Author . 
 
 Title 
 
 Imprint. 
 
Q} 
 
 ;GYPT ASSYRIA GREECE 
 
 O 
 
 a continuous account 
 
 ;fr0m papyri, inscriptions, 
 
 i and modern authors. with 
 
 adaptations from the 
 greek historians 
 
'I, 
 
 
 "lid'' ^'- 
 
 COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 
 
HEROES AND HAPPENINGS 
 
 OF 
 
 EGYPT - ASSYRIA GREECE 
 
 A CONTINUOUS ACCOUNT 
 FROM PAPYRI, INSCRIPTIONS, 
 AND MODERN AUTHORS, WITH 
 
 ADAPTATIONS FROM THE 
 GREEK HISTORIANS 
 

 Ph^ 
 
 Copyright 1910 by 
 STELLA E. MYERS 
 
 )GI,A271733 
 
u- 
 
 It is with tlie kind permission of the publisliers 
 that extracts are quoted from the following late 
 works: 
 
 Greece, by Harrison — G. P. Putnam's Sons, New 
 York and London. 
 
 From Egypt to Japan, by Field — Charles Scrib- 
 ner's Sons, New York. 
 
 Assyria, by Ragozin — G. P. Putnam's Sons, New 
 York and London. 
 
 Ten Years' Digging in Egypt, by Petrie — The 
 Fleming H. Revell Co., New York. 
 
 The Babylonians and Assyrians, by Sayee — 
 Charles Scribners' Sons, New York. 
 
 Phoenicia, by Rawlinson — G. P. Putnam's Sons, 
 New York and London. 
 
 Jovvett's Translation of Thucydides, (except that 
 of the cause of the Peloponnesian War and that on 
 pages 73 and 71). — Clarendon Press, Oxford, England. 
 
 Dakyn's Ti-anslation of Hellenica by Xenophon — 
 I'.Iacmillan Co., New York. 
 
 Macaulay's Translation of Herodotus (in the bat- 
 tle of Thermopylae) — Macmillan Co., New York. 
 
 The Code of Hammurabi, Translated by R. F. Har- 
 per — University of Chicago Press. 
 
EGYPT 
 
 The Great Pyramid. 
 
 Of course the greatest sight around Cairo 
 is the Pyramids. It is an event in one's life to 
 see these grandest monuments of antiquity. They 
 are eight miles from Cairo. 
 
 One can go to the top by steps, but as these 
 steps are blocks of stone, many of which are 
 four feet high, it is not quite like walking up 
 stairs. One could hardly get up at all but with 
 the help of the Arabs, who swarm on the ground, 
 and make a living by selling their services. 
 
 Our last night in Cairo we spent in riding 
 out to Ghizeh by moonlight, and exploring the 
 interior of the Great Pyramid. We had already 
 been there by day, and climbed to the top, but did 
 not then go inside. There is no access but by a 
 single narrow passage, four feet wide and high, 
 which slopes at a descending angle, so that one 
 must stoop very low while he slides down an in- 
 clined plane, as if he were descending into a mine 
 by a very small shaft. There is not much pleas- 
 ure in crouching and creeping along such a pas- 
 sage, with a crowd of Arab guides before and 
 behind, lighting the darkness with their torches, 
 and making the rocky cavern hideous with their 
 yells. These creatures fasten on the traveller, 
 pulling and pushing, smoking in his face, and 
 raising such a dust that he cannot see, and is al- 
 most choked, and keeping up such a noise that he 
 cannot hear, and can hardly think. One likes a 
 little quiet and silence, a little chance for medita- 
 tion, when he penetrates the sepulchre of kings, 
 
2 EGYPT 
 
 where a Pharaoh was laid down to rest four 
 thousand years ago. So I left these interior re- 
 searches, on our first visit to the Pyramid, to the 
 younger members of our party, and contented 
 myself with clambering up its sides, and looking 
 off upon the desert and the valley of the Nile, 
 with Cairo in the distance. 
 
 It is well known that it has been mutilated 
 by the successive rulers of Egypt, who have 
 stripped off its outer layers of granite to build 
 palaces and mosques in Cairo. This process of 
 spoliation, continued for centuries, has leduced 
 the size of the Pyramid two acres, so that now 
 it covers but eleven acres of ground, whereas 
 originally it covered thirteen. Outs""de of all this 
 was a pavement of granite, extending forty feet 
 from the base, wh'ch surrounded the whole. 
 
 The sheik was on hand with his swarthy 
 guides around him, and we prepared to enter the 
 Pyramid. It was not intended to be entered. 
 If it had been so designed — as it is the largest 
 building in the world — it would have had a lofty 
 gateway in keeping with its enormous propor- 
 tions, like the temples of Upper Egypt. But 
 it is not a temple, nor a place for assembly or 
 for worship, nor even a lofty, vaulted place of 
 burial. Except the King's and Queen's cham- 
 bers, the whole Pyramid is one mass of stone. 
 The only entrance is by the narrow passage al- 
 ready described; and even this was walled up so 
 as to be concealed. If it were intended for a 
 tomb, whoever built it sealed it up, that its secret 
 might remain forever inviolate, and that the 
 dead might slumber undisturbed until the Judg- 
 ment day. It was only by accident that an en- 
 trance was discovered. About a thousand years 
 ago a Mohammedan ruler, conceiving the idea 
 that the Pyramid had been built as a storehouse 
 for the treasures of the kings of Egypt, imds'- 
 took to break into it, and worked for months to 
 
THE GREAT PYRAMID 3 
 
 pierce the granite sides, but was about to give 
 it up in despair, when the accidental falling- of a 
 stone led to the discovery of the passage by 
 which one now gains access to the interior. 
 
 We had trusted to the man in authority to 
 protect us from the horde of Arabs ; but noth- 
 ing could keep back the irrepressible camp-fol- 
 lowers, who flocked after us, and when we got 
 into the King's chamber we found we had 
 twenty-four ! With such a bodyguard, each carry- 
 ing a lighted candle, we took up our forward 
 march, or rather our forward stoop, for no man 
 can stand upright in this low passage. Thus 
 bending one after another, like a flock of sheep, 
 we vanished from the moonlight. Dr. Grant led 
 the way, and, full of the wonders of the con- 
 struction of the Pyramid, he called to me, as he 
 disappeared down its throat, to look back and 
 see how that long tube — longer and larger than 
 any telescope that ever was made — pointed 
 towards the north star. But stars and moon 
 were soon eclipsed, and we were lost in the dark- 
 ness of this labyrinth. The descent is easy, in- 
 deed it is too easy, for the sides of the passage 
 are of polished limestone, smooth as glass, and 
 the floor affords but a slight hold for the feet, 
 so that as we bent forward we found it difficult 
 to keep our balance, and might have fallen from 
 top to bottom if we had not had the strong arms 
 of our guides to hold us up. With such a pair 
 of crutches to lean ' upon, we slid down the 
 smooth worn pavement till we came to a huge 
 boulder, which blocked our way, around which 
 a passage had been cut. Creeping around this, 
 pulled and haiied by the Arabs, who lifted us 
 over the dangerous places, we were shouldered 
 on to another point of rock, and now began our 
 ascent along a passage as slippery as that be- 
 fore. Here again we should have made poor 
 progress alone, with our boots which slipped at 
 
4 EGYPT 
 
 every moment on the smooth stones, but for the 
 Arabs, whose bare feet gave them a better hold, 
 and who held us fast. 
 
 And now we are on a level and move along 
 a very low passage, crouching almost on our 
 hands and knees, till we raise our heads and 
 stand in the Queen's Chamber — so called for no 
 reason that we know but that it is smaller than 
 the King's. 
 
 Returning from this, we find ourselves at 
 the foot of the Grand Gallery, or, as it might 
 be called. Grand Staircase, which ascends into 
 the heart of the Pyramid. This is a magnifi- 
 cent hall 157 feet long, 28 feet high, and 7 feet 
 wide. But the ascent as before is over smooth 
 and polished stone, to climb which is like climb- 
 ing a cone of ice. We could not have got on at 
 all but for the nimble Arabs, whose bare feet 
 enable them to cling to the slippery stone like 
 cats, and who, grasping us in their naked arms, 
 dragged us forward by main force. This kind 
 of bodily exercise soon brought on an excessive 
 heat. We were almost stifled. Our faces grew 
 red ; I tore off my cravat to keep from choking. 
 Still, like a true American, I was willing to en- 
 dure anything if only I got ahead, and felt re- 
 warded when we reached the top of the Grand 
 Gallery, and instead of looking up, looked down. 
 
 From this height we creep along another 
 passage till we reach the object of our climbing 
 in the lofty apartment called the King's Cham- 
 ber. This is the heart of the Great Pyramid — 
 the central point for which apparently it was 
 built, and where, if anywhere, its secret is to be 
 found. At one end lies the sarcophagus, in 
 which the great Cheops was buried. It is now 
 tenantless, except by such fancies as travellers 
 choose to fill it withal. I know not what sudden 
 freak of fancy took me just then; perhaps I 
 thought. How would it seem to be a king even 
 
THE GREAT PYRAMID 5 
 
 in his tomb? and instantly I threw myself down 
 at full length within the sarcophagus, and lay 
 extended, head thrown back, and hands folded 
 on my breast, lying still, as great Cheops may 
 have lain, when they laid him in his royal house 
 of death. It was a soft bed of dust, which, as 
 I sank in it, left upon my whole outward man 
 a marked impression. It seemed very like or- 
 dinary dust, settled from the clouds raised by 
 the Arabs in their daily entrances to show the 
 chamber to visitors. But it was much more 
 poetical to suppose that it was the mouldering 
 dust of Cheops himself. 
 
 And now we were all in the King's Cham- 
 ber, our oarty of eight, with three times the 
 number of Arabs. The latter were at first quite 
 noisy, after their usual fashion, but Dr. Grant, 
 who speaks Arabic, hushed them with a per- 
 emotory command, and they instantly subsided, 
 and crouched down by the wall, and sat silent, 
 watching our movements. One of the party had 
 with him some m.agnesium wire, which he now 
 lighted, and which threw a strong glare on the 
 sides and on the ceilmg of the room, which, 
 whether or not intended for the sepulchre of 
 kings, is of massive solidity — faced round with 
 red granite, and crossed above with enormous 
 blocks of the same rich dark stone. The sar- 
 cophagus, which is an oblong chest of red gran- 
 ite, in Dr. Grant's opinion, is not a sarcophagus 
 at all ; indeed, it looks quite as much like a huge 
 bath-tub as a place of burial for one of the 
 Pharaohs. He called my attention to the fact 
 that it could not have been introduced into the 
 Pyramid by any of the known passages. It 
 must, therefore, have been built in it. It is also 
 a singular fact that it has no cover, as a sar- 
 cophagus always has. No mummy was ever 
 found in it so far as we have any historic record. 
 Tf is certainly a remarkable coincidence, if noth- 
 
6 EGYPT 
 
 ing more, that it is of the exact size of the Ark 
 of the Covenant. 
 
 Poor old Cheops ! What would he have said 
 to see such a party disturbing the place of his 
 rest at such an hour as this? I looked at my 
 watch; it was midnight — an hour when the dead 
 are thought to stir uneasily in their graves. 
 Might he not have risen in wrath out of his 
 sarcophagus to see these frivolous moderns thus 
 making merry in the place of his sepulture? 
 
 And now we prepared to descend. I lin- 
 gered in the chamber to the last, waiting till all 
 had gone — till even the last attendant had 
 crawled out and was heard shouting afar off — 
 that I might for a moment, at least, be alone in 
 the silence and the darkness in the heart of the 
 Pyramid ; and then, crouching as before, followed 
 slowly the lights that were becoming dimmer and 
 dimmer along the low and narrow passage. 
 
 The Great Pyramid stands four-square, its 
 four sides facing exactly the four points of com- 
 pass — North, South, East, and West. Now the 
 chances are a million to one that this could not 
 occur accidentally. There is no need to argue 
 such a matter. It was certainly done by design, 
 and shows that the old Egyptians knew how to 
 draw a meridian line, and to take the points of 
 compass, as accurately as the astronomers of the 
 present day. 
 
 Equally evident is it that they were able to 
 measure the solar year as exactly as modern 
 astronomers. Taking the sacred cubit as the 
 unit of measure there are in each side of the 
 Pyramid just 3651/4 cubits, which gives not only 
 the number of days in the year, but the six 
 hours over ! 
 
 That it was built for astronomical purposes 
 seems probable from its very structure. Never 
 was there such an observatory in the world. Its 
 pinnacle is the loftiest ever placed in the air by 
 
THE GREAT PYRAMID 7 
 
 human hands. It seems as if the Pyramid were 
 built hke the tower of Babel, that its top might 
 "touch heaven." It is said that it could not have 
 been ascended because its sides were covered 
 with polished stone. But may there not have 
 been a secret passage to the top? It is hard to 
 believe that such an elevation was not made use 
 of by a people so much given to the study of the 
 stars as were the ancient Egyptians. In some 
 way we would believe that the priests and as- 
 trologers of Egypt were able to climb to that 
 point, where they might sit all night long looking 
 at the constellations through that clear and 
 cloudless sky. 
 
 There is another very curious fact in the 
 Pyramid, that the passage by which it is entered 
 points directly to the North Star, and yet not to 
 the North Star that now is, but to Alpha Dra- 
 conis, which was the North Star four thousand 
 years ago. There is one way in which the age 
 of the Pyramid is determined, for it is found 
 by the most exact calculations that 2170 years 
 before Christ, a man placed at the bottom of the 
 passage, as at the bottom of a well, and looking 
 upward through that shaft, would fix his eye ex- 
 actly on the North Star — the pole around which 
 was revolving the whole celestial sphere. 
 
 As to the measurement of time, all who have 
 visited astronomical observatories know the ex- 
 treme and almost infinite pains taken to obtain 
 an even temperature for clocks. The slightest 
 increase of temperature may elongate the pendu- 
 lum, and so affect the duration of a second. But 
 here, in the heart of this mountain of stones, the 
 temperature is preserved at an absolute equilib- 
 rium, so that there is no expansion by heat and 
 no contraction by cold. What are all the ob- 
 servatories of Greenwich, and Paris, to such a 
 rock-built citadel as the Great Pyramid? — From, 
 Egypt to Japan, Field, 10-11, 80-91. 
 
8 EGYPT 
 
 I found repeatedly that the hard stones, 
 basalt, granite, and diorite were sawn; and that 
 the saw was not a blade, or wire, used with a 
 hard power, but was set with fixed cutting 
 points, in fact, a jeweled saw. These saws must 
 have been as much as nine feet in length, as the 
 cuts run lengthwise on the sarcophagi. One of 
 the most usual tools was the tubular drill and 
 this was also set with fixed cutting points; I 
 have a core from inside a drill hole, broken 
 away in the working, which shows the spiral 
 grooves produced by the cutting points as they 
 sunk down into the material ; this is of red gran- 
 ite, and there has been no flinching or jumping 
 of the tool ; every crystal, quartz, or felspar, has 
 been cut through in the most equable way, with 
 a clean irresistible cut. An engineer, who knows 
 such work with diamond drills as well as any- 
 one, said to me, "I should be proud to turn out 
 such a finely cut core now" ; and truth to tell : 
 modern drill cores cannot hold a candle to the 
 Egyptians; by the side of the ancient work they 
 look wretchedly scraped out and irregular. — 
 Ten Years' Digging in Egypt, Petrie, 26-27. 
 
 Eighteenth Dynasty. 
 
 Thothmes I. — After Thothmes conquered 
 to the foot of the Fourth Cataract, he returned 
 with the body of the slain Nubian chief, hanging 
 with the head downward from the prow of his 
 vessel. 
 
 Queen Hatasu. — Hatasu celebrated the 
 thirteenth anniversary of her accession to the 
 throne by erecting two obelisks of pink granite, 
 each ninety-seven and one-half feet high.' She 
 placed them in the Temple of Karnak, in a hall 
 built by her father. The peaks seem to have 
 been capped with copper. The Queen took an 
 oath that the stones were of single blocks. 
 
 Thothmes III, her husband, reigned jointly 
 
THE STATUES OF MEMNON 9 
 
 with her until after her death, when he reigned 
 alone. Not being a gallant husband, he built 
 masonry around the base of her obelisks to con- 
 ceal her inscriptions. He chiseled out her name^ 
 wherever he found it in Egypt. , 
 
 Thothmes in. — Upon his coronation 
 Thothmes HI took the title 'The Best of 
 Beetles." 'Thothmes, who crossed the great 
 Bend of [the Euphrates] with might and with 
 victory at the head of his army," set up his 
 boundary tablet on the east side of that river. 
 While in Asia he engaged in an elephant hunt. 
 There he captured nine hundred, twenty-four 
 chariots, two hundred suits of armor, among 
 which was that of two kings, a royal tent with 
 elegant furniture, an ebony statue, decorated 
 with gold, of one of the kings, and a silver 
 statue. 
 
 Amon was the great god of Thebes, the 
 capital of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasty 
 kings. He had a yearly feast, lasting eleven 
 days. Upon one such occasion, Thothmes III 
 presented to the god three whole towns captured 
 in Syria; other gifts were gold and silver ves- 
 sels and valuable stones from his booty obtained 
 in Asia. 
 
 The Statues of Memnon. — These statues 
 are over three thousand years old. A temple 
 built by Amenophis III, whom they represent, 
 was once back of them. Each statue was carved 
 from a single block of red sandstone, which was 
 towed up the Nile from Cairo to Thebes. With 
 their pedestals and lost crowns they would be 
 nearly seventy feet high. The surface about 
 their base has risen over six feet. The one on 
 the north was partially wrecked by the earth- 
 quake of 27 B. C. and has been built up with 
 separate stones. This is called the ''Vocal 
 Memnon" as there is an interesting story of its 
 singing at dawn each morning for two hundred 
 
10 EGYPT 
 
 years after the earthquake, or until restored. 
 
 On both sides of the legs of the statues are 
 figures of the mother and daughter of the king. 
 These little women not reaching to the knees of 
 the statues are, however, eighteen feet high. 
 
 Nineteenth Dynasty. 
 
 Ramses II — Statues. — The single stone 
 statues of Ramses II erected by himself are the 
 largest in the world's history, one having been 
 ninety feet high and weighing 18,000,000 pounds. 
 Three of his obelisks are in Rome. 
 
 Ramses II — First Known Treaty in the 
 World. — The treaty had been drafted and ac- 
 cepted by both countries when Hittite ambassa- 
 dors brought to the Court of Ramses II the 
 treaty inscribed on a silver tablet. Two copies 
 have been found as Thebes inscribed on temple 
 walls and a Hittite copy on a clay tablet was 
 found as late as 1906. Thirteen years later the 
 Hittite king visited Egypt upon the occasion of 
 the marriage of his daughter. 
 
 Parts of the Treaty. — The great king of 
 the Hittites is in covenant with the great prince 
 of Egypt, from this very day forward, that there 
 may subsist a good friendship and a good under- 
 standing between them for evermore. He shall 
 be my ally; he shall be my friend. I will be his 
 ally; I will be his friend — forever. 
 
 When this [treaty] shall be known [by the 
 inhabitants of the land of Egypt and of the land 
 of the Hittites, then shall they not offend against 
 it, for all that stands written on] the silver tab- 
 let, these are the words which will have been ap- 
 proved by the company of the gods. — Translation 
 of Brugsch. 
 
BABYLONIi^ 
 
 AccADiANS (Early Inhabitants of Babylonia, 
 Then Called Chaldaea) — The Flood. 
 
 I made it a dwelling-house [?] . . . I 
 enclosed it. I compacted it six times. Leaks 
 for the waters- m the midst of it I cut off. I 
 saw the rents, and what was wanting I added. 
 .Three sari of bitumen I poured over the outside. 
 Three sari of bitumen I poured over the inside. 
 Three sari of men, carrying baskets, who carried 
 on their heads food, I provided. To [the gods] 
 I caused oxen to be sacrified ; I [established of- 
 ferings] each day. In [the ship] beer, food, and 
 wine [I collected] like the v/aters on a river, and 
 [I heaped them up] like the dust [?] of the 
 earth and [in the ship] the food with my hand 
 I placed. All that I had I heaped together: all 
 that I had of silver I heaped together- all that 
 I had of gold I heaped together: all that I had 
 of the seed of life I heaped together. I brought 
 the whole up into the ship: all of my slaves 
 . . . the cattle of the field, the beasts of the 
 the field, the sons of the people, all of them 
 did I bring up. The season Samas . 
 spake, saying: ''In the night will I cause the 
 heaven to rain destruction. Enter into the midst 
 of the ship and close thy door." The season 
 came round; he spake, saying: "In the night 
 will I cause the heaven to rain destruction." Of 
 that day I reached the evening, the day of 
 which I watched for with fear. I entered into 
 
12 BABYLONIA 
 
 the midst of the ship, and shut the door, that 
 I might close the ship. The spirits of earth 
 carried the flood; in their terribleness they 
 sweep through the land; the deluge of Rimmon 
 reaches unto heaven ; all that was light to [dark- 
 ness] was turned. 
 
 Brother saw not his brother; men knew not 
 one another. In heaven the gods feared the 
 flood, and sought a refuge; they ascended to the 
 heaven of Anu. The gods, like a dog in his ken- 
 nel, crouched down in a heap. Istar cries like 
 a mother. Then the gods were weeping with 
 her because of the spirits of earth; the gods on 
 a throne were seated in weepmg; covered were 
 their lips because of the coming evil. Six days 
 and nights the wind, the flood, and the storm go 
 on overwhelming. The seventh day when it ap- 
 proached the storm subsided; the flood which 
 had fought against [men] like an armed host 
 was quieted. The sea began to dry, and the wind 
 and the flood ended. I watched the sea making 
 a noise, and the whole of mankind was turned 
 to clay; like reeds the corpses floated. I opened 
 the window, and the light smote upon my face ; 
 I stopped and sat down ; I weep ; over my face 
 flow my tears. I watch the regions at the edge 
 of the sea ; a district rose twelve measures high. 
 To the land of Nizir steered the ship; in t';e 
 mountain of Nizir stopped the ship, and it was 
 not able to pass over it. The seventh day wh-n 
 it approached I sent forth a dove, and it left. 
 The dove went and returned, and found no rest- 
 ing-place, and it came back. Then I sent forth 
 a swallow, and it left. The swallow went and 
 returned, and found no resting-place, anrl it 
 came back. I sent forth a raven, and it left. 
 The raven went and saw the carr'on on th"" 
 water, and it ate, it swam, it wandered away; it 
 did not return. I sent [the animals] forth t^ 
 the four winds, I sacrificed a sacrifice. I built 
 
THE FLOOD 13 
 
 an altar on the peak of the mountains. I set 
 vessels by sevens underneath them ; I spread 
 reeds, pine-wood, and spices. The gods smelt 
 the savour; the gods smelt the good savour; the 
 gods gathered like flies over the sacrifices. There- 
 upon the great goddess at her approach lighted 
 up the rainbow which Anu had createa accord- 
 ing to his glory. The crystal brilliance of those 
 gods before me may I not forget ; those days I 
 have thought of, and never may I forget them. 
 May the gods come to my altar ; but may Bel not 
 come to my altar, since he did not consider but 
 caused the flood, and my people he assigned to 
 the abyss. When thereupon Bel at his approach 
 saw the ship, Bel stopped ; he was filled with 
 anger against the gods and the spirits of heaven : 
 "Let none come forth alive ! Let no man live 
 in the abyss !" Adar opened his mouth and 
 spake, he says to the warrior Bel: "Who ex- 
 cept Ea can form a design? Yea, Ea knows, and 
 all things he communicates." Ea opened his 
 mouth and spake, he says to the warrior Bel : 
 "Thou, O warrior prince of the gods, why, why 
 didst thou not consider but causedst a flood? 
 Let the doer of sin bear his sin, let the doer of 
 wickedness bear h's wickedness. May the just 
 prince not be cut ofl", may the faithful not be 
 [destroyed]. Instead of causing a flood, let lions 
 increase, that men may be minished ; instead of 
 causing a flood, let hyaenas increase, that men 
 may be minished; instead cf causing a flood, let 
 a famine happen, that men may be [wasted] ; 
 instead of causing a flood, let plague increase, 
 that men may be [reduced]!" When Bel had 
 again taken counsel with himself, he went up 
 into the midst of the ship. He took my hand 
 and bid me ascend, even me he bid ascend; he 
 united ray wife to my side ; he turned himself to 
 us and joined himself to us in covenant; he 
 blesses us [thus] : "Hitherto' Sisuthros has been 
 
14 BABYLONIA 
 
 a mortal man, but now Sisuthros and his wife 
 are united together in being raised to be like the 
 gods ; yea, Sisuthros shall dwell afar off at the 
 mouth of the rivers." They took me, and afar 
 off the mouth of the rivers they made me dwell. 
 — Translation of Professor Haupt. 
 
 SuMERiANS (Other Inhabitants of Chaldaea) 
 — Law. 
 
 If a son denies his father, his hair shall be 
 cut, he shall be put into chains and sold for sil- 
 ver. If he denies his mother, his hair also shall 
 be cut, city and land shall collect together and 
 put him in prison. 
 
 Babylonian Omens. 
 
 [If a blue dog enters into a palace, that 
 palace] is burned. 
 
 [If] a spotted dog enters into the palace, 
 that palace its peace to the enemy gives. 
 
 [If] a yellow dog into a temple enters, that 
 temple sees plenty. 
 
 Hammurabi. 
 
 Hammurabi, the sixth king of early Baby- 
 Jon, built a canal for irrigation. 
 
 This letter belongs to the time of his reign: 
 
 "To my father, thus says Zimri-eram : May 
 the Sun-god and Merodach grant thee everlast- 
 ing life ! May your health be good ! I write to 
 ask you how you are ; send me back news of your 
 health. I am at present at Dur-sin on the canal. 
 In the place where I am living there is nothing 
 to be had for food. So I am sealing up and 
 sending you three-quarters of a silver shekel. In 
 return for the money, send some good fish and 
 other provisions for me to eat." 
 
 Three pieces of a polished black stone were 
 discovered at Susa, Persia, in 1902. One of the 
 oldest set of laws was engraved on the stone, 
 from which these are taken : 
 
HAMMURABI 15 
 
 If a fire break out in a man's house and a 
 man who goes to extinguish it cast his eye on 
 the furniture of the owner of the house, and 
 take the furniture of the owner of the house, 
 that man shall be thrown into that fire. 
 
 If a man owe a debt and Adad (the Storm 
 God) inundate his field and carry away the 
 produce, or, through lack of water, grain have 
 not grown in the field, in that year, he shall not 
 make any return of grain to the creditor, he shall 
 alter his contract-tablet and he shall not pay the 
 interest for that year. 
 
 If a man neglect to strengthen his dyke and 
 do not strengthen it, and a break be m.ade in his 
 . dyke and the water carry away the farm-land ; 
 the man in whose dyke the break has been made 
 shall restore the grain which he has damaged. 
 
 If the wife of a man have gadded about, 
 have neglected her house and have belittled her 
 husband, they shall throw that woman into the 
 water. 
 
 If a pliysician operate on a man for a severe 
 wound with a bronze lancet and cause the man's 
 death; or open an abscess [in the eye] of a man 
 with a bronze lancet and destroy the man's eye, 
 they shall cut ofi" his fingers. 
 
 If a builder build a house for a man and 
 do not make its construction firm, and the house 
 which has been built collapse and cause the death 
 of the owner of the house, that builder shall be 
 put to death. 
 
 If a boatman build a boat for a man and 
 he do not make its construction seaworthy and 
 that boat meet with disaster in the same year in 
 which it was put into commission, the boatman 
 shall reconstruct that boat and he shall 
 strengthen it at his own expense and he shall 
 give the boat when strengthened to the owner of 
 the boat. 
 
16 BABYLONIA 
 
 If a man hire his boat to a boatman and 
 the boatman be careless and he sink or wreck 
 the boat, the boatman shall replace the boat to 
 the owner of the boat. 
 
 —Translation of Prof. R. F. Harper 
 
ASSYRIA 
 
 TiGLATH-PlLESER I — DESCRIPTION OF A 
 
 Conquest. — I burned, I threw down, I dug up. 
 My chariots and warriors I took. The 
 difficult mountains and their inaccessible paths 
 with picks of bronze I split. A pontoon for the 
 passage of my chariots and army I contrived. 
 The Tigris I crossed. Their fighting men, in the 
 midst of the mountains, I flung to the ground 
 like sling-stones. Their corpses over the Tigris 
 and the high places of the mountains I spread. 
 In those days the armies . . . , which for 
 the preservation and help of the land 
 had come, like a moon-stone I laid low. The 
 corpses of their fighting men into heaps in the 
 
 ravines of the mountains I heaped up 
 
 [The king's] troops, 180 bronze plates, 5 bowls 
 of copper, along with their gods, gold [and] 
 silver, the choicest of their property, I removed. 
 The city itself and its palace, with fire 
 I burned, I pulled down, [and] dug up. 
 
 AssuRNAZiRPAL— The Chase.— Assurnazir-' 
 pal interrupts the account of his military 
 achievem.ents to record, for the benefit of pos- 
 terity, that on one occasion he slew fifty large 
 white bulls on the left bank of the Euphrates, 
 and captured eight of the same animals; while, 
 on another, he killed twenty ostriches (?), and 
 took captive the same number. Assurnazirpal 
 appears, however, to have possessed a menagerie 
 park in the neighborhood of Nineveh, in which 
 
18 ASSYRIA 
 
 were maintained a variety of strange and curi- 
 ous animals. Animals — perhaps elephants — 
 were received as tribute from the Phoenicians 
 during his reign, on at least one occasion, and 
 placed in this enclosure, where (he tells us) they 
 throve and bred. So well was his taste for such 
 curiosities known that even neighboring sov- 
 ereigns sought to gratify it; and the king of 
 Egypt sent him a present of strange animals 
 when he was in Southern Syria, as a compliment 
 likely to be appreciated. — Seven Great Mon- 
 archies, I, Rawlinson. 
 
 TiGLATH-PiLESER II. — A military' adven- 
 turer seized the throne and, that he might bor- 
 row renown or show the kind of a ruler whom 
 he took for a model, he called himself Tiglath- 
 Pileser II, although he lived five hundred years 
 after the first Tiglath-Pileser. 
 
 Tiglath-Pileser II records the voluntary sub- 
 mission of a ruler in Chaldaea in the following 
 manner : 
 
 "King of the sea-coast, from which to the 
 kings, my fathers, formerly none came and kissed 
 their feet — terrible fear of Asshur, my lord, 
 overwhelmed him and he came and kissed my 
 feet; gold, the dust of his country, in abundance, 
 cups of gold, instruments of gold, the product of 
 the sea, . . . costly garments, gums, oxen, 
 and sheep, his tribute, I received." 
 
 The Chaldaean seems to have used th^'s plan 
 as a means for gaining strength for resisting 
 Assyria. 
 
 Sargon II. — Transportation of Captives. 
 — The Assyrian conquerors are great movers of 
 men. They pride themselves upon transplanting 
 nations like trees, and upon sending the tribes 
 from the North to the South, from the East to 
 the West. After each of their campaigns thou- 
 sands of captives are exiled, and go to colonize 
 some distant country, of which the native popu- 
 
SARGON II 19 
 
 lation will probably fill the vacant places in their 
 own land on the morrow. Sargon filled his city 
 with people gathered from the four quarters of 
 the world, from mountains and plains, from 
 cities and deserts; then he set over them, to keep 
 them all in check, a handful of Assyrian soldiers 
 and magistrates. Now, after sixty years have 
 passed, the descendants of these forced colonists 
 have adopted the language and customs of their 
 conquerors. They might be taken for Assyrians 
 from their speech and dress, but their features 
 betray their foreign extraction; one still retains 
 the aquiline profile of the Hebrews of Samaria, 
 another has the fair hair and blue eyes of the 
 Medes. — Ancient Egypt and Assyria, Maspero, 
 202. 
 
 Sargon II — Statesmanship. — Once [Sar- 
 gon] had made any people "one with the 
 Assyrians," he adopted them as his natural-born 
 subjects, and extended to them the care to which 
 he considered these entitled. And he had very 
 strict notions of the duties of a sovereign to his 
 people, duties which he himself describes with 
 some detail. He calls himself — 
 
 "The inquiring king, the bearer of gracious 
 words, who applied his mind to restore settle- 
 ments fallen into decay, and cultivate the neigh- 
 boring lands, who directed his thoughts to make 
 high rocks, on which in all eternity no vegeta- 
 t^'on had sprouted, to bear crops; who set his 
 heart on making a waste place that under the 
 kings his fathers had never known an irrigation 
 cphpI, to bring forth grain and resound with 
 glad shouts; to clear the neglected beds of water 
 courses, open dykes and feed them from above 
 and below with waters abundant as the flood of 
 the sea; a king of open mind, of an understand- 
 ing eye for all things, grown up in council and 
 wisdom, and discernment, to fill the storehouses 
 of the broad land of Asshur with food and pro- 
 
20 ASSYRIA 
 
 visions to overflowing, as beseems the king; not 
 to let oil, that gives life to man and heals sores, 
 become dear in my land, and regulate the price 
 of sesame as well as of wheat." — Assyria, Rago- 
 zin, 291. 
 
 Sennacherib — Inscription on a Clay 
 Prism. — The people, . . . who like the nests 
 of eagles on the highest summits and wild crags 
 of the . . . mountains had fixed their dwell- 
 ings, refused to bow down to my yoke. At the 
 foot of [the mountain] I pitched my camp : with 
 native guides who had kissed my feet and a band 
 of my soldiers who were irregulars, I, like the 
 leader Bull, took the front, of them. . . .In 
 the mountain valleys and through flooded lands 
 I traveled in my chariot: but in places which for 
 my chariot were dangerous I alighted on my 
 feet; and like a mountain goat among the lofty 
 cliffs I clambered up them. Where my knees 
 took rest, upon a mountain rock I sat down, and 
 water, cold even to freezing, to assuage my thirst 
 I drank. To the tops of the mountains I pursued 
 them and completely defeated them. 
 
 Sennacherib — Another Inscription on a 
 Prism.— And Hezekiah of Judah, who had not 
 submitted to my yoke — fortj^-six of his strongly 
 walled cities, together with innumerable small 
 places in the vicinity, with assaults of battering- 
 rams, and the blows of siege-engines — I besieged 
 and I conquered. 200,150 persons, small and 
 great, male and female, horses, mules, camels,, 
 oxen and sheep without number from their midst 
 I brought and reckoned as booty. Himself 
 [Hezekiah], like a bird in a cage, in Jerusalem, 
 his royal city, I penned up — I diminished his 
 territory. As for Hezekiah himself, the terror of 
 the glory of my sovereignty overwhelmed him- 
 Thirty talents of gold, and eight hundred talents 
 of silver — I caused to be brought after me to 
 Nineveh my royal city. 
 
HUNTING OF BISON 21 
 
 ESARHADDON. — Esarhaddon had two older 
 brothers who were jealous because the younger 
 son was favored above themselves in their 
 father's will and they murdered Sennacherib. 
 
 "I, Sennacherib, king of multitudes, king of 
 Assyria, bequeath armlets of gold, quantities of 
 ivory, a platter of gold, ornaments, and chains 
 for the neck, all these beautiful things of which 
 there are heaps, and three sorts of precious 
 stones . . .to Esarhaddon, my son, . . . 
 The treasure is deposited in the house of Amuk." 
 
 Sennacherib had conquered Babylon and 
 razed it to the ground. The river had been filled 
 with its ruins. Esarhaddon rebuilt the city and 
 tried to win the good will of the inhabitants by 
 making it his royal residence for half the year. 
 
 He was called the "fierce king." Egypt was 
 overrun by his armies for about twenty years. 
 Thebes' temples were despoiled and much treas- 
 ure was carried to Nineveh; two obelisks were 
 sent as trophies. 
 
 Hunting of Bison. — These buffs [bison] 
 are taken alive with more difficulty than any 
 other wild beast : for there are not any nets 
 strong enough to hold them. They are, there- 
 fore, hunted in the following manner: the hunt- 
 ers choose a steep place, which terminates in a 
 hollow. This place they first fortify with a 
 strong inclosure, then they cover the steep and 
 the plain near the steep with the hides of oxen 
 recently slain ; but if they have not a sufficiency 
 of these they lubricate old hides with oil. After 
 this, very skillful horsemen drive the buffs into 
 this inclosure, who, falling through the slipperi- 
 ness of the hides, are hui'led headlong to the bot- 
 tom of the plain. Here they leave them for four 
 or five days, till they are debilitated by weari- 
 ness and hunger, and are considerably tamed. 
 Then those who are skilled in the art of taming 
 these animals place before them, while they are 
 
22 ASSYRIA 
 
 lying in this weak condition, the fruit of a pine-, 
 nut, having first of all stripped it of the inward 
 skin, for at that time the buffs do not desire any 
 other food. And, last of all, they bind them, 
 and bring them away from the hollow. — Pau- 
 sanias. 
 
 Downfall of Assyria. — The Medes were 
 approaching Nineveh. The frontier cities had 
 been stormed, and the enemy was approaching 
 like an inundation over the whole country. In 
 their despair the Assyrian rulers ordered a 
 solemn fast of 100 days and 100 nights and be- 
 sought the Sun-god to pardon their sin. But all 
 was in vain. The measure of the iniquities of 
 Assyria was filled up; the time had come when 
 the desolater should himself be desolate, and 
 Nineveh, as God's prophets had threatened, was 
 laid utterly waste.- — Fresh Light From the An^ 
 cieht Monuments, Sayce, 126. 
 
THE HEBPIE^WS 
 
 Solomon. — For the building- of the temple 
 there were employed: 
 
 70,000 "bearers of burdens." 
 80,000 "hewers in the mountains." 
 30,000 to cut cedars and break stone in 
 Lebanon. 
 
 180,000 Total. 
 
 Hiram, King of Tyre, made loans in gold to 
 Solomon, "according to all his desire." After 
 twenty years Solomon was unable to pay the debt 
 in money and turned over to Hiram twenty 
 cities near the border separating the two king- 
 doms. 
 
 The temple of Solomon had a height of from 
 sixty or seventy feet to one hundred, forty feet. 
 The stones were laid together without cement. 
 One of them measured over thirty-eight feet. 
 
 The great bowl or laver of the temple was 
 forty-seven feet in circumference and could con- 
 tain 17,000 gallons. 
 
PH:oE:Nricii5L 
 
 + + t 
 
 King Hiram. — What is taken to be the sar- 
 cophagus of King Hiram I is a hollowed single 
 stone twelve feet long and six feet in each of the 
 other directions. The solid lid is three feet thick 
 and, it seems, has never been lifted. A hole has 
 been made in one end of the empty sarcophagus. 
 
 Trade. — The coast-land has only a few miles 
 to expand in, so that even the streams are not 
 really rivers, but rather rushing, leaping tor- 
 rents. Never had nation so scant space to grow 
 and multiply in, with such utter impossibility of 
 spreading on any side, . 
 
 Stinted for space on dry land, [Tyre and Sidon] 
 early betook themselves to the water, became the 
 best mariners and shipwrights in the world, built 
 almost as many ships as houses, and must have 
 come to look on the sea as, their real home, since 
 even their dwellings were in great part con- 
 structed more on water than on land. Of all the 
 staple articles of the Phoenicians' export trade, 
 the one which created the widest demand and 
 fetched the highest prices was their purple dye — 
 an article, too, which could be had only from 
 them. The Phoenicians jealously guarded the 
 secret of it, and no one else could make it. 
 
 The costliest, most perfect piece of woolen 
 goods increased in value tenfold on emerging 
 from their vats. And robes of Sidonian or 
 Tyrian purple became an almost necessary at- 
 tribute of royalty and of worship, the adornment 
 of temples, the distinctive badge of the high- 
 
TRADE 25 
 
 born of all nations, so that the less wealthy or 
 more thrifty, as in later time sthe Romans, if 
 they could not afford or condemned the expense 
 of the lordly luxury, still adorned at least the 
 hem of their garments with a more or less wide 
 band of purple, according to the wearer's rank. 
 
 Of this fluid, the raw material, it is recorded 
 that three hundred pounds were needed to dye 
 fifty pounds of wool. Clearly, at this rate the 
 hom.e fisheries, however abundant, had to be ex- 
 hausted some day, and when the mussel began 
 to grow scarce, the fishers followed it up the 
 coast 'n t :eir boats. Jt was soon discovered 
 that the entire coast of Asia Minor swarmed 
 with the precious shell-fish; then ships were 
 equipped and sent or. lisaing t^ i s, much as 
 whalers are now. Thus, from station to station, 
 fish'ng, tiading, exploring, they were drawn far 
 to the noith, as far as the Hellespont. But this 
 wrs rrt cIl. It appears that in those days that 
 particular kind of mussel absolutely filled the 
 waters not only of the Asiatic coast, but of all 
 the islands of Northern Africa and Southern 
 Spain. From island, then, to island the Phoe- 
 nicians advanced, always in pursuit of their in- 
 valuable "raw material." — Assyria, Ragozin, 78 
 80-83. 
 
 The coloring matter is contained in a sac 
 or ve'n which begins at the head of the [snail] 
 and follows the tortuous line of the body as it 
 twists through the spiral shell. The matter is a 
 liquid of a creamy consistency; on extraction, 
 however, and exposure to the light it becomes 
 first green and then purple. If this liquid be 
 carefrlly extracted by a hook or a pointed pencil, 
 and applied to wool, linen, or cotton, and the ma- 
 terial be then exposed to strong light, it becomes 
 successively green, blue, red, purple-red, and by 
 wash'ng in soap and water a bright crimson, 
 which last is permanent. — Piioenicia, Rawlinson. 
 
26 PHOENICIA 
 
 We hear of the regular trips ' of Phbenician 
 •ships to the "Tin Islands." Thus they had a 
 station on the Isle of Wight, in the center of the 
 island, where it rises to a considerable eminence, 
 commanding the rest. The sight was so cleverly 
 chosen that when the Romans came, a thousand 
 'years later, they built a fort on the same spot. 
 
 They were the only importers of anothe'r 
 northern produce, the yellow amber of the Baltic 
 —-merely a fancy article, it is true, an orna- 
 'mental luxury, but not the less in great and gen- 
 eral demand, and fetching extravagant prices.— 
 'Assyria, Ragozin, 91-92. 
 
GREECE 
 
 Lycurgus — Laws. 
 
 Setting sail from Greece, Lycurgus first ar- 
 rived at Crete, where, having considered their 
 several forms of government, and got an ac- 
 quaintance with the principal men amongst them, 
 some of their laws he very much approved of, 
 and resolved to make use of them in his own 
 country. 
 
 From Crete he sailed to Asia, with design, 
 as is said, to examine the difference betwixt the 
 manners and rules of life of the Cretans, which 
 were very sober and temperate, and those of the 
 lonians, a people of sumptuous and delicate hab- 
 its, and so form a judgment. 
 
 Lycurgus was much missed at Sparta, and 
 often sent for, for "Kings indeed we have," they 
 said, "who wear the marks and assume the titles 
 of royalty, but as for the qualities of their minds, 
 they have nothing by which they are to be dis- 
 tinguished from their subjects." 
 
 Amongst the many changes and alterations 
 which Lycurgus made, the first and of greatest 
 importance was the establishment of the senate, 
 which, having a power equal to the king's in mat- 
 ters of great consequence, gave steadiness and 
 safety to the commonwealth. For the state, 
 which before had no firm basis to stand upon, 
 but leaned one while towards an absolute mon- 
 archy, when the kings had the upper hand, and 
 another while towards a nure democracy, when 
 the people had the better, found in this establish- 
 
28 GREECE 
 
 ment of the senate a central weight, like ballast 
 in a ship, which always kept things in a just 
 equilibrium. As for the number of twenty-eight 
 in the senate, perhaps there is some mystery 
 in the number, which consists of seven multiplied 
 by four. Lycurgus was of opinion that orna- 
 ments were so far from advantaging them in 
 their counsels that they were rather a hindrance, 
 by diverting their attention from the business be- 
 fore them to statues and pictures, and roofs curi- 
 ously fretted. 
 
 The people then being assembled in the 
 open air, it was not allowed to any one of their 
 order to give his advice, but only either to ratify 
 or reject what should be propounded to them by 
 the king or senate. But because it fell out after- 
 wards that the people, by adding or omitting 
 words, distorted and perverted the sense of prop- 
 ositions, there was inserted into the grand cov- 
 enant the following clause : That if the people 
 decide crookedly it should be lawful for the elders 
 and leaders to refuse ratification, and dismiss 
 the people as depravers and perverters of their 
 counsel. 
 
 Those who succeeded Lycurgus found the 
 government of the few still too strong and dom- 
 inant, and to check its high temper and its vio- 
 lence put a bit in its mouth, which was the power 
 of the ephors. 
 
 His next task, and, indeed, the most hazard- 
 ous he ever undertook, was the making a new 
 division of their lands. For there was an ex- 
 treme inequality amongst them, and their state 
 was overloaded with a multitude of indigent per- 
 sons, while its whole wealth had centered upon 
 a very few. To the end, therefore, that he might 
 expel from the state arrogance and envy, luxury 
 and crime, and those yet more inveterate d^'seases 
 of want and superfluity, he obtained of them to 
 renounce their properties and to consent to a 
 
LAWS OF LYCURGUS 29 
 
 new division of the land, and that they should 
 live all together on an equal footing; merit to be 
 their only road to eminence, and the disgrace of 
 evil, and credit of worthy acts, their one measure 
 of difference between man and man. 
 
 Not contented with this, he resolved to make 
 a division of their movables, too, that there 
 might be no odious distinction or inequality left 
 amongst them; but finding that it would be very 
 dangerous to go about openly, he took another 
 course, and defeated their avarice by the follow- 
 ing stratagem : he commanded that all gold and 
 silver coin should be called in, and that only a 
 sort of money made of iron should be current, a 
 great weight and quantity of which was very 
 little worth; so that to lay up twenty or thirty 
 pounds there was required a pretty large closet, 
 and, to remove it, nothing less than a yoke of 
 oxen. With the diffusion of this money at once 
 a number of vices were banished from Lacedae- 
 mon, for who would rob another of such a coin? 
 Who would unjustly detain or take by force, or 
 accept as a bribe, a thing which it was not easy 
 to hide, nor a credit to have, nor, indeed, of any 
 use to cut in pieces? For when it was just red- 
 hot they quenched it in vinegar, and by that 
 means spoilt it, and made it almost incapable of 
 being worked. 
 
 In the next place, he declared an outlawry 
 of all needless and superfluous arts; but here he 
 might almost have spared his proclamation; the 
 money being of iron it was scarcely portable, 
 neither, if they should take the means to export 
 it, would it pass amongst the other Greeks who 
 ridiculed it. So there was now no more means 
 of purchasing foreign goods and small wares. 
 
 It need not be said that upon the prohibition 
 of gold and silver all lawsuits irnmediately 
 ceased, for there was now neither avarice nor 
 poverty amongst them, but equality, where 
 
28 GREECE 
 
 everyone's wants were supplied, and independ- 
 ence, because those wants were so small. 
 
 And in this way they became excellent 
 artists in common, necessary things; bedsteads, 
 chairs and tables and such like staple utensils in 
 a family were admirably well made there. 
 
 The third and most masterly stroke of this 
 great lawgiver, by which he struck a yet more 
 effectual blow against luxury and the desire of 
 riches, was the ordinance he made, that they 
 should all eat in common, of the same bread and 
 same meat, and of kinds that were specified, and 
 should not spend their lives at home, laid on 
 costly couches at splendid tables, delivering 
 themselves up into the hands of their tradesmen 
 and cooks, to fatten them in corners, like greedy 
 brutes, and to ruin not their minds only, but 
 their very bodies, which, enfeebled by indulgence 
 and excess, would stand in need of long sleep, 
 warm bathing, freedom from work, and, in a 
 word, of as much care and attendance as if they 
 were continually sick. For the rich, being obliged 
 to go to the same table with the poor, could not 
 make use of or enjoy their abundance, nor so 
 much as please their vanity by looking at or dis- 
 playing it. So that the common proverb, that 
 the god of riches is blind, was nowhere in all 
 the world literally verified but in Sparta. There, 
 indeed, he was not only blind, but, like a picture, 
 without either life or motion. Nor were they al- 
 lowed to take food at home first, and then attend 
 the public tables, for everyone had an eye upon 
 those who did not eat and drink like the rest, 
 and reproached them with being dainty and ef- 
 feminate. 
 
 As to their public repasts, they met by com- 
 panies of fifteen, more or less, and each of them 
 stood bound to bring in monthly a bushel of 
 meal, eight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, 
 two pounds and a half of figs, and some very 
 
LAWS OF LYCURGUS 31 
 
 small sum of money to buy flesh or fish with. 
 Besides this, when any of them made sacrifice 
 to the gods, they always sent dole to the com- 
 mon hall; and, likewise, when any of them had 
 been hunting, he sent thither a part of the veni- 
 son he had killed, for these two occasions were 
 the only excuses allowed for supping at home. 
 Their most famous dish was the black broth. 
 
 They used to send their children to these 
 tables as. to schools of temperance; here they 
 were instructed m state affairs by listening to 
 experienced statesmen ; here they learnt to con- 
 verse with pleasantry, to make jests and then 
 take them without ill humor. It was customary 
 also for the eldest man in the company to say 
 to each of them as they came in, "Through this" 
 (pointing to the door) "no words go out." When 
 anyone had a desire to be admitted into any of 
 these little societies, he was to go through the 
 following probation : Each man in the company 
 took a little ball of soft breach, which they were 
 to throw into a deep basin, which a waiter car- 
 ried round upon his head; those that liked the 
 person to be chosen dropped their ball into the 
 basm without altering its figure, and those who 
 disliked him pressed it betwixt their fingers and 
 made it flat; and this signified as much as a 
 negative voice. 
 
 It was ordained that the ceilings of their 
 houses should only be wrought by the axe, and 
 their gates and doors smoothed only by the saw. 
 Luxury and a house of this kind could not well 
 be companions. For a man must have a less 
 than ordinary share of sense that would furnish 
 such plain and common rooms with silver-footed 
 couches and purple coverlets and gold and silver 
 plate. Doubtless he had good reason to think 
 that they would proportion their beds to their 
 houses, and their coverlets to their beds, and the 
 rest of their goods and furniture to these. 
 
32 GREECE 
 
 To conclude, he bred up his citizens in such 
 a way that they neither would nor could live by 
 themselves ; they were to make themselves one 
 with the public good, and, clustering like bees 
 around their commander, by their zeal and pub- 
 lic spirit carried all but out of themselves, and 
 devoted wholly to their country. What their sen- 
 timents were will better appear by a few of their 
 sayings. Paedaretus, not being admitted into 
 the list of the three hundred, returned home with 
 a joyful face, well pleased to find that there were 
 in Sparta three hundred better men than him- 
 self. 
 
 Lycurgus would never reduce his laws into 
 writing. For he thought that the most material 
 points, and such as most directly tended to the 
 public welfare, baing imDrinted on the hearts of 
 their youth by a good discipline, would be sure 
 to remain. 
 
 Lycurgus, it is true, being the eleventh from 
 Hercules, and having reigned many years in 
 Lacedaemon, had got a great reputation and 
 friends and power, which he could use in model- 
 ling his state," and applying force more than per- 
 suasion, insomuch that he lost his eye in the 
 scuffle, was able to employ the most effectual 
 means for the safety and harmony of a state, by 
 not permitting any to be poor or rich in his com- 
 monwealth. — Plutarch, Lycurgus. 
 
 This, too, must be borne in mind, that in 
 other states equals m age, for the most part, as- 
 sociate together, and such an atmosphere is little 
 conducive to modesty. Whereas in Sparta, Lycur- 
 gus was careful so to blend the ages that the 
 younger men must benefit largely by the experi- 
 ence of the elders. Amonst other good results 
 obtained through this outdoor system of meals 
 may be mentioned these : There is the necessity 
 of walking home when a meal is over, and a con- 
 sequent anxiety not to be caught tripping under 
 
SOLON'S REFORMS 33 
 
 the influence of wine, since they all know, of 
 course, that the supper table must be presently 
 abandoned and that they must move as freely in 
 the dark as in the day, even the help of a torch 
 to guide the steps being forbidden to all on active 
 service. 
 
 At any rate, it would be hard to discover a 
 healthier or mo:e completely developed human 
 being, physically speaking, than the Spartan. 
 
 The soldier had a crimson colored uniform 
 and a heavy shield of bronze. Lycurgus further 
 permitted those who were about the age of early 
 manhood to wear their hair long. For, as he 
 conceived, they would appear of larger stature, 
 more free and indomitable, and of a moie ter- 
 rible aspect. 
 
 Il stead of softening their feet with shoe ox 
 sandal, his rule was to make them hardy through 
 going barefoot. This habit, if practiced, would, 
 as he believed, enable them to scale heights mora 
 easily and clamber down precipices with less dan- 
 ger. In fact, with his feet so trained the young 
 Spartan would leap and spring and run faster 
 unshod than another shod in the ordinary way. 
 Furthermore, in his desire firmly to implant in 
 their youthful souls a root of modesty, he im- 
 posed upon these bigger boys a special rule. In 
 the veiy 'streets they were to keep their two 
 hands within the folds of their coat ; they were 
 to walk in silence and without turning their 
 heads to gaze, now here, now there. You might 
 SLore' fxpfct a stone imcgf^ to find vo'ce than 
 one of those Spartan youths; to divert the eyes 
 of some bronze statue were less difficult. — 
 Xencphcn. 
 
 Solon — Reforms. 
 
 The disparity of fortune between the rich 
 and the poor, at that time, in Athens, reached 
 its height, so that the city seemed to be in a 
 
34 GREECE 
 
 truly dangerous condition, and no other means 
 for freeing it from disturbances and settling it 
 to be possible but a despotic power. All the peo- 
 ple were indebted to the rich, and either they 
 tilled their land for their creditors, paying them 
 a sixth part of the increase, or else they engaged 
 their body for the debt, and might be seized and 
 either sent into slavery at home, or sold to 
 strangers ; some were forced to sell their chil- 
 dren or fly their country to avoid the cruelty of 
 their creditors; but the most part and the 
 bravest of them began to combine together and 
 encourage one another to stand to it, to choose a 
 leader, to liberate the condemned debtors, divide 
 the land, and change the government. 
 
 Then the wisest of the Athenians, perceiving 
 Solon was of all men the only one not implicated 
 in the troubles, that he had not joined in the ex- 
 actions of the rich, and was not involved in the 
 . necessities of the poor, pressed him to succoi" the 
 commonwealth and compose the differences. — 
 Plutarch, Solon. 
 
 There had been an assembly called an ec- 
 clesia which had ex'sted as far back as Homer, 
 but which Solon, for the first time popularly 
 utilized and made an organic part of the state. He 
 touched it and, as if by magic, it became trans- 
 formed. The election of archons, or rulers, the 
 right of passing laws, and the right of mak- 
 ing magistrates responsible and calling them to 
 account for what they had done while in offize, 
 accrued to it, and gave the people, you see, prac- 
 tically limitless powers. Any man born at 
 Athens of poor parents, whether he belonged 
 to a clan or not, had a right to vote in this 
 assembly. But Solon was no fool; he did not 
 intend that everybody should spring to his legs 
 and propose this, that, and the other confused 
 or contradictory law while the ecclesia was in 
 session. On the contrary; he carefully estab- 
 
SOLON'S REFORMS 35 
 
 lished that there should be a council committee 
 of four hundred men elected, whose duty it was 
 to prepare the business that should come be- 
 fore the assembly, and nothing was to come be- 
 fore the assembly as business that had not been 
 selected and agreed upon by the council or com- 
 mittee. . . . These council or committee- 
 men were elected annually by the people. 
 
 The earlier assemblies met in one of the 
 lovliest spots in Athens — on the Pnyx, a semi- 
 circular hill southwest of the Areopagus, over- 
 looking the shining temples, the crowded marts, 
 the busy streets, the brilliant porticos of the 
 antique city. 
 
 Many who were in exile, sold as slaves in 
 foreign lands, were joyfully brought back, lib- 
 erated, and reinstated as citizens. No wonder, 
 therefore, that Solon became wonderfully popu- 
 lar as a friend of the people, who, being a friend 
 in need, was a friend indeed. The glorious 
 edict dates from Solon's day, that no Athenian 
 should ever again be sold into slavery or should 
 surrender his freedom for a debt. — Greece, Har- 
 rison, 195. 
 
 He repealed all Draco's laws, except those 
 concerning homicide, because they were too 
 severe, and the punishments too great; for death 
 had been appointed for almost all offences, in- 
 somuch that those that were convicted of idle- 
 ness were to die, and those that stole a cab- 
 bage or an apple were to suffer even as villains 
 that com.mitted sacrilege or murder. So that 
 one in after time, v/as thought to have said 
 very happily, that Draco's laws were written 
 not with ink but blood; and he himself, being 
 once asked why he made death the punishment 
 of most offences, replied, "Small ones deserve 
 that, and I have no higher for the greater 
 crimes." 
 
 Am.cngst his other laws, one is very peculiar 
 
36 GREECE 
 
 and surprising, which disfranchises all who 
 stand neuter in a sedition; for it seems he 
 would not have any one remain insensible and 
 regardless of the public good, and securing his 
 private affairs, glory that he has no feeling of 
 t]ie distempers of his country; but at once join 
 with the good party and those that have the 
 light upon their side, assist and venture with 
 them, rather than keep out of harm's way and 
 v/atch who would get the better. 
 
 The bride was to have three suits of clothes, 
 a little inconsiderable household stuff, and that 
 was all; for he would not have marriages con- 
 tracted for gain or an estate, but for pure love. 
 
 Another commendable law of Solon's is that 
 which forbids men to speak evil of the dead; for 
 it is pious to think the deceased sacred, and 
 just, not to meddle with those that are gone, and 
 politic, to prevent the perpetuity of discord. He 
 likewise forbade' them to speak evil of the liv- 
 ing in the temples, the courts of justice, the 
 public offices, or at the games, or else to pay 
 three drachmas to the person, and two to the 
 public. For never to be able to control passion 
 shows a weak nature and ill-breeding. Mourners 
 tearing themselves to raise pity and set up wail- 
 ings he forbade. 
 
 Observing the city to be filled with per- 
 sons that flocked from all parts into Attica for 
 security of living, and that most of the coun- 
 try v/as barren and unfruitful, and that traders 
 at sea import nothing to those that could give 
 them nothing in exchange, he turned his citi- 
 zens to trade, and made a law that no son be 
 obliged to relieve a father who had not bred 
 him up to any calling. 
 
 In the valuation for sacrifices, a sheep and 
 a bushel were both estimated at a drachma ; the 
 victor in the Isthmian games, was to have for 
 reward an hundred drachmas ; the conquerer in 
 
SOLON'S REFORMS 37 
 
 the Olympian, five hundred. 
 
 Since the country has but few rivers, lakes, 
 or large springs, and many used wells which 
 they had dug, there was a law made, that, where 
 thc:e was a public v/ell within four furlongs, 
 all should draw at that; but when it was farther 
 off, they should try and procure a well of their 
 own; and if they had dug ten fathoms deep and 
 could find no water, they had liberty to fetch a 
 pitcherful of four and a half gallons in a day 
 from their neighbors' ; for he thought it pru- 
 dent to make provision against want, but not to 
 Giipply lazmess. 
 
 He showed skilled in his orders about plant- 
 ing, for any one that would plant another tree 
 wps not to set it within five feet of his neigh- 
 bor's field ; but if a fig or an olive, not within 
 nine ; for their roots spread farther, nor can 
 they be planted near all sorts of trees without 
 damage, for they draw away the nourishment. 
 He that would dig a pit or a ditch was to dig 
 it at the distance of its own depth from his 
 neighbor's ground and he that would raise stocks 
 of bees was not to place them within three 
 hundred feet of those which another had already 
 raised. 
 
 He made a law, also, concerning hurts and 
 injuries from beasts, in which he commands the 
 master of any dog that bit a man to deliver him 
 up with a log, four and a half feet long, about 
 his neck ; a happy device for men's security. 
 
 The story that his ashes were scattei^ed 
 about the island Salamis is too strange to be 
 easily believed or be thought any thing but a 
 mere fable; and yet it is given, amongst other 
 good authors, by Aristotle, the phUosopher. — 
 Plutarch, Solon. 
 
38 GREECE 
 
 Croesus — Enmity Towards Cyrus. 
 
 Some tumult having risen among- the 
 Scythians, a number of them retired clandes- 
 t'nely into the territories of the Medes, where 
 Cyaxares was at that time king. He received 
 the fugitives under his protection, and after 
 showing them many marks of his favour, he in- 
 trusted some boys to their care, to learn their 
 language, and the Scj^thian management of the 
 bow. These Scythians employed much of their 
 time in hunting, in which they were generally, 
 though net alike successful. Cyaxares, it seems, 
 \/as of an iiritable disposition, and meeting them 
 one day when they returned without any game, 
 l-e treated them with much insolence and asper- 
 ity. They conceived themselves injured, and de- 
 termined not to acquiesce in the affront. After 
 som.e consultation among themselves, they de- 
 termined to kill one of the children intrusted 
 to their care, to dress him as they were ac- 
 customed to do their game, and to serve him up 
 to Cyaxares. They executed their purpose. 
 Cyaxares and his guests partook of the human 
 flesh, and the Scythians immediately sought the 
 protection of the king of Sardis. 
 
 Cyaxares demanded their persons : on re- 
 fusrl of which a war commenced between the 
 Lydians and the Medes. 
 
 This was what excited the original enmity 
 of Croesus, another king of Sardis, and prompted 
 him to inquire of the oracle M^hether he should 
 make war on Persia. — Herodotus, 1. 
 
 Croesus and the Oracle at Delphi. 
 
 He offered up three thousand chosen victims ; 
 he collected a great number of couches decor- 
 ated with gold and silver, many goblets of gold, 
 and vests of purple; all these he consumed to- 
 gether on one immense pile, thinking by these 
 means to render the deity more auspicious to his 
 
LYDIA 39 
 
 hopes. He constructed also a lion of pure gold, 
 which weighed ten talents. It was originally 
 placed at the Delphian temple, on gold tiles. 
 
 Croesus, moreover, sent to Delphi two 
 large cisterns, one of gold and one of silver: 
 that of gold was placed on the right hand in 
 the vestibule of the temple ; the silver one on the 
 left. He presented also two basins, one of 
 gold, another of silver. Many other smaller 
 presents accompanied these; among which were 
 some silver dishes, and the figure of a woman 
 in gold, three cubits high, who, according to the 
 Delphians, was the person who made the bread 
 for the family of Croesus. This prince, besides 
 all that we have enumerated, consecrated at 
 Delphi his wife's necklace and girdles. 
 
 He was now anxious to be informed whether 
 his pov^^er would ever suffer diminution. The 
 following was the answer of the Pythian : 
 
 "When o'er the Medes a mule shall sit 
 
 on high, 
 O'er Debbly Hermus, then, soft Lydian, 
 
 fly; 
 
 Fly with all haste; for safety scorn thy 
 
 fame, 
 Nor scruple to deserve a coward's 
 
 name." 
 
 When the above verses were communicated 
 to Croesus he was more delighted than ever; 
 confident that a mule would never be sovereign 
 of the Medes, and that consequently he could 
 ^ave nothing to fear for himself or his poster- 
 ity. — Herodotus, 1 . 
 
 Lydia. 
 
 As far as we know the Lydians were the 
 first of all nations to coin gold and silver. They 
 seem to have invented the games of dice, knuckle 
 bones, and ball. 
 
40 GREECE 
 
 CoNvQUERED BY Cyhus. — The field of battle 
 was a spacious and open plain in the vicinity of 
 Sardis. Here Cyrus, King of Persia, found the 
 Lydians prepared for the encounter; and as ha 
 greatly feared the impression of their cavalry, 
 he took the following means of obviating the 
 danger: He collected all the camels which fol- 
 lowed his camp, carrying the provisions and 
 other baggage ; taking from these their burdens, 
 he placed on them men accoutred as horse- 
 men. Thus prepared, he ordered them to ad- 
 vance against the Lydian horse; his infantry 
 were to follow in the rear of the camels, and 
 his own cavalry closed the order of the attack. 
 Having thus arranged his forces, he commanded 
 that no quarter should ba granted to the Lydians, 
 but that whoever resisted should be put to 
 death, Croesus himself excepted. He placed 
 his camels in the van, knowing the hatred which 
 a horse has to this animal, being neither able 
 to support the smell nor the sight of it. He 
 was satisfied that the principal dependence of 
 Croesus was on his cavalry, which he hoped by 
 this stratagem to render inefi'ective. The en- 
 gagement had no sooner commenced than the 
 horses, seeing and smelling the camels, threw 
 their own ranks into disorder, to the total dis- 
 comfiture of Croesus. Nevertheless, the Lydians 
 did not imm.ediately surrender the day; they dis- 
 covered the stratagem., and quitting their 
 horses, engaged the Persians on foot; a great 
 number of men fell on both sides ; but the 
 Lydians were finally compelled to fly, and re- 
 treating within their walls were there closely 
 besieged. 
 
 Sardis was thus taken : On the fourteenth 
 day of the siege Cyrus sent horsemen round his 
 camp, promising a reward to whoever should 
 first scale the wall. The attempt was made, but 
 without success. After which a certain soldier 
 
IONIA 41 
 
 made a daring effort on a part of the citadel 
 where no sentinel was stationed; it being so 
 strong and so difficult of approach, as seemingly 
 to defy all attack. He had the preceding day 
 observed a Lydian descend to recover his helmet, 
 which had fallen down the precipice. He re- 
 volved the incident in his mind. He attempted 
 to scale it; he was seconded by other Persians, 
 and their example was followed by greater num- 
 bers. In this manner was Sardis stormed, and 
 afterward given up to plunder. — Herodotus I. 
 
 Ionia, Settled by Greece, and Later Con- 
 quered BY Lydia, is Now Brought Under 
 THE Persian Empire. 
 
 Cyrus revolved in his mind what would be 
 the most effectual means of prevailing on the 
 Persians to revolt from Media. 
 
 The Persians, who had long spurned at the 
 yoke imposed on them by the Medes, were glad 
 of such a leader, and ardently obeyed the call 
 of liberty. The Medes met and engaged the 
 Persians : who were formerly the servants, were 
 now the masters. — Hercdotiis, 1. 
 
 The lonians, after the conquest of Lydia 
 by the Persians, immediately despatched am- 
 ]"?ssado:s to Sardis, requesting Cyrus to receive 
 them under his allegiance, on the terms which 
 Croesus formerly had granted them. Cyrus gave 
 them audience, and made the following reply: 
 "A ceitam piper, observing some fishes sporting 
 in the sea, began to play to them, in hopes 
 that they would voluntarily throw themselves 
 •^n shore; disappointed in his expectations, he 
 threw his nets, enclosed a great number, and 
 brought them to land ; seeing them leap about, 
 'You may be quiet now,' said he, 'as you refused 
 to come out to me when I played to you.' " 
 Cyrus was induced to return this answer to the 
 
42 GREECE 
 
 lonians, because they had formerly disregarded 
 his soh'citations to withdraw their assistance 
 from Croesus, refusing all submission to Cyrus, 
 till they were compelled by necessity to make it. 
 
 The lonians made no delay in despatching 
 ambassadors to Sparta, who, when there, selected 
 one for their common orator. Habited in pur- 
 ple, as a means of getting a greater number of 
 Spartans together, he stood forth in the midst of 
 them, and exerted all his powers to prevail on 
 them to communicate their assistance. The 
 Lacedaemonians paid no attention to him, and 
 publicly resolved not to assist the lonians. On 
 the departure of the ambassadors, they never- 
 theless despatched a vessel of fifty oars to watch 
 the proceedings of Cyrus, as well as the lonians. 
 They sent forward to Sardis, the principal man 
 of the party, who was commissioned to inform 
 Cyrus that the Lacedaemonians would resent 
 whatever injury might be offered to any of the 
 Grecian cities. 
 
 Cyrus gave audience to the ambassador; 
 after which he inquired of the Grecians around 
 him who these Lacedamonians were, and what 
 effective power they possessed, to justify this 
 lofty language. When he was satisfied in these 
 particulars, he told the Spartan, that men who 
 had a large void space in their city where they 
 assembled for the purpose of defrauding each 
 other, could never be to him objects of terror. 
 Cyrus made this reflection on the Greeks from 
 the circumstance of their having large public 
 squares for the convenience of trade : the Per- 
 sians have nothing of the kind. 
 
 On being conquered, the lonians continued 
 in their several cities, and submitted to the 
 wills of their new masters. The Milesians, who 
 had before formed a League of amity with 
 Cyrus, lived in undisturbed tranquillity. Thus 
 was Ionia reduced a second time to servitude. 
 
IONIAN REVOLT 43 
 
 Awed by the fate of their countrymen on the 
 continent, the lonians of the islands, without 
 any resistance submitted themselves to Cyrus. 
 — Herodotus, 1. 
 
 Ionian Revolt 
 
 Cause. — Some of the more noble inhabitants 
 of Naxos, being driven by the common people 
 into banishment, sought a refuge at Miletus. 
 Miletus was then governed by Aristagoras, the 
 scn-in-law of Histiaeus, whom Darius detained 
 at Susa. These exiles petitioned Aristagoras 
 to assist them with supplies, to enable them to 
 return to their country: he immediately con- 
 ceived the idea that by accomplishing their re- 
 turn, he might eventually become master of 
 Naxos. 
 
 Aristagoras went immediately to Sardis, 
 where meeting with Artaphernes he painted to 
 him in flattering terms the island of Naxos, 
 which, though of no great extent, he represented 
 as exceedingly fair and fertile, conveniently 
 situated with respect to Ionia, very wealthy, and 
 remarkably populois. "It will be worth your 
 while," said he, "to make an expedition against 
 it, under pretense of restoring its exiles : to 
 facih'tpte th's, I already possess a considerable 
 sum of money, besides what will be otherwise 
 supplied." 
 
 To this Artaphernes replied: "V/hat yo-i 
 recommend v/ill unquestionably promote the in- 
 terest of the king, and the particulars of your 
 advice are reasonable and consistent." Arta- 
 phernes sent immediately to acquaint Datis with 
 the project of Aristagoras, which met his ap- 
 probation: he accordingly fitted out two hundred 
 triremes. Megabates had the command of the 
 whole. He embarked at Miletus, with Aristag- 
 oras, meaning, under favor of a north wind, 
 to pass thence to Naxos. On going his rounds, 
 
44 GREECE 
 
 he found a vessel deserted by its crew: he 
 was so exasperated, that he commanded his 
 guards to find who commanded it, and to bind 
 him in such p. situation that his head should ap- 
 pear outwardly from the aperture through which 
 the oar passed, his body remaining in the vesssl. 
 Aristagoras being informed of the treatment 
 which his friend had received, went to Megabates 
 to make his excuse, and obtain liberty; but as 
 his exDostulations p^xved ineffectual, he wsnt 
 himself and released him. Megabates was much 
 incensed, and expressed his displeasure to Aris- 
 tagoras ; from whom he received this reply : 
 "Your authority," said Aristagoras, "does not 
 extend so far as you suppose; you were sent 
 to attend me, and to sail wherever I should think 
 expedient: you are much too officious." Mega- 
 bates took th's reproach so ill, that at the ap- 
 proach of night he despatched some emissaries 
 to Nfxos, to acquaint the inhabitants with the 
 intended invasion. 
 
 Of this attack the Naxians had not the re- 
 motest expectation; but they took the advantage 
 of the intell'genc: impaited to them, and pro- 
 vired agahist a s'ege, by removing their valu- 
 ables from the fields to the town, and by laying 
 up a. store of water and provisions, and lastly, 
 by repairing their walls : they were thus pre- 
 pared against every emergency; while the Per- 
 sians, passing over to Naxos, found the place in a 
 perfect state of defense. Having wasted four 
 months in the attack, and exhausted all the 
 pecuniary resources which them.selves had 
 brought, together w'th what Aristagoras sup- 
 nh'ed, they still found that much was wanting 
 to accomplish their purpose; they erected, there- 
 fore, a fort for the Naxian exiles, and returned 
 to the continent greatly disappointed. 
 
 Aristagoras thus found himself unable to 
 fulfil his engagements with Artaphernes ; and 
 
ALLIES 45 
 
 he was also, to his great vexation, called on to 
 defray the expense of the expedition; he saw, 
 moreover, in the person of Megabates an ac- 
 cuser, and he feared that their ill success should 
 be imputed to him: these motives induced him to 
 meditate a revolt. While he was in this per- 
 plexity, a messenger arrived from Histiaeus, at 
 Susa, who brought with him an express com- 
 mand to revolt ; the particulars of which were 
 impressed in legible characters on his skull. 
 Histiaeus was desirous to communicate his in- 
 tentions to Aristagoras ; but as the ways were 
 strictly guarded, he could devise no other 
 method; he therefore took one. of the most 
 faithful of his slaves, and inscribed what we 
 have mentioned on his skull, being first shaved; 
 he detained the man till his hair was again 
 grown, when he sent him to Miletus, desiring 
 him to be as expeditious as possible; and simply 
 requesting Aristagoras to examine his skull, he 
 discovered the characters which commanded him 
 to commence a revolt. To this measure Histiaeus 
 was induced by the vexation he experienced from 
 his captivity at Susa. He flattered himself, that 
 as soon as Aristagoras was in act'on, he shoull 
 be able to escape to the seacoast; but while 
 everything remained quiet at Miletus he had no 
 prospect of effecting "his return. — -Herodotus, V. 
 Allies. — The Lacedaemonians affirm, that 
 desiring to have a conference with their sover- 
 eign, Aiistagoras, appeared before him \vJth a 
 tablet of brass in his hand, on which was in- 
 scribed every known part of the habitable 
 woild, the Scgs, and the rivers. He thus ad- 
 dressed the Spartan monarch: "When you knov\/ 
 my business, Cloemenes, you will cease to won- 
 der at my zeal in desiring to see you. The 
 lonians, who ought to be free, are in a state 
 of servitude; which is not only disgraceful, but 
 also a source of the extremest sorrow to us, as it 
 
46 GREECE 
 
 must also be to you, who are pre-eminent in 
 Greece. I entreat you, therefore, by the gods 
 of Greece, to restore the lonians to liberty, who 
 are connected with you by the ties of blood. 
 The accomplishment of this will not be difficult: 
 the barbarians (Persians) are by no means re- 
 markable for their valor ; while you, by your 
 military virtue, have attained the summit of re- 
 nown. They rush to the combat armed only 
 with a bow and a short spear: their robes are 
 long; they suffer their hair to grow; and they 
 will afford an easy conquest : add to this, that 
 they who inhabit the continent are affluent be- 
 yond the rest of their neighbours. They have 
 abundance of gold, of silver, and of brass; they 
 enjoy a profusion of every article of dress, have 
 plenty of cattle, and a prodigious number of 
 slaves: all these, if you think proper, may be 
 yours. The nations by which they are sur- 
 rounded I shall explain : next to these lonians 
 are the Lydians, who possess a fertile territory, 
 and a profusion of silver." Saying this, he 
 Do^'nted on the tablet in his hand to the particu- 
 lar district of which he spake. 
 
 "In Susa, where the Persian monarch o(s 
 casionally resides, his treasures are deposited. 
 Make yourselves masters of this city, and you 
 may vie in affluence with Jupiter himself. Lay 
 aside, therefore, the contest in which you are 
 engaged with the Messen^ans, who equal you in 
 strength, about a tract of land, not very exten- 
 sive, nor remarkably fertile. Neither are the 
 Aicadians nor the Argives proper objects of your 
 amb^'tion, who are destitute of those precious 
 metals which induce men to brave dangers and 
 death: but can anything be more desirable 
 than the oppoitunity now afforded you of mak- 
 ing the ent^'re conquest of Asia?" Cleomenes 
 inquired of Aristagoras how many days' journey 
 it was from the Ionian Sea to the dominions of 
 
ACTION 47 
 
 the Persian king. Aristagoras replied that it 
 was a journey of about three months. Cleom- 
 enes interrupted him, "Stranger of Miletus," 
 said he, "depart from Sparta before sunset : 
 what you say cannot be agreeable to the 
 Lacedaemonians, desiring to lead us a march 
 of three months from the sea." Having said 
 this, Cloemenes withdrew. 
 
 Aristagoras, the Milesian, being driven 
 by Cleomenes from Sparta, arrived at Athens, 
 which city was then powerful beyond every one 
 of its neighbouis and hostile to the Persians. 
 When Aristagoras appeared in the public as- 
 sembly he enumerated, as he had done at Sparta, 
 the riches which Asia possessed, and recom- 
 mended a Persian war, in which they would be 
 easily successful against a people using neither 
 spear nor shield. In addition to this, he re- 
 marked that Miletus was an Athenian colony, 
 and that consequently it became the Athenians 
 to Gxei't the great pov/er they possessed in 
 favour of the Milesians. He proceeded to make 
 use cf the most earnest" entreaties, and lavish 
 prom'ses, till they finally acceded to his views. 
 He thought, and as it appeared with justice, that 
 it was far easier to delude a great mult"tude 
 than a s'ngle individual: he was unable to pre- 
 vail on Cleomenes; but he won to his purpose no 
 less than thiity thousand Athenians. — Herodotus, 
 V. 
 
 Action. — Aristagoras was joined by the 
 Athenians in twenty vessels, who were also ac- 
 forapan'€d by five triremes of Eretrians. These 
 latter did not engage in the contest from any 
 regard for the Athenians, but to discharge a debt 
 of friendship to the Milesians. When these and 
 the rest of his confederates were assembled, 
 Aristagoras commenced an expedition against 
 Sardis; he himself continued at Miletus, while 
 his brother commanded the Milesians. 
 
48 GREECE 
 
 They arrived at Sardis, where meeting no 
 resistance, they made themselves masters of the 
 whole city, except the citadel. This was de- 
 fended by Artapherenes, with a large body of 
 troops. The houses of Sardis were in general 
 construxted of reeds ; such a few as were of brick 
 had reed coverings. One of these being set on 
 fire by a soldier, the flames spread from house 
 to house, till the whole city was consumed. In 
 the midst of the conflagration the Lydians, and 
 such Persians as were in the city, seeing them- 
 selves surrounded by the flames, and without the 
 possibility of escape, rushed in crowds to the 
 forum. The Persians and Lydians thus reduced 
 to the last extremity, were compelled to act on 
 the defensive. The lonians seeing some of the 
 enemy prepared to defend themselves, others ad- 
 vancing to attack them, were seized with a 
 panic, and retired to Mount Tmolus, whence, 
 un^'er favor of the night, they retreated to their 
 ships. 
 
 In the burning of Sardis, the temple of 
 Cybele, the protecting goddess of the country, 
 was totally destroyed, which was afterward made 
 a pretense by the Persians for burning the 
 temples of the Greeks. 
 
 At this period Darius was informed of the 
 burning of Sardis by the Athenians and lonians, 
 and that Aristagoras of Miletus was the principal 
 instigator of the confederacy against him. On 
 first receiving the intelligence, he is said to have 
 treated the revolt of the lonians with extreme 
 contempt, as if certain that it was impossible 
 for them to escape his indignation ; but he c c- 
 sired to know who the Athenians were. On 
 being told, he called for his bow; and shooting 
 an arrow into the air, he exclaimed, "Suffer 
 me, oh, Jupiter, to be revenged on these Atheni- 
 ans!" He afterward directed one of his at- 
 tendants to repeat to him three times every 
 
PERSIAN INVASIONS 49 
 
 day, when he sat down to table, "Sir, remember 
 the Athenians." 
 
 The Persians, having routed the lonians, 
 laid close siege to Miletus, both by sea and land. 
 They not only undermined the walls, but applied 
 every species of military machines against it. 
 In the sixth year after the revolt of Aristagoras 
 they took and plundered the place. The greater 
 part of the Milesians were slain by the Persians, 
 who wear their hair long: their wives and chil- 
 dien were carried into slavery: the temple, and 
 the shrine near the oracle were consumed by 
 flames. 
 
 The Milesians who survived the slaughter 
 were carried to Susa. Darius treated them with 
 great humanity. The destruction of Miletus 
 affected the Athenians with the liveliest un- 
 easiness, which was apparent from various cir- 
 cumwStances, and from the following in particu- 
 lar: On seeing the capture of Miletus rep- 
 resented in a dramatic piece by Phrynichus, "the 
 whole audience burst into tears. The poet, for 
 thus reminding them of a domestic calamity, 
 was fined a thousand drachmae, and the piece 
 was forbidden to be repeated. — Herodotus, V, VI. 
 
 Persian Invasions. 
 
 Under Mardcnius 
 
 Mardonius, commanding for Darius, pro- 
 ceeded toward the Hellespont; v/here, collecting 
 a numerous fleet and a powerful army, he 
 passed them over the Hellespont in ships, and 
 piGCteded through Europe towards Eretria and 
 Athens. 
 
 These two cities were the avowed object 
 of his expedition, but he really intended to re- 
 duce as many of the Greek cities as he possibly 
 could. By sea he subdued the Thasians, who 
 attempted no resistance; by land his army re- 
 
50 GREECE 
 
 duced all those Macedonians who were most re- 
 mote: the Macedonians on this side had been 
 reduced before. Leaving Thasos, he endeav- 
 oured to double Mount Athos; but at this junc- 
 ture a tempestuous wind arose from the North, 
 which, pressing hard on the fleet, drove a great 
 number of ships against Mount Athos. He is 
 said on this occasion to have lost three hundred 
 vessels, and more than twenty thousand men : 
 of these, numbers were destroyed by the sea 
 monsters, which abound off the coast near 
 i^thos; others were dashed on the rocks; some 
 lost their lives from their inability to swim, 
 and many perished by the cold. 
 
 While Mardonius with his land forces was 
 rncaro/oed 'n Macedonia, he was attacked in the 
 night by the inhabitants of Thrace, who killed 
 many of his men, and wounded Mardonius, him- 
 self. They did not, however, finally elude the 
 powei' of the Persians ; for Mardonius would 
 not leave that region till he had effectually re- 
 duced them under h\s power. After this event 
 he led back his army, which had suffered much 
 from, the Thracians, but still more by the 
 tempest off Athos ; his return therefore to Asia 
 was far from being glorious. — Herodotus, VI. 
 
 The domestic of the Persian monarch con- 
 tinued regularly to bid him "Remember the 
 Athenians." He accordingly removed from his 
 command Mardonius, who had been unsuccess- 
 ful in his naval undertakings ; he appointed two 
 other officers to commence an expedition against 
 Eretria and Athens ; these were Datis, a native 
 of Media, and Artaphernes, who were com- 
 manded to subdue both the above olaces, and 
 to bring the inhabitants captive before him. 
 
 They did not, keeping along the coast, ad- 
 vance in a right line to Thrace and the Helles- 
 pont; but loosing from Samos, they passed 
 through the midst of the islands and the Sea; 
 
MARATHON 51 
 
 fearing, as I should suppose, to double the 
 promontory of Athos, by which they had, in the 
 former year, severely suffered. They were 
 farther induced to this course by the Island of 
 Naxos, which before they had omitted to take. 
 At this juncture the inhabitants of Delos de- 
 serted their island. 
 
 The Persians, arriving at Eretria, en- 
 deavoured to storm the place; and a contest 
 of six days was attended with very consider- 
 able loss on both sides. On the seventh the city 
 was betrayed to the enemy by two of the more 
 eminent citizens. As soon as the Persians got 
 possession of the place they pillaged and burnt 
 the temples, to avenge the burning of their 
 temples at Sardis. The people according to the 
 orders of Darius, were made slaves. — Herodotus, 
 VI. 
 
 Marathon. — This glorious plain of Mara- 
 thon, where the Athenians covered themselves 
 with immortal fame, is only twenty-two miles 
 from Athens by one road, and twenty-six by 
 another. It extends along the seashore, is 
 abort s^'x miles in length, and from three to 
 one and a half in breadth. Rocky hills and 
 : ugged mountains surround it on three sides. 
 Through the center of the plain meanders a 
 small brook, and two marshes bound its ex- 
 tremity. It is a romantic and beautiful spot ; 
 the bright and ever-glancing sea kisses the beach 
 with its lips of foam and the amphitheatre of 
 mountains, covered with sweet-smelling thyme 
 and laurel and lentisc, hedges it in carefully 
 against unseemly intrusion. — Greece, Harrison, 
 301. 
 
 The Athenian leaders were greatly divided 
 in opinion ; some thought that a battle was by 
 no means to be hazarded, as they were so in- 
 ferior to the Medes in point of number; others, 
 ranong whom was Miltiades, were anxious to en- 
 
52 GREECE 
 
 gage the enemy. Of these contradictory senti- 
 ments the less poh'tic appeared more likely to 
 prevail, when Miltiades addressed himself to thf^ 
 polemarch, whose name was Callimachus. This 
 magistrate, elected into his office by vote, lias 
 tae privilege of a casting voice. Miltiades ad- 
 dressed him thus : "On you, O Callimachus ! it 
 alone depends, whether Athens shall be en- 
 slsved, or whether in the preservation of its lib- 
 eities, it shall perpetuate your name. Our coun- 
 try is now reduced to a more delicate and dan- 
 gerous predicament than it has ever before ex- 
 peyienced: if conquered, we know our fate, and 
 must prepare for the tyranny of Hippias ; if we 
 overcome, cur city may be made the firs' in 
 Greece. All these things are submitted to your 
 attention, and are suspended on your will. If 
 you accede to my opinion, our country will be 
 free, our city the first in Greece; if you shall 
 favour the opinions of those who are averse 
 to rn engagement, you must expect the contrary 
 of all the good I have enumerated." 
 
 These arguments of Miltiades produced the 
 desired effect on Callimachus, from whose inter- 
 position it was determined to fight. Those lead- 
 ers who from the first had been solicitious to 
 emgDge the enemy, resigned to Miltiades the 
 days of their respective command. This he ac- 
 cepted; but did not think proper to commence 
 the attack till the day of his own particular 
 command arrived in its course. 
 
 The Athenians produced a front equal in ex- 
 tent to that of the Modes. The ranks in the 
 center were not very deep, which of course con- 
 stituted their weakest part; but the two wings 
 were more numerous and strong. 
 
 The preparations for the attack being thus 
 made, and the appearance of the victims favour- 
 able, the Athenians ran toward the barbarians. 
 There was between the two armies an interval 
 
MARATHON 53 
 
 of about eight furlongs. The Persians, seeing 
 them approach by running, prepared to receive 
 them; and as they observed the Athenians to 
 be few in number, destitute both of cavalry 
 and archers, they considered them as mad, and 
 rushing on certain destruction; but as soon as 
 the Greeks mingled with the enemy they be- 
 haved with the greatest gallantry. They were 
 the first Greeks that I know of who ran to 
 rttack pn pncmy. They were the first, also, 
 who beheld without dismay the dress and 
 .Tmorr of the Medes; for hitherto in Greece 
 the very name of a Mede excited terror. 
 
 After a long and obstinate contest, the 
 barbarians in the center, obliged the Greeks 
 to give way, and pursued the flying foe into the 
 middle of the country. At the same time the 
 ^thfnians and Plataeans in the two wings, drove 
 the barbarians before them; then making an in- 
 clination towards each other by contracting 
 themselves they formed against that part of the 
 enemy which had penetrated and defeated the 
 Gi'ec^'an cente?', and obtained a complete victory, 
 k^llins- a Drodigious number, and Dursuing the 
 rest to the sea, where they set fire to their 
 vessels. 
 
 Callimachus the polemarch, after the most 
 signpl acts of valour, lost his life in this battle. 
 
 In addition to their victory, the Athenians 
 obtained possession of several of the enemy's 
 vessels. The barbarians retired with their 
 fleet, and taking on board the Eretrian plunder, 
 which they had left in the island, they passed 
 the promontory of Sunium, thinking to circum- 
 vent the Athenians, and arrive at the city before 
 them. 
 
 While they were doubling the Cape of Su- 
 nium, the Athenians lost no time in hastening 
 to the defense of their city, and effectually 
 prevented the designs of the enemy. The bar- 
 
54 GREECE 
 
 barians, anchoring off Phalerum, the Athenian 
 harbour, remained there some time, and then 
 retired to Asia. — Herodotus, VI. 
 Under Xerxes 
 
 When the news of the battle of Marathon 
 was communicated to Darius, he, who was be- 
 fore incensed against tlie Athenians, on account 
 of their invasion of Sardis, became still more 
 exasperated, and more inclined to invade Greece. 
 H6 instantly, therefore, sent emissaries to the 
 different cities under his power, to provide a 
 still greater number of transports, horses, corn, 
 and provisions ; but in the year which succeeded 
 the Egyptian revolt he died, without being able 
 to gratify his resentment against the Egyptians 
 and Athenians who had opposed his power. 
 
 After the subjection of Egypt, Xerxes pre- 
 pared to lead an army against Athens. — Herod- 
 otus, VH. 
 
 Bridge Over the Hellespont. — While he 
 was preparing to go to Abydos, numbers were 
 employed in throwing a bridge over the Helles- 
 pont, from Asia to Europe. The Phoenicians 
 used a cordage mfde of linen, the Egyptians 
 the ba'-k of the biblos ; from Abydos to the op- 
 posite continent is a space of seven stadia. The 
 bridge was no sooner completed than a great 
 tempest arose, which tore in pieces and de- 
 stroyed the whole of their labor. When Xerxes 
 heard of what had happened, he was so enraged 
 that he ordered three hundred lashes to be in- 
 'fficted on the Hellespont, and a pair of fetters to 
 be thrown into the sea. I have been informed 
 that he even sent some executioners to brand the 
 Hellespont with marks of ignominy; but it is 
 certain that he ordered those who inflicted the 
 lashes to use these barbarous and mad expres- 
 sions : "Thou ungracious water, thy master 
 condemns thee to this punishment, for having 
 injured him without provocation. Xerxes, the 
 
MARATHON 55 
 
 king, will pass over thee, whether thou consent- 
 
 cst or not." 
 
 A bridge was then constructed by a dif- 
 ferent set of architects, who performed it in 
 the lollcwing manner: they connected together 
 ships of different kinds, some long vessels of 
 fifty oars, others three-banked galleys. The 
 foimer cf these were placed transversely; but 
 the latter, to diminish the strain on the cables, 
 in the direction of the current. When these 
 vessels were firmly connected to each other, 
 they were secured on each side by anchors of 
 great length. 
 
 Having performed this, they extended 
 cables frcm the shore, stretching them on large 
 capstans of wood. When the pass was thus 
 secured, they sawed out rafters of wood, making 
 their length equal to the space required, and 
 ^hT bound them fast together. They next 
 brought unwrought wood, which they placed 
 very regularly on the rafters; over all they 
 threw earth, which they raised to a proper 
 height, and finished all by a fence on each side, 
 that the horses and other beasts of burden might 
 not be terrified by looking dovv^n on the sea. — 
 Herodotus, VII. 
 
 Thermopylae. — The Hellenes at Thermopy- 
 lae, v/hen the Persians had come near the the 
 pass, were in dread, and deliberated about mak- 
 ing a retreat from their position. To the rest of 
 the Peloponnesians then it seemed best that they 
 should go to the Peloponnese and hold the isth- 
 mus in guard; but Leonidas, when the Phicians 
 rnd Locrians were indignant at this oninion gavs 
 his vcte for rcmain^'ng there, and for sending 
 at the same time messengers to the several 
 states, bidding them come up to help them smco 
 they were few to repel the army of the Medes. 
 
 Xerxes let four days go by, expecting al- 
 ways that they would take to flight; but on the 
 
56 GREECE 
 
 fifth day, when they did not depart but re- 
 mained, being obstinate, as he thought, in 
 impudence and folly, he was enraged and' sent 
 against them the Medes, charging them to take 
 the men alive and bring them into his presence. 
 Then when the Medes moved forward and at- 
 tacked the Hellenes, there fell many of them, 
 and others kept coming up continually, and they 
 were net driven back, though suffering great 
 loss ; and they made it evident to every man, and 
 to the king himself not least of all, that human 
 beings are many but men are few. This com- 
 bat went on throughout the day. 
 
 And when the Medes were being roughly 
 handled, then these retired from the battle, and 
 the Persians, those namely whom the king 
 called "Immortals," took their place and came to 
 the attack, supposing that they, at least, would 
 easily overcome the enemy. When, however, 
 these also engaged in combat with the Hellenes, 
 they gained no more success than the Median 
 troops but the same as they, seeing that they 
 were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, 
 using shorter spears than the Hellenes, and not 
 being able to take advantage of their supsrior 
 numbers. The Lacedaemonians meanwhile were 
 fighting in a memorable fashion, and bssides 
 other things of which they made display, being 
 men perfectly skilled in fighting, opposed to men 
 who were unskilled, they would turn their backs 
 to the enemy and make a pretense of taking 
 to flight; and the barbarians, seeing them thus 
 taking fl\ght, would follow after them with 
 shouting and clashing of arms ; then the Lace- 
 daemonians, when they were being caught up, 
 turned back and faced the barbarians ; and thus 
 turning round they would slay innumerab^^ mul- 
 titudes of the Persians ; and there fell also at 
 these times a few of the Spartans themselves. 
 So, as the Persians were not able to obtain any 
 
THERMOPYLAE 57 
 
 success by making a trial of the entrance and 
 attacking it by divisions and every way, they 
 retired. And during these onsets it is said 
 that the king, looking on, three times leaped 
 up from his seat, struck with fear for his army. 
 — Herodotus, VII. 
 
 The longer road over Mt. Oeta was guarded 
 by Greeks but a heavy mist prevented a detach- 
 ment of the enemy under the traitor Ephialtes 
 from being seen until they were almost upon 
 the Greeks. Not being able to hold the pass 
 they returned to Leonidas and told of the ap- 
 proach of the Persians upon their rear. Most 
 of the Greeks embarked upon the ships, which 
 were near. 
 
 After all but the thousand Greeks, who re- 
 mained with Leonidas at Thermoplyae, had de- 
 parted, he commanded them that they would 
 with all speed to their dinners with that cheer- 
 fulness as those that must be with the Gods 
 at supper; and he himself presently commanded 
 meat to be brought to him, and fell to eating; 
 for by this means he said they would be more 
 able to endure and longer to abide the dangers 
 and toils of sucn an engagement. — Dindorus. 
 
 Xerxes, meanwhile, having made libations at 
 sunrise, stayed for some time, until about the 
 hour when the market fills, and then made an 
 advarce upon them. Very many of the barbari- 
 ans fell; for behind them the leaders of the 
 dH-is'cns w'th scourges in their hands were 
 striking each man, ever urging them on to the 
 front. Many of them then were driven into the 
 sea and perished, and many more stHl were 
 trodden down while yet alive by one another, 
 and there was no reckoning of the number that 
 perished. The Greeks, knowing that death was 
 about to come upon them by reason of thoso 
 who were going round the mountain, displayed 
 
58 GREECE 
 
 upon the barbarians all the strength which they 
 had, to its greatest extent, disregarding danger 
 and acting as if possessed by a spirit of reck- 
 lessness. 
 
 Now by this time the spears of the greater 
 number of them were broken, so it chanced, in 
 this combat, and they were slaying the Persians 
 with their swords ; and in this fighting fell 
 Leonidas, having proved himself a very good 
 man, and ethers, also, of the Spartans with him, 
 men of note, of whose names I was informed 
 as of men who had proved themselves worthy, 
 and indeed I was told also the names of all the 
 three hundred Spartans. Meanwhile over the 
 body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle 
 between the Persians and the Lacedaemonians, 
 until the Hellenes by valor dragged this away 
 from the enemy and turned their opponents to 
 flight four times. This conflict continued until 
 those who had gone with Ephialtes came up ; 
 and when the Hellenes learned that these had 
 come, from that moment the nature of the com- 
 bat was changed; for they retired to the na:"- 
 row part of the way, and having passed by 
 the wall they went and placed themselves upon 
 the hillock, all in a body together, except only 
 the Thebans. Now, this hillock is in the en- 
 trance, where now the stone lion is placed for 
 Leonidas. On this spot, while defending them- 
 selves with daggers, that is those who still had 
 them left, and also with hands and with teeth, 
 they were overwhelmed by the missiles of the 
 barbarians, some of these having followed di- 
 rectly after them and destroyed the wall, v/h'le 
 others had come round and stood about them 
 on all sides. — Hercdotus, VII. 
 
 Xerxes — At Athens. 
 
 The forces under Xerxes in their passage 
 through Boeotia had set fire to the city of the 
 
XERXES AT ATHENS 59 
 
 Thespians, who had retired to the Peloponnesus. 
 They had also burned the city of the Plataeans, 
 and proceeding onward, were now about to 
 ravage Athens. 
 
 They found Athens deserted; an inconsider- 
 able number remained in the temple, with the 
 treasures of the temple, who with a Palisade of 
 wood attempted to prevent the approach of the 
 enemy to the citadel. These had not gone to 
 Salamis, being deterred partly by their indi- 
 gence, and partly from their confidence in the 
 declaration of the oracle, that a wall of wood 
 would prove invincible. This they referred not 
 to the ships, but to the defense of wood, which 
 on this occasion they formed. 
 
 The Persians encamped on the hill oppose tf^ 
 the citadel, which the Athenians called the Hill 
 of Mars, and thus commenced their attack ; 
 they shot against the intrenchment of wood 
 arrows wrapped in tow, and set on fire. The 
 Athenians, although reduced to the last extrem- 
 ity, and involved in the fire which had caught 
 their barricade, obstinately refused to listen 
 to conditions. They resisted to the last; and 
 v^hen the Persians were'', just about to enter, 
 they rolled down on theM stones of an immense 
 size. Xerxes, not able to force the place, was 
 for a long time exceedingly perplexed. 
 
 In the midst of their embarrassment- the 
 barbarians discovered a resource. In the front 
 of the citadel, but behind the gate and the 
 regular ascent, there was a cragged and un- 
 guarded pass, by which it was not thought pos- 
 sible that any man could force his way. Here, 
 however, some of the enemy mounted. As soon 
 as the Athenians discovered them, part threw 
 themselves over the wall and were killed, others 
 retired into the building. The Persians who 
 entered forced their way to the gates, threv/ 
 them open, and put the suppliants, who had 
 
60 GREECE 
 
 there taken refuge, to death. — Herodotus, VIII. 
 
 And not only this, but, burning with a 
 remembrance of fire-scathed Sardis, they set all 
 the sanctuaries and holy places on fire, and 
 ruined them as far as they could. — Greece, Har- 
 rison, 350. 
 
 Salamis. — The Grecian fleet, at the request 
 of the Athenians, came to an anchor at Salamis. 
 The motive of the Athenians in soliciting this, 
 was to have the opportunity of removing their 
 wives and families from Attica. 
 
 While the rest of the allies continued with 
 the fleet, the Athenians returned to their coun- 
 try, where they proclaimed by a herald that 
 every Athenian was to preserve his family and 
 effects by the best means in his power. The 
 greater number took refuge at Troezene, others 
 fled to Aegina, and some to Salamis, each being 
 anxious to save what was dear to him, and to 
 comply with the injunctions of the oracle. — 
 Herodotus, VIII. 
 
 When the whole city of Athens were going 
 on board, it afl^orded a spectacle worthy of pity 
 alike and admiration, to see them thus send 
 away their fathers and children before them, 
 and, unmoved with their cries and tears, pass 
 over into the island. But that which stirred 
 compassion most of all was, that many old men, 
 by reason of their great age, were left behind ; 
 and even the tame domestic animals could not 
 be seen without pity, running about the town 
 and howling, as desirous to be carried along 
 with their masters that had kept them; among 
 which it is reported that Xanthippus, the father 
 of Pericles, had a dog that would not endure 
 to stay behind, but leaped into the sea, and 
 swam along by the galley's side till he came 
 to the island of Salamis, where he fainted away 
 and died, and that spot in the island, which is 
 still called the Dog's Grave, is said to be his. — 
 
PLATAEA 61 
 
 Plutarch, Themistocles. 
 
 About midnight the western division of 
 the Persian fleet advanced towards Salamis, 
 meaning to surround it. They drew out their 
 fleet to cut off from the Greeks the possibility 
 of retreat. 
 
 A very great part of the barbarian fleet 
 was torn in pieces at Salamis, principally by 
 the Athenians and the people of Aegina. The 
 event could not well be otherwise. The Greeks 
 fought in order, and preserved their ranks ; the 
 barbarians, without either regularity or judg- 
 ment. They made the greater exertions from 
 their terror of the king, in whose sight they 
 imagined they fought. 
 
 During the confusion many Phoenicians 
 who had lost their ships, went to the king, and 
 informed h™ that their disgrace was occasioned 
 by the perfidy of the lonians. The consequence 
 of this was, that the Ionian leaders were not 
 punished with death, but the Phoenicians were. 
 — Herodotus VIII. 
 
 Xerxes immediately hastened to the Helles- 
 pont. But Mardonius was left with the most 
 serviceable part of the army, about three hun- 
 dred thorsand men, and was a formidable 
 enemy, confident in his infantry, and writing 
 messages of defiance to the Greeks. 
 
 Plataea. — Battle Under Mardonius. — 
 Pausanias, kmg of Sparta and commander 
 of the Greeks, troubled while the priest went on 
 olTering one sacrifice after another, turned him- 
 self towards the temple with tears in h^'s eyes, 
 and lifting up his hands to heaven besought 
 Juno and the other gods of the Plataeans, if it 
 were not in the fates for the Greeks to obtain 
 the victory, that they might not perish, with- 
 out performing some remarkable thing, and by 
 their actions demonstrating to their enemies, 
 
62 GREECE 
 
 that they waged war with men of courage, and 
 soldiers. While Pausanias was thus in the act 
 of supplication, the sacrifices appeared propi- 
 tious, and the soothsayers foretold victory. The 
 word being given, the Lacedaemonian battalion 
 seemed, on the sudden, like some one fierce 
 animal, setting up his bristles, and betaking 
 himself to the combat ; and the barbarians per- 
 ceived that they encountered with men who 
 would fight it to the death. Therefore, holding 
 their wicker-shields before them, they shot their 
 arrows amongst the Lacedaemonians. But the 
 Greeks, keeping together in the order of a 
 phalanx, and falling upon the enemy, forced 
 their shields out of their hands, and, striking 
 with their pikes at the breasts and faces of the 
 Persians, overthrew many of them; who, how- 
 ever, fell not either unrevenged or without cour- 
 age. For taking hold of the spears with their 
 bare hands, they broke many of them, and be- 
 took themselves not without effect to the swords ; 
 and making use of their falchions and scimi- 
 tars, and wresting the Lacedaemonians' shields 
 from them, and grappling with them, it was a 
 long time that they made resistance. — Plutarch, 
 Aristides. 
 
 A.RISTIDEP — Commander of the Combined 
 Greek Fleet. 
 Being sent in joint commission with Cimon 
 to drive the Persians out of the Aegean Sea, 
 Aristides took notice that Pausanias and other 
 Spartan captains made themselves offensive by 
 imperiousness and harshness to the confeder- 
 ates; but Aristides, by being gentle and con- 
 siderate with them, and by the courtesy and dis- 
 interested temper which Cimon manifested in the 
 expeditions, stole away the chief command from 
 the Lacedaemonians, neither by weapons, ships, 
 nor horses, but by equity and wise policy. For 
 the Athenians being endeared to the Greeks, by 
 
DELIAN LEAGUE 63 
 
 the justice of Aristides and by Cimon's modera- 
 tion, the tyranny and selfishness of Pausanias 
 rendered them yet more desirable. He on all 
 occasions treated the commanders of the con- 
 federates haughtily and roughly; and the com- 
 mon soldiers he punished with stripes, or stand- 
 ing all day with an iron anchor on their shoul- 
 ders; neither was it permitted for any to provide 
 straw for themselves to lie on, or forage for 
 their horses, or to come near the springs to 
 water, before the Spartans were furnished, but 
 servants v/ith wh^"ps drove away such as ap- 
 proached. And when Aristides once was about 
 to complain and expostulate with Pausanias, 
 he told him with an angry look, that he was 
 not at leisure, and gave no attention to him. 
 The consequence was that the sea captains and 
 the generals of the Greeks, came to Aristides 
 and requested h:m to be their general, and to 
 receive the confederates into h^'s command, who 
 had long desired to relinquish the Spartains and 
 come over to the Athenians. In fine, they all 
 went off and joined the Athenians. And here 
 the magnanimity of the Lacedaemonians was 
 wonderful. For when they perceived that their 
 generals were becoming corrupted by the great- 
 ness of their authority, they voluntarily laid 
 down the chief command, and left off sending 
 any more of them to the wars, choosing rather 
 to have citizens of moderation and consistent 
 in the observance of their customs, than to pos- 
 sess the dominion of all Greece. — Plutarch, Aris- 
 tides. 
 
 Delian League — Athenian Supremacy. 
 
 The Greeks paid a certain contribution to- 
 wards the maintenance of the war; and being 
 desirious to be rated city by city in their due 
 piopoition, they desired Aristides of the Atheni- 
 ans, to assess every one according to their 
 
64 GREECE 
 
 ability and what they were worth. The assess- 
 ment which Aristides made, was four hundred, 
 sixty talents. But to this Pericles added very 
 near one third part more. But after Pericles' 
 death, the demagogues, increasing the levy, by 
 little and little, raised it to the sum of thirteen 
 hundred talents. — Plutarch, Aristides. 
 
 CiMON Wins Back Ionia From Persia. — 
 Nor did any man ever do more than Cimon 
 did to humble the pride of the Persian king. 
 He was not content with getting rid of him out 
 of Greece ; but following close at his heels be- 
 fore the barbarians could take breath and re- 
 cover themselves, he was already at work, and 
 what with his devastations, and his forcible re- 
 duction of some places, and the revolts and 
 voluntary accession of others, in the end from 
 Ionia to Pamhylia all Asia was clear of Persian 
 soldiers. — Plutarch, Cimon. 
 
 Revolt of Naxos.— Then the Naxians re- 
 volted, and the Athenians made war against 
 them and reduced them by blockade. This was 
 the first of the allied cities which was enslaved 
 contrary to Hellenic right ; the turn of the others 
 came later. The causes which led to the de- 
 fections of the allies were of different kinds, the 
 principal being their neglect to pay the tribute 
 or to furnish ships, and, in some cases, failure 
 of military service. — Thucydides. 
 
REVOLT OF HELOTS - Spartan Slaves 
 
 A most sad and unexpected calamity hap- 
 pened to the Spartans ; for by an earthquake 
 there, not only the houses were wholly over- 
 turned, but above twenty thousand souls buried 
 alive in the rubbish. The city shaked for a 
 long time together, and many by the violent 
 fall of the walls of the houses miserably per- 
 ished; and the household goods and riches of 
 all sorts were by this dreadful shake swallowed 
 up. 
 
 The Helots and Messenians, when they ob- 
 served that the greatest part of the city and 
 inhabitants were destroyed, entered into a 
 league, and with joint force made war upon 
 the Spartans. But Archidamus, King of Sparta, 
 while the city was in the height of this terrible 
 convulsion, suddenly headed his army and has- 
 tened into the field. The Spartans sent for aid 
 to the Athenians, who furnished them with sup- 
 plies; but afterwards they dismissed the Athen- 
 ians ; in truth, suspecting that they favored 
 the Messenians, but pretending that the forces 
 of the other confederates were sufficient for 
 the present service. The Athenians looking 
 upon it as a slight and an affront, departed 
 grumbling, full of indignation, with their hearts 
 boiling with revenge against the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans; which afterwards broke out into open 
 hostility and filled the cities with cruelty and 
 bloodshed, and all Greece with misery and 
 calamity. — Diodorus', XL 
 
66 GREECE 
 
 Peloponnesian War. 
 
 Cause. — The growth of the Athenian 
 power I conceive to have been the truest occa- 
 sion of the war, though never openly avowed; 
 the jealousy struck by it into the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans made the contest necessary. — Thucydides, I. 
 
 When the war broke forth between the 
 Corinthians, an ally of Sparta, and them of 
 Corcyra, the people of Athens resolved to side 
 with the Corcyreans, because Corcyra was so 
 situated that it was a very ready and convenient 
 pass from thence into Sicily. — Diodorits. 
 
 The Spartans tried to make themselves 
 popular by giving out that they were fighting 
 to break down the "tyranny" of Athens and re- 
 store "freedom" to all the Greek states. — Greece, 
 Harrison, Jfl 7. 
 
 Resources of Sparta. — The Spartan 
 League was pinched for money, and besides, 
 the Spartans were slow, dull and cautious, while 
 the Athenians were as nimble as grasshoppers, 
 full of resource and enthusiasm, and endowed 
 with a surpassing nervous organization that en- 
 abled them to endure almost incredible things 
 — defeat, shame, sorrow and misfortune. — 
 Greece, Harrison, 416. 
 
 Resources of Athens. — As to the gen- 
 eral situation, Pericles repeated his previous 
 advice ; they must prepare for war and bring 
 their property from the country into the city; 
 they must defend their walls but not go out to 
 battle. The Long Walls running down to the 
 Piraeus were rather more than four and a half 
 m'les in length ; the outer only was guarded. 
 They s'lould also equip for service the fleet in 
 which lay their strength. Their allies should be 
 kept well in hand, for the Athenians' power 
 depended on the revenues which they derived 
 from them ; military successes were generally 
 
PLAGUE AT ATHENS 67 
 
 gained by a wise policy and command of money. 
 The state of their finances was encouraging; 
 they had on an average six hundred talents of 
 tribute coming in annually from their allies, to 
 say nothing of their other revenue ; and there 
 were still remaining in the Acropolis six thou- 
 sand talents of coined silver. Moreover, there 
 was uncoined gold and silver in the form of 
 private and public offerings, sacred vessels used 
 in processions and games, the Persian spoil and 
 other things of the like nature, worth at least 
 five hurdred talents more. There were also 
 at their disposal, besides what they had in the 
 Acropolis, considerable treasures in various 
 temples. If they were reduced to the last ex- 
 trem'ty, they could even take off the plates of 
 gold with which the image of the goddess was 
 overlaid ; these, as he pointed out, weighed forty 
 talents, and were of refined gold, which was all 
 removable. They might use this treasure in 
 self-defense, but they were bound to replace 
 all that they had taken. By this estimate of 
 their wealth, he strove to encourage them. — 
 Thucydides, II. 
 
 Invasion of Attica. — The Lacedaemonians, 
 and their allies, with a great army, invaded 
 the Athenian territories, under the conduct of 
 king Archidamus, and laying waste the coun- 
 try, marchei on and p'tched their camp, pre- 
 suming that the Athenians v/ould never endure 
 that but would come out and fight them for their 
 country's and their honor's sake. But Pericles 
 looked upon it as dangerous to engage in battle, 
 to the r'sk of the c"ty itself, agamst sixty thou- 
 sand men-?t-aims of Peloponnesians and Boeo- 
 tians; and he endeavored to appease those who 
 were desirous to fight, and were grieved and dis- 
 contented to see how things went. — Plutarch, 
 Per iciest. 
 
 The Plague at Athens. — The disease ic- 
 
68 GREECE 
 
 said to have begun south of Egypt in Ethiopia; 
 thence it descended into Egypt and after spread- 
 ing over the greater part of the Persian Em- 
 pire, suddenly fell upon Athens. It first at- 
 tacked the inhabitants of the Piraeus, and it 
 was supposed that the Peloponnesians had 
 poisoned the cisterns. It afterwards reached 
 the upper city„ and then the mortality became 
 far greater. The crowding of the people out 
 of the country into the city aggravated the 
 misery; and the newly arrived suffered most. 
 For, having no houses of their own, but in- 
 habiting in the height of summer stifling huts, 
 the mortality among them was dreadful, and 
 they perished in wild disorder. — Thucydides, 11. 
 
 Pericles — Loses His Command. — The peo- 
 ple, distempered and afflicted in their souls, as 
 well as in their bodies, were utterly enraged 
 like madmen against Pericles, and, 'like patients 
 grown delirious, sought to lay violent hands 
 on their physician, or, as it were, their father. 
 They had been possessed, bj^ his enemies, with 
 the belief that the occasion of the plague was 
 the crowding of the country people together 
 into the town, forced as they were now, in the 
 heat of the summer weather, to dwell many of 
 them together even as they could, in small 
 tenements and stifling hovels, and to be tied to 
 a lazy course of life within doors, whereas be- 
 fore they lived in a pure, open, and free air. 
 The cause and author of all this, said they, is 
 who on account of the war has poured a multi- 
 tude of people from the country in upon us 
 within the walls, and uses all these many men 
 that he has here upon no employ or service, but 
 keeps them pent up like cattle, to be overrun 
 with infection from one another, affording them 
 neither shift of quarters nor any refreshment. 
 
 Pericles tried and endeavored what he could 
 to appease and reencourage them. But he could 
 
SIEGE OF PLATAEA 69 
 
 not pacify or allay their anger, nor persuade 
 or prevail Vv^ith them any way, till they freely 
 passed their votes upon him, resumed their 
 power, took away his command from him, and 
 fined him in a sum of money; which, by their ac- 
 count that say least was fifteen talents, while 
 they who reckon most, name fifty. The name 
 prefixed to the accusation was Cleon. 
 
 The city having made trial of other generals 
 for the conduct of war, and orators for busi- 
 ness of state, when they found there was no 
 one who was of weight enough for such a 
 charge, or of authority sufficient to be trusted 
 with so great a command, regretted the loss 
 of him, and invited him again to address and 
 advise them, and to reassume the oflSce of gen- 
 eral. He, however, lay at home in dejection and 
 mourning; but was persuaded by Alcibiades and 
 others of his friends to come abroad and show 
 himself to the people ; who having, upon his ap- 
 pearance, made their acknowledgments, and 
 apologized for their untowardly treatment of 
 him, he undertook the public affairs once more. 
 — Plutarch, Pericles. 
 
 Siege of Plataea. — Archidamus, king 
 of Sparta, besieged Plataea, since it was allied 
 with Athens for protection against Thebes. 
 Sparta favored Thebes and resented Plataea's 
 resisting the attempt of Thebes to control all 
 the towns of Boeotia through her league. 
 
 In the first place, the Spartan soldiers 
 felled the fruit trees and surrounded the city 
 with a stockade, that henceforth no one might 
 get out. They then began to raise a mound 
 against the city wall, thinking that with so large 
 an army at work, this would be the speediest 
 way at taking the place. So they cut timber 
 and built on either side of the intended mound 
 a frame of logs placed cross-wise, in order that 
 the material might not scatter. Thither they 
 
70 GREECE 
 
 carried wood, stones, earth and anything which 
 would fill up the vacant space. They continued 
 raising the mound seventy days and seventy 
 nights without intermission ; the army was 
 divided into relays, and one party worked while 
 the oth£r slept and ate. The Lacedaemonians' 
 officers stood over them and kept them at work. 
 The Plataeans, seeing the mound rising, con- 
 structed a wooden frame, which they set upon 
 the top of their own wall opposite the mound ; 
 in this they inserted bricks, which they took 
 from the neighboring houses ; the wood served 
 to strengthen and bind the structure together 
 p.s it increased in height ; they also hung cur- 
 tains of skins and hides in front ; these were 
 designed to protect the woodwork and the work- 
 ers, and shield them against blazing arrows. The 
 wooden v/all rose high, but the mound rose 
 quickly, too. Then the Plataeans had a new 
 devise; they made a hole in that part of the 
 wall against wh^ch the mound pressed and drew 
 in the earth. 
 
 The Peloponnesians discovered what they 
 were doing, and threw into the gap clay packed 
 in wattles of reed, which could not scatter and 
 like the loose earth be carried away. Where- 
 upon the Plataeans, baffled in one plan, re- 
 sorted to another. Calculating the direction, 
 they dug a mine from the city to the mound 
 and again drew the earth inward. For a long 
 time their assailants did not find them out, and 
 so what the Peloponnesians threw on was of 
 little use, since the mound was always being 
 drawn off below and settling into the vacant 
 space. But in spite of all their efforts, the 
 Plataeans were afraid that their numbers would 
 never hold out against so great an army; and 
 they devised yet another expedient. They left 
 off working at the great building opposite the 
 mound, and they built an inner wall projecting 
 
SIEGE OF PLATAEA 71 
 
 inwards in the shape of a crescent, that if the 
 first wall were taken the other might still be 
 defensible. The enemy would be obliged to be- 
 gin again and carry the mound right up to it, 
 and as they advanced inwards, would have their 
 trouble all over again. While the mound was 
 rising the Peloponnesians brought battering en- 
 gines up to the wall ; one which was moved for- 
 ward on the mound itself shook a great part of 
 the raised building, to the terror of the Platae- 
 ans. They brought up others, too, at other 
 points of the wall. But the Plataeans dropped 
 nooses over the ends of these engines and drew 
 them up ; they also let down huge beams sus- 
 pended at each end by a long iron chain from 
 two poles leaning on the wall and projecting over 
 it. These beams they drew up at right angles 
 to the advancing battering ram, and whenever 
 at any point it was about to attack them they 
 slackened their hold of the chains and let go 
 the beam, which fell Math great force and snap- 
 ped off the head of the ram. 
 
 At length the Peloponnesians, finding that 
 their engines were useless, and that the new 
 wail was rising opposite to the mound, and per- 
 ceiving that they could not without more formid- 
 able means of attack hope to take the city, made 
 preparations for a blockade. But first of all 
 they resolved to try whether, the wind favor- 
 ing, the place, which was but small, could not 
 be set on fire; they were anxious not to incur 
 the expense of a regular siege, and devised all 
 sorts of plans in order to avoid it. So they 
 brought faggots and threw them down from the 
 mound along the space between it and the 
 wall, which was soon filled up, when so many 
 hands were at work; then they threw more fag- 
 gots one upon another into the city as far as 
 they could reach from the top of the mound, 
 and casting in lighted brands with brimstone 
 
72 GREECE 
 
 and pitch, set them all on fire. A flame arose 
 of which the like had never before been made 
 by the hand of man ; I am not speaking of the 
 fires in the mountains, when the forest has 
 spontaneously blazed up from the action of the 
 wind and mutual attrition. There was a great 
 conflagration, and the Plataeans, who had thus 
 far escaped, were all but destroyed ; a con- 
 siderable part of the town was unapproachable, 
 and if a wind had come on and carried the 
 flame that way, as the enemy hoped, they 
 could not have been saved. It is said that 
 there was a violent storm oi thunder and rain, 
 which quenched the flames, and put an end 
 to the danger. 
 
 The Peloponnesians surrounded Plataea 
 with a wall. Trenches, out of which they took 
 clay for the bricks, were formed both on the 
 inner and the outer side of the wall. The 
 Plataeans had already conveyed to Athens their 
 wives, children, and old men, with the rest of 
 their unserviceable population. Those who re- 
 mained during the siege were four hundred 
 Plataeans, eighty Athenians, and a hundred, ten 
 women to make bread. These were their exact 
 numbers when the siege began. There was no 
 one else, slave or freeman, within the walls. — ■ 
 Thucydides, II. 
 
 Provisions had grown scarce, so one stormy 
 night [a division] stole out of the town gate 
 with their ladders on their backs, reached the 
 Spartan wall unperceived, set their ladders 
 against it, mounted, and surprised the slumber- 
 ing foe. The sentinels they cut to pieces, and 
 escaped through the very midst of the Spartan 
 army, all but one man ! The rest of the garri- 
 son, cheered by this heroic act, held out much 
 longer but at last they, too, had nothing more 
 to eat, and there was nothing further to do ex- 
 cept surrender. The Spartans put them all to 
 
SIEGE OF SPHACTERIA 73 
 
 miserable deaths, and burnt the town down to 
 the ground, all to please the Thebans.^Greece, 
 Harrison, U23. 
 
 Siege of Sphacteria. — Demosthenes in- 
 sisted that the Athenians should immediately 
 fortify Pylos. He showed them, that there was 
 at hand plenty of timber and stone for the work ; 
 that, besides the strength of its natural situation, 
 the place itself was barren, as was also the great- 
 est part of the adjacent country. 
 
 Tools they had none for hewing and fitting 
 the stones; but they picked out and carried such 
 as they judged most proper for the work, and 
 laid them one upon another as compactly as they 
 could. The mud that was anywhere requisite, for 
 want of vessels, they carried on their shoulders, 
 bending forwards as much as possible, that it 
 might have room to stick on, and holding it up 
 with both hands clasped behind that it might not 
 slide down. The largest part of it was so well 
 fortified by nature, that it stood in no need of 
 the defense of ait. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians were now preparing k> 
 attack the fortress both by land and sea, presum- 
 ing it would easily be destroyed, as the work had 
 been raised with so much precipitation and was 
 defended by so small a number of hands. They 
 designed to bar up the mouths of the harboi% so 
 as to render the entrance impracticable to the 
 Athen^'ans. For an isle wh^"ch is called Sphac- 
 teria, lying before and at a small distance, locks 
 :'t up and rendereth the mouths of the harbor 
 narrow; that near the fortvess of the Athenians 
 and Pylos, affords a passage for two ships only 
 abreast; and that between the other points of 
 land, for eight or nine. The whole of it, as 
 f-esGit, was overgrown with wood and quite im- 
 trod, and the compass of it at most is about fif- 
 teen stadia. They were therefore intent on shut- 
 ting up these enti^ances with ships moored close 
 
74 GREECE 
 
 together, and their heads towards the sea. And 
 to prevent the molestation apprehended, should 
 the enemy take possession of this island, they 
 threw into it a body of their heavy-armed, and 
 posted another body on the opposite shore. The 
 last body, who guarded that post, and were 
 forced to continue in it, consisted of about four 
 hundred and twenty, exclusive of the Helots who 
 attended them. 
 
 The Athenians had imagined a few days' 
 siege would have worn out a body of men shut 
 up in this barren island, and having only salt 
 water for their drink. But this had been re- 
 dressed by the Lacedaemonians, who had by a 
 public edict encouraged all who were willing to 
 carry over into the island meal and wine and 
 cheese, and any other eatable which might en- 
 able them to hold out, assigning a large pecuni- 
 ary rev^ard for any successful attempt of this 
 nature, and promising freedom to every Helot 
 who carried them provisions. The Helots put- 
 ting off from Peloponnesus (wherever they 
 chanced, to be) landed by favor of the dark 
 on the side of the island which lies upon the 
 main-sea. Their chief precaution was to run 
 over in a hard gale of wind. For whenever the 
 wind blew from the sea, they were in less dan- 
 ger of being discovered by the guard of triremes, 
 which then could not safely lie quiet round the 
 island. Such, further, as were expert at diving 
 swam over through the harbor, dragging after 
 them by a string bottles filled with poppies mixed 
 up with honey and the powder of linseed. These 
 for a time escaped discovery, but were after- 
 wards closely watched. 
 
 At Athens, in the meantime, the people, be- 
 ing informed of the hardships to which their 
 own forces were reduced, and that those in the 
 island received supplies of provisions, were per- 
 plexed how to act. They were full of appre- 
 
SIEGE OF SPHACTERIA 75 
 
 hensions lest the winter should put a stop to 
 their siege, being conscious of the impossibility 
 of procuring them subsistence from any part of 
 Peloponnesus ; and more so, as the soil about 
 them was barren, and that even in summer they 
 were not able to furnish them with necessary 
 supplies ; that further, as no harbors were in the 
 parts adjacent, there would be no commodious 
 road for their shipping, 
 
 Cleon gave his word that within twenty days 
 he would either bring the Lacedaemonians alive 
 or kill them on the spot. His vain words moved 
 the Athenians to laughter. And N^'cias stand- 
 ing up resigned his command at Pylos to him, 
 and bade him take what forces he pleased along 
 with him, and not be bold in words, out of 
 harm's way, but go forth and perform some real 
 service for the commonwealth. Cleon, at first, 
 tried to draw back, disconcerted at the proposal, 
 which he had never expected ; but the Athenians 
 insisting, and Nicias loudly upbraiding him, he 
 thus provoked, and fired with ambition, took 
 upon him the charge, and said further, that 
 within twenty days after he embarked, he would 
 either kill the enemy upon the place, or b'ring 
 them alive to Athens. This the Athenians were 
 readier to laugh at than to believe, as on other 
 occasions, also, his bold assertions and extrava- 
 gances used to make them sport, and were pleas- 
 ant enough. When the Athenians had passed 
 the necessary vote for Clson's expedition, he 
 made choice of Demosthenes, one of the generals 
 at Pylos, to be his colleague, and proceeded to 
 sail with all speed. Demosthenes divided the 
 force into parties of two hundred more or less, 
 who seized the highest points of the island in 
 order that the enemy, being completely sur- 
 rounded and d^'stracted by the number of their 
 opponents, might not know whom they should 
 face first, but might be exposed to missiles on 
 
76 GREECE 
 
 every side. For as they attacked those who were 
 in front, they would be assailed by those behind; 
 and which ever way they moved, the light-armej 
 t'^oops cf the enemy were sure to be in their rear. 
 These were the Spartans' most embarrassing op- 
 ponents, because they were armed with bows and 
 javelins and sb'ngs and stones, which could be 
 used with effect at a distance. They conquered 
 in their very fl'ght, and when an enemy re- 
 treated, pressed close at his heels. Such was the 
 plan of the descent which Demosthenes had in 
 his m'nd, and which he now carried into execu- 
 tion. At length, finding that so lon^ as thay 
 fought in the same narrow spot more and more 
 of their men were wounded, they closed their 
 ranks and fell back on the last fortification of 
 the island, which was not far off, and where 
 their other garrison was stationed. 
 
 There was no sign of the end. Finally the 
 general of the Messenian contingent came to 
 Cleon and Demosthenes and told them that the 
 aimy was throwing away its pains, but if they 
 would give h^m some archers and light-armed 
 troops and let him find a path by which he might 
 get round in the rear of the Lacedaemonians, he 
 thought that he could force the approach. Hav- 
 ing obtained his request he started from a point 
 out of sight of the enemy, and making h'S way 
 wherever the broken ground afforded a footing 
 and where the cliff was so steep that no guards 
 had been set, he and his men with great difficulty 
 got round unseen and suddenly appeared on the 
 summit in their rear, striking panic into the 
 astonished enemy and redoubling the courage 
 of his own friends who were watching for his 
 appearance. The Lacedaemonians were now as- 
 sailed on both sides, and to compare a smaller 
 thing to a greater, were in the same case with 
 their own countrymen at Thermopylae. For as 
 they perished when the Persians found a way 
 
CAUSE 77 
 
 round by the path, so now the besieged garrison 
 were attacked on both sides, and no longer re- 
 sisted. The disparity of numbers, and the fail- 
 ure of bodily strength arising from want of food, 
 compelled them to fall back, and the Athenians 
 were at length masters of the approaches. — 
 Thucydides, IV. 
 
 Expedition to Sicily 
 
 Cause. — Segesta and Selinus in Sicily went 
 to blows upon the differences between them con- 
 cerning the bounds of their country. For though 
 the river divided the territories of the several 
 c"ties that were at variance, yet the people of 
 Selinus passed over to the other side ,and seized 
 upon the lands lying next to the river ; and en- 
 croaching still by little and little, they gained the 
 next to them, and laughed and jeered at those 
 they thus abused. The matter was debated and 
 decreed, that ambassadors should be sent to 
 Athens, to desire their assistance for the relief 
 of the oppressed cities, and withal to promise 
 that they would do their utmost endeavor to 
 serve the Athenians in all their concerns in 
 Sicily. The Segestans promised a great sum of 
 money foi' the carrying on of the war, and with 
 all their power to oppose Syracuse, which city 
 had formerly joined the Peloponnesian League 
 and had led the other important cities of Sicily 
 to do likewise. — Diodcriis. 
 
 When the Segestans applied for aid Alci- 
 biades was charmed at the opportunity which it 
 seemed to afford for establishing a -great Athe- 
 nian empire in Sicily, and talked the Athenians 
 into an ecstacy of desire for the new sovereignty 
 awaiting them (as they thought) over the sea. 
 Nicias in vain struggled and strove against such 
 wild dreams and visions. 
 
 The Athenians, indeed, even in the lifetime 
 of Pericles had already cast a longing eye upon 
 
78 GREECE 
 
 Sicily, but did not attempt any thing till after 
 his death. Then, they sent succor upon all oc- 
 casion to those who were oppressed by the Syr- 
 acusans, preparing the way for sending over a 
 greater force. But Alcibiades . . . was the 
 person v/ho inflamed this desire of theirs to the 
 utmost, and prevailed upon them to sail out with 
 a great fleet and unieitaks at once to make them- 
 selves masters of the island, as they had already 
 dene of all the important Aegaean Islands. Al- 
 cibiades dreamed in the madness of his am- 
 bition of the conquest not only of Sicily, but 
 of Carthage and Libya, and ultimately of Italy 
 and the Peloponnesus. The young men caught 
 nre and "spouted tall talk," and talked wonders 
 of the lands they were going to see ; and num- 
 bers of them might be seen sitting in the wrest- 
 ling grounds and public places drawing on the 
 grounds the figure and situation of Carthage and 
 Libya. Socrates and Meton, the astrologer, how- 
 ever, never hoped for any good to the common- 
 wealth from this war. Meton, it is said, feigned 
 madness, caught up a burning torch, and made 
 as if he would set his own house on fire. 
 
 Urged on by an irresistible pressure, Nicias 
 at last consented to assume the command of the 
 expedition jointly with Alcibiades and Lamachus. 
 Nicias was an upright, cautious, slow-footed, su- 
 perstitious man, whose caution, it was supposed, 
 would temper the heat, rashness, and enthusiasm 
 of his fellow-generals. — Greece, Harrison, Uk-7- 
 U8. 
 
 Mutilation of the Statues of the God 
 OF Commerce. — The mutilation of the images of 
 Hermes most of which, in one night, had their 
 faces all disfigured, terrified many persons. It 
 was given out that it was done by the Corin- 
 thians, for the sake of the Syracusans, who were 
 their colony, in hopes that the Athenians, by 
 such prodigies, might be induced to delay or 
 
MUTILATION OF STATUES 79 
 
 abandon the war. Alike enraged and terrified 
 at the thing, the council, as well as the assem- 
 bly of the people, which was held frequently in 
 a few days' space, examined diligently every 
 thing that might administer ground for suspic- 
 ion. During this examination certain slaves and 
 strangers accused Alcibiades and some of his 
 friends of defacing other images in the same 
 manner, and of having profanely acted the 
 sacred mysteries at a drunken meeting. The 
 people were highly exasperated and incensed 
 against Alcibiades upon this accusation. But 
 when they perceived that all the seamen de- 
 signed for Sicily were for him, and the soldiers 
 also, and when the Argive and Mantinean aux- 
 iliaries, a thousand men at arms, openly declared 
 that they had undertaken this distant maritime 
 expedition for the sake of Alcibiades, and that, 
 if he was ill used, they would all go home, the 
 Athenians contrived that some orators should 
 stand up in the assembly and say, that it was 
 a very absurd thing for one who was created 
 general of such an army with absolute power, 
 after his troops were assembled, and the con- 
 federates were come should lose the opportunity. 
 And, therefore, let him set sail at once, good 
 fortune attend him ; and when the war should 
 be at an end, he might then in person make his 
 c'efense according to the laws. Alcibiades per- 
 ceived the malice of this postponement, and, ap- 
 pearing in the assembly, represented that it was 
 monstrous foi' him to be sent with the command 
 of so large an army, when he lay under such 
 r.rcusrt'ons and calumnies; t'lat he deserved to 
 die, if he could not clear himself of the crimes 
 objected to him; but when he had so done, and 
 had proved his innocence, he should then cheer- 
 fully apply himslf to the war as standing no 
 longer in fear of false accusers. But he could 
 not prevail with the people, who commanded him 
 
80 GREECE 
 
 to se.'l immed^iately. — Plutarch, Alcibiades. 
 
 About the middle of summer the expedition 
 started for Sic'ly. All the vessels were manned 
 with the best c"ews which could be obtained. — 
 Thucydides, VII. 
 
 i^^LciBiADES — A Turn-coat. — In Alcibiades' 
 abserice, his enemies attacked him more violently, 
 and confounded together the breaking the images 
 v/ith the profanation of the mysteries, as though 
 both had been committd in pursuance of the 
 same conspiracy for changing the government. 
 The people proceeded to imprison all that were 
 accused, without distinction, and without hear- 
 ing them, and repented now, considering the im- 
 portance of the charge, that they had not imme- 
 diately brought Alcibiades to his trial, and given 
 jiidliricnt arainst him. And in conclus^'on, they 
 sent to recall him. He was condemned as con- 
 tumac'cus upon his not appearing, his property 
 wrs confiscated and it v/as decreed that all the 
 priests and priestesses should solemnly curse 
 him. Alcibiades, lying under these heavy decrees 
 passed over into Peloponnesus and remained 
 somet'me at Argos, But being there in fear of 
 his enemies, and seeing himself utterly hopeless 
 of return to his native country, he sent to Spar- 
 ta, desiring safe conduct, and assuring them that 
 he would make them amends by his future se^"- 
 viccs for all the mischief he had done them while 
 he was their enemy. The Spartans giving h'm 
 the sccur-^ty he desired, he went eagerly, was 
 well received, and, at his veiy first coming, suc- 
 ceeded in inducing them without any further 
 caution or delay, to send aid to the Syracusans ; 
 and so roused and excited them that they forth- 
 with despatched Gylippus into Sicily to crush 
 the forces which the Athenians had in Sicily. 
 Then he urged them to renew the v/ar upon the 
 Athenians at home. — Plutarch, Alcibiades. 
 
 Siege of Syracuse. — And now began the 
 
SIEGE OF SYRACUSE 81 
 
 most famous and most disastrous siege of ancient 
 times. Syracuse was so large and so admirably 
 situated, with high ground behind it and the 
 sea in front, that it could not be taken in a 
 day, or in many days. Besides, the folly and 
 prosrastination of Nicias had given the people 
 an opportunity to fortify it strongly, and it could 
 not be taken by assault. The only chance there- 
 fore, was to starve it into submission by cutting 
 off all channels of communications by land and 
 by sea. — Greece, Harriscn, ^-52-.^53. 
 
 The Syracusans conceiving that their city 
 was safe, blocked up the mouth of their haven 
 with ships joined, and fastened together, to 
 hinder the flight of the Athenians by sea. To 
 which end they made a bridge with boats, gal- 
 leys, and other ships fixed with anchors, com- 
 pacted and fastened together with iron chains. 
 
 And now the crashing of ships one against 
 another, and the cries and shouts of combatants 
 and dying men, was heard in every place 
 throughout the whole harbor for sometimes one 
 single vessel was surrounded, and struck through 
 with the beaks of many and so the water forc- 
 ing in at the breaches, the ship with all the men, 
 in it, sunk together. And many endeavored to 
 save themselves by swimming, but were struck 
 through with darts, and wounded with spears, 
 and so miserably perished. 
 
 For what by storms of darts, crashing of 
 ships, brushing off of oars, increase of noise and 
 ciamor of them that were engaged and loud 
 shouts of the army upon the shore, encouraging 
 them upon the sea, none heard what orders were 
 given; for the shore was full of soldiers, the 
 Syracusans in one part, and the Athenians in 
 another. At length the Athenians nearest to 
 the city were forced to fly. Presently after, they 
 that were next gave back, till at length the whil" 
 fleet made away. Whereupon the Syracusans 
 
82 GREECE 
 
 pursued with a great shout. — Diodorus.- 
 
 Among the many miserable spectacles with 
 the land loice, that appeared up and down in 
 the camp, t^.e saddest sight of all was Nicias 
 himself, laboring under his malady, and un- 
 worthily ledi.ced to the scantiest supply of all 
 the accomrncdations necessary for human wants, 
 yet bearing up under this illness, and doing and 
 undergoing more than many in perfect health. 
 And it was plainly evident that all this toil v/as 
 not for himseli, or fiom any regard to his own 
 life, but that purely for the sake of those under 
 his command he would not abandon hope. And 
 indeed the lest were given over to weeping and 
 lamentation through fear or sorrow, but he, 
 whenever he yielded to anything of the kind, 
 did so, it was evident, from reflection upon the 
 shame and dishonor of the enterprise, con- 
 trasted with the greatness and glory of the 
 success he had anticipated, and not only the 
 sight of his person, but also, the recollection of 
 the arguments used to prevent this expedition 
 enhance a their sense of tiie undeservedncss of 
 his sufferings. — Plutarch, Nicias. 
 
 The captive Athenians and allies they de- 
 posited in the quarries, v/hich they thought 
 would be the safest place of confinement. 
 There were great numbers of them, and they 
 were crowded in a deep and narrow place. At 
 first the sun by day was still scorching and 
 suffocating, for they had no roof over their 
 heads, while the autumn nights were cold, and* 
 the extremes of temperature engendered violent 
 disorders. The corpses of those who died from 
 their wounds, exposure to heat and cold, and 
 the like, lay heaped one upon another. During 
 eight months they were allowed only about half 
 a pint of water and a pint of food a day. Every 
 kind of misery which could befall man in such 
 a place befell them. This was the condition of 
 
WORK OF ALCIBIADES 83 
 
 all the captives for about ten weeks. The whole 
 number of the public prisoners is not accurately 
 known, but they were not less than seven thou- 
 sand. Fleet and army perished from the face 
 of the earth, nothing was saved, and of the 
 many who went forth few returned home. Thus 
 ended the Sicilian expedition. — Thucydides, VII. 
 
 It is said that the Athenians would not be- 
 lieve their loss, in a great degree because of 
 the person who first brought them news of it. 
 For a certain stranger, it seems, coming to Pi- 
 raeus, and there sitting , in a barber's shop, be- 
 gan to talk of what had happened, as if the 
 Athenians already knew all that had passed ; 
 which the- barber hearing, before he acquainted 
 anybody else, ran as fast as he could up into 
 the city, addressed himself to the Archons, and 
 presently spread it about in the public place. On 
 which, there being everywhere, as may be imag- 
 ined, terror and consternation, the Archons sum- 
 moned a general assembly, and there brought in 
 the man and questioned him how he came to 
 know. And he, giving no satisfactory account, 
 was taken for a spreader of false intelligence 
 and a disturber of the city, and was, therefore, 
 fastened to the wheel and racked a long time, 
 till other messengers arrived that related the 
 whole disaster particularly. So hardly was 
 Nicias believed to have suffered the calamity 
 which he had often predicted. — Plutarch, Nicias. 
 Work of Alcibiades. 
 
 The renown which Alcibiades earned at 
 Sparta by his public services was equalled 
 by the admiration he attracted by his private 
 life; he captivated and won over everybody 
 by h"s conformity to Spartan habits. People 
 who saw him wearing his hair close cut, 
 bathing in cold water, eating coarse meal, and 
 dining on black broth doubted, or rather could 
 not believe, that he ever had a cook in his house, 
 
84 GREECE 
 
 or had ever seen a perfumer, or had worn a 
 mantle of Milesian purple. For he had, as it 
 was observed, this peculiar talent and artifice 
 for gaining men's affections, that he could at 
 once comply with and really embrace and enter 
 into their habits and ways of life, and change 
 faster than the chameleon. One color, indeed, 
 they say the chameleon cannot assume; it can- 
 not make itself appear white; but Alcibiades, 
 whether with good men or with bad, could adapt 
 himself to his company, and equally wear the 
 appearance of virtue or vice. At Sparta he was 
 devoted to athletic exercises, was frugal and re- 
 served; in Ionia, luxurious, gay and indolent; 
 in Thessaly, ever on horseback ; and when he 
 lived with Tissaphernes, the Persian satrap, he 
 exceeded the Persians themselves in magnificence 
 and pomp. Not that his natural disposition 
 changed so easily, nor that his real character 
 was so variable, but, whenever he was sensible 
 that by pursuing his own inclinations he might 
 give offense to those with whom he had occasion 
 to converse, he transformed himself into any 
 shape and adopted any fashion, that he observed 
 to be more agreeable to them. — Plutarch, Alci- 
 biades. 
 
 Agis, King of Sparta, [carrying out the sug- 
 gestion of Alcibiades] seized a strong place called 
 Decelea, in the heart of Attica, and kept an un- 
 conquerable garrison there, permanently, which 
 ate at the soul of Attica like an ulcer, ravaged 
 the fields, prevented the sowing of grain, de- 
 stroyed the cattle, allured the Attic slaves to 
 run away, and rendered the roads impassable. 
 The only way Athens could now get food was 
 artificially, through the vital tube, the Long 
 Wall. 
 
 Alcibiades urged the unseamanlike Lace- 
 daemonians to build a fieet to assist the lonians 
 to shake off the Athenian yoke. . . . An- 
 
ALCIBIADES 85 
 
 other blow to Athens was the alliance which was 
 now made between Sparta and the Persian 
 satrap Tissaphernes, Tissaphernes promised to 
 pay any Spartan troops that would come over 
 and help to overthrow the Athenian supremacy 
 in Ionia, which kept Ionia free from Persia. 
 As Sparta loved even Persia better than Athens, 
 her own blood, she committed the unspeakable 
 baseness of agreeing to this unhallowed and un- 
 natural alliance: she shamefully agreed to de- 
 liver up to an abominable Persian despot all the 
 f:ee glorious, liberty-lov:'ng Greek cities in Asia 
 Minor. — Greece, HaiTison, 459-4-61. 
 
 Alcibi'ades, himself, went to sea, procured 
 the immediate revolt of almost all Ionia, and co- 
 operating with the Lacedaemonian generals, did 
 great mischief to the Athenians. But Agis was 
 his enemy, impatient of his glory, as almost 
 every enterprise and every success was ascribed 
 to Alcibiades. Others also, of the most powerful 
 and ambitious amongst the Spartans, were pos- 
 sessed with jealousy of him, and at last, pre- 
 vailed with the magistrates in the city to send 
 Oideis into lon^a that he should be killed. Al- 
 cibiades however, had secret intelligence of this. 
 At last he retired to Tissaphernes, the king of 
 Persia's satrap, for his security and immediately 
 became the first and most influential person 
 about him.. Indeed the charm of daily inter- 
 coui se with him was more than any character 
 could resist or any disposition escape. . Even 
 those v^ho feared and envied him could not but 
 take delight, and have a sort of kindness for 
 h'm, v/hen they saw and were in his company. 
 So that Tissaphernes, otherwise a cruel char- 
 acter, and above all other Persians, a hater of 
 the Greeks, was yet so won by the flatteries of 
 Alcibiades, that he set himself even to exceed 
 him in responding to them. The most beautiful 
 of his parks, containing salubrious stream.s and 
 
86 GREECE 
 
 meadows, where he had built pavilions, and 
 places of retirement royally and exquisitely 
 adorned, received by his direction the name of 
 Alcibiades, and was always so called and so 
 spoken of. 
 
 Thus Alcibiades, quitting the interests of 
 the Spartans, whom he could no longer trust, 
 because he stood in fear of Agis, endeavored to 
 do them ill office, and render them odious to Tis- 
 saphernes, who by his means, was hindered 
 from assisting them vigorously, and from finally 
 ruining the Athenians. For his advice was to 
 furnish the Spartans but sparingly with money; 
 when the Athenians and Spartans wasted their 
 strength upon one another, they would both be- 
 come ready to submit to the king. Tissaphernes 
 readily pursued his counsel, and openly expressed 
 the liking and admiration which he had for him; 
 and the Athenians, now in their misfortunes, re- 
 pented them of their severe sentence against 
 him. And he, on the other side began to be troub- 
 led for them and to fear lest, if that common- 
 wealth were utterly destroyed, he should fall into 
 the hands of the Lacedaemonians, his enem'es. 
 At that time the whole strength of the Athe- 
 nians was in Samos. Their fleet maintained itself 
 here, and issued from these headquarters to 
 reduce such as had revolted, and to protect the 
 rest of their territories ; in one way or other still 
 contriving to be a match for their enemies at 
 sea. What they stood in fear of was Tissa- 
 phernes and the Phoenician fleet of one hundred. 
 and fifty galleys, which was said to be already 
 under sail ; if those came there remained then no 
 hopes for the commonwealth of Athens. Under- 
 standing this, Alcibiades sent secretly to the 
 chief men of the Athenians, who were then at 
 Samos, giving them hopes that we would make 
 Tissaphernes their friend ; he was willing, he 
 implied, to do some favor, not to the people, nor 
 
THE FOUR HUNDRED 87 
 
 in reliance upon them, but to the better citizens, 
 if only, like biave men, they would make the 
 attempt to put down the insolence of the people, 
 and by taking upon the the govei^nment, would 
 endeavor to save the city from ruin. — Plutarch, 
 Alcibiades. 
 
 The Four Hundred. 
 
 Therefore, . . . the rich men exerted 
 so overwhelming an influence that they car- 
 ried out the plan of Alcibiades for changing 
 the government. . . . Citizens knovN^n to be 
 zealous for the constitution were secretly assas- 
 s'nated ; the town was terrorized by deeds 
 of villainy and intimidation in the dark; no- 
 body knev/ who did and who didn't belong to 
 the plot ; and at last the craven Assembly, para- 
 lyzed with fear, was brought to abolish the 
 democratic form of government and all the 
 magistracies, and hand over the state into the 
 clutches of Fou: Hundred of the Nobles. . . 
 
 Great and lamentable was the outcry of the 
 army at Samos when it heard of what had been 
 done at Athens; the cry went to Heaven, and 
 they swore with great oaths that the democracy 
 should be preserved. Were they not the true 
 body of Athenian citizens, since those at home 
 had forever lost that name by abandoning the 
 constitution? Why should not they, far from 
 home as they were far away in these blue 
 Aegean seas — m.eet together, hold a popular as- 
 sembly, such as was their imperial right and 
 custom, and elect the regular magistrates of the 
 state? And so they did. The Democracy-on-the- 
 water was thus drawn up in deadly ai'ray against 
 the Oligarchy-on-the-land. 
 
 And now presto! Alcibiades changes again. 
 He is won over to their side by the democratic 
 leaders and breaks off all connection and inter- 
 course with the Four Hundred, doubtless think- 
 
88 GREECE 
 
 ing that a bird in the hand was worth two in 
 the bush — that a Democracy-on-the-Deep was 
 far better than an Oligarchy-in-the-Distance ; 
 especially as the Four Hundred had slighted him 
 — Alcibiades. 
 
 He was elected general of the democratic 
 fleet, in spite of the remembrance that most of 
 the fearful misfortunes of the Athenians were 
 due to him — that he had urged and insisted upon 
 the Syracusan War — that he had then turned 
 traitor and urged and insisted on the Spartans 
 sending Gylippus to Syracuse — that he had urged 
 and insisted upon Agis, the Spartan King, occu- 
 pying Decelea and ravaging the Attic territory — 
 and that he had brought about the revolt of 
 Chios. The soldiers were so infatuated by his 
 incomparable genius, by his "tall talk," by his 
 beauty, wit and eloquence, above all by their 
 notion that he was all-powerful with Tissa- 
 phernes, that they went blindfold and headlong 
 into this election, forgave him his innumerable 
 sins against them and Athens the Beloved, and 
 devoutly believed that now — now at last — he was 
 going to . . . return good for all the evil 
 he had done. — Greece, Harrison, Jt.63-Ji.65. 
 
 Return of Alcibiades. 
 
 He, however, desired not to owe his return 
 to the mere grace and commiseration of the 
 people, and resolved to come back, not with 
 empty hands, but with glory, and after some 
 service done. 
 
 Despairing of the help of the slippery- 
 tongued Tissaphernes, the Spartans moved their 
 fleet from Ionia to the Hellespont, with a view 
 to acting in concert with Pharzabazus, the Per- 
 sian satrap of Northern Asia Minor, and to as- 
 sist the towns in that part of the country which 
 puB azias o::^ snoixuB s^m '{^j9U8S-ure:^d^o u'biuoui 
 -a^peoBq aqj^ •suaq:^V uiojj asoo^ ua>iojq pnq 
 
RETURN OF ALCIBIADES 80 
 
 command the approaches to the Bosphorus and 
 the Hellespont, for thus he should be able to 
 cut off Athens from her supplies of wheat and 
 grain which came from the Black Sea. 
 
 As soon as the Athenians saw what their 
 enemies were after, off they shot out to sea from 
 Samos, following the trail of the Lacedaemonian 
 fleet like blood-hounds. 
 
 Receiving intelligence that the Spartan ad- 
 miral, had sailed with his whole army into the 
 Hellespont, and that the Athenians had followed 
 him, Alcibiades hurried to succor the Athenian 
 commanders. They not only secured to them- 
 selves the Hellespont, but by force drove the 
 Lacedaemonians from out of all the rest of the 
 sea. They intercepted some letters written to 
 the ephors, which gave an account of this fatal 
 overthrow, after their short, laconic manner: 
 "Our hopes are at an end. Mindarus is slain. 
 The men starve. We know not what to do." 
 
 And now Alcibiades began to desire to see 
 his native country again, or rather to show his 
 fellow-citizens a person who had gained many 
 victories for them. He set sail for Athens, the 
 ship that accompanied him being adorned with 
 great numbers of shields and other spoils, and 
 towing after them many galleys taken from the 
 enemy, and the ensigns and ornaments of many 
 others which he had sunk and destroyed ; all of 
 them together amounting to two hundred. 
 
 As he sailed into the harbor great crowds 
 flocked to meet the vessels. Wonderment, mixed 
 with a desire to see Alcibiades, was the prevail- 
 ing sentiment of the multitude. Of him they 
 spoke: some asserting that he was the best of 
 citizens, and that in his sole instance banish- 
 ment had been ill-deserved. He had been the 
 victim of plots, hatched in the brains of people 
 less able than himself, however much they might 
 excel in pestilent speech ; men whose one prin- 
 
90 GREECE 
 
 ciple of statecraft was to look to their private 
 gains ; whereas this man's policy had ever been 
 to uphold the common weal, as much by his 
 private means as by all the power of the state. 
 His own choice, eight years ago, when the charge 
 of impiety in the matter of the mysteries was 
 still fresh, would have been to submit to trial at 
 once. It was his personal foes, who had suc- 
 ceeded in postponing that undeniably just pro- 
 cedure; who waited till his back was turned, 
 and then robbed him of his fatherland. Then 
 it was that, being made the very slave of cir- 
 cumstance, he was driven to court by the men 
 he hated most ; and at a time when his own life 
 was in daily peril, he must see his dearest 
 friends and fellow-citizens, nay, the very state 
 itself, bent on a suicidal course. 
 
 Others, however, insisted that for all their 
 past miseries and misfortunes Alcibiades alone 
 was responsible : "If more trials were still in 
 store for the state, here was the master m'schief- 
 maker ready at his post to precipitate them." 
 
 When the vessels came to their moorings 
 close to the land, Alcibiades, from fear of his 
 enemies, was unwilling to disembark at once. 
 Mounting on the quarterdeck, he scanned the 
 multitude, anxious to make certain of the pres- 
 ence of his friends. Presently his eyes lit upon 
 his cousin, and then on the rest of his relations 
 and other friends. 
 
 As soon as he was landed, the multitude who 
 came out to meet him scarcely seemed so much 
 as to see any of the other captains, but came in 
 throngs about Alcibiades, and saluted him with 
 acclamations, and still followed him ; those who 
 could press near him crowned him with garlands, 
 and they who could not come up so close yet 
 stayed to behold him afar off, and the old men 
 pointed him out, and showed him to the young 
 ones. Nevertheless, this public joy was mixed 
 
BATTLE OF AEGOSPOTAMI 91 
 
 with some tears, and the present happiness was 
 allayed by the remembrances of the miseries 
 they had endured. They made reflections, that 
 they could not have so unfortunately miscarried 
 in Sicily, if they had left the management of 
 their affairs to Alcibiades, since, upon his under- 
 taking the administration, when they were in a 
 manner driven from the sea, and could scarce 
 defend the suburbs of their city by land, he had 
 raised them up from this low and deplorable 
 condition, and had not only restored them to 
 their ancient dominion of the sea, but had also 
 made them everywhere victorious over their 
 enemies on land. The people crowned him with 
 crowns of gold, and created him general both at 
 land and sea, with' absolute power. — Plutarch, 
 Alcibiades. 
 
 After he had with all courteous behavior 
 saluted the people, he called an assembly, where 
 having made a long defense for the clearing of 
 his innrccnce, he so insinuated himself into the 
 good-will of the people, that all cast the blame 
 of the dooms and judgments against him upon 
 the city itself; and therefore they restored all 
 his estate, not long before confiscated, and threw 
 the records of h:'s condemnation into the sea. — 
 Diodoriis, XIII. 
 
 Battle of Aegospotami. 
 
 Lysander commanded the mariners and 
 pilots to go on board at dawn, as if there 
 should be a battle as soon as it was day, 
 and to sit there in order, and without any 
 noise, excepting what should be commanded, 
 and in like manner that the land army 
 should remain quietly in their ranks by the 
 sea. But the sun rising, and the Athenians 
 challenging them to battle, he, though he had 
 had his ships all drawn up and manned before 
 daybreak, nevertheless did not stir. He merely 
 
92 GREECE 
 
 sent some small boats to those who lay foremost, 
 and bade them keep still and stay in their order; 
 not to be disturbed, and none of them to sail out 
 and offer battle. So about evening, the Athen- 
 ians sailing back, he would not let the seamen 
 go out of the ships before two or three, which 
 he had sent to espy, were returned, after seeing 
 the enemies disembark. And thus they did the 
 next day, and the third, and so to the fourth. 
 So that the Athenians grew extremely confident, 
 and disdained their enemies as if they had been 
 afraid and daunted. 
 
 But on the fifth day, the Athenians having 
 sailed towards them, and gone back again as 
 they were used , to do, very proudly and full of 
 contempt, Lysander sending some ships, as usual, 
 to lookout, commanded the masters of them that 
 when they saw the Athenians go to land, they 
 should row back aga^'n vv^ith all their speed, and 
 that when they were half-way across, they should 
 lift up a brazen shield from the foredeck, as the 
 sign of battle. And he himself sailing round, 
 encouraged the pilots and masters of the ships, 
 and exhoited them to keep all their men to their 
 places, seamen and soldiers alike, and as soon 
 as ever the sign should be given, to row up 
 boldly to their enemies. Accordingly, when the 
 shield had been lifted up from the ships, and 
 the trumpet from the admiral's vessel had 
 sounded for the battle, the ships rowed up, and 
 the foct soldiers strove to get along by the shore 
 to the promontory. The distance there between 
 the two continents is fifteen furlongs, which, by 
 the zeal and eagerness of the rowers, was quickly 
 traversed. Conon, one of the Athenian com- 
 manders, was the first who saw from the land 
 the fleet advancing, and shouted out to embark, 
 and in the greatest distress bade some and en- 
 treated others, and some he forced to man the 
 ships. But all his diligence signified nothing,* 
 
TYRANNIES 95 
 
 and had performed a great and noble service 
 to Hellas in the most perilous of emergencies. 
 On the contrary, they are willing to offer peace 
 on the teims now specified — namely: "that the 
 Long Walls and the fortifications of Piraeus 
 should be destroyed ; that the Athenian fleet, 
 with the exception of twelve vessels, should be 
 surrendered ; that the exiles should be restored ; 
 and lastly, that the Athenians should acknowl- 
 edge the headship of Sparta in peace and war, 
 leaving to her the choice of friends and foes, and 
 following her lead by land and sea. A small 
 minority raised their voice in opposition, but 
 the majority were strongly in favor of the 
 proposition, and the resolution was passed to 
 accept the peace. After that, Lysander sailed 
 into the Piraeus, and the exiles were readmitted. 
 And so they fell to levelling the fortifications and 
 walls with much enthusiasm, to the accompani- 
 ment of female flute-players, deeming that day 
 the beginning of liberty to Greece. — Hellenica 1, 
 Xenophon. 
 
 Tyrannies — Spartan Supremacy. 
 The downfall of her foe of course left Spar- 
 ta supreme over all the places that had been 
 subject to Athens, and all that Lysander now 
 had to do was to go through the cities and es- 
 tablish oligarchies in each of ten citizens favor- 
 able to Sparta, and a Spartan Harmost or man- 
 aging governor. These Spartan . . . har- 
 mosts, ruled with a leaden hand, and their op- 
 pressions made them odious to all the Greek 
 states. The vSpartans, from having been very 
 poor, passed triumphantly into the possession of 
 great wealth ; the state once established by 
 Lycurgus on a foundation of poverty and self- 
 denial became thoroughly corrupt; and a few 
 rich and powerful citizens changed the character 
 of the state, leaving the other citizens jealous 
 and discontented. — Greece, Harriscn, Jf73. 
 
Aeginetans and many another Hellene city. On 
 the following day the public assembly met, and, 
 after debate, it was resolved to block up all the 
 harbors save one, and to make all other neces- 
 saiy preparation for a siege. Such were the 
 conceins of the men of Athens. In a moment of 
 time, after the sea-fight, the whole of Hellas had 
 revolted from Athens, with the solitary excep- 
 tion of the men of Samos. 
 
 In obedience to a general order of Pausanias, 
 the other king of Lacedaemon, a levy of the 
 Lacedaemonians was set in motion for a cam- 
 pa'gn. The king put himself at their head and 
 marched against Athens, encamping in the gym- 
 nasium, of the Academy, as it is called. Lysan- 
 der had now reached Aegina, where, having got 
 together as many of the former inhabitants as 
 possible, he formally reinstated them in their 
 city. He then pillaged the island of Salamis, and 
 finally came to moorings off Piraeus with one 
 hundred and fifty ships of the line, and estab- 
 lished a strict blockade against all merchantships 
 entering that harbor. 
 
 The Athenians finding themselves besieged 
 by land and sea, were in sore perplexity what to 
 do. Without ships, without allies, without pro- 
 visions, the belief gained hold upon them that 
 there was no way of escape. They must now, 
 in their turn, suffer what they had themselves 
 inflicted upon others ; not in retaliation, indeed, 
 for ills received, but out of sheer insolence, over- 
 riding the citizens of petty states. In this frame 
 of mind they schooled themselves to endurance; 
 and, albeit many succumbed to starvation, no 
 thought of truce or reconciliation with their 
 foes was breathed. A general assembly was 
 convened at Sparta in which the Corinthians and 
 Thebans more particularly, urged the meeting 
 not to come to terms with the Athenians, but 
 to destroy them. The Lacedaemonians replied 
 that they would never reduce to slavery a city 
 which was itself an integral portion of Hellas,| 
 
 ^-d^ 
 
FALL OF ATHENS 93 
 
 because the men were scattered about : for as 
 soon as they came out of the ships, expecting 
 no such matter, some went to market, others 
 walked about the country, or went to sleep in 
 their tents, or got their dinners ready, being, 
 through their commanders' want of skill, as far 
 as possible from any thought of what was to 
 happen ; and the enemy now coming up with 
 shouts and noise, Conon, with eight ships, sailed, 
 out. The Peloponnesians falling upon the rest, 
 some they took quite empty, and some they de- 
 stroyed while they were fillmg; the m_en, mean- 
 time, coming unarmed and scattered to help, 
 died at the^r ships, or, flying by land, were slain, 
 their enemies disembarking and pursuing them. 
 Lysander took three thousand prisoners, with 
 the generals, and the whole fleet, excepting those 
 which fled with Conon. So taking their ships in 
 tow, and having plundered their tents, with pipe 
 and songs of victory, he sailed back, having ac- 
 complished a great work v/ith small pains. The 
 Peloponnes'^an War, after having been the de- 
 struction of more commanders than all the pre- 
 vious wars of Greece put together, was now 
 put an end to by the good counsel and ready 
 conduct of one man. — Plutarch, Lysander. 
 
 Fall of Athens. 
 
 It was night when the evil tidmjrs reached 
 Athens, on receint of which a bitter v/ail of 
 woe broke forth. From Piraeus, following 
 the line of the Lon^ Walls ud to the hea.>'t 
 of the city, it swept and swelled, as each 
 man to his neighbor passed on the news. On 
 that night no man slept. There was moui^ning 
 and sorrow for those that were lost, but the 
 lamentation for the dead was merged in even 
 deeper sorrow for themselves, as they Dictured 
 the evils they were about to suffer, the like of 
 which they had themselves inflicted upon the i 
 
95 GREECE 
 
 The Athenian DemocRx\cy Restored. 
 
 A fitting epilogue to such a drama is the 
 sharp Tyranny of the Thirty Tyrants, which now 
 Ciowed and exulted over the downfall of stricken 
 Athens and her great democracy. Lysander, 
 namely, helped thirty of the most violent among 
 the nobles to overthrow the last lingering rem- 
 nant of popular government in Attica, and set 
 themselves up as the representatives of the state. 
 Critias was the ringleader of these. A frantic 
 scene ensued; . . . hundreds weltered in 
 their blood at the beck and call of these blood- 
 thirsty monsters; such violence, wickedness, and 
 crelty as had never before been known in en- 
 lightened Athens, celebrated the advent of these 
 m_urderous wretches. Worse still, they were pro- 
 tected in their deviltries by a Spartan garrison 
 — a gang of hateful foreigners who gloated over 
 the shame of the kindred of Pericles and Aris- 
 tides, of Socrates and Aeschylus. 
 
 But, it seems, even this Gehenna had an end ; 
 the citizens who had been banished now gathered 
 in a half-crazed band and, after eight months of 
 suffering, marched upon their town. Drawn 
 battles were fought, and at last the Spartans 
 saws that it was utterly impossible for them to 
 protect the Thirty. The democracy was restored 
 and showed plainly enough that whatever might 
 have been its shortcomings in the past, it had 
 never perpetrated such atrocities as the oligarch- 
 ical governments of the Four Hundred and the 
 Thirty. 
 
 Thus the Dying Lion suddenly came to life 
 again. — Greece, Harrison, UIO. 
 
 Agesilaus. 
 
 Charoclea. — Archidamus having reigned 
 
 gloriously over the Lacedaemonians, left behind 
 
 him two sons, Agis, the older, Agesilaus, much 
 
 the younger. Now the succession belonging 
 
AGESILAUS 97 
 
 to Agis by law, Agesilaiis, who in all prob- 
 ability was to be but a private man, was edu- 
 cated according to the usual discipline of the 
 country, hard and severe, and meant to teach 
 young men to obey their superiors. Sparta 
 was called "the tamer of men," because by 
 early strictness of education, they, more than 
 any other nation, trained the citizens to obedi- 
 ence to the laws, and made them tractable 
 and patient of subjection, as horses that are 
 broken in while colts. The law did not im- 
 pose this harsh rule on the heirs apparent of 
 the kingdom. But Agesilaus, whose good for- 
 tune it was to be born a younger brother, was 
 consequently bred to all the arts of obedience, 
 and so the better fitted for the government, when 
 it fell to his share; hence it was that he proved 
 the most popular-tempered of the Spartan kings, 
 his early life having added to his natural kingly 
 and commanding qualities, the gentle and human 
 feelings of a citizen. He was one of the highest 
 spirits, emulous above any of his companions, 
 ambitious of preeminence in every thing, and 
 showed an impetuosity and fervor of mind 
 which irresistibly carried him through all prop- 
 ositions or difficulty he could meet with. He 
 had one leg shorter than the other, but this 
 deformity was little observed in a general beauty 
 of person in youth. And the easy way in which 
 he bore it [he being the first always to pass a 
 jest upon himself] went far to make it disre- 
 garded. And indeed his high spirit and eager- 
 ness to distinguish himself were all the more 
 conspicuous by it, smce he never let his lame- 
 ness withhold h:m from any toil or any brave 
 action. Neither his statue nor picture are ex- 
 tant, he never allowing them in his life, and 
 utterly forbidding them to be made after his 
 death. He is said to have been a little man, of 
 a contemptible presence ; but the goodness of his 
 
98 GREECE 
 
 humors, and his constant cheerfulness and play- 
 fulness of temper, always free from anything 
 of moroseness or haughtiness, made him more at- 
 tractive, even to his old age, than the most beau- 
 tifitl and youthful men of the nation. 
 
 In so great an army, you should scarce find 
 a comm.on soldier lie on a coarser mattress, than 
 Agesilaus ; he was so indifferent to the varieties 
 of heat and cold, that all the seasons, as the gods 
 sent them, seemed natural to him. The Greeks 
 that inhabited Asia were much pleased to see 
 the g-cat lords and governors of Persia, with 
 all the pride, cruelty, and luxury in which they 
 lived, trembling and bowing before a man in a 
 poor threadbare cloak. — Plutarch, Agesilaus. 
 
 Persia Tries To Win the Supremacy of the 
 Seas from Sparta. 
 
 When Agesilaus was newly entered upon the 
 government, there came news from iVsia, that the 
 Persian king was making great naval prepara- 
 tions, resolving with a high hand to dispossess 
 the Spartans of their maritime supremacy. 
 
 Many parts of Asia now revolting from the 
 Persians, Agesilaus restored order in the cities, 
 and without bloodshed or banishment of any of 
 their members, re-established the proper consti- 
 tution in the governments, and now resolved to 
 carry away the war from the seaside, and to 
 march further up into the country, and to attack 
 the king of Persia himself in his own home in 
 Susa, not willing to let the monarch sit idle 
 in his chair, playing umpire in the conflicts of 
 the Greeks, and bribing their popular leaders. 
 But these great thoughts were interrupted by 
 unhappy news from Sparta, which was then in- 
 volved in a great war; 
 
 Others could not. 
 She doth herself o'erthrow. 
 What better can we say of those jealousies, and 
 
BATTLE 99 
 
 that league and conspiracy of the Greeks, which 
 recalled into Greece the war which had been 
 banished out of her. 
 
 Happy was Sparta, meanwhile, in the justice 
 and modesty of Agesilaus, and in the deference 
 he paid to the laws of his country; who immedi- 
 ately upon receipt of his orders, though in the 
 midst of his high fortune and power, and in 
 full hope of great and glorious success, gave all 
 up and instantly departed, ''his object un- 
 achieved," leaving many regrets behind him 
 among his allies in Asia. — Plutarch, Agesilaus. 
 
 The coin of Persia was stamped with the 
 figure of an archer; Agesilaus said, that a thou- 
 sand Persian archers had driven him out of 
 Asia; meaning the money that had been laid out 
 in bribing the demagogues and the orators in 
 Thebes and Athens, and thus inciting those two 
 states to hostility against Sparta. 
 
 Having passed the Hellespont, he marched 
 by land through Thrace, not begging or entreat- 
 ing a passage anywhere, only he sent his mes- 
 sengers to them, to demand whether they would 
 have him pass as a friend or as an enemy. 
 
 Agesilaus, having gained Thermopylae and 
 passed quietly through Phocis, as soon as he had 
 enteied Bocotia, and p'tched his camp near 
 Chaeronea, at once met with an eclipse of the sun, 
 and with ill news from the navy, the Spartan 
 admiral being beaten and slain at Cnidos by 
 Conon. 
 
 The battle was fiercely carried on on both 
 sides, especially near Agesilaus' person,, whose 
 new guard of fifty volunteers stood him in great 
 stead that day, and saved his life. They fought 
 with great valor, and interposed their bodies 
 frequently between him and danger, yet could 
 they not so preserve him, but that he received 
 many wounds through his armor with lances 
 
100 GREECE 
 
 and swords, and was with much difficulty gotten 
 off alive by their mal-cing a ring about him, and 
 so guarding him, with the slaughter of many of 
 the enemy and the . loss of many of their own 
 number. 
 
 Agesilaus, sore wounded as he was, would 
 not be borne to his tent till he had been first 
 cairied about the field, and had seen the dead 
 conveyed within his encampment. 
 
 Thence he returned to his own country, 
 where his way and habits of life quickly excited 
 the affection and admiration of the Spartans; 
 for, unlike other generals, he came home from 
 foreign lands the same man that he went out, 
 having not so learned the fashions of other 
 countries as to forget his own, much less to dis- 
 like or despise them. He followed and respected 
 all the Spartan customs, without any change 
 either in the manner of his supping, or bathing, 
 or his wife's apparel, as if he had never traveled 
 over the river Eurotas. So also with his house- 
 hold furniture and his own armor, nay, the very 
 gates of his house were so old that they might 
 well be thought of Aristodemus's setting up. His 
 daughter's Canathrum was no richer than that 
 of anyone else. The Canathrum, as they call it, 
 is a chair or chariot made of wood, in the shape 
 cf a Griffin, on which the children and young- 
 virgins are carried in processions. — Plutarch, 
 Agesilaus. 
 
 Persia Retains Her Power in Asia and 
 Gains Two Islands. — When Conon and Phar- 
 nabazus with the Persian navy were grown mas- 
 ters of the sea, and had not only infested the 
 coast of Laconia, but also rebuilt the walls of 
 Athens, the Lacedaemonians thought fit to treat 
 of peace with the king of Persia. To that end 
 they sent Antalcidas to Tiribazus, basely and 
 wickedly betraying the Asiatic Greeks, on whose 
 
DEATH GF AGESILAUS 101 
 
 behalf Agesilaus had made the war. But no 
 part of this dishonor fell upon Agesilaus, the 
 whole being transacted by Antalcidas, who was ■ 
 his bitter enemy, and was urgent for peace upon 
 any terms, because war was sure to increase the 
 power and reputation of Agesilaus. — Plutarch, 
 Agesilaus. 
 
 When Tiribazus issued a summons, calling 
 on all who were willing to listen to the terms of 
 peace sent down by the king to present them- 
 selves, the invitation was promptly accepted. At 
 the opening of the conclave Tiribazus pointed to 
 the king's seal attached to the document, and 
 proceeded to read the contents, which ran as 
 follows: "The king, Artaxerxes, deems it just 
 that the cities in Asia, with the islands of 
 Clazomenae and Cyprus, should belong to him- 
 self; the rest of the Hellenic cities he thinks it 
 just to leave independent, both small and great, 
 with the exception of . . . three, (which) 
 are to belong to Athens as of yore." 
 
 Death of Agesilaus. 
 
 As Agesilaus was returning from Egypt he 
 fell ill and died. His friends, in order the more 
 conveniently to convey him to Sparta, enveloped 
 his body, as they had no honey, in wax and so 
 carried it home. — Nepos. 
 
 And you may also to this day see Agesilaus's 
 spear kept in Sparta, nothing differing from that 
 of other men. — Plutarch, Agesilaus. 
 
104 GREECE 
 
 Spartans while in disorder, though the Lacedae- 
 monians, the expertest and most practiced sol- 
 diers of all mankind, used to train and accustom 
 themselves to nothing so much as to keep them- 
 selves from confusion upon any change of posi- 
 tion, and to follow any leader, or right hand 
 man, and form in order, and fight on what part 
 soever dangers press. In this battle, however, 
 Epaminondas with his phalanx, neglecting the 
 other Greeks, and charging them alone, and 
 Pelopidas coming up v/ith such incredible speed 
 and fury, so broke their courage and baffled their 
 art that there began such a flight and slaughter 
 amongst the Spartans as was never . before 
 known. And so Pelopidas, though in no high of- 
 fice, but only captain of a small band, got as 
 much reputation by the victory as Epaminondas, 
 who was general and chief captain of Boeotia. — 
 Plutarch, Pelopidas. 
 
 After these events a messenger was des- 
 patched to Lacedaemon with news of the calam- 
 ity. He reached his destination just when the 
 chorus of grown men had entered the theater. 
 The ephors heard the mournful tidings not with- 
 out grief and pain ; but for all that they did not 
 dismiss the chorus, but allowed the contest to 
 run out its natural course. What they did was 
 to deliver the names of those v/ho had fallen to 
 their friends and families, with a word of warn- 
 ing to the women not to make any loud lamenta- 
 tion, but to bear their sorrow in silence ; and the 
 next day it was a striking spectacle to see those 
 who had relations among the slain moving to 
 and fro in public with bright and radiant looks, 
 whilst of those whose friends were reported to 
 be living barely a man was to be seen, and these 
 flitted by v/ith lowered heads and scowling 
 brows, as if in humiliation. — Hellenica II, Xeno- 
 phofi. 
 
BATTLE OF LEUCTRA 103 
 
 order that they might accomplish their journey 
 with less suspicion. — Nepos. 
 
 EPAMINONDAS — THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Battle of Leuctra. — When the Lacedae- 
 monians had made peace with the other Greeks 
 and united all their strength against the The- 
 bans only, not only subjection, as heretofore, 
 but total dispersion and annihilation threatened, 
 and Boeotia was in a greater fear than ever. 
 
 Pelopidas, leaving his house, when his wife 
 followed him on his way and with tears begged 
 him to be careful of his life, made answer, "Pri- 
 vate men, my wife, should be advised to look to 
 themselves, generals to save others." — Plutarch, 
 Pelopidas. 
 
 Epaminondas chose out of the whole army 
 the best and strongest of the soldiers, and placed 
 them in that wing where he himself would com- 
 mand. In the other he placed his weaker men, 
 not to abide the enemies' charge, but by a soft 
 and slow retreat to avoid the shock. And now 
 the trumpets sounded a charge on both sides. 
 The Lacedaemonians came on with both their 
 wings in the fashion of a half -moon. On the 
 other hand the Boeotians retreated with one of 
 their wings, and charged fiercely on the enemy 
 with the other. — Diodcrus. 
 
 In the battle, Epaminondas, bending his 
 phalanx to the left, that, as much as possible, 
 he might divide the right wing, composed of 
 Soartans, from the other Greeks, and distress 
 Cleombrotus by a fierce charge in column on 
 that wing, the enemies perceived the design, and 
 began to change their order, to open and extend 
 their right wing, and, as they far exceeded him 
 in number, to encompass Epaminondas. But 
 Pelopidas with the three hundred came rapidly 
 up, before Cleombrotus could extend his line, and 
 close up his divisions, and so fell upon the 
 
102 GREECE 
 
 Sparta, Having Represented Greece in Nego- 
 tiating THE Peace With Persia, Feels 
 Strong Enough to Encroach 
 Upon Other Powers. 
 
 Pelopidas, the Lacedaemonian, v/hen he was 
 leading an army against Olynthus, an ally of 
 Athens, and marching through the territory of 
 Thebes, possessed himself of the citadel of 
 Thebes, which is called the Cadmea, and this he 
 did of his own private determination, not from 
 any public resolution of his countrymen. For 
 this act the Lacedaemonians removed him from 
 his command of the army and fined him a sum 
 cf money, but did not show the more inclination, 
 on that account, to restore the citadel to the 
 Thebans, for after the Peloponnesian War was 
 ended, and Athens subdued, they supposed that 
 the contest must be between them and the 
 Thebans, and that they v/ere the only people 
 who would venture to make head against them. 
 ¥/ith this belief they committed the chief posts 
 to their own friends, while they partly put to 
 death and partly banished the leading men of the 
 opposite party ; and amongst them Pelopidas was 
 expelled from his country. 
 
 Almost all these exiles had betaken them- 
 selves to Athens. — Nepos. 
 
 Pelopidas, though one of the youngest, was 
 active in privately exciting each single exile, 
 and often told them at their meetings that it 
 was both dishonorable and impius to neglect 
 their enslaved and engarrisoned country, and 
 lazily contented with their own lives and safety 
 to depend on the decree of the Athenians. — 
 Plutarch, Pelopidas. 
 
 Twelve, whose leader was Pelopidas, quit- 
 ting Athens in the daytime, with a view to reach 
 Thebes when the sky was obscured by evening, 
 set out with hunting dogs, carrying nets in 
 their hands, and in the dress of countrymen, in 
 
BATTLE OF MANTINEA 105 
 
 Pelopidas Takes Philip as a Hostage. — 
 Pelopiclas marched into Macedonia, where 
 Ptolemy was then at war with the king of 
 Macedon, both parties having sent for him to 
 hear and determine their dixferences and assist 
 the one that appeared injured. When he came 
 he reconciled them, calling back the exiles; and 
 receiving for hostages Philip, the king's brother, 
 and thirty children of the nobles, he brought 
 them to Thebes, showing the other Greeks how 
 wide a reputation the Thebans had gained for 
 honesty and courage. This was that Philip who 
 afterwards endeavored to enslave the Greeks. — 
 Plutarch, Pelopiclas. 
 
 Battle of Mantinea. — Wonderful to my 
 mind was the pitch of perfection to which 
 Epaminondas had brought his army. There was 
 no labor which his troops would shrink from, 
 either by night or by day; there was no danger 
 they would flinch from, and, with the scantiest 
 provisions, their discipline never failed them. 
 And so, when he gave his last orders to them to 
 prepare for impending battle, they obeyed with 
 alacrity. He gave the word; the cavalry fell to 
 whitening their helmets, the heavy infantry of 
 the Arcadians began inscribing clubs as the 
 crest on their shields, as though they were 
 Thebans, and all were engaged in sharpening 
 their lances and swords and polishing their 
 heavy shields. When the preparations were 
 complete and he had led them out, his next 
 movement is worthy of attention. First, as was 
 natural, he paid heed to their formation, and 
 "*n so domg seemed to give clear evidence that he 
 intended battle; but no sooner was the aimy 
 drawn up in the formation which he preferred 
 than he advanced, not by the shortest route to 
 meet the enemy, but towards the westward-lying 
 mountains which face Tegea, and by this move- 
 ment created in the enemy an expectation that 
 
106 GREECE 
 
 he would not do battle on that day. In keep- 
 ing with this expectation, as soon as he arrived 
 at the mountain region he extended his phalanx 
 in long line and piled arms under the high 
 cliffs, and to all appearances he was there en- 
 camping. The effect of this maneuver on the 
 enemy in general was to relax the prepared 
 bent of their souls for battle. Presently, how- 
 ever, wheeling his regiments, which were march- 
 ing in column, to the front, with the effect of 
 strengthening the beak-like attack which he pro- 
 posed to lead himself, at the same instant he 
 gave the order, "Shoulder arms, forward," and 
 led the way, the troops following. 
 
 When the enemy saw them so unexpectedly 
 approaching, not one of them was able to main- 
 tain tranquillity ; some began running to their 
 divisions, some fell into line, some might be seen 
 bitting and bridling their horses, some donning 
 their cuirasses, and one and all were like men 
 about to receive rather than to inflict a blow. 
 He, the while, with steady impetus pushed for- 
 ward his armament like a ship-of-war prow for- 
 ward. Wherever he brought his solid wedge to 
 bear he meant to cleave through the opposing 
 mass and crumble his adversary's host to pieces. 
 He had so much the mastery at his point of at- 
 tack that he caused the whole of the enemy's, 
 troops to take to flight. 
 
 But after himself had fallen, the rest of the 
 Thebans were not able any longer to turn their 
 victory rightly to account. Though the main 
 battle line of their opponents had given way, not 
 a single man afterwards did the victorious 
 hoplites slay, not an inch forward did they ad- 
 vance from the ground on which the collision 
 took place. Though the cavalry had fled before 
 them, there was no pursuit ; not a man, horse- 
 man or hoplite did the conquering cavalry cut 
 down ; but, like men who have suffered a de- 
 
MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY 107 
 
 feat, as if panic-stricken, they slipped back 
 through the ranks of the fleeing foemen. — Hell- 
 enica, II, Xenophon. 
 
 Thebes, as well before Epaminondas was 
 born as after his death, was always subject to 
 some foreign power, but, as long as Epaminondas 
 held the reins of government, it was the head 
 of all Greece. Hence it may be understood that 
 one man was of more efficacy than the whole 
 people. — Nepos. 
 
 Macedonian Supremacy. 
 
 Philip 
 
 Takes Olynthus. — Philip made an expedi- 
 tion against the cities of the Hellespont, of 
 which two were betrayed into his hands. Then 
 he made against Olynthus, an ally of Athens, 
 By bribing the chief magistrates, he entered the 
 city by treachery and plundered it and sold all 
 the citizens for slaves, and exposed to sale all 
 the prey and plunder upon the spear, whereby 
 he put all the rest of the cities into a terrible 
 fright. 
 
 Then he bountifully rewarded such as had 
 behaved themselves with courage and valor, and 
 having exacted vast sums of money from the 
 richest of the citizens of the cities round about, 
 he made use of it to corrupt many to betray 
 their country, so that he himself often boasted 
 that he had enlarged his dominion more by his 
 gold than by his sword. 
 
 In the meantime, the Athenians being jeal- 
 ous of the growing greatness of Philip, ever 
 after sent aid to them whom he invaded by his 
 arms, and despatched ambassadors to all the 
 cities to look to their liberties, and to put to 
 death such of their citizens as should be discov- 
 ered to go about to betray them, promising 
 withal to join with them upon all occasions. At 
 
108 GREECE 
 
 length they proclaimed open war against Philip. 
 
 After the taking of Olynfehus, he set forth 
 specious sports and recreating plays, and invited 
 a great number of strangers to his feasts; and 
 in thr. midst of his cups would talk courteously 
 and familiarly with them, and drink to many, 
 and reach over the cup to them with , his own 
 hands. To many he gave rich gifts, and made 
 large and liberal promises to all, to the end his 
 kindness and generosity might be bruited abroad 
 by them that had had the experience. — Diodorits. 
 
 Takes Elatea.— Philip, being in amity with 
 many of the Grecians, made it his chief busi- 
 ness to bring under the Athenians, thereby with 
 more ease to gain the sovereignty of Greece. To 
 that end he presently possessed himself of 
 Elatea, and brought all his forces thither, with 
 a design to fall upon the Athenians, hoping 
 easily to overcome them, in regard they were 
 not, as he conceived, prepared for war, by rea- 
 son of the peace lately made with them. 
 
 After the taking of Elatea, some hastened in 
 the night to Athens, informing them that Elatea 
 was taken by the Lacedaemonians, and that 
 Philip was designing to invade Attica with all 
 his forces. The Athenian commanders, surprised 
 with the suddenness of the thing, sent for all 
 the trumpeters, and commanded an alarm to be 
 sounded all night : upon which the report flew 
 through all the parts of the city, and fear roused 
 up the courage of the citizens. As soon as day 
 appeared, the people, without any summons from 
 the magistrate, as the custom was, all flocked to 
 the theater. To which place, as soon as the com- 
 manders came with the messenger that brought 
 the news and had declared to them the business, 
 fear and silepce filled the theater, and none who 
 were used to influence the people had a heart to 
 give any advice. And although a crier called 
 out to such as ought to declare their minds what 
 
ALEXANDER 109 
 
 was to be done in order to their common se- 
 curity, yet none appeared who offered anything 
 of advice, in the present exigency. The people 
 therefore in great terror and amazement cast 
 their eyes upon Demosthenes, who stood up and 
 bid them be courageous, and advised them fur- 
 therwith to send ambassadors to Thebes, to treat 
 with the Boeotians to join with them in defense 
 of the common liberty. — Diodorus, XVI. 
 
 Battle of Chaeronea, Under Philip. — 
 Alexander, earnest to give an indication of his 
 valor to his father, charged with a more than 
 ordinary heat and vigor, and being assisted with 
 many stout and brave men, was the first tl^at 
 broke through the main of _ the enemy next to 
 him, with the slaughter of many, and bore down 
 all before him; and when those that seconded 
 him did the like, then the regiments next to the 
 former were broke to pieces. The king, himself 
 likewise in the head of this regiment, fought 
 with no less courage and resolution ; and that the 
 glory of the victory might not be attributed to 
 his son, he forced the enemy, opposed to him, to 
 give ground, and at length put them to a total 
 rout, and so was the chief instrument of the vic- 
 tory. — Diodoms, XVI. 
 
 Philip's joy for this victory was artfully 
 concealed. He abstained from offering the usual 
 sacrifices on that day; he did not smile at table, 
 or mingle any diversions with the entertain- 
 ment ; he had no chaplets or perfumes ; and, as 
 far as was in his power, he so managed his 
 conquest that none might think of him as a: con- 
 queror. He desired that he should not be called 
 king, but general, of Greece. — Justin. 
 
 Alexander 
 
 Youth. — Whenever Alexander heard Philip 
 had taken any town of importance, or won any 
 signal victory, instead of rejoicing at it alto- 
 
110 GREECE 
 
 gether, he would tell his companions that his 
 father would anticipate everything and leave him 
 and them no opportunities for performing great 
 and illustrious actions. For being more bent 
 upon action and glory than either upon pleasure 
 or riches, he esteemed all that he should receive 
 from his father as a diminution and prevention 
 of his own future achievements; and would have 
 chosen rather to succeed to a kingdom involved 
 in troubles and wars, which would have afforded 
 him frequent exercise of his courage, and a 
 large field of honor, than to one already flourish- 
 ing and settled, where his inheritance would be 
 an inactive life and the mere enjoyment of his 
 wealth and luxury — Plutarch, Alexander. 
 
 Alexander Subdues Greece. — Alexander 
 was but twenty years old when his father was 
 murdered and he succeeded to a kingdom beset 
 on all sides with great dangers and rancorous 
 enemies. For not only the barbarous nations 
 that bordered on Macedonia were impatient of 
 being governed by any but their own native 
 princes, but Philip likewise, though he had been 
 victorious over the Grecians, yet, as the time 
 had not been sufficient for him to complete his 
 conquest and accustom them to his sway, had 
 simply left all things in a general disorder and 
 confusion. It seemed to the Macedonians a very 
 critical time ; and some would have persuaded 
 Alexander to give up all thought of retaining the 
 Grecians in subjection by force of arms, and 
 rather to apply himself to win back by gentle 
 means the allegiance of the tribes who were de- 
 signing revolt. But he rejected this counsel as 
 weak and timorous, and looked upon it to be 
 mere prudence to secure himself by resolution 
 and magnanimity than to encourage all to tram- 
 ple on him. In pursuit of this opinion he re- 
 duced the barbarians to tranquillity, and put an 
 end to all fear of war from them, by a rapid 
 
BATTLE OF GRANICUS 111 
 
 expedition into their country as far as the river 
 Danube. And hearing the Thebans were in re- 
 volt, and the Athenians in correspondence with 
 them, he immediately marched through the pass 
 of Thermopylae, saying that to Demosthenes, 
 who had called him a child while he was in 
 Illyria and a youth when he was in Thessaly, he 
 w^ould appear a man before the walls of Athens. 
 
 The Thebans, indeed, defended themselves 
 with a zeal and courage beyond their strength, 
 being much outnumbered by their enemies. But 
 when the Macedonian garrison sallied out upon 
 them from the citadel they were so hemmed in 
 on all sides that the greater part of them fell in 
 the battle ; the city itself being taken by storm, 
 was sacked and razed. 
 
 After this Alexander received the Athenians 
 into favor. Soon after, the Grecians, being as- 
 sembled at the Isthmus, declared their resolution 
 of joining with Alexander in the war against the 
 Persians, and proclaimed him their general. — 
 Plutarch, Alexander. 
 
 Battle op Granicus. — Darius's captains, 
 with large forces, were encamped on the bank 
 of the river Granicus, and it was necessary to 
 fight, as it were, in the gate of Asia for an en- 
 trance into it. Alexander immediately took the 
 river with thirteen troops of horse, and ad- 
 vanced against whole showers of darts thrown 
 from the steep opposite side, which was covered, 
 with armed multitudes of the enemy's horse and 
 foot, notwithstanding the disadvantage of the 
 ground and the rapidity of the stream. How- 
 ever, he persisted obstinately to gain the pas- 
 sage, and at last with much ado making his way 
 up the banks, which were extremely muddy and 
 slippery, he had instantly to join in a mere con- 
 fused hand-to-hand combat with the enemy be- 
 fore he could draw up his men, who were still 
 passing over, into any order. For the enemy 
 
112 GREECE 
 
 pressed upon him with loud and warlike out- 
 cries, and charged horse against horse, with 
 their lances ; after they had broken and spent 
 these, they fell to it with their swords. And 
 Alexander, being easily known by his buckler 
 rnd a large plume of white feather on each side 
 of his helmet, was attacked on all sides, yet es- 
 caped wounding, though his cuirass was pierced 
 by a javelin in one of the joinings. While they 
 were thus engaged, a Persian commander came 
 up on one side of him, and, raising himself upon 
 his horse, gave him such a blow with his battle- 
 axe on the helmet that he cut off the crest of it, 
 with one of his plumes, and the helmet was only 
 just so far strong enough to save him that the 
 edge of the weapon touched the hair of his head. 
 
 That the Grecians might participate in the 
 honor of his victory, he sent a portion of the 
 spoils home to them, particularly to the Athe- 
 nians three hundred bucklers. All the plate and 
 purple garments, and other things of the same 
 kind that he took from the. Persians, except a 
 very small quantity which he reserved for him- 
 self, he sent as a present to his mother. — 
 Plutarch, A lexander. 
 
 Battle of Issus. — The general senate of 
 Greece made a decree to send fifteen ambassa- 
 dors to present a golden crown to Alexander, in 
 congratulation of his victory at Issus. — Diodorus, 
 XVII . 
 
 Conquest of Egypt. — When Alexander was 
 master of Egypt, designing to settle a colony 
 of Grecians there, he resolved to build a large 
 and populous city, and give it his own name. 
 
 He went to visit the temple of Ammon. 
 This was a long and painful, and, in two re- 
 spects, a dangerous journey; first, if they should 
 lose their provision of water, as for several days 
 none could be obtained ; and, secondly, if a vio- 
 lent south wind should rise upon them, while 
 
NEW CIVILIZATION 113 
 
 they were travelling through the wide extent of 
 deep sands, as it is said to have done when 
 Cambyses led his army that way, blowing the 
 sand together in heaps, and raising, as it were, 
 the whole desert like a sea upon them, till fifty 
 thousand were swallowed up and destroyed by 
 it. All these difficulties were weighed and rep- 
 resented to Alexander; but he was not easily 
 to be diverted from anything he was bent upon. 
 For fortune having hitherto seconded him in his 
 designs, made him resolute and firm in his 
 opinions, and the boldness of his temper raised 
 a sort of passion in him for surmounting diffi- 
 culties. — Plutarch, Alexander. 
 
 Alexander Encourages His Soldiers. — 
 Having with him in Asia, at one time, the choice 
 of his men only, he spoke to them to this ef- 
 fect : that hitherto the barbarians had seen them 
 no otherwise than as it were in a dream, and if 
 they should think of returning when they had 
 only alarmed Asia, and not conquered it, their 
 enemies would set upon them as upon so many 
 women. However, he told them he would keep 
 none of them with him against their will, they 
 might go if they pleased; he should merely enter 
 his protest, that when on his way to make the 
 Macedonians the masters of the world he was 
 left alone with a few friends and volunteers. 
 When he had thus spoken to them, they all cried 
 out they would go along with him whithersoever 
 it was his pleasure to lead them. — Plutarch, 
 Alexander. 
 
 Mingling of Macedonian and Persian 
 Civilization. — Alexander more and more accom- 
 modated himself in his way of living to that of 
 the natives, and tried to bring them, also, as 
 near as he could to the Macedonian customs, 
 wisely considering that whilst he was engaged 
 in an expedition which would carry him far 
 hence, it would be wiser to depend upon the 
 
114 GREECE 
 
 good-will, which might arise from intermixture 
 and association as a means of maintaining tran- 
 quillity than upon force and compulsion. In or- 
 der to this, he chose out thirty thousand boys, 
 whom he put under masters to teach them the 
 Greek tongue, and to train them up to arms in 
 the Macedonian discipline. — Plutarch, Alexander, 
 
 Campaign in India. — Now intent upon his 
 expedition into India, Alexander took notice that 
 his soldiers were so charged with booty that it 
 hindered their marching. Therefore, at break of 
 day, as soon as the baggage wagons were laden, 
 first he set fire to his own and to those of his 
 friends, and then commanded those to be burnt 
 which belonged to the rest of the army. An act 
 which in the deliberation of it had seemed more 
 dangerous and difficult than it proved in the 
 execution, with which few were dissatisfied; for 
 most of the soldiers, as if they had been in- 
 spired, uttering loud outcries and warlike shout- 
 ings, supplied one another with what v/as abso- 
 lutely necessary, and burnt and destroyed all 
 that was superfluous, the sight of v/hich re- 
 doubled Alexander's zeal and eagerness for his 
 design. — Plutarch, Alexander. 
 
 Death of Alexander. — As soon as the re- 
 port of his death was confirmed, all the barbar- 
 ous nations, whom he had shortly before sub- 
 dued, lamented for him, not as an enemy, but 
 as a father. The mother, too, of King Darius, 
 who, though she had been reduced, after the 
 death of her son, from the summit of royal dig- 
 nity to the state of a captive, had, till that day, 
 through the kindness of the conqueror, never felt 
 weary of life, committed suicide when she heard 
 of the death of Alexander ; not that she felt more 
 for an enemy than she had felt for her son, but 
 because she had experienced the attention of a 
 son from him whom she had feared as an enemy. 
 — Justin. 
 
ALEXANDER 115 
 
 Traits of Alexander's Character. — 
 Alexander was very handsome in person, exceed- 
 ingly fond of incurring danger, and strictly ob- 
 servant of his duty to the Deity. In regard to 
 the pleasures of the body, he had perfect self- 
 control. He was very clever in recognizing 
 what was necessary to be done, when others 
 were still in a state of uncertainty, and very 
 successful in conjecturing from the observation 
 of facts what was hkely to occur; very re- 
 nowned for rousing the courage of his soldiers, 
 filling them with hopes of success, and dispelling 
 their fear in the midst of danger by his own 
 freedom from fear. Therefore even what he had 
 to do in uncertainty of the result he did with the 
 S'-catest boldness. He was also very clever in 
 getting the start of his enemies and snatching 
 from them their advantages by secretly fore- 
 stalling them, before anyone even feared what 
 was about to happen. He was likev/ise very 
 steadfast in keeping the agreements and settle- 
 ments which he made. Finally, he was very 
 sparing in the expenditure of money for the 
 gratification of his own pleasures ; but he was 
 exceedingly bountiful in spending it for the bene- 
 fit of his associates. — Anabasis, VII, Arrian. 
 
 Incidents in His Life. — Am.ong the treas- 
 ures and other booty that was taken from 
 Darius, there was a very precious casket, which, 
 being brought to Alexander for a great rarity, he 
 asked those about him what they thought fittest 
 to be laid up in it; and when they had delivered 
 their various opinions, he told them he should 
 keep Homer's Iliad in it. 
 
 He was so very temperate in his eating 
 that v/hen any rare fish or fruits were sent himi 
 he would distribute them among his friends, and 
 often reserve nothing for himself. 
 
 When he perceived his favorites grow so 
 luxurious and extravagant in their way of living 
 
116 GREECE 
 
 and expenses, that one wore silver nails in his 
 shoes, that another employed several camels, only 
 to bring him powder out of Egypt to use when 
 he wrestled, and that another had hunting nets 
 a hundred furlongs in length, that more used 
 precious ointment than plain oil when they went 
 to bathe, and that they carried about servants 
 everywhere with them to rub them and wait 
 upon them in their chambers, he reproved them 
 in gentle and reasonable terms, telling them he 
 wondered that they who had been engaged in so 
 many single battles did not know by experience 
 that those who labor sleep more sweetly and 
 soundly than those who are labored for, and 
 could fail to see by comparing the Persians' man- 
 ner of living with their own, that it was the 
 most abject and slavish condition to be volup- 
 tuous, but the most noble and royal to undergo 
 pain and labor. 
 
 "Are you still to learn," said he, "that the 
 end and perfection of our victories is to avoid 
 the vices and infirmities of those whom we sub- 
 due?" And to strengthen his precepts by ex- 
 ample he applied himself now more vigorously 
 than ever to hunting and warlike expeditions, 
 embracing all opportunities of hardship and 
 danger. 
 
 At one time, as one of the common soldiers 
 was driving a mule laden with some of the king's 
 treasure, the beast grew tired, and the soldier 
 took the load upon his own back and began 
 to march with it, till Alexander, seeing the man 
 so overcharged, asked what was the matter; and 
 when he was informed, just as the soldier 
 was ready to lay down his burden for weariness, 
 "Do not faint now," said he to him, "but finish 
 the journey, and carry what you have there t^ 
 your own tent for yourself." — Plutarch, Alex- 
 ander. 
 
N D 
 
 ill ^k 
 
 Accadians,ll. 
 
 .'vogospotaml, 91. 
 
 Ag-esilaus, character of 96 
 aids Asiatic Greeks, ,98 
 called from Persia, 99 
 battle of Chaeronea, 99. 
 
 Ag-is, 84. 
 
 Alcibiades befriends Peri- 
 cles, 69; expedition to Sici- 
 ly, 78; accused of sacri- 
 lege, 79; aids Sparta, 80, 
 S4; character, 83; general 
 of Athenian fleet, 88; re- 
 turn to Athens, 89. 
 
 Alexander, battle of Chae- 
 ronea, 109; youth, 109 
 subjug'ation of Greece, 110 
 battle of Granicus, 111 
 battle of Issus, 112; con- 
 ciuest of Egypt 112; ming- 
 ling- of Macedonian and 
 Persian civilizations, 113; 
 campaign in India, 114; 
 death 114: traits of char- 
 acter, 114; incidents in 
 life, 115. 
 
 Ammon, 112. 
 
 Antalcidas, 101. 
 
 Archidamus, march against 
 the Helots, G.5; invasion of 
 Attica, 67. 
 
 Ari;;tagoras, 42. 
 
 Aristides, 62. 
 
 Artaphernes, 42. 
 
 Assurnazirpal, 17. 
 
 Assyria, 17. 
 
 Babylonia, 11. 
 "'^ison, 21. 
 Bosphorus, 89. 
 
 Callimachus, 52. 
 
 Cambyses, 112. 
 
 Canathrum, 100. 
 
 Chaeronea, battle under 
 Agesilaus, 99; battle un- 
 der Phillip, 109. 
 
 Chaldaea, 11. 
 
 Chase, Assvrian, 11. 
 
 Cimon. 62, 63. 
 
 Cleombrotus, 103. 
 
 Cbomenes, 44. 
 
 Clean condemns Pericles, 
 69; sei.ge of Sphacteria, 
 75. 
 
 Conon, 93. 
 
 Corcyra, 66. 
 Critias, 96. 
 
 Croesus, enmity toward Per- 
 sia, 37; oracles, 51. 
 
 Darius, 47. 
 Decelea, 84. 
 Demosthenes, 73. 
 Dog's grave, 61. 
 
 Eighteenth dynasty, S. 
 Epaminondas, battle of 
 
 Leuctra, 103; battle of 
 
 Mantinea, 105. 
 Ephialtes, 57. 
 Esarhaddon, 21. 
 Eretria, 5 0. 
 
 Flood, 11. 
 
 Four Hundred, 87. 
 
 Ghizeh, 1. 
 
 Great Pyramid, 1. 
 
 Gylippus, 80. 
 
 Haminurabi, 14. 
 
 Harmosts, 95. 
 
 Hatasu, 8. 
 
 Hebrews, 23. 
 
 Hellespont, 54. 58. 
 
 Helots, revolt of 65, siege of 
 
 Sphacteria, 74. 
 Hermes, 78. 
 Hill of Mars, 59. 
 H'l-am, 23, 24. 
 Histiaeus, 44. 
 
 Immortals, 56. 
 
 Ionia conqviered by Lydia, 
 
 40; conquered by Persia, 
 
 40; revolt, 42. 
 
 Tjeonidas, 55. 
 
 Leuctra, 103. 
 
 Eong Walls. 66, 93, 95. 
 
 Lyeurgu's, 26. 
 
 Lydia, 39. 
 
 Lysander, 91. 
 
 Mantinea, . 105. 
 Marathon, 50. 
 Mardonius, 48, 61. 
 Megabates, 42. 
 Memnon, 9. 
 Messenians, 65. 
 Melon, 78. 
 
118 INLEX , ': ; 
 
 Miletus, 48. lleet, S6; army restores 
 
 Naxos, 43, 64. democracy of Athens, 87. 
 
 Nicias', 78. Sardis, 17. 
 
 Nineteenth dynasty, 10. Sargon II, 18. 
 
 Segesta, 77. 
 
 Omens, 14. yelinus, 77. 
 
 Sennacherib, 20. 
 
 Pausanius, 62. . !-'icily, 77. 
 
 Pelopidas exiled from Socrates, 78. 
 
 Thebes, 102; battle or Solomon, 14. 
 
 Leuctra, 103. Solon, 32. 
 
 Peloponnesian War, 66. Sphacteria, 73. 
 
 Pericles, 68. Sumerians, 14. 
 
 Pharnabazus, 8_8. Syracuse, 80. 
 Philip taken as a hostage, 
 
 104; takes Olynthus, 107; Thermopylae, 55. 
 
 takes Elatea, 108; battle Thirty tyrants, 96. 
 
 of Cliaeronea, 109. Thothmes I. 8. 
 
 Phoebidas, 94. Thothmes III, 9. 
 
 Phoenicia, 24. Tiglath Pileser I, 17. 
 
 Piraeus, 66, 95. Tiglath Pileser, II, 18. 
 
 Plague, 67. Tissaphernes, 85. 
 Plataea, battle under Mar- 
 
 donius, 61; siege, 69. Xanthippus, 60. 
 
 Pylos, 73. Xerxes, bi'idge across Hel- 
 lespont, 54; battle of 
 
 Ramses II, 10. Thermopylae, 55; at 
 
 Athens, 58; battle of Sa- 
 
 Salamis, 59. lamis, 61; return, 61. 
 S'amos. station for Athenian 
 
\tr JL/ 
 

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