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SPEECH OF MR. lOUNCAN, OF OHIO, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, Feb. 19, in Committee on Ike Army A m opriatil Bill. 
 
 Mr. Chairman: I have ever bean cautious about 
 voting appropriations. I have thought sometimes 
 that our appropriations have not been in accordance 
 with economical estimates. We have permitted an 
 increase of expenditures to run with supposed wants 
 without critically examining their character. We 
 are asked to make large appropriations to our army 
 and navy, when it is difficult to know whether those 
 appropriations are necessarily and properly dis- 
 bursed or not. The amount of our appropriations 
 in proportion to the number of our army and the 
 strengtli of our navy, will, I think, be found to be 
 nearly double to 11 .,. , of the appropriations made 
 
 tor the support of the British navy and army. This 
 should not be. There is no reason why it should 
 be so; a. id it can only be accounted for on the fact 
 that we ha\ i ter number of officers than we 
 
 should have for the number of men they have to 
 command, or that their pay is too high. I think 
 there is a disproportion in the pay of the officer and 
 the common soldier or sailor. I think I can see 
 a great impropriety in paying a commander six 
 hundred dollars a month, while the soldier or sailor 
 gets but eight dollars, whose risk is greater, and 
 whose duty is more arduous than that of the 
 commander. 1 think the disparity between the 
 commander, whose duty it is to defend, and the 
 farmer, whose duty it is both to maintain and de- 
 fend, his country, is too great. A former will toil in 
 dust and sweat half his life to procure a common 
 farm; and then toil in sweat and dust until he is three 
 score to support himself and family, and his "- v- 
 ernment; and, in the mean time, if there be any fight- 
 ing to do he has to do it; and if he, at the end of 
 three-score years, can lay up three or four thousand 
 dollars to maintain himself through the evening of « 
 life he has done well: he will have credit for bein°- 
 fen honest and industrious man. A farmer may own ' 
 a farm which has cost him five thousand dollars; he 
 may work it to the best possible advantage, and he 
 will do well it lie clears three hundred dollars exclu- 
 sive ot the expenses in its cultivation. I speak of I 
 Western farms worked by free labor. How is it I 
 with the epauleited gentleman? He receives a com- 
 mission— a p.ece of parchment with some copper- ' 
 plate flourishes upon it, and the President's name at 
 the lower right hand corner; and a scrap of 
 sheepskin, thus embellished, speaks him, as if bv 
 magic into a fortune— brings him a yearly income of 
 more than any twenty-four farmers, with all their 
 capital vested in their farms and all their toil to hoot 
 I will suppose that twenty-four farmers, each have 
 a farm that cost five thousand dollars; the a ff <n-e<mte 
 capital vested is one hundred and twenty tlmusand 
 dollars; and yet the epauletted sheep-skin man will 
 receive more in a year than the whole twenty-four 
 farmers, though they toil in sweat from the beginning 
 to the end of the year, and from the rising to the set- 
 ting of the sun each day, while he toils not, neither 
 
 »™™rft n; r l Solomo »> in *» h is glory, was not 
 arrayed like Him; and I repeat, if fighting has to 
 be done, the farmer and the mechanic have to do it. 
 1 he mechanic spends four or five years in acquiring 
 ;atrade and after he has acquired it, he is doing 
 well rf he can make three hundred dollars a year by 
 his own labor, by the hardest licks of the anvil, the 
 iapstone, or the jack-plane; and yet a command- 
 er by virtue of a sheep-skin or a foot square of the 
 hide of a jackass, will make more than twenty-four 
 SUCh mechanics, and yet lives at ease, and glitters 
 
 and glistens in tinsel and lace. We boast of our 
 government being a government of equal privileges, 
 equal rights and equal institutions; but is it so? 
 What equality ls there in bestowing salaries which 
 give to one individual more than twenty-four of our 
 best farmers can make, including their own labor, 
 with a capital of one hundred and twenty-five thou' 
 sand dollars? That there will be inequalities in the 
 circumstances of men, under the most free and equal 
 forms of government, all will admit. The inequali- 
 ty in the habits and ability of men to make or collect 
 wealth, or to retain it, will produce inequality of cir- 
 cumstances; but by far the greater inequality is 
 produced by unequal legislation in the granting of 
 monopolies, and in the gift of commissions with 
 extravagant and profligate salaries. 
 
 For the information of those who may read me I 
 will expose the denomination of a few of the higher 
 offices, and the annual salaries which they receive 
 and contrast by figures the system of favoritism 
 so blighting in its effects to the rights and prospects 
 , ot al classes ol society, except those for whose ben- 
 efit the system is established. I have supposed that 
 an industrious, frugal farmer, with a farm worth 
 | five thousand dollars, by his own labor, will make 
 I three hundred dollars a year. 
 
 We have what we call our regular army. At the 
 head of that army we have a major general, whose 
 j annual salary and perquisites amount to $7 144 88 
 I Twenty-four farms worth $120,000; the 
 labor of twenty-four persons per year, 
 worth each $1 per day, amounts to 
 the sum of $7,512; and the aggregate 
 value for one year will be, in capital 
 and labor - - _ - S127 512 
 
 If each farmer receives $300 as his share 
 of the proceeds of capital invested and 
 labor expended, then will Major Gen. 
 Winfield Scott receive as much as the 
 ■■whole twenty-four persons with their 
 united labor, and their $120,000 of 
 vested capital, or twenty-four times as 
 much as either of them. I will ask 
 my readers to keep this illustration in 
 mind, and to apply it to the salaries of 
 the officers, which I proceed further 
 to expose and compare. 
 I repeat that — 
 
 The major general receives per annum - $7,144 88 
 
 Equal to the income per annum of 
 
 twenty-four farms, capital and labor 
 
 included. 
 A brigadier general receives - - $4 600 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds of fifteen 
 
 farms, each worth $5,000, and labor 
 
 included. 
 An adjutant general receives - - $3 884 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds of thir- 
 teen farms, worth each $5,000, and 
 
 labor included. 
 An inspector general receives - - $4 133 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds of four- 
 teen farms, worth each $5,000, and 
 
 labor included. 
 A quartermaster general receives - $3,767 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds of twelve 
 
 farms, each worth $5,000, and labor 
 
 included. 
 A commissary general receives • $3,568 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds of twelve 
 
$5,583 
 
 $3,016 
 
 $2,874 
 
 farms, each worth #5,000, labor inclu- 
 ded. 
 
 A surgeon general receives - - 
 
 " A sum equal to the proceeds of twelve 
 farms, each worth $5,000, labor inclu- 
 ded. 
 
 A paymaster general receives - - 
 
 ' A sum equal to the proceeds of twelve 
 farms, each worth $5,000, and labor 
 included. 
 
 A colonel receives - - " 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds ot thir- 
 teen farms, each worth $5,000, and la- 
 bor included. 
 
 A lieutenant colonel receives - 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds of nine 
 farms, worth each $5,000, and labor 
 included. 
 
 A major receives - - . " 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds of eight 
 farms, each worth $5,000, labor in- 
 cluded. 
 A captain receives - r, 
 
 A sum equal to the proceeds of seven 
 farms, worth each $5,000, and labor 
 
 And' sir', astonishing to say, even a lopsided, sin- 
 -le epaulet ed lieutenant devours each year the 
 fntire P proceeds of five farms worth $5,000, each, and 
 
 Iab I°have not made myself acquainted with the 
 amount of the salaries in other States than my 
 own. The major general receives an annuel salary 
 seven times greater than the governor of Ohio, w no 
 Tthe d£f executive officer of one of the largest and 
 most opulent States in the confederation. The 
 
 •accompanied Napoleon Bonaparte to the conquest. 
 
 of Russia. Where did they come from? They 
 
 ftT 6-^8 'seemed to spring up like Roderick Dim's men, or 
 
 ' ' ike Macbeth's witches, out of the ground Where, 
 
 1 ask did they come from? They did not come 
 from Florida, nor from the lake and border frontier 
 nor from Oregon, at all of which places they should 
 have been, and where there was service for them to 
 
 o It is 'provoking to the faithful representative of 
 his constituents' interests to see every path i he at- 
 tempts to travel literally blocked up with livened 
 
 2 knowing, as he does, that their **£*.<*> 
 trava«mnce, and debauchery, must be kept up by 
 
 he ^weat 'of his constituents. I say debauchery; 
 for idleness and undue privileges are the parents of 
 vice and debauchery. The latter are as sure as the 
 former. 1 a ieak with exceptions, and mean not 
 ho" who are necessarily employed here ,nortf 
 42 397 those who come here to make reports to the War 
 **"" Depar7ment, or to receive orders from the -nre j 
 akof suckers, drones, and loafers-those w ho 
 K ma paraphernalia of coxcombs and 
 "audi more than that of gentlemen, who dignify 
 the ,ni y 1 sp< ak of those who adorn their supe- 
 rior o "a, s of speech with moustaches, and their ia- 
 tor frgans of speech with the imperial spot- 
 hose who carry more whiskers around and be ow 
 their face than brains under their sea ps— toad-eaters 
 and boot-licks to their superiors, but are haughty 
 a d disdainfu to those whom they consider their 
 fnfcrtSnd they are all who do not wear epau- 
 lets and yellow buttons. It is such I repeat, ot 
 whom I speak, and not such as have duties to do, 
 luld do their duty. These I respect, and will main- 
 
 tJ1 While on the subject of useless and profligate ex- 
 pendtos, permit me to inquire how many oncers 
 1 „ , ' _.._ .u„-o «..V«n snpnd vears anu v ears on 
 
 $2,184 
 
 ma^r general receives a salary -en times greater penauuu, , = 'who spend years and years on 
 thmr one of our supren^ judges wW^esu ofthenavy^ ^ 
 
 than one oi oiu eupi^.i^ j—b— » •-.-- , —, 
 
 more responsible, and whose labor is fourfold. The 
 major general receives a salary ten times great, 
 har "the salary of one of our circuit president 
 judges, whose responsibility-involving as it does 
 
 minu, anu me iuubi «.u««»~ «™ -- * , 
 
 by far that of the duties and the responsibility ot t 
 major general. Sir, I have no time to illustrate Uie 
 dVparify in the salaries of the officers of the a my 
 as compared with the salaries of our civil Us in 
 this sliding scale from the highest to the lowest, 
 which I hfve named; my readers can do that at then- 
 leisure. I have given the salary of the major gener- 
 al, and compared it with our governor;* sa lary. 1 
 have given the salary of a lieutenant in the army. 
 smalfand insignificant as is his position, his salary 
 is two hundred and fifty-three dollars greater than 
 the salary of the governor of Ohio. 
 
 1 have said that 1 thought there were too man) 
 officers in our army and navy for the duties they 
 W to perform, and the number of men they have 
 to command. I have been brought to this conclu- 
 sion from the appropriations being out of all piopoi 
 tion as compared With the number of our army, and 
 £?£» ofo P ur navy, and from the fact M dueir, 
 i B crowded at all times with officers w ho se e n t > 
 have nothing to do but attend levees, balls, route 
 
 LdwUKou domg an hour's service on sea, re- 
 ;' a iarterly high salaries? Is there no service 
 for S do JThen strike them from the rolls as 
 ^eless^ncumbrances and as vampires upon the bo- 
 som of society. Again: permit me tc > inqu, re ^why 
 appropriations are made year after Y™}°^™ 
 
 i'i in worui ess UI3VHUUUII ■■ — - - - 
 
 perfect system of profligacy and -Uavaganc^ 
 miraerv of a popinjay aristocracy. Its inmates are 
 3re^ndy P co P m P oLd of the sons of rich .wm, 
 who receive their education at the pub he expense^ 
 ■u,d when the country wants their service, or when 
 fi^Z*. them, Jey throw up their eo = sion 
 and turn their education to their own rnnteUM. 
 Now sir I have presented thee abuses, not that I 
 ^osT;nything P Icandoorsay 3 *-»J« 
 remedy the evils, but for the purpose of exposing 
 treasons why those abuses have not been reme- 
 &T3K "his time. The democracy have wit- 
 ,„ s , t ,l them with painful anxiety for years and 
 have made various attempts to remedy them, and 
 I y lp. has been baffled and defeated by fce 
 onoosite party. Are we to be told that we have had 
 ffllZgS, in the government and we ^houM 
 have reform, d the abuses which 1 hav, hereex 
 P d? S.^tisluitseldonit-atth;;;,;-—^ 
 
 m lb, bands ot the democracy 
 
 have nothing to do but attend levees balls, , routs "^^^3^ Senate" federal 
 andassernbl.es, where each ^' lc ^^ ( , lldnnnn-dic and the House 
 
 The House may 
 
 rt lltlV vv*v"« 1 » 
 
 two better men. Almost every other man you >'"" 
 on our avenues is a liveried drone. It wi« tbe .re- 
 membered that the unfortunate victims of the 1 nn - 
 ton explosion w,,e buned with the honors of war. 
 In that service there seemed to be more officers, 
 mare plumes, more epaulets, and more tinsel, than 
 
 The SenaU 
 ;:; r i :::;,n;:e; U ;ne''and\lle-l.,m T fVde r a!. Am 
 !,.„ both branches have been democraUc, there 
 
 down avcry attempt at retrenchment and reform. 
 
hare many books, as you perceive, on my desk— 
 they are the journals of this House and of the Sen- 
 ate and contain many efforts of the democracy to 
 
 aw! Ski T d i n r ry ■w the y *57*£ 
 
 SE?n i t federal vote against reformation and 
 
 Tn tl ( !" tnt - , 2 f SCrt l he fact " Is there any wh£ 
 on this floor who dares deny it? Now is the timet* 
 
 denyn. Deny it if you dare. I speak by author - 
 ity. I speak by the books. Here are your names- 
 contradict me if you dare? "ames, 
 
 If tunc would permit, I could [show, from these 
 eSrav'i 'I vanouscomi P t and Profligate claims, 
 wT " appropriations, and worthless expendi- 
 tures haveal been presented, advanced, and sus- 
 tained by whigs and whig votes. If it w'ere posst 
 We to raise the curtain of distance that veils such 
 Equities from the people's observation, their rebuke 
 would be certain and effectual. There is no rn™ 
 Who could be so recreant to his own imerest to the 
 interest ; ,f those who look to him for Section or 
 to the honor and welfare of his country as for 
 a moment, to sustain the man or the party of men 
 whose votes are to be found in these booksfmfavo? 
 of the profligacy and corruption of which I have 
 been speaking. There is no remedy, nor il there 
 be a remedy, for these evils, until 'the people be 
 
 people, i feel as if I wish I had the uower nf 
 f iquity, that I could read these journalsKery 
 Wrican voter; or that I had the voice of thu„de7 
 would speak in peals that would pierce every ear 
 nd admonish them of the frauds that are practised 
 pon them by their own representatives j \£555 
 ■ ha I am now saying of the abusive practices here 
 Ddm reference to the profligacy of tfe a my, Si 
 e denied by every whig stump orator far and wide 
 hen nenher I nor these books will be present but 
 hy not contradict me now? It is because no man 
 ? re dare, do it. I am here and the books are £ 
 ery whig tongue is silent as the grave. I will ex- 
 sct that the people who read me, when I am assailed 
 id when all 1 now say is denied, will demand the 
 asonwhylam not now contradicted; why tie 
 ?n who are thus charged do not now clear the J 
 irts o these charges. My answer is, they dare 
 
 But, sir, I have other abuses to speak of— abuses 
 a more alarming character than those I have 
 m speaking of. They are abuses which involve 
 tiers of dollars and cents. Those which I am 
 ng to speak of involve the most sacred princi- 
 3 of our government— abuses which should make 
 ry lover of our free institutions shudder. Mv 
 mtion has been called to those abuses by the or- 
 taken on the subject by the Senate, which have 
 resolution, appointed a committee to investigate 
 frauds practised in the recent presidential elec- 
 ta Will that investigation be thorough and im- 
 
 Sr if ea L" 0t - , Tt wil1 be a one-sided investi- 
 ng ihe Senate have appointed a committee of 
 gs from their own body; that committee has 
 ointcd whig commissioners in several of the 
 cipal cities. The result will be, that all the 
 locratic frauds, if there be any, will be exposed 
 turned, and magnified; while the whig frauds 
 be designed y concealed. It is my intention to 
 '-duce a resolution in this House to appoint a 
 mittee, with power to establish commissions in 
 Jrincipal cities, to investigate election frauds 
 ■< 'mmittee, and those commissions, I will ex- 
 to be democratic. We will then have the 
 
 frauds on both sides exposed. If there be f m ,A 
 
 every good man and every so'und patriot ' ° f 
 
 . indulge me, while I expose a few of the corrupt an* 
 iniquitous means which have ever marked SeooS 
 ical course of the federal party, not only to 4im 
 f«r elections, but to secur! tlj^ f^^^Z? 
 
 ■ it rfSHK? pri ri pIe of federa,i ™ tffS 
 
 them unfi Tt g ?Jf ° f the C ° mmon People makes 
 mem unfit for self-government; and they beinp- of 
 ■be uncommon class, should of right be' the lv 
 ernors Hence it is that all thei J£ J2 to sef ure" 
 
 Sd toT r d *j. & ™™ -easurel ^^! 
 thirty th ^f u PP° sed 1 rgnoranceand stupidity of 
 tbf people Their usual means are bribery, for4ry 
 caricature falsehood, and slander. I will trace UD ' 
 some of those means from an early period ToX 
 government, by which the federal party may hi 
 
 kimwn under whatever name they may have assumed, 
 oi may hereafter assume, for political deception; for 
 so long as they shall be known by their true name 
 and their principles are known to correspond with 
 their name, the democracy will and must triumph 
 livery general election which has been car- 
 fled io favor of the federal party, has been carried 
 
 whfchT. binatlonof , th T e 1 COrru P tions and ^^ies 
 which I have named. I begin with the unprincipled 
 
 practice they have of changing their name They 
 have changed their name with the periodical return 
 of every presidential election; and this for the pur- 
 pose of concealing their principles, and deceiving- 
 
 hevTJn e ' T heir kst name 5 was whi S> and tha t nam! 
 
 they kept as long as it would serve them any pur- 
 pose; they will never fight another battle under the 
 banner inscribed whig. Having exhausted the po- 
 litical vocabulary, they will return to the abuse and 
 persecution of the Irish and Germans, which char- 
 ac rnzed the party in the administration of the elder 
 Adams. The next flag under which they will fight 
 will bear the inscription of native American. Nothing 
 is longer to be feared from a change of name The 
 people contemplate them as they do a straneer 
 who gives himself a new or different name in everv 
 town or vilage through which he passes. Their 
 look upon him as a scape-gallows, or a horse thief 
 wiio merits the rope or the penitentiary. 
 
 Caricature and slander are means with them 
 these have been the lot of every man of the de- 
 mocracy who has run for any high station; and no 
 man received a greater share of them than did Thos 
 Jefferson. He was denounced far and wide as an 
 infidel and a despot; as a reviler of religion, and a. 
 defamer of morals, corrupt in heart, and vicious in 
 practice. His election, it was said in hypocritical 
 tears from the sacred desk, would be the overthrow 
 of the Christian religion, and of all our moral in- 
 stitutions; dark and damning infidelity would over- 
 spread the land. The temples erected and dedica- 
 ted to the worship of the living God would be dese- 
 crated and converted into stables or the haunts and the 
 abodes of infidelity; and God's holy word, by his 
 prophets and apostles, would be publicly submitted 
 
4 
 
 to contemptuous ridicule, and committed to the 
 flames, and Tom Paine's Age of Reason was to 
 ibe substituted. French infidelity was to usurp the 
 throne of Christian worship. I hold m my hand 
 one of the caricatures which weir spread over the 
 country as numerous as autumn leaves. It was an 
 appeal to the senses of the awful calamities that 
 awaited the American people in the event of his 
 election. This caricature, as you perceive, repre- 
 sents Thos. Jefferson in the act of cowhidmg an old 
 lady, with her throat grasped to suffocation, and her 
 tongue lolled out, and his foot upon the Bible. Tom 
 Paine has one hand upon Jefferson's shoulder, and 
 the other is extended with his Age of Reason prof- 
 fered as a peace-offering. Beelzebub has his place 
 its the companion of Jefferson and Paine. Black 
 
 Sal is also represented in the act of sweeping; and 
 Jefferson's salt mountain is seen through the win- 
 dow. 
 
 Jefferson was denounced and ridiculed in prose, 
 blank-verse, and doggerel rhyme. I hold in my hand 
 a precious relic of that time. It is a number of 
 stanzas in doggerel rhyme. I have room but for one 
 verse, which will serve to show its character and 
 the spirit of the times. It is in character with some 
 of the doggerels sung to the abuse and ridicule of 
 Jackson, Van Buren, and Polk, by the sari" 
 party: 
 
 "Let dusky Sally's name be changed, 
 
 To that of Isabella; 
 And let the mountains, all of salt, 
 
 Be christened Monticello." 
 
 . - ' -im^r^ / 7w/^^ [ 
 
This was one of the federal modes of electioneer- 
 ing then; and a mode which they continue, infamous 
 and base as it is, to this day, as we all see, by the 
 exposes I will make as I progress. 
 
 The discussions which we have had on the Ore- 
 gon and Texas bills serve to identify the modern 
 whig party with the federal party, as they were in 
 the administration of Thomas Jefferson. All par- 
 ties acquire names by their principles, and the meas- 
 ures which they sustain or oppose. One has but to 
 look back to the debates on the Louisiana purchase, 
 to see the full sized portrait of the debates and the 
 party which were made, and who oppose the annex- 
 ation of Texas and the possession and occupation 
 of Oregon. The catch words then were "The United 
 States as they are. The constitution was made for 
 She United Slates as they are.'''' These are now the 
 catch-words against Oregon and Texas. The argu- 
 ments used by the federalists against Louisiana are 
 the same used against Oregon and Texas. The 
 same speeches then made have been now read to us, 
 differing in little else but in names. Louisiana was 
 represented as a pestilential swamp, abounding in 
 poisonous reptiles, with alligators enough to fence 
 it. Texas has been represented as a pestilential 
 swamp, and Oregon as a mountainous and barren 
 waste. Such representations have been made of the 
 entire West, from; time to time, as often as this gov- 
 ernment has attempted to reclaim it. Caricature 
 has been resorted to, with the intention to alarm and 
 prejudice the public mind, and allay the spirit of 
 western enterprise. 
 
 I hold in my hand a caricature which represents 
 a western family returning from the West to the 
 rock-bound regions of New England. Here it is. 
 It represents a family reduced to the last degree of; 
 poverty, sickness, and wretchedness; a rickety cart, 
 drawn by an old horse, so poor that his bones pro- 
 trude through the skin; a wife, and several pale 
 children. The husband is represented as hobbling 
 ■on two crutches, crippled with rheumatism, and pale 
 and cadaverous with fever and ague. The cart has 
 stopped; the horse is devouring some dry mullen 
 stalks; while two sickly, ragged boys are making 
 their way to a cabin seen at a distance, to beg some 
 bread. I will procure a cut of this caricature, and 
 give it a place in my printed remarks, to show my 
 readers that the same disgraceful means were used 
 to prejudice the public against the purchase of 
 Louisiana, and other western territory, that are now 
 used by the party to defeat the acquisition of terri- 
 tory, as well as to defeat the election of every demo- 
 cratic candidate who has ever ran for President. Of 
 all modes of slander, caricature has ever been con- 
 sidered the most cowardly and contemptible; and 
 the man who is found out in it attaches to himself 
 forever the frown and contempt of every good, 
 honorable, and high-minded man in society. 
 
 I might present an array of measures hostile to 
 the prosperity of this country, and calculated to 
 ■circumscribe our enjoyments as a free people, sup- 
 press the spirit of emigration, and to prevent any 
 enlargement or spread of our republican institu- 
 tions, as well as personal liberty, in the support of 
 all of which the entire federal vote and influence is 
 to be found; the evidence of which is to be found in 
 the books which lie on my desk, and which I will 
 display, if any whig here dare contradict me. All 
 the acquisitions which have been made of territory, 
 as well as every enlargement of liberty and equal 
 rights, have been made by the democratic party, 
 
 against federal speeches, federal votes, federal slan- 
 ders, and federal caricatures. 
 
 Democratic men and democratic measures who 
 now stand highest in the public confidence and pub- 
 lic affection, were as odious and as much abused as 
 democratic men and democratic measures now are- 
 The tongue of slander is hushed against Jefferson,, 
 because execration would be the lot of the man who 
 would attempt to defame his memory. The pur- 
 chase of Louisiana is now sung as a glorious ac- 
 quisition to our Union; but let another Thomas Jef- 
 ferson spring from the democratic family, and i 
 will be as much the subject of detraction, slander, 
 and caricature as his predecessor, so sure as 
 Oregon and Texas have been opposed with the same 
 violence that the acquisition of Louisiana was. 
 Federalism is federalism, and it can't be changed. 
 It is founded on principles immutable as the laws of 
 gravitation, and will forever be found to raise its crest 
 against all principles and measures which have free 
 principles and the spread of human liberty for their 
 object. 
 
 All this we have seen directed against the charac- 
 ter and the administration of General Jackson, as 
 well as in the new acquisitions of territory we are 
 about to make. 
 
 I hold in my hand a coffin handbill. This in- 
 amous lie-bill was started to defeat the election of 
 General Jackson. It contains the number of coffins 
 which it was said were filled with the murdered 
 victims of General Jackson. He was pronounced 
 as a cold blooded murderer; and this handbill con- 
 tains the name of each murdered victim, with a short 
 biography of the cruel manner in which they were 
 murdered; their good qualities in life, and the lamen- 
 tations of their friends after death. All good persons 
 are called upon to lament their death, and to execrate 
 their cruel murderer. The author and circulaters of 
 these handbills did not do all their friends justice; 
 they should have added to the number of coffins here; 
 represented about four thousand more, to represent 
 the number of red coats that fell by the hand of 
 Jackson at New Orleans, and two more for their 
 more special friends Arbuthnot and Ambrister. 
 Poor fellows ! ! ! 
 
 I will make a miniature representation of this cof- 
 fin handbill a part of my printed remarks. The 
 generation which has sprung up since their use for 
 political effect will feel a lively interest in seeing; 
 them. I believe there are enough yet living who 
 can attest to their existence, and the use that was 
 made of them, if my word should be doubted. la 
 the presidential elections of 1824 and 1828, they 
 were spread far and wide, as numerous as mulberry 
 leaves in November; and there were floods of croco- 
 dile federal tears poured out over them. It is due to 
 the rising generation to let them know that the maa 
 who now has a place in the heart, and whose name 
 dwells on the lips, of every man who loves his 
 country, was once the subject of the vilest slander, 
 the most malignant abuse, and the most unvarnish- 
 ed falsehood, by the almost entire whig party. 
 
 But let us follow up the federal mode of election- 
 eering. No man ever bore a more spotless reputa- 
 tion than Mr. Van Buren. His moral character 
 stands, and has ever stood, above suspicion. His 
 political character was, and is, of that marked, fear- 
 less, open, candid, and dignified character as to com- 
 mand the confidence and respect of all who knew 
 him best. His administration was dignified in its 
 character, bold, economical, and judicious, directed 
 to the honor and the best interests of the couriiry* 
 
I ri /, ;ry / u# 
 
 H 
 
 »s all will acknowledge, and as history will main- 
 tain, when the corrupting influences of party, which 
 have so lone and poisoned the public mind, 
 
 •Will have passed away. Yet no man, living ordjead, 
 has ever been more the subject of falsehood and de- 
 traction. The basest means were resorted to to ilc- 
 fame him and his administration. The vilest slan- 
 ders that th< rupt heart could entertain, and 
 the most d< i aricatures thai the most vitiated 
 minds could invent, were all brought to bear agatnsl 
 his re-election. The cup of Blander, vituperation, 
 jmd detraction was drained to its last dregs. The 
 
 measure!? of his administration the best calcu- 
 ■I to advance the highest interests of the coun- 
 try, and the prosperity of the people, were trans- 
 formed into evils the most calamitous; his private 
 and his public virtues were converted into vices the 
 ilarming. 
 It would be a task of too much time and trouble to 
 repeat and refute the more than ten thousand false- 
 hoods and slanders that disgraced the country at that 
 tune, or to enumerate the frauds that brought dis- 
 honor upon our government and shook its moral 
 and political institutions to their very foundation. 
 
"Dh! did you hear that mournful cry, 
 Borne on the southern breeze? 
 
 Heard you John Harris earnest pray 
 For mercy, on his knees?" &c, &c, &c. 
 
-S 
 
 Ay, sir, caricature — that most degraded and degrad- 
 ing method of slander and of electioneering — was 
 resorted to then as theretofore by the federalists. 
 1 hold in my hand a caricature which overspread 
 the country in 1840. The 
 
 mails groaned with the 
 
 number which were franked by whig members of 
 
 Congress. 
 
 This degrading caricature is inscribed: 
 
 "High places in government, like steep rocks, only acces- 
 sible to eagles and reptiles." 
 
 This caricature represents General Jackson in the 
 character of a mud-turtle, crawling from the to] lo 
 
 the base of a mountain, and Martin Van Buren, 
 as a snake, wending his way to the ton. General 
 Harrison is represented with the head of a man and 
 
 the body of an eagle. I hold another caricature 
 This was the inscription of .1 banner displayed 
 from the head of every column that marched in all 
 the drunken orgies that disgraced the elections of 
 1840. This caricature represent Martin Van Buren 
 
upon his back in Ihe mire and sucking the teat 
 of a long-eared old sow, and is labeled 
 
 "Matty Van sucking fin public teal." 
 
 This disgusting libel is of a man who has been 
 twice honored with the highest and most responsi- 
 ble offices in the gift of the American people. I 
 may also make these caricatures a part of my print- 
 ed remarks, to the end that they may be brought in 
 contrast with the dignified character which the just 
 and impartial historian will present of the adminis- 
 trations of Jackson and Van Buren. I have no 
 time to talk of the promises which were made to 
 the people in connection with the infamous slanders 
 which I have been briefly presenting; but I wish to 
 perpetuate in memory and record the fact that the 
 federalist denounced the administration of Mr. Van 
 Buren profligate and extravagant; and that, 
 if the people would unite with them in over- 
 throwing his administration, they would ad- 
 minister the government for less than half that 
 was expended by Mr. Van Buren. They also 
 promised prosperity to the people and to the coun- 
 try; public and private confidence was to be" re- 
 stored, credit revived, money was to be plenty, and 
 the currency was to be sound, ay, "such a currency 
 us the wwrld near saw before.' 1 ' 1 
 
 How was the promise of economy fulfilled. In the 
 four years of Mr. Van Buren's administration, the 
 ordinary expenditures of the government amounted 
 to sixty-three millions of dollars, (in round num- 
 bers.) In the hco first years of the federal admis- 
 tration, the aggregate amount of ordinary expend- 
 iture is fifty-eight millions of dollars, (in round 
 numbers.) Almost double the amount of the ordi- 
 nary expenditures in the same time. I am not going 
 to incumber my printed remarks with a detailed 
 specification of figures and facts. I have the re- 
 ports of the Secretary of the Treasury now before 
 me, and I dare successful contradiction? Was the 
 promise of plenty of money, prosperity to the 
 whole country, and every individual, and "such a 
 currency as the world never saw before," fulfilled? 
 Yes, it was, to a certain extent; but not to the entire 
 satisfaction of all the people. The loafers and bank- 
 rupts prospered. This administration has been a 
 four years' jubilee for such characters; prosperity 
 has been theirs, and we have had plenty of money 
 and such a currency "as the world never did s«e;" 
 in quantity, it has been to the amount of twelve 
 millions of dollars; in quality, it has been bankrupt 
 notices. Double expenditures and twelve millions 
 of bankrupt notices have been our currency, and the 
 reward for the overthrow of the democratic party 
 in 1840 — just such a currency, and just such a re- 
 ward, as we merited. 
 
 After the federal triumph in 1840 — a triumph mark- 
 ed above all other triumphs ever known, military 
 or political, by unbounded rejoicings, bacchanalian 
 feasts, drunken orgies, balls, routs, singing, music, 
 dancing, huzzas, and insults and sneers to the de- 
 mocracy — I say, after that triumph, Mr. Clay, hi 
 the United States Senate, likened the democracy to 
 a felon who had been tried by a jury, found guilty, 
 condemned, and standing in the cart, under the gal- 
 lows, ready for the rope. How forcibly does all 
 this remind one of the fate of Absalom and Haman! 
 How admirably their treachery, their wicked 
 schemes, and their fatal end, illustrates the frauds, 
 the perjuries, the briberies, and the demoral- 
 izing corruptions of the federalists, and particu- 
 larly their leaders in 1840. And how like 
 their end has that of the federalists been? Ab- 
 
 salom was hungw hile riding a mongrel beast, 
 much like that on which Mr. Clay rode, (for such 
 is the composition of the federal party.) Haman 
 was hung on the same gallows which he erected for 
 Mordecai. Permit me to inquire, with a modesty 
 and a diffidence which I claim to be almost peculiar 
 to myself, who now has been tried as a felon, found 
 guilty by his jury, condemned by his judges, and 
 now stands in the cart with the rope round his neck, 
 under the gallows which he erected for the democ- 
 racy? I will let Mr. Clay, the embodiment of the 
 whig-federal party, answer. As sure as God ia 
 just, there is a day of fearful retribution for the 
 wicked. That dark day now hangs over the fed- 
 eral party; and the calamities, the disgrace, and the 
 evils which they had prepared forthe democracy have 
 fallen upon themselves; whether or not they will 
 profit by it is yet to be seen. "God loveth uhom he. 
 chasteneth." It may be that the calamities visited 
 upon them by their wickedness may improve their, 
 political morals. 
 
 But, sir, I must talk of the frauds, forgeries, bribe- 
 ries, and slanders, which were practised by the 
 federalists in the recent election. It is to them that 
 I wish to direct the attention of this House and the 
 country more particularly, hoping that an expose of 
 them may have the effect to direct public attention 
 to some plan of more effectually preventing a repeti- 
 tion of them. A duty which I owe to myself, to 
 my country, and to the purity of the elective fran- 
 chise, would, at all times, induce me to vigilance in 
 so important a trust, whether in public or private 
 life; but my attention has been called more imme- 
 diately to the exposes I am about to make. I am 
 not, at this time, going to expose double voting or 
 fraudulent votes. I am not in the possession of the 
 evidence of such votes. I have not made inquiries 
 as to the extent to which iniquities may have been 
 practised in other States than my own. ' I think the 
 ballot-boxes were too well guarded in Ohio for the 
 perpetration of many of the frauds that character- 
 ized the election of 1840. That kind of voting I ex- 
 posed, to some extent, and the fatal effects that 
 must result from it, in a speech which I had the 
 honor to make here last session. I have said that 
 by whatever means the public mind may be poison- 
 ed in relation to political men and political meas- 
 ures, equally injures the value of the elective fran- 
 chise, and corrupts the ballot-box, upon the purity 
 of which depend the duration of our present form 
 of government, and the perpetuity of our free insti- 
 tutions. I am now to talk of forgeries, undue influ- 
 ences, briberies, &c, which were carried to an 
 alarming extent in the recent canvass, and with ef- 
 fects that diminished, I have no doubt, the popular 
 vote for the democratic candidates to a great extent. 
 
 Permit me to enumerate some of these frauds and 
 their effects as practised in Georgia — first of the 
 frauds, then of the effects. A circular was issued and 
 circulated in that State, purporting to be signed by- 
 Sir R. Peel and others of London, inviting all lead- 
 ing members of the free-trade party to call on and 
 draw upon their house (designating the house) in 
 New York, for whatever amount of money might 
 be wanting to conduct and secure the election of 
 Col. Polk, as follows: 
 
 "London, September 15, 1844. 
 
 "TV the free-trade parly of the United States: 
 
 "AVe, the undersigned, members of the tory party of Eng- 
 land, anxious and willing to aid the cause, and hasten the 
 triumph of free-trade principles throughout the world, and. 
 especially on the continent of America, have availed our- 
 selves of this occasion to address this brief circular to one 
 
10 
 
 tory brethren in the United States, who are zealously en- 
 gaged in effecting the ascendency of our doctrines by elect- 
 ing to the presidency that sterling and unflinching tory, and 
 proud decendent of a tory, Mr. James K. Folk, and to assure 
 our tory brethren on the opposite side of the water, that the 
 money and talents of every good and true tory in England 
 are at all times, and shall be henceforth at the command, ser- 
 vice, and disposal of the leading partisans of James K. Polk, 
 -who have so long suffered and patiently endured the curses 
 of protective tariffs and negro slavery. 
 
 "This circular will be transmitted secretly through the 
 mails to the various postmasters and other government offi- 
 cers of the United States. All bills or drafts for money or 
 documents must be addressed with proper caution and cir- 
 cumspection through democratic commercial houses to the 
 undersigned, London. 
 
 ("Signed.) PEEL, 
 
 WELLINGTON, 
 J. & S. DEXXISOX, 
 
 Committee for U. S." 
 
 There was also a handbill circulated far and wide, 
 promising that, if Mr. Clay should be elected, the 
 distribution would result to the immediate benefit of 
 each individual voter, by paying into his own hand 
 the amount which each would be entitled to of the 
 portion which Georgia would receive. One of the 
 arguments used by the whig stumpers in favor of 
 the election of Mr. Clay, was that if he should be 
 elected Texas would be annexed. Comment on 
 such base forgeries, such corrupt bribery, and such 
 double-dealing, with an intelligent and honest com- 
 munity, would seem to be unnecessary; nor would 
 it be necessary if the people were always possessed 
 of the proper means of information. 
 
 We have read history to but little advantage if 
 ■we can view such means without concern, to cor- 
 rupt the very fountains of our political safety. 
 That promise to the voter of his portion of the 
 proceeds of the public lands was a" direct bribe to 
 the voter. The forgery which proposed money by 
 the British aristocracy, was a fraudulent appeal to 
 the fears and the patriotism of the voter. These 
 fraudulent and forged circulars had for their objects 
 an appeal to the pocket, an appeal to the patriotism, 
 and an appeal to the fears. It was by such means 
 that all republics have been overthrown; and it will 
 be by such means that ours will be overthrown, if 
 there is not a timely stop put to them. Now is the 
 auspicious time to put in operation such means as 
 •will forever guard the right of suffrage from such 
 dangerous influences. To effect an object that must 
 be near the heart of every good citizen, we must 
 seize the time when the public mind is calm and un- 
 excited by party strife; and this is that time. We 
 have just passsedan exciting election; that excitement 
 and that election are over; reason and calm di 
 sion have resumed their throne; patriotism and love 
 of country can have their undisturbed sway in the 
 exercise of so good a work. 1 do not speak for the 
 direction of this House. I speak with reference to 
 our duties as citizens, and to the duty of the State 
 legislatures. 
 
 Georgia estimates her voters by her registered tax 
 papers. The vote polled at the October elections 
 showed a gr< ater number of voters than tax paS 
 The whig journals, conscious of the charge of 
 frauds which their corrupt meat iuld subject 
 
 them to, raised theory Of tt mad'd6g" and chi 
 the democracy with double and fraudulent voting, 
 while subsequent exposures showed that the in- 
 creased vote over the tax list way greater in fed 
 counties than democratic counties. The November 
 elections came of, and they Bhowed a still great* i 
 increase, and the increase greatest in the federal 
 counties, notwithstanding the increase of population 
 is greatest in the new counties which are demo- 
 
 cratic. That there should be an increased vote 
 over the tax list is natural to suppose. However 
 it may be intended that the tax list shall run with 
 the number of voters, such will not be the fact. 
 The tax of which I am speaking is called a poll-tax. 
 Persons over 60 years of age pay no poll tax, nor 
 those under twenty-one. Young men becoming of 
 age between the time of the tax list return and the 
 next election, are permitted to vote before they 
 are registered. Persons registered as tax-payers 
 can vote in congressional and presidential elections 
 in any county in the State, and many poor persons 
 are not put on the tax-register list. So I repeat 
 that the tax list is no criterion for the number of 
 voters, and we can only judge of the effects of the 
 corrupt means which were used by the whigs in 
 Georgia, by the increased federal vote in those fed- 
 eral counties where an increased vote was least ex- 
 pected. From Georgia I pass to Tennessee. When 
 the nomination of Colonel Polk was announced, 
 federalism, hyena-like, was quick on the scent. 
 But his moral character repelled the beast. His pri- 
 vate reputation was too pure, too unsullied to be 
 smitten or even touched by the sirocco breath of 
 slander. But he was not known. "Who was he? 
 who was this little man called James K. Polk, away 
 down in Tennessee?'' , was the question; was in the 
 mouth of every whig, from the great "embodiment' 1 '' 
 himself, down to the smallest whig snap in the land. 
 They have found out who James K. Polk is; and 
 they displayed an ignorance and a stupidity greater 
 than that of Balaam's ass by asking the question. 
 Janies K. Polk had held the highest office in the 
 gift of his State, both representative and executive; 
 and had for many yeas held a seat in the popular 
 branch of our national legislature; a part of which 
 time he was chairman of the Committee of Ways 
 and Means, the most responsible of all others, with 
 his name prefixed to every financial report made by 
 that committee for the time he served. A part of 
 the time he presided over the deliberations of the 
 House of Representatives with an ability and a dig- 
 nity which did credit to him, credit to the body 
 who placed him there, and honor to the American 
 nation. All that time his name was appended to 
 every law that passed Congress. Notwithstanding 
 all this, the question in the mouth of every whig 
 was, "Who is this little man called James K. Polk, 
 uvtiii down in Tennessee?" Such a question was the 
 result of hypocrisy and deception, worthy of a cor- 
 rupt party, or the result of an ignorance and stupid- 
 ity worthy of the jackass. 
 
 Those who ask the question can take which horn 
 
 of the dilemma they please. The journals were 
 
 ransacked to find some vote that Col. Polk had 
 
 given, out of which political capital could be made. 
 
 None could be found, except that he voted against 
 
 appropriating money out of the national treasury 
 
 1 to purchase wood for the poor people of Georgetown. 
 
 True, he gave that vote, because he said at the 
 
 ' time, such a vote for such an appropriation would 
 
 be a violation of his oath, and the constitution he 
 
 ' had taken an oath to support. At the time he pro- 
 
 ! posed that every member of the House should give 
 
 day's wages out of his own pocket to the | 
 
 I of Georgetown. Bui little capital could be made out. 
 
 hat vote prejudicial to Col. Polk. Next, a charge 
 
 v. as made that ne voted against the presehl pension 
 
 lawj the journals were produced which showed his 
 
 to be for the pension law. The journal was 
 
 printed in all the democratic papers, anil read from 
 
 every stump and stand from which a democrat 
 
11 
 
 E 
 
 spoke; and yet, with a recklessless that defied truth 
 and the solemn record, it was asserted to the last 
 that Col. Polk voted against the pension law. What 
 is such a party not capable of doing? After failing 
 to find anything against either the moral or political 
 character of Col. Polk, real or fictitious, that could 
 be used successfully against him, like the vilest 
 beast of all beasts, they opened the graves of his 
 fathers. His father was held up as having been a 
 Jory in the revolution; but the history of his father, 
 as well as the recollection of some still living, proved 
 him too young to have either been a tory or a patriot 
 in the revolution — too young to have taken any 
 sart in the revolution. But the hyena propensity 
 ed them to tear from the grave the body of his 
 grandfather, and he, they swore, was a tory; 
 but the character of Ezekiel Polk, and the part he 
 took in the revolution with the patriots, is matter of 
 record, and a few of his old compeers still live to 
 attest the truth of the record. 
 
 Ezekiel Polk was one of the first movers in the 
 revolution; one of the first to light the beacon of 
 rebellion. He was the first mover in the North 
 Carolina convention that formed and adopted a 
 declaration of independence one year before the na- 
 tional declaration of independence. He was an ac- 
 tive and powerful agent in the revolution; and, as a 
 reward for his successes and patriotism, the legisla- 
 ture of North Carolina elected him colonel of the 
 county in which he lived; and the magistrates of the 
 county appointed him sheriff. All these things 
 were proved by the records, and attested by men 
 who still live, in whose recollection they are yet 
 fresh; but notwithstanding all this, there were base 
 hired minions to yelp in derision "Zike Polk!" I 
 travelled through a part of Tennessee a short time 
 before the election, and I do not think 1 was half an 
 hour without hearing some federal spaniel yelp 
 "Zeke Polk!" 
 
 One falsehood more, and I have done with Tennes- 
 see. It is well known that a part of the plan of 
 electioneering in the late canvass was to attack and 
 abuse the prominent friends and supporters of Col. 
 Polk, with the intent to weaken or destroy their in- 
 fluence. Under this arrangement General Jackson 
 came in for a large share of abuse. The falsehood 
 which I am about to relate involved General Jack- 
 son, James C. Jones, (governor of Tennessee,) and 
 a minister of the gospel and standard-bearer of the 
 holy cross (if u violent politician and a retailer and 
 pedler of federal falsehoods can be honored with 
 that name) by the name of Brownlow. General 
 Jackson is a member of the Presbyterian church; 
 Governor Jones is a member of the same church. 
 Brownlow, to show the arbitrary and overbearing 
 disposition of General Jackson, stated publicly that 
 General Jackson ordered the minister of his church 
 to turn a woman (naming her) out of the church. 
 The minister replied that he could not do so until 
 complaint should be made, and a trial given, and 
 the proper forms observed which the rules of 
 the church required. General Jackson responded, 
 in an imperious tone, that she must be turned out. 
 Brownlow gave Governor Jones as his author. A 
 friend of the General, who heard this public state- 
 ment made, advised him of it. He forthwith ad- 
 dressed Governor Jones on the subject, detailing the 
 statement as Brownlow had published it. Jones 
 responded promptly, and denied, in unequivocal 
 terms, that he had ever made such a statement. 
 Both communications were published in the news- 
 paper journals, (democratic.) So the matter stood 
 
 until after the election; leaving the people to specu- 
 late and wonder on whom the lie would fall — his 
 excellency the governor, or the ambassador of 
 Heaven's despatches. The election came off; when 
 Brownlow came out publicly with the same state- 
 ments, and proved, by those who were present 
 when Jones made the statement, that he had made 
 it as he (Brownlow) had detailed it. And Jones 
 has quietly pocketed the lie, and must carry it while 
 he lives. It will stick to him like the poisoned shirt 
 of Nessus — a pretty brand for the chief executive 
 officer of a sovereign State to wear! How does 
 Tennessee bear her honors, with falsehood branded 
 deep upon the forehead of her supreme executive 
 officer? "Oh, shame! where is thy blush?" 
 
 But I must pass to Ohio. Yes, sir: truth com- 
 pels me reluctantly to expose some frauds and for- 
 geries practised in that State, which, for the honor 
 of my State, I would like to have forgotten. Some 
 three or four weeks before the election, a communi- 
 cation appeared in two of our journals simultaneous- 
 ly, over the signature of "Roorback," charging 
 Colonel Polk with branding his negroes on the 
 back with the initials of his name — "J. K. P." 
 
 Sir, one becomes bewildered almost when he con- 
 templates such an abandonment of every regard for 
 truth and moral obligation as is displayed in such a 
 communication. It shows a wantonness and a 
 criminal daring on the part of the wretch who can 
 presume so far to defy public opinion as to be guilty 
 of such an outrage; but the reflection is still more 
 mortifying when we can contemplate a public state 
 of morals so abandoned and vitiated as to tolerate 
 suchjan outrage. When we contemplate the ab- 
 sence of all the virtues that tolerates such a false- 
 hood, and such a black and damning slander, we 
 lose confidence in governmental and political institu- 
 tions, and we feel as if we are unsafe in our prop- 
 erty, our persons, and in our reputation. We feel 
 benighted, and as if we were thrown into that state 
 of heathen darkness from which the world was re- 
 deemed by a Mediator. 
 
 This reckless slander reminds me of a pious and 
 talented divine, who, when speaking of the in- 
 creased moral and religious obligations which our 
 redemption brought us under, and our often reck- 
 less disregard of them, in mercy to man we were 
 sometimes involuntarily brought to regret that the 
 star of Bethlehem led to the discovery of a Re- 
 deemer. 
 
 It is the duty of every member of society to do 
 his part to preserve that state of morals, public and 
 private, which the Christian religion imposes; and 
 should they be neglected, and permitted to fall or 
 collapse into that state of darkness which even a 
 heathen would loath, we are all accountable, in 
 proportion to the means and influences which are 
 in our power to maintain them. When any people 
 lose confidence in the laws to which they look for 
 protection, either in the enjoyment of their civil or 
 religious rights, they soon discover that they have 
 nothing either to fear or hope from them. They 
 throw off all restraints, and immediate anarchy 
 takes the place of legal regularity. The whole ma- 
 chinery of government, as well civil as religious, 
 becomes at once a perfect wreck. Personal secu- 
 rity is the foundation of all governments; and all 
 laws, whenever they fail to give that security, lose 
 all obligations due to them, and all duties and sub- 
 missions to them are at an end; and with the over- 
 throw of civil government, down goes your reli- 
 gious government. The former may stand for a 
 
12 
 
 time without the latter, but the latter cannot stand 
 a day without the former. Every good citizen, 
 whether he be a Christian or a mere moralist, looks 
 upon his reputation as the first object of the law's 
 care and protection; and it should be the glory, as 
 it is the boast, of our laws, to equally defend all our 
 citizens, high and low, rich and poor — as well the 
 character of the most humble poor man as that of 
 him who occupies the most lofty station. But 
 when the character of him who is without a stain, 
 and whose position in society is such as to merit the 
 most lofty official position that man can hold by the 
 free suffrage of twenty millions of free people, can 
 be assailed with the most blighting and withering 
 slander with impunity, what security can the hon- 
 est man in the humble walks of life hope fori When 
 falsehood and detraction can sport with the reputa- 
 tion of the most reputable with such wantonness 
 and fearless effrontery, who is it that can con- 
 sider his reputation has a moment's security? If 
 age, the most lofty position, the most unspotted char- 
 acter, and a life devoted to the highest interests of 
 its country, can find no security from the poisoned 
 shafts of calumny, where is the inducement to virtue 
 and patriotism? One of the strongest marks of the 
 freedom of our institutions is the freedom of the 
 press; but was it ever contemplated by those who 
 made the freedom of the press a fundamental prin- 
 ciple of our republican institutions, that it should be 
 used to defame and blacken the reputation of those 
 whom it might choose to make its victims by ground- 
 less falsehood. The press, when directed to the 
 public good, is the greatest blessing that a free or 
 an enslaved people can enjoy; but when perverted 
 to the base purposes of slander and falsehood, it is 
 the most blighting curse that can afflict a nation. 
 The press is a lever that can move the moral and 
 political world, either for good or for evil. It can 
 shake and totter the despot's throne, or it can bring 
 to slavery and chains a free people; it can break the 
 crosier or imprison the soul at its will. All this 
 it has done, and can do again. In this country, it 
 can perpetuate our republican institutions, and 
 spread human liberty still wider, or it can overthrow 
 both. When wielded for good, there is no despot's 
 arm to arrest its progress. If wielded for evil, it can 
 meet with no restraint but the disapprobation of the 
 good; and even those who express that disap- 
 probation, however exalted their station, may be 
 made to quail before it by a repetition of its 
 abused power. The newspaper journals were for- 
 merly the medium through which the lessons 
 of morality, virtue, and patriotism were taught to 
 the people; and so long as they were devoted to 
 such holy purposes, they were held in a respect al- 
 most approaching reverence and adoration. The 
 inciples which they advanced were held as the 
 rules of faith in morals and patriotism. But how 
 changed ! They are now feared as the reckless and 
 abandoned .slanderer, and hated as the pander of 
 of falsehood and detraction. The press that cot Id 
 lend itself for so base a purpose as the publication 
 of the charge on Colonel Polk, signed Roorback, is 
 not free, nor can its publications be regarded as 
 freedom of the pi-ess. It is the base-bought minion 
 of a corrupt master; and such have been most of 
 the federal presses ever since the people of this 
 country commenced shaking off the trammels which 
 the banks and other incorporations and mono] 
 sing institutions had woven around them. Freedom 
 of the press has almost become an obsolete idea; for 
 many years past editors and newspapers have been 
 
 articles of political commerce; they have been 
 bought and sold like cattle in the market, or sheep 
 in the shambles, and at all prices, from that paid by 
 the United States Bank for Jim Watson Webb, 
 y r >-2,000, down to that paid for the back woods 
 county court advertiser, by the leanest shinplaster 
 manufactory. But I have given too much time 
 to Roorback. I think if moral dignity has yet any 
 place in the American character, he will find his 
 reward in the indignant frown and withering con- 
 tempt of every good man of both parties, to which 
 I hereby consign him. 
 
 But of more frauds and forgeries in Ohio. It is 
 well known that Birney was the candidate for the 
 presidency of the abolition party. Of the ordinary 
 corrupt means and undue influences that were used 
 by the federalists to secure the abolitionists in Ohio 
 for Mr. Clay, I will not speak. I speak of extraordi- 
 nary means and extraordinary corruptions. A few 
 days before the presidential election, a forged commu- 
 nication made its appearance, purporting to be from 
 under the hand of J. G. Birney, declining to longer 
 stand as the candidate of the abolition party. In 
 the North he was represented as having declined in 
 favor of Mr. Clay, as more was to be expected from 
 him for the abolition cause than from Col. Polk, as 
 he (Clay) was opposed to the annexation of Texas. 
 In the South he was represented to have declined 
 in favor of Col. Polk, with a view to array the 
 slaveholding interests against him, and to neutralize 
 the unfavorable impressions making 'against 
 Clay owing to the preference given to him in the 
 North by the abolitionists in consequence of his 
 opposition to the annexation of Texas. That was 
 a two-edged sword made to cut in favor of Clay in 
 the North and against Polk in the South. 
 
 That letter of Birney was endorsed by the whig 
 central State committee of Ohio as genuine; and, in 
 consequence of that endorsement, passed off as a 
 genuine document, and to a great extent did the 
 business it was intended to do. Its work was so 
 effectual in Ohio that the abolition vote for Birney 
 was but six thousand; whereas for King, the aboli- 
 tion candidate at the October election, the vote was 
 upwards of nine thousand. When it was too late 
 Birney's refutation made its appearance, but with 
 no other good effect than to impress upon the pub- 
 lic mind a valuable admonition triat extreme caution 
 against such corrupt and deep and dark plans to 
 deceive them is the highest obligation they owe 
 themselves. Who committed that forgery? Public 
 opinion fixed it on the whig State central committee, 
 and on them public opinion will clinch and rivet 
 it. He who will endorse a falsehood or a forgery, 
 will commit both. I am told that this forgery was 
 endorsed by the whig central committe of Indiana; 
 and in that State it did large business for the whig 
 electoral ticket. If I am wrong, some m< mber from 
 the State can correct me. 
 
 While on the State of Indiana, permit me to name 
 another circumstance, which shows an alarming 
 .-tale of moral and political depravity, whi«'h noth- 
 ing but a diseased and distempered state of political 
 excitement would tolerate. 1 had the honor of ad- 
 dressing a democratic mass meeting of the citizens 
 of Indiana, at the Rising Sun. The whig party had 
 a barbecue on the same day, at the .same place. 
 From the head of their marching columns was dis- 
 played the American flag. That flag was borne by 
 a convict of the Indiana penitentiary, yet fresh, reek- 
 ing in disgrace and infamy, and with the sickening 
 stench of the penitentiary yet enveloping his loath- 
 
13 
 
 some person. Excuse me from comment on such a 
 disgusting scene. 
 
 I now pass to the whig frauds of New York; and 
 I will have time to notice but a few of them. I was 
 not conversant myself with the whole system of 
 bribery practised, or attempted to be practised, in 
 New York. I believe it will not be denied that 
 money was poured out and spread over the State 
 like water, to buy up democratic votes. I have been 
 furnished with one case, where a man stated at the 
 polls thai lie had received twenty-five dollars on his 
 
 Eromise to vote for Mr. Clay. In conformity with 
 is promise, he put a ballot in the box with the 
 name of u Henry Clay for Coroner" on it, stating 
 that that was a sufficient redemption of his promise. 
 Another individual stated at the polls that he had 
 been offered two dollars, but that he had refused to 
 take it, and pointed out one of the inspectors of the 
 election, and another individual who was standing 
 by, as the individuals who had offered the bribe. 
 Another man stated at the polls that he had received 
 forty dollars, at sundry times, to vote for Mr. Clay, 
 but voted the democratic ticket openly. 1 have only 
 named these four instances to show the truth of the 
 charge that a grand and wide-spread system of 
 bribery was adopted to corrupt and bribe every man 
 that could be corrupted and bribed; and that iniqui- 
 tous system was carried so far as to invade the very 
 sanctuary of justice, guarded and defended as it was 
 by the solemnity of an oath, binding the conscience 
 while here, and the soul to the throne of an eternal 
 responsibility. I could fill a book with glaring in- 
 stances of frauds which I have collected in various 
 other States, but which I have no time to men- 
 tion. 
 
 But before I quit New York, I wish to speak of 
 one fraud which was played off upon the democra- 
 cy. It is well known that there is a new faction, 
 under an old name, springing up: I mean the name 
 of "Native American.'' I will probably pay my 
 respects to that faction before the close of this ses- 
 sion; at present, I will only say that the object of 
 the faction is to deprive the foreigner, who flees from 
 despotism, of the rights of a free citizen. It is an 
 old firm under a new sign. It is a portion of the 
 same party, under a new name, that were crushed 
 to the dust, as the worm is crushed, by the election 
 of Thomas Jefferson. In one of the democratic 
 processions in New York city, it was so contrived 
 as to push a federal native American, bearing aloft a 
 banner inscribed "Americans shan't rule us." The 
 bearer was rudely thrust out of the procession. 
 When another division of the procession marched 
 up, the bearer of the flag again entered, and again 
 was thrust out. But the object of the fraud was 
 secured. The foreigner's banner was seen in the 
 procession, and the charge went forth with the ra- 
 pidity of horizontal lightning, that the flag was gen- 
 uine, and was represented as a daring and defying 
 bravado of the Dutch and the Irish — a presump- 
 tuous declaration of their strength and their num- 
 bers, and an arogant attempt at the usurpation and 
 the control of the government ; and all good and 
 true Americans, who loved their country, were ap- 
 
 f>ealed to, as they revered the memory and the revo- 
 utionary services of their fathers, to march to the 
 polls to their country's rescue, and to redeem their 
 cherished and free institutions from the hands of the 
 degraded swarms of the ruffian vassals of Germany 
 and Ireland. How far that fraud may have influ- 
 enced the election, others are as capable of judging 
 as I am. As usual in our elections, the country 
 
 was threatened with poverty and ruin in the event 
 of the success of the democracy. 
 
 I hold in my hand a loaf of black bread. It is 
 composed of saw-dust and wheat bran, cemented 
 with a small quantity of molasses. This, the peo- 
 ple were told, was the bread which the "common' 1 '' 
 people were to eat in the event of Polk's election; 
 a Lacedaemonian poverty was to overspread the 
 country, and the people were to be fed on "black 
 bread and broth.' 1 '' This loaf of black bread is of the 
 proper size to fill the pocket of a whig demagogue; 
 and was carried "from barbecue to barbecue, and I 
 suppose displayed from every ash stump in the land, 
 and no one to bless it. Ah, sir; who are they who 
 eat black bread: Go to the States of Europe and 
 you can answer that question. Go where monopo- 
 lies and high tariff protection prevail, and you will 
 find millions who eat black bread. Go to England, 
 where a national bank and a high protection have 
 thrown the entire real and personal wealth of the 
 nation into the possession of less than three hun- 
 dred thousand of an aristocracy, and by which 
 more than twenty millions are ground down in pov- 
 erty to the dust and the grave; there, sir, you will 
 find black bread, and those who eat it. But extend 
 your travel to Spain; you will find millions who 
 have to eat black bread in sorrow and slavery by 
 the same system of monopoly, while a few, who 
 are the recipients of the benefits of that monopoly, 
 riot in wealth and luxury. Progress in your tour 
 of discovery, and you will soon arrive at Portugal, 
 where you will find the maxim of aristocracy ("the 
 better-bom should govern") in full blast, with all its 
 benefits, you will find the entire mass of the common 
 people reduced to bondage, while "the better-bom^ 
 but few in number, riot in luxury wrung from the 
 sweat of those who have been reduced to bondage 
 by a long and cherished system of monopoly and 
 exclusive privileges; there, too, you will find black 
 bread. Turn your face to the north; traverse the 
 vast dominions of a Russian autocrat, and you will 
 find, by the same system of monopoly and exclu- 
 sive privileges, even a worse state of bondage. You 
 will find a proud and haughty nobility scattered here 
 and there over the country. You will also find a 
 population of millions, and many millions too, who 
 only distinguish themselves to be the sons and daugh- 
 ters of Adam, by walking erect. They are wiih- 
 out responsible souls; their bodies are the property 
 of a master; mere serfs, sunk in degradation; chained 
 to the landed property, and transferred with it from 
 master to master, as the horses and cattle, of which, 
 in every civil, responsible, and political sense, they 
 are a part. There, too, they eat black bread. Who 
 is it here that would throw the government into the 
 control of "(he better born?" Sir, that was a maxim 
 with the federal leaders at the formation of our gov- 
 ernment, and has been so from that day to this. 
 Who are they who have exerted themselves from 
 the first day of our national legislation to this day, to 
 fix upon the country a national bank and a high pro- 
 tective tariff, and an organized system of monopolies 
 and exclusive privileges, which have the direct ten- 
 dency, and are intended to have the effect to reduce 
 "the common people" of this country to a state of Eu- 
 ropean bondage: I answer: the whig -federal party. 
 The men and the party of men who displayed this 
 loaf of black bread in hypocrisy, deception, and fraud. 
 This government has no power to manufacture and 
 bestow privileges to any man, parly of men, or asso- 
 ciations. It has no power to adopt any system • ><' ptal- 
 tcy that will operate to the benefit of one e!u*t of. 
 
14 
 
 Caen to the exclusion or prejudice of all others. No 
 system of policy can be adopted, whether it be a sys- 
 tem of protection, or of monopoly, that will 
 not be partial and oppressive in its operations 
 to all classes of society, with the exception 
 of the few whose locations and whose occupa- 
 tiona may make it peculiarly favorable to them. 
 Hor can any government manufacture powers or 
 privileges. It may transfer powers and privileges; 
 or it can rob one class of the community, or the mass 
 of the people, of powers and privileges which never 
 were surrendered in the formation of the government; 
 but all such exercises of power are a violation of the 
 fundamental principles of the government, a political 
 robbery, and a violence on the sacred rights of the 
 people. Ifthe law-making power in a State incor- 
 porates a bank, the advantages consist in the exclu- 
 sive privileges which arc bestowed to the incorpo- I 
 
 rated company. From whence are those exclu- 
 sive privileges drawn? The answer is plain. 
 They are drawn from all the remainder of the peo- 
 ple who are not embraced in the corporation. It 
 is, I repeat, a violence and a robbery upon their 
 rights which the constitution was made to defend 
 and protect. So with a protective system of policy. 
 If extraordinary duties are imposed, upon foreign 
 importations, it operates directly as a bonus to those 
 who manufacture all articles on which is imposed 
 such duty; and that/too, at the expense of the entire 
 community not engaged in the manufacturing of 
 such articles. A protective system must be an op- 
 pressive system, because it must be partial. A sys- 
 tem of protection, a* app1i<d to the imposition of 
 high duties which would extend to all persons in 
 ill- community, would be no protection at all. It 
 would destroy itself. Sir, permit nie to admonish 
 
15 
 
 those who read me, if they would avoid that state 
 of inequality, vassalage, poverty, and pauperism 
 which have reduced millions in Europe to eat black 
 bread in sorrow, to set their faces and exercise the 
 political powers which are theirs, against those sys- 
 tems of monopoly and partial protection which the 
 federal party are attempting to fix on them and the 
 country. We have passed an election of the chief 
 magistrate of the country; that election is more 
 glorious on account of the triumph of principles than 
 of men — that is its chief glory. We have elected a 
 man whose purity of purpose will be directed to the 
 honor and to the highest interests of the country, to 
 the whole country, and nothing but the country. 
 We have defeated a man whom 1 believe to be one of 
 the most corrupt and dangerous men living. 1 be- 
 lieve him to be the Catiline of the age, and who, if 
 he had been elected, would have overthrown those 
 free and equal institutions which are the guardians 
 of our personal liberty and the anchor of our politi- 
 cal hope, and would, so far as his official power 
 would have enabled him, have supplanted their place 
 with privileged orders, odious monoplies, and sub- 
 verting influences. I believe no man ever spoke 
 more truth, in the same number of words, than did 
 Jno. Randolph, when he said "Henry Clay was 
 talented, but he was corrupt. He stinks and shines, 
 and shines and stinks, like a rotten mackerel 
 by moonlight." How narrowly did we escape! 
 Through the whole canvass, high hopes inspired and 
 stimulated the entire federal ranks; while despair 
 and doubt, dark as the cloud of midnight, occasion- 
 ally hung over the democracy. So confident were 
 the federalists of victory that, as I am told, a magni- 
 ficent and gorgeous coach was constructed to convey 
 the body of the "great embodiment" from Wheeling to 
 the capital mansion; but oh, how mortifying! Col- 
 onel Polk rode in that coach to the capital mansion. 
 Saul sought the life of David, and while pursuing 
 him with all his royal power, David at one time 
 cut the skirt from his cloak; at another time he took 
 from him his staff and his cruse of water. God was 
 on the side of David and the children of Israel. God 
 was on the side of Polk and the people. 
 
 1 have said that, out of the great anil multiplied promises 
 made the people in 1840, if the federalists could get power, 
 there was but one fulfilled — that was "such a i um ncy us the 
 world never saw, and plenty of it." That promise, I repeat, 
 was fulfilled. The quality was bankrupt notices— the 
 quantity was twelve millions. Some wag has sent we the 
 model of a bank note, which he says was to be our currency 
 in the event of Mr. Clay's election. Here it is. His a hand- 
 some picture; a good looking bank note; and 1 believe 
 would have about as much intrinsic value as other bank 
 notes, which have been, and are likely to be, a part of our 
 currency. For 1 see our Ohio whig legislature are about 
 passing a bank bill, which is again to overshadow the 
 State, and perhaps the country, with a spawn of shin-plas- 
 teis. To say nothing of the "flourishes and images of men 
 and beasts, it reads as follows: 
 
 "Huzza! huzza! the country's rising 
 For Henry Clay and Frelinghuysen. 
 
 "Bank of the United States— capital $200,01)0,000— received 
 in all government dues — payable in whig glory — in old 
 I'nited States Bank notes — or in generous confidence— at the 
 option of the holder— T. Frelinghuysen, cashier — H. Clay, 
 president." 
 
 I will make a cut of this federal whig bank note a part of 
 my printed remarks, for the amusement of my readers. It is 
 in character with the currency of bankrupt notices. It is 
 a great misfortune that there could not have been a large 
 issue of these notes before the election. They could all 
 now be redeemed with coon skins. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the chief object I have had in making these 
 exposes is to guard the democracy of the country against 
 the effects of such corrupt and fraudulent means as are re- 
 sorted to by the federal party to deceive them. I will ask 
 them, if they have no immediate use for this expose, to put 
 it away ; and when an interesting election comes on, return 
 
 to it, and compare the federal means used with the means 
 heretofore used, as here exposed. They will see again, 
 repeated what has characterized every election that 
 has gone before— caricature, bribery, slander, and de- 
 tection. Perhaps a reperusal of this expose may 
 have the effect to lead them to compare the means which 
 will be used with those which have been used, and conclu- 
 sions may be drawn that will save them from being made 
 the dupes and the subjects of such frauds. 
 
 I cannot take my seat without warning my readers against 
 the influence and designs of new factions which periodically 
 spring up lor political effect, but with professions moral and 
 patriotic. A reference to past factions, and their designs, 
 ought to be sufficient to open the eyes of every man against 
 the snares of factions which, no doubt, will hereafter spring 
 up, as well as against new names which will be assumed for 
 political effect. Why is it that every new faction that springs 
 up, as well as every new political name that is assumed, is 
 brought to bear against the democracy ? Political fraud has 
 over and over displayed itself to be the object, and still the 
 people will permit themselves to be deceived. In the midst 
 of war, when gloom overspread the country dark as the cur- 
 tain ©f night — when every national energy and when every 
 man worthy of the name of an American should have been 
 concentrated on national defence, there was a peace party 
 sprung up, which had for its object, national subjection ana 
 national disgrace. That faction rallied many to its disgraceful 
 banner; all of whom were turned against the democrary. 
 Next came, after that, the anti-masonic porty, which had its 
 <laj j and from its disgraceful beginning to its disgraceful end 
 operated against the democracy, Next followed the aboli- 
 tion faction, whose object, from its beginning, seemed to be 
 Ijui to divide and conquer the democracy. No sooner does 
 its leaf become sere and yellow than the native American 
 faction shows its head, and arrays itself against the democj 
 racy, and combines itself as well with the federal party as 
 with the remnants of the factions which preceded it. But, as 
 I before remarked, this is an old faction under a new 
 name. Oi all factions that ever disgraced American soil, 
 or polluted the American name, this is the most politi- 
 cally dishonorable and anti-republican. It is at war with 
 every patriotic principle and with nation:.! gratitude. It 
 should be supposed that the well-known fact that there is 
 not a field on which a battle was fought, either in our glori- 
 ous revolution, or our second war tor {independence, that 
 did not drink the blood of foreigners, more especially that of 
 the Irishman and the ( teraan, would secure to the foreigner 
 the rights of an American citizen. Lafayette, Pulaski, De- 
 kalb, Kosciusco, and Steuben, were all pilgrims in the cause 
 of American independence — all rendered services in that 
 cause that demand, in the name of justice, patriotism, and 
 gratitude, the rights of an American to their respective 
 countrymen ; and he who would deny them such 
 rights is unworthy of them himself, and should 
 be transported and consigned to Russian despot- 
 ism. Montgomery was an Irishman. He poured 
 out the last drop of life on the plains of Abraham before the 
 walls of Quebec. Has he gained nothing for the oppressed 
 sons of Ireland? Who would deny to the countrymen of 
 Montgomery the rights of an American? Retributive jus- 
 tice would consign him to linger and languish by the op- 
 pressions which Great Britain imposes on Ireland. I have 
 before said that the object of the native American party is 
 to disfranchise the foreigner; and their whole'object is to 
 reach the German and the Irishman. They are two to one 
 in number as compared with all other foreigners, and Uhey 
 \ uh the democratic ticket. If they voted the whig ticket 
 we would hear of no native American associations. It is to 
 advance federal whigery that the Germans and the Irish 
 are to be disfranchised. Germans and Irishmen ! I 
 wish you were here; I would appeal to you — I would 
 say to you, as you abhor the despotism from which 
 you have fled, and as you love and revere the 
 government and the free institutions you have adopt- 
 ed, turn upon your enemy. It will be the united 
 effort of the whig and native American parties to crush joul 
 to the earth — to sink you into political and civil degrada- 
 tion. A spirit of resentment is an instinct of animated cre- 
 ation—from man. the image of his Maker, to the worm of 
 the dust. If you wish to perpetuate those rights which the 
 constitution hss secured to you and tho;e of your country- 
 men who are to come after you, your only hope is through 
 and by the democracy. The democracy are your friends: 
 they have stood by you, and will stand by you. Will you. 
 stand by them? In all our political struggles, will you be 
 found rallying under the banner of democracy ? As the de- 
 mocracy and the democratic principles are maintained and 
 perpetuated, so will your rights be perpetuated and main-' 
 tained. The foreign blood which was drunk b; the soil to 
 which you have fled, and which you have adopted as your 
 home, demands, in silent admonition, that you shall at ail 
 'times do battle in the glorious cause of democracy. 
 
16 
 
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