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 ULLETIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH 
 
 
 )1. 8 SEPTEMBER, 1917 No. 2 
 
 THE WAR 
 
 As Viewed at the University 
 
 Selections from Addresses and Papers 
 
 by Members of the Teaching Staff 
 
 during the Summer of 1917 
 
 "For us there is but one choice. We have made it. 
 Woe to the man that seeks to stand in our way in this 
 day of high resolution, when every principle that we 
 hold dearest is to be vindicated and made secure for the 
 salvation of the nations." - President Wilson. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 Salt Lake City, Utah 
 
 (War Series No. 1) 
 
Introdudlion 
 
 By Dr. John A. Widtsoe, President of the University. 
 
 In a free land the schools and colleges are the clear eyes, 
 the keen ears, the prophetic voices, of the people. In them 
 are trained the arms and brains of the people. In the hour 
 of great need, Universities must not be silent. In these 
 trying days, the men and women of the University of Utah 
 have fearlessly spoken and helpfully acted. Several of their 
 addresses are herein printed, and others may appear in a 
 future bulletin. 
 
 The clearest fact connected with our entrance into the 
 world war is that we used our utmost endeavors to keep 
 out of war. We entered the conflict when it became certain 
 that the existence of our own country was endangered. As 
 the great war w,ent on, our nation perceived that a foe to the 
 growth of human liberty had arisen — a foe which for many 
 years had prepared for the overthrow of representative 
 governments — a foe which utterly repud"ates the doctrine 
 that every person is entitled to "life, liberty, and the pur- 
 suit of happiness" — a foe which has deceived and ensnared 
 a sound people, .essentially liberty-loving, into fighting its 
 battles — a foe which had laid its plans to attack our own in- 
 stitutions for the promotion of human happiness, built at the 
 cost of the blood of our fathers. 
 
 We accept the responsibility that destiny has placed upon 
 us. This land, in which the largest human liberty has been 
 won and developed, must be preserved, that its citizens may 
 become even freer, and that, by our example, all nations may 
 gather the courage to free themselves from' tyranny and op- 
 pression. 
 
 There is no hate in our fighting .except the hate of in- 
 justice and slavery. There is no lust for conquest in our 
 v/arfare, but only a living hope that we may help in bring- 
 ing to all people equal rights, equal opportunities, and hap- 
 pier lives. We aim, moreover, to make impossible the repe- 
 tition of this wanton, cruel, and barbarous warfare — the 
 blackest blot on the history of civilization. 
 
 By Tnin«f»T 
 \m 8 1919 
 
7 
 
 n^. 
 
 Why Are We at War? 
 
 By Milton Bennion, Dean of the School of Education. 
 
 From one point of view it is a difficult task to talk on 
 international peace, arbitration^, and conciliation when almost 
 all the world is at war. On the other hand there is perhaps 
 no time when the value of peace and the things upon which 
 it depends can be so much appreciated as in the midst of or 
 immediately following- a great, destructive war. It is easy 
 now to see of what great benefit to humanity arbitration and 
 conciliation might have been had all the political leaders of 
 the world only the sense of justice and humanity to employ 
 these means of settlement instead of resorting to military 
 force. 
 
 America, in its isolation from the military establishments 
 of Europe, has cultivated the aims of an industrial democ- 
 racy, and with these aims has nursed a feeling of security 
 even while the old world was torn with strife. We have 
 scarcely yet realized that we are actually at war and that in 
 the next few months may be required to make enormous 
 sacrifices in human life and in the material goods that sup- 
 port life. The time for argument as to whether we should or 
 should not participate in the war is past. The present is a 
 time for carefully planned but nevertheless most strenuous 
 action. There is and always must be a limit to individual- 
 ism. In a democracy every citizen may freely advocate his 
 opinion while any matter is pending for decision ; but when 
 a decision has been made by the will of the majority, and 
 when the life of the nation is at stake, as it must be in war- 
 fare, the citizen is in duty bound to do his part to protect 
 that common life. To prolong the discussion is to give aid 
 and comfort to the enemy and weakens the defensive powers 
 of the nation. There is, fortunately, little excuse for any 
 peace-loving American citizen to continue his opposition to 
 our participation in the war. 
 
When, at the birth of the American nation, a group of 
 liberty- loving patriots adopted the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence, they said : *'But when a long train of abuses and 
 usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a 
 •design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their 
 right, it is their duty, to throw of¥ .such Government, and to 
 provide new guards for their future security." 
 
 These words need only be paraphrased in terms of the 
 present international situation to correctly account for our 
 being in this war. We have been more patient and long- 
 sufifering in preserving our neutrality than were the Revolu- 
 tionary fathers in enduring their wrongs. This has come 
 about in part because many of the causes that led us into 
 this war at first seemed too remote or too abstract to com- 
 mand the support of the great mass of American people in 
 war measures. Let us examine some of these causes : 
 
 In the summer of 1914 Austria sent an ultimatum to 
 Servia, requiring immediate compliance with Austria's de- 
 mand if war would be averted. The smaller and weaker 
 nation was given no opportunity to settle the questions at 
 issue in an international court of arbitration and she was 
 powerless to defend herself against one of the great military 
 powers. Russia could not well permit Austria to engage in 
 an aggressive war against any of the Balkan states. She, 
 therefore, began mobilizing her army. Germany, as an ally 
 of Austria, thereupon issued an ultimatum to Russia de- 
 manding immediate demobilization ; but, instead of attacking 
 Russia she made a very sudden attack upon France — Rus- 
 sia's ally. As she wished to strike France at the most vul- 
 nerable point on her frontier she chose the route through 
 Belgium, contrary to international law and her treaty obliga- 
 tions. Great Britain had guaranteed the independence of 
 Belgium and was also vitally concerned in her own interest 
 in maintaining the independence and integrity of this small 
 state. 
 
 The invasion of Belgium was such a clear case of inter- 
 national crime that the sympathies of many neutrals, includ- 
 ing our own country, were at once aroused. Many Ameri- 
 cans would have gone to war at once in defense of Belgium. 
 Had v/e been situated as England was we doubtless should 
 
have done so. The American consciousness of the Monroe 
 doctrine and the general aversion to mixing in European 
 affairs — the counter-part of the Monroe doctrine — were 
 doubtless the chief factors in restraining us from war. The 
 large number of American citizens of German birth or Ger- 
 man descent and the respect of many Americans for the 
 achievements of German civilization were further restraining 
 factors. From this time, nevertheless, the sympathies ,of 
 the great mass of Americans were with the Allies, and that 
 sympathy was directly extended to the Belgians in the form 
 of food and other supplies. 
 
 With the failure of the Germans to bring their military 
 campaign to a .speedy and successful conclusion they began 
 to devise ways of overcoming Great Britain's command of 
 the sea. This they were not able to do by the ordinary 
 methods of warfare. International law and the rights of 
 neutrals had not been allowed to stand in the way of success 
 on land ; why presume that they should do so on the sea ? 
 At first, however, the protests of the American government 
 were heeded, and restraints were placed upon .submarine 
 warfare. It is now manifest that these restraints were the 
 result of prudence rather than of principle. As soon as the 
 German government concluded that unrestricted submarine 
 warfare was necessary to success, it cast aside all law and 
 former diplomatic assurance and launched its savage attacks 
 upon enemy non-combatants and neutrals. This was the 
 culmination of the series of causes that led to a state of war 
 between Germany and our own country. 
 
 Had the crimes committed against the small states of 
 Europe been directed asrainst any American state, we should 
 have been at war as promptly as was Great Britain following 
 the invasion of Belgium. We cannot, therefore, do other- 
 wise than approve the course taken by Great Britain and lend 
 to her and to her allies our moral support. The extension 
 of German defiance of international law and treaty obliga- 
 tions to our own interests gave an occasion for war that the 
 most conservat've Am.erican could not well resist. 
 
 We should not mistake the cause for breaking off diplo- 
 matic relations for the sole or even the chief cause of the 
 war. Our chief cause for war is that we may have a lasting 
 
6 
 
 peace. Peace depends upon respect for law, regard for jus- 
 tice, and fidelity to treaties and other international obliga- 
 tions. The course pursued by the central powers of Europe, 
 if allowed to succeed, means the substitution of military 
 power for social morality. 
 
 If a promise is not to be kept except when convenient it 
 has no value whatsoever; this is to deny that veracity in 
 public affairs is a virtue. If international law can be violated 
 and the violators escape punishment, these laws become void, 
 and civilization is, in this respect, set back several centuries. 
 
 The might of one group that sets up might as right must 
 be overcome by the co-operative action of many who are 
 willing to combine their strength in the interests of truth, 
 law, justice, freedom, and all the higher and better things of 
 civilization. We are in the war because we believe in these 
 things and because we are determined that they shall not 
 perish from the earth. 
 
 The Pillars of Liberty 
 
 By J. H. Paul, Professor of Natural Science. 
 
 What, then, are the things which America defends with 
 her might, and seeks to give to all mankind? — the things 
 also which Germany has abolished vdierever her power ex- 
 tends, and which she now attempts to overthrow and utter- 
 ly destroy? 
 
 Unlike the Germans, our soldiers know what they are 
 fighting for ; and here are fourteen of the liberties for which 
 they stand : 
 
 I. THE CHARTER OF FREE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The fundamental . difference between American and 
 German ideals and methods of government is shown in the 
 respective national constitutions. Ours begins, "We, the 
 people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect 
 union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide 
 for the common defense, and secure the blessings of liberty 
 to ourselves and our posterity, do hereby ordain and estab- 
 lish this Constitution." The German national charter opens 
 
with the words, ''I, William, king of Prussia, emperor of 
 Germ.any," etc., "do hereby grant unto my subjects" the 
 following privileges. 
 
 That is, in America the people delegate to their ser- 
 vants, the elected officers of government, certain powers 
 of action for the general good ; and any powers not so dele- 
 gated are reserved to the States or are retained by the peo- 
 ple. In Germany the rulers are the source of power, and 
 they bestow certain privileges upon the people. 
 
 The spirit, the voice, of America, as far back as 1776, 
 was : "We, the people". A century later, when Germany 
 found her voice, she could only say : 'T, William". On 
 the one hand, "all men are created equal," with "inalien- 
 able rights," "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" ; on 
 the other, the kaiser, Idngs, princes, generals, "granting 
 privileges," which are subject to revocation. What these 
 American "rights", these German "privileges", are, we now 
 shall see. 
 
 II. TRIAL BY JURY. 
 
 The precious right of being judged by one's peers and 
 neighbors is a feature of the jurisprudence of every English- 
 speaking country. It is totally unknown in Germany and 
 Austria, though something akin to it is believed to have 
 been practiced in ancient times among the free Germanic 
 tribes. Today, in all Central Europe, the w^ord of the mag- 
 istrate is the sole means of court decision, and is final. In 
 those countries, many people have been deprived of life, 
 liberty or property at the opinion, the prejudice, or even 
 the whim of an official not responsible to the citizens. Not 
 that German officials are often corrupt, but that the accident 
 of a good judge is ofifset by the accident of a poor or pre- 
 judiced one ; and this is the fact that has no palliation or 
 remedy under the autocratic methods of Central Europe. 
 
 III. HABEAS CORPUS. 
 
 It is a curious and instructive fact that the invaluable 
 American and English right known as habeas corpus, estab- 
 lished in Britain in the year 1213, after long and bloody war- 
 fare of the barons against tyrant kings, did not find its way 
 
8 
 
 into the German Constitution till 1871. In English practice, 
 for six centuries before its appearance in the German char- 
 ter, it meant that any person seized by the authorities of the 
 law could have the cause of his arrest or imprisonment im- 
 mediately inquired into before a competent court in public 
 session. In Germany, since 1871, though it resembles the 
 ancient English right, the provision is of no value to any one 
 accused of disloyalty, treason, or kindred offenses ; for it 
 merely insures the government against making mistakes as 
 to the persons whom it prosecutes ; though, of course, the 
 writ may protect the prisoner against the malice of petty 
 officials in cases that do not involve loyalty to the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 IV. ARRESTS. 
 
 In America and England, no arrests can be made, ex- 
 cept for crime committed at the time, neither can any one's 
 premises be searched, without a warrant issued by the court. 
 In Central Europe the people are never secure, even in their 
 own homes, against searches, seizures, imprisonment, or ban- 
 ishment, at the bare suspicion of officers and magistrates. In 
 all English-speaking lands, "a man's house is his castle;" 
 and no one, whether president, king, premier, or other of- 
 ficial, may enter the house against the owner's will, except 
 under the forms and legal processes prescribed by the stat- 
 utes. 
 
 v. A SPEEDY TRIAL. 
 
 Our Constitution guarantees and secures to persons ac- 
 cused of crime, a speedy trial. In Central Europe persons 
 accused of political offenses, or suspected of disloyalty, have 
 sometimes languished for years in prison without trial, and 
 often without knowing for what offense they were incarcer- 
 ated. 
 
 VI. COURT PROCEDURE. 
 
 Trials are so conducted in America as to give to the 
 person accused the benefit of the doubt when testimony is 
 conflicting, and the rules of evidence are so contrived as to 
 shield him altogether from certain classes of testimony, such 
 as rumor, opinion, and facts that do not bear directly on the 
 
case. In Central Europe any one may be a witness, and may 
 testify in any way and to anything he chooses ; and wit- 
 nesses may freely slander the person at the bar of justice. 
 
 VII. FREE SPEECH. 
 
 Here and elsewhere in the English-speaking world, 
 there is freedom of speech and of the press ; and, in the event 
 of prosecution, the truth of any assertion is almost a com- 
 plete defense. In Central Europe there is no freedom of 
 speech, even in the parliaments ; and an adverse opinion 
 concerning the government or rulers, when too freely ex- 
 pressed, has cost many a person there his liberty, property, or 
 life. Freedom of the press in Central Europe is strictly 
 limited by the governments ; and at the present time consists 
 in publishing what the authorities direct. Thus the German 
 papers have recently printed, as news from America, that 
 the Liberty Loan was a gigantic failure ; that America was 
 unable to raise an army ; and that the only man who enlisted 
 from Monterey, Cal., had his picture published as a sort of 
 curiosity in the San Francisco Examiner ; that the attempt 
 to enlist men for the aviation service having failed in Amer- 
 ica, troops of girls were now being trained for that purpose ; 
 and so on. 
 
 VIII. TREASON. 
 
 How to avoid giving offense to the powers that be, has 
 been for ages the chief terror of the people of Germany and 
 Austria, not to mention Turkey and Bulgaria. In America 
 treason consists only of overt acts in levying war against 
 the Republic; and the Supreme Court has held that a con- 
 spiracy to levy war against this country is not treason un- 
 less war is actually levied. In Germany no one can say 
 what treason is or is not. The government there is the sole 
 judge of treason and disloyalty, which may consist of any 
 deed, word, look, gesture, that the rulers may choose to con- 
 strue as unfriendly to themselves or to the system they rep- 
 resent. 
 
 In time of peace it is very difficult to commit the crime 
 of treason in America. Slander or denunciation of the gov- 
 ernment or its agents is not treason, if spoken in times of 
 
10 
 
 Deace. But when war is actually being levied against the 
 Republic, any speech or act that amounts to adhering to the 
 enemies of the country, or that gives them aid and comfort, 
 is treasonable. 
 
 That is, speech is free, but each person is responsible 
 for his utterances. One is held for v/hat he says, just as for 
 what he does. Whoever advises crime is himself guilty of 
 that crime if others commit it at his suggestion. Those who 
 speak against the draft law, for example, or urge revolt 
 against any war measure of the government, are alike re- 
 sponsible with those who resist or revolt. Those who lead 
 others to give aid and comfort to the enemies of the country 
 are themselves, as well as their dupes, guilty of treason. 
 Persons who address assemblies and urge resistance to the 
 war are guilty of treason if any persons are led by such ad- 
 dresses to commit overt acts of resistance. Those who make 
 threats against the Republic at war are leading to destruction 
 both themselves and whoever may execute such threats ; 
 for the penalty for treason is death. 
 
 IX. EQUALITY BEFORE THE LAW. 
 
 No title of nobility can be granted in America, and all 
 citizens are equal before the law, while aliens are at no spe- 
 cial disadvantage under our system. German and Austrian 
 titles, numerous and complicated, create inequalities and spe- 
 cial privileges of great meaning and power ; while, by means 
 of various legal fictions, the divine right of rulers — "the 
 right divine of kings to govern wrong," as an English poet 
 expresses it — is openly flaunted by the rulers themselves. 
 Our people reject, instinctively, all such claims to birth from 
 blue or other superior blood ; because, in the language of one 
 of our poets, 
 
 "They know, when veins are bled. 
 That the blue blood is the putrid blood. 
 For the people's blood is red." 
 
 X. RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 
 
 We enjoy freedom of religious belief and worship. In 
 Central Europe a magistrate may banish or imprison, with- 
 
11 
 
 out real judicial hearing, the expounders of any faiths not 
 officially licensed by the state. A German has written me 
 that he was threatened with exile for saying that heaven 
 would punish Germany if freedom to preach were not 
 granted. When meetings of unlicensed churches are per- 
 mitted, it is still unlawful to preach, pray, or sing, at these 
 meetings. 
 
 XI. THE RIGHT TO VOTE. 
 
 America has practically universal manhood suffrage 
 and a great and rapidly increasing amount of womanhood 
 suffrage. The German manhood suffrage is limited, and 
 is cunningly frustrated by a system that allows one vote of 
 an ancient landholder to outweigh the vote of a whole town 
 of workingmen. Even so, the German voters do not choose 
 many of the officials. 
 
 XII. CIVIL SUPREMACY. 
 
 Here the military is subordinate to the civil power. 
 There the German officer is so much superior to the civilian 
 that the officer is in honor bound to strike down with his 
 sword any civilian who by word, look, or deed seems to the 
 officer to offer an affront to the military uniform. Just be- 
 fore the war a German officer thus struck down a crippled 
 cobbler of Alsace. Such acts now and then arouse the Ger- 
 man people, but in America they would lead at once to open 
 rebellion and wholesale bloodshed. Moreover, the policies 
 of the German government are framed by the general mili- 
 tary staff. Not even the Chancellor nor the Reichstag has 
 any voice in them ; and the Kaiser himself may be unable 
 to vary the decision of these dictators as to what must be 
 done, whether that be the sinking of a Lusitania or the mas- 
 sacre of a city. 
 
 XIII. A SUPREME COURT. 
 
 Here a Supreme Court passes on all controversies that 
 involve the constitutional rights of the people or that arise 
 from disputes between States. Such a supreme court for 
 the world as a whole has been the constant aim of our coun- 
 try at peace conferences. The one nation that has always 
 
12 
 
 held out against a supreme world-court, in which nations 
 would be compelled to adjust their differences without war, 
 is Germany. At the last Hague conference, Germany and 
 her satellite nations prevented the adoption of the plans of 
 the American representatives for universal, compulsory arbi- 
 tration. The only supreme tribunal known in Germany is 
 the will of the kaiser. 
 
 XIV. REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 In America and England a congress or parliament 
 elected by the untrammeled vote of the citizens decides upon 
 all national issues, and has the sole right of declaring war. 
 There the kaiser decides, and he alone (or, as the German 
 papers claim, the crown prince) brought on the world-war. 
 The reichstag was not even convened or consulted, though 
 it is elected by a privileged few and might therefore have 
 been trusted. But this German- parliament has no real power 
 and does only what any debating society can do — that is, it 
 presents arguments. The so-called chancellor, unlike the 
 premier of Britain, is not responsible to the people as a 
 whole nor even to any party ; he simply does the emperor's 
 bidding. 
 
 This list of political differences between America and 
 Germany is far from complete ; but why go on ? It is not 
 difficult to find fault even with our own free and just gov- 
 ernment, yet to improve it is a slow and difficult process of 
 legislation and experience. Today we must choose either 
 Germany and its despotism or America and its freedom. 
 
 Already the light of Europe, whose civilization and cul- 
 ture have been the inspiration and guide of mankind for cen- 
 turies, is in danger of being extinguished by the deluge of 
 blood and destruction let loose upon the nations by the Ger- 
 man onslaught. The triumph of Germany would mean the 
 downfall of the moral and political ideals upon which this 
 republic is based ; and human freedom, in the American 
 sense, would have to battle anew for its existence. 
 
 May heaven forgive, for their children may not, those 
 who speak lightly of the liberties for which the flower of 
 our youth now offer their lives on the fields of battle. For 
 all who have a part in planning, or a hand in executing, any 
 
13 
 
 deed that tends to obstruct, weaken, or delay the action of 
 America in this day of high resohition and peril, shall re- 
 ceive the opprobrium of the verdict of history, and shall be 
 held to answer for their enormous crime at the bar of eter- 
 nal justice. 
 
 What Is at Stake? 
 
 By George Emory Fellows, Professor of History and Po- 
 litical Science. 
 
 Would that I had the ability and opportunity to make 
 clear to every inhabitant of all America how fundamental 
 are the principles involved in this v/ar in which we are en- 
 gaged. Have we, each one, the right to life, liberty and 
 the pursuit of happiness? or are we to obey the arrogant 
 commands of an irresponsible and dominating autocratic and 
 militaristic powder, now and forever? 
 
 The issue is as clear cut as this : Our citizens, men, 
 women and children, going peacefully about their business 
 and pleasure, are torpedoed into ocean graves, without 
 warning ; then, for these outrages, belated and false explan- 
 ations are made, or none at all. For nearly three years this 
 went on, then came the official announcement of the German 
 government that all the world which might cross an imag- 
 inary and arbitrary line on the high seas would be ruth- 
 lessly sent to the bottom, and we found ourselves in war 
 whether we declared it or not. 
 
 If ever in the history of the world there was a righteous 
 war, this is one on the part of the United States and those 
 whose interests are the same, that is, those who fight because 
 they are attacked, or to enforce respect for treaties, or repel 
 invasion. 
 
 As time goes on, we know more positively where to lo- 
 cate the responsibility for this world turmoil. In the early 
 days of the war there were many varying opinions because 
 of lack of information. False documents were issued and 
 much effort of the guilty party employed in trying to fix 
 the blame on others, and in endeavoring to make it appear 
 
14 
 
 that the obvious aggressor was fighting a defensive war. 
 But one fact after another has come to the surface, and, 
 stripped of all falsity, the truth is that the Prussian Junker 
 class, led by the House of Hohenzollern, began a brutal and 
 barbarous attack on a peaceful and industrious neighbor, 
 which Prussia, with others, had sworn in a solemn treaty to 
 protect. 
 
 There is no longer any value in discussing the petty 
 things put forward by Emperor William and the military 
 party as reasons for the war, such as the murders at Sar- 
 ajevo, the mobilization of the Russian army, the belief that 
 France intended to invade Belgium, or already had invaded 
 Germany, and Germany in self-defense was compelled to 
 move first, etc. The rock bottom of truth is that the Hoh- 
 enzollerns from their first acquiring Brandenburg, by pur- 
 chase, in the fifteenth century, have steadily enlarged their 
 boundaries and authority, always by force. Their own state- 
 ments of policy and the publications of those who speak for 
 Prussian policy have always been to the effect that Prussia 
 must and should be enlarged and become more powerful 
 and extend the benefits of her own greatness to others. 
 
 Not to go back of 1866, when she forced Austria out 
 of Germany, and 1870, when she brought the other German 
 states under her into an empire, it is obvious that the great 
 purpose was not so much to have a united and progressive 
 Germany as to enlarge the territory and population to be 
 swayed by Prussia. Then the Prussian leaders spoke of 
 greater ambitions, in the name of Germany, and thus they 
 have the added weight of imperial organization to further 
 the schemes for imposing Prussian kultur on the remainder 
 of the world. 
 
 For forty years every nerve has been strained to en- 
 large and strengthen the army, build a great navy, and incul- 
 cate the idea of zvorld pozver in all the youth of German 
 birth, until the great day when some incident should be 
 seized upon to justify the first active steps in this world 
 dominion. 
 
 All this was so skilfully done that when the time came, 
 Austria, former rival and enemy, serves as a tool to aid 
 this overpowering ambition of Prussia. Indeed, she can 
 
15 
 
 scarcely help herself. She cannot afford to oppose the pan- 
 German plan or kultur's world propaganda. 
 
 Every preparation that could well be imagined had been 
 irade to make a successful campaign, first against France, 
 then England, then the United States, and the world. Be- 
 lieving as do those who support the Hohenzollerns' idea that 
 force is all that counts, Germ.any had prepared all that was 
 necessary for this world domination. At the beginning of 
 the war, Germany was infinitely better prepared than any of 
 her enemies, or than all of those who have since joined to 
 resist autocracy's kultur gone mad. 
 
 Germany had the Kiel canal, prime essential in controll- 
 ing the Baltic and North seas, more and better submarines 
 than anyone else, a fleet of Zeppelins, which no other nation 
 had, a larger, better equipped standing army than any other 
 nation. Her navy, second only to that of Great Britain, 
 would soon be first, for submarines would soon dispose of 
 the British fleet. In fact, Germany had everything neces- 
 sary, on the basis that force alone counts, to begin, and suc- 
 cessfully end the conquest of the world; but, thank God, 
 there is something in the world besides force, and it is some- 
 thing that force alone cannot overcome. Germany took no 
 account of the possible resistance of a spirit of liberty and 
 justice. This cannot be measured in terms of submarines. 
 Zeppelins, caliber of howitzers, and "schrecklichkeit." 
 
 Germany did not merely attack little Belgium and half- 
 prepared France, but stirred England to defend the sacred- 
 ness of treaties, and nearly all the rest of the world to resist 
 the arrogant assumption that force and kultur are superior 
 to and can overcom.e justice, humanity, and the spirit of 
 democracy. 
 
 As the war has gone on from wrecks to months and 
 years, the issue has become clearer, until now it stands out 
 so plain that phrase-makers and pacifist cranks can no longer 
 befog the controversy. It is democracy against autoc- 
 racy, the highest ideals worked out by man during all the 
 centuries of growing civilization against primitive barbarian 
 force. 
 
 But this force is not wielded with the clumsiness of the 
 prehistoric man with his club. Human genius through the 
 
16 
 
 whole period of recorded time has been drawn upon to make 
 the drive for world-power a success. The inventive abilities 
 of all nations have been drawn upon, the scientific and me- 
 chanical devices for the industries of peace and war have 
 all been utilized. An amazing ability for organization has 
 enabled the German government not only to arrange every 
 detail of mobilization and transportation for the beginning 
 of the war, but to fill peaceful and friendly nations with spies 
 who should, at command, endeavor to sow dissension, breed 
 revolution, and disintegrate the governments before any sus- 
 picion of hostility had arisen. 
 
 Is there any holier task for the United States, which 
 stands before all the world as the example of successful 
 dem.ocratic government and of the greatest possibilities in 
 development of a free people, than to combat, with all its 
 energy, and fight to a conclusion, the attempt to turn the 
 world backward and use the achievements of all times and 
 even of democracy itself to firmly establish autocracy in all 
 the earth? 
 
 Perhaps we should blame ourselves for not being 
 alarmed at the German program long before the war be- 
 gan. Books had been published to show the supreme excel- 
 lence of kultur and the necessity of imposing it upon all the 
 world. Hear an extract or two, from General Bernhardi's 
 "Germany and the Next War" (several editions — last in 
 1914) : 
 
 "The duties and obligations of the German people can- 
 not be fulfilled without drawing the sword. The moral duty 
 of the state is to begin the struggle while prospects of suc- 
 cess and the political circumstances are still tolerably favor- 
 able, when hostile states are weakened or hampered by af- 
 fairs at home or abroad. 
 
 "Efiforts toward the abolition of war must not only be 
 termed foolish, but absolutely immoral, and must be stig- 
 matized as unworthy of the human race. The weak nation 
 to have the same right to live as the powerful and vigorous 
 nation? The whole idea represents a presumptuous en- 
 croachment on the natural laws of development. The law of 
 the strong holds good everywhere. Might is the supreme 
 right and the dispute as to what is right is decided bv the 
 
17 
 
 arbitrament of war. War gives a biologically just decision. 
 "War is not only a necessary element in the life of na- 
 tions, but an indispensable factor in kultur. Our own coun- 
 try, by employing its military powers, has attained a degree 
 of kultur which it never could have reached by peaceful de- 
 velopment. Christian morality is based indeed on the law 
 of love. "Love God above all things and thy neighbor as 
 thyself." This law can have no significance for the relations 
 of one country to another." 
 
 From "Operations on the Sea," by Freiherr von Edel- 
 sheim, formerly on the German general staff: 
 
 "As a matter of fact, Germany is the only great power 
 which is in a position to conquer the United States. The 
 land corps can either advance aggressively against the con- 
 centrated opposing forces or through embarking evade an at- 
 tack and land at a new place," etc. Many details of method. 
 From the beginning of his reign, in 1888, Kaiser Wil- 
 helm II has repeatedly in public addresses expressed ambi- 
 tion for world leadership. Here is an extract from one of 
 his earlier addresses : 
 
 "Remember that you are the chosen people. The spirit 
 of the Lord has descended upon me because I am the Ger- 
 man Emperor. * "^^ * Woe and death to those who op- 
 pose my will. Woe and death to those who do not believe 
 in my mission." 
 
 In reading these we have thought they were merely 
 bombastic expressions of vain and egotistic men, somewhat 
 like what we have called in our country the "spread-eagle 
 oratory" of the Fourth of July speaker. But now we know 
 that every boast and plan was uttered in all seriousness and 
 that the big words were not vAndy oratory, but expressions 
 of honest belief in the superiority of everything German, 
 and of a firm determination to force the world to its recog- 
 nition. I have many times in my classes or public lectures 
 called attention to these speeches of the Emperor with the 
 idea that they were to be taken seriously only by Germans 
 who chose to worship Divine Right of Kings. But I see 
 now how gravely I was mistaken. He meant every word 
 and he led his people to prepare for world dominion. 
 
 So thoroughly has this idea been burned into the mili- 
 
18 
 
 tary and other ruling classes that they have become utterly 
 indifferent to the opinion of the rest of the world. One of 
 them, Zimmerman, recent foreign minister, said in a pomp- 
 ous tone at a large public assembly to American Ambassador 
 Gerard, ''We care nothing for treaties." Another, Major 
 General von Disfurth, published in the Frankfurter Zeitung, 
 "No object whatever can be served by taking any notice of 
 the accusations of barbarity leveled against Germany by her 
 foreign critics. We owe no explanation to any one. What- 
 ever act is committed by our troops for the purpose of dis- 
 couraging, defeating and destroying the enemy is a brave 
 act and fully justified. Germany stands the supreme arbiter 
 of her own methods. War is war. 
 
 "They call us barbarians. What of it? We scorn them 
 and their abuse. For my part I hope in this war we have 
 merited the title "barbarians." Let neutral peoples and our 
 enemies cease their empty chatter, which may well be com- 
 pared to the twitter of birds. Our troops must achieve vic- 
 tory. What else matters?" 
 
 It is difficult for any of us to comprehend this cast of 
 mind. The tendency of civilization from the earliest times 
 has been toward the thought that there are higher sentiments 
 than those inspired by mere power. Certainly since the 
 foundation of Christianity we look to Christian nations to 
 "play fair" even in a conflict. Every effort seems to have 
 been made to inculcate into the universal German mind this 
 thought, so clearly expressed by General von Disfurth, 
 "achieve victory, what else matters?" 
 
 Here we have a curious combination of primitive sav- 
 age and mediaeval despot making fullest use of all the most 
 highly developed sciences of the twentieth century to accom- 
 plish objects worthy only of uncivilized tribes ; and the worst 
 of it all is that to resist this kind of thing those who wish to 
 "play fair" are at the greatest disadvantage and are there- 
 fore compelled to use the_engines of destruction and other 
 means employed by those who "care nothing for treaties," 
 and who "glory in being barbarians." 
 
 So now we are waging a war against war. A war to 
 subdue the last powerful group of nations v/hich does not 
 have either parliamentary and truly representative govern- 
 
19 
 
 nient, or republican institutions. All of North and South 
 America, even Asia and Africa, and all Europe save Ger- 
 many, Austria-Hungary and Turkey recognize and use pop- 
 ular or parliamentary government. We do not wish to sub- 
 due them in order to impose on them any particular form 
 or organiation of governm.ent, but to teach them by the only 
 means they seem to understand or comprehend that they 
 may not now or ever in the future impose upon the major- 
 ity of the world an autocratic system w^hich has fully served 
 its purpose, if it ever had one, and should have been laid 
 away half a century or more ago, when the doctrine of the 
 sovereignty of the people had becom.e widely established. 
 
 It is a question of life or death for democracy, inde- 
 pendence, and popular government. Ask yourself what 
 would happen if Germany wins this war and see if you can 
 feel any joy or comfort in the prospect. 
 
 It is not now necessary to relate in any detail the al- 
 most unbelievable atrocities that have been perpetrated. 
 They have been amply proven and retold in newspapers and 
 magazines. Think of the possibility of being imder the rule 
 of a government that directs or encourages the dropping of 
 bombs on hospitals and torpedoing hospital ships, not to 
 mention a thousand other deeds that display an ingenuity 
 no less than satanic ! Ambassador Gerard has verified the 
 fact that the Crown Prince boasted to an American more 
 than three years ago that if a general war did not come 
 before his father's death he himself, as soon as he should 
 come to the throne, would ''make war and conquer the 
 world." 
 
 Defeat of the Allies means submission of all of them to 
 whatever Prussianism may choose to impose. x\lready it has 
 been announced that colossal indemnities are planned to be 
 collected from the cities of our Atlantic seaboard. What 
 more might follow in every line of possible oppression we 
 need not try to conceive. German victoi-y must not come! 
 It would undo the progress of the centuries. We cannot 
 believe such a thing to be possible. Tyrants and oppressors 
 have been overthrown all along the ages. History is strewn 
 with the wrecks of despotisms, and popular sovereignty has 
 come out of the conflicts for nearlv all the nations of the 
 
20 
 
 globe. Surely now when the supreme test has come, the 
 flower of human development, Democracy, must not and 
 can not be withered by an outworn despotism that has lin- 
 gered on into the twentieth century. 
 
 Some of the poison-tongued traitors who have tried to 
 block our government in its preparations have hissed out 
 the old stock phrase of the middle ages, "This is a rich man's 
 war and a poor man's fight." A trifle of investigation and 
 reflection will show the utter falsity of this statement. The 
 sons of the best known wealthy men of the whole country 
 have enlisted and are already serving in foreign fields. Some 
 of those who have already died for the cause have been the 
 sons of American millionaires. Exemptions from compul- 
 sory service are given in greater proportion to the poor than 
 to the rich. The poor m_an has more to gain under a free 
 government, and would be helpless under kaiserism. No, 
 this is everybody's war, that is, everybody who prefers lib- 
 erty to despotism. 
 
 The aims of the central powers (so called, in reality, 
 Prussia) have been no secret for several years. First is the 
 establishment of a continuous line of railroad from the 
 Baltic sea southeasterly through the Balkans, Turkey and 
 Asia Minor to the Persian Gulf. This has been essentially 
 accomplished and is now under German control with the ex- 
 ception of slight interference by the British in Arabia. This 
 splits the Eastern Hemisphere. Following this success, 
 Prussian technical efficiency has begotten such a vast self- 
 esteem, a megalomania, that it has no doubt of the appoint- 
 ment by God to confer kultur on the whole world. 
 
 Contrast with these aims those of the Allies, viz., en- 
 forcement of treaties, independence of peoples, safety against 
 faithlessness, right of people to determine their own form 
 of government. Can there be higher aims than these ? 
 
 Much as we may regret the terrible circumstances that 
 have pressed us into this war, Prussia will be the means of 
 driving efficiency into every school, every business and every 
 home in every nation. It is no credit to Prussia or her 
 rulers that this is so, for they stand indicted before the bar 
 of justice of all humanity. 
 
 I here charge William II of the house of Hohenzollern 
 
21 
 
 with ( 1 ) endeavoring by force of arms and f rightfulness to 
 replace the civilization of the ages v^ith Prussian kultur; (2) 
 with the responsibility of burdening the coming generations 
 with untold billions of debt; (3) with responsibility for 
 mourning and despair in the homes of twenty-six nations 
 of the earth; (4) with spreading over the war area the 
 methods of barbarism and savagery belonging in past cen- 
 turies to Indians, Huns and Tartars, and surpassing them 
 as professionals surpass tyros in ingenious deviltry; (6) with 
 accomplishing devastation and death greater than from the 
 combined enterprises of Xerxes, Alexander, Caesar, Nero, 
 Charlemagne and Napoleon, Will he succeed? He has 
 failed already. He has overreached himself. He has earned 
 the scorn and contempt of nine-tenths of humanity, and the 
 undercurrents of disapproval and mutterings of discontent 
 are beginning to be heard in his own country. 
 
 Civilization has not broken down. Democracy, the 
 ripest fruit of civilization, has only fairly begun its leaven- 
 ing work, and, together with Universal Peace, will encircle 
 the globe. 
 
 "Six Things, Yea Seven" 
 
 A Talk with Strikers and Labor Unions 
 
 By J. H. Paul, Professor of Natural Science. 
 
 In the Sixth of Proverbs we read: ''These six things 
 doth the Lord hate, yea seven are an abomination unto him : 
 A proud lo,ok, a lying tongue, and hands that shed innocent 
 blood ; a heart that deviseth wicked imaginations ; feet that 
 be swift in running into mischief, a false witness that speak- 
 eth lies, and he that soweth discord among brethren." 
 
 I. THE PROUD LOOK. 
 
 What other people have ever affected a mein so haughty 
 as the ''proud look" of German rulers, nobles, titled officials, 
 and medal-bedecked soldiery? Even the Prussian military 
 martinets have at length assumed the arrogance of their 
 masters, and today they practice an insolence that has become 
 
22 
 
 intolerable among free men. These upstarts (see Gerard's 
 account of their ways of promotion) now attempt to tram- 
 ple down and exploit the people of other lands. German 
 officers often kick the privates forward to the targets if too 
 many poor shots are made by raw recruits, or they throw 
 the soldiers from the boat into the middle of the river if they 
 fail, after a few trials, to swim well. If workingmen con- 
 tinue to strike or if congress delays, until the Germans win, 
 will Prussian officers in vanquished America kick the private 
 soldier? Not, I fancy, while any true American still draws 
 the breath of life. Fellow-workers, shall we aid Germany 
 further by strikes, lockouts, and the stoppage of production? 
 Or shall we all stand by America ? 
 
 11. THE LYING TONGUE. 
 
 Where else has falsehood been so scientifically estab- 
 lished, the lying tongues so well trained, as in official Ger- 
 man diplomacy ? Has any truth emanated from the German 
 government during the last three years when deception 
 would serve better the German military aims ? We see their 
 national honor violated, their solemn covenants broken, their 
 obligations to mankind flouted, their treaties with nations 
 torn up as scraps of paper, whenever such perfidy appears to 
 ofi^er advantage to their unrighteous cause ! But it may not 
 be so generally known that many of the paroled officers on 
 German ,ships interned in this country, in return for the 
 courteous treatment and free movement accorded to them 
 by chivalrous American guards, disregarded their sworn 
 pledges, basely sneaked away, and absconded long before our 
 patient government had ceased trying to maintain peace with 
 their war-mad masters in Germany. 
 
 III. HANDS THAT SHED BLOOD. 
 
 What hands, in the earth's whole history, can compare, 
 in the shedding of innocent blood, with what Prussian des- 
 potism must answer for in this horrible massacre of little 
 nations? The German nobles call this the divinest war of 
 their careers. The waifs in dying Armenia, their fathers 
 massacred and their mothers dragged off into Turkish 
 slavery, feebly stretch out their puny hands to America for a 
 
23 
 
 crust of bread. All the children of Poland, under 6 years of 
 age, according to the report of the American representative 
 there, have died of starvation under the selfish and brutal 
 robbery of food products carried out by the invading German 
 armies. No other armies have ever been thus convicted of 
 taking food out of the mouths of starving babies. Similar 
 revelations of horror are now coming from Serbia and Mon- 
 tenegro ; and only the generosity of other nations than Ger- 
 many saves Belgium from wholesale famine. 
 
 IV. RUNNING INTO MISCHIEF. 
 
 What feet have been so swift as those of modern Ger- 
 many in "running into mischief? For three decades the 
 nations of Europe have been menaced by the growing rest- 
 lessness of Germany in the direction of war. Times without 
 number have the military braggarts of Prussia engaged in 
 war threats against unoffending neighbor nations. "Rat- 
 tling the saber" has been the chief pastime of the crown 
 prince and his supporters in their public addresses. Not 
 even America, which was far away, which had never crossed 
 Germany's path, and. which entertained for that country and 
 its people only the sentiments of friendship and good will, 
 was able to escape threats of war from the haughty imperial 
 government. Before the present war was forced upon us, 
 on three diiferent occasions within my memory, Germany 
 sought war with this country, not for anything our nation 
 had said or done, but simply because we were lawfully in 
 posession or guardianship of territory that the German mili- 
 tary command coveted for their value as bases for future 
 military operations. Thus at Samoa, some twenty-five years 
 ago, Germany actually undertook to oust us and to take pos- 
 session, and finally desisted only because of the active co- 
 operation of the British v/ar fleet in support of ours. In the 
 Philippines, during the war with Spain, the kaiser sent a 
 great war fleet to wrest these i.slands from our approaching 
 control — the famous expedition under Deidrich that sought 
 to prevent Dewey from attacking the Spanish fleet. Again 
 the British warships lined up with our own, and the Germans 
 recoiled. Next came the German attempt to seize part of 
 Venezuela, which was repelled by the warlike action of Mr. 
 
24 
 
 Roosevelt akled by the old-time German fear of the British 
 navy. 
 
 V. "wicked imaginations." 
 
 The Prussian military machine has enslaved the masses 
 of Germany and bent the energies of a whole great nation 
 to its sinister purposes. That it had fully resolved to put a 
 similar yoke upon the peoples of other nations, is abundantly 
 proved from the utterances and teachings of the official 
 classes, and is again disclosed in the facts now being made 
 public by Ambassador Gerard and the American government. 
 These disclosures indicate that the Prussian military rulers 
 are not merely the natural enemies, but the open and avowed 
 foes, of real democracy in any form. It is plain that they 
 have been at all times ready and willing to wage war upon 
 free peotples. Now that these autocrats have raised this issue 
 on so large a scale, the world cannot remain half under mili- 
 tary despotism and half free. It will be one or the other. 
 America must either fight or surrender to a tyranny that has 
 made cannon fodder of the German masses, industrial 
 drudges of the women, serfs of the children, automatons of 
 the officials, slaves or starvelings of the civilian and non- 
 combatant populations of the countries that it has overrun. 
 German skilled mechanics before the war received but $2 per 
 day for ten hours of intense application ; harvest laborers, 
 mainly women, but 20 cents per day for a toil unheard of 
 among wom,en ; street cleaners, 25 cents per day ; common 
 soldiers, dying in the trenches, 5 cents per day ; each prisoner 
 in Germany must exist on what 60 pfennigs (15 cents) will 
 purchase at famine prices; and so on. And this is the piti- 
 ful fate, fellow-workers, that awaits all wage earners in 
 countries subdued by Germany. Miners of the I. W. W., 
 who struck at Bisbee, Arizona, for an advance from $5 per 
 day of eight hours to $6 per day of six hours, will 
 please take notice. Sheep-shearers of Wyoming who struck 
 last summer and had their wages advanced from $20 
 per day to $40 per day will do well to observe that 
 when, by such antics, our country is so hampered and 
 weakened that it cannot withstand the onslaught of 
 the helpless German masses, a day's wage of sheep-shearers 
 
25 
 
 under the German rule, which they are powerfully helping 
 to bring upon us, will not be more, and may be less, than $2. 
 The slow tortures which Germany allots to prisoners, 
 and the shame with which it breaks the spirit and binds in 
 white slavery the flower of the female populations in the 
 countries which its armies invade — these very conditions will 
 be your lot and the fate of your women as soon as you 
 strikers hand this country over to Germany. You are 
 autocracy's best allies. Every American striker is worth ten 
 soldiers to Germany. 
 
 VI. THE FALSE WITNESS. 
 
 "A false witness that speaketh lies" has appeared in al- 
 most every labor union, saying that it matters little if Ger- 
 many wins. Be it known, therefore, to all labor unions that 
 the staggering indemnities which a victorious Germany will 
 exact signify the practical confiscation of the accumulated 
 capital of America. Not only so, but every home, farm, fac- 
 tory, mine, railroad, etc., will be mortgaged to the imperial 
 war lords who conduct the German government, and every 
 workingman will toil, with all his family, for generations to 
 come to pay off the indemnity debts that will be heaped upon 
 his shoulders. The Montclair clergyman who heads the 
 Antisaloon league justifies his delay and obstruction of the 
 necessary food-control law by saying: 'Tf you are fighting 
 Germany and the kaiser, don't bother about us. We are fight- 
 ing hell and the devil, and have no time to bother about 
 your puny, little war." But he forgot that if Germany tri- 
 umphs, then his ''hell and the devil" have won and his "puny 
 little war" for prohibition will lose also among the beer-lov- 
 ing German princes and nobles. Then every law for which 
 unions and workers are contending will go into the scrap 
 heap along with all the other "scraps of paper" upon which 
 the rights, liberties and privileges of the entire American 
 people are recorded. The one paramount issue for all Amer- 
 icans today is victory over Germany. Whoever it is that 
 says there is any other present issue till this one is disposed 
 of — whether he be capitalist, Socialist, prohibitionist or 
 unionist — "is a liar, and the truth is not in him" (I John 
 1:9). 
 
26 
 
 VII SOWING DISCORD. 
 
 The last of the seven things that the Lord is declared 
 to hate is *'he that soweth discord among brethren" — a true 
 picture of the German governmental schemes for the down- 
 fall of other nations by creating discord among them. The 
 German spies that have filled our own unsuspecting country 
 for decades and are still at work among us, their intrigues 
 to stir up civil war or to promote industrial strife in this and 
 other countries, their military maps and plans, for the in- 
 vasion and ruin of all free governments, their butchery, 
 starvation or enforced slavery and degradation of innocent 
 civilians amiong the little nations — Armenia, Belgium, Serbia 
 and Russian Poland — as well as the shocking mistreatment 
 of the non-combatant populations in the conquered provinces 
 of France, Russia and Rumania — how strikingly does all this 
 horrible reality correspond with the scriptural words that 
 point to the work of German despotism ! That government 
 seeks simply to obliterate human freedom by crushing the 
 democratic nations that uphold it, while aiding and abetting 
 the crimes of despotisms — Austria, Bulgaria, Turkey — 
 whose people do not even know the taste of liberty. 
 
 THE CHOICE — LIBERTY VS. SLAVERY. 
 
 But why, some workingmen have asked, should Germany 
 hate America ? — what has America ever done to her ? Noth- 
 ing, except that the very success of a mighty republic gov- 
 erned by the votes of a free people has been a constant ob- 
 ject lesson to the German masses — a perpetual reminder of 
 their own poverty and lack of free thought and action. It 
 is chiefly what they have heard of America that has created 
 unrest among the overburdened working people of Germany. 
 It is American thought and ways that are forever stirring 
 them on to obtain similar freedom and prosperity for them- 
 selves. The American example has thus become the chief 
 source of irritation to the autocratic classes of Germany, 
 and they have therefore decreed its destruction just as soon 
 as they can put England and France out of the way in Eu- 
 rope. Such a republic, if German autocracy triumphs, will 
 
27 
 
 not be permitted to stand. Workingmen must either serve 
 America today or be degraded and enslaved by Germany 
 tomorrow. Strikers or greedy capitalists, if they succeed 
 in crippling America now, will alike be the serfs of Ger- 
 many hereafter. The sole question is, Shall the American 
 people continue to shape the policies of America? Or shall 
 the kaiser rule America as he and his house now rule Ger- 
 many? This is the only issue now before this nation. 
 
 If any union, any association of men, pretends that the 
 present triumph of a faction is more important than the 
 winning of this last great war against social despotism and 
 military tyranny, then the true answer to such men is found 
 in the words of the master law-giver of olden times : '*! 
 call heaven and earth to record this day against you, that I 
 have set before you life and death, blessing and cursing, 
 therefore choose life, that both thou and thy seed may live" 
 (Deut. 30:19). 
 
 America— The Land of Promise, 
 
 By Levi Edgar Young, Professor of American History. 
 
 With the inauguration of George Washington as Pres- 
 ident of the United States, in 1789, the nations of Europe 
 realized the advent of a new government, where "all men 
 are created equal and are endowed by their Creator with 
 certain inalienable rights." The ideals of the new govern- 
 ment were expressed in the Constitution, the first and only 
 document of its kind in history. It promised the people free- 
 dom in religion and political life, and has always had for its 
 fundamental thought that all men are equal, and are en- 
 dowed with divine Light from God. The peoples of west- 
 ern Europe, still subject to the economic ideals and practices 
 of the past, looked to the New World as the Land of Prom- 
 ise. Immigration began. On to the vast domain of the 
 American Continent went the Swede, German, English- 
 man, Frenchman, Italian, Spaniard, and other nationalities. 
 Penetrating the wilderness, they felled the forests, cleared 
 the lands, dug canals and ditches, built roads and bridges, 
 
28 
 
 and planted in the wilderness the home, the fundamental so- 
 cial institution of civilization. The home became the unit 
 of government, and never before in history has the home 
 life been developed as it has been on this continent and under 
 this Government. Land ownership became the rule and not 
 the exception. Men took up land and reaped the rewards 
 of their own toil. Having the virgin soil of a full continent, 
 America's history is written in economic independence and 
 prosperity. Out of this prosperity grew our free political 
 institutions, and this land became a land of freedom and 
 equality. The people became resourceful and independent, 
 and developed high moral conceptions of life, resulting in 
 ''mass morals," not ''class morals." "Man is a creative force, 
 a child of God," says the American pioneer, "and here, there 
 shall be no slave nor king, no bond and free, but all shall 
 have power to realize their higher selves." This becomes 
 the foundation of the new American religion. Free to wor- 
 ship God according to the dictates of conscience, the Amer- 
 ican people have developed a new conception of the meaning 
 of religion, based on the eternal fact that man is a god in 
 embryo, and that through him, the Eternal speaks and makes 
 known His divine laws. A man should no more become a 
 law unto himself religiously, than a law unto himself polit- 
 ically. 
 
 The American became the inventor, and free to act, he 
 learned to control the elements, and to master the laws of 
 Nature. While he has been criticised as unreflective and 
 un-philosophical, yet he has developed an idealism, and no 
 place in the world has Labor, the greatest behest of man, 
 been so idealized as by the American artist. The American 
 has conquered peaceably a virgin continent. At the very 
 root of our civilization has been the institution of agricul- 
 ture, giving us our wealth and varied economic life. The 
 conquerors have been rich in courage and intelligence, and 
 the results are seen today in our democratic government, as 
 well as our intellectual and social, religious, and political 
 institutions. America is a new nation ; it is in the making, 
 and the two great forces in its perfecting are God and man. 
 God is working through men, and there is fast growing a 
 newer and higher conception of man's destiny and the des- 
 
29 
 
 tiny of the nations of all the world. In the great conflict 
 now going on in Europe, the nations have turned to us, and 
 we have responded to the call of millions of people who see 
 their destruction by the military autocracy of Germany. It 
 is the noblest act of history, and is destined to "make the 
 world safe for democracy." The United States will be the 
 savior of the world. Its ideals will become the ideals of 
 all peoples, its truths and conceptions of justice, the truths 
 and justice of all nations. But we are in the making; our 
 ideals are being formed and realized from day to day. In 
 his interesting drama, the "Melting Pot," Israel Zangwill 
 describes the idealism of the American as it is today, and 
 will be. The conversation is between Vera, a Christian girl, 
 and David, a Jewish violinist and composer, whose help 
 Vera is asking: 
 
 ''Vera — So your music finds inspiration in America? 
 
 "David — Yes — in the seething of the Crucible, the great 
 Melting-Pot where all the races of Europe are melting and 
 re-forming! Here you stand, good folk, think I, when I 
 see them at Ellis Island, here you stand {Graphically illus- 
 trating it on the table.) in your fifty groups, with your fifty 
 languages and histories, and your fifty blood hatreds and 
 rivalries. But you won't be long like that, brothers, for 
 these are the fires of God you've come to — these are the 
 fires of God. A fig for your feuds and vendettas ! Germans 
 and Frenchmen, Irishmen and Englishmen, Jews and Rus- 
 sians — into the Crucible with you all. God is making the 
 American. He will be the fusion of all races, the com- 
 ing superman. Ah, what a glorious Finale for my symphony 
 — if I can only write it." 
 
 This is the Land of Promise, seen in vision by Isaiah 
 of old, when he analyzed the nature of the true nation of 
 the future. Justice shall rule the hearts of the people, the 
 spirit of mercy shall be the ideal of the children, and rev- 
 erence, which is the recognition of the voice of God, shall 
 be the guiding principle of all men. "We have a strong city : 
 salvation will God appoint for walls and bulwarks. Open 
 ye the gates, that the righteous nation which keepeth the 
 tnth shall enter in." 
 
30 
 
 Civilization and World Peace ^ 
 
 By Milton Bennion, Dean of the School of Education. 
 
 What is the place of war in civihzation? This raises 
 the whole problem of the function of evil in the world. 
 
 Evils may be classified as physical, such as earthquakes, 
 pestilence and drought; and moral, such as injustice, dis- 
 honesty, and debauchery. Why these things are and what 
 their purpose in the world is are questions that have puzzled 
 mankind from the beginnings of philosophical thinking until 
 now. One of the most classical literary expressions of the 
 problem is the Book of Job, where the predominating motive 
 is religious. Many exponents of the religious view of the 
 world have attempted to reconcile the fact of evil in the 
 world with the assumption of the omnipotence and perfection 
 of God, while skeptics have used these same facts as evidence 
 against religion and in support of agnosticism or atheism. 
 
 It is not our purpose to pursue this question from the 
 religious standpoint. A purely humanitarian view of the 
 matter raises this question. What is the end of man and how 
 is evil related to the attainment of this end? 
 
 In the first place, physical perfection cannot be the ulti- 
 mate goal, much less can ease or freedom from all harm and 
 danger. Man and the world are so constituted that these 
 ends are impossible. Moreover, man develops through 
 struggle to overcome obstacles and to ward off evils. Men 
 whose lives have been uneventful and commonplace have 
 been transformed into heroic figures by the sudden social dis- 
 turbance caused by a violent earthquake. The fight against 
 disease has likewise often brought similar results. It is not, 
 of course, the disease that does this, but the fight against dis- 
 ease. Paradoxical as it may seem, these physical evils that 
 seem to justify themselves because they stimulate human 
 development are not to be sought. Character is not devel- 
 oped by a person's becoming a voluntary martyr to disease 
 germs or by suffering the violence of an earthquake just for 
 the experience. On the contrary, mankind has developed 
 
31 
 
 through his efforts to combat diseases and, in so far as pos- 
 sible, to nullify the evil effects of nature's calamities. 
 
 The case of moral evil is not so simple, although from 
 the standpoint of those that are striving to overcome it, its 
 function is similar to that of physical evil. The effort of 
 one people to oppress another offers opportunity for resist- 
 ance that may bring out the most heroic characters. Such 
 public heroes have generally been brought to light in just 
 this way. What would Washington have been without the 
 War of the Revolution and the struggles and uncertainties 
 of our early national life? And what of Lincoln without 
 slavery and the Civil War ? Has any champion of right ever 
 arisen except in opposition to the prevalence of wrong some- 
 where? These wrongs are moral evils for which individ- 
 uals or societies are sponsors. 
 
 If we may agree that moral development is the end of 
 man and society, those that fight against wrong are indeed 
 fortunate ; but what can be said for those against whom 
 they fight? We can only hope that those who champion 
 wrong do so in ignorance, that they fight a losing cause, and 
 that they or their successors may some day become enlight- 
 ened. This applies to war as it does to every variety of 
 moral struggle. There can be no justification for any war 
 that is not a moral struggle; and, of course, no justification 
 for those that fight on the wrong side when a moral issue 
 is being thus settled. 
 
 While world peace is the goal toward which civilization 
 is moving, so long as any nation resorts to arms as a means 
 of aggression or in support of any form of wrong, military 
 resistance, as a last resort, will ahvays be a virtue. More- 
 over, those that fight in a righteous cause must fight doubly 
 hard. Upon their success depends the cause of humanity and 
 progress. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 Contents ^ 
 
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 1. Introduction President John A. Wiatsoe l. 
 
 2. Why Are We at War? Milton Bennion 3 
 
 (From the Carnegie Peace Lectures for 1917) 
 
 3. The Pillars of Liberty J. H. Paul 6 
 
 (From an address at Tooele, Utah, July 24, 1917) 
 
 4. ,What Is at Stake? George Emory Fellows 13 
 
 (From an address at the University and at Fort D.ouglas) 
 
 5. "Six Things, Yea Seven" J. H. Paul 21 
 
 (From an address at the University) 
 
 6. America, the Land of Opportunity ... Levi Edgar Young 27 
 
 (From an address at the University) 
 
 7. Civilization and the World Peace Milton Bennion 30 
 
 (From the Carnegie Peace Lectures for 1917) 
 
 Index to Chief Topics 
 
 Aims of America, 2, 6, 13, 19, 20, 27. 
 
 Aims of Germany, 4, 12, 14, 16, 23. 
 
 Arrests, Amercan and German, 8. 
 
 Belgium, violation of, 4, 5, 15. 
 
 Character, how developed, 22, 30, 31. 
 
 Causes of the War, 4, 6, 13-15, 23, 24. 
 
 Charters, American and German, 6, 7. 
 
 Civil versus military supremacy, 11. 
 
 Court procedure in America and Germany, 8. 
 
 Democracy, 4, 12, 1,5, 28. 
 
 Destiny of America, 2, 26 29. 
 
 Duty of Americans, 1, 2, 3, 12, 25, 27, 28. 
 
 Evil, problem of 30, 31. 
 
 Equality before the law, 10, 27. 
 
 Free speech 3, 9, 10. 
 
 Germany, the enemy of mankind, 2, 5, 12, 14, 16, 18, 22-26. 
 
 Habeas corpus in America, England and Germany, 7. 
 
 Home, the American in political life, 28. 
 
 Ideals, American, 27, 28, 30; German, 16-19, 22-26. 
 
 Issues, the chief vv^ar, 2, 4, 6, 12, 13, 26. 
 
 Kings, divine right of, 10, 17; crimes of, 21, 22-24. 
 
 Melting pot, America as, 29. 
 
 Might vs. right, 6, 11-13, 16, 17. 
 
 Peace, the American aim and ideal, 2, 5, 11, 29, 31. 
 
 Religious liberty — America and Germany compared, 11. 
 
 Representative vs. autocratic government, 12, "20 27, 
 
 Supreme Court, for nations and world, 11, 12. 
 
 Traitors, treason, treachery, 4, 9, 20, 25. 
 
 Treaties, American vs. German views of, 6, 18, 22. 
 
 Voting in America and in Germany, 11. 
 
 Wages in Germany, 24. 
 
 War, its causes, justification and effects, 4-6, 13-18, 23, 30, 31. 
 
HoUin 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, 
 
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