds binding the county for the payment of these subscriptions whenever two-thirds of the qualified voters of the county should assent thereto. These courts, in some cases, were characterless or ignorant men, and the '^qualified voters" were not the people who owned the property of the county, and who, therefore, would have to pay its bonds, for many of them had been dis- franchised, but a class of men w^ho were governed more by other motives than justice and patriotism. The elections frequently were merely formal, only a small jDer cent of the tax-payers being permitted to vote. Dishonest speculators, in a few instances, bribed the courts to make the subscriptions without the people's knowledge or consent. Bonds to the amount of fifteen million dollars and over were issued by the various counties. But the roads were never built. Usually, work w^ould be com- menced on the road-beds at various places along the proposed routes, and kept up with great vigor for a few weeks, and then reports would come that the companies had become bankrupted, 222 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL and work would cease. Only partial payments were ever made for the work done. In the meantime, the bonds were run off to New York and elsewhere, and, before they had matured, were sold to third parties, who paid little or no money for them, but afterward claimed that they were innocent of any knowledge of the fraud practiced upon the tax-payers. As the courts had the power by law to issue the bonds, the United States Supreme Court held they must be paid. As a result, debts of several hundred thousand dollars were fastened upon Lafayette, Cass, Knox, St. Clair and other counties. 245. Payment of these bonds luas, in a few cases, made in full; in others, terms of compromise were agreed upon by which the bond-holders accepted fifty or sixty or eighty per cent of the face of the bonds as full payment ; but in other cases, where the debts were enormous and the . fraud glaring, pa3aiient was resisted. In Cass county popular resentment became violent, and at Gun City on April 24th, 1872, a large uprising of the people put to death three men concerned in issuing the bonds. Judge J. C. Stevenson, one of the County Judges, and James C. Cline, County Attorney, had been indicted for complicity in the fraudulent issuing of the bonds. On this date they and Thomas Dutro, who was one of Cline 's bondsmen, were on a train which was intercepted by about three hundred citizens of Cass county. They were mercilessly shot down, and the train greatly damaged by the infuriated men. Popular feeling in Cass and surround- ing counties soon became intense. Governor Brown called out the militia, and sent General Frank Cockrell and Colonel John THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR BROWN 223 F. Philips as special commissioners for the State to urge peace and order. These efforts were entirely successful. Attempts were afterwards made to punish the men who assisted in the killing, but no jury could be persuaded to convict them. Since that time the bond-holders have brought suit against these counties in the United States courts, which decided against the counties and instructed the county courts to levy taxes to pay these debts. But a new set of judges had, in the meantime, come into office; men, who considered it unjust to pay bonds for roads that had never been built. They refused to levy the taxes, and were in some instances sent to prison for contempt of Federal authority. But there they were treated with considera- tion. But they would not order the levy, and, when they tired of the attempts to force them to do so, they would resign, and their successors pursued the same course. By this means the Federal courts were powerless to enforce payment, though various attempts were made for ten years. But in nearly every county these bonds have now been settled by compromise. 246. There ivere other railroad debts. At different times prior to the war the State granted to various railroad companies aid in the construction of their roads by issuing State bonds to the amount of $23,701,000. For this aid the companies agreed to pay the interest on these bonds as fast as it became due, and if they failed to do so the roads were to be forfeited to the State. The Hannibal and St. Joseph road paid its bonds, which amounted to three million dollars, and also the interest. But default in the payment of the interest of the other roads was made between January, 1859, and July, 1861, and soon after the 224 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. war the Pacific, the Southwest Branch of the Pacific, the Iron- Mountain, the North Missouri and other roads were sold by the State. In addition to this there was forfeited to the State and sold along with the roads 1,824,000 acres of land, which had been granted to them by Congress, and pledged to the State as payment of this debt. The entire debt at the time of the sale, including principal and interest, was over thirty-one million dollars, and the State realized from the various sales only a little over six millions, so that there remained a debt of twenty-five millions, which the State has since had to pay, besides the many millions in interest maturing since the sale. These railroad debts have been the source of nearly all the State's present debt. The original bonds bore six and seven per cent interest. But the State has steadily been paying the debt, and in 1885 it bought up nearly half of its six per cent bonds by new bonds which bear only three and a half per cent interest, and thus a great amount of money is saved annually in interest alone. 247. The Election of 1872, The Liberal Republican move- ment which began in 1870, and which subsequently spread over all the Union, continued. Efforts were made to reunite the two discordant factions of the party, but they utterly failed. On August 21st, 1872, the Liberal Republicans and the Democrats met in separate conventions, in Jefferson City, to nominate a joint ticket. A committee of conference was appointed from each convention, which soon agreed upon a fusion ticket. The various offices were divided up between the two parties according to their numerical strength. The Democrats nominated the GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 225 candidate for Governor, the four Supreme Judges, eight of the Presidential Electors, Treasurer, Attorney-General and Auditor ; the Liberals named the Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, Register of Lands and seven Presidential Electors. Silas Wood- son of Buchanan county was the nominee for Governor, and Charles P. Johnson of St. Louis for Lieutenant-Governor. The two conventions then came together into one, and indorsed the nominations as a whole. In September, the regular Republicans nominated John B. Henderson for Governor. At the election, Woodson's majority was 35,444, and the entire electoral vote of the State was cast for Greeley for President and Brown for Vice- President. At the time for the next election in 1874, the Liberal Republican movement had disappeared, the vast majority of that party having become Democrats, but a few re-united with the regular Republicans. CHAPTER XXII. GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN . 248. Silas Woodson was born in Kentucky in 1819. He was reared on a farm, attended the *4og-school-house" in the neighborhood, and employed much of his time in reading and study. He was licensed to practice law at the age of twenty-one, and three years later was elected to the Legislature, and re-elected several times in the next twelve years. He also was Circuit . 226 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. Attorney for four years. In 1854 he came to Missouri and settled in St. Joseph, where he was soon recognized as a lawyer of marked ability. In 1860 he was elected Circuit Judge and served with acceptability through the stormy days of the war. He was elected chairman of the Dem- ocratic State Convention of 1872. He was not then a candidate for Governor. But there were six candidates, among them James S. Rollins, William H. Hatch and John S. Phelps. Three ballots were made without any choice, and in the midst of the fourth the name of Woodson was pro- posed as a compromise candidate, and it was received with such enthusiasm that he was nominated almost unanimously. He was inaugurated January 8th, 1873, and served two years. 249. Woodson as Governor. During the term of Governor Woodson there was the greatest financial oppression. The crisis was precipitated by the failure of Jay Cooke & Company of New York in the spring of 1873. The panic soon became general. Every State in the Union felt the bitings and gnawings of business failure. In Missouri, bank after bank closed its doors, and business was temporarily paralyzed. To add to the troubles there was a failure in crops, owing to a drought which set in SILAS WOODSON. GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 227 ill the summer of 1873 and lasted for eighteen months, with very little rain at any time. The Governor, in his message of 1874, said: ''Thousands who in days gone by have been able, without serious difficulty or great loss, to obtain money with which to pay debts or taxes, cannot procure a dollar for any purpose, except at the most ruinous sacrifices." He proposed to meet the difficulties, as far as possible, by cutting down expenditures in all offices, and so earnestly did he plead with the Legislature that it and subsequent sessions reduced State and county expenses nearly one-half in every branch of the State government except that of public education. 250. The Grange. The financial troubles of 1873 and 1874 were in part due to the natural collapse of the reckless specula- tion which seized upon the people at the close of the war, and of the high prices which that war had created with the assistance of a large amount of discredited paper money. But a very large part of the people did not accept this as the cause, and through- out the West there began to form farmers' societies which were called the Grange. Sometimes the order was called the Patrons of Husbandry, but it was better known by the former name. It spread rapidly throughout the West and soon had 1,200,000 members, with local societies in almost every neighborhood. Many of its members, and most of its leaders, were men of intelligence and integrity, but its great membership was undoubtedly due to the financial troubles of 1873-74. The order refused to admit lawyers, bankers, capitalists and merchants as members. It was organized on the basis that nearly all financial troubles were due to bad legislation, and it proposed 228 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL to unite all laborers, especially farmers, in an attempt to repeal all bad laws and make all necessary good ones. This, of course, had been the desire of all good citizens from the beginning of the nation, but thoughtful men soon observed that the Grange acted upon the dangerous theory that any law which aided agriculture was bound to benefit all kinds of business and every pursuit. This led much of the press in the East, and even in the States wdiere the organization was strongest, to oppose it, as teaching doctrines which w^ould array one class of citizens against another. This opposition the Grange met by declaring the unfriendly press was dominated by the capitalists and corporations, and hence there began to be discordant relations between the order and the political parties. 251. At the Election of 1874. the Democratic party nominated Charles H. Hardin of Audrain county for Governor, and Norman J. Colman for Lieutenant-Governor. The Republicans declined to make any nominations, but the Grange and that party united in what was called the People's Party, and nominated William Gentry, an extensive farmer of Pettis county, for Governor. The cry of the Granger members of the People's Party was ''Reform," by which they meant retrenchment in governmental expenditures. But Governor Woodson and the Legislature had already forestalled them by passing the laws cutting down expenses, and hence few of the Democratic farmers saw any reason to leave their party on that account. Hardin was elected by a majority of 37,463, and the Democrats elected all the thirteen Congressmen from the State. The part the Grange had taken in politics at this election caused much GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 229 dissatisfaction among its members, and the order soon began to lose power, and in a year or two went down almost as fast as it had risen. 262. Charles H. Hardin was born in Kentucky in 1820, but came with his parents to Missouri when a mere infant. He was reared to manhood in Columbia, and enjoyed the advantages of good schools. He afterwards graduated with the degree of A.B. from Miami University, in Ohio. He returned to Missouri, studied law, located at Fulton, rapidly rose in his profession, and soon became known as a laborious, painstaking lawyer, whose pleadings always bore the test of judicial investi- gation. In 1848 he became prosecuting attorney for the 3rd judicial circuit, which embraced several counties, and during the entire term none of his indict- ments were quashed for inac- curacy. In 1852, '54 and '58 he represented Callaway county in the Legislature as a Whig, and in 1855 was one of the com- mittee of three which revised all the laws of the State and codified them in book form. In 1860 he was elected to the State Senate from the district composed of Boone and Callaway, and was the author of the resolution creating the convention to which was referred the C. H. HARDIN. 230 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL question of secession. He attended the called meeting of the Legislature held at Neosho in October, 18G1, and was the only member who voted against secession. He remained unalterable in his allegiance to the Union during the war but took no active part in the troubles of those times. In 1872 he was again elected to the Senate and maintained his former reputation for laborious and conscientious work. In 1874 he was elected Governor, and his administration was one of the most honorable in the entire history of the State. In 1873 a college for the education of girls was projected at Mexico, at which place he had lived since 1861, and named Hardin College in his honor. From his munificent hand it has received over $53,000 up to this time. 253. Francis Marion Cockrell was elected United States Senator in 1875 to succeed Carl Schurz, and was re-elected in 1881, and again in 1887, and still represents the State in that high office.. He was born in Johnson county in 1834, and with the exception of Lewis V. Bogy, was the first and only native-born Senator ever elected from Missouri. He was reared to hard toil on the farm, and attended the common schools till 1851 when he entered Chapel Hill College^ in Lafayette county, whence he was graduated in 1853. He studied law, gained prominence in his profession, but resolved not to enter politics till he had reached his fortieth year. Early in the civil war he enlisted as a State Guard, took part in the battles of Wilson's Creek and Pea Ridge, then joined the Confederate army, rose rapidly to the rank of general, and took part in a score of the principal battles of the war. His gallantry and bravery at Vicksburg, Mississippi, and Franklin, Tennessee, have made his name historic for almost GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 231 FRANCIS M. COCKRELL. all time. ''Cockrell's Brigade" has been pronounced among the finest body of soldiers in the Confederate army. They were all Missourians. After the war a few years he again resumed the practice of law, and in 1874 was a candidate for the Dem- ocratic nomination for Governor, but was defeated by C. H. Hardin by a very small majority, but in the following January was elected Senator, the first civil office he ever held. A State is rarely favored with a more faithful representative than Mr. Cockrell. 254. Locusts. In 1874 and '75 all the country west and north of Missouri, even to and beyond the Rocky Mountains, was plagued by a devouring insect. Governor Hardin, in his message, called them the Rocky Mountain Locusts, but the people usually referred to them as Kansas' Grasshoppers. They were about two inches long and looked very much like the ordinary grass- hopper that has always been seen in this State, except their legs were of a reddish color, and parts of their bodies, wings and head were more or less reddish, also. They came down from the mountains in 1874, filling and almost darkening the heavens by their great number. They quickly overran Colorado, then came on through Kansas, and late in the summer invaded Missouri. In Colorado and parts of Kansas they ate up every green thing, 232 HISTOR Y OF MISSO URL taking every live blade of grass and every leaf on tree and bush and flower and vegetable. They entered a few counties in Missouri, but in 1874 they came after most of the crops had matured, and hence did not do so much damage. They deposited their eggs, however, and as it became warm next year these hatched out in great numbers. The people fought them before they were able to fly, and thus greatly mitigated the pest. The most effective way was by digging ditches, putting in a few inches of straw, then driving the locusts into the ditch and burning the straw. Yet, in spite of all these efforts, they over- ran several counties along the western border of the State. The first months of 1875 were dark days for these counties. Their wheat and meadows were destroyed by the locusts. They planted their corn, but it was devoured as fast as it came up. Again they would plant it, thinking that the insects would leave as soon as they became able to fly, and again it was devoured. Governor Hardin proclaimed that June 3d, 1875, should be observed as a day of ' 'fasting, thanksgiving and prayer," for Divine deliverance from the vexatious plague. The proclamation was generally observed, especially in that part of the State where the danger seemed most imminent. But throughout the State the people responded liberally with money and provisions for the sufferers. About this time, in fact on the very next day, heavy rains set in. Up to that time the long continued drought had not abated in western Missouri, though slight rains had fallen in the spring months of 1875, but now they became heavy and frequent. This was regarded as a forerunner of deliverance. It was. The locusts began to move about June 11th, but a GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 233 strong southwest wind drove them further into the interior of the State, but in a day or two the wind shifted to the east, and by the 15th the locusts were all gone. The next year they came again, but did little damage, and since that time have not appeared. The citizens of these counties began at once to retrieve the loss. They planted their crops again, and, the season being very favorable from that time on, the yield waS bountiful. All over the State the crops were prodigious in 1875, and this fact served largely to alleviate the business depression of the two previous years. 255. The Neiv Constitution. The people did not become any nearer satisfied with the Drake Constitution as they more thoroughly adjusted themselves to re-establish peace. They felt it was out of harmony with the spirit of the age. At the election of 1874 a convention to frame a new constitution was voted for. Sixty-eight delegates, two from each senatorial district, were elected thereto on January 6th, 1875. They were able men, of great personal worth and wisdom. Their names may be found in the appendix. Sixty of them were Democrats, six Republi- cans and two Liberals. They met in the capitol May 15th, 1875. Waldo P. Johnson was elected president, and Nathaniel W. Watkins vice-president. A thorough revision of the entire organic law of the State was made. Some of the provisions at the time were thought to be radical, but so far they have worked no hardship, and the people seem as well satisfied with the Constitution as an intelligent people ever did with any law. In fact, all persons look to it as a very strong tower of defense, and a promoter of prosperity, peace and order. 234 HISTOR Y OF IflSSO URL 256. Only two of its provisions will here be spoken of. It prohibited the Legislature from imposing a debt upon the State in any amount above $250,000, without two-thirds of the voters at an election should authorize it to do so, and did not permit towns and counties to issue bonds for any purpose except the erection of public improvements. This w^as done to put a stop to the wasteful, and sometimes wicked, issue of bonds for building railroads. Its other marked feature was the thoughtful pro- visions in reference to public schools. Under the liberal laws it permitted the Legislature to make, Missouri now outranks almost every State in the Union in the amount of her school funds, and spends five million dollars every year for education. The other provisions cannot be presented, but, at the final vote in the Convention on its adoption, not a vote was recorded against it, and on the SOtli of October, it was adopted by the people, there being 91,000 votes for it and 14,500 against it. It went into operation January 1st, 1876, and has since been the supreme law of the State government. 257. Terms of Office. By the new Constitution, the term of the Governor and of nearly all other State and many county officers was lengthened from two to four years, and it was pro- vided that the Governor and Treasurer could not be re-elected as their own successors. It was thought the Governor would choose men because of their special fitness rather than for their political influence in making his appointments, if not permitted to succeed himself. As the Treasurer handles the State's money, it was considered it would be less liable to be purloined if frequent changes were made in the officers, and for the same GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 235 reason county treasurers and sheriffs are not permitted to serve continuously but four years, but almost all other officers are eligible to re-election for any number of terms. Elections under the new Constitution are held the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November, of all even years, and the officers elected assume their duties in the folloAving January. 258. The General Assembly, under the new Constitution, meets only once in two years, unless called together by the Governor for a special term. It convenes on the first Wednesday of January of each odd year. Its members receive five dollars a day for the first seventy days of the session and one dollar thereafter. Once every ten years all the laws are revised and arranged in volumes called the Revised Statutes of Missouri. For this session the members receive five dollars per day for one hundred and twenty days. 259. At the election in 1876 the Democratic and Republican party each nominated strong and talented men for Governor, John S. Phelps of Greene and G. A. Finkelnburg of St. Louis. The issues in the campaign that followed were largely national. The Democratic majority was 52,000, and Phelps was inaugurated Governor January 8th. Henry C. Brockmeyer of St. Louis was elected Lieutenant-Governor. 236 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. CHAPTER XXIII. FROM 1877 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 260. John S. Phelps was born in Connecticut December 22'd, 1814. His father, Elisha Phelps, was a lawyer of prominence in that State and served also as a member of the Legislature, in other State offices, and three terms in Congress. His grand- father was a gallant and brave officer in the Revolutionary war. He was educated at Washington (now Trinity) College, studied law and was admitted to the bar in his native State. In 1837 he came to Missouri and settled at Springfield. Under the laws of the State then he must needs obtain a new license before he could practice law in Missouri, and that, too, from the chief justice of the Supreme Court. Phelps made the journey to Jefferson City on horseback, and on arrival learned that Judge Tompkins was some distance in the country at a saw mill. There the judge was found and the examination had, the applicant sitting on a log, and the hard knotty questions, hard like the JOHN S. PHELPS. FROM 1877 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 237 logs around them, were plied by the learned judge. The license was written on a leaf torn from an old blue ledger and, from this unique circumstance young Phelps turned away to become one of the most prominent and influential men in the State's history for the next forty years. He soon became noted in southwest Missouri as a great lawyer, and in 1840 was elected to the Legis- lature as a Democrat. In 1844 he was elected to Congress, and was a member of that body continuously till 1862. At that time the most important committee of the House was the committee of Ways and Means, and of this Mr. Phelps was eight years chairman. When the war came on he sided with the Union, and did much toward aiding General Lyon in his efforts to grasp the State from the hands of Governor Jackson. In 1861 he organized '^ Phelps' Regiment," was its colonel for several months, and, at the battle of Pea Ridge, commanded it in person and saw it suffer a loss of thirty per cent of its men. In 1862 he was military Governor of Arkansas. In 1863 he resumed the practice of law at Springfield. He was frequently put forward during the next few years for United States Senator as a Union Democrat, but always defeated. In 1868 he was the Democratic candidate for Governor and was elected in 1876, served for four years, and filled the office with creditable honor and wisdom. So well satisfied were the people with his administra- tion that he doubtless would have been elected again had not the Constitution adopted in 1875 made it impossible for him to succeed himself. He died in St. Louis in 1886. 261. Senators. In 1873 the Legislature elected Lewis V. Bogy to the United States Senate, to succeed General Blair. He 238 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. possessed much ability, and was the first native of Missouri to be elected Senator by her own Legislature. He was a descendant of one of the old French families of the old river-town of Ste. Genevieve. He died while in office, and Governor Phelps appointed D. H. Armstrong of St. Louis his successor, to serve till the meeting of the Legislature in January, 1879. It elected General James Shields, of Carrollton, to fill out the unexpired term, which lasted only a few weeks, and George G. Vest of Sedalia to the new term. Mr. Vest was re-elected in 1885 and again in 1891, each time for six years. He and Mr. Cockrell are the present Senators from Missouri. 262. George Graham Vest was born in Kentucky in 1830, and attended a celebrated private school for ten years, then entered Centre College, Ken- tucky, and graduated in 1848 ; and in 1853 graduated in law from Transylvania University. He came to Missouri the same year, began practice at George- town, then the county-seat of Pettis county, moved to Boon- ville in 1856, and in 1861 was a member of the Legislature, where he took the lead of the State Rights men. When the war began he went south, and GEOEGE G. VEST. was in Price's army when elected by the Legislature at Neosho to the provisional Congress of the Confederacy at Richmond, FROM 1877 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 239 Virginia, and served till 1863, and then was appointed Senator to the same body by Lieut. -Gov. Thomas C. Reynolds, to succeed General John B. Clark, Sr. In 1867 he returned to Missouri, resumed the practice of law, and in 1879 was elected United States Senator, which office he still holds. As an orator he has long been regarded as among the ablest the State has ever had. 263. Thomas T. Crittenden was elected Governor in 1880. The Republican candidate was D. P. Dyer of St. Louis. Robert A. Campbell of St. Louis was elected Lieutenant- Governor. Mr. Crittenden was born in Kentucky in 1832, and reared at Cloverport on the Ohio river. His primary education was in the log-cabin school-house of that time, but in 1852 he entered Centre College in that State, and was graduated there- from in 1855. He studied law with his uncle, the great J. J. Crittenden, and came to Mis- souri and settled at Lexington. In 1862 he enrolled in the State militia, was made lieutenant- coloneL and served till the close of the war. He then resumed THOS. T. CRITTENDEN. the practice of law at Warrensburg as the partner of General Frank Cockrell. He became leader in the liberal movement for equality of citizenship, peace, fraternity and good will, and boldly advanced these ideas in a brilliant canvass of a great part 240 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. of the State. In 1872 he was elected to Congress, and again in 1876. His administration is remembered mostly for the break- ing up of the James Boys band of outlaws and murderers, the terriblest set of train and bank robbers in all Western history, and also for a settlement of the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad debt. The State had, in 1851 and 1855, issued its bonds to the amount of $3,000,000 to aid in building that road. During this administration, after a great number of law suits, the road paid the debt with interest. 264. In 1882 died Judge William B. Napton, who had been a member of the Supreme Court twenty-five years between 1839 and 1881 — a longer term than was ever accorded any other judge. He was born and reared in Prince- ton, New Jersey, and graduated from Princeton College. Then he went to Charlottesville, Virginia, where he was for six 3^ears private tutor for General Gordon's family, and enjoyed the friendship of some of the most noted men of that State. He came to Missouri at the age of twenty-four, and, at the solicita- tion of Governor Miller, became editor of the ^'Booneslick Democrat" at Fayette, which at that time was the political center of the State In 1836 Governor Boggs appointed him Attorney-General, and in 1839 a member JUDGE W. B. NAPTON. FROM 1877 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 241 of the Supreme Court, which position he held till 1852. In 1857 he was elected, without seeking the office and without nomina- tion, a member of the court, but was ousted in 1862 by the provisional Convention. He at once took up the practice of law in St. Louis, and obtained great distinction. " Upon the sudden death of Judge Ewing in 1873, Governor Woodson, without the knowledge of Judge Napton, made out his appointment and sent him his commission as a member of the court. The appointment coming as it did, accompanied with the earnest solicitation of others, led him to accept the honor, and in 1874 he was elected to fill out the unexpired term of Judge Ewing, and served till 1881. He was, perhaps, the finest scholar and most learned jurist ever actively connected with Missouri affairs. So honorable, able and great has been the Supreme Court of Missouri that it would have done honor to any nation in nistory, and of its great judges Napton admittedly is given the highest rank. 265. There were three candidates for Governor in 188 If. The Democrats nominated John S. Marmaduke ; the Republicans, Nicholas Ford of Andrew county ; and the Prohibitionists, John A. Brooks of Kansas City. Neither Marmaduke nor Ford had any ability as public speakers, and neither had ever been intimately or extensively identified with State or national affairs ; consequently; the campaign was largely overshadowed by the national contest for the Presidency between Blaine and Cleve- land. The Prohibitionists, however, made a more energetic campaign and polled more votes than ever before or since. Marmaduke was elected, and Albert P. Morehouse was chosen 242 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. Lieutenant-Governor. The principal features of this administra- tion were the Local Option law and the legislation regulating, railroads. For some time public sentiment had been growing against the grasping power and extortionate greed of railroads. An effort was made in the Legislature of 1887 to give relief, but without success, and an adjournment was had, leaving the matter entirely unsettled, much to the regret of the Governor and a large part of the people. Thereupon he called an extra session to consider this ques- tion. After an animated ses- sion, prolonged through several weeks, a law was passed forbid- ding railroads to f)ool with each other in keeping up the price of traffic, also forbidding them from charging higher rates for short distances than for longer ones over the same road and to the same market, also from charging small shippers higher rates per car than large ones. The law seems to have satisfied the public demands, and since that time all agitation of the subject has quieted. 266. TJie Local Option Law was enacted in 1887 in the interest of temperance. It gave to each town of 2,500 population the right to decide, by a majority vote, whether or not intoxicating liquors should be sold therein, and to all the rest of the county, except JOHN S. MARMADUKE. FROM 1877 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 243 such towns, the same privilege. Under this law nearly all of the principal towns and a majority of the counties have held elec- tions. In a majority of them the vote has been against the selling of liquors, but in nearly every one of these cases the election has been declared invalid because proper notice was not given in the newspapers, or because of some other legal defect. The whole State of Missouri was alive with these elections in 1887 and 1888, but of late years public interest in them has much declined. 267. John Sappingtoii Marmaduke was born in Saline county, in 1833, being a son of M. M. Marmaduke, who became Governor on the death of Thomas Reynolds in 1844. He was reared on the farm, entered Yale College at the age of seventeen and West Point Military Academy at the age of twenty, from which he was graduated in 1857, and was assigned to duty in Utah as an officer in the regular army under the renowned Albert Sidney Johnson. When civil war broke in mad fury over the land, he resigned from the United States army, organized a company of State Guards and joined Governor Jackson at Boonville. Contrary to his advice. Governor Jackson, who was his uncle by marriage, ordered him to give battle to General Lyon at that place. He obeyed the order, led his little army to certain defeat in face of Lyon's stalwart troops, then quickly resigned from the State Guard, proceeded to Richmond and tendered his sword to Jefferson Davis, and then went off to the war. He became a colonel in Albert Sidney Johnson's army, and, for gallant con- duct at the battle of Shiloh, was breveted brigadier-general on the field. He subsequently took part in the war in Missouri and 244 HISTORY OF MISSOVRI. Arkansas. When the war was over he became a commission merchant in St. Louis. Afterwards he became interested in jour- nalism and became owner of a farmer's paper called the ''Journal of Agriculture." In 1876 he was elected Railroad Commissioner, and in 1884 Governor, and served just three years, till December 28th, 1887, on which day he died. Albert P. Morehouse, the Lieutenant- Governor, immediately succeeded to the office and held it for one year. Mr. Morehouse was a native of Ohio, who came to Missouri in 1856, and after teaching school for a time became a lawyer, and rose to eminence in northwest Missouri as a citizen. He served several terms in the Legislature and died in September, 1891. 268. At the election of 1888 the Democratic candidate for Governor was David R. Francis of St. Louis, and the Republican was E. E. Kimball of Nevada. Francis was elected, and Stephen Clay comb of Jasper county, was chosen Lieutenant-Governor. 269. David Rowland Francis was born in Kentucky in 1850, and moved with his parents to St. Louis in 1866, where for four years he attended Washington University, graduating with the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1870. His expenses while at college A. p. MOREHOUSE. FROM 1877 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 245 were defrayed partly by money he had earned as a newsboy in Richmond, Kentucky, during the war, from 1861 to 1864. To complete his education he in- curred a debt of several hundred dollars, which he repaid out of the first money earned after graduation. In 1870 he entered upon successful commercial pursuits, which he has continued to the present time. In 1884 he was president of the Merchants' Exchange. In March, 1885, he was elected Mayor of St. Louis, and in November, 1888, was elected Governor, and inaugurated January 14th, 1889. 270. Conclusion. The census of 1890 gave the population of the State as about 2,679,000. This had been an increase of nearly 400 per cent in forty years, or from 682,000 in 1850. No country in the world can show a more industrious, peaceable people, hon- estly devoted to the highest pursuits of civilized life. The population is scattered pretty evenly over the entire State. It is free from the baneful and deteriorating influences of very large cities, and the enervating effects of being separated from the throbbing, busy humanity of the world. The area of the State is 65,350 square miles, and it is divided into 114 counties. There are over 6,000 miles of railroad, and the GOV. D. R. FRANCIS. 246 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. taxable wealth of the State is about nine hundred million dollars. The State debt is a little over ten millions, and the bonds sell as high and readily in the markets of the world as those of the United States. The territory is well supplied with rivers, and the annual rainfall is large. There are lead, iron and zinc in untold quantities. A large part of the State is underlaid with excellent coal, and these beds are to be found in ready access to each county. Numerous other mineral products are found in large quantities and of excellent quality. The State is so rich in everything that contributes to the comforts of man that it could be made to supply the wants of twenty-five millions of people. There is a strong central Univer- sity at Columbia, and two others in St. Louis, namely, Washington University, and the St. Louis University. There are not less than forty colleges and semi- naries; the strongest colleges being William Jewell at Liberty, Central at Fayette, Westminster at Fulton, Drury at Springfield, Central Female at Lexington, Stephens and Christian at Colum- bia, Bayard at Clinton, Scarritt Institute at Neosho, and the three State Normals at Warrensburg, Cape Girardeau and Kirks ville. There are schools for the education of physicians and lawyers. CHIEF JUSTICE T. A. SHERWOOD. FROM 1877 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 247 also commercial schools. Besides, there are nearly ten thousand public and private schools. The inhabitants of Missouri have always been a religious people, and in every county and town, and in almost every township, there are faithful men of God proclaiming the Gospel. The leading religious denominations are Baptist, Methodist, Catholic, Presbyterian, Christian, Epis- copalian, Lutheran and Congregationalist. APPENDIX. MIS SO UBl IXS TITUTES. 271 — The Constitution adopted in 1820 provided for a State government which has since been changed in some minor respects, but these were so unimportant that in this division the institutes of the State as they now exist will be treated. The Constitution then adopted remained in force till 1865, with a few amend- ments. These could be made in this wise : The proposed amendment was first voted for by two-thirds of both houses of the General Assembly ; it must then be published three times in all the newspapers in the State at least twelve months before a general election; if two-thirds of both houses of the next General Assembly thereafter voted for the amendment it became a part of the Constitu- tion. In 1865 this Constitution was replaced by a new one adopted by a vote of the people, and this one was itself replaced by another adopted by a vote of the people in 1875, which is now in force. It can be amended by the Legislature submitting the proposed amendment to the people at a general election. The amendment must be published for four weeks in some newspaper in each county, and if a majority of the votes for and against it are for it, it becomes a part of the Constitution. The Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and all acts of the Legislature or of any convention in conflict with it are void. 272 — The Officers of the State are, in a general way, Governor, Lieutenant- Governor, Secretary of State, Auditor, Treasurer, Attorney-General, Judges of the Supreme Court, Court of Appeals and Circuit Courts, Members of the General Assembly, Eailroad Commissioners, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and county officers. 273 — The Governor had always been elected in Missouri by the direct vote of the people. This is done in a simple way. Each party has delegates from all 250 APPENDIX. over the State which meet in convention and name its candidate for Governor and for the other offices as well. Then, on the first Tuesday after the first Mon- day in November the candidates are voted for at the polls and the candidate getting the most votes is to be the next Governor. This has always been the rule for electing the Governor, which has never been violated but once, and that was in 1861, when a convention called for other purposes considered it best, in order to keep the State in the Union, to declare the office of Governor vacant, and elected a provisional Governor to the office. The Governor's term of office was four years up to 1865 when, under the Drake Constitution adopted that year, it was changed to two years, but in 1875 was again changed to four years, and now no man can be elected for more than one term. He is the head of the govern- ment of the State, must live at the capital, can pardon criminals, veto or sign bills passed by the General Assembly ; appoints the warden of the penitentiary, commissioners of insurance, regents of the University, normal schools and asylums for the insane, and looks after the general interests of the State. The State furnishes him the mansion wherein he lives, and his salary is $5,000 a year, and a secretary at |2,000 He must be thirty-five years old, a citizen of the State seven years, and of the United States ten years at the time of his election. 274 — The Attorney -General is the legal adviser of the State. His duty is to give written opinions to all the State officers and to the General Assembly, when requested, on any question affecting the interests of the State, and also to appear before the Supreme Court as the lawyer for the State in all suits to which the State is a party, and in all cases where convictions for crimes have been obtained and appealed to it for final adjudication. 275 — The Secretai-y of State is elected every four years in the same manner as is the Governor. His duty is to keep the archives of the State, to keep the reg- ister of the official acts of the Governor and preserve and print the laws passed by the General Assembly, and issue commissions to notaries public, corporations, etc. His salary is $3,000 per year. 276 — The Auditor is a kind of check on the Treasurer. It is his duty to examine and pass upon all claims against the State, to enter them proi^erly upon the records and to issue his warrant on the Treasurer for the payment of those found correct. He must also keep a full and accurate account with all persons in each county who handle the State's revenue, and keep a register of its bonds, of which he is custodian. His salary is $3,000 and his term of office is four years. MISSOURI INSTITUTES. 251 277 — TJie Treasurer is the custodian of the State's moneys. He receives all dues and taxes paid the State and keeps tliem to be paid out again upon a war- rant from the State Auditor. His salary is $3,000 per year and his term four years. He cannot be re-elected aa his own successor. 278 — TJie Superintendent of Public Instruction is the highest educational officer of the State. His duty is to look after the public school funds, apportion to each school district annually its share of the State fund, and to exercise a general supervisory control over the normal and public schools of the State. His salary is $3,000 per year. 279 — The Railroad Commissioners are three in number, and the term of each is six years, but one is elected every two years. Consequently the Commission is a perpetual body, two of its members being at all times experienced Commission- ers. Their duty is to inspect railroads, regulate freight and passenger charges, and look after the enforcement of law regulating railroads. This is a new office and the extent of its usefulness has not yet been determined. The salary of each Commissioner is $3,000 per year. 280 — The General Assembly is the legislative or law-making body of the State. It is composed of two houses, the Senate and House of Representatives. A bill, before it can become a law, must pass both houses and be approved by the Gov- ernor. If he vetoes a bill passed by both houses, that is, returns it with his objections without signing it, it then must be voted on again and passed by two- thirds of the vote of each house before it can become a law. By this means each house operates as a check upon the other, and the Governor's power of veto as a check on both. If a bad measure should incautiously be approved by one house its defects would most likely be discovered before it got through the other. Its defects or unrighteousness would not likely escape the detection of both the other house and the Governor too. In popular governments there is much more danger of having too many laws than too few. A law to be strong must impress the great mass of the people as being wise and just and necessary, and in our State a majority of both houses and the Governor must be convinced of the righteous wisdom of a bill before it can become a law. The General Assembly convenes in regular session the first Wednesday in January of each odd year and can convene by call of the Governor for special sessions. 281 — The Senate is composed of thirty-four members, and the term of each is four years. The State is divided into thirty-four districts, and in each there is 252 APPENDIX. about the same amount of population. The Senators from the odd-numbered districts are elected on Presidential years ; those from the even-numbered dis- tricts two years later; so one-half of the Senators are constantly experienced members. The presiding officer for the Senate is the Lieutenant-Governor, who appoints all committees, and who also becomes Governor on the death of that officer. The Senate approves or rejects the Governor's appointment of officers. The Senate can also impeach a State officer by a vote of two-thirds of the Sen- ators present. 282 — The House of Bepresentatives is the more numerous branch of the General Assembly. It has at least one member from each county, and in large counties any number above one according to the population. The term of office is two 3'ears. The Speaker is the presiding officer. 283 — The Judiciary Organization is composed of the Supreme Court, Court of Appeals, Circuit Courts, Probate Courts, and Justices of the Peace. It will be necessary here, before entering upon the discussion of these, to speak of our judi- cial system in general. There are two kinds of law in this State, known as common and statutory law, and equity law. The common law is derived from the old law in England and from the written decisions of judges of Supreme and Appeal Courts in this country, and gives great attention to forms and methods of procedure. The common law is always in force except when replaced or repealed by laws passed by the General Assembly which are called statutory laws. For its administration in the lower courts there are a judge, whose duty it is to declare the law, and a jury to apply the law as thus instructed by the judge. But frequently there arise cases in which neither the common nor statu- tory law can give relief. In these cases the matter is referred to the judge alone, who is guided by what help he can get from former decisions and by what he believes is right under the circumstances. Such is called equity law. In our State all the courts can try a common law or statutory case, but none except the Circuit and Appeal Courts can try equity cases. 284 — The Supreme Court is the highest judicial tribunal in Missouri. It has in some respects more power than both the Governor and General Assembly. A law may be passed by the latter and signed by the former, which the Supreme Court may set aside as contrary to the State Constitution. It can undo acts of the General Assembly and of the Governor by pronouncing them wrong or with- out authority, but nothing can undo its acts except itself. Besides these powers MISSOURI INSTITUTES. 253 of determining constitutional questions, it has appellate jurisdiction over crimes of the grade of felonies, and actions at common law and equity where the amount involved is not less than twenty -five hundred dollars, and over cases involving land titles. The court is composed of seven judges, each of whom serves ten years, at least one of whom is elected every two years. By this means there are four experienced judges at all times. The decisions of the court are written out and published in a continued series of volumes called the Jlissouri Seports. These decisions are binding upon all the inferior courts which usually give no decision in conflict with them. A judge may be re-elected. Formerly the Supreme Court was composed of three judges, who were appointed by the Governor and who could serve till they were sixty -five years of age. Now they are elected by direct vote of the people. Among the judges of the Supreme Court have been the ablest and most learned men in the State. The high ability and noble integrity of these men at almost all times are matters for State pride. 285 — Courts of Appeal. There are two of these courts, namely, the St. Louis Court of Appeals and the Kansas City Court of Appeals. They are supplement- ary courts of the Supreme Court, and are established for the purpose of relieving that body of too much business. They are the courts of appeal for all suits in which a less sum than twenty-five hundred dollars is involved, and also in cases of lesser crimes. Each has three judges, all of w^hom serve twelve years. One is elected every four years, so that two members are always experienced judges. They have no jurisdiction over cases involving constitutional questions. The St. Louis Court of Appeals has jurisdiction over the eastern and southern part of the State and the Kansas City Court over the rest of it. The decisions of these courts are also published for the guidance of inferior courts in a series of volumes called the Missouri xippeal Beports. 286 — Tlie Circuit Courts are the great trial courts of the State. There are thirty of them. Each is presided over by a judge who must be a lawyer. In each county there is a Sheriff, Clerk of the Court, Attorney, Grand Jury and Petit Jur}^ to assist him in carrying on the business of the court. The court has charge of civil cases, or cases growing out of contracts and wrongs, and also of criminal cases, but in the large cities, and a few counties, there are separate judges for criminal cases. In all trials in these courts, except in equity cases, every suitor has a right to demand a jury of citizens to pass upon his cause, but in a civil case the cause may, by the agreement of both sides, be determined by 254 APPENDIX. the judge alone without any jury. In criminal trials, however, the jury cannot be waived except by a plea of guilty. 287 — The Grand Jury is composed of twelve citizens of each county, appoint- ed by the County Court, for the purpose of inquiring into any violation of the law. They secretly investigate charges brought to their knowledge, and when convinced of their truth, present an indictment to the judge ; that is, they make out a formal accusation in writing, charging certain persons of certain crimes. Then the Sheriff takes charge of the indicted person and brings him before the court to be tried before the Petit Jury, which also consists of twelve men. The judge presides and the prosecuting attorney acts as the lawyer for the State. The sheriff is the executive officer of this court for all kinds of cases. He represents the State in making effective the decisions of the court. 288 — The County Court has a supervisory control over the affairs of the county, except in cities where its duties are mostly done by councils and street commissioners. It allows demands against the county, issues warrants on the county treasury, cares for paupers, issues saloon licenses, builds bridges, opens up roads, orders elections, and chooses Grand and Petit Juries for the Circuit Court. It is composed of three members, one of whom is called the presiding judge. 289 — The County Clerk is the clerical officer for the County Court. He keeps the record of the county's financial standing, which shows the amount of taxes assessed against each township, how much was paid, how much any creditor is indebted to the county, what is the amount of the county's debt, and for what it is due. The County Eecorder enters of record the deeds to land, and mortgages against all kinds of property, and issues and records marriage licenses. The Circuit Clerk keeps the records of the Circuit Court. The Collector gathers in the taxes due the county, turns over the money so collected to the Treasin-er, who pays it out upon warrants issued by the school boards. County Court, or Circuit Clerk, or sends it to the State Treasurer. The Coroner holds inquests over the bodies of persons who have come to violent or casual death, or those whom he suspects may have been murdered, and institutes legal inquiries as to the causes of their death. 290 — The Probate Court, administered by one judge, looks after the property of minors, appoints administrators of the estates of deceased persons, allows claims against such estates and requires administrators to prove proper manage- STATE OFFICERS. 255 ment thereof. He also proves wills to be genuine and secures homes for the insane. In every township there is a Justice of the Peace who is also called a magistrate. He is the conservator of peace for his township and county, and can determine suits not involving over §250, and also punish small misdemean- ors, and hold the perpetrators of felonies for examination by Grand Juries. The executive officer of his court is the constable. STATE OFFICEBS. The following list gives the Governors of Missouri during its entire history and the dates at which they w^ere such : Spanish Lieutenant- Governors — Pedro Piernas, 1770-75 ; Francisco Cruzat, 1775-78; Fernando De Leyba, 1778-80; Francisco Cruzat, 1780-87; Manuel Perez, 1787-92; Zenon Trudeau, 1792-99; Carlos Dehault Delassus, 1799-1804. Territorial Governors — William Henry Harrison, 1804-05 ; James Wilkinson, 1805-06; James Brown, Secretary and Acting Governor, 1806-07; Frederick Bates, Secretary and Acting Governor, May 1807 to October 1807; Meriwether Lewis, 1807-09; Frederick Bates, Secretary and Acting Governor, 1809-10; Ben- jamin Howard, 1810-12; Frederick Bates, Secretary and Acting Governor, 1812-13 ; Wllham Clark, 1813-20. /S^aie G^overnors— Alexander McNair, 1820-24; Frederick Bates, 1824-25; Abraham J. AVilliams, August to December, 1825 ; John Miller, 1825-32; Daniel Dunklin, 1832-36; L. W. Boggs, 1836^0; Thomas Eeynolds, 1840-44; M. M. Marmaduke, February to November, 1844; John C. Edwards, 1844-48; Austin A. King, December 1848 to January 1853; Sterling Price, 1853-57; Trusten Polk, 1857-57; Robert M. Stewart, 1857-61; Claiborne F. Jackson, inaugurated 1861, deposed July 31, 1861, died October, 1862; Thomas C. Reynolds in Jackson's stead from October 1862 till 1865 ; Hamilton R. Gamble, Provisional Governor, 1861-64; Willard P. Hall in Gamble's place, 1864-65; Thomas C. Fletcher, 1865-69; Joseph W. McClurg, 1869-71 ; B. Gratz Brown, 1871-73; Silas Woodson, 1873-75 ; C. H. Hardin, 1875-77 ; John S. Phelps, 1877-81 ; T. T. Crittenden, 1881- 85 ; John S. Marmaduke, 1885-88 ; A. P. Morehouse, 1888-89; D. R. Francis, 1889- Lieutenant- Governors — William H. Ashley, St. Louis, 1820 to November, 1824; Benjamin H. Reeves, Howard County, elected in 1824 and resigned within a few 256 APPENDIX. months to become a member of the commission which opened up the noted road from Leavenworth to Santa Fe; Daniel Dunklin, Washington County, 1828-32; Lilburn AV. Boggs, Jackson County, 1832-36; Franklin Cannon, Cape Girardeau, 1836-40; M. M. Marmaduke, Saline County, 1840 to February 9, 1844; James Young, Lafayette County, 1844-48; Thomas L. Price, Cole County December 1849 to January 1853; Wilson Brown, Cape Girardeau, 1853-57; Hancock Jack- son, Randolph County, 1857-61 ; Thomas (J. Reynolds, St. Louis, elected 1860 and office declared vacant July 30th, 1861, by the Convention, and Willard P. Hall, Buchanan County, chosen to office provisionally and served till January 31st, 1864; George Smith, Caldwell County, 1865-69; Edwin O. Stanard, St. Louis, 1869-71; Joseph J. Gravelly, Cedar County, 1871-73; Charles P. Johnson, St. Louis, 1873-75; Norman J. Colman, St. Louis, 1875-77; Henry C. BrocKmeyer, St. Louis, 1877-81 ; Robert A. Campbell, St. Louis, 1881-85; Albert P. Morehouse, Nodaway County, 1885-88; Stephen H. Claycomb, Jasper County, 1889- Secretaries of State (Appointed by Governor up to 1852 ; thereafter elected by the people.) — Joshua Barton, St. Louis County, 1820-21; W. G. Pettus, St. Charles, 1821-24; Hamilton R. Gamble, Howard County, 1824-26; Spencer Pet- tis, St. Louis County, 1826-28; P. H. McBride, Boone County, 1829-30; John C. Edwards, Cole County, 1830-35; Henry Shurlds, Washington County, 1835-37; Peter G. Glover, Callaway County, 1837-39 ; James L. Minor, Marion County, 1839-45; F. M. Martin, Jefferson County, 1845-49; Ephraim B. Ewing, Ray County, 1849-53; John M. Richardson, Greene County, 1853-57; Benjamin F. Massey, Jasper County, 1857-61 ; Mordecai Oliver, Greene County, selected by Convention in place of Massey removed, 1861-65 ; Francis Rodman, Buchanan County, 1865-71; E. G. Weigel, St. Louis, 1871-75; M. K. McGrath, St. Louis, 1875-89; A. A. Lesueur, Lafayette, 1889- State Treasurers (Appointed by Governor till 1852 ; thereafter elected by the people.) — Peter Didier, St. Louis County, 1820-21; Nathaniel Simonds, St. Louis County, 1821-28; James Earickson, Howard County, 1829-33; John Walker, Cole County, 1833-38 ; Abraham McClellan, Jackson County, 1838-43 ; Peter J. Glover, Cole County, 1843-51 ; A. W. Morrison, Howard County, 1851-61; George C. Bingham, Jackson County, 1862-65, elected by Convention; Wm. Bishop, Cass County, 1865-69; W. Q. Dallmeyer, Cole County, 1869-71; Samuel Hayes, Buchanan County, 1871-73 ; Harvey W. Salmon, Henry County, 1873-75 ; Joseph Mercer, Jackson County, 1875-77; Elijah Gates, Buchanan County, 1877-81; JUDGES OF SUPREME COURT. 257 Phil. Chappell, Cole County, 1881-85; John M. Seibert, Cape Girardeau County, 1885-89; Ed. T. Noland, Jackson County, 1889-90; Lon. V. Stephens, Cooper County, 1890- Attorneijs- General — Edward Bates, St. Louis County, 1820-21 ; Rufus Easton, St. Louis, 1820-26; Robert W. Wells, Cole County, 1826-36; W. B. Napton, Howard County, 1836-39; S. M. Bay, Cole County, 1839^5; B. F. Stringfellow, Chariton County, 1845-49; William A. Robarts, Boone County, 1849-51; James B. Gardenhire, Buchanan County, 1851-57; Eph. B. Ewing, Ray County, 1857- 59 ; J. Proctor Knott, Scotland County, 1859-61 ; Aikman Welsh, Johnson County, 1861-64, appointed; T. T. Crittenden, Johnson County, 1864-65; Robert F. Win- gate St. Louis, 1865-69; Horace P. Johnson, Cole County, 1869-71; A. J. Baker^ Schuyler County, 1871-73; H. Clay Ewing, Cole County, 1873-75; John A. Hock- aday, Callaway County, 1875-77; Jackson L. Smith, Cole County, 1877-81; D. H. Mclntyre, Audrain County. 1881-85; B. G. Boone, Henry County, 1885-89; John M. Wood, Clark County, 1889- State Auditors (Appointed by Governor till 1852 ; thereafter elected by the people.)— William Christie, St. Louis, 1820-21; W. V. Rector, St. Louis, 1821-23; Elias Barcroft, St. Louis, 1823-33 ; Henry Shurlds, Washington County, 1833-35 ; Peter G. Glover, Callaway County, 1835-37; Hiram B. Baber, Cole County, 1837-45; William Monroe, Morgan County, February to December 1845; J. R. McDearmon, St. Charles, 1845-48; George W. Miller, Cole County, 1848-49; Wilson Brown, Cape Girardeau, 1849-53; W. F. Buffington, Cole County, 1853- 61; AV. S. Mosely, New Madrid County, 1861-65; Alonzo Thomson, Nodaway County, 1865-69; D. M. Draper, Montgomery County, 1869-73; George B. Clark, Washington County, 1873-75; Thomas Holladay, Madison County, 1875-81; John Walker, Howard County, 1881-89; John M. Seibert Cape Girardeau, 1889- JUDGES OF SUPREME COURT.* Appointed by Governor till 1851 ; thereafter elected by the people. Mathias McGirk, Montgomery County, 1822-41 ; William Scott, Cole County, 1841-62, and then removed for failure to file oath; John D. Cook, Cape Girar- deau, 1822-23; Rufus Pettibone, Pike County, 1823-25; Robert Wash, St. Louis, *Sinee 1873 the term of the office of Supreme Judge has been ten years. 258 APPENDIX. 1825-37; John C. Edwards, May to December, 1837; William B. Napton, Saline County, 1839-52; John F. Ryland, 1852-58; W. B. Napton, 1858-62, and then removed for failure to file oath ; John Rice Jones, Pike County, 1822-24 ; George Tompkins, Howard County, 1824-45; P. H. McBride, Monroe County, 1845-49; J. H. Birch, Clinton County, 1849-52; Hamilton R. Gamble, St. Louis, 1851-54; Abiel Leonard, Howard County, 1855-58; John C. Richardson, 1858-59; E. B. Ewing, Ray County, 1859-62, and then removed by convention for failure to sign oath; Barton Bates, St. Charles, W. V. N. Bay, Franklin County, J. D. S. 'Dry den, Marion County, appointed in January, 1862, by Governor Gamble, elected by people 1863, and ousted by convention of 1865, Bates resigning, and Dryden and Bay being removed by Governor Fletcher. David Wagner, appointed, 1865-69; Nathaniel Holmes, 1865-68; James Baker, 1868-69; W. L. Lovelace, 1865-66; T. J. C. Flagg, 1866-69. In 1868 three judges were elected: David Wagner, Scotland County, for six years, 1869-75 ; Warren Currier, 1869-73 ; Philemon Bliss, Boone County, for two years, 1869-71 ; Currier resigned in 1871, and Washington Adams, Cooper County, was appointed till 1873. H. M. Vories, St. Joseph, 1873-79; Washington Adams, 1873-75; Ephraim B. Ewing, from Janu- ary to June, 1873, deceased, and W. B. Napton appointed to fill vacancy till Janu- ary, 1875, then elected and served till 1881 ; Thomas A. Sherwood, Greene County, 1873-83 ; Warwick Hough, Jackson County, 1875-85 ; John W. Henry, Macon County, 1877-87; Elijah H. Norton, Platte County, 1879-89; Robt. D. Ray, Car- roll County, 1881-91 ; ^ Thomas A. Sherwood, = 1883- ; Francis M. Black, 2 Jack- son County, 1885- ; Theodore Brace, ^ Monroe County, 1887- ; Shepard Barclay, 2 St. Louis, 1889- ; James B. Gantt,^ Vernon County, 1891- ; John L. Thomas,^ Jefferson County, appointed, 1891- ; G. B. Macfarlane,^ Audrain County, appointed, 1891- . Speakers of the House of Bepresentatives — James Caldwell, 1820-21 ; Henry S. Geyer, 1821-26; Alex. Stewart, 1826-28; John Thornton, 1828-32; Thomas Rey- nolds, 1832-34; John Jamison, 1834-38; Thomas H. Harvey, 1838-40; Sterling Price, 1840-44; Claiborne F. Jackson, 1844-48; Alex. M. Robinson, 1848-50; Nathaniel W. Watkins, 1850-52; Ruben Shelby, 1852-54; William Newland, 1854-56; Robert C. Harrison, 1856-57; James Childs, 1857-58; John F. Coffe, 1 Chief Justice at present; 2 constitute Division No. 1 of present court; ^ Constitute Division No. 2 of present court. REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS. 259 1858-60; Christian Kribben, February to December 1860; John McAfee, 1860; Q. L. Marvin, 1863-64; Walter L. Lovelace, 1864-65; Andrew J. Harlam 1865-69; James C. Orrick, 1869-71; R. P. C. Wilson, 1871-73; Mortimer Mcllhaney, 1873-75; B. G. Boone, 1875-77; John F. Wilhams, 1877-79; J. Edwin Belch, 1879-81; T. P. Bashaw, 1881-83; Joseph S. Richardson, 1883-85; John M.Wood, 1885-87; John W. Alexander, 1887-89; Joseph J. Russell, 1889-91; Wilbur F. Tuttle, 1891- UNITED STATES SENATORS. {A) (B) David Barton, Howard County, 1820-30; Alex. Buck- ner, Cape Girardeau, 1830-33; Lewis F. Linn, Ste. Genevieve, 1833-13; David R. Atchison, Platte County, 1843-55 — no successor till 1857; James S. Green, Lewis County, 1857-61; Waldo P. Johnson, St. Clair County, elected, resigned and expelled in 1861; Robert Wilson, Andrew County, 1862-63; B. Gratz Brown, St. Louis, 1863-67 ; Charles D. Drake, St. Louis, 1867-70; Daniel F. Jewett, St. Louis, 1870-71; Frank P. Blair, St. Louis, 1871-73; Lewis V. Bogy, St. Louis, 1873-77; D. H. Armstrong, St. Louis, 1877-79; James Shields, Carroll County, 1879-79 ; George G. Vest, Pettis County, 1879- Thomas H. Benton, St. Louis, 1820-51 ; H. S. Geyer, St. Louis, 1851-57: TrustenPolk, 1857-61, resigned and was expelled ; John B. Henderson, Pike County, 1862-69; Carl Schurz, St. Louis, 1869- 75; Francis M. Cock- rell, Johnson County, 1875- REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS. 17th, 18th and 19th Congress (1821-27)— John Scott, Ste. Genevieve. 20th Congress (1827-29)— Edward Bates, St. Louis. 21st Congress (1829-31)— Spencer Pettis, St. Louis. 22nd Congress (1831-33)— WilHam H. Ashley, St. Louis. 260 APPENDIX. 23rd Congress (1833-35)— William H. Ashley, St. Louis, and John Bull, Howard County. (Elections by general ticket till 1846.) 24th Congress (1835-37) — William H. Ashley, St. Louis, and Albert G. Harrison, Callaway County. 25th Congress (1837-39)— John Miller and Albert G. Harrison. 26th Congress (1839-41)— John Miller, and John Jameson, Callaway- County. 27th Congress (1841-43)— John Miller and John C. Edwards. 28th Congress (1843-45)— James M. Hughes, Clay County; James H. Relfe, Washington County; John Jameson, Callaway County; James B. Bowlin, St. Louis, and Gustavus M. Brown, Monroe County. 29th Congress (1845-47) — James B. Bowlin, St. Louis; James H. Relfe, Wash- ington County; Sterling Price, Chariton County (resigned and was suc- ceeded by William McDaniel, Marion County) ; John S. Phelps, Greene County, and Leonard H. Sims, Greene County. 30th Congress (1847-49) — 1st District, James B. Bowlin, St. Louis; 2nd, John Jameson, Callaway County; 3rd, James S. Green, Lewis County; 4th, Wil- lard P. Hall, St. Joseph; 5th, John S. Phelps, Springfield. 31st Congress (1849-51)— 1st District, James B. Bowlin; 2nd, W. V. N. Bay, Franklin County; 3rd, James S. Green; 4th, Willard P. Hall; 5th, John S. Phelps. 32nd Congress (1851-53) — 1st District, John F. Darby, St. Louis; 2nd, Gilchrist Porter, Pike County ; 3rd, John G. Miller, Cooper County ; 4th, Willard P. Hall; 5th, John S. Phelps. 33rd Congress (1853-55)— 1st District, Thomas H. Benton, St. Louis; 2nd, Alfred W. Lamb, Marion County ; 3rd, John G. Miller, 4th, Mordecai Oliver, Ray County; 5th, John S. Phelps; at large, Jas. J. Lindley, Lewis County, and Samuel Caruthers, Madison County. 34th Congress (1855-57)— 1st District, L. M. Kennett, St. Louis; 2nd, Gilchrist Porter; 3rd, J. J Lindley; 4th, Mordecai OUver; 5th, Thos. P. Akers, Lafayette County; 6th, John S. Phelps; 7th, Sam Caruthers. 35th Congress (1857-59)— 1st District, Francis P. Blair, St. Louis; 2nd, T. L. Anderson, Monroe County; 3rd, John B. Clark, Howard County; 4th, James Craig, St. Joseph; 5th, James H. Woodson, Jackson County; 6th, John S. Phelps ; 7th, Samuel Caruthers. REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS. 261 36th Congress (1859-61)— 1st District, J. R. Barrett, St. Louis; 2nd, T. "L. Ander- son; 3rd, John B. Clark ; 4th, James Craig; oth, J. H. Woodson ; 6th, John S. Phelps; 7th, John AV. Noell, St. Francois County. 37th Congress (1861-63) — 1st District, Francis P. Blair (resigned and J. R. Barrett elected) ; 2nd, James S. Rollins, Boone County ; 3rd, John B. Clark (expelled and Wm. A. Hall elected in his stead) ; 4th, E. H. Norton. Platte Count}' ; 5th, John W. Reid, Jackson County (expelled and Thos L. Price, Cole County, elected) ; 6th, John S. Phelps; 7th, John W. Noell. 38th Congress (1863-65) — 1st District, James Knox, St. Louis; 2nd, Henry T. Blow, St. Louis; 3rd, John W. Noell (died, and John G. Scott, Jefferson County, elected) ; 4th, Semphronius H. Boyd, Greene County; 5th, Joseph W. McClurg, Camden County; 6th, Austin A. King, Ray County; 7th Benj. F. Loan, Buchanan County; 8th, Wm. A. Hall, Randolph County; Oth, James S. Rollins. 39th Congress (1865-67) — 1st District, John Hogan, St. Louis, 2nd, Henry T. Blow; 3rd, Thomas Noell, St. Francois County; 4th, John R Kelsoe; 5th, Joseph W. McClurg; 6th, Robt. T. Van Horn, Kansas City; 7th, Benj. F. Loan, Buchanan County ; 8th, John F. Benjamin, Shelby County ; 9th, George W. Anderson, Pike County. 40th Congress (1867-69)— 1st District, Wm. A. Pile, St. Louis; 2nd, C. A. New- combe; 3rd, Thos. E. Noell (deceased, and J. R. McCormick, Iron Countj% elected); 4th, J. J. Gravelly, Cedar County; 5th, Jos. W. McClurg (resigned, and John H. Stover, Morgan County, elected); 6th, R. T. Van Horn; 7th, B. F. Loan; 8th, John F. Benjamin; 9th, Geo. W. Ander- son. 41st Congress (1869-71)— 1st District, Erastus Wells, St. Louis; 2nd, G. A. Fin- kelnburg, St. Louis; 3rd, J. R. McCormick; 4th, S. H. Boyd, Greene County ; 5th, S. S. Burdette, St. Clair County ; 6th, Robt. T. Van Horn ; 7th, Joel F. Asper, Livingston County; 8th, J. F. Benjamin; 9th, Pat Dyer, Pike County. 42nd Congress (1871-73)— 1st District, Erastus Wells; 2nd, G. A. Finkelnburg; 3rd, J. R. McCormick; 4th, H. E. Havens, Greene County; 5th, 8. S. Burdette; 6th, A. Comingo, Jackson County; 7th, I. C.Parker, St. Joseph; 8th, James G. Blair, Lewis County; 9th, Andrew King, St. Charles County. 262 APPENDIX. 43rd Congress (1873-75) — 1st District, E. O. Stanard, St. Louis; 2nd, Erastus Wells; 3rd, W. H. Stone, St. Louis; 4th, Kobt. A. Hatcher, New Madrid; 5th, Eichard P. Bland, Laclede County; 6th, H. E. Havens; 7th, T. T. Crittenden, Johnson County; 8th, Abram Comingo; 9th, I. C. Parker; 10th, I. B. Hyde, Mercer County; 11th, John B. Clark, Jr., Howard County; 12th, John M. Glover, Lewis County; 13th, A. H. Buckner, Audrain County. 44th Congress (1875-77) — 1st District, Edward C. Kehr, St. Louis; 2nd, Erastus Wells, St. Louis; 3rd, Wm. H. Stone, St. Louis; 4th, Kobt. A. Hatcher; 5th, Eichard P. Bland; 6th, Chas. H. Morgan, Lamar; 7th, John F. Philips, Sedalia; 8th, Benjamin J. Franklin, Kansas City; 9th, David Eea, Savannah ; 10th, Eezin A. DeBolt, Trenton ; 11th, John B. Clark, Jr. ; 12th, John M. Glover, La Grange; 13th, Aylett H. Buckner, Mexico. 45th Congress (1877-79)— 1st District, Anthony Ittner, St. Louis; 2nd, Nathan Cole, St. Louis; 3rd, Lyne S. Metcalf, St. Louis; 4th, Robt. A. Hatcher; 5th, Eichard P. Bland; 6th, Chas. H. Morgan; 7th, T. T. Crittenden; 8th, Benjamin J. Franklin; 9th, David Eea; 10th, Henry M. Pollard, Chillicothe; 11th, John B. Clark, Jr.; 12th, John M. Glover; 13th, Aylett H. Buckner. 46th Congress (1879-81)— 1st District, Martin L. Clardy, Farmington ; 2nd, Erastus Wells, St. Louis; 3rd, E. Graham Frost, St. Louis; 4th, Lowndes H. Davis, Jackson ; 5th, Eichard P. Bland ; 6th, James E. Waddill, Springfield ; 7th, Alfred M. Lay, Jefferson City (died 1879, John F. Philips, elected) ; 8th, Sam, L. Sawyer, Independence; 9th, Nicholas Ford, Andrew County ; 10th, Gideon F. Eothwell, Moberly ; 11th, John B. Clark, Jr.; 12th, Wm. H. Hatch, Hannibal; 13th, Aylett H. Buckner, 47th Congress (1881-83)— 1st District, Martin L, Clardy; 2nd, Thos. Allen, St. Louis, died, and succeeded by James H. McLean, St. Louis; 3rd, E. Graham Frost; 4th, Lowndes H. Davis; 5th, Eichard P. Bland; 6th, Ira S. Hazeltine, Springfield; 7th, Huron M. Eice, Boonville; 8th, E. T. Van Horn; 9th, Nicholas Ford; 10th, Joseph H. Burrows, Gainesville; 11th, John B. Clark, Jr.; 12th, Wm. H. Hatch; 13th, Aylett H. Buckner. 48th Congress (1883-85)— 1st District, W. H. Hatch ; 2nd, Armstead M. Alexander, Paris; 3rd, Alexander M. Dockery, Gallatin; 4th, James N. Burns, St. Joseph; 5th, Alex. Graves, Lexington; 6th, John Cosgrove, Boonville.; REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS. 263 7th, Aylett H. Buckner; 8th, John J. O'Neil, St. Louis; 9th, James O. Broadhead, St. Louis; 10th, Martin L. Clardy ; 11th, Eichard P. Bland; 12th, Chas. H. Morgan; 13th, Eobt. W. Fyan, Marshfield; 14th, Lowndes H. Davis. 49th Congress (1885-87)— 1st District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, JohnB. Hale, Car- rollton ; 3rd, Alex. M. Dockery ; 4th, James N Burnes ; 5th, Wm. Warner, Kansas City; 6th, John T. Heard, Sedalia; 7th, John E. Hutton, Mexico; 8th, John J. O'Neil; 9th, John M. Glover, St. Louis; 10th, Martin L. Clardy; 11th, Richard P. Bland; 12th, Wm. J. Stone, Nevada; 13th, Wm. H. Wade, Springfield; 14th, Wm. Dawson, New Madrid. 50th Congress (1887-89)— 1st District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, Chas. H. Mansur, Chillicothe; 3rd, Alex. M. Dockery; 4th, James N. Burnes (died 1889, Chas. F. Booher, Savannah, elected); 5th, Wm. Warner; 6th, John T. Heard ; 7th, J. E. Hutton ; 8th, John J. O'Neil ; 9th, John M. Glover ; 10th, Martin L. Clardy; 11th, Richard P. Bland; 12th, Wm. J. Stone; 13th, Wm. H. Wade; 14th, James P. Walker, Dexter. 51st Congress (1889-91)— 1st District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, Chas. H. Mansur, Chillicothe; 3rd, Alex. M. Dockery; 4th, Robt. P. C. Wilson, Platte City; 5th, John C. Tarsney, Kansas City; 6th, John T. Heard; 7th, Richard H. Norton, Troy; 8th, F. G. Niedringhaus, St. Louis; 9th, Nathan Frank, St. Louis; 10th, Wm. H. Kinsey, St. Louis; 11th, Richard P. Bland; 12th, Wm. J. Stone; 13th, Wm. H. Wade; 14th, James P. Walker (died, R. H. Whitelaw, Cape Girardeau, elected). 52n.l Congress (1891-93)— 1st District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, Chas. H. Mansur; 3rd, Alex. M. Dockery; 4th, R. P. C. Wilson; 5th, J. C. Tarsney; 6th, J. T. Heard; 7th, R. H. Norton; 8th, J. J. O'Neil; 9th, S€th W. Cobb, St. Louis; 10th, Sam. Byrns, Potosi; 11th, R. P. Bland; 12th, David A. DeArmond, Butler ; 13th, R. W. Fyan, Marshfield ; 14th, Marshall Arnold, Benton. 264 APPENDIX. MEMBEBS OF THE CONVENTION OF 1861. J. S. Allen, Harrison County. Eli E. Bass, Boone County. Geo. Y. Bast, Montgomery County. R. A. Brown, Cass County. Orson Bartlett, Stoddard County. J. H. Birch, Clinton County. Joseph Bogy, Ste. Genevieve County. S. M. Breckenridge, St, Louis. J. O. Broadhead, St. Louis. H. E. Bridge, St. Louis. Isidor Bush, St. Louis. J. R. Chenault, Jasper County. Samuel C. Collier, Madison County A. Comingo, Jackson County. R. W. Crawford, Lawrence County. Robert Calhoun, Callaway County M. P. Cayce, St. Francois County. R. W. Donnell, Buchanan County. Geo. W. Dunn, Ray County. Wm. Douglas, Cooper County. Charles Drake, Moniteau County. A. W. Doniphan, Clay County. C. D. Eitzen, Gasconade County. R. B. Frayzer, St. Charles County. Joseph Flood, Callaway County. John D. Foster, Adair County. N. F. Givens, Clark County. H. M. Gorin, Scotland County. H. R. Gamble, St. Louis. T. T. Gantt, St. Louis. J. J. Gravelly, Cedar County. A. S. Harbin, Barry County. R. A. Hatcher, New Madrid County. V. B. Hill, Pulaski County. W. J. Howell, Monroe County. Prince L. Hudgins, Andrew County. Willard P. Hall, Buchanan County. William A. Hall, Randolph County. John B. Henderson, Pike County. Littleberry Hendrick, Greene County. Henry Hitchcock, St. Louis. Robert Holmes, St. Louis. John Holt, Dent County. Harrison Hough, Mississippi County. John How, St. Louis. J. M. Irwin, Shelby County. Z. Isbell, Osage County. William Jackson, Putnam County. R. W. Jamison, Webster County. J. W. Johnson, Polk County. J. Proctor Knott, Cole County. C. G. Kidd, Henry County. W. T. Leeper, Wayne County. M. L. L. Linton, St. Louis. John F. Long, St. Louis. J. T. Matson, Ralls County. A. W. Maupin, Franklin County. J. H. Moss, Clay County. Vincent Marmaduke, Saline County. A. C. Marvin, Henry County. J. W. McClurg, Camden County. J. R. McCormick, Perry County. Nelson McDowell, Dade County. James McFerrain, Daviess County. Ferd. Myer, St. Louis. W. L. Morrow, Dallas County. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE COUNTIES. 'Z65 E. H. Norton, Platte County. J. C. Noell, Bollinger County. Samuel Orr, Greene Count3\ John F. Philips, Pettis County. Wm. G. Pomeroy, Crawford County. Philip Pipkin, Iron County. Sterling Price, Chariton County. J. P. Eoss, Morgan County. R. D. Ray, Carroll County. J. T. Redd, Marion County. C. G. Rankin, Jefferson County. M. H. Ritchey, Newton County. Fred. Rowland, Macon County. S. L. Sawyer, Lafayette County. E. K. Sayre, Lewis County. J. K. Sheeley, Jackson County. Robert M. Stewart, Buchanan County. Thos. Scott, Miller County. Thos. Shackelford, Howard County. J. H. Shackelford, St. Louis. Jacob Smith, Linn County. Sol. Smith, St. Louis. J. T. Tindall, Grundy County. W. W. Turner, Laclede County. J. G. Waller, Warren County. N. W. Watkins, Cape Girardeau County. Warren Woodson, Boone County. A. M. Woolfolk, Livingston Count}'. LTriel Wright, St. Louis. Aikman Welch, Johnson County. Robert Wilson, Buchanan County. Ellzey Van Buskirk, Holt County. G. W. Zimmerman, Lincoln County. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE COUNTIES. Originally there were five districts or counties in the Territory, viz. : St. Louis, St. Charles, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau, and New Madrid. The various sessions of the Legislature, both in the Territorial days and after Missouri became a State, organized counties as follows : In 1813 — Jefferson, Franklin, Wayne, Lincoln, Pike, Madison, Montgomery and Cooper. In 1820 — Lillard, Perry, Ray, Cole, Chariton, Ralls, Saline, Gas- conade, Boone and Callaway. In 1821 — St. Francois and Scott. In 1822— Clay. In 1826 — Jackson, Marion and Lafayette (changed from Lillard). In 1829 — Crawford. In 1830-31— Randolph. In 1832-33— Carroll, Chnton, Greene, Mon- roe, Lewis, Morgan, Pettis, Pulaski, Ripley, Warren and St. Clair. In 1834-35 — Barry, Henry, Benton, Johnson, Polk, Shelby, Stoddard, Cass and Van Buren. In 1836-37 — Audrain, Caldwell, Clark, Daviess, Linn, Livingston, Macon, Miller and Taney. In 1838-39^Newton, Platte and Buchanan. In 1841— Adair, Andrew, Shannon, Bates, Camden (changed from Kinderhook), Dade, Gentry, 266 APPENDIX. Grundy, Holt, Jasper, Scotland and Wright. In 1842 — Dallas, Osage and Ozark, In 1845 — Atchison, Dunklin, Harrison, Knox, Mercer, Mississippi, Mon- iteau, Xodaway, Putnam, Reynolds, Schuyler, Sullivan, Texas and Hickory. In 1849 — Butler, McDonald, Laclede and Stone. In 1851 — Bollinger and Vernon. In 1855 — Barton, Maries and Webster. In 1857 — Douglas, Howell, Iron and Phelps. In 1859— Carter. In 1860— Christian. In 1861— Pemiscot and Worth. These dates show the movement of population and the disposition of the people, as soon as they became sufficiently numerous, to separate from the old mother counties and form new ones of their own. MEMBEB8 OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1873. Waldo P. Johnson, St. Clair County, President. Nathaniel W. AVatkins, Scott County, Vice-President. A. M. Alexander, Monroe County. W. Adams, Cooper County. D. C. Allen, Clay County. F. M. Black, Jackson County. H. C. Brockmeyer, St. Louis. H. Boone, DeKalb County. G. W. Bradfield, Laclede County. J. O Broadhead St. Louis. G. W Carlton, Pemiscot County. Wm. Chrisman, Jackson County. L. F. Cotty, Knox County. S. R. Crockett, Vernon County. T. W. B. Crews, FrankUn County. E. V. Conway, St. Francois County. L. J. Dry den, Warren County. B. R. Dysart, Macon County. L. H. Davis, Cape Girardeau County. J. C. Edwards, St. Louis. C. D. Eitzen, Gasconade County. J. F. T. Edwards, Iron County. R. W. Fyan, Webster County. J. L. Farris, Ray County. L. Gottschalk, St. Louis. J. Hyer, Dent County. T. T. Gantt, St. Louis. J. A. Holliday, Caldwell County. J. B. Hale, Carroll County. W. Halliburton, Sullivan County. C. Hammond, Chariton County. N. C. Hardin, Pike County. T. J. Johnston, Nodaway County. H. B. Johnson, Goi©- County. H. C. Lackland, St. Charles County. A. M. Lay, Cole County. W. H. Letcher, Saline County. E. McCabe, Marion County. A. V. McKee, Lincoln County. M. McKellop, Atchison County. LOCATION OF STATE INSTITUTIONS. 267 P. Mabrey, Ripley County. B. F. Massey, Newton County. H. T. Mudd, St. Louis. C. B. McAfee, Greene County. N. A. Mortell, St. Louis. J. A. Maxey, Howell County. E. H. Norton, Platte County. E. A. Nickerson, Johnson County. William Priest, Ealls County. Joseph Pulitzer, St. Louis. P. Pipkin, Jefferson County. J. H. Rider, Bollinger County. J. P. Ross, Morgan County. J. R. Rippey, Schuyler County. J. F. Rucker, Boone County. J. W. Ross, Polk County. J. C. Roberts, Buchanan County. John Ray, Barry County. Wm. F. Switzler, Boone County. J. H. Shanklin, Grundy County. Thomas Shackelford, Howard County. H. J. Spaunhorst, St. Louis. Geo. H. Shields, St. Louis. J. H. Taylor, Jasper County. A. R. Taylor, St. Louis. A. Todd, St. Louis. Levi J. Wagner, Scotland County. H. C. Wallace, Lafayette County. LOCATION OF STATE INSTITUTIONS. *University, Columbia ; School of Mines and Metallurgy, Rolla ; Normals for education of teachers, Kirksville, Warrensburg and Cape Girardeau; Lincoln Institute, for education of colored teachers, Jefferson City ; Lunatic Asylums, No. 1 Fulton, No. 2 St. Joseph, No. 3 Nevada; Supreme Court, Jefferson City; United States Court for the Western District of Missouri, John F. Philips, Judge, holds its sessions at Kansas City, Springfield, Jefferson City and St. Joseph ; United States Court for Eastern District of Missouri, Amos L. Thayer, Judge, holds its sessions at St. Louis and Hannibal ; Penitentiary, Jefferson City ; Reform School for Boys, Boonville ; Reform School for Girls, Chillicothe; Deaf and Dumb Asylum, Fulton. *The main buDding of the University was destroyed by fire January 8th, 1892. DIVISIONS. Part I. — French and Spanish Period. PAGE. Chapter I — Discoveries 4 " II— First Settlements 9 III— Spanish Rule ^ 13 Part II. — Territorial Period. • Chapter I — The Louisiana Purchase 22 ** II— Missouri's First Years as a Territoiy 25 " III — Exploring Expeditions 30 i' IV— New Madrid Earthquake 32 «^ V— Other Settlements 34 Part III. — Missouri as a State. Chapter I— Admission of Missouri into the Union 46 " II -First Years as a State 54 III— Bates and Miller, 1824-32 62 " IV Governor Dunkhn's Administration, 1832-36 71 " V — Governor Boggs and Mormon Troubles 76 " VI — Governors Reynolds and Marmaduke 83 " VII— Governors Edwards and King 92 " VIII — Benton and the Jackson Resolutions 103 '' IX — Price, Stewart and Kansas Troubles 110 X— 1860 and the War 126 " XI— First Movements of 1861 130 '• XII — The Convention Against Secession 138 " XIII — The Arsenal and Camp Jackson 143 " XIV — Boonville, Carthage and Cowskin Prairie 159 " XV— Battle of Wilson's Creek 167 XVI— The Last Months of 1861 175 XVII— Events in 1862 182 XVIII— 1863 and 1864 190 " XIX— The Administration of Governor Fletcher 203 " XX— McClurg's Administration 214 '' XXI — The Administration of Governor Brown 218 " XXII — Governors Woodson and Hardin 225 '* XXIII— From 1877 to the Present Time 236 Appendix — Missouri Institutes and List of Officers 249 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS-. PAGE. Atchison, D. R 113 Bates, Edavard 68 Bates, Frederick 63 Benton, Thos. H 106 Blair, Frank P 156 BoGGS, L. W 76 Boone, Daniel 36 Broadhead, Jas. O 139 Brown, B. Gratz 218 Clark, John B., Sr 85 Clark, Capt. William 38 Cockrell, Francis M 231 Crittenden, T. T 239 Doniphan, Alex. W 95 Drake, Chas. D 206 Dunklin, Daniel 71 Easton, Rufus 61 Edwards, John C 92 Fletcher, Thos C 204 Francis, David R 245 Gamble, Hamilton R 201 Geyer, H. S 108 Green, Jas. S 115 Guitar, Odin 186 Hall, WiLLARD P 203 Hardin, Chas. H 229 Jackson, Claiborne F 132 PAGE, Jones, John Rice 59 King, Austin A 100 La Salle 7 Lewis, Meriwether 30 Linn, Dr. L. F 89 Lyon, Captain Nathaniel 145 McClurg, Joseph W 214 McNair, Alexander 55 Marmaduke, John S 242 Marmaduke, M. M..... 90 Miller, John 66 Morehouse, A. P 244 Napton, W. B 240 Phelps, John S 236 Philips, John F 185 Polk, Trusten 114 Price, Sterling Ill Reynolds, Thomas 88 Reynolds, Thos. C 181 Rollins, James S 116 Sherwood, Thos. A 246 SiGEL, Franz.. 162 State Seal 60 Stewart, Robt. M 118 Vest, Geo. G 238 Woodson, Silas 226 INDEX PAGE. Aid to railroads 109 Alabama, admitted as a S^ate 47 Amendment to Constitution, how made 249 Anderson, the bushranger 195 Ange's rule 11 Animals, numerous wild 41 Anti-Slavery societies 127 Army of the West 95 Arsenal at Liberty 147 Arsenal in St. Louis 143 Ashley, W. H 72, 75 Assessments from suspected per- sons 182 Atchison, D. R 74, 104, 113 Attorney-General, duties of 250 Auditor, duties of 250 Baptists, refused to take oath 211 Barton, David, Senator 51, 56 Bates, Barton, Judge 210 Bates, Edward 51, 67 Bates, Frederick, Governor 62 Battle of Carthage 162 " Chihuahua 97 " Boonville 161 *' Lexington 178 Pea Ridge 183 Wilson's Creek 167 Battles and skirmishes 197 Bay, Judge W. V. N...., 210 Benton, Thos. H 56, 91, 103-108, 113 Benton's bitter contest for Senate ... 57 Biddle, Major Thos 68 Bingham, Col. Geo 194 Blair, F. P 96, 155, 213 PAGE. Blair refuses to take oath 210 " Bloody Hill " 168 Blue Lodges 120 Boggs, Lilburn W 70, 75, 76, 82 Bogy, Senator L. V 261 Boone, Daniel 35, 36 Boonville, battle of 161 Boonville, settled 35 Brockmeyer, H. C 235 Brown, B. Gratz 160, 191, 213, 218 Brown, John 122 Bull, Dr. John 71 Burr, Aaron 27-29 Camp Jackson, attacked 147, 150 Camp Jackson, effects of attack 151 Capital of Missouri 65 Carthage, battle of 162 Cass County 193 Centralia Massacre 195 Circuit Clerk, duties of 254 Circuit Court, powers 253 Citizens of one State also of an- other 52 Chihuahua, battle of 97 Cholera ... 72 Clark, George Rogers 16 Clark, Captain William 30, 38, 75 Clark, Jno. B., Sr 85, 180 Clay, Henry 53 Cockrell, Frank M 230 Colman, Norman J 228 Common law defined 252 Compton's Ferry fight 186 Conditional Union Men 136 Congressmen 57 274 INDEX. PAGE. Congressmen, new 91 list of 259 Congressional delegates 33 Confederate flag 181 Constitution, meaning of 249 first 51, bQ ** attempts at new 93 " Drake 204 " effects of 211 " overthrown 212 of 1875 233 Constitutional Convention of 1875, members of 266 Convention of 1861 139 " '' members of 264 " " second meeting of 175 Convention of 1861, Abrogates Con- stitution 190 Convention of 1861, last session 190 Coroner, duties of 254 Counties, increase in number of 45 *' organization of 265 '' new 40 Count)' Clerk, duties of 254 Courts, kinds 252 Crittenden, T. T 185, 239 Cruzat 17, 18 Cummings, Kev. J. A., convicted for not taking oath 212 Curtis, General 183 D'Abbadie, Commandant 10 Delawares and Shawnees.. 18 Delassus, Spanish ruler 29 DeLeyba, '' '' 16 DeSoto, Ferdinand 4 DeWitt and Mormons 80 Disfranchised citizens, number of.. 216 *' " behavior of 217 PAGE. Doniphan, A. W 74, 95 Doniphan's Expedition 98 Don Pedro, Spanish ruler 13 Drake, Chas. D 206, 217 Drake Constitution, adopted 209 Dryden, Judge J. D. S 210 Dueling 63 Dunklin, Daniel, Lieut. -Governor. 65 " " Governor 70, 71 Dyer, D. P 239 Earthquake, New Madrid 32 Easton, Rufus. 61 Edwards, John C, Governor 91 Emancipation efforts 69 '* by Convention 190 " of slaves 205 Emigration aid companies 120 Engagements, other 197 Equity Law 252 Ewing, General Thomas 193 Expedition of Lewis and Clark 30 ** Z. M.Pike 31 Explorations of interior of Missouri 7 < Far West 79 Filley, O. D.'s circular letter 153 Finances, troubles in 44 Financial troubles in 1873 226 Finkelnburg, G. A 258 Fire among boats of St. Louis 101 First settlement 9 *' whiteman 4 Fletcher, Thomas C 203 Fort Orleans 8 '' Sumter 134 Francis, Governor D. R 244 Franklin, settled 39 Free negroes and mulattoes 52 INDEX. lib PAGE. French characteristics 14 " explorations 6 ** rule ended 11 ' ' ownership of land 14 '* social habits 15 *' houses 15 Fremont in command 165 Fremont's emancipation proclama- tion 177 Fremont's march on Springfield.... 178 Frost, General D. M 144 Fugitive Slave Law 128, 131 Gamble, Hamilton R 185, 200 " becomes Governor 175 Gamble's proclamation 176 Gamble and the test oath 207 General Assembly, powers of.. .235, 251 Gentry, Colonel Richard 77 Geyer, H. S., succeeds Benton, 107, 108, 113 Governor's duties 249 Governors, list of.. 255 Governor's salary 250 Grange 227 Grasshoppers 231 Green, James S 114, 142 Guitar, Odin 185 Gun City tragedy 222 Hagner, Major, in St. Louis 144 Hall, William A., arguments for Union 137, 140 Hall, Willard P 200, 202, 213 Halleck, General, in command..l79, 185 " issues Order No. 24 182 Hannibal & St. Joseph railroad 240 Hardin, Charles H., Governor 228 PAGE. *' Hards " and '' Softs " 91 Harney, General 148, 152, 153 Harrison, W. H 19, 26, 66, 83 Hempstead, Edward 33 Henderson, John B 141, 190, 225 Hinkle, Colonel G. W., and the Mormons 80 Houses, character of 41 House of Representatives 252 Howard County 39 Hudgins, Prince L 141 Hughes, General Andrew S 74 Hunter, General David 179 "I'll try sir," Miller m Immigrants, character of 41 Imprisonment for debt 87 Indians attack St. Louis 17 Indians, Seminoles and Creeks 77 Internal improvements 108 Iowa line 101 Jackson, Claiborne F 131 " deposed as Governor 175 " and Lyon Conference 154 " leaves the State 164 " resolutions 103 " retreats South 162 Jackson's proclamation for troops.. 154 " secession proclamation... 177 James Boys 240 Jay hawkers 122 Jefferson, President 23 Johnson, C. P 225 Johnson, Waldo P 143 Jones, John Rice 51, 59 Judiciary organization 252 Justice of Peace, powers and duties, 255 276 INDEX. PAGE. Kansas troubles 119-125 Kennett, Luther M., defeats Ben- ton 107 King, Austin A., Governor 100 Kirksville, battle at 186 Laclede, first settler of St. Louis... 10 Lafayette, visit of (34 Lands, cheap, in 179(5 20 Lane, Dr. Wm. Carr ()7 La Salle 7 Lawrence, sacking of 191 Laws, kinds of, in Missouri 252 Lead, mining in 43 Legislature, relation to secession... 133 Lewis, Meriwether 29 Lexington, battle of 178 Lieutenant-Governors, list of 255 Linn, Dr. L. F., Senator 88 Livingston, Minister to France 23 Local Option Law 242 Locusts 231 Log Cabin 41 Louisiana, named 7 ' ' purchase 22 " " amount of 25 ** " price paid for.. 24 ** transfer to U. S 25 District of 26 " Territory 26 Lovejoy, Rev. E. P 73 Lucas, Judge J. B. C 27 Lucas, Chas 57 Lyon, Captain Nathaniel 144 *' and Blair 148, 154 " and Frost 149 '' at Springfield 166 * movements of 160 " killed 171 Lyon's proclamation 154 PAGE, Manumission Day 205 Marmaduke, J. S 161, 241, 243 Marmaduke, M. M 85 Marquette, James 6 Martial law 178 McBride, General J. H 152 McClellan, General G. B 165 McClurg, Jos. W 214 McCulloch, Ben 169, 183 McGirk, Mathias 58 McNair, Alex., first Governor 55 McNeil, John H 186 Mercantile Library officers 182 Mexican w^ar ^ 152 Military districts 152 Military Bill 142, 151 " by Convention 184 Militia, State 86, 184 Militia at polls 188 Miller, John, Governor 62 Missouri, named 7 " organized as territory of first grade 26 Missouri, organized as territory of second grade 37 Missouri, organized as territory of highest grade 38 Missouri, applies for admission into Union 46 Missouri, objections to admission, 46, 47 Missouri, struggles to become a State 48-^1 Missouri Compromise, No. 1 50 No. 2 53 '' Missouri Gazette " 30 Missourians in Kansas 121 " in Mexican War 94 " in Seminole War 77 Mormon troubles 78-82 " leaders tried 82 Mormons expelled 81 INDEX. 277 PAGE. Monroe, special Minister to France, 24 Montgomery, James, jay hawker... 123 Money 42 Moss Resolution in Convention 140 Mulligan, James A 178 Mullins, Maj. A. W 185, 195 Muster Day 86 Napton, Judge W. B 103, 240 Negro, provided for 220 " Suffrage 215 Neosho, skirmish at 163 " Secession Legislature 180 New Madrid claims 34 New Mexico 95 Oath of loyalty, first 188 Officers of the State 249 '' duties of 249 salaries of 249-251 " in battle of Wilson's Creek 170, 174 Ohio Valley troubles 23 Order No. 11 192 Order No. 24 182 Orders, other 183 Ousting Ordinance 208 '' enforced 209 Palmyra and McNeil 187 Parsons, Monroe M 152 Peace and prosperity 219 Pea Ridge, battle of 183 People, feeling in regard to seces- sion .* 135 Perez, Manuel, Spanish ruler 18 Pettis, Spencer 67, 68 Peyton, R. L. Y., Confederate Sen- ator 180 Phelps, John S 91, 213, 226, 235 Philips, John F 185, 195 Pike, General Albert 183 Pirates on river 18 Platte Purchase 74 Polk, Trusten ....114, 190 Pontiac, Indian chief 12 Poindexter 185 Porter, Jo 185 18 21 21 40 44 125 245 70 Population in 1785 1800 1804 1812 1820 1850 1890 Prairie fires... Preachers indicted for preaching... 211 Price, Sterling, 91, 96, 110, 151, 178, 183, 203 Price joins Confederacy 184 Price's raid 194 Price, Thos. L 203 Price-Harney agreement 153 Probate judge, duties of 254 Prohibitions 241 Prohibition message, Mc'Clurg's... 214 Prosperity during Miller's term 70 Quantrell's attack on Lawrence 191 Quebec 11 Radicals and Conservatives 194 Railroad Commissioners, duties of, 251 difficulties 221 278 INDEX. PAGE. Railroad disaster at Gasconade 112 State debt 233 Recorder, duties of 254 Red-legs : 191 Reeves, Benjamin 51, 62 Registration Act 212 Regiments, new 157 Renault 9 Republican party 126 Republicans, Liberal 215 Radical 215 Reynolds, Thomas 85, 88, 90 Reynolds, Thomas C 181, 203 Rollins, James S 113, 115, 226 Sac, Fox and Iowa Indians 75 Safety Committee 153 SantaFe 95, 98, 99 School system; Dunklin, father of 71 Schurz, Carl 213, 217 Scott, John 51, 57 Secession 130 " vote against 138 ** Convention against 141 " Legislature at Neosho 180 Secessionists 135 Secretary of State, duties of 250 Seminole AVar 77 Senate, State; how composed, etc.. 251 Senators, United States, list of 259 " 190 Settlements, Boone's Lick 33-3i first EngUsh 34 Shawnees and Delawares 18 Sherwood, Judge T. A 246 Sheriff, duties of 254 Sigel, General Franz 160, 162 Slack, W.Y 152, 184 PAGE. Slavery, prohibited north of the Ohio 19 Slavery, bounded with 36° 30^ 50 " discussed 127 Slaves, first efforts at emancipa- tion 69 Slave and Free States, number of 47 Soil, adverse claimants to 27 Solemn public act 53 Soldiers, number of 199 Spanish caravan 8 rule , 13, 20 Spain, troubles with 23 Speakers of Missouri House 258 Stanard, E. 214 State Bank 84 State Guard, organized 167 " " organization of ceased, 181, 184 State University, faculty required to take oath of loyalty 183 State Seal 59 Steamboats, first 43 St. Charles, settled 10 St. Louis, settled 10 Ste. Genevieve, settled 9 Stewart, R. M...113, 117, 118, 130, 188 Superintendent of Public Schools .. 251 Supreme Court 246 " duties of 252 " members of 257 Sturgis, Major 170, 173 Tallmadge of New York 48 Taylor, General Zachary 77 Terms of office, length of 234 Territory, Missouri's first years as a 25 INDEX. 279 PAGE. Territorial officers 37 Test oath 206 " defeat forestalled 209 repealed 215, 216 Texas, annexation of 93 Thomas of Illinois 53 Tower, Grand 18 Treasurer, duties of 251 Trudeau, Spanish ruler 19 Unconditional Union men 137 PAGE. Van Dorn 183 Vest, G. G 238 Vote against secession 138 Wagner, Judge David 210 War declared 154 War, preparations for 151 Whigs 67, 85 Wilkinson, Territorial Governor... 27 Wilson's Creek, battle of 167 " results of battle at, 172 Winston, James 110 Woodson, Silas 225 /^ ■>■). (^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 017 136 426 7