gibnvvji af (Bangvc.ss^. vDlialt, ff.cfl' \ y- -^ ? UNITED STATES OF AMEKICA. ON THE RESOLUTION TO EXPEl. iHK. LONG. SPEECH OF HON. BENJAMIN Q. HARRIS, OF MARYLAND, DELIVERED [N THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OP THE UNITE!) STATES, APRIL 9, 1864. WASHINGTON, D. C: PRINTED AT THE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION OFFICE. 1864. ''V . rt3V SPEECH. The House having under consideration the reso- lution to expel Mr. Long, of Ohio — Mr. HARRIS, of Mayland, said : Mr. Speaker : I came late into the House, and have not had the opportunity of listen- ing to the greater portion of the debate on this resolution. But, sir, I listened yesterday to the language which fell from my friend from Ohio, [Mr. Long,] and I endorsed every entiment that he uttered. And I deem it my duty, though others may quake, though others may shrink Irom his side, to indorse here every sentiment that he uttered. Mr. MALLORY. Will my friend from Mary- land yield to mo for a moment to enable mo to in- quire of the gentleman from Indiana whether it is his purpose to press a vote upon this resolution to- day ? Mr. COLFAX. It is not. It is my wish to allow reasonable time for debate and time for con- sideration. If the gentleman will allow me I will say that I offered that resolution, not as a matter of pleasure, but as a matter of duty. I desire every gentleman to calmly consider the whole question before he comes to a vote upon it, and I shall not not, therefore, call the previous question upon it to-day. Mr. HARRIS, of Maryland. Mr. Speaker, I shall not detain the House very long. But, sir, I could not sit here and see an attempt made to tyrannise over one who entertains sentiments which 1 did not know he entertained until yester- day, but sentiments which I have long entertained- and entertaining I intend to stand by his side for weal or for woe. Sir, when the honorable gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Garfield] replied to his colleague who first spoke [Mr. Long] he said that he had the courage of a lion, that he had the courage to face the can- non and the rifle. It was a compliment to my friend, but no compliment to this House, the in- tolerance of which has made it a necessity for my friend in speaking his honest sentiments in debate to have the courage to face these implements of war. Another thing which the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Garfield] avowed led me to suppose that he would not be found in support of such a resolution as this was, that he believed his colleague [Mr. Long] sincerely and honestly entertained theso sentiments. Now, I would like to know what the reason is, when a man go's up here and avows his sentiments upon a question of public policy, upon a measure which would, in his mode of thinking, lead to a termination of this disastrous war, one of the only modes by which it can terminate, and does it in sincerity, that he is to be denounced as having spoken treason, that he designed treason, and at the same time avow the belief that he was sincere and honest in his statement? Sir, I am willing to go with my friend anywhere you choose to send him upon such an issue. If there is any honesty in any party in this country they will defend us., they will protect us, they will rise like a hurri- cane and sweep away the vermin race of politicians that are preying upon the very vitals of American liberty. But, speaking upon the issues before the coun- try. What is the issue ? Is not peace an issue ? Cannot a man protest against carrying on or favor- ing a war to the extermination of a whole race of people? Cannot a man get up and say, we do not admire your tactics ; we would rather have peace than such a war ; we think it is better peace should come ; it will save the lives of our people on both sides ; it will save the money of the men who are now oppressed with heavy burdens of taxation tc carry on this war ? Cannot a man say it is bette* to havo peace than war, and especially when ho brings authority to show that the position ho takes is sustained by the ablest men, by men who advo- cated your own principles, by men, sir, who gov- erned this country? When the gentleman from Ohio brings here the opinions of such men to back him up, you say that he must discard all such opin- ions. Why, not one of you, yes, sir, not one ol you can be called a fifth-rate man compared with those from whom the honorable gentleman quoted yesterday. [Laughter.] Mr. GARFIELD rose. Mr. HARRIS, of Maryland. No, sir, I cannot yield to the gentleman at this time. Mr. Speaker, when I came here at this session of Congress I was solitary and alone. I could not say for some time whether anybody sympathized with me ; I felt myself solitary and alone. Those who were hero around me were war Democrats. They invited mo to their caucus, but I could uo' go. The Republicans, I knew, would never let me go into their caucus, and I never intended to apply I would starve among them. I am a peace man, a radical peace man; and I am for peace by the rec- ognition of the South, for the recognition of the Southern Confederacy; and I am for acquiescence in the doctrine of secession. [Sensation and laugh- ter.] Laugh as you may, you have got to come to ;t. I thought I was alone. I began to take the advice of Gate to his son, " ^l^"' "'■=* P''"''ails and impious men bear sway, ihe post of honor is a private station." I I felt like giving up my seat and leijving this ' place. I stood here solitary and alone on this floor; but now, thank God! there is another soul saved. [Laughter.] I feel that we can baptize my honorable friend from Ohio, [Mr. Long,] and I am glad to have such able aid. I shall not go home now. WhenCato gave that advice he had fought his last battle, and had yielded to the fortunes and ambition of Julius C^sar. He was about to take a victory over himself by a Roman's death, because he saw his cause was hopeless. Not so ours. I eel yet there is a hope in this country. I feel through the rustling of the winds there is a tor- nado coming that will sweep away the present majority from power and give it into the hands of men who will settle the aflfairs of this country- men who have something like humanity; men who have regard for the principles of our forefathers. Ay, I recollecthow my blood curdled when I heard the discussion on the confiscation bill. The gen- tleman from Ohio [Jlr. Garfield] said, let them be expatriated like the Tories of the Revolution The Tories of the Revolution had the mother country to run to, and were protected there. But where would the gentleman send those whom he would expatriate from the South, as gallant and noble a race as ever walked upon the earth; noble in everything that constitutes men of honor and men of principle-gentlemen? Sir, you would expa- triate those people, their wives and children, and send them among strangers to starve. Another member from Ohio, [Mv. Spalding,] was not only for confiscating their property in fee; he, sir, went through the catalogue. He was for confiscation, he was for expatriation, and he was for extermina- tion. [Laughter.] He emphasised every syllable of that word; and when he did so, I looked at his countenance, and I felt as if I were in a den of hyenas. I am not here for war, and will not be here for war, so long as I have a heart humane Kid Chris- tian, when war is carried on upon such principles. No, sir, war never did and never will bring your Union together in such manner as to be worth one cent. I am for peace, and I am for Union, too. I am as good a Union man as any of you, [Lau-h- ter.J I am a better Union man than any of you [Great laughter.] I am a Union man, and have thrown up my head-no, I have not lost that yetl I hav. , the past thrown up my hat for the Lse of the Union, and cheered at its success. I felt aa anxious for its success as any man upon this floor I look upon war as disunion. I look upon con- tinued war as actually keeping off the Union to « still later period, and I scarcely believe that peace would accomplish a Union. And surely, if any. thing will, it is that sweet angel of peace. She may unite the cords which have been severed by he hand of war, and may tie them more tight J together than ever before; but if we are to hav^ disoit^ ^,^^^^^^^^^^j^^^^ without bloodshed. Let us have it, and instead ot having one great consolidated Government, one imperial Government, one splendid Government, let us at least have on this continent two nappy Governments. But, as I said before, 1 Iook to peace as the harbinger of the Union, if tnere k any harbinger for it. ,But, sir, I am a slaveholder. That is to Bay I was, until Ben. Butlor stole my slaves a« away. [Laughter.] As an old Democrat, I used to ad- mire him very much; but of course 1 lave not much admiration for him now. His conduct only shows what he always was. I am a slaveholder, and I have sat here patiently hearing you irsult me every day with your assertions that slavery was a sin and the sum of all villainies; for I do nor consider that a man can participate in tbe sum o. all villainies without being himself a villian J have borne all these things, and I have looked upon you as frantic upon the subject. Ijuve really compassionated you. [Laughter.] Now. sir, if slavery is a sin, I am willing to bear the reproach. But as you refer me to God Almighty for my title to my slaves, lean show you that it is sanctioned by His word. You declare this institution lo be a crime; you declare it to bo the sun, of all vil- lainies; but I tell you that whoever says my father was a villian because he held Blaves-and he had slaves and died a Christian; »,hoever says that my constituents whom I represent are vUlian. ' because they hold slaves-I know them to b^ " honest and upright men, doing their dut^ as Christians as much as anybody; whoever say. these things is a liar. I will let no man write such an epitaph upon the tomb of my father I will let no man say such a thing to me here in my presence without calling him to responsibility You may consider it a sin as between you and you- God, but you shall not use insulting language upon such a subject as that without being tilled to account. Sir, the Union is dissolved and there is ^ gulf of blood lying between the two sections; but u^on my honor, upon my ,oul, I repeat that every wop 'n that gulf ,s on the souls of the Northern p.^Jo I io not think that any candid man who looks at the history of this affair can come to any other conclu- aion. From the beginning of the Government, from the time of the adoption of the Constitution down to the time of the election of Abraham Lincoln, you have been using terms of insult and terms of irri- tation, and you have been doing everything you could to bring about tho very result which is now upon you. Look at the history of this matter. I shall not repeat it; it is too familiar and has been too often repeated. At first you only cultivated the ground, but when that old scold and wrangler, the worst man that ever lived in this country, even not excepting Aaron Eurr; when that old scold and wrangler, John Quincy Adams, declared that by the war power you could emancipate all the slaves and sell tho States which had slaves to a foreign Power, that was the day when you commenced to exert all your powers to excite this people to rebellion. That was the day you sowed the dragon's teeth, which have sprung up as armed men destroying each other and the liberties of the people. Then it was you said you would not live with them, that the Government was a compact with hell, and that one of the most agreeable things in the world would be to part with the Soiath and slavery. That was the announcement of your public men everywhere, that they could not live with you in peace. Well, they separated from you, and asked you to live on terms «if peace with them. What did you do ? You im- taediately howled out, " They are traitors ; we will hang them all ; and when we have hung them we will take all their property and divide it among us." And, sir, all this was to be done, according to your great •' higher-law" apostle, William II. Seward in the course of sixty days ! No doubt tho facility with which he thought it could be done was a great incentive to begin the work, especially as there were lands in the South and many other benefits that they expected to get hold of very easily down there. Well, a great many of the Republican leaders went out to Bull Run in July, 1861, to witness the perfect overthrow of the poor Southerners. The lamented gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Lovejoy) I thiuk went out there, and one member of this House from Massachusetts went out I think, and one from New York. They carried their pic-nic with them, spring chickens and champagne. [Laughter.] They thought they were going to have a very happy time of it popping off their champagne corks amid the blood and gore of the slaughter of the Southerners. One of them I think went to Richmond rather faster than he expected. [Laughter] One of them came back howling for mercy, having offered, I have heard, $500 to be driven out of the reach of the " black horse" of Virginia. You see, sir, that these things were all to have been ione in a very short time, but instead of that they have not been done yet. Instead of seventy- five thousand men doing tho work, you nave had to get a million and a half, and the million and a half will not do it. Those you have sent South have been "welcomed with bloody hs.nds to hospi- table graves." You had an idea that the "poor white trash" of the South, as you called them, were the mere dregs of the people, and couid easily be conquered. Why, sir, you do not know them as well as I do. A bolder, braver, more honorable set of men do not live on the face of God's earth. And when you attempt to elevate the negro to an equal- ity with these southern white men, or even say that he is no better than the negro, he will strike though he may die immediately. All tho attempts to put the negro on an equality with the white man, to give him an equal suffrage at the ballot-box, to give him a place upon the witness-stand to testify against the life or the honor of the white man, or to give him any office that will inflict dishonor upon the white man or run any risk of not keeping up the inequality that now exists between the races, will be resisted to the death by every southern heart. Now, Mr. Speaker, who was it after all that brought this institution of slavery here and estab- lished it among us ? The Puritans were first-rate men. They had some peculiarities, but they were honorable, brave, and patriotic men. They ap- proved of slavery. They looked in every corner of tho Old Testament, and in every line of the New Testament, and they could find nothing against it, and they approved of slavery. Why, it is said that the very schooner which brought the Pilgrim Fathers to this continent, and landed them at Ply. mouth, returned to Africa for a cargo of slaves. [Laughter.] I do not blame them for it. But, sir, they brought them here, and they kept them as long as they could use them profitably. Then they sold them to the South. And many a man who looks me now in the face is the son or descendant of one who made his fortune on the deck or in tho cabin of a slaver, by the importation of those very Africans whose descendants they are now so anx- ious to advance in life. They took these slaves to the South and sold them to my ancestors, and the. ancestors of men there. They got southern gold for their merchandise, and guarantied the title to it. And now their descendants turn around and say that they will deprive the people of the South of this property. I do not believe that the Puri- tans would sanction any such doctrine as that. They were honest and straightforward, and I am sorry to see that their sons are so thoroughly de- generate. If I were guilty of such an act politi- cally, personally, or morally, I shquld consider myself degraded and disgraced. Yes, sir, there is not one of you who pretends to hold up his hand and say that he will vote to pay back the money 6 paid for these Africans. They consider that it would be bad policy. The politicians are against it. Against what? Against honor and honesty. Sir, are we a disgraced people ? Are we a people who have no sense of honor? You shall not so slander the American people. I shall wait for that returning good sense that will be able to judge of the merits of the case. Now, Mr. Speaker, what were the views express- ed by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Long ?] That the war must not be continued forever; that it must stop sometime; that it is a horrid war, and that it ought to stop. AVho is to say when it shall stop? nave we not that power? Or is that right confined entirely to the party represented on the other side of the House ? I say that if you attempt to carry out the principle of this resolution it will open the eyes of the people, and although my friend [Mr. Long] would be a martyr, he would be a mar- tyr in a glorious cause. The people would rally around him, and would come up and exterminate the politicians who dared to raise their ruthless hands against the great right which he yesterday asserted. Mr. Speaker, in the early part of this session there was a resolution offered pledging men and money to carry on the war. My principles were then and are now against the war. I stood soli- tary and alone in voting against that resolution, and whenever a similar proposition is brought here it will meet with my opposition. Not one dollar nor one man, I swear by the Eternal, will I vote for this infernal, this stupendous folly, more stu- pendous than ever disgraced any civilized people on the face of God's ' earth. If that be treason, make the most of it. It is the right of the commoner of England to •^/ry that ho will not intrust the money to carry on a war to the king, who has the entire war power. I do not know that a commoner of the American House of Representatives ever lost that right. That proposition meets with my approval. If you will not make peace in any other way, and if I have the casting vote here against furnishing- the sinews of war, you shall not have thorn. The South asked you to let her go in peace. But no, you said you would bring them into sub- jugation. This is not done yet, and God Almighty grant that it never may be. I hope that you will r>ever subjugate the South. If she is to be ever again in the Union I hope it will be with her own consent; and I hope that that consent will be obtained by some other mode than by the sword. " If this bo treason, make the most of it." I am* as good a Union man as you are, but wo differ as to the best means of preserving the Union. And now, after giving an expression of my senti- ments to you of the Ilepublican party, I will turn to the representatives of the Northern Democracy Abraham Lincoln has proved himself unfit to be trusted an hour. Mr. TRACY. I desire to ask the gentleman from Maryland Mr. HARRIS, of Maryland. I will not yield. The SPEAKER ^ro tempore. The gentleman from Maryland declines to yield, and will proceed without interruption. Mr. TRACY. I desire to ask the gentleman from Maryland [Shouts of "Order!" and much confusion, in which the remainder of Mr. TnicT's remark was not heard by the reporter.] The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Pennsylvania is out of order, and will resume his seat. Mr. TRACY. I rise to a question of order. My point of order is this : I desire to know whether in these Halls the gentleman from Maryland invoked Almighty God that the American arms should not prevail ? Mr. HARRIS, of Maryland. Is that a question of order I should like to know ? The SPEAKER pro temi^ore. In the opinion of the Chair is not a question of order Mr. TRACY. Well, if it is not a question of order, I desire to know whether such language is not treason. [Cries of " Order !" on the Democratic side of the House.] The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Pennsylvania is out of order. Mr. TRACY. Is it in order to talk treason in this Hall? [Shouts of "Order .'"from the Demo- cratic side of the House, and much confusion.] The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Pennsylvania will take his seat, and the gen- tleman from Maryland will suspend his remarks until the House comes to order. Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I rise to a question of order. I ask that the language of the gentleman from Maryland, referred to by the gen- tleman from Pennsylvania, shall bo taken down at the Clerk's desk. The SPEAKER jyro tempore. The language will bo reduced to writing. Mr. JOHNSON. I rise to a question of order upon that. The SPEAKER p,ro tempore. No other point of order can be entertained until that before the House has been disposed of. Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I ask that the language of the gentleman from Maryland, which has been taken down by the Clerk, may be read. The Clerk read the language, as follows : "The South asked you to let them live in peace. i3ut, no, you said you would bring them into sub- jugation. That is not done yet. God Almighty grant that it never may be. I hope that you will never subjugate the South." Mr. HARRIS, of ll -ryland. That is all right. 1 I indorse every word of that. Mr. THAYER. I ask that the 61st and 62d rules may be read. The rules were read, as follows : "61. If any member, in speaking or otherwise, transgress the rules of the House, the Speaker shall, or any member may, call to order; 12 which case the member so called to order shall imme- diately sit down, unless permitted to explain; and the House shall, if appealed to, decide on the case, but without debate ; if there be no appeal, the deci- sion of the Chair shall be submitted to. If the de- cision be in favor of the member called to order, he shall be at liberty to proceed; if otherwise, he shall not be permitted to proceed, in case any member object, without leave of the House; and if the case require it, ho shaU be liable to the censure of the House. , . , "02. If a member be called to order for words spoken in debate, the person calling him to order shall repeat the words excepted to, and they shall be taken down in writing t-t the Clerk's table; and no member shall be held to answer, or be subject to the censure of the House, for words spoken in debate, if any other member has spoken, or other business has intervened, after the words spoken, and before exception to them shall have been taken." The SPEAKER pro temporp. The Chair under- stands the gentleman from Illinois calls the gentle- man from Maryland to order for the words that have been read. Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. Yes, sir, and I am preparing a resolution to offer in connection with it. The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair the words spoken by the gentleman are not in order. Mr. HARRIS, of Maryland. Well, Mr. Speaker Mr. "WASHBURNE, of Hlinois. The Chair has decided the gentleman out of order ; and u^ider the rules ho cannot go on without the permission of the House, if any member objects. And for one, I protest against any man uttering such language on this floor. Mr. HARRIS, of Maryland. You mean yon arc afraid of it. KEE]P IT BEI^O^^E THE I-EOI^LE r mSTRIB^TE THE DOCUMENTS' * S^WILL BE READY ON THURSDAY, MARCH lo, ise.^ THE ONLY CORRECTED CHEAP EDITION. THE KKPORT OF . MAJOR SErSERAI, GEWHffiE B. McCMLtAIV CORRECTED AND REVISED, WITH A POETBAIT OF THE DISTmGUISHED AUTHOR TO EE PRINTED BY SUBSCRIPTIOX Jts interest added to by a Biographical Sketch of his Life. low pnce for single copies, and at a much iLer ra,o wh' n In' v''^' m considerable numbers. It is proposed to iirinV ° it *"™"^'ied ine paper, with clear new type, unTerrgooi cover at th^thil ;''-°'' cheap scale of prices : ^ ^ovei, at the lollowing Single Copies, (sent free of postao'e,) - Ten Copies, in one package, °- . _ " " " " ^0 Cents. Fifty Copies, in one package, - ' . ' ' ' ' ' $4 50 One Hundred Copies in one packao-e - ' ' ' ' 20 00 Five Hundred Copies in one package, -."""" ^7 50 One Thousand Copies in one package' --"""' 17500 Five Tijousand Copies, in one packto-'e " " " * 333 00 The money in all eases to accompany the order. " ' ' " ^^"^ '^^ Report of Tit-:: S!.:f,Seo'.™'BTcCl'r""' 'r -pies of the of 'the Army of the Po omac °a„d Vtf S '•' <'"."^\?.'-g«»i^''tion Maryland, Aile under frcSmmanf^rrS and^r^"'"" ?«' printed by order of Congress « .» srmhtt i^ StZlyontof'thT'^''' of any Member of Couffress to i/ratifi/ tn 1, ,. ''^ • , , , ''"""^r his friends or constitucfts who nSyal p] to7thZ rr^ Tf"' ■i.dnced us to make arran^^ements to ZhuT , ' '^"'=,'. ''"' which will bo ready for dCb ion o^ T up"„ fSl,!'^'''"" "™-^eThi.rr,reaTa:i':j^ffi^^^^^ p^^^^^ i.■ ''^^'''e ^is K.eat and1„,porta'"H.,i^lo , ^tKehldTf'. '° ^''"' "^'^