iiiiH^^^^^^^^ iiiiifiiililiiii Jp-vt, °o «*t :^ o • fc * . ,,. <^ '^K^* ^^"-^t. -^^.^ .^^^^ '^^ '*-'•' aO ORATION OK THE MORAL GRANDEUR OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, * __ DELIVERED ON THE OF fflS BERTH DAY, FEBRUARY XXII, MDCCCXXXII, ▲T THE RK^VKST OF THE CITIZENS OF PORTSMOUTH, N. H. r i BY CHARLES BURROUGHS, RSCTOR OF BT. JOHN's CHVBCH. PORTSMOUTH: NATHANIEL MARCH k CO. ^< -- - 'vc^^ 1832. o^t PORTSMOUTH^ FEBRUARy 24, 1832. REV. CHARLES BURROUGHS, SIR, — ^The Coramittee, which was appointed at a meeting of the citizens of Portsmouth, to make arrangements for the cele- bration of the late Centsnnial Anniversary of the Birih of Washington, ten- der you their unfeigned acknowledgments for the able, eloquent and very appropriate oration, delivered by you on that interesting occasion. Believ- ing, that much good will result from a publication of the same, we'solicit a copy for that purpose. We are very respectfolly. Your most obedient servants, JOHN SMITH, CHARLES W. CUTTER, JOSEPH B. BALL, GEO. P. WILLARD, JOHN W. ABBOTT, MARK NUTTER, C. B. GOODRICH, WM. H. Y. HACKETT, T. HALL, JOSHUA H. KNIGHT, SAMUEL GOOKIN, NATHL. MARCH, MESHACII B. TRUNDY, HENRY S. RAND, BRACKETT HUTCHINGS, RICHARD JENNESS. '5 PORTSMOUTH, FEBRUARY 27, 1832. TO THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS, GENTLEMEN, — The grateful expressions of your note are extremely flattering to me, and are an abundant reward for my humble services. From an ardent desire to comply with your wishes, I submit, though with great diffidence, a copy of my oration for the press ; trusting, as it was prepared at a short notice, that it will be read with the utmost, candour. With assurances of sincere respect, and of the best wishes for you and my fellow-citizens, I am, gentletnen, your obedient servant, CHARLES BURROUGHS. This morning completes a century, since the birth of the Father of our country. So pre- eminently valuable have been liis services, and so distinguished his virtues, that the rest of the civilized world, as w^ell as this nation, justly consider him, one of the most finished models of the human race. With him have become iden- tified almost all our important national incidents and benefits, during the past centmy. Doubt- less, to the end of time, v^ill the radiance of his name continue to lighten and cheer the earth. Nor was he only the Father of our country. He was not satisfied with simply laying the foun- dation of a new empire in this western world, but has also been, under heaven, the source of a large portion of its felicity and renown. He laid deep, broad and strong, the basis of our gov- ernment 5 reared with remarkable power and ability its numerous and massive columns, com- posing the noble constitution, that sustains it 5 chisselled with consummate art their corinthian capitals, the sciences and arts, that adorn civil 6 life ; and formed it into an imperishable and splendid temple, the admiration of mankind. He sowed the seed 5 fostered the germ 5 watch- ed with intense care over the progress of the plant 5 and protected the tree of liberty, beneath whose luxuriant branches and refreshing shade we sit in fearless repose and unbounded pros- perity. It is not surprising therefore, that throughout our land there should be an enthusiastic desire to celebrate, with unusual splendour and festiv- ity, this centennial anniversary of the birth- day of Washington, and also a generous effort to give it a species of consecration by the liveliest emotions of gratitude, and by acts of unalloyed homage to patriotism and virtue. It is a pecu- liarly appropriate season for pausing to contem- plate our political history 5 the origin and pro- gress of our nation 5 and the moral gTandeur of him, who, tlirough the mercy of the Supreme Being, was a pillar of cloud by day, and a pillar of fire by night, to guide us with safety, success and glory through the wilderness of a tremen- dous revolution. It seems to be solemnly in- cumbent on us, not to tread upon the threshold of another century, till we have made familiar to us the reminiscences of the past, and garner- ed up from duty and interest, from a regard to our children as well, as to ourselves, the gallant deeds of the heroes and benefactors, who achiev- ed our liberties. It is our duty, by an inquiry into the life, genius, and services of the mighty master spirit, that wielded the destinies of the revolution, to ascertain vrhat influence he has had on the past age ; what power his principles and actions have over present and coming events; what lessons of wisdom he has taught lis ; what obligations we owe him ; and what proofs we are now giving to the world and to posterity, that the ingratitude of republics, though prover- bial, is not universal. It is our duty to make a new eflbrt this day, to transmit, unimpaired to future generations, the blessings, which we have received, and to inculcate on them such political sentiments, as are the saliitary results of matur- ed wisdom and long tried experience. This is the propitious opportunity for inquiring, whether the principles and poUcy of the founder of this empire were such, as will bear the test of the present enlightened era, and be acknowledg- ed a fortunate dispensation. This is the conve- nient hour for taking a retrospective view of our colonial difficulties and then* various and peculiar consequences ; since we are removed to such a distance from those days, that we can better dis- cern their various relations and influences, unbi- assed by the factions or enthusiasm, which mark- ed that period. These topics will all naturally be developed, in expatiating on the merits of him, whose birth-day we now commemorate. The subject then, my fellow citizens, which you have so flatteringly committed to the con- 8 sideration of my humble talents, is obviously one of immense dignity and interest, demanding no common intellectual powers, judgment and ob- servation, and no ordinary acquaintance with the eventful history and great men of our coun- try. Hence the duty, imposed upon me, is one of high and painful responsibleness, which must of course be incompetently discharged. In the century, just completed, you have assigned to me for delineation, one of the most remarkable ages of the world ; and, in the illustrious indi- vidual, that has been the most conspicuous ac- tor in it, you have submitted to me a character, that is without a human parallel. The theme is the age of Washington. We can all exult at the mention of it ; and be filled with brilliant conceptions, as we contemplate it. But what pencilling of it can be compared with the glow- ing pictures of our imaginations, and what migh- ty mind would not feel its impotence, in seizing the pencil to paint it ? It is in vain for me to expect to do it justice 5 it would be presumption in me to hope, that I should deserve your praise. My honest and best efforts, however, shall be cheerfully exerted to gratify your wishes. Be- sides my confidence in your well informed minds, which will supply my deficiencies, and in your candour, which will overlook them, I rely on another powerful circumstance to justify my ap- pearance before you. That circumstance is the ardent, patriotic enthusiasm, which is enkindled 9 in you by this glorious anniversary, and which is calculated to throw an interest even over this humble trilDute of mine. It cannot be expected that, within the proper limits of the occasion, justice can be fully done to the character of Washington. I can only present to you de- tached portions of it ; but these, like detach- ed members of the faultless statue, which is the master -piece of Phidias, will not only proclaim their own perfection, but give you sublime con- ceptions of the whole model, and fill you with grateful admiration of the divine hand, that formed it. The period, at which Washington was born ; the new and peculiar field, on which he appear- ed ; and the remarkable circumstances, connected with them both, were such, as demanded the interposition of some mighty mind, and were favorable for the developement of the sublimest moral qualities. It is well known, that the ri- val nations of France and England commenced, about the same time, to plant colonies in Amer- ica 5 and that, early in the last century, it was the express object of the former to vsubdue the Indians, dispossess the English settlers, and obtain dominion over this whole country. The French possessions extended along our whole western and northern frontier 5 and their popu- lation exceeded half a million. All the aborig- inal tribes, except the six nations, were attached to France and trained up in the military dis- B 10 cipline of Europe. But the providence of God checked the power of these French colonists. He ratlier chose to people this new empire with the descendants of Englishmen ; to exempt us from the oppressive mental and religious yoke of papacy 5 and also to enable us to say, with no inconsiderable gratitude, that " Chatham's language is our mother tongue." The population of the English colonies, at that time, w^as double that of the French, but was spread over a large territory; was separated into distinct governments and interests 5 had neither union nor military experience 5 was constantly engaged in disputes with the colonial rulers ; and was ever jealous of the prerogatives of the crown. Moreover the colonies of France and England, which otherwise would have continu- ed on pacific terms, were compelled to embark in the wars of those two nations 5 were there- fore constantly agitated by conflicting preten- sions and skkmishes, and sacrificed their best re- sources to schemes of foreign aggrandisement, in which they had not the slightest concern. Many royal acts, that were passed in relation to the English settlers, were perpetual sources of discontent and complaint among them, and tended constantly to accelerate their separation from the parent state ; which event, sooner or later, must necessarily have happened. More than forty years before the occurrence of that event, it was predicted by bishop Berke- 11 ley, then a temporary resident in Rhode-Island, and a discriminating observer of the manners of the colonists. Such a prediction might natu- rally and reasonably have been hazarded by any intelligent observer, who considered that our colonial ancestors vrere descended from enlight- ened freemen, and were animated by those glo- rious doctrines of the Reformation, which was then gradually dissolving all the chains, that bound civil and religious liberty in Europe. These were the principles, that distinguished our forefathers, and laid the foundation of our independence. It was a transcendent blessing, that om* polit- ical existence had its origin on a soil, at a vast distance from the contact and corruption of the old world, and in that brilliant era of the annals of time, when liberal opinions had commenced their triumphant march on the earth. The spirit of liberty was in our people, and must show itself It glowed in their lifeblood, and was essential to their being. Their minds had felt such raptures from knowledge, that nothing could arrest their freedom of inquiry. Their souls bounded with an expanded range, conge- nial with the vastness of then* country. Their rights of conscience were felt to be an immunity from God, which nothing should control 5 and they considered civil authority, only as a trustee- ship for the protection of public peace. These were the agents, rather than navigation laws. 12 stamp acts, and oppressive taxes without the rights of representation, that marked out our soil for the throne of freedom. Countless ad- vantages, that this country exhibited to us ; our distance from the parent state 5 and the charac- ter of our colonists ; all told in the most emphatie and eloquent language, that here must be found- ed an independent government. Notwithstanding the severe course, pursued by the British ministry, there were, on the part of the colonies, continued hopes and desires for conciliation. In first demanding a redress of grievances, they never designed, or expected any thing more, than a modification of the gov- ernment in their favor. It was not in their scope of policy or conception to found in this new world a new empire. They dreamt not of that rapid succession of providential incidents, those repeated aggravations on the one side, and consequent retaliations on the other, which swell- ed into a systematic and magnanimous opposi- tion, and gloriously resulted in victory and in- dependence. Long would such results have been deferred, had our resistance been seasona- bly met by ministerial conciliation. But re- peated annoyances, such as noble spirits could no longer endure, at last roused the colonies to desperation and open hostility. Their conduct w^as justified, " not by a sove- reign and venal parliament, but," as Junius^ said, "by the real sentiments of the English 13 people." Nor was the whole of parliament adverse to our cause, which was most power- fully sustained by several of the most distin- guished and eloquent statesmen of England. ^^ When," said Mr. Pitt, " the resolution was taken in the house to tax America, I was ill in my bed. If I could have endured to have been carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind friend to have laid me down on the floor, to have borne my testimony against it. Taxation is no part of the governing or leg- islative power. 1 rejoice that America has re- sisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to sub- mit to be slaves, would have been fit instru- ments to make slaves of all the rest of their fel- low-subjects." Burke also said of us, that, in the course of our proceedings, we were '^not only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to English ideas, and on English principles." Amidst this state of things, a lofty mind, that could secure for itself implicit public reverence and confidence, was wanted, to bring order out of confusion 5 to arrange and purify the discord- ant materials of society ; to devise a system of administration, adapted to the public exigency ; and arrest the progress of a tremendous civil tempest, ere it should burst, and scatter univer- sal desolation in its path. Though despised and oppressed, we sprang from a nation of free- 14 men. We were jealous of our rights, and "snuffed the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze." From the parent state and our immediate rulers we saw no prospect of protection or comfort. Along the whole west- ern frontier, from north to south, we were in constant danger from the predatory incursions of the French, or the relentless cruelties of In- dian warfare. Our whole population, in the middle of the last century, did not exceed two millions ; and, for more than twenty years after that period, we were dependent for every thing on England. A contest with that country, we knew, would be for a long time attended with almost insufferable personal sacrifices ; would not only abridge our luxuries, but almost de- prive us of clothing, provisions, and all requisite means of defence. Our state governments were various. There was scarcely any thing, like union, or local attachment among the people. They were scattered over the land 5 and ready, on every slight cause of provocation or disap- pointment, to return to the parent state. All things were unsettled in government, legislation, religion, and commerce. From without, we were exposed to the hazard of foreign invasion 5 from within, to civil commotions. It was at this perilous crisis, when nothing, but divine interposition could have secured our liberties and peace, that it pleased God to send us the illustrious Washington ; to 15 " Bend him forth, In Bight of mortal and immortal powers. As on a boundless theatre, to run The great career of justice ; to exalt His generous aim to all diviner deeds ; To chase each partial purpose from his breast ; And, through the mists of passion and of sense. And, through the tossing tide of chance and pain. To hold his course, unfaltering." It pleased the Supreme Being to favour this nation with his valour, virtue and bright exam- ple ; and to make this, his natal day, one of the most brilliant in the American calendar. These preliminary remarks will better prepare us for an illustration of the moral grandeur of that ex- traordinary man 5 who, by his surprising ener- gies, profound wisdom, sound judgment, per- sonal bravery, well contested battles, enlighten- ed policy and unequalled prudence, has trans- formed the whole scene of the former miseries of this country to one of unexampled blessings, and has established our national existence, pros- perity and honour, our freedom, sovereignty and independence. It will now be naturally asked, what are the features of that attribute, which has been men- tioned, and which should be ascribed to the founder of our empire, as his predominant char- acteristic ? What is moral grandeur ? It is the singular combination of the most pure and ele- vated principles, and eminent virtues, brought into action by uncommon impulses and formid- able difficulties and conflicts. It is not produc- ed in the calm stream of peaceful life, where 16 struggles are comparatively nothing, and where all may attain to the beauty of moral excellence* It is formed in the crisis of moral convulsions. It is the noblest energy of man, meeting Avith conscious rectitude, unappalled firmness, and unruffled spnit, the severer assaults of the tre- mendous powers of darkness. It is born in the hour of some awful civil hurricane, and nursed amidst the tempests of life. It rides on the vol- lied lightnings of a revolution, and conducts them away with safety and blessing. Its features are painted on the dark canvass of the retiring clouds of distress, with all the grace and mag- nificent colourings of the rainbow. It holds the dominion over every evil passion, and is the faultless model of self-government and unbend- ing integrity. It is a spirit of simplicity, that rises above, and disdains the external decora- tions of life. It aims at the public good, with- out the alloy and pollutions of selfishness ; and accomplishes its lofty purposes, only by means, that the loftiest spirits of heaven would approve. It finds nothing in the universe to weigh against freedom and truth. It regards the divine law", the obligations of duty, the judicial majesty of conscience, above all the menaces of peril, the insidious eloquence of private interest, and the tempting overtures of personal aggrandisement. Amidst the imperious claims of virtue and truth, it surrenders, when requu-ed, every thing and even life itself, as a triumphant sacrifice, with- 17 out hesitation or regret, with a firm step, a se- raphic serenity of demeanour, and a martyr-like zeal and majesty. Such was the moral grand- eur, that distinguished Washington. But to comprehend and acknowledge more fully his claims to such sublime excellence, let us ana- lyze his character, as developed in his official stations, and the walks of private life 5 while commanding the armies of our country 5 presid- ing with wisdom and dignity over its counsels ; and exhibiting his abundant virtues, as a patriot, a philanthropist, and a christian. WherfWashington became old enough to dis- cern the political condition of these colonies, he found the waves of civil commotion raging so high and violently, that their sullen roar echoed across the wide Atlantic. He may be said to have been cradled amidst the storm. His mind loved to gaze upon the wide waste of waters, to mark the elemental strife, and seek a conspicu- ous station, w^iere he might be a minister of mercy. As the British navy ojfFered the bright- est prospects for his patriotism, his ardent youth sought and obtained a commission in that ser- vice, which would probably have been the des- tiny of his life, had not maternal firmness and judgment overruled his decision, that he might move in a higher sphere and a grander cause. As his talents and faculties became matured, and the clouds of civil tempest thickened, his gallant spirit, disdaining inglorious ease, sought c 18 active usefulness. It led him early to resist the encroachments of the French on the hanks of the Ohio, where his lessons of military experi- ence were severe, though salutary 5 where he displayed great skill, self-possession, and per- sonal bravery ; where he was once the only surviving soldier, that did duty on horseback, and where his life was then constantly endan- gered, having two horses killed under him, and his coat perforated by four balls. He is said in that unfortunate action, in which Braddock lost his life, and which indeed hazarded the loss of his whole army, to have preserved the defeated troops, by singular presence of mind, prompt- ness and discernment. For several years was he engaged in campaigns on the Ohio 5 where his military talents obtained the warm encomi- ums of eminent British officers. He obtained all, for which his sword was drawn. The French troops were ejETectually driven from our territory 5 and all Indian warfare was hushed. It was on the lovely banks of the Ohio, at Fort Duquesne, a school of awful suffering and peril, that Washington w^as nurtiu'ed and trained by providential discipline for his mightier conflicts. All eyes, for years, were gazing aa ith intense solicitude and delight on that upright and valor- ous youth ; and all were willing to repose on his genius, talents and prowess. To these, and. still more to his wisdom, firmness and prudence, all confidently committed the whole army, when 19 r the colonies resolved on the fearful alternative, to war with the parent country. We may now obviously discern his moral grandeur, as we contemplate his career, while general and commander in chief of the Ameri- can forces. But in this capacity, under what different circumstances do we view him, as brought into comparison with most of the mili- tary commanders of the earth. It is not, as a Roman warrior, of a remote age, heading his invincible legions 5 nor, as a Grecian victor, extending his dominions without right, and rev- elling on the spoils of captured cities without mercy 5 nor, as clothed with the ancient classi- cal heroism of character, that we should contem- plate Washington. The glory, that emblazons his arms, is no false light, produced by the pol- lutions of worldly misconception and error, by the love of popular applause, by personal ag- grandisement, or unhallowed ambition. It gath- ers none of its brightness from the usual circum- stances of military renown. He is a hero, after the highest model, and in the noblest field. His model was the perfection of goodness ; his field was that of liberty and truth. Inquire into the object, that induced him to command our forces. Was it the execrable lust of gold ? This was impossible. How could such a charge be consistent with that generous spirit, which refused the slightest compensation for his military services, and would only accept 20 the payment of the expenses, necessarily incur- red in tbe discharge of his duty ? Of these ex- penses he kept a most scrupulous account, which is before the world for inspection. What proof of exemption from the love of money is stronger than this ? What history records any other in- stance of a commander, that so eminently serv- ed his country without pecuniary emolument ? Was it ambition of power, that led him to be a general ? But what field was there for the in- dulgence of this passion ? He was in arms a- gainst the established authority of the country. Had his cause failed, he would perhaps have been executed, as a rebel. Had he been cer- tain of success, what enchanting objects did the military or civil government of these impover- ished and distressed States present to awaken ambition 1 His subsequent life proved, that he was not actuated by this passion. He retained no power, delegated to him, longer than it was necessary, and he could be useful 5 and express- ed decided personal gratification and comfort, when he withdrew from public life. Was it the love of glory, that led him to ac- cept the charge of the array ? It would be a malicious impeachment of his admirable judg- ment to suppose, that he would have chosen such an office, as the path to renown. None ever gave less proof of appetency for it. He could have had no reason to expect it. — There liad then been no harmonious, systematic 21 cooperation, respecting the war. The opposi- tion to it was very powerful. Some of the best and most influential men were adverse to all his policy 5 and many, who served under his standard, gave not their hearts to his cause. The contest presented a fearful odds against him. The British troops were well disciplined and well appointed ; and, combining the naval as well as land forces, composed the formidable army of fifty thousand men. The little, undis- ciplined band of the colonists was, with great difficulty, collected from the different states, on short enlistments. Cut oif from the parent country, where alone resources could be obtain- ed, they were almost destitute of arms, ammu^ nition, clothing, camp equipage, tools or maga- zines of provisions. Faint must have been their prospect of any successful enterprise 5 and hope- less that of victory and freedom. It cannot ap- pear therefore, in accepting his high military appointment, that he had any thing in view, but the public good. For this object his own per- sonal sacrifices were immense 5 to this end all personal comfort was secondary. Nor, can it be said, that in his military ca- reer he w^as actuated by mere devotion to a party. He felt that the cause, in wliich he was engaged, was the cause of virtue and liberty. He had, from the earliest period of his political convictions, while a member of the house of bur- gesses in his own province, been opposed to the 22 CMDurse of British policy 5 and no one, acquaint- ed with his early and unbending devotion to truth and rectitude, could for a moment imag- ine, that his actions ever expressed a sentiment, at variance with his belief 5 or that he could have pursued any course, which his enlightened un- derstanding, sober conviction, and pure heart did not approve. Of his personal firmness and bravery there can be no doubt. His whole conduct proclaims this fact. Trenton, Princeton, Monmouth, Yorktown, are some of the unquestionable proofs of his military skill, courage and success. In- deed there is no part of any of his campaigns, where his valour should have been distrusted ; though there might have been apprehensions of his erroneous judgment in repeatedly forbearing an action, w hich, in the opinion of others, should have been hazarded. But his supposed errors of judgment were always, more probably, dic- tates of prudence 5 for he had ever too much wisdom to be lured by the prospects of a brill- iant enterprise, where he felt that the safety of his troops would be eminently endangered. — Never was he thought to have betrayed a want of firmness, except in the following instance 5 and even in that, from the statement of compe- tent authority, his conduct was impelled by an almost rash intrepidity, which the occasion de- manded, and which made him uiiconscious of his danger, ratlier than by desperation of mind, 23 or want of self-possession. Witnessing the dis- orderly and disgraceful retreat of his troops, above New- York, where the English army had just landed; unable to rally them ; distressed 5 hav- ing abandoned all confidence in his soldiery, and supposing that all was lost ; he is said, while in the rear of his flying battalions, to have sudden- ly turned his horse's head, and rode towards the enemy, with the hope that some fortunate ball might then prevent his surviving the liber- ties of his country ; but one of his attendants seized the reins, gave his horse a different direc- tion, and saved the gallant general from destruc- tion. He was ever prompt at the post of duty and of danger 5 occasionally slept in his cloak on the field of battle ; and would often fearlessly place himself in the fore-front of an action. These, however, are circumstances, common to eminent warriors 5 and betray no other pecu- liarities of greatness, than what arise from the high motives, that produced them, and from their virtuous influences on the warriors them- selves. With Washington they were always exhibitions and evidences of moral grandeur. Success was to him the strongest argument for humility, religious gratitude, a fuller trust in Omnipotence, and the severer exercise of cir- cumspection and prudence 5 traits, that told of the preeminent power of his good principles, which could convert the bewildering brilliancy of glory to the melioration of the human char- / 24 acter, the production of more personal distrust, and more cautious counsels and movements. But the fact is, that the American war was an almost unexampled series of disasters and de- feats. Victories were " few and far between." The distresses, occasionally experienced by our troops, were severe enough to have driven al- most the firmest spirit to desperation. Their wintry encampment at Valley Forge was one of the severest scenes of privation, which could have been endured ; which might have been equalled, but never was surpassed. They oc- cupied a cold bleak hill 5 and, almost without clothes or blankets, slept under frost and snow. About three thousand men were unfit for duty, from want of shoes and many other articles of clothing. It is said, that their march over the frost and snow was often traced by the blood of their naked feet. They were at times without provisions for several days ; and great sickness and mortality were the consequences of these privations and of the inclement season. Treach- ery once nearly surrendered the person of the commander in chief to the enemy at New- York; and machinations were, at another time, active to sully his reputation, and degrade him from his rank, through the ambition of Gates, whom victory had dazzled and intoxicated. But the moral resources of Washington were amply ad- equate to sustain, uninjm'ed and unsubdued, such a load of calamity ; and to preserye, with- 25 out sinking, the spirits and energies of liis sol- diers. He had the powers of persuasion to hush their murmurs of discontent ; and, with the affection of a father, sympathised in all their sufferings. Sublime was the attitude, in which he placed himself in that momentous crisis, at the close of the war, when sedition raised its terrific crest 5 when able, anonymous addresses were maliciously circulated among the officers of the army to excite them to immediate revolt and the work of desolation. With moral en- ergy, with unrivalled strength of argument, and almost superhuman majesty, did he then crush that monster of sedition at its birth. Adver- sity never disturbed the serenity of his features. Calumny could not repress- his perseverance in duty. Though silent about the assaults of his enemies, he triumphed over them by the dignity of his virtue ; and his innocence was made as brilliant, as the noonday. Another eminent moral feature in his military character was his prudence, his Fabian policy. This was founded in deep wisdom, which was the enlightened and fortunate conviction, that, in his case, success was not to be expected from great battles, but from acting by detachments, from a harassing, skirmishing warfare. It was founded also in humanity, which was an ever active principle of his bosom ; which, amidst his ardent views and tempting prospects of suc- cess, could never, for a moment, give predomi- D 26 nance to any other consideration, than that of tenderness for the lives of his troops. Popular sentiment was ever urging him to rash enter- prises ; and his countrymen, who knew not his weak condition, were demanding brilliant ex- ploits. A spirit af rash and unfeeling intrepid- ity, animated by the love of applause, and care- less over what precious victims and immense sacrifices it should pass in its path to glory, would have repeatedly hazarded actions and prodigious effusions of human blood in those critical scenes, where Washington was wise e- nough to remain in vigilant security in his for- tress, and forego the laurels of fame for the no- bler and immortal meed of wisdom and human- ity. But he fought for freedom, not for con- quest, celebrity, wealth, or power. Valiant indeed was his spirit, that could find ample sup- port and happiness in the consciousness of rec- titude ; that could rise above the mad impulses of popular excitement and motives of personal distinction, to seek the most merciful, as well as the surest path to freedom, to avoid, as much as possible, all unnecessary effusion of blood, and effect our independence by the smallest public sacrifice. It was moral princi- ple, pure, elevated, consecrated principle, with which he conducted our gallant forces over the boisterous waves of the revolution. But the climax of his moral grandeur, as a military chieftain, was reserved for the sublime 27 consummation of the incidents of the revolution- ary war. When the greatest of all his victories, that of peace and independence, had crowned his inestimable labours and privations 5 and, when all the objects of warfare were accomplish- ed, with peculiar majesty and in the most pious and affecting language, he resigned his commis- sion. He retired from the field of military glory to enjoy the dignified tranquillity of private life ; to spend the remainder of his days in the de- lights of philosophy, agriculture, and the domes- tic virtues. How unlike this has been almost the whole history of human nature ; and how greatly, in many respects, does this act surpass the illustrious Roman example^ which has been so much the admiration of the world. The pas- sion of the age was for military glory. The habits of his life Avere intimately blended with the camp. He had, by the brightest chivalry, gained the hearts of the people 5 and, in this situation, most men would have eagerly retain- ed such power, as he possessed, and would per- manently have exercised a martial dominion over the nation. The singular and dignified cir- cumstance of his resignation was therefore the perfection of his moral grandeur, as the beloved Soldier of America. Here were high virtues exhibited. The com- panions of his toils and dangers contemplated them with astonishment and rapture ; and sought the earliest opportunity to show him their pro- 2S found veneration and love. By a previous ar- rangement, they met him in a large public hall, in New- York, just as he was proceeding to Con- gress, to resign officially his commission. Here was one of the most touching scenes, ever wit- nessed, and Qne, which assures us, that his offi- cers felt his extraordinary greatness and good- ness to their mmost souls. At this closing in- terview with them, he said, after filling a glass with wine, ^^ With a heart, full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish, that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your former days have been glorious and honourable." He drank the wine and proceeded, "1 cannot come to each of you to take my leave ; but shall be obliged to you, if each will come, and take me by the hand." General Knox, being nearest, turned to him 5 Washington, unable to vspeak, and in tears, grasped his hand and embraced him ; and,, in the same way, took leave of the other officers. " From every eye,^' says Thacher's Military Journal, "dropped the tear of sensibility, and not a word interrupted the eloquent silence and ten- derness of the scene." This, my fellow-citizens, amidst our revolutionary struggles, was our champion and deliverer, whose moral grandeur,, in the discharge of his martial duties, has ren- dered him one of the most illustrious of heroes. There is another .field, on which Washington conspicuouvsly displayed his moral grandeur. It 29 was, as a statesman 5 and especially in filling the office of the chief magistracy of om* nation. The most prominent feature in this respect was his original and peculiar organization of this new government. It is true, that he was as- sociated with many able counsellers, who de- serve high credit for the admu'ahle principles, on which our civil condition is established. But, if there was one man, that did more, or had more influence, than any other, in our political origin, it was Washington. His accurate ob- servation, discerning mind, sound judgment, ex- tensive acquaintance with the people of this country, enlightened views, almost superhuman insight into the characters of men and tlie prin- ciples of legislation, dignified prudence, and gift- ed power of dominion over other minds 5 all qualified him, not only for government, the able administration of public affairs and the judi- cious choice of competent public officers, but also for devising and arranging all such various and important legislative regulations, as should best promote and perpetuate the peace and hap- piness of the community. He understood the rights of mankind and the essential principles of civil and religious liberty 5 and on these safe foundations he erected our splendid political fabric. The system was new. There had been nothing like it in the world. As his knowledge of human nature was profound 5 as he had ma- turely studied the character and condition of 30 his countrymen ; as his enhghtened mind look- ed to the remotest future, as well as to the pres-* ent, for the salutary influence of his policy 5 as the fountains of the great deep in legislation were now to be broken up ; and a new order of things must begin 5 he considered no order so desirable, and no gift, so worthy of freemen, as a free government. It was the most noble, the most congenial of gifts to every one, that dwelt in our land. It was indeed "^'the most precious depository of American happiness." It had a merciful reference to all the civil, mor- al, and religious interests of every one of our countrymen. It was an admirable exhibition of moral grandeur 5 the crowning glory of the revolution 5 the gift, that conferred on our in- dependence all its enchantment. In reviewing the acts of his administration, we find him guided by just views, stability of principle, and direct regard to the best interests of his country. In suppressing the insurrection in Pennsylvania^ without the effusion of blood, he exhibited a striking instance of profound and conciliating policy, decided resolution, and un- controllable energy. His whole com'se, in re- lation to those insm'gents, was moral power. His soul was absorbed in protecting the lives of his infatuated fellow-countrymen, in making them good citizens, and in securing the public peace. It was not the desire of dominion, but the permanent good of the insurgents, that sway- 31 ed his motives. Defeated in all the importuni- ties of language and in his plans to produce obedience, he had, in mercy, recourse to such overwhelming physical power, as compelled sub- mission, without the least resistance. Nothing then could have been safer, than to trust power in the hands of such a man, who could thus wield it with inexpressible majesty of mercy. In our foreign relations also we cannot fail to discern his moral grandeur. Conscience and the interests of the country led him to the adoption of Jay's treaty, when the people were trem- blingly alive on this subject, and when opposi- tion to his measures was excessively alarming. He took a just and firm, but hazardous course, in relation to certain French diplomatic agents, who treated wath contempt the authority of our laws. He maintained with undaunted energy and moral sublimity, though almost at the cer- tain loss of his popularity, our independence a- gainst France ; a circumstance, that gave rise to the two great parties, that, till recently, con- tinued to divide and seriously afflict our country. His keen moral perception well comprehended the character of the French revolution ; and he stood between the dead and the living with as much glory, as Burke ; and, amidst greater danger and more personal obloquy, stayed the Avorst of plagues from this favoured soil. He was incapable of being swerved by factious in- fluences ; was above the power of passion and 32 prejudice ; and never experienced, or admitted over his mind, the undue ascendency of party. He weighed all subjects submitted to him, with the maturest consideration ; and heeded no oth- er bias in his decisions, than what arose from justice and conscience. Ever consulting the public interests, he en- deavoured to modify the laws for the increase of human happiness, and suggest such improve- ments, as came within the scope of his benevo- lent and comprehensive mind. He suggested various plans for internal improvement; and, for this purpose, made tours of observation, and cor- responded with the diilerent legislatures and the ablest men. He saw and suggested the nu- merous commercial and political advantages, that would result from connecting our eastern and western territory 5 and, like the great Clinton, contemplated mingling the waters of Lake Erie with the eastern rivers, that flow into the At- lantic. He watched over the cause of educa- tion 5 and, that its interests should be sustain- ed, he recommended a national university. He urged the humane and salutary abolition of the old feudal system of descent of property, that it might have a more general division, as being most consistent with our republican institutions and habits. He sought vigilantly to secure the civilization, peace and comfort of the Indian tribes. A more elevated, pure, disinterested, laborious, and faithful statesman never lived. S3 Notwithstanding his poUtical rank and power, his triumphant ascendency over the hearts of his countrymen, and the lustre, that encircled his name, both at home and abroad ; yet he as- sumed no honours or homage. Simplicity was his ornament ; humility was his honour ; moral greatness was his majesty. If we wish a further exhibition of his moral grandeur, we may witness it in the abundant proofs of his ardent and disinterested patriotism. Fond of retirement 5 delighted with the pursiuts of agriculture ; experiencing supreme satisfac- tion from domestic ^enjoyments, which formed his only ambition 5 possessed of a valuable es- tate on the banks of the Potomac, where every thing was enchanting to the eye and the refined taste, and seemed with resistless eloquence to say, it was good for him to be there 5 it must have been a prodigious sacrifice to have ex- changed such scenes and indulgences for the pri- vations and dangers of the camp, or the oppres- sive duties of the civil magistracy. He disdain- ed to receive any remuneration for his inestima- ble services, during the sixteen years of his un- wearied and exclusive devotion to the interests of his country. So scrupulous was he in this respect, that he declined, though with the great- est delicacy, the grant of Virginia ; and, by his desire, it was appropriated to the cause of pub- lic education. Though his motives, skill and bravery were often assailed ; and though, at 34 times, lie was compelled to bear a load of cal- umny, that would have sunk almost every other person to the earth 5 yet he betrayed no resent- ment 5 he never, for an instant, expressed dis- gust at the army or the nation ; but continued to love and serve both with unabated aifection and fidelity. The ofiices, which he held, were not for himself; they were held for his beloved republic. History proclaims this ; the docu- ments of Congress show it; his whole life proves it. Our country was his early, his last, his constant care. So intense was his solicitude for its welfare, that, during the most critical years of the revolution, he seldom smiled ; but yet a perfect government over himself always gave calmness to his features and expressions. If these be not satisfactory proofs of his patriot- ism, consider his constant readiness to offer his life upon this altar, and his repeated exposure to scenes and posts of danger, from which, for high purposes, he only escaped, through the wonderful and merciful interposition of Provi- dence. Do we demand another evidence of his moral grandeur 1 Let us read the annals of his benev- olence. The history of the revolution alone ought to satisfy us. In this, and in every oth- er respect, he stands in the foreground, as one of the most eminent philanthropists of the hu- man race. No narrow policy, no limited views^ no selfish interests, contracted his expansive 35 bosom. "To cultivate the affections of good men, and to seek to be pleased with them," were among the adopted rules of his life. He saw in the sacrifices, that he was so nobly mak- ing, the boundless extent and results of national felicity. When he had consummated the mighty purposes of the revolution, this whole land re- echoed with the exultations of grateful freemen. The fruits of his benevolent efforts have been ever since increasing. Not only are thirteen millions of our countrymen basking in the beams of his brilliant philanthropy 5 but it is also cheer- ing other nations. His benign example and christian philosophy, and his bold and original policy, are softening the rigours of government in other lands, protecting human rights, waking into existence a deep interest in the useful arts, and diffusing a purer atmosphere of literty over many other portions of this vast globe. Con- template with admiration his divine disposition to do good, as manifested in his constant inter- cession with government for the milder treat- ment of prisoners of war ; in his interposition for the liberation of American captives in Algiers 5 in his constant and unwearied exertions for the comfort of his troops ; in his eloquent importu- nity with congress for their payment ; in pro- viding for the emancipation of his slaves ; and in his humane negociations with the Indians, with whom was his first diplomatic transaction, and " urging the responsibility of national character. that we should treat them with kindness and even with liberahty." Consider the deep in- terest which he took in Lafayette 5 his noble efforts to effect the rescue of that illustrious ben- efactor of our country, while in the dungeon of Olmutz. Read his pathetic petition, unoffi- cially written to the Emperor of Germany 5 a petition, which w^as soon followed by a mitiga- tion of the sufferings of the distinguished cap- tive ; and say, w^hetber any thing could have been more generous, eloquent and dignified. Peruse also his letter, written to a friend near Boston, immediately after the arrival, at that place, of Lafayette's only son, who had just escaped from France, to find on our shores a safe asylum. In that epistle, we shall find the father of our country, offering to "- stand in the place of a father, friend, protector, and support- er," to that exiled, and friendless wanderer, and to bear all his expenses, should he enter the University of Cambridge. Pass from these scenes to the walks of the private life of Wash- ington, and we shall observe his warm affec- tions, glowing in all the delightful endearments of domestic happiness. Nor was it any stain upon his benevolence, that he adopted such severe measures against Major Andre and Lord Cornwallis, in relation to whom, his adversaries have cast on him much severe, but unmerited animadversion. For, as Arnold had been the first and only traitor ; as 37 energetic measures were necessary, in conse- €|uence of the desperate state of our army ; as an able board of officers had fully investigated Andre's case 5 and as the laws of war had as- signed to persons in his situation the degrading mode of execution, that was adopted ; the pecu- liar penalty of Andre, therefore, was unavoida- ble. Stern justice demanded it. The anguish of Washington in enforcing it is said to have been very severe ; and he could scarcely com- mand his pen, when he signed the fatal warrant to execute that excessively interesting and gal- lant officer. As for the military sentence, re- quiring Earl Cornwallis to make a formal sur- render of his sword, after the defeat of his army, this was only in retaliation for the same dis- graceful terms, that he had previously demand- ed of General Lincoln 5 who, through a subal- tern of the Earl, on account of the real or pre- tended indisposition of the latter, received the submission of the royal army. There is no doubt that the philanthropy of Washington was, in every respect, a rare and most admirable ex- hibition of moral grandeur. But the feature of his greatness, most inter- esting to us, as probationers and candidates of heaven, was his eminence, as a christian. A full and implicit trust in the superintendence of God gave confidence to his intrepidity, and cov- ered him, as with a shield, in the hour of dan- ger. Peruse his speeches, and you will see the 38 • uniform manifestation of this religious depen- dence. In the address at his presidential inau- gm'ation^ he stated, that ^'it would be peculiar- ly improper to omit, in his first ojERcial act, fer- vent supplications for the divine benediction on our government, and the instruments employed in its administration." After the defeat of Cornwallis, he ordered divine service for the ex- pression of thanksgiving 5 and enjoined " his troops to be present, with such serious deport- ment and sensibility of heart, as the recollection of the interposition of Providence in their favoi^r demanded." Above science, philosophy, com- merce, and all other considerations in improving the condition of mankind, he ranked the pure and benign light of revelation. Officially he an- nounced, on his accession to the presidency, that "neither visits of business nor ceremony would be expected on Sunday, as he wished to reserve that day sacredly to himself." More- over it is well known, that he regularly attend- ed public worship ; accustomed himself to daily devotion ; and was also a partaker of the holy communion. Besides these evidences of his faith and piety, there were ever conspicuous in his life the graces and morals, inculcated by the gospel. He bore his honours and faculties most meekly ; studi- diously avoided all ostentation and parade ; and manifested increasing diffidence in proportion to his exaltation. When appointed to the com- 39 mand of the army, he accepted the office in the presence of Congress with the affecting and hum- ble declaration, "I beg it may be remembered by every member of this house, that I this day declare with the utmost sincerity, 1 do not think myself equal to the command, with which I am honoured. ' ' When welcomed through triumph- al arches, amidst the shouts and grateful bene- dictions of thousands, to receive the highest civil honour of the nation, his diary records that his "• mind was then filled with painful, rather than pleasing sensations, to contemplate the reverse of that scene, which might be the case, after all his endeavours to do good." In these instan- ces we perceive an admirable humility of char- acter, which, while it guarded him against the dangers of rank and fame, gave him an exalta- tion, far above all earthly distinctions. He was celebrated for the strictest punctuality in his engagements, and the most exact method in all his transactions. Tlu'oughout life, till only two days before his decease, his accounts were kept with singular neatness and the severest accuracy. An undeviating regard for truth was one of his most prominent features 5 even when a child, he was never known to have uttered a falsehood. Self government, or the entire victory over his appetites, feelings and expressions, seemed to exist in him to the highest degree possible to humanity. This was a prodigious moral power 5 for there can be no doubt, that his propensities 40 and emotions were intensely ardent, in propor- tion to his other mighty energies. This was the beUef of the celebrated portrait painter, Stu- art, unrivalled for reading the sonl in the human countenance, and for depicting it on the canvass. He used to say, "there were features in the face of Washington, totally different from what he had ever observed in that of any other human being, and indicative of the strongest passions." But these had no power over him ; his life was an incessant victory, in the conquest over him- self. "No man," says Chief Justice Marshall, "has ever appeared upon the theatre of pubhc action, whose integrity was more incorruptible, or whose principles were more perfectly free from the contamination of those selfish and un- worthy motives, which find their nourishment in the conflicts of party. No truth can be ut- tered with more confidence, than that his ends were always upright, and his means always pure." Indeed, it has ever been said, that his moral majesty, or resplendent constellation of great virtues, has been more effectual, than all his military and civil power, in producing and preserving the liberties, morals and prosperity of our republic. With such faith, piety and morals, he was prepared for death. He had lived for his coun- try, for freedom, for virtue, for the w^orld. He saw nothing, in looking backwards, to create remorse ; nothing, in looking forward, to alarm 41 his fears. In the midst of his vigor, witliout having betrayed any physical or mental infirmi- ty ^ in the midst of nnsulHed renown, this sun of glory sunk beneath the horizon of life. He re- tired in aw^fol majesty, uttering the sublime ex- pression, I AM NOT AFRAID TO DIE. But UO night has followed his setting. He has left an interminable track of splendour behind him ; and the nation w^alks in it, boasts of its brightness, revels in its enchanting beams, and prospers by its glory. This, my fellow- citizens, is the char- acter of the Founder of our republic. Its truth can be substantiated by facts. I challenge you to go to the history of ancient or modern times for a personage, more illustrious. He has been called a Fabius, an Aristidcs, a Marcus Aure- lius, an Epaminondas 5 but all do him injustice, who call him any thing, but Washington. In this name are comprehended all the magnificent human attributes, that belong to the highest moral grandem'. The unexampled character, which has now been so feebly portrayed, is an untiring and delightful theme for contemplation. It does honour to our country, as well as to human na- ture. But there is another important consider- ation, in which it should be viewed ; and that is, in the connexion of the moral grandeur of Washington with the character and happiness of our nation, which presents one of the sub- limest spectacles of civil prosperity, that^ can be 42 found. At the period of our colonial conflicts with the parent state, we had a sparsely settled frontier ; not three millions of people 5 and only thirteen States ; or, as Fisher Ames more ac- curately described them, "thirteen wretched settlements, which vast woods enclosed, and still vaster woods divided from each other." Now we have twenty-four States. Our popu- lation may be estimated at thirteen millions 5 its tide is rolling on beyond the Rocky Mountains to the shores of the Pacific. Our territory, embracing the breadth of this continent between two mighty seas, is as extensive as that of Eu- rope. Our average annual revenue is about twenty-five millions of dollars 5 while the ex- ports of foreign and domestic produce exceed seventy-three millions. Our sails are unfurled in every sea and harbour. The enlarged enter- prise of the nation would task the eloquence of any living B urke . O ur numerous manufactories employ an immense amount of capital ; and their commodities, in many instances, claim pre- eminence in fabric, and find their way to almost every foreign market. A spirit of internal im- provement pervades the land. Steamboats, rail roads and canals are constantly multiplied to facilitate transportation. The cause of learn- ing is daily gathering new success among us. Already have we fifty-nine Colleges 5 also twenty-one Theological Seminaries 5 seventeen Medical, and nine Law schools. These institu- 4-3 tions are generally advancing in discipline, anc" liberally extending their pursuits, inquiries and improvements. Philosophy is no longer the prerogative of a favoured few 5 but is accessible to all classes of the community, and descends even to citizens of the humblest life. The re- duction of the public debt, and the general econ- omy, pursued in relation to the national finan- ces, render taxation a burthen, that may surely be called light. Our army presents for us a perfect shield of safety on land ; and our navy is amply sufficient to protect our property and character on every sea, and is an invincible floating bulwark against foreign invasion. The interests of science and the arts find universal patronage ; those of religion have theh safe- guard in the majesty of enlightened public opin- ion 5 and the laws have their complete support in the demands of public order and vktue. We enjoy, more than any other nation on earth, a free exercise of the rights of conscience. Un- bounded religious tolerance is one of our clearest and brightest privileges 5 and this indeed forms the basis of our civil prosperity. The power of the constitution is extensive and eflectual in all its various departments; oppressing none by its operations 5 and breathing justice, order and peace over the community. Should we retire from scenes of political strife, from the boister- ous sea of corrupting faction, we should scarcely know, except from the abundance of prosperity. 44 that the complex and wonderful machinery of government was in motion ; and then should we revel in admkation of its silent harmony, and in ardent gratitude for its countless bless- ings. Nor should I omit to mention some other privi- leges, that we enjoy. The abolition of the feudal law of primogeniture has prevented a pampered and sytematic aristocracy 5 and, by the conse- quently fortunate diffusion of property, has a material influence on the contentment of the people, and the permanency of government. Our nation is constitutionally pacific. Its estab- lished doctrine of neutrality has saved us from numerous wars, into which, without this wise principle, we should inevitably have been driven. From the happy effect of the diffusion of the principles of freedom, every man among us, how^ever humble, feels an individuality, and has a personal consequence and weight, as far as he has intellect and moral influence, in all our national concerns. No door of emolument, dis- tinction, or power is barred against him. He can submit his opinions without restraint or danger, provided he submits them with respect and decorum. No censorship is on the press. Notwithstanding the extent of our civil privi- leges, the proportion of criminal cases is compar- atively small. Violations of the law are gen- erally detected, and are promptly tried and pun- ished by an enlightened, able, impartial, and 45 energetic Judiciary. The principles of our ju- risprudence, and their appUcation to practice, have extorted much foreign eulogy. An intel- ligent writer, in one of the most able English Reviews, calls the author of the Commenta- ries on American Law, "the Blackstone of America f^ and a distinguished French politi- cian asserts, "that our legislators have accom- plished without violence, and almost without effort, what the ancient and modern j^hilosophers would not have dared to express." Nor are the other learned professions among us halting in their march, or wanting in men of eminence, men, who are acknowledged great on the other side of the Atlantic, and whose names will ever stand high on the imperishable records of fame. It must now be obvious to every one, who takes an impartial view of the condition of our country, that there is not a freer or happier land on the face of the earth. We cannot, therefore, hesitate to assert that the Revolution was a providential and most merciful dispensation 5 that our government has proved a most fortunate experiment 5 and that Washington is entitled to our veneration and gratitude, as our greatest earthly benefactor. The enthusiasm of the traveller, who expects to find here an El Do- rado, or an Utopia ; and the narrow spirit and national prejudices of the foreigner, who can find no good in any country, but his own ; have led to much misrepresentation, that has exposed us 46 in other lands to ridicule and contempt. 15ut, notwithstanding the severe and incessant abuses, which have been heaped upon us by the vulgar, the ignorant and the prejudiced; we hold, among enlightened and generous minds of other coun- tries, an elevated rank, and a glorious name ; and our felicities are the subject of their admira- tion and praise. Our soil is considered by them, as the asylum of freedom, the home of refuge for the oppressed, and a favoured spot for the intel- lectual and refined, the affluent and the enter- prising. We must be more than mortal, writes a sensible English traveller, if we are not elated with our condition. "Farewell," said Southey, to an intelligent American, with whom he had been conversing about the recent contests for Reform in England, and who was just parting from the hospitality, and romantic, congenial scenery of the home of one of the most gifted of scholars and poets, to revisit his native land ; "farewell ; — return to your peaceful country 5 and prepare, perhaps ere long, to receive a sec- ond emigration of pilgrims." Many such, a- midst the gathering storms of Europe, may seek our shores. The interposition of Providence, infinitely wise in all his dispensations, may be now directing events, so as to honour our cities with the residence of some of the most illustri- ous sages, statesmen, scholars and divines of the old world. Even the countrymen of Kosciusko, forlorn and desperate at the ceaseless and heai't- 4t rending shrieks of freedom, may yet be colonized on some American ten;itory ; which, in such a case, as a tribute to the noblest patriotism, our country should dignify with the interesting name of Poland. Amidst such a state of things, on this centen- nial anniversary, breathes there a citizen amongst us, who does not exult, that he is a American? ** Breathes there the man, with soul so dead, Who never to hhnself has said. This is my own, my native land." Breathes there a citizen, who does not rejoice, that Washington's great name is "compatriot with his own 5" and that the mighty principles, the constitutional axis, on which the nation so harmoniously turns, were chiefly the produc- tions of his vigorous mind, and enlightened pol- icy ? Breathes there an American, who does not estimate above all price the treasures ex- pended, the blood spilt, the labours and priva- tions endured by the gallant revolutionary sol- diers, who aided in achieving our deliverance and sovereignty ? Breathes there one, who does not feel an exaltation of soul and a new ardour of patriotism, as he contemplates himself, living in this bright age of Washington 1 Breathes there a citizen, w^hatever may be his political creed, who does not feel an increased attachment to this soil, and new triumphs kindling in his bosom, as he reads the masterly eloquence, the splendid results, illustrations and defences of 48 freedom, that have emanated from oiir great statesmen, in both Etoiises of Congress ?— ^ Breathes there a citizen, who does not manifest his gratitude for the patriotic services of JefFer-^ son, Adams and Monroe, who, amidst the enlo- gies of their countrymen, have followed to the tomb their iUustrious predecessor in the magis- tracy of the nation ? Breathes there one, who is not grateful for the valuable labours of the two surviving ex-presidents, who are giving in- teresting proofs of republican simplicity 5 — the one, by his active duties, as a member of Con- gress ;— the other, by enjoying the delights of dignified retirement , by freely im.parting his counsel, when required, for the legislative inter- ests of his State 5 and by realizing the brilliant results of those lofty and sound opinions, which he has given to the world in his admirable chap- ters of the " Federalist" ? Breathes there one, who does not, under the course of the present administration, rejoice at our abundant bless- ings ? Breathes there a citizen, who will not at this centennial celebration, most fervently pray, that the principles of Washington may pervade and sustain our institutions ; and be, with all classes of men among us, the common watch- word for our country's welfare ? If such there breathe, go — ^point to them with the finger of scorn. Whatever maybe their learning, wealth or rank, they deserve no reverence 5 and can feel no joy on this brilliant occasion. They 49 " Living, should forfeit fair renown, And, doablj dying, should go down To tho vile dust, from whence they sprung, Unwept, unhonour'd, and unsung." But, while triumphing in our freedom, and in the glories of him, by whom it was achieved, there is upon our nation one foul blot, which we cannot fail to deplore, and which we cannot be too prompt and energetic in endeavouring to ejSace. That foul stain, my fellow-citizens, is the existence of slavery among us. We regret it, as a tremendous moral evil, and as attended by the most awfal political consequences 5 not to mention those other unutterable retributions, ^ which it will, one day, call forth from the foun- tain of divine justice. Let it be stated, how- ever, in extenuation of our criminality, as a na- tion, that the evil was entailed upon us by the corrupt opinions and practices of the world 5 and especially by the nation, from whom we sprang. It is an hereditary sin 5 whose ex- tirpation seemed not to be within the power of our new government. Its remedy is one of the most difficult problems of civil legislation ; and, if practicable, must require many years for its accomplishment. Much has already been done. Thirteen states have passed legislative acts for the abolition of slavery. Virginia was recently on the verge of adopting the same noble course; and Maryland affords a like cheering promise by its late struggle in the cause of humanity and a 50 liberty. The Colonization Society is making a deep impression, and producing a material re- form in this momentous concern. We trust that the prevalence of Christianity, public opin- ion, the credit of the nation, our highest inter- ests, just and enlightened commentaries on the principles of freedom, and the touching appeals of humanity, will eventually extirpate the evil. "Nothing," says Mr. Jefferson, in his Me- moirs, *'is more certainly w^ritten in the book of fate, than that the blacks are to be free ; nor is it less certain, that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government. Na- ture, habit, and opinion have drawn indelible lines of distinction between them. It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably, and in such slow degrees, as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and the places of the blacks be, pari passu, fill- ed up by free white labourers. If, on the con- trary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect." Our country has taken a memorable step, that does honour to itself, and is a brilliant example to the world. Let it be spoken to our praise, and to conciliate public mercy, relative to our former sins, that our government was the first on the earth, that declared the slave trade, felony. This act seems the harbinger of an approaching era, when " the genius of universal emancipation" shall disen- thral every slave. Let it now be deeply im- 51 printed on oar hearts, that a resolution to be unwearied in our exertions for this purpose, is one of the most prominent duties of this anni- versary. Faithful is this representation of the present condition of our country 5 and the most superfi- cial observer may discern, that it is almost wholly the natural and necessary result of the enlightened policy of Washington. The very basis of our prosperity is a confederated govern- ment, administered strictly on republican prin- ciples. No imperfection has yet been detected in this splendid theory. Original and bold was the political experiment. Lofty must have been the mind, and immortal must be the fame of him, who projected it. It was a daring step in this "new world, fair and fresh from the hand of its Creator," to abandon the antiquated sen- timents, in which the nations had for many centuries been established, and to devise and adopt an untried course of civil polity. " To this manly spirit," says Mr. Madison, in the Federalist, " posterity will be indebted for the possession, and the world for the example, of the numerous innovations, displayed on the American theatre, in favour of private rights and public happiness. Had no important step been taken by the leaders of the revolution, for which a precedent could not be discovered 5 no gov- ernment established, of which an exact model did not present itself 5 the people of the United 5t States might, at this moment, have been num- bered among the melancholy victims of misguid- ed counsels, or must, at best, have been labour- ing under the weight of some of those forms, which have crushed the liberties of the rest of mankind." How vitally and fortunately has this single fact of the peculiar structure of our civil polity^, affected all the valuable interests of our native land. Consider what we should have Been, if Washington, with the spirit of Cromwell, had sought glory in the campaigns of fanaticism 5 or had founded here an absolute monarchy 5 or,, with ferocious dominion, had laboured to intro- duce a military despotism ; or had encouraged a project, once warmly cherished, to establish ia our land three separate empires ; or had divided among his generals the various states,, as distinct principalities, and consequently subjected them to interminable jealousies, ambitious designs, and ceaseless warfare. It is impossible fully to appreciate the infinite advantages of our political organization, and its direct and happy influence on our minds and affections, on religion, litera- ture, the arts, and on the institutions and com- forts of society. It is impossible to estimate too highly the preciousness of the chain, that binds these States 5 that unites us all in one interest; in the use of the same language 5 in a common effort for enlightened legislation, increasing knowledge, and extensive improvement ; in an 53 interchange of the countless productions of our various climates ; in the same reasons and in- terests for the preservation of civil order and peace ; in one common defence against foreign influence and foreign invasion. Nor was the mind of Wasliington less influ- ential and active in framing our civil code, than in the formation of our government. He la- boured for the establishment and protection of our civil and religious rights 5 was the projector of our navy 5 was a zealous patron and advocate of internal improvement 5 liberally exerted him- self for the advancement of education ; taught that religion and morality were the only dura- ble foundations of a republican government 5 and urged most strenuously the union of the States, " as the main pillar in the edifice of our real in- dependence, and the palladium of our political safety and prosperity." He exhibited an ad- mirable lesson of the great wisdom of neutrality, in regard to foreign countries 5 a lesson, which has averted from us numberless evils, and procured for us incalculable blessings. His views on every subject had an enlarged scope, vastly be- yond the character of the era, in which he lived. The great step of our independence was one, that anticipated the operations of time and ex- perience ; seemed to effect among our people, as if by enchantment, an immediate improve- ment, which it would have cost many years to have obtained ; surprised the old world in its 54 antiquated habits and institutions ; burst asun- der the ties, that held the mind, as well as the body, in bondage 5 and placed us in a new and boundless field of physical, intellectual, and moral advancement. In addition to all, that Washington has actu- ally done for us, his principles, influence and example are mighty agents in constant opera- tion on our country. " He, being dead, yet speaketh." His spirit has an ubiquity in the land. Counsellers, sages and statesmen seem to hear his thrilling monitions 5 to stand rebuk- ed in their folly or dishonesty by his wisdom and integrity 5 to be guided, amidst doubts and dif- ficulties, by the polestar of his enlightened coun- sel ; and to feel awed, as if beholding his vener- able person, that was invested with a dignity, beyond that of any other man, and always in- spired the most profound reverence. Time and the vicissitudes of things have only served to develope and confirm his extraordinary clear- ness of views and soundness of judgment. He exercises a moral control over the manners and habits of the nation, in relation to luxury, licen- tiousness, pride of office, and repulsiveness of rank. We do not assert that he is the sole cause of our peace and welfare. Associated with him were congenial spirits, born to aid him in his unexampled achievements. But his spirit was "mightiest among the mightiest;" ruled in the great assembly of our nation 5 and, more than all in that assembly, was the origin of our prosperity and fame. The factions, en- vy, strife and ignorance, that opposed his moral power, while he lived, are gone. His wisdom and virtues are now beaming on us with accu- mulated and unobstructed lustre ; giving a re- splendent dawn to this new century 5 and prom- ising to increase their benignant light on our re- public until the consummation of all things. — Wonderful indeed, then, must have been his moral grandeur, to have rendered him in life one of the most illustrious of men, and to have stamped his genius and spirit, so indelibly upon the times, as emphatically to secure for them, among all his countrymen, the immortal title of THE AGE OF WASHINGTON. Gratefully, my fellow- citizens, have 1 now, in compliance with your request, offered a just and sincere, though feeble tribute to the memo- ry of the Founder of our Republic. But, w^hile we reverence his virtues, express our thanks for his services, and rejoice that we have seen the completion of a century, made glorious by the consequences of his birth 5 we are also to consider that, connected with this anniversa- ry, are many solemn duties, which it is incum- bent upon us to discharge. A most precious legacy is transmitted to us. We inherit a de- lightful country, associated with a history, that fills us with enthusiasm and generous pride 5 a form of government, that is the admiration of 56 the world, and our boast and joy 5 and a sys- tem of laws, admirably adapted to all our civil and religious rights. These, at the cost of im- mense labours and sacrifices, are now sacredly committed to our trust. In addition to such splendid possessions, w^e have the character of Washington, and the inestimable treasure of his written opinions. Blessed with these rare gifts and privileges 5 and trusting in the Divine aid and benediction 5 with what confidence and bright hopes do we enter upon a new century. But let us remember, that the blessings of the coming age depend on our unreluctant submis- sion to the obligations of religion and morality ; on our reverence and love of the Supreme Be- ing 5 and on our faithful observance of the gos- pel of his Son. Besides the discharge of these indispensable duties, our national prosperity Tests on our adherence to the principles of Washington ; on our perpetual reverence of them ; and on our indefatigable exertions to secure their operation in all the departments, counsels, and policy of our government. Let us fervently pray, as he did, " that God would be graciously pleased to dispose us to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind, which were the characteristics of the Di- vine Author of our blessed religion ; without an humble imitation of whose divine example in these things, w^e can never hope to be a hap- 57 py nation." Let us present our grateful ac- knowledgments to the Supreme Being, for hav- ing sent us such a guide and protector, amidst our days of darkness and peril ; and for having granted us such signal deliverance and liberty. JLet us ascribe to Heaven all the praise, and exclaim, " Not unto us, not unto us, but unto the name of God be all the glory." Let us be thankful, respecting our political Deliverer, whose name and character must necessarily be always before the American people, that he cherished no principles and committed no acts, which can give the slightest sanction to infideli- ty or vice. Let us rejoice, that he possessed those highest, brightest attributes of character,— a sound religious faith, and unimpeachable in- tegrity : so that, while we exhibit him to our countrymen, as the greatest model of patriotism, they cannot fail also to admire the constellation of his virtues 5 to feel a reverence for that di- vine religion, on which his moral grandeur was founded ; and thus to become, in the various concerns of life, more active and disinterested patriots, and at the same time more ardent and exemplary christians. Let us piously say, in relation to the whole revolution, what our vic- torious General so eloquently asserted, after the battle of Monmouth 5 " The hand of Prov- idence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel, that lacks faith ; and more than wicked, that has not grat- H 58 itude to acknowledge his obligation." Let us earnestly contend for the union of the States. This is the essential principle of our preservation and prosperity 5 and the most momentous con- cern, that can affect the interests of our coun- try. Let us take heed to the spirit of party, lest it obscure and subvert the truth, and ren- der faction triumphant over patriotism. Let us imitate the moral greatness of our political Father, in the various duties, which we may be caUed to perform. Let us never relax o ir ex- ertions for the prevalence of freedom throughout our land ; that the chains of servitude may be universally dissolved ; that the noble language of our Declaration of Independence may no longer be heard, as a thrilling rebuke 5 and that every slave may leap exultingly in the enjoyment of spiritual and civil liberty. Let us labour for the diffusion of knowledge and virtue ; for, in a coun^ try, regulated by universal suffrage, there should be universal light ; and, where power is exten- sively reposed in the people, its safety and be- neficence must depend on the prevalence of wisdom and integrity. The ark of our political rights, liberties and prosperity is now, my fellow- citizens, in our hands. The seal and image of Washington are upon it. Within its archives are the imperish- able records of his wisdom, labours, achieve- ments and moral grandeur. The light and ben- edictions of heaven arc upon it ; and thirteen 59 millions of people are this day admiring it, with the liveliest enthusiasm and gratitude. We have a fearful responsihleness, as we stand at this eventful crisis, on the threshold of a new century, charged with the conveyance of this ark to the coming age. May we faithfully transmit the treasure, in all its purity and grandeur. May freedom, pros- perity and peace never forsake our land. May it be the brightest spot on the face of the earth 5 the honoured home of the wise, the virtuous, and the brave. May our present government have an existence, commensurate with the du- ration of time. May Americans never forget the services of the crowd of heroes, patriots, and statesmen, jurists, philosophers, scholars, and cliristians, who have, for the last century, watched over their liberty, rights and honour. May our beloved RepiibUc — ''this precious jew- el, torn from the British crown" — these twenty- four free, sovereign, independent and happy States, cherish a perpetually increasing attach- ment for the sublime principles, upon which they were founded ; and be forever a diadem of glo- ry around the name of WASHINGTON, If. MARCH & CO. PRINTERS. « 73 ^ y J"^^ V V °o *^oV^ "^6^ * ^ ■*>^'S^.* ^K^ ^7 y^- jp-^* *^°* jp-'*. 5> *^ » ^<^ (V ft • ■ • ♦ "^ A^ • * ♦ • * «>(v (V^ ft • ■ • • aV-^^ "^..%^° /**>^^% ^'%^i>- ./^:^^'\s .< v^y V'^>\. v^-y ' \*^^v* \**'^''V* "'v^^V'' '^'^ ??^\