'o» A 'TTi* .v-V 'o« A b, ♦/TT^*' • ho'* ^"^ ." /°* . rr,-' iO- ^^^^.. 1.^0^^v* .^"^^ V^^^M^.v- ^J-"-^;^^ ■Mm^'.*' J,^'^^ ...^v.o^'- V^^V * ^^'^^ • 4 o .'.#' ^- 1^ -- ^ •• a\ .. ^^ -^ , ^ \ «.. A^ / -^.^^^^ • It 'by \v v^ « • • • • V* "^ 'o • * % ' ^ the Public U\ The Teaching of History IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS WITH REFERENCE TO War and Peace REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF THREE APPOINTED BY THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY BOSTON AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY 1906 PLEASE PRESERVE THIS FOR FUTURE USE. IT IS VERY DESIRABLE THAT THIS REPORT SHOULD BE PLACED IN THE HANDS OF AS MANY PRINCIPALS AND TEACHERS IN THE SCHOOLS OF OUR COUNTRY AS POSSIBLE. Additional copies may be obtained at five cents each, or in quantities at the rate of three dollai-s per liundred, by addressing The American Peace Society, 31 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass. The Teaching of History in the Public Schools of the United States with Special Reference to War and Peace. Keport of a Committee of Three appointed in accordance with the action of the Annual Meeting of the American Peace Society, May 18, 1905. Boston, Mass., April 3, 1906. To the Board of Directors of the American Peace Society : The Committee appointed by you in accordance with the action taken at the Annual Meeting of the Society on the 18th of May, 1905, " to ascertain and report upon the instruction given in History in the Public Schools of the United States with Special Reference to War, Battle, and Militarism," beg leave to submit the following Report : In the fall of 1905 we prepared, for transmission to the Superintendents of Public Schools, the series of in- quiries hereinafter set forth. These were sent from the office of the American Peace Society to the Superin- tendents in about three hundred cities and towns, each containing a population of ten thousand or more. We have received answers from one hundred and twenty-six of the superintendents so addressed. EXAMINATION OF SCHOOL TEXT-BOOKS ON UNITED STATES HISTORY. Your Committee, at an early date after their appoint- ment, began the examination of the school text-books on United States history with special reference to their treatment of war and peace. We found a large number of them. Some have been in use forty, fifty, and sixty years, while about a dozen new books have appeared since the year 1900. We have examined more than seventy both as to quantity and as to quality. The first point investigated was the number of pages devoted to war periods and the number given to periods of peaceful development. In this examination only the pages descriptive of military and naval operations are reckoned as war history. The discussion of causes and results is not included. Of the books used in the grammar grades, the first ten were published between the years 1843 and 1885. The percentage of historical matter devoted to the war periods, since the beginning of the French and Indian wars, in these ten books was as follows: 45.3, 44.1, 42.4, 42.1, 41.9, 38.6, 38.2, 36.2, 33.7, and 33.7. Average 39.6. The highest was 45.3, and the lowest 33.7, five books showing more than 40 per cent, of war history and five less than 40 per cent. This would seem to be giving about double the amount which the war periods ought to have received. The next ten books were published between the years 1885 and 1897. The percentage of war history in these is as follows: 43.2, 39.3, 34.4, 28, 27.8, 25.4, 25.3, 22.8 21.5, and 17. Average 28.5. Only one above 40 per cent., two between 30 and 40 per cent, and seven below 30 per cent. The highest was 43.2 per cent, and the lowest 17 per cent. Here surely was a great gain. The third ten books, in the order of their publication, covering the period from 1890 to 1904, devoted to war history the following percentages : 35.2, 81.7, 31.2, 27.2, 27.2, 25.2, 24.6, 24.6, 24, and 17.5. Average 26.8 per <3ent. Of these 35.2 was the highest and 17.5 the low- est. Only three were above 30 per cent, and one below 20 per cent. The fourth and last list, including thirteen books, which were published between the years 1900 and 1906, shows an average as follows : 31.5, 31, 30, 29.5, 29.5, 29, *28.3, 25.5, 24.5, 22.2, 17.5, 12, and 11. Average 24.7 per cent. The highest 31.5 per cent, and the lowest 11 per cent. Three 30 per cent, or over, seven between 20 and 30 per cent., and three less than 20 per cent. We have next to consider the so-called primary or ele- mentary books. Here we have twenty. The first ten were published between 1860 and 1S96. The war history in these is as follows: 50, 44.2, 41, 35, 33, 30, 29, 18, 14, and 14. Average 31.4. The highest 50 per cent, and the lowest 14 per cent. Three above 40 per cent., three from 30 to 40 per cent., one between 20 and 30 per cent., and three below 20 per cent. The second ten, published between 1896 and 1905, are averaged as follows for the war periods : 50, 46, 29, 26, 25, 25, 24.5, 21, 11, and 11. Average 26.8 per cent. Highest 50 per cent., lowest 11 jjer cent. One at 50 per cent., one between 40 and 50 per cent, six between 20 and 30 per cent., and two below 20 j^er cent. Average of the total 63 different books, 29.5 per cent. The text-books mentioned above are used in the ele- mentary schools, but the history of our country is now studied in very many high schools and other institutions for secondary and higher education. We have exam- ined ten books used in these schools and find nearly the same average amount of war history as in the others. 6 The record of the ten is as follows : Percentage of war history, 34, 33.7, 29, 28, 25.3, 24.6, 24.5, 18, 17.5, 12. Average, 24.7. They have all been published since 1885, and all but three within the last ten years. The tone of these books appears to be fully as good as that of those given in the table ; perhaps better. The statistics of the 63 books are tabulated as follows : Forty-three Grammar School Text-books Twenty Primary Books Highest and Lowest Per Cent. Oldest Ten Second Ten Third Ten Fourth Thirteen First Ten Ten Later 45.3 43.2 35.2 31.5 50 50 2 at 50 44.1 39.3 31.7 31 44.2 46 9 between 40 and 50 42.4 34.4 31.2 30 41 29 16 " 30 " 40 42.1 28 27.2 29.5 35 26 17 " 25 " 30 41.9 27.8 27.2 29.5 33 25 9 " 20 " 25 38.6 25.4 25.2 29 30 25 4 " 15 " 20 38.2 25.3 24.6 28.3 29 24.5 6 " 10 " 15 36.2 22.8 21.5 24.6 24 25.5 24.5 18 14 21 11 • 33.7 33.7 17 17.5 22.2 17.5 12.5 11 14 11 Highest, 50 Lowest, 11 Average 39.6 Average 28.5 Average 26.8 Average 24.7 Average 30.8' Average 26.8 Average of 63 books 29.5 From this table it will be seen that the quantity of war material in the books has steadily diminished, the more recent books having but little more than half as much as those of half a century ago. Of the forty- three regular text-books mentioned above, the first ten had nearly 40 per cent, of war history, while the last ten averaged less than 23 per cent. This showing, we apprehend, is better than might have been anticipated. It apparently indicates that the public pulse has begun to beat in favor of peace and arbitration. Is it not also true that public sentiment has been lifted by the higher tone of the text-books? A change of public sentiment seems to be equally implied in the quality of the utterances in regard to war. Before entering upon the report of our examina- tion of these, we beg just here to suggest one or two considerations which show why the authors of these books have given so much space to wars. In the first place, it will be remembered that periods of war have usually been prominent epochs. Wars have manifestly produced great changes in national affairs. For illustra- tion, take the old French and Indian War, resulting in the treaty of 1763, whereby France was swept entirely off from North America. So the Mexican war brought to us New Mexico and California, and the Spanish War gave us Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. Our Civil War preserved our territory intact, and set free millions of slaves. Certain industries have been broadened and activities increased by wars. In dealing with the teachings of his- tory all these have to be acknowledged. It seems to us, however, that while these points should be properly pre- sented in schools, on the other hand, the expensiveness of wars, the loss of property by wholesale destruction, the withdrawing of so many men for long periods from productive industries, the cruel sacrifice of human life, the turning loose upon the community of a host of dis- abled men, and the piling up of an enormous war debt and pension lists, — all these things should be properly portrayed in the school histories, but in most of the books thus far they have not been. It is obvious that another reason also has operated largely to amplify the accounts of wars and battles, in- cluding campaigns, strategies, and heroic deeds of all 8 sorts. Every teacher and every writer of school-books is fully aware that the first step in successful teaching must be to interest the pupil. Children are fond of stories of adventure. Thrilling tales and brave deeds always have a charm for them. Hence the temptation to dwell minutely and graphically upon the details of wars. It should, however, of course, be equally clear that in the hands of competent writers the lives of pio- neers, biographical incidents, stories of inventions, dis- coveries, achievement of success, and the full routine of life in times of peace may be made as interesting as the narrative of campaigns and battles. Here, then, is where the skillful writer, as well as the accomplished teacher, will have his greatest opportunity in the future. Apropos of this matter of text-books, we come now to the noting of things to be avoided, of which we find too many in the books, and of things to be commended, en- couraged, and imitated, of which we find too few. One of the older histories devotes more than thirty pages to the harrowing tales of the old Indian wars previous to 1760. The same book uses more than a hundred pages of fine type, or more than twenty per cent, of the entire book, in telling the story of the American Revolution. It gives the bloody details of the battles, picturing bru- tal treatment with grewsome word pictures of savage cruelty. In several of these earlier books, perhaps in most of them, the causes of the American Revolution are scarcely dwelt upon, and these are given mostly by incidents told in such ways as to tend to create in the minds of young readers a real hatred of the English people. In many of the later books a different treatment is observed. The American theory is plainly set forth as differing funda- mentally from the views entertained by the British 9 Parliament. This difference is so often misunderstood, or ignored, that it may be worth while to state it here. The British theory was that Parliament had grown to be an imperial parliament which made laws for the whole empire. The American view was that they were British colonies, and loyal to the King, but that they were not subject to the laws of the British Parliament, for the rea- son that they were under governments of their own, in accordance with grants and charters from the King, which established in each colony its own parliament or law-making assembly. Hence they thought that the London Parliament had no right to tax the colonies. Moreover, it was a fact of great importance that a large proportion of the people of Great Britain, including many of the strongest statesmen, sympathized wholly with the colonists and denounced in strong terms the policy of Parliament. This fact is too generally over- looked in the earlier books, but is well stated in many of those more recently published, American teachers are so prone to forget or ignore this truth, that we may be pardoned for quoting from some of the important text-books now used in schools in England. They show unmistakably that the English view, in recent years at any rate, is more kindly towards America in relation to the Revolution than our text- books are towards the British government. In one of " The Royal English Readers Series," published by Thomas Nelson & Sons, we find the following: " It was not because the tax was large that the Americans were unwilling to pay it, for it was very small, but because they considered that the home gov- ernment had no right to tax them at all. The King was more to blame than any of his ministers. He would not give way in what he thought was his right as Sovereign of the colonies. . . . Chatham said to the Lords that it was folly to force taxes in the face of a continent in 10 arms. Burke bade the Commons take care lest they break that tie of kindred blood which, light as air, though strong as iron, bound the colonies to the mother land." In Edward Arnold's School Series, widely used in England, we find the following : " It has been well said that ' Time has long ago healed the wound caused by the original quarrel of the mother country and the daughter colonies ' ; and if there have sometimes been misunderstandings and suspicions engen- dered between England and the great Republic, by un- wise utterances or by unjust dealings of individuals, or of sections on both sides, the sound sense, the cordial feeling, the spirit of kinship, and the community of speech, of interests and of sympathies entertained by the great mass of both peoples have prevented threatened collision and strife. For England and America to go to war would be a calamity to the entire race. It would put back the hand of progress and would arrest the course of civilization, commerce, philanthropy, and re- ligion throughout the world." Another of these prominent English school histories says: "William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, had done all he could to make George III. and his Parliament see that it was not fair to tax the American colonists in order to pay for England's European wars. These wars had been of no use to them, and they wanted their money to defend themselves at home. If the King had been wise enough to follow Pitt's advice he would not have lost the colonies." Such quotations from the leading histories in use in the schools of Great Britain show conclusively that a spirit of goodwill prevails in that country towards us as a people, and that whatever faults we may find with the government of the mother country, whatever injuries we may believe she has inflicted upon us, of one thing we may be sure, that the English people to-day are warm 11 and stroDg in both their respect and their love for the people now inhabiting the country known at one time as English colonies in North America. The next item to be noted in this connection is the great improvement apparent in recent text-books over those of twenty-five to forty years ago in their treatment of our Civil War, Perhaps it was hardly within the range of possibilities that in the period immediately suc- ceeding that great conflict the relations could be very cordial between the people of the two sections ; and pos- sibly it was inevitable that the writers of this history should tinge the narrative with views of their own side. It is gratifying, however, to note the growing recogni- tion of the established fact that the two parties are to live side by side, that the interests of one section are also the interests of the other, and that every consideration of philosophy and of utility tells us that, as we are now brethren, we should dwell together in unity. Hence every writer of this portion of our history should feel impelled by all proper motives to avoid everything that alienates, and to make prominent all that tends to peace and unity. On the whole, we are much pleased to observe in looking over the accounts of this war in the more recent school books that, with only here and there an exception, each writer is evidently striving to state the facts in a kindly spirit and to emphasize the things that make for peace. In all the discussions of wars it seems to your commit- tee better that causes and results should be emphasized and that battles should not be described in such fullness as is found in many of the books. The clear aim should be to avoid fostering the spirit of militarism and to cul- tivate rather the disposition to settle all international difficulties, not by force and violence, but by the modern method of arbitration. 12 A question may arise as to what shall be substituted in place of the details of war which may be omitted from our future text-books and future teaching of history. The answer is quite obvious. Our country has had a rapid growth, and our advancement has been unprece- dented in the lines of invention, in all the industries, in education, literature, the useful arts, the fine arts, benev- olent institutions, the rights of women and children, law, government, and morals. The reports of our patent office show our progress in inventions. Sixty years ago this office issued from four hundred to six hundred patents annually. In one year, now, it has issued more than twenty-five thousand. In 1840 its receipts were 138,000; its annual income now is |1,8'25,000. Atten- tion might well be called to the development of our agricultural machinery ; to the improved steam-plow and machines for planting, hay-making, and harvesting. Seventy-five years ago it required, to raise one bushel of wheat, three hours labor of the farmer; now it needs only ten minutes. In market-gardening, in the shoe in- dustry, in the products from india-rubber, in the applica- tion of steam power and of electric power, such advance has been made as to astonish the world. All these will require more and more space in the books every year. So in the other directions named above. In all text- books on the history of our country, space should be found to tell of the growth of our system of pub- lic schools, of the rapid advancement and liberal en- dowment of our colleges, of the uplift of the people through the many charitable and philanthropic move- ments, the advances in law, morals, and the rights of man, and, in general, of the intellectual and moral im- provement of society at large. A valuable treatise for colleges on " The Industrial History of the United States " has lately appeared, which is, doubtless, a 13 forerunner of others which will follow. This line of thought indicates a wide circle of useful and interest- ing information to be more and more inserted in our school histories. It may be too soon to expect authors and teachers fully to appreciate the importance of the movement which has produced the Hague Tribunal, and which is to bring the second Hague Conference and the proposed International Congress, but the leaven is working and the most recent text-books are mentioning these remarkable movements as indicative of a rapidly growing drift of feeling and public opinion looking and working toward the peace of the world. Patriotism, that is, love of one's own coun- try, is commendable, but the sentiment of brotherhood of the human race, which looks toward the federation of the world, is beginning to be regarded as a virtue still higher and holier. EXAMINATION OF HISTORY COURSES, AND METHODS OF INSTRUCTION. Your Committee sent the following questions to three hundred Superintendents of schools in cities and towns of ten thousand or more inhabitants : 1. In what grade or grades of your schools is United States history taught ? Estimated average age, in each grade, of the pupils in that branch ? 2. What periods of history are most dwelt upon in each grade ? 3. In each grade what is the number of weeks devoted to United States history? Number per week of its lessons, lectures, or exercises ? 4. As compared with the whole time given to United States history, what approximately is the proportionate amount spent on war and battle ? 5. Is the instruction given orally or by text-book lessons, or in both ways ? If in both ways, what is the relative amount of the oral ? If by text-book, what book or books ? If more than one, which is most used ? 14 6. What supplementary reading, if any, on the subject, is required ? In which grade or grades ? In what books ? 7. What reference books, if any, are recommended and ac- cessible to the pupils ? 8. What is the relative emphasis laid upon the use of each of these three classes of books ? 9. Kindly send us, if you have them, printed lists showing in each grade your course of study in United States history, the history books used, and the direction or suggestions to teachers of history, 10. Please comment over your signature, from the point of view of war and peace, upon this subject of United States history as taught in the public schools, with suggestions or criticisms as to books and methods. Your name will not be used without your permission. 11. Has the 18th of May, the anniversary of the opening of the Hague Conference, through which the Permanent Inter- national Tribunal of Arbitration was established, yet been observed with appropriate exercises in your schools, empha- sizing the practicability and the importance of arbitration as an honorable means of avoiding war ? These questions were asked with these four ends in view : To find out the importance of the text-book ; to ascertain the relative influence of the teacher; to dis- cover the proportionate amount of time spent on war and battle ; and to gain a general outlook with regard to the teaching of war and peace. The importance of the foregoing examination of text- books is measured by the use made of books. It is impossible to determine their exact influence, inasmuch as many courses of study provide also for supplementary reading and the use of reference books. To study these and arrive at definite conclusions from their contents was hardly practicable. We have, however, carefully examined all the history courses sent by superintendents from one hundred and twenty-six cities and towns. We find that in all these, except three, supplementary and reference books in history are provided for. As to the 15 relative emphasis placed on the three classes, — text- books, supplementary reading, and reference books — seven superintendents answer that it depends wholly on the teacher ; six state that the greatest emphasis is placed on supplementary reading and reference books ; eleven estimate that the three classes receive each an equal amount of attention. The great majority, however, make the text-book the basis of their work. Aside from the influence of supplementary reading and reference books, and the much greater influence of text-books, we think that the views and attitude of the individual teacher are after all the most important factor in determining the character of history teaching. Of course, if so many pages are assigned for a lesson, the history learned will be that of the book. We find, how- ever, by a scrutiny of the courses of study and the direc- tions which superintendents give to teachers, that this method of teaching is now comparatively little used. If, on the other hand, the teacher takes up the subjects by topics, — and this method seems to be very general, — the instruction will be colored with the teacher's ideas and sentiments. Especially will this be the case when he arranges the topics from more than one text-book, or from supplementary and reference books. In the eleven localities where the superintendents state that the three classes of books receive an equal amount of attention, and in the six where they estimate that the greatest emphasis is placed on supplementary and reference books the history learned is probably determined in the main by the teacher's point of view. This is obviously the case where the superintendents report that the relative use of books depends wholly on the teacher. It must not be forgotten that the introduction to history is made long before the child begins the regular study. Our examination of history courses shows that 16 sixteen provide for the regular study in the fourth grade twenty-nine in the fifth, twenty-three in the sixth, thirty- three in the seventh, six in the eighth, and two^ in the ninth. The remainder of the hundred and twenty-six provide for a continuous study from the first year in school. In all these cases, however, there is a prelimi- nary stage where the teacher is the predominating factor ; he is the text-book. The selection of biography and historical stories and the general impression that the child receives are all governed by the teacher's interpre- tation. His views and sentiments become those of the child. If, then, we could determine the exact sentiments of the teacher, we should have an almost sure basis for determining the character of the instruction in this pre- liminary period. In all stages, however, his point of view is the key. While we realize that it is impossible to discover this in every case, we have endeavored to gain some general knowledge of it by getting at the sentiments of the superintendents, and this in two ways : By examining courses of study prepared by them, and by asking them certain direct questions concerning the instruction. In- asmuch as many of the courses of study are meagre and offer little direction to the teacher, and inasmuch as the freedom of the teacher to interpret them varies materially in the different school systems where the superintendent's have made full and suggestive outlines, we feel that this examination does not give an exact reflex of the teacher's ideas ; nor will the answers of the superintendents indi- cate them with certainty. Yet, after examining the text- books, the courses of study and the statements made by superintendents, we think we have a fair basis for de- termining the relative influence of at least the average teacher. We do not assume to have any knowledge of the exceptional or special teacher. 17 As to the proportionate amount of time spent on war bistory in these hundred and twenty-six cities and towns, we find that it varies much, two-thirds of the history time being the highest and one-fortieth the lowest. Two superintendents report two-thirds ; one, one-half ; four, one-third; eight, one-fourth; nine, one-fifth; five, one- sixth; nine, one-tenth; one, one-twentieth; and one, one-fortieth. Thirty-one say that very little time is spent ; :five, that no emphasis is laid on war and battle ; seven, that only the causes and results are emphasized ; six, that less time than formerly is spent on wars; fourteen, that the text-books indicate the proportionate amount ; six, that it depends on the teacher. " Impossible to esti- mate," — " no data," — " cannot tell," — are the answers of a few. One says, " Don't care. Don't teach history that way. Teach it to make good, patriotic citizens with red corpuscles." To gain a general outlook with regard to the teaching of war and peace has seemed to us especially important. To acquire this information we asked the superintendents for their opinions ; and through these expressions, more than in any other way, we are able to judge of the real instruction given. Moreover, we can, with some definite- ness, determine to what extent arbitration as a substitute for war has been officially recognized by teachers. It is reasonable to suppose that those who have arranged exercises for the observance of the 18th of May, the anniversary of the opening of the Hague Conference, which established the permanent International Court of Arbitration, will be governed more or less in their teach- ing by the sentiments taught through these anniversary exercises. The full tabulation of answers to the tenth and eleventh questions would be especially illuminating, but the space required for it would be too large for incorporation 18 in this report. Seventy-three think that less emphasis should be placed on war; twelve believe that war should be taught in order to develop loyal, patriotic citizens ; five are in sympathy with the movement against war, and ask for information on the subject; four say that the text-books should be rewritten, giving war a subordinate place ; and thirty-one make no comments. One says: "There are worse things than war." An- other, " War, battle and adventure arouse patriotism." Another, " We should teach history as it is, and not as some supersensitive people might wish it to have been.'' Another, "I prefer peace, but not an ignoble peace." Another, "A proper study of the heroic parts of war will do no harm." Thirty-five have written extensive comments. For the purpose of showing the general outlook, typical speci- mens of their opinions should perhaps be embodied in this report. "I think," writes one, "that the tendency of the schools and text-books to condense the treatment of war is a wise one, but rather because the influence of war in social development has been overrated in the past. I have not until recently allowed as a factor in forming^ my opinion the malign influence on the pupil involved in the emphasis on wars and battles. I am very largely in accord with the advanced views for which your Society stands. Nevertheless, I do not understand how we can exclude altogether the treatment of matters relating to war. We would not only have an incom- plete view of the factors which have made our present civilization, or, if you please, have retarded it, but we would miss the opportunity of enforcing such virtues as patriotism, courage, loyalty, etc. I am not so foolish as to think there is no way of enforcing these virtues ex- cept by considering their exemplification in war, but 19 they have been exemplified in war and I do not wish to lose the brilliant illustration from that quarter. For in- stance, I do not wish to strike out Arnold or Nathan Hale from the child's knowledge." Another tells us : " Children should know that there are rights worth fighting for, and be made to feel that they are ready to be called on at any time to fight for a just cause, but not to desire war for the sake of glory or self-aggrandizement." The following is interesting: "I do not believe that war is over emphasized in our schools. The tendency is to minimize it as much as possible. Do you think that this is the best time to emphasize arbitration? Is the child ready for such altruism ? " " I think," says another, « the military spirit is not to be discouraged in the patriotic sense. Dishonorable peace is to be shunned as worse than war." Another concurs as follows : " The American youth should be taught to be patriotic. There is but one way to teach patriotism, and that is by teaching American history. Moralizing is utterly useless, and children can see the right and wrong of things for themselves if properly taught. The doctrine that the surest way to secure peace is to be prepared for war is not a bad one." Per contra take this: "I discourage much emphasis laid on war and battles, — try to have my teachers show, for instance, the real inwardness of the cause of the Revolution, in which the pig-headed and half-imbecile George III. had most to do — endeavor to induce them to encourage friendship with all nations, especially with Britain, and to laud all efforts for education, for art, science and literature." " I feel very strongly," says one prominent superin- tendent, " that in the teaching of history in elementary schools, secondary schools and colleges, the emphasis 20 should be placed upon the arts, industries and social conditions. In other words, peace, rather than war, should receive the great amount of attention. I feel that the books on history as now used, especially in the secondary schools and colleges, must be largely rewritten from the standpoint of the social and industrial develop- ment of the race. I am glad to say that a special effort is made in to lay the emphasis upon the arts of peace rather than upon the art of war." In regard to the observance of the 18th of May, we find that it has been celebrated in ten places ; in ninety- three not at all ; in five it has been noticed to some ex- tent ; twenty superintendents say that it will be observed this year ; three give no answer. One reports " no," and adds that " the connected work of the public schools is already sufficiently broken up by ' special days.' " Your Committee are strongly of the opinion that this anniversary should take its place alongside of the other epoch-making days in the world's history, and as such should receive a fitting observance. Every child should know that on the 18th of May, 1899, at the call of the Czar of Russia, representatives from twenty-six of the most important nations of the globe came together for the first time in history for the purpose of adopting measures for " the maintenance of general peace, and a possible reduction of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations." Every student of history should know that since the Jay Treaty in 1794, between the United States and Great Britain, nations have been, with increasing fre- quency, settling their differences by arbitration, until the system has become generally common among them ; that the movement has culminated in the Hague Court, a tri- bunal to which any nation can submit its international controversies; that, although the Hague Convention did 21 not pledge any nation to refer disputes to this Court, since that time no less than forty treaties have been signed whereby the signatory powers make such a pledge ; that, entering on its great career in May, 1902, it has already settled four disputes, involving the greatest na- tions of the world, thereby showing its ability to fulfill the functions for which it was established ; that the public opinion of the world is more and more forcing the na- tions to take their differences to it for peaceful adjust- ment. It should be known, at least to the older pupils in the schools, that in the course of the current year the representatives of some forty-six nations are to meet in a second peace conference for the purpose of continu- ing the work so auspiciously begun ; that proportion- ate, simultaneous reduction of armaments, whereby vast amounts of money and vast numbers of men, now in readiness for brutal destruction, may be freed for con- structive work, is again one of the subjects proposed to come before this body ; that a general arbitration treaty, rendering war practically impossible, is another topic on Its program ; that a commanding place will probably be given the proposition to create a permanent international congress, which shall meet at regular intervals to study systematically the international problems that are always before the world,— the problems in industry, education, religion, science, philanthropy and government, and that this congress when established will be the legislative complement of the Hague Court. The 18th of May will not receive a fitting observance in the schools unless the fact is made clear that all this has been the outcome of the " first peace congress," and of the great world-movement which caused it to be held. The foregoing investigation shows that the schools have begun to celebrate this day, and the following ad- mirable letter of Hon. George H. Martin, Secretary of 22 the Massachusetts State Board of Education, sent out in April of last year to each superintendent in the State^ as also a similar letter addressed by the State Superin- tendent of Instruction in Ohio to the superintendents in that Commonwealth, indicates that the meaning of the day has begun to be properly interpreted : IN THE SERVICE OF THE COMMONWEALTH. STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION. State House, Boston, April 11, 1905. Superintendent of Schools, Mass. Bear Sir : A statute whicli has made the school laws of Massachusetts famous for more than a century imposes upon all instructors of youth the obligation to use their best endeavors to instill into the minds of the children and youth committed to their care the principles of "love of country, humanity and universal benevolence." It has become a general practice in schools to stimulate the love of covintry by special exercises in connection with the public holidays, February 22, April 19, and May 30. A favorable opportunity to cultivate the other two virtues, "humanity and universal benevolence," is now afforded in the setting apart of the 18th of May in commemoration of the Hague Conference, May 18, 1899. This day is to be widely celebrated in Europe and by numei'ous organizations in America. The Board of Education recommends that appropriate exercises be held in the schools of Massachusetts on May IS for the purpose of emphasizing the blessings of peace, of showing the superiority of arbitration over war, and of exalting the brotherhood of nations. Such exei'cises might profitably include brief accounts of the settlement of recent international disputes by arbitration, together with quotations, readings and recitations concerning peace from the writings of Washington, Sumner and other statesmen, and from the poems of Holmes, Lowell and Whittier. An appropriate motto for the day would be : " God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the- face of the earth." Very truly yours, (Signed) George H. Martin, Secretary. 23 We wish to suggest that in order to raake the anni- versary generally noticed in a proper manner, a program of suitable graded exercises should be prepared and made available for the teachers in all schools. We could wish that the sentiments for which the day stands might be taught to children every day in the year ; that all teaching might be permeated with the ideas of justice, reason, love and goodwill. The teachers of the United States must become more active in this direction if they would keep pace with their co-workers across the water, who have so far sur- passed them in an active campaign for peace teaching. The Association of French Public School Teachers, numbering many thousands in its membership, has de- clared as a body its intention to teach the ideas of peace. The International Congress of Public School Teachers, held recently in Europe with representatives from eighteen nations, passed resolutions to the effect that the principles of peace should permeate all teaching, and that the history of the wars of conquest should be supplanted by the history of the great constructive workers of the world. The International Students' Congress, at its last meeting, passed two resolutions : 1. That a propaganda of peace be established which should encompass the whole world, 2. That peace clubs be formed in all universities. This body also appointed a committee to present these resolutions to the different governments of the world. We should be glad to see the teachers of the United States, citizens of a country which is the home of the first peace society in the world, take the lead in a united stand against war. There is no turning back in this onward development ; but the rapidity of the evolution will depend on direct effort. Surely the American teachers ought to be in the van of this movement, destined to uplift the whole human race! 24 GENEEAL OBSERVATIONS. In view of the results of these examinations, your Committee, not caring to comment on the adverse senti- ments expressed in some quarters, nor upon the fact that from a majority of the cities and towns so addressed no response has been received, beg to suggest that although upon the whole great progress has been made in the right direction in recent years, yet with some superin- tendents, and presumably with most teachers, the view- point of events ought to be elevated and the horizon broadened ; and since the spirit in which the instruction is imparted is of more importance than the exact details, we would also suggest that the following principles should be clearly borne in mind in the teaching of history : 1. That all men, of whatever race, country, or stage of civilization, are brethren, and entitled to be treated by one another as children of one Father and members of a common family. 2. That the nations are sister nations; and as kindly a spirit should always prevail in their dealings with each other as between members of the same family. 3. That when a good motive can reasonably be assigned for an apparently hostile action on the part of another, whether a man or a nation, it is a duty to impute such proper motive rather than a conscious intention to inflict injury wrongfully. It is therefore more honorable in such cases to exercise patient forbearance than to give way to quick and violent resentment. 4. That in war, as in private dueling, one party is always in the wrong, usually both ; and the immediate result of the conflict never decides which is in the right, if either ; nor does it tend to vindicate the honor of either to make haste to shed blood or seize or destroy property. 5.- That the maxim, "My country, right or wrong!" 25 as too often interpreted, is false and dangerous, and may become, to use the language of Chief Justice Jay, " treason to liberty, justice, and humanity, and rebellion against God." 6. That the kind of patriotism which would aggran- dize one country at the expense of another is but a form of selfishness or even criminality. 7. That whatever be thought of the maxim, "In time of peace prepare for war," it should not be forgotten that immense military and naval armaments continually suggest resort to violence as the proper method of secur- ing justice and maintaining rights. 8. That whether we have or have not a right to dis- regard, as the soldier in battle always must, the com- mand of the Founder of Christianity to love our enemies ; and whether it be true or not, as Franklin repeatedly affirmed, that " there was never a good war or a bad peace," — there are, in the historical treatment of war, aside from the ethics primarily involved, certain con- siderations that should ever be remembered : among them the tendency in protracted warfare to military despotism ; the enormous loss of productive industry by the withdrawing of multitudes from field and work- shop ; the destruction of valuable property ; the expen- diture of immense sums that might have been made useful in works of beneficence ; an incalculable amount of disease, pain and prolonged misery — distress caused not to the guilty few, but to the innocent many ; the infliction of more injustice often than is either prevented or remedied ; and the bitterness engendered in each warring people against the other, making the victorious aggressive and the defeated revengeful, thus sowing the seeds of future wars. 9. That the truest heroism is not physical but moral, as when one dares to stand alone for the right and 26 chooses to suffer loss, ridicule and obloquy, rather than be the partner in wrong-doing ; that the humblest deed of daring and self-sacrifice for the good of others is glorious ; that " he that ruleth his spirit is better than he that taketh a city " ; and that the only contest between nations should be in the effort to outdo each other in promoting the welfare of mankind, 10. That since in all conflicts each party believes itself in the right and neither can be an impartial judge, however it may have been in past ages when there was no umpire for the adjudication of international disputes, there is now no longer any excuse for a hasty resort to force, or for a foolish persistence in fighting to the death ; for there not only exists a great tribunal, the Court of The Hague, recognized the world over and proved by experience to be a proper forum for the in- vestigation and peaceful arbitrament of controversies before the outbreak of war, but the signatory powers that established it have also distinctly agreed that any one of them should have " the right of tendering its good offices or mediation " between contending states at any stage in the course of hostilities, and that "the exercise of this right can never be considered by either of the disputing parties as an unfriendly act." 11. Finally, that it is the duty of all that teach and all that study history to gain a proper perspective ; to lift themselves and others above the standpoint of mere selfish interests; to recognize that history in its true meaning is not the annals of war and bloodshed, but the record of the development of pacific civilization, of religion, of education, of law, of industry, of com- merce, of science, of invention, of art, of language, of social and political institutions ; to observe the trend of events toward the fulfillment of the prophecy that ulti- mately " nation shall not lift up sword against nation " ; to 27 endeavor to disarm opposition and overcome indifference in this movement to magnify peace and minimize war ; and to contribute all possible effort to secure in the near future a realization of the poet's vision of » The Parlia- ment of Man: the Federation of the World," which shall be the safe guardian of national rights, the per- petual guarantor of international peace. Your Committee therefore respectfully suggest for your consideration the propriety of making an earnest appeal to superintendents and teachers and to the writers of histories to utilize every suitable opportunity for inculcating in the minds of children and youth the prin- ciples herein set forth and for giving them information in regard to the successive steps in this great evolution- and particularly that they be urged to make the most of the 18th of May as an anniversary dedicated to the dif- fusion and the fostering of the sentiment of the Univer- sal Brotherhood of Man, the Universal Sisterhood of Nations. Respectfully submitted. Homer B. Speague, Chairman. Fanny Fern Andrews, William A. Mowry, Committee. ^W*. %*K/ 13, «183 • aV^<, o ^^6^ *bv* A » * * »* V^ AV V"^\^^^ %'^^'\o> V'^^\-^^^ " 'o« » *» " • * 0^ :<'5!»^^"; ^v « "^ Vol • »'