:) 953 
 368 
 333 
 opy 1 
 

 4 
 
 .''^O 
 
 .if 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE OEFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE 
 FENIAN BKOTHEKHOOD. 
 
 ^ 
 
 Headquaeters Fenian Brotheehood, ) 
 No. 10 West Fourth Street, > 
 New York, Feb. 27th, 1868. ) 
 Brothers : At tlie recent Congress of the Fenian Brother- 
 hood, held in Cleveland, your Eepresentatives, there assembled, 
 after due deliberation, and liaving the exact position of the 
 national body, both here and in Ireland, laid before them, 
 adopted a programme of action, fixed the time within which 
 it was to be put into operation, and in their own names, and 
 on behalf of the Circles they represented, pledged themselves 
 to raise a certain amount of resources, in men, money, and 
 material, to give effect to the policy laid down for the future^ 
 guidance of the organization. Tliat policy was determined 
 upon unanimously; and as every delegate present must have 
 recognized the necessity of prompt and unanimous action to 
 carry it out, it was by special resolution made the duty of 
 every one, immediately on his return to the district to which 
 he belonged, to go to work to make good the promises given 
 in the name of the organization, and to place in the hands of 
 its officers the resources calculated upon, without delay or hesi- 
 tation. That this was a vital consideration, in the general plan, is 
 apparent, since in every revolutiona,ry movement prompt- 
 itude is the guarantee of success, and celerity of action is re- 
 [ quired to compensate for disparity of forces. Without the cor- 
 dial and earnest co-operation of the members of the organiza- 
 tion, the officers entrusted with the execution of its plans would 
 want the poM^er needed for their practical fulfilmen . Hence, 
 when the knowledge is before us that attempts are l)eing made 
 to check the progress of tins necessary and patriotic work, we 
 
 \ 
 
2 
 
 can only regard such efforts as an endeavor to destroy the or- 
 ganization, to ruin the grand object for which it has been 
 built up, and to defeat the aspirations of the Irish people for 
 the freedom of their Fatherland. That such opposition should 
 have come from the avowed enemies of Ireland, would be nat- 
 ural ; nor should we be surprised if we had experienced, at the 
 outset of our work, a renewal of the hostility of those who, 
 pretending to have the interest of Ireland at heart, have again 
 and again assailed your organization, because your patriotism 
 and self-sacrifice have been a reproach to their own selfish in- 
 difference, and the vitality and effectiveness of your action 
 have more strongly demonstrated the emptiness and inutility 
 of the political theories with which they themselves had long 
 misled the Irish people, to their degradation and destruction. 
 Such assaults have been so often met and repelled by the or- 
 ganization, that, at this advanced stage of our movement, with 
 so many favoring circumstances to cheer us, and such staunch 
 and energetic workers in the ranks, they would scarcely have 
 attracted attention. 
 
 But when a deadl}'' blow has been aimed at the organization 
 by men who not only profess to be friends of Irish liberty, 
 but even to be members of and workers in the Fenian Brother- 
 hood, such treason calls for the promptest repudiation and 
 punishment of its authors. The open enemy can be met and 
 repelled ; the treacherous ally may be watched and defeated ; 
 but the faithless, pretended friend, who attempts to plunge the 
 poisoned dagger into your back, while you are confronting both, 
 in the discharge of the most sacred dnty of patriotism, is a foe 
 more dangerous than either, who should not be tolerated within 
 our lines a moment longer than would be needed for his expul- 
 sion. The Constitution of the Fenian Brotherhood defines such 
 conduct as perfidy ; and as such it should be regarded, and 
 treated accordingly. 
 
 These are severe reflections upon the conduct of any mem- 
 ber of our organization, and they are made with regret. But 
 the duty which devolves on your Executive to protect and de- 
 fend the Brotherhood and the cause in which it is engaged, leaves 
 no alternative. While a hope remained of amendment or cor- 
 rection, your officers have labored, by ad^ce and personal remon- 
 strance, to avert what has now become inevitable. In return 
 they have been met by abuse and misrepresentation ; the 
 authority delegated to them by you has been set at naught, 
 and the laws of the Brotherhood sought to be undermined by 
 secret machinations. To remain silent longer would be crim- 
 inal. We cannot fight England while a concealed adversary 
 
IS sapping our strengtli from within, and we are at last com- 
 pelled to warn the Irish ^Nationalists of America against the 
 influence now being exerted against them by a journal which, 
 lounded on the contributions of patriotic Irishmen, to aid the 
 national cause, has, through the perversion and abandonment 
 Its true mission wrought more injury to that cause than 
 could have been effected by a host of recognized enemies 
 
 The "Ikish Republic" newspaper, published in Chicago, 
 111 whidi was started, ostensibly, for the benefit of Ireland 
 and the I enian cause, and as such was encouraged and sup- 
 ported by men who are ever ready to do all in their power for 
 their native land— myself amongst the number— has of late 
 descended from its (professed) high and holy purpose to the 
 abuse o± the best and most self-sacrificing men of the Fenian 
 organization, and sowing the seeds of discord and disunion 
 in the vain hope of being able to so split up the organization, 
 that the editors might be able to use it for their own corrupt 
 political purposes under the hypocritical and delusive cry of 
 
 wu .T- Y"'""?.- ""^^^^ ^" *^'^"' ^^a^'ts they wanted no union. 
 Whether the editors of the " Irish Eepublic " are the friends 
 or the enemies of the Irish people and the Fenian cause to- 
 day, you shall be tbe judges; as I shall make no statements 
 which I am not prepared to prove— most of them out of their 
 own writings. I must ask your kind indulgence while I show 
 those gentlemen up to you as they now appear to me. 
 
 In their issue of July 20th, 1867, we find the following : 
 
 nnc.'lp^XTfrv™''- ?.l™\^- ^—^ ""^^^^^ piously inclined individual, hav- 
 ing set fire to his neighbor s house, was one of the loudest in crying for water 
 
 ?enL?^ln?l^"^ ^''Tk'- '^ •'^'■'^?'^ ''^^' ^^^^ ^P^^^ing years in fuining the 
 Sv n^ ^"^^^^^'^'i^^*^' ^^f ^™g»Dg disgrace and ridicule on their own people^and 
 having run as far as their ropes will allow, without actually, as yet hanging 
 themselves, are now crying out for Reconstruction! ReconstructioJ say thol 
 cnminalbunglei^,isthedrderof the day; so by all means let theVenians b^ 
 reconstructed; let_ the present leaders give way for new men, and let both 
 branches unite again. It smply means that certain rats, who live in bare cup- 
 nn hoL7 o?'"^ '^m *^^.' PfP^^'^ ^''^"^ ^" up-would like to get once more 
 there ^ '^' "'*'* ^*'' ^ *™' "^ *^" P^^*^°"^ '^^^' '^^^^J g^^^ded 
 
 rri. " ' '^^'^ branches,' is the glib quotation on the lips of those driveling idiots 
 ^th^inLd^ r 'r ^'■'^^'f ■ gentlemen, but tfere is only oulnol The 
 other is dead It was always rotten. It never bore any fruit but misery and 
 
 Shy- .^S^^"^^ ^^^- '^'^ ^-•— A^^ to nowToSS 
 
 he«vtYT^„!^^^ T"^ ^^t^ ^^' been a good deal on the lips, but never in the 
 mWdthfev^^^^^^^ there could be no union. Good men have also 
 
 r unfor, wuf I '^''''^' ^J"^^ *^*y ^'"P^^'i t^^^t' ^t any expense, there should 
 
 question » '' ^"""^ ^^* *^^ ^'^^""^^ ""^ ^""^^'^ ^^°«^«" ^"^^^^ the 
 
The foregoing, brothers, was intended to apply to others ; 
 but who are the " rats " and " driveling idiots," now ? I an- 
 swer, the editors of the " Irish Republic." It is they who now 
 call for " Reconstruction," It is they who call upon the 
 "present leaders to give way for new men, and let both 
 branches unite again." It is they who have " Union ! Union !" 
 eternally on their lips, but far, very far, from their hearts. It 
 is they who have taught and urged upon " good men to misuse 
 this excellent word," when they imply that at any expense 
 there should be " Union." 
 
 Again, speaking of the men with whom they now pretend 
 to be so anxious to unite, they say : 
 
 " We want no more unions with such reptiles. We have union now. Every 
 honest man, who has the perception of a mole, is in the ranks of the Brotherhood. 
 Let not any honest man be deceived by newspapers supported from the spoils of 
 Union Square. There is but one organization now, and that is under the direc- 
 tion of Wm. R. Roberts, and the Senate of the F. B. 
 
 " Our organization to-day numbers not less than six hundred Circles in the 
 States and Territories, and is working as smoothly and efficiently as the best or- 
 ganized government on earth. Who are they that we are ordered to unite with ? 
 Can they produce a half dozen Circles in the United States ? Can they produce 
 any war material better than the old pikes and shillelahs that used to ornament 
 the Head Center's office before he began to gird on the sword which his coward 
 hand is afraid to use ? Who elected what they call a Directory ? By what author- 
 ity do thfry speak for any portion of our people ? Shall we give up principle, and 
 violate our laws, to please every factionist that chooses to bark at us from his 
 filthy kennel?" 
 
 " Let not any honest man be deceived by newspapers sup- 
 ported by the spoils of Union Square ! " to which I would add, 
 nor " let any honest man be deceived by " the misrepresenta- 
 tions of a newspaper, now supported by political tricksters, for 
 the basest of political purposes. " There is but one organiza- 
 tion now, and that is under the direction of Wm. R. Roberts 
 and the Senate of the F. B." If the teachings of the " Irish Re- 
 public" were to prevail, which they will not, there would soon be 
 no Fenian organization at all, but in its stead would be built up 
 a political faction, which, if it did not succeed in freeing Ireland, 
 would be sure to reward its originators with some high and 
 honorable position, commensurate with their distinguished ser- 
 vices. " Our organization numbers not less than six hundred 
 Circles in the States and Territories, and is working as smoothly 
 and efficiently as the best organized government on earth." 
 The foregoing being true, then why have those gentlemen so 
 much fault to find with the " bunglers " at headquarters, who 
 are conducting the affairs of the organization. " Shall we 
 give up principle, and violate our laws to please every faction- 
 ist that chooses to bark at us from his filthy kennel? " Assur- 
 
edly not ; and the sooner those " factionists " cease " barking," 
 the better. We are not to be driven from, the path of right 
 and justice, bj all the " factionists " in the land. 
 
 On the 20th of July, 1867, according to the statement of 
 the " Irish Republic," the Fenian organization, under Col. 
 Wra. E. Roberts, was in a very flourishing condition, and 
 " working as smoothly and efiiciently as the best organized 
 government on earth." Why, then, did the editors try to 
 force upon the organization a set of " principles," which, would 
 at once completely demoralize it. Simply, because that is 
 what they want : anarchy, infidelity, and political chicanery 
 must be introduced, or the organization must fall to pieces. I 
 select from the seven " great principles," laid down by those 
 gentlemen, for the adoption of, and promulgation by, the Fe- 
 nian Congress, which assembled at Cleveland, Ohio, Septem- 
 ber 3, 1867 : 
 
 " IV. Our fourth great principle has reference to the only effectual mode of 
 action open to us. We are a nation without a country, and consequently destitute 
 of the right to wage war on our own account. Yet, war we must make, and in 
 the holiest cause that ever man struggled for, or Heaven approved. How is it to 
 be done ? There is no earthly way but one ; become a secret, sworn organization ! 
 You are compelled already to do it partially : do it universally and consistently. 
 We warn you that, till you do it, you will never accomplish your object ; and the 
 men who oppose your becoming a secret society, do not wish you to accomplish 
 it. Most likely, certain influence is too strong a^ong you to let our advice be 
 taken. But mark the consequences ; you will fail ; and your failure will be on 
 your own heads. We, at least, have endeavored to do our duty." 
 
 " VI. Our sixth great principle has reference to the selection and rotation of 
 our legislative and executive officers and officials. The President of the United 
 States is frequently changed. Is our " chief" to be a permanent fixture ? Do not 
 misunderstand us. Taken as a whole, the conduct of Colonel Roberts has been 
 honorable and upright, and we advocate his re-election. We know no other man 
 that is worthy to take his place. But the principle must be left intact for all 
 that, and we call on you to apply it stringently to every other executive officer in 
 the organization. We must not have a new edition of O'Mahonyism. It is 
 creeping in, and is already all but immovably ensconced in your high official 
 places. Let Vice-presidents, Senators, Secretaries of War and Civil Affairs, and all 
 your principal officers, be changed. We demand it as a right, and if you attempt 
 to saddle certain select men as permanent burdens on the shoulders of our people, 
 the world will hear more of it." 
 
 Brothers, I was not at the Cleveland Convention, but I 
 most heartily approve of the action of your own intelligent 
 and patriotic representatives who were there assembled, and 
 who saw the evils that would result from the adoption of the 
 " great principles " above mentioned. I need not tell you 
 what would be the result of making our organization " a secret, 
 sworn organization." Your best and bravest men would leave 
 
it, and the originators and their followers would be left withy 
 not a powerful organization, having for its object the liberation 
 of an enslaved people, but one that would use whatever in- 
 fluence it might possess to have our people trample upon reli- 
 gion and erect a school of anarchy and infidelity in its stead • 
 or, in the language of the Irish Repuhlio^ to teach our 
 people how to "' own their own souls;" or, what means the 
 same thing, to have them always ready to sell to the highest 
 political bidder. The only oath required in our organization^ 
 is an oath of secrecy regarding our military operations, which 
 oath the military men are required to take. The assertion that 
 " the men who oppose your becoming a secret society" do not 
 wish you to accomplish your object, is as false as the source 
 from whence such lies emanate. Your best and bravest and 
 most self-sacrificing men — men who have shown their fidelity 
 in the past — who stood by you and the Fenian organization at 
 a time that tried men's souls — who have evinced a willingness 
 to risk their lives, and are still ready to die, if need be, for the 
 dear Old Land they love so well — are opposed to making our 
 organization " secret oath-bound." But mark the consequences 
 denounced against us : " You will fail ; and your failure will 
 be on your own heads." That the editors of the '' Irish Re- 
 public " have done all in their power to make the cause " fail," 
 and, so far as they could, to carry out their own prophecy, is 
 very evident ; but that it " will fail," or that they can cause it 
 to " fail," is not within the sphere of their mighty intellect, 
 and they know no more about it than the child unborn. Your 
 representatives, in council assembled, did not deem it wise or 
 advisable to adopt or carry out the " fourth great principle " of 
 the " Irish Republic," by changing " all the principal ofiicers " 
 of the Fenian Brotherhood ; and in this they acted wisely and 
 patriotically. They selected their best men — men who had 
 been tried and found true as steel. But, sure enough, " the 
 world has heard more of it" — or at least that portion of the 
 world wliich is blessed by the effulgence of the " Irish Repub- 
 lic ; " for from that day to this, these men have been slandered 
 and vilified with a persistent malignity that would blacken a 
 saint of God. 
 
 The "seventh great principle" closes with the following 
 piece of egotism and impertinence : 
 
 " We have pointed out the true course. We can go hand in hand with all 
 true men — even to death, so long as they pursue it. When they refuse or turn 
 aside, we can travel it alone." 
 
 Now, brothers, in this last sentence yon have the key to the 
 cry for "union" first raised by the "Irish Republic," and its 
 
subsequent course. It laid down certain principles, which 
 your representatives at the Cleveland Congress wisely rejected; 
 and now, as they themselves tleclared beforehand, they are 
 "traveling alone" — like a certain angel we read oi\ who, not 
 being able to rule in heaven, determined to set up a kingdom 
 of his own, and drag all he could after him. Let them " travel 
 it alone:" we have no inclination to accompany them. 
 
 Again, under date of November 9th, 1867, addressing 
 themselves to Mr. Savage, they say : 
 
 " We desire a formal union, if it can be had. But mark this : so long as a 
 foul-mouthed slanderer like John O'Mahohy comes out, week by week, and, in 
 your name and as your organ, covers the names and characters of our best and 
 most devoted men with his vile and venomous slime, we ask you, is union either 
 likely or practicable ?******* 
 
 " Your representatives at Cleveland openly disavowed all connection with this 
 cunning and mischievous charlatan. We call on you publicly to do the same. If 
 you do not, your professed desire for union is a sham and a lie." 
 
 Has John O'Mahony ceased to slander " our best and 
 bravest men? " JSTo ; but the editors of the "Irish Republic" 
 are now helping him. Has Mr. Savage publicly disavowed all 
 connection with him ? ITeither the one nor the other ; and the 
 editors of the " Irish Republic " know it. But what care 
 they for consistency ! They have their own axe to grind. 
 
 Again, under date of November 26th, 1867, we find the 
 following : 
 
 << * * * Next, take our 'leaders' and lecturers, whether within the pale 
 of the Fenian Brotherhood or outside the ranks of that organization. Clerical de- 
 nunciations, episcopal influences, for or against, as the case may be, — are not these 
 their regular stock in trade ? Are not ' messages ' and addresses, and harangues 
 generally, absolutely bristling with denials and disclaimers of ' infidelity ' as well 
 as ' revolution ' with the most solemn asseverations of their devotedness to their 
 ' religion,' — nay, sometimes even with benevolent supplications, ofifered up to the 
 Eternal, that ' the tongue may wither ' that dares to utter a sentence against the 
 dogmas to which their souls cling as their first and chiefest concern ? Such advo- 
 cacy as this will never free Ireland. No, not if its authors and their victims were 
 to live and rant for ten thousand years. They make the cause of their country 
 secondary to other considerations ; and men who do that will never tread down 
 everything that lies in the way of Ireland's liberty. And more, and worse than 
 that, they are not free agents. They are bound, hand and foot, by influences and 
 by men who are leagued with Ireland's enemies, and who for years have been 
 moving heaven and earth to crush those who were laboring to effect her national 
 deliverance. We have a great revolution to effect, and the idea of our being led 
 by men who are not revolutionists, but who lie like lambs under the heels of 
 those who are its sworn enemies, is an absurdity and a blunder of which no other 
 people on earth would be guUty but our own." 
 
 In the foregoing paragraph, brothers, you have the true 
 cause of the hostility of the " Irish Republic " to the present 
 officials and leaders of the Fenian organization. Most of them 
 are Catholics, devoted to their religion, and this, in the opinion 
 
of the Irish. Republic, makes them " bunglers " — not fit for 
 " revolutionists " — -who must " stand aside " and leave room 
 for Infidels — men like James- Stephens, perhaps, who are 
 " free agents " (very free with the people's money), and " who 
 own their own souls !" " The idea of being led by such men is 
 an absurdity and a blunder," which the editors of the " Irish 
 Republic " are not going to stand. We opine they may 
 possibly lie down under it, " like lambs " — for these men are 
 not going to " stand aside " to accommodate them. 
 
 Again, under date of December 7th, 186Y, we read as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " We desire that the Fenian Brotherhood shall become a Revolutionary 
 Brotherhood, having but one object in view — the freedom of their country — and 
 being -willing to trample all considerations under foot that come between it and 
 its object. We desire that the men who compose this Brotherhood shall own 
 their own souls, and shall be willing to push aside all obstacles that stand in the 
 way of liberty, whether these obstacles be English red-coats or Orange yellow- 
 coats. Catholic bishops or Protestant ministers. Either make the Brotherhood a 
 . revolutionary body, led by men who will not cower at ecclesiastical anathema, 
 or make it a simple agitation society, where England can be scolded to the satis- 
 faction of the remnant of all the old wives of the old school. We -will have no 
 men pining in British dungeons, or swinging on British scaffolds, while we are 
 too virtuous to retaliate." 
 
 There is no mistaking the foregoing paragraph. The 
 ingenious writer who tries to confound the Catholic bishops 
 and priests with the Irish Orangemen, and English Red coats — 
 who would have you disregard the teachings of the Church, 
 and trample religion under foot — who would couple the Eccle- 
 siastical anathema with English law — has but one object in 
 view, which is to uproot religion, to destroy all that is grand 
 and noble in the Irish character, and establish Red Repub- 
 licanism and Infidelity in its stead, so that the Irish people, 
 forsooth, may become fit subjects for a "Revolutionary 
 Brotherhood !" Brothers, beware ! Our fathers fought man- 
 fully for God and country, for the last three hundred years. 
 Shall we now forsake the faith of our fathers, at the bidding 
 of a professed Infidel, whose mission seems to be to insinuate 
 himself into the affections of our people, under the pretense 
 of patriotism, so that he may work their destruction. Brothers, 
 this writer can offer us nothing now that has not been offered 
 a thousand times before by the English Q-overnment, and as 
 often rejected. We can neither sell our country, nor deny our 
 God. 
 
 Again, under date of January 11, 1868, they advocated the 
 establishment of three organizations, the first to be organized 
 under the " Banner of Repeal," and provide for the second 
 and third, as follows : 
 
" Let those who believe ia physical force, and who will aot enter into oath- 
 botind or secret societies, go on as they hare be^n doing, drilling, talking, arming, 
 and telling their business to all creation. This will embrace the second army corps, 
 which wiU be quite as large and as powerful as the first. The third corps will 
 consist of those who believe that secret organization is the safest and most 
 powerful, in fact, the only effectual medium to work revolution." 
 
 In the foregoing we have the solution to the great anxiety 
 recently evinced by the editors of the " Irish Republic " to 
 have a convention of the " Fenian Brotherhood," not, as is pre- 
 tended, to bring about a union of all true Irish Nationalists, 
 but for the purpose of trying once more to establish a " secret 
 oath-bound organization," which is, as they say, the only effect- 
 ual medium to work revolution — an organization which they 
 themselves could control for their own corrupt purposes. A 
 " Repeal " Association is well enough for bishops, priests, and 
 such as John Martin, The O'Donoghue, and men of their stamp. 
 The legitimate Fenian organization, as it exists at present, will 
 do well enough for old grannies, like you, brothers, and myself, 
 who don't " own our own souls," according to the " Irish Re- 
 public," — who are willing to shed rivers of blood, if need be, 
 in fair and honorable fight, but who are not willing to shed a 
 single drop of blood by the dagger of the assassin. Such an 
 organization will do for us, and " will embrace the second army 
 corps, which will be quite as large and powerful as the first." 
 But " the third corps will consist of those who believe that 
 secret organization is the safest and most powerful, in fact, the 
 only effectual medium to work revolution." Yes, this corps 
 will consist of men who " own their own souls," and who are 
 as ready to sell them to the highest political bidder as they 
 would their country — the only men fit for leaders of the Irish 
 people ! Oh ! my country ! Well might your exiled sons and 
 daughters weep if the shackles that have bound you for centu- 
 ries were still to confine your mangled limbs until rent asunder 
 by these men. But no ; weep not ! The true and brave of 
 your race — men who will neither trample upon nor mock at 
 religion, who will neither curse the Sagarth Aruin nor trafiic 
 in Irish patriotism, have sworn before high heaven to devote 
 their lives to the cause of Irish liberty, imploring the God of 
 Battles to aid them, and will not be driven from their high and 
 holy mission, though all the demons in hell, backed by their 
 accomplices on earth, should combine to throw obstacles in 
 their way. 
 
 Under date of Jan. 18, 1868, we find the following: 
 
 " Stop the supplies ! Do not send a sing'e cent of money to the headquarters 
 of either party until a union is effected." ****** 
 ************* 
 
 '!"The appointment of General John O'Neill as acting President of the Organ- 
 
10 
 
 ization receives our warmest indorsement, and will continue to receive our earnest 
 support. There are few Irishmen living better entitled to the position. We 
 had fondly hoped to see him, at an early date, the recognized head and leader 
 of the United Irish Nationalists of America. Nor do we yet wholly despair, 
 although something has occurred of late by which the fair and flattering pros- 
 pect has been sadly obscured. We allude to the publication of ' the proclama- 
 tion ' or address, in which the action of certain persons in England is denounced as 
 bringing discredit on the cause of our country. Now we are no advocates of 
 assassination; but if England murders our innocent brothers, then as a nation 
 virtually at war with England, we must seek reprisals. Let the titled murderers 
 be selected and dealt with as they deserve, for the punishment of their hired 
 tools, in the form of jailers and policemen, is hardly worth our attention. But 
 surely this whole matter could have been deferred for a few days till the vital 
 question of united organization and action was decided; after that, it and all 
 kindred questions could be discussed and decided by the united representatives 
 of our entire nation. At any rate, the matter is too unimportant to be allowed 
 to stand in the way of that union which is the first element of strength, and 
 the sure forerunner of victory. Let the Fenians of America, therefore, lay aside 
 for the present every minor consideration, rnd unite under General O'Neill." 
 
 " The appointment of General John O'Keill as acting 
 President of the organization receives our warmest indorse- 
 ment, and will continue to receive our earnest support. There 
 are few Irishmen living better entitled to the position." But 
 " stop the supplies !" withhold from him the onlj means by 
 which he can do anything for Ireland ! Brothers, how beauti- 
 fully consistent are those gentlemen ! For whom do they take 
 me ? Do they judge me from their own elevated stand-point ? 
 Am I in search of some political office — in the securing of 
 which I can have their " warmest indorsement " and " earnest 
 support ?" If such were my ambition, their " indorsement " 
 and " support " were not necessary. If I were mean and con- 
 temptible enough to take advantage of my popularity with my 
 countrymen since the 2d of June, 1866, and had been willing 
 to barter my conscience and my patriotism, I opine I would 
 not have had much trouble in securing a comfortable political 
 position. But my only ambition — nay, the great object of my 
 life — is to serve my native land ; and this those gentlemen 
 would prevent, if possible, by " stopping the supplies " and 
 leaving us to fight with empty hands. But I have also sinned 
 by publishing a " proclamation " or address denouncing the 
 murder of innocent persons, and condemning assassins gener- 
 ally, and am not willing to substitute the dagger of the assas- 
 sin, whether applied to " titled " lords or " hired tools," for 
 the sword and bayonet in "honorable fight." "Let the 
 Fenians of America, therefore, lay aside for the present every 
 minor consideration and imite under Gen. O'lTeill." Oh, 
 hypocrisy, where is thy shame? Beautiful unity indeed would 
 we have if the people followed their advice ; but they will not. 
 
11 
 
 Under date of February 22, 1868, we find the following : 
 
 * * * * " "We protest against this conspiracy to destroy the hopes of our 
 country. We could disclose facts concerning the means taken by leaders to get 
 the indorsement of Circles that would astonish those men who cannot account for 
 our contimied divisions." 
 
 Yes, brothers, they could disclose "falsehoods," not " facts," 
 as they have done in the following paragraph : 
 
 * * * * " Where circles were about protesting against the action of both 
 sides in their failure t6 cement an union on some petty technicality, no less than 
 one President, one Senator and two or three organizers have hurried to the scene 
 of conflict and bullied the simple-minded members into an indorsement of this. 
 and that man, and thanked them for standing on constitutions." 
 
 Brothers of Rochester, N. Y., it was to yon that one Presi- 
 dent (myself) and one Organizer " hurried," not " one Presi- 
 dent, one Senator, and two or three Organizers," as is falsely 
 stated above — the Senator being a resident of your city, and 
 one of yourselves, and one of the two Organizers, not " three," 
 having accidentally stopped at your city — without any inten- 
 tion or desire, as you well know, to address you on that occa- 
 sion. Are you the " simple-minded men " whom we " bul- 
 lied into an indorsement of this or that man ?" You know it 
 to be false, brothers. We are not " bullies," and you are not 
 the " simpletons " to be bullied ; a more intelligent lot of 
 Irishmen I have never met in any city in America. You had 
 been deceived and stuffed with lies. We presented plain and 
 simple truths for your consideration ; and falsehood vanished 
 from before your gaze as the snow melts before the noon-day 
 sun. 
 
 Again we read : 
 
 ****'< rpjjg Qjj]y objection that we have heard urged against setting 
 men aside is, that their places cannot be filled. Well, heaven help us, if, out of 
 fifteen millions of the Irish race, we cannot find mea to fill the positions better 
 than those who have had charge of Fenianism in the past, we are a sorry set of 
 people. We are not even up to the dead level of mediocrity." 
 
 High-sounding words those, brothers, but you know what 
 they mean. You know how many of those " fifteen millions " 
 belong to the Fenian organization, both branches, to-day.. 
 You know how many of those "fifteen millions" belonged to 
 it in this country, while it was supposed to be a " secret, oath- 
 bound organization." You know how many would belong to 
 it in a month from this date, if those gentlemen's " great prin- 
 ciples " were adopted. 
 
 ****<■ We draw attention of our readers to the following set of resolu- 
 tions passed before senators, generals, and organizers at large could sway the 
 multitudes with their presence." * * * * 
 
 What august " presences " ours must be ! " Sway the 
 
12 
 
 multitudes." Brothers, why are we'able to "sway" you in 
 such "multitudes?" Simply because we came before you in 
 our " littleness " (surely men of our " littleness " ought not 
 to be able to " sway the multitudes !") with plain, simple, 
 honest facts ; because you know we are thoroughly in earnest ; 
 because you know we have shown a willingness to sacrifice 
 ourselves and our brightest worldly prospects to serve Ireland, 
 and now solemnly declare to you that we are ready to do still 
 more in the future. This, brothers, is why you welcome us in 
 "multitudes," wherever you have an opportunity of doing 
 so, and assure us of your determination to do your part in the 
 glorious work of Ireland's redemption. 
 
 You know that at your various congresses, you selected 
 your best and most available men. But now, — seeing that you 
 have not selected to suit those gentlemen, — the true and tried 
 men, whom you did select, are to be vilified and slandered with, 
 perverse malignity. 
 
 Brothers, why have I dwelt so long on this, to me, very 
 unpleasant subject. Simply because I fear that some of you 
 have been led to believe (as I confess I was myself) that those 
 gentlemen of the " Irish Republic," who have plied you so 
 incessantly with their plausible sophistries and cry for " union," 
 almost ever since the Cleveland Convention, — where certain 
 measures were decided upon, which one of the editors, Mr. S., 
 with others, pledged himself to assist in carrying out (which, 
 pledge he has broken) — were sincere and patriotic, when, in their 
 hearts, they desired no union that would not carry out the 
 principles, that you, through your representatives, refused to 
 adopt. Their every act, from that day to this, has been to di- 
 vide and destroy the mighty organization described by them- 
 selves, in their issue of July 20th, 1867, in the vain hope that 
 by getting up dissensions within our own ranks, they might 
 yet succeed in carrying out the threats already alluded to. With 
 this object in view, they raised the cry of " union " almost with 
 the same breath that they assured us that " union " with the 
 " poisonous fungus," which they called the other branch, 
 would "kill us too." Previous to the Cleveland Congress,- 
 they would have no " union ; " but, failing to carry out their 
 designs at the Congress, they immediately after raised the cry 
 of " union," as a cloak to their treachery. It is not " union " 
 but disunion they want, and their hypocritical cry is a mock- 
 ery and a lie. I, myself, led away by their hollow preten- 
 sions, came to this city, last jSTovember, to attend a meeting of 
 the Senate, and at once urged the necessity of making an effort 
 to bring about a " union " — with what success, you are already 
 aware. The Senate, with President Roberts first, and myself 
 
18 
 
 afterwards, did all that honor and justice would permit us to 
 do, to accomplish that very desirable object. But we failed, 
 not, as some have falsely asserted, because we were " opposed 
 to union," but, because the other party wanted no " union " 
 that would not give them the entire control of the organiza- 
 tion : and permit them to squander your hard-earned money, 
 as they had done before. That such is the fact, I need only 
 call your attention to the following, from Mr. Savage's organ, 
 the " Irish People," of 15th inst. The resolutions, as published 
 from nearly all their Circles throughout the country, are simi- 
 lar in import to those of Manhattan District : 
 
 From the Irish People, Feb. 15, 1868. 
 THE MANHATTAN REPRESENTATIVES IN COUNCIL. 
 
 We publish the following manifesto with great pleasure. We rejoice to find 
 that onr Brothers of Manhattan are at last thoroughly convinced that the real 
 object of the late proposals made by the " President " and " Senate " of the Mee- 
 hanites to the Chief Executive of the Fenian Brotherhood was to prevent, or, at 
 least, delay the unification of the organized patriots of this country under one 
 administration, not to accomplish it. Under the prudent and honest direction of 
 John Savage at this side, and by the moral force resulting from the late action of 
 Colonel Thomas J. Kelly and his associates at the other side, a reunion of all 
 that is good and true among the Fenians of America was in course of rapid com- 
 pletion in spite of Meehan and his "Senate." The sufferings and blood of our 
 noble martyrs were bearing an abundant harvest among the deluded but earnest 
 and honest followers of the " Secessionists," and they were already rallying by 
 Circles and individually to the standard of John Savage. If this were allowed 
 to have gone on much longer, Meehan and his " President " and his " Senate " and 
 his paid " military staff " and his " paid organizers," would have been soon left 
 without followers, alone in their official glory. But worse than all, funds for the 
 " Men at Home " would have come in to the Fenian Treasury in quantity suffi- 
 cient to enable Colonel Kelly to continue his daring and patriotic labors to their 
 completion. These results were what the Meehanites had sought to prevent or 
 retard by their late dishonest and perfidious scheme under the pretext of union. 
 To some extent they have been successful. Their " Paid Organizers " were sent 
 forth anew under the mask of " Union Agents," and they paralyzed for a time the 
 awakening energy of many Circles throughout the country by persuading them 
 to retain their financial subsidies until the completion of a union they never 
 meant to complete. We congratulate the officers and representatives of the Fe- 
 nian Circles of Manhattan on having taken an energetic course towards the rem- 
 edy of these evil results. We trust their example will be promptly followed up, 
 and that their counsel will be acted on by the whole Brotherhood. Thus shall 
 Meehan and Meehan's " Senate" and Meehan's "President," and the entire of 
 Meehan's corrupt hireling gang be foiled in their treacherous designs. Thus shall 
 the British Government and aristocracy be disappointed, for once, in their hopes 
 of having our senseless and pernicious dissensions rendered perpetual : 
 
 RESOLUTIONS OF THE (SAVAGe) FENIAN BROTHERHOOD OF MANHATTAN, ON THE LATE 
 UNION NEGOTIATIONS. 
 
 • At a meeting of the officers and delegates of the District of Manhattan, held 
 at No. 267 Bowery, Sunday, February 2, 1868, thirty-five Circles being repre- 
 sented, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted : 
 
 Whereas, The recent negotiations between John Savage, C. E. F. B., and the 
 " Senate," have faDed to bring about the Union of all Irish Nationalists, so much 
 desired by all good and true Irishmen ; and 
 
14: 
 
 Whereas, We, the representatires of Manhattan, have watched the action and 
 carefully perused the correspondence of Mr. Savage and the Senate Committee, 
 and find, after due deliberation, that the gentlemen known as the " Senate," have 
 in toto disregarded the spirit, and letter of the Basis, as laid down by the Senate 
 Committee and Mr. Savage ; and 
 
 Whereas, "We deem it incumbent that all true Irishmen should declare their 
 s^itiments and give expressions to their feelings in regard to those negotiations ; 
 and 
 
 Whereas, We have every reason to believe that the action of some of the Cir- 
 cles of the Senate party, in not sending their moneys to their Headquarters, and 
 advising the Circles of the F. B. to retain their moneys, to be a deep laid scheme 
 for some sinister purpose, and not for the carrying out of the project we hold so 
 dear, assisting those who have so daringly resisted the English power ; and 
 
 Whereas, Inasmuch as we recognize John Savage, C. E. F. B., as the only me- 
 dium between the F. B. of America and the gallant Colonel Thomas J. Kelly and 
 the men of Ireland and England, we deem it our duty to give all the support in 
 our power to him alone who is recognized by those gallant men. Be it, there- 
 fore, 
 
 Resolved, That in the opinion of this body Mr. Savage has done everything 
 to create the Union desired consistent with the welfare of the Organization and 
 the freedom of our native land. 
 
 Resolved, That it is the firm conviction of this body that the " Senate," in ap- 
 pointing their Committee and in inaugurating those negotiations at a time when 
 the cable dispatches announced to us the wonderful success of Colonel Thomas J. 
 Kelly and his comrades, were only intended to counteract the glorious work be- 
 gun by our Brothers in Ireland, by stoppin;; the supplies which Mr. Savage was, 
 and is, furnishing those brave men ; and it is further 
 
 Resolved, That we pledge to our C. E. our undivided support, and that of our 
 constituents, in furthering the cause of Irish independence ; and we hereby call 
 upon all Circles, irrespective of party, to unite heart and hand with us in aiding 
 our Executive in giving the sinews of war to those men who are to-day planning 
 and vigorously laboring for the overthrow of English domination in Ireland. 
 
 Resolved, That these resolutions be published in the Irish People, Boston 
 Pilot, Irish Citizen, Irish-American, Daily Star, and all the leading journals in the 
 United States ; and that copies be immediately printed for distribution to Circles 
 not within the limits of this District. 
 
 Joseph Paul, District Centre. 
 
 L. Farley, Je., District Secretary. 
 
 Brothers, with our knowledge of OoL T. J. Kelly, and his 
 actions in England and Ireland, a portion of w'hich have been 
 furnished you, we could not consent to send your hard-earned 
 money to this man — as w^e are informed by his own organ 
 that Mr. Savage "sends him every ten dollars he gets hold of, 
 M'ithout waiting for any more." Neither could we turn over 
 your ])roperty to John Savage and his party to dispose of at 
 pleasure. And any " union " which would not compel us to do 
 this would never satisfy the other side. I give another extract 
 from an editorial in Mr. Savage's organ, of 22d instant. It 
 speaks for itself: 
 
 "THE MERIDAN FENIANS ON UNION. 
 
 " What we have said respecting the resolutions of our friends in Middletown, N. 
 
 Y., are exactly applicable to the following. We ask of the Fenians of Meridan will 
 
 they allow the perfidious schemes of " Meehan of the Documents" and his " Senate" 
 
 to succeed in crippling Col. T. J. Kelly, and in throwing him into a British dun- 
 
15 
 
 geon ? There can be no union under the " Man of the Documents " or any of his 
 tools. The honest men that know something -will not allow it. Savage belongs to 
 no faction. He is neutral and all for Ireland. He does not wish, and will not 
 hold office an hour longer than the necessities of Fenianism require it. Find a 
 more impartial man and he will retire ; but he will not be allowed to retire 
 for a Meehanite. Has "Paid Organizer," alias "Union Agent" McWiUiams, 
 iDeen in Meridan ? — Ed. I. P." 
 
 ISTow, brothers, I don't wish jou to understand, from the 
 foregoing, that I have no hope of effecting a union of all true 
 Irish nationalists in America— yes, and in Ireland, too. If I 
 did not entertain such a hope, then certain gentlemen would 
 not have to ask at least one " leader" to " stand aside," more 
 than once ; for, whatever others may think about it, the position 
 of President of the Fenian organization — simply to occupy an 
 office in ]!^ew York, or any other citj'- of the Union — has no 
 charms for me, and could not retain me a single hour. The 
 only inducement the position can hold out to me is, the hope 
 of Ijeing able, at no distant day, to be at the head of an army 
 in the field, fighting for Irish liberty — and for this I have made 
 personal* sacrifices of no ordinary character, x^o man, in or 
 out of the organization, feels the necessity of a united Fenian 
 Brotherhood more than I do. And no man is more willing to 
 acknowledge that it will require the " united strength " of the 
 Irish people, at home and abroad, to cope with the power of 
 England ; and every energy that I can put forth shall be de- 
 voted to that sacred and holy work. I have already done my 
 share in trying one plan for bringing about a " union," As 
 that failed, I now propose another — and this latter I believe to 
 be the only plan that will succeed. You remember, brothers, 
 over two years ago,- a division took place in the Fenian ranks. 
 Much time was spent in trying to bring about a reconciliation ; 
 any amount of eloquence and denunciation was brought to 
 bear, and not a little corruption was practiced and money 
 spent, at least on one side; but all in vain. Six months passed 
 away and found an almost impassable barrier between the con- 
 tending parties. At length those who adhered to the Oonsti- 
 tntion of the Brotherhood, adopted at Philadelphia, succeeded 
 in preparing an army for the field, while they were being de- 
 nounced as " traitors to the cause of Ireland " by the other 
 side, who threw every possible obstacle in their way. Soon a 
 few men crossed the border, met the common enemy and 
 whipped him. All at once "union " was accomplished. An 
 hour at 'Pidgeway and Fort Erie did more to unite the Irish 
 element at home and abroad than a dozen conventions could 
 have done. Men who were ready to tear each other to pieces 
 a few days before the 2d of June, 1866, on that day were 
 
16 
 
 ready to fly into each other's arms in brotherly love, and 
 trample their prejudices under foot. Now, brothers, go to 
 work at once ; perform the pledges you made at Cleveland ; 
 and, my word for it, you shall have a united Fenian organiza- 
 tion by the shortest practical route ; and if you should desire 
 a convention to ratify it, you shall have one on the enemy's 
 territory. We cannot bring our whole strength together at 
 first ; it will not be needed ; there are enough of men ready to 
 take the initiative. Perform your duty, redeem your pledges, 
 and all will be well. The first battle of the American Revo- 
 lution was fought at Lexington by a mere handful of raw, un- 
 disciplined soldiers. The people were by no means united in 
 tlieir determination to commence the war ; but the first gun 
 fired aroused the blood of the American Colonies ; and soon a 
 Washington, who had hardly been heard of as a soldier before, 
 came forth to lead the people to victory, to humble the pride 
 of haughty England, and defeat her best armies, commanded 
 by her ablest generals. When we struck before, thousands 
 who had never belonged to the Fenian organization were 
 I'eady to join us in the field. Some of the ablest generals of 
 America were on their way to offer their services to us. When 
 we again show those ofiicers and soldiers that we are in earn- 
 est, that the fight for Iwsh liberty has already commenced, 
 they will undoubtedly join us without waiting for conventions. 
 But the start must be made by the Fenian organization — you, 
 brothers, must do this. The resolutions of your Senate, passed 
 January 1st, 1868, and j^romulgated January 6th, will be 
 strictly adhered to. Pay no attention to anything to the con- 
 trar}^ ; — we have not a moment's time to lose. Croakers may 
 find fault with this or that, and offer a thousand excuses for not 
 performing their duty. Cowards may retreat ; but for the true 
 men of the organization there is but one word — Forwaed ! 
 
 Brothers, there has been much talk recently — ^let us hope 
 without reflection — about " leaders." As I am at the head of 
 your organization, I must, I suppose, consider myself a 
 " leader." Now, I want it to be distinctly understood, that I 
 accepted the position of President of your organization, with 
 the understanding that I should " lead." I fear, however, 
 that, some of the gentlemen who talk so glibly about " lead- 
 ers," would neither want to " lead," nor follow, where I will 
 " lead," — for fight we naust, and fight desperately ; and I have 
 never yet asked a man to go where I was not willing to 
 "lead."' If those gentlemen suppose that I want to be a 
 " leader " in any other capacity than that of a soldier, fight- 
 ing for Ireland, they will soon find out their mistake. 
 
 And now, brothers, on you rests the responsibility of sue- 
 
17 
 
 cess or failure. Fight we will, in any event ;• and if you but 
 do your duty, success is sure to crown our efforts. But you 
 must do it at once : the hour is propitious. Obey the orders 
 and instructions sent you from these Head-quarters. Pay no 
 attention to counsel or advice from any other source. Beware 
 of political tricksters, who may want to join our organization 
 for their own selfish purposes ; they have worked much mis- 
 chief in the past; have nothing to do with them in the future. 
 Our organization has only one mission : the liberation of Ire- 
 land. All side issues, introduced by designing men, are simply 
 meant to detract and mislead from the original purpose, and 
 must be avoided. ISTo man traveling around, not authorized 
 from these Head-quarters, has any right to organize Circles, and 
 should not be permitted to address Fenian meetings. Ko mat- 
 ter what outside recommendations he may have, or who he 
 may know, or what name he may assume, authority must come 
 from the proper source. Men who form what they call " Inde- 
 pendent Circles," are not in communication with us, and are 
 not Fenians. M\. who are entitled to the name of Fenians 
 must conform to the Fenian Constitution, which is the only 
 guide for all, from the President down ; and no man has a 
 right to step outside of it. I would particularly caution you 
 against agents who are going around the country organizing 
 " secret, oath-bound organizations," They mean no good for 
 Ireland. Brothers, it has been stated, falsely, that we are 
 " too virtuous " to revenge the death of the martyrs who were 
 murdered at Manchester. " We are not in favor of shedding 
 blood." Believe it not, brothers. On the night of the 1st of 
 June, 1866, your present Executive, or " leader," as some 
 would call him, had about fi.ve hundred men, without artillery, 
 under his command at Frenchman's Creek, C. W. He knew 
 he was being closely surrounded by nearly five thousand men. 
 Did he then give any proof of being afraid to " shed blood ?" 
 ]l!^o ; he was willing to sacrifice himself and every man that he 
 commanded, in " fair and honorable fight." You know the 
 result. On the following evening, after marching nearly forty 
 miles, without a mouthful to eat, and having had two engage- 
 ments with the enemy, he had a little over three hundred men 
 at Fort Erie, and had positive information that the enemy, 
 numbering between five and six thousand, were within an 
 hour's march of him : their drums and bugles could be dis- 
 tinctly heard in his camp. Did he show any signs of being 
 afraid to " shed blood ? " ISTo, brothers ; he then believed that 
 
18 
 
 the great movement for Ireland's redemption was going on 
 elsewhere; and the men are living to-daj, to whom he .sent 
 the following message : 
 
 " If the movement is going on elsewhere, I will remain here until to-morrow, 
 and will make this old fort a slaughter-pen, which I know it will be, for I will 
 never surrender." 
 
 But when word was brought him that the movement was 
 stopped, through the interference of the United States authori- 
 ties, he then demanded transportation for himself and his men. 
 "When no good to the cause of Ireland could result from it, he 
 was "too virtuous" to "shed one drop of blood," either of his 
 own or that of others. He is now willing to shed rivers of 
 blood in " fair and honorable light," for he firmly believes that 
 rivers of blood will have to flow before Ireland can take her 
 place among the nations of the earth ; but not one drop that 
 he can prevent shall ever flow by the dagger of the assassin. 
 Revenge sure and certain, not only for the murders of the 
 Manchester martyrs, and the cruel treatment of the other Irish 
 patriots, who are now pining in British dungeons, but for all 
 the crimes that England has perpetrated upon Ireland for the 
 last seven hundred years. But it shall be done in ^' fair and 
 honorable fight," and no other way. 
 
 Brothers, I have spoken plainly, and perhaps you will say 
 too strongly ; but I am in earnest, and shall act up to what I 
 say. I have a lifetime and an existence to devote to the cause 
 of Ireland ; but I have not one moment of time to fritter away 
 at the whims or fancies of any man or set of men. I am ready 
 for the work. You have brought us face to face with the 
 enemy. Let who will go back or desert, we intend to go on 
 and fight. On you be the responsibility of success or failure. 
 But I have no fears, brothers ; I know you will come to our 
 assistance, and participate in the glorious work, for which 
 millions yet unborn will bless both you and us, and a just God 
 wull smile upon our efi'orts, and crown them with success. 
 Fraternally yours, 
 
 JOHN O'KEILL, 
 
 President F. B. 
 
DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES, 
 
 BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE FENIAN BROTHERHOOD, IN 
 CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. 
 
 Cleveland, Ohio, Sept. T, IS 67. 
 
 The national character of every people, and the principles 
 which govern their actions, become of vital import when the 
 community is placed, as it were, on trial before the world. The 
 kindly sympathies which attach man to his fellow-man, and 
 which, developing the highest instincts of his nature, constitute 
 a bond of humanity stronger and more durable than the selfish 
 considerations of interest, should always be directed in favor 
 of right and justice, and against wrong and iniquity in every 
 form. Hence, when an oppressed nationality endeavor by rev- 
 olution to assert their claims to the God-given boon of liberty, 
 it is both expedient and in entire accordance with the usages 
 of society, that they should place on record the reasons that 
 impel them to resort to such means, tlie objects in view, and 
 the principles on which they rely to demonstrate the justice of 
 their cause. 
 
 It has been the misfortune of the people of Ireland that 
 their oppressors have transmitted to the world nearly all that 
 it has received concerning our history and character. The vic- 
 tims of a relentless and long continued persecution, we have 
 been represented by our tyrants in the light best calculated to 
 subserve their own interests, and to screen the illegality of 
 their usurped authority over a people who, though cut down 
 
•20 
 
 by armed force, and for seven hundred years trodden under- 
 foot bj an unscrupulous power, have never ceased to struggle 
 for their rights, have never for an instant surrendered their 
 claim to that independence which is the true life of a nation, 
 as slavery, whether voluntary or accepted, is its virtual death. 
 Our history has been falsified, our acts have been misconstrued, 
 our motives and sentiments have been misrepresented by the 
 agents of the power which has profited by our misery and 
 enslavement ; until a large proportion of our fellow-men, view- 
 ing us through this distorted medium, have come to regard us, 
 as a race, as not only incapable of self-government, but actu- 
 ally unfit to be entrusted with the management of our own 
 affairs. To remove an idea so erroneous, and to correct an 
 impression so unjust to a people who have long and generously 
 sacrificed in the cause of liberty, the Congress of the Fenian 
 Brotherhood, who in this generation represent the nationalists 
 of Ireland, and embody their aspirations for the freedom of their 
 native land, make this declaration of the principles by which 
 our organization is actuated and guided ; and we ask our fel- 
 low-men at large, and particularly the friends of freedom, 
 everywhere, to respect our honor as truthful and liberty -loving 
 men, and to judge us, not by the misrepresentations of our 
 enemies, but by the principles we profess and the acts by which 
 we prove our adherence to them. 
 
 We believe and declare that freedom — the right to " life, 
 liberty, and the pursuit of happiness " — is inherent in every 
 creature made in the image and likeness of God, and that, 
 however individuals, by crime or violation of the laws passed 
 for the maintenance and well-being of society, may forfeit 
 any portion of those rights, the enslavement of a homo- 
 geneous people, either by foreign power or domestic tyranny, 
 cannot, under any circumstances, be justified. The God of 
 nature, in placing between the English and Irish nations not 
 only the distinctions marked by differences of national charac- 
 ter, but, also, natural barriers, which, — in spite of special leg- 
 islation, designed to obliterate the nationality of Ireland, have 
 kept them separate and distinct as peoples, — has written on 
 imperishable record the claims of our country to independent 
 
21 
 
 national existence, and made earth and sea the witnesses to 
 the inviolability of our charter of freedom. Even had any 
 generation of our race proved recreant, and voluntarily agreed 
 to surrender their rights ias men, the limits fixed to human ex- 
 istence, and the utter inability of man to legislate for anything 
 appertaining to himself beyond this mortal sphere, are the seal 
 and testimony set by the Almighty Creator on each of his 
 creatures, to teach them, through all time, that the inalienable 
 and indefeasible rights imparted with their being must come 
 down to them undiminished and unimpaired by the follies or 
 the crimes of their predecessors. But the title of our people 
 upon this point is clear and unimpeachable. Through over 
 twenty successive generations, they have never ceased to pro- 
 test and struggle against the plunder of their national rights. 
 From age to age the legacy of patriotic effort has been trans- 
 mitted from sire to son ; and the dungeon, the scaffold, and the 
 battle-field have proved the fidelity with which the sacred trust 
 has been discharged. The Irish people of to-day are still the 
 custodians of that great trust ; and, in their name, the Fenian 
 Brotherhood has been organized to demand, and with the bless- 
 ing of Heaven, to achieve, what so many of our race have at- 
 tempted before — the liberation of our country from the domi- 
 nation of England. We demand it in the name of every man of 
 Irish blood throughout the whole earth ; and we desire to ac- 
 complish it solely for th^ benefit of every Irishman, without dis- 
 tinction of creed, or class, or political idea. We claim the 
 land of our fathers for the benefit of the people whose birth- 
 right it is, who love it with a filial affection, and who, by the 
 eternal decree of their Maker, have earned, in the sweat (f£ 
 their brows, the right to live upon, to possess, and to enjoy it. 
 We seek injury to no man ; our quarrel is not with' any class, 
 but with the government which has robbed and murdered our 
 people, and with those who sustain it in its tyranny and usurpa • 
 tion. If in our onward march to liberty any such oppose us, 
 arrayed under the flag of the oppressor, — which has been the 
 symbol of slavery in Ireland, and is the ensign of the enemy 
 of liberty everywhere, — on their heads, not ours, be the conse- 
 quences. We ask only justice for ourselves and our kindred ; 
 
22 
 
 and the vindication of that principle requires that an alien 
 power shall no longer be permitted, undisturbed, to devour our 
 substance, while those who produce it by their toil, wither and 
 pine in bondage which at once destroys their bodies and de- 
 bases their souls. Our motto is, " Ireland — Free and Inde- 
 pendent," for her own people first ; and, then, when her free 
 will and action are untrammeled and unquestioned, for the 
 freedom, the elevation, and the happiness of humanity, the 
 world over. ISio narrow or restricted views confine our action. 
 In the language of our Executive, " Faction we abhor ; section- 
 alism we scorn." "We seek all the rights that, as men, belong 
 to us ; and we seek them for the whole of our people ; we 
 make no reservation, we tolerate no distinction that would 
 divide the true children of Ireland. 
 
 We have been accused of irreligion, and of seeking to un- 
 dermine those great moral principles which, reminding men 
 that their first duty is to their Creator, underlie and preserve 
 the whole framework of society. The accusation is untrue 
 and unjust. The genius of the Irish people is essentially re- 
 ligious ; their history is a record of enduring faith ; of con- 
 stancy under persecution ; of the noblest sacrifices cheerfully 
 made in the sustainment of religion and morality ; of toler- 
 ance and charity in the hour of triumph ; and the whole course 
 of our organization proves that, in this respect, too, it truly 
 represents and accords with the character of our race. Ee- 
 ligion — the pure and reverential homage which man off'ers to 
 his Maker — we regard as a sentiment too sacred to be mixed 
 up with the strife of earthly interests ; and we leave it, un- 
 touched, between the conscience of the individual and Him to 
 whom the tribute is due. Content with the discharge of the 
 second great duty that devolves on man, we do not ask of our 
 brother at what altar he worships, satisfied when he honestly 
 serves his country, and leaving to his own sense of right the 
 obligations which he alone can discharge. 
 
 Eepresenting the power which fifteen millions of the Irish 
 people, scattered between the old world and the new, must 
 necessarily exercise, if they be true to their country — we have 
 adopted the alternative of revolution, because the slavery to 
 
23 
 
 whicli our kindred are subjected has become too galling for hu- 
 man endurance, too degrading to be submitted to unresistingly 
 by beings endowed with the attributes of men. Our rights, 
 the possession of our native soil, are kept from us by force, by 
 the power which grasped both with armed hands. By force 
 and arms alone can they be restored to us in their original in- 
 tegrity ; and by force and the strength of our own arms we pro- 
 pose to win them back. The task of their recovery belongs to 
 us in the first place ; and by our efforts to consolidate and or- 
 ganize our people, we but record our acceptance of tlie duty, 
 and our determination to acquit ourselves of it like true men 
 and faithful children of our country. 
 
 Our cause is a just and holy one ; it is the struggle of right 
 against wrong, of freedom against oppression. It is not alone 
 the cause of a nation striving for its own independence : it is 
 the effort of enslaved humanity to emancipate itself from the 
 thraldom and debasement of feudal tyranny. 
 
 The elevation of a down-trodden people is a benefit con- 
 ferred upon the whole family of nations ; and of none might 
 this be said more truly than of Ireland, which, from her posi- 
 tion and resources,' is capable, if once free, not alone of ren- 
 dering her own population happy and prosperous, but of dif- 
 fusing, by example and influence, the spirit of independence 
 throughout the world, wherever her scattered children are to 
 be found. 
 
 As a people, we have ever loved liberty, and struggled for 
 its attainment ; as a people, we are in favor of liberty to-day, 
 not in the ungenerous sense of those who would monopolize its 
 blessings, to the exclusion of their fellow-men — but liberty as 
 universal as the beneficence of the Deity, of which it is the 
 emanation ; as impartial as His justice, which commands that 
 we shall do unto others as we would be done by. Save this, 
 we desire nothing for our race or our country. And, as we 
 have commenced this struggle, determined to persevere in it 
 until Heaven and the power of our own right arms shall have 
 crowned our efforts with success, we ask the lovers of liberty 
 everywhere to extend to our cause the aid and sympathy which 
 t should receive from those who profess to be the friends of 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 021 356 759 
 
 human freedom. We ask them to regard us fairly, and to 
 judge us not by the standard of oi3iEion of any individual, but 
 by our own conduct, and the official acts and policy of our own 
 elected representatives, who are the only legitimate exponents 
 of our sentiments and principles. And, when the hour to 
 strike shall have arrived, and we set our faces once more to- 
 wards the foe,— determined to do or die in the final effort,— in 
 the name of the God of Justice, whose inspiration and bless- 
 ing we invoke for our cause ; for the sake of our common hu- 
 manity, the advancement of which we seek ; and by the mem- 
 ory of our martyred dead, who perished that others might live 
 as freemen, we ask that the good wishes of all liberty-loving 
 men, and especially the aid and influence of the great Ameri- 
 can nation, shall be cast on the side of Liberty and Ireland, in 
 the struggle to which we now commit ourselves, " our lives 
 our fortunes, and sacred honor." 
 
LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 
 
 021 356 759 7 % 
 
 METAL EDGE, IIC 2007 PH 7.5 TO 9.5 RA.T.