vO o. h. v-^' -0- , 1 C' I- , ■ '• a 0' o5 -V : V-^ ((^ %^- <^^ * -. N O -^ .0- v' %. °.s/mM ^ .>:^^^ ,\ •' ^^' 0' X ^ ■' <, V .^ V ''c^. <^, \^-^' .0^ •^ <^ ^. d':' V\^ V.' 3^ o5 -T-^^ cP- •^'■>^ .^^^- vxV . ^ v\ ^\^ c" c^. ,0 o^ c_ '- .^•^ -''^. ,0 o. .P ^^^ X ^^m ,x^' •^.c'^ .^^ \-. '<> /' ,^^^- ^/>. •v'. > .. V ' « 0^'.^ -/ -^ .,-^ V c " ^ ^' « ''b. ^.,<^N . - . ^ nO^.. ^-; s. !«■ ' *^" ^^ 0^ c>, - A 't' >*-^' c- "--:. <^^ X"^' ' "^-^J 4"- "■': >', ^^_ .S-'^ - 0^ rj^ •', ■^'•M^y •^ -V O ' ..•, .-. ^ ■ o . "> "■■ « ''' b. '' ■^ *-• <■ A-' \ V- .^' C^^ <',. -^ -4^ »,- /■ X>. ■v\" ^ -, ^ ^>^>::: 'p^ ' !"-> AV . ..*'«* -^^ ■ A-' 'i'r ^ , ^ '^.- ^^^ - x' A^ n ^^ f. A^- -^• \ "V/^ ' r, * N V "^^ ■J .\^- ^0' ■^ j*^ ^ ^ •"oo^' <^. C^ ,.~^ -^c c^- ", ''z, ^ V . SS' ,-V ^- sO -3 ^ ,<^' ^ hi -' V .-^^ ,0 o /^^ %/ .x^% .y.^' X .'^ oo' .A" ,A '/*. -^•'., '"-^V' ,.A -A nf PICTORIAL < MODERN HISTORY, THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY COLUMBUS TO THE PRESENT TIME. BY JOHN TEOST, LL.D. PROFESSOR OF BELLES LETTRES IN THE HIGH SCHOOL OF PHILADELmiA. PHILADELPHIA : CHARLES J. GILLIS. 18 46. Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by JOHN FROST, In the office of the Clerk of the District Court of the United States, in and for the Eastern Disirict of Pennsylvania. STEREOTYPED BY L. JOHNSON AND CO. PHTLADELPHIA. PRINTED BY T. K. AND P. G. COLLINS. To condense the leading events of modern history into the space afforded in the following pages has been by no means an easy task. As history advances from antiquity to the Middle Ages, and from the Middle Ages to modern times, the affairs of nations continually become more and more complicated and extensive, until the multitude of characters and events, which present them- selves to notice, completely bewilder the mind. Hence the choice of important points on which the reader's attention should be fixed requires a great deal of care and reflection. It has been the author's aim to acquit himself in this respect in as faithful a manner as his ability and means permitted. He has endeavoured to present the subject in broad masses, avoiding minute details, ^2 V vi PREFACE. and bringing into strong relief the men and things that have exerted the strongest influence on the grand current of human affairs. The divisions of the subject are few, and the narrative as simple and direct as so extensive a plan would by any means permit. Leading characters and events are dwelt upon according to the author's estimate of their relative importance, and others are necessarily passed over with, comparatively, slight notice. But little space has been afforded to the history of our own country, from the conviction that this course would be most acceptable to intelligent readers, familiar as they are with all the great events of American history. It will be perceived by the references to authorities, which occur in the work, that the author has generally relied on the most recent and approved for his facts. It is incumbent on him, in taking leave of his task, to express his obligations to the great living writers of whose labours he has freely availed himself; and to the artists and literary friends who have so kindly aided him in the prosecution of the work. In conclusion, he trusts that this Pictorial History may in some degree contribute to the more general diffusion of a taste for history and the fine arts. Age of Charles the Fifth CHAPTER I. Page 13 Age of Elizabeth CHAPTER II. 49 CHAPTER III. From the Time of Elizabeth to the Commencement of the Thirty Years' War ... 70 CHAPTER IV. The Thirty Years' War 86 CHAPTER V. The English Revolution 113 CHAPTER VI. The Commonwealth of England 125 CHAPTER VII. Continental Europe in the Times of Louis the Fourteenth 143 viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. Great Britain from the Death of Cromwell to the Revolution of 1688 185 CHAPTER IX. Great Britain, from the Revolution of 1688 to the Death of Queen Anne .... 197 CHAPTER X. Eastern Europe and the North 201 CHAPTER XI. Europe, from the Peace of Utrecht to the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 224 CHAPTER XII. The Seven Years' War 235 CHAPTER XIH. From the Peace of Paris to the French Revolution 253 CHAPTER XIV. The French Revolution 268 CHAPTER XV. The Consulate and the Empire 328 CHAPTER XVI. History of Europe sincb the Restoration of the Bourbons 346 CHAPTER XVII. History of Colonization 351 CHAPTER XVIII. The United States ' 358 CHAPTER XIX. India and China ^66 TITLEPA.OE VIGNETTE T. HEA.D PIECE TO PKEFAOE . . VI. TAILPIECE VII. HEAD PIECE TO CONTESTS IX. HEAD PIECE TO ILLUSTRATIONS. 13. HEAD PIECE ...... 15.L0UISSI. 16. LOUIS SI. ENTEBINO BHEIMS 17. JOHN THE FEARLESS 21.HENRYVIII. . 23. PREACHINa OP MARTIN LUTHKR 2 6. BATTLE OP MARIQNANO 29. PIELD OF THE CLOTH OP GOLD . 32. FRANCIS I. 34. ANNA BOLEYN ..... 3 7. DEATHOPDAVINOI . 39. CHARLES V. ENTERING AVITTENBEBG 41. DEFENCE OF METZ .... 44. BRADOATE PALACE . . ' . 46. VENETIAN SENATOR 4S. TAILPIECE 49. HEAD PIECE ..... 49. ORNAMENTAL LETTER 52. SISOE OP CALAIS .... 57. QUEEN Mary's tower 60. queen ELIZABETH. 65. ENTRY OF HENRY IV. INTO PARIS 66. QUEEN ELIZABETH AT TILBURY 67. EARL OF ESSES ..... 68. EARL OF ESSEX LED TO EXECUTION 69. TAILPIECE 70. HEAD PIECE ....... 70. ORNAMENTAL LETTER . 73. DEATH OF HESR7 IV. 79. ASSASSINATION OP DEMETRIUS 83.JAMESI.. 84. RALEIGH 85. TAILPIECE Vol. III. 2 "W . C R O O M E CHEVALIER O. T. DEVEBEUX R A F F E T HARVEY VICTOR ADAM B A F F E T HARVEY VICTOB ADAM VECELLIO . VICTOR ADAM GILBERT. CHEVALIER VICTOR ADAM GILBERT . HARBISON . H A B V E Y . CHEVALIER HARVEY VICTOR ADAM O I L n E RT . HARVEY hiiLiiavi-rs. a. T. DEVEBEUX. N. B. DEVERSUX. G. T. DEVEREUX. H. BRICHER. O. T. DEVEREUX, B . F . -TO A I T T . 6. T. DEVEllECX. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 86. 86. 87. 9 0. 9 1. 93. 99. 102. 104. 105. 107 112 113 113. 115. 116. 119. 122. 124. 125. 129. 130. 132 133. 137 13 9 142 143 143 145 149 155 159 163 164 165 168 169 172 175 177 179 182 185 185 186 187 193 19 5 196 PBA-GTJE. ORNAMENTAL LETTER. COnNT THORN ..... ERNEST OP MANSFELD FERDINANDII. . ASSASSINATION OP MARSHAL d'an ORE. CHRISTIAN OF DENMARK ENTERING "WO LFE N B tTTTB L .... ■TO- A LLB NS TE IN DISMISSED TILLY MORTALLY WOUNDED DEATH OP GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS MONUMENT TO GUSTAVUS ADOLPHU "WALLENSTEIN TAILPIECE CHARLES I. . ORNAMENTAL LETTER COSTUME OF A PURITAN "TO'ENT'WORTH ..... PYM ........ MONUMENT OF NASEBY FIELD. TAILPIECE. CROM^WELL BOSCOBEL HOUSE .... IBETON COSTUME OP A CUIRASSIER CROMWELL EXPELLING THE PARLIA ME NT ...... CROMWELL REFUSING THE CROWN TURENNE. TAILPIECE. LOniSXIV. ORNAMENTAL LETTER BATTLE OP ROCBOY CROMWELL RECEIVING MAZARIn' LETTER PASSAGE OP THE RHINE BOMBARDMENT OP ALGIERS . TOURVILLE's VICTORY NEABDIEPP ORNAMENTAL LETTER DUEE OP ANJOU PBOOLAIMED KIN OPSPAIN. ORNAMENTAL LETTER BATTLE OP FRIEDLINGEN ORNAMENTAL LETTER BATTLE OP DENAIW .... ORNAMENTAL LETTER SIEGE OF BRISACH .... ORNAMENTAL LETTER, CHAPTER HEAD ..... ORNAMENTAL LETTER SOLDIER OP TRAINED BANDS RESTORATION OF CHARLES II. THE DUTCH DESTROYING BRITIS TOWNS. EXECUTION OP AROYLE COBONATION CHAIR »esi;iiers. G. T. DEVBBEnX PFEIPFBB . VICTOR ADAM Engraver:. a. T. DEVBRKUS. PFEIFFER AFTER VAN PFEIPFBB O I L B E BT . W. C BOO M E WILLIAMS Q I LB E BT WILLIAMS PFEIFFER B A F F E T VICTOR ADAM DAVID. VICTOR ADA! P F E IPPB R VICTOR ADAM PFEIFFER VICTOR ADAM PFEIFFER VICTOB ADAM PFEIFFER VICTOB ADAM PFHIFFEB ■WILLIAMS HARVEY S. F. BAKER. G. T. DBVEHEUX. S. F. BAKER. G. T. DEVEREDX B. P. -W AITT. G. T. DEVEREOX. H . B R I C H E R . G. T. DEVKRED5:. H. BRICHEB. G. T. DEVEREUX. B RI C H R R. T. DEVEREUX. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 197 19 7 19 S 199 201 202 205 209 2 14 2 15 222 223 2 24 224 226 228 23 1 233 234 23 5 23 5 236 24 1 24 4 24S 2 5 1 2 5 2 253 253 254 2 56 259 263 267 268 268 270 2 77 279 :i83 286 288 29 29 1 292 294 29 8 299 300 302 303 304 307 309 3 1 1 3 1 5 ARMS OF OREAT BRITAIN ORNAMENTAL LETTER COSTUME OF QUEEN MARY WILLIAMIII. . SOBIESKI FREDERIC -WILLIAM SIEGE OF VIENNA .... JOHN CASIMIR RESIGNING CHRISTIAN IV. OF DENMARK OSENSTEIRN CHARLESXII. TAILPIECE D D K E OF CUMBERLAND . ORNAMENTAL LETTER PETER THE GREAT .... PORTO BELLO MEDAL . BATTLE OF OHO TUSITZ . . . THE YOUNG PRETENDER TAILPIECE. HEADPIECE ORNAMENTAL LETTER DEATH OF ADMIRAL BYNQ FREDERIC AT LISSA. . . . . PARTING OF FREDERIC AND PRINCE HENRY. WILLIAM STUART, EARL OF BUTE MARIA THERESA .... TAILPIECE. E'OSOIUSKO ORNAMENTAL I, ETTER CLKMENTXIV. CATHARINEII. . JOHNWILKES. CATHARINE II. AND HER COUNCIL BRITISH COSTUMES .... HEADPIECE ORNAMENTAL LETTER LODISXVI. REPLY OF MIRABEAU CAPTURE OF THE BASTILE MARIE ANTOINETTE JACOBINCLUB MIRABEAU DUKE OF BRUNS-WICE. DUMOURIEZ. LOUIS GOING TO THE ASSEMBLY ROBESPIERRE DEATH OF LOUIS 2VI. CHARETTE MARAT. . ROOHEJAQUELIN . DUKE OF YORK ..... TRIALOFDANTON. TALLIEN Robespierre's trial BARRAS. AROOLA . . . . . Designers. ■WILLIAMS G. T. DEVEREUX. S. F. BAKER ADOLPH MENZai Q. T. DEVEREUS GILBERT . PFEIFFER ■W. C BOO M E PFEIFFER - ■WILLIAMS . ■W . C ROO M E HARRISON , ADOLPH MENZ: ENGLISH PRINT. ADOLPH MENZEL HARVEY . E L ADOLPH MENZEL HARVEY. . . ADOLPH MENZEL ■W. O ROOM E ■WILLIAMS . ADOLPH MENZEL ENGLISH PRINT ADOLPH MENZEL HARRISON CHEVALIER (( R A F F E T ■WILLIAMS R A F F E T ■WILLIAMS R A F F E T ENGLISH PRINT FRENCH PRINT ■WILLIAMS R AFFE T . H. B B I H E R. S. F. B A K K B. Q . T. DEVEHEUX. S . F. BAKER. H B R I C U F R. 3. F . BAKER G. T. DEVEKEDX. S. F. BAKER. J . D O ^W N E S . O. T. DEVEREUX. H . B BIC n K R. S . F. B AK E H. Q. T. DEVEREDX. 8. F . BAKER. O. T. DEVEREDX. S. F. BAKER. Q. T. DEVEREDX. S . F , BAKER. H . n B 1 C H E B . G. T. DEVEREUX. H. BBICHBR. O. T. DF. VEBEDX. J . D O ■W N E S. B. F. W AITT. O. T. DEVEBEUX. B. F . ■W A I TT. (c tt J . D O "W N E S . Q. T. DEVEREaX. S . F . B .»L K E B . G. T. DEVEREDS. N. B. DFVEHEOX. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 390. 323. 3 2 5. 3 2 7. 323. 3 2 8. 3 29. 33 4. 33S. 34 0. 3 4 5. 346. 3 57. 3 58. 36 1. 366. BONAPARTE S ARRIVAL IN KGTPT NAPOLEON AT THE PYRAMIDS. BATTLE OF THE NILE M H B A T NAPOLEON . . . . , . ORNAMENTAL LETTER PASSAGE OP THE ALPS BATTLE OF A TJ S T E R L I T Z WELLINGTON MASSENA. NAPOLEON AT ST. HELENA . VICTORIA. ORNAMENTAL LETTER LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS ORNAMENTAL LETTER GENERAL TV O L F E .... "WASHINGTON ACKNOWLEDGMEST OF AMERICAN IN DEPENDENCE TIPPOOSAHIB ORNAMENTAL LETTER TAILPIECE . . , . 1)6,1!; ,ers H. V E R N E T H AR V B T . R A F F E T H. V E RN ET HARBISON H. V E R N B T GILBERT W. C R O O M E G. T. DEVEREUX W . ROOM E . VICTOR ADAM K A F F B T ErisravT". G. T. DEVEREDX J. D O "W N E S. S. F . BASER G. T. DEVEREDX". N. B. DEVEREUX. S . P. BAKER. a. T. DEVEREUy. S. F. B AX E R. G . T . D S V E R E U .V . S . F. BAKER. G. T. DEVEREUX. ■I eijaxU^ tlje iFifi^. DURING the period of the Middle Ages, as well as in ancient times, the various parts of the world were comparatively isolated from each other. This observation not only applies to countries widely separated, but even to conti- guous kingdoms. The intercourse of com- merce and diplomacy was small and often interrupted. Communication by land or water was slow and difficult ; and military or naval expeditions were frequently defeated by causes which in modern times do not exist. But the invention of gunpowder, the mariner's compass, and the art of printing, were destined to effect great and important changes in the whole aspect of human affairs, and in the latter part of the fifteenth century these causes were already beginning to operate. The fresh impulse given to commercial intercourse, the wider diffusion of books and learning, and the new system of military operations, could not fail to produce striking changes in political affairs ; and accordingly we shall soon see the different nations of Europe united in a common system of diplomacy, ever vigilant, and jealous of mutual encroachments, and as remarkable for their attention to the movements of each other, and their ready interference in foreign politics, as they had formerly been for their total neglect of every thing which B (13) 14 AGEOFCHARLESTHEFIFTH. did not compel their attention by the immediate pressure of danger or hope of aggrandizement. There is no circumstance which more strikingly distinguishes our own times from those which preceded them, than the remarkable change which has taken place in the modes of warfare since the discovery and general use of gunpowder. No one who reads the history of ancient times and of the middle ages can fail to be struck with the sanguinary and destructive nature of the contests which then took place between opposing armies. This could not be otherwise when the hostile encounter was to be maintained man to man, with lance and pike, sword and battle-axe. Individual force, dexterity, and prowess decided the battle ; but not till the field was strewed with the bodies of immense numbers of the combatants. But modern nations decide their disputes with the cannon and the musket ; the soldier, having no longer his adversary hand to hand, leaves it to chance to decide whether his ball shall bring an enemy to the earth or waste its strength in air. War has become almost an exact science ; the soldier has degenerated into a machine, employed by the calculations of his officer ; and the fate of a battle depends upon the genius and judgment of the generals. Under the old system, a man encased in armour, and mounted on a mailed steed, was superior to a whole troop of common soldiers, who marched on foot and were badly armed ; but this new system of war, under which the most craven-hearted retainer may with his firelock bring down the bravest leader at a distance, has sapped the foundations of chivalry, and gradually annihilated it. For a long time the nobility contended against the use of weapons which they characterized as dishonourable and degrading ; but these weapons finally came into general use, and the man at arms was compelled to own the superiority of the engineer, in deciding the destiny of kings and nations. The battle-axe and the lance, the ponderous helmet and the heavy iron cuirass, are now laid aside, and modern warriors look on them with wonder, as they read how the knights of old bore them as readily as their own limbs, supporting the weight with ease while they governed their horses, aimed the unerring arrow, or wielded the sword and the shield. About the commencement of the period of transition, while those who bore firearms formed but a small part of the troops, and mailed cavalry still composed the strength of the army, Louis XI. ascended the throne of France. Of this prince it has been said that " every day he would suddenly strike out many singularities. Strange to say, with all his drivelling and petty scrupulosity of devotion, the instinct of novelty was quick within him. The restlessness of the modern spirit was already his, inspiring his fearful order to go on, (where? no matter,) to be ever going on, trampling all under his feet, walking, if need be, over the bones of his father." He was the real founder of the policy since erroneously attributed to Machiavel. His character is one of the most com- plicated in history. At the expense of his peace and his reputation, his policy attained the end which he proposed, the union of the interior force of France and the elevation of her power to a height formidable to the rest of Europe. His whole life was a mixture of contradictions and crimes. He possessed LOUIS XL 15 almost absolute power, and was withal undignified ; by humbling the great he became popular, yet possessed no generosity ; zealous for the administration of justice, he was systematically unjust ; he lived in open violation of morality, yet was an abject slave to superstition ; he tyrannized over his subjects, and resigned himself wholly to his physicians : in short, his whole life was devoted to strengthening the mo- narchy and rendering royalty disgraceful. Such was the prince wnth whose accession we commence our narrative of the history of modern times. So great was his anxiety to reign that he revolted before the death of his father. Charles marched against him, and as he drew near to Lyons, Louis was deserted by his professed friends. Louis himself gives us to know that it was not the will to resist that was wanting, for he writes, " If God or fortune had granted me half the number of ^'^^'^' ^^- men at arms the king my father has, his army should not have had the trouble of coming ; I would have marched from Lyons to give it battle." An ambuscade was laid for him by his enemies ; but he sent all his officers to hunt in one direction, while he himself escaped by another to the court of Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy, who was at enmity with his father, and who protected him. While there, he was ever engaged in study, was humble and quiet, observing every thing, and noting carefully the weaknesses of the ducal house. Already had he formed the plan of his life. Immediately after the death of his father secured to him the throne, he found himself isolated. He pardoned his former enemies ; but failed to secure their friendship ; he could place no dependence on his friends. The great were his natural enemies ; his humbler subjects would become so, as soon as he attempted to exact money from them. The counsellors of the Duke of Burgundy supposed that in crowning their young king, they were giving themselves authority over a kingdom. They w^ere soon taught their mistake. The aged Philip escorted the king to Rheims, where the coronation was to take place, at the head of an immense army of followers. The entry of the sove- reign into that city seemed like a triumph of his vassal. Louis, who hated all pomp, was conspicuous for his humility alone. The duke appeared like an emperor, superbly mounted, and towering above the host of his pages and archers on foot ; the king, sorry alike in person and in dress, w^ent first, as if to announce the coming of the duke, and seemed to form part of the ceremony only to set off by contrast its pomp of pride. Large and powerful draught horses, with silver bells loudly jingling at their necks, and adorned with velvet housings, embroidered with the duke's arms, led the procession ; and his 16 AGE OF CHARLES THE FIFTH. LOT3IS SI. ENTaKINU RHEIMS. banners floated over a hundred and forty magnificent wagons bearing gold and silver plate, money to scatter among the populace, and wine to be drunk at the banquet. The Burgundian nobles were hardly visible, buried as they were, men and horses, in their rich velvet and jewels. The duke took the first place at the coronation, and officiated throughout the ceremony. Louis appeared as a man of another world, putting on an appearance of extreme humility, peni- tence, and self-denying devotion. But at the moment when the proud Philip placed the crown on the head of the humble Louis, France had a king, who knew neither Burgundy nor Brittany, neither friend nor enemy, in the pursuit of his favourite objects. He was then ready to jeopardize the king for the aggrandizement of the kingdom, to play a game in which the stake should be the sacrifice of royalty or the diminution of the power of the nobility. Subtle, deceitful, unfeeling, and cruel himself, he dismissed all the high-minded ministers of his father, and surrounded himself with advisers of a character like his own, men drawn from the lowest ranks. Louis almost immediately disclosed his intention of reducing the power of the nobles, who as speedily entered into an association and took arms to humble their oppressor. The count of Charolais, Charles the Bold, took part in this league, contrary to the wishes of his father. The death of Philip the Good, however, made him Duke of Burgimdy, and his attention was required in that duchy. Ever since the time when Philip the Hardy, duke of Burgundy, ASSASSINATION OF JOHN THE FEARLESS. 17 JOHN THE FEARLESS, D tj 2: E OF B U B O U N D T . administered the affairs of France as regent for Charles VI., his house had been looked upon with an envious eye by the other great crown vassals, \^^aen John the Fearless succeeded his father, and began to take measures to secure his power to himself, he found his schemes thwarted by the Queen and the Duke of Orleans. He scrupled not to have the duke assassinated. In conse- quence, the nobles engaged the dauphin in their plans, and John was invited in the name of that prince to a conference at the bridge of Montereau on public business. He went almost unarmed, and was butchered in the saloon and at the very feet of the dauphin, by the royal guards, A. D. 1419. In revenge fof John's death, his son, Philip the Good, for a long time took part with the English against France. He finally made peace with the French king, Charles VII. He then devoted himself wholly to the improvement of his dominions in the Low Countries, and during the fifty years the affairs of Burgundy were adminis- tered by Philip, that state was more wealthy, prosperous, and tranquil than any other in Europe ; and if he had but asserted his independence, he would have become more powerful than the King of France himself. His death was greatly lamented by his subjects and neighbours, who feared in the new Duke of Bur- gundy the rashness, pride, obstinacy, and cruelty which had stained the career of the Count of Charolais. Of all, however, Louis XL had most cause to fear him, for besides the antipathy which Charles had manifested against Louis, he knew the arch politician better than any man in Europe. The civil war in France had been ended by a peace, on terms advan- tageous to the rebels, which the king had not scrupled to grant, but which he never intended to keep. Many whom he had formerly disgraced he now took Vol. III. 3 b 2 18 AGEOFCHARLESTHEFIFTH. into favour ; he detached the Dukes of Bourbon and Brittany from the con- federacy, and got an assembly of the states to declare those articles of the treaty void which were detrimental to his interests. Louis and Charles both assembled their forces, and a bloody war was expected, when Louis, who would never fight if he could negotiate, agreed to pay the duke thirty-six thousand crowns to defray his military expenses, and appointed an interview with him at Peronne in Picardy, which Charles possessed. His proposal was accepted, and he went thither with but a few domestics, hoping by a show of confidence to throw the duke off his guard, and take advantage of the friendly feelings which he should inspire. At the same time, as a means of forwarding his negotiations, he sent emissaries to Liege, to persuade the inhabitants of that city to revolt from the duke. He himself, however, had nearly perished by the snare thus artfully laid. The duke at first indeed received him with marks of respect, but easily saw his connection with the rebellion of the people of Liege, shut him up in the castle of Peronne, posted double guards at the gates, and made him feel that he was a prisoner, and at the mercy of his vassal. He recovered his liberty only on condition that he should march against Liege, and be active in the reduction of a place that had revolted at his own request. Liege was reduced, and Louis was suffered to depart ; the duke then set fire to the town, and massacred the inhabitants. This affair was treated with so much ridicule that all the magpies and jays in Paris were taught to cry '< Peronne." Executions, wars, and negotiations make up the whole of the reign of Louis. By odious measures, he drove noble after noble to rebellion, then defeated their conspiracies and seized their dominions. His brother Charles was removed by poison ; the constable de St. Pol, his brother-in-law, the Count of Armagnac, and the Dukes of Alengon and Nemours, all lost their heads on the scaffold. He ignominiously purchased a peace of Edward IV. of England, and was constantly engaged in war or negotiation with Charles of Burgundy, until the death of that prince, who lost his life and immense treasures in an ambitious and unjust attempt upon the liberties of Switzerland. (A. D. 1477.) Louis considered this a most fortunate event, and endeavoured to turn it to the greatest advantage. He seized the larger part of his rival's dominions, in defiance of the right of Mary of Burgundy, the daughter of Charles, and wife of Maximilian, duke of Austria and emperor of Germany. Of all the possessions of the Burgundian dukes, Maximilian could only secure possession of Flanders. Louis held firm hold of Burgundy, and thus laid the foundation of the bitter hostility between the sovereigns of France and Austria, which soon after deluged Europe with blood. In 1481, the extinction of the house of Anjou re-annexed the country of Provence to the crown of France, and vested in Louis the claims of that house to the throne of Naples, liouis did not waste his forces on such a distant object ; but gave his whole attention to the acquisition of Burgundy.* * Kohlrausch. Russell. Taylor. LOUIS XII. 19 His successor, Charles VIII., however, embarked with improvident pre- cipitancy in a contest for the throne of Naples. In 1494, he crossed the Alps, and in a short time compelled Rome, Florence, and Naples to submission. Frederic II., the king of Naples, fled from his country and took refuge in Ischia. As soon, however, as the Italians had recovered from tlieir first alarm, they banded together, friends and foes, against the French. The Emperor, the Pope, and the King of Aragon, Ferdinand the Catholic, promised their aid, and Charles was forced to abandon his conquest as quickly as he had made it. From the decisive effect of this confederacy, the sovereigns of Europe learned a useful lesson of policy, and first adopted the idea of preserving a balance of power by that tacit league, which is understood to be always subsisting, for the prevention of the inordinate aggrandizement of any particular state. Before Charles VIII. could complete his arrangements for a second invasion of Italy, he died, (A. D. 1498,) and was succeeded on the throne of France by the Duke of Orleans, Louis XII., who, in addition to his claim on Naples, inherited from his grandmother a title to the duchy of Milan. The character of Louis suffered a remarkable change on his accession to the throne. He had previously been distinguished as a bold soldier, a keen hunter, and a chivalrous combatant in the tournaments. At Chateau-neuf, there is still shown a ditch, fifteen feet wide, which is called the " king's leap," because on one occasion he jumped over it for amusement. Such was the violence of his disposition when a child, that, whenever it was necessary that he should be chastised, his mother masked the servant appointed to inflict the punishment, to save him from the future ferocious vengeance of the young offender. All this malevolence, however, vanished, when, at the age of thirty-seven, he ascended the throne. Although many affronts had been given him, the first resolution which he announced was, that " the King of France would not revenge the injuries of the Duke of Orleans." His moderation and good policy obtained for him the hearts of his subjects ; and he soon began to turn his attention towards Italy. Before undertaking such an extensive conquest, Louis thought it necessary to strengthen himself by forming alliances with the states which might aid or retard him in its prosecution. He secured the Pope, Alexander VI., to his side, by giving to his natural son, Caesar Borgia, the duchy of Valence. The Venetians were secured by the promise of Cremona, and the country between the Adda, the Oglia, and the Po, if they assisted him against Sforza, duke of Milan. Thus strengthened, Louis found little difficulty in overrunning Italy. He crossed the Alps, and in a few days was master of Milan and Genoa. Sforza became his prisoner, and was held in captivity until his death. Afraid of the power of Ferdinand of Aragon, he agreed to divide with him the conquests which he should make in a war against Naples, and the Pope, Alexander VI., sanctioned the scheme. But this arrangement could not continue. Alexander and Ferdinand thought that it would be better to keep Italy for themselves, and they therefore united their forces and deprived Louis of his share of the kingdom of Naples. The page of history is stained with the horrid crimes of Pope Alexander 20 AGEOFCHARLESTHEFIFTH. VI. and his natural son, Caesar Borgia ; everywhere we meet with the details of their murders, robberies, profanations, and incests. Alexander was succeeded by Julius II., who took advantage of circumstances to effect the ruin of Borgia. That prince threw himself upon the generosity of Ferdinand, who treacherously imprisoned him. He escaped, however, to the King of Navarre, and ended his days on the battle-field in the service of that monarch. Anxious to recover that part of his dominions which had been seized by Venice, Julius organized a powerful confederacy against that republic. He, forming the head of the confederacy, was assisted by Louis, Maximilian, and Ferdinand. The united forces of these four great powers soon humbled the pride of Venice, and the total ruin of their army at Agnadel, (A. D. 1509,) left them wholly without defence. Julius regained his towns in Romania ; the Marquis of Mantua seized Asola and Lonato ; the Duke of Ferrara, Le Polesin de Rovigo, a great domain between the Tanar and the Adige, of which he had long before been deprived by the Venetians. Maximilian seized upon Frioul and Istria ; the Venetian garrison was driven out of Trent ; Louis took pos- session of all the cities of ancient Venetia ; and Ferdinand annexed all their seaports in Apulia to his kingdom of Naples. At this moment, however, the mutual jealousies of Louis and Maximilian dissolved the confederacy, and Venice, making some timely concessions to the Pope and Ferdinand, soon began to recover her supremacy. She even induced Julius to unite with her in a design of expelling all foreigners from Italy. This design was the more acceptable to the Pope, as he was beginning to entertain many suspicions of the valour and ambition of his former allies, the French. A confederacy stronger than any that had hitherto existed was formed against the French. Henry VIII., who had just ascended the throne of Eng- land, was engaged to divert the attention of Louis, by an invasion of his dominions on the side of England, while the Pope succeeded in again winning the Swiss to his standard. Louis XII., with one great general, Gaston de Foix, duke de Nemours, resisted all the efforts of this formidable league with un- daunted firmness. The battle of Ravenna, won by the French in 1512, was hailed by many as an auspicious omen ; but when Louis heard of it, and of the death of Gaston, who fell there covered with wounds, he mournfully answered those who came to congratulate him on the victory, " I wish my enemies such triumphs." He knew the worth of his general. From that time success for several campaigns wavered between the two parties, and the war was carried on in Italy, in Picardy, and on the frontiers of Spain, with alternate success. Florence and Navarre, the allies of Louis, had been conquered, the one by the Medicis and the other by Spain ; and Louis, now left alone to stem the torrent of almost universal war, would no doubt have been reduced to the greatest distress, had not the death of Julius II., and the election of his succes- sor Leo X. to the pontificate, given him some respite. Venice, too, dread- ing the growing power of the church, deserted the league, and soon Leo made peace with France. His example was followed by Germany, Spain, and Eng- land, and at the end of the war, of all the conquests of the French in Italy ACCESSION OF CHARLES V. 21 HENRY VIII. nothing remained but the fortress of Milan and a few inconsiderable towns which were dependent upon it.* Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, and heir to the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon, of Naples and Sicily, and of the New World, married Philip the Handsome, son of Maximilian of Austria, and Mary of Burgundy. The fruit of this union was two sons, Charles and Ferdinand ; and the elder of these at the age of sixteen inherited from his father, (A. D, 1516,) the kingdom of the Netherlands, and from his mother Spain and its colonies. The death of his grandfather, the Emperor Maximilian, left him in possession of Austria and the other domains of the house of Hapsburg, and the electors chose him to fill the vacant throne of the German empire. In this manner Charles, the fifth of the empire and the first of Spain, came to the possession of greater power than any sovereign of Europe since the days of Charlemagne. The first act of Charles, on his accession to the empire, was to convoke a diet for the purpose of checking the progress of the new opinions which were daily gaining ground in Germany, and which threatened to overturn the religion of the state. These were the opinions which had been propagated by Luther * Taylor's Manual of Modern History. Pictorial History of France. 22 AGEOFCHARLESTHEFIFTII. and his followers, since the year 1517 ; and as they led to one of the greatest revolutions that has ever happened in the history of the world, it will not be amiss to consider their origin and progress. We have seen the powder of the Popes sensibly declining ; and now, upon the accession of some able men to the pontifical throne, the claim of the church to temporal power was renewed. This claim was resisted by several men of learning ; and the repugnance, already manifested by the mass of the people to the grasping policy of the church, was greatly increased by the schism which took place at the close of the fourteenth and beginning of the fifteenth centuries. The scandal and inconsistency of two or three Popes reigning at the same time, each of whom claimed infallibility, excommunicated the others, and then called in the aid of the laity, led men to exercise the right of private judg- ment, and to examine with more unscrupulous eyes the abuses which had produced such evil fruits. The proceedings of the Councils of Constance and Basil served only to increase the disrespect which had already begun to manifest itself towards the Roman See. Their ineffectual attempts at reforma- tion only made the evils more prominent, and their deposition of rival pontiffs taught men that there was a power, hitherto unknown, superior to that of the Pope. In this crisis, the disgust of the educated people was increased by the profligacy, cruelty, and tyranny of Alexander VI., and the ambition and injus- tice of his successor, Julius II. Nor were these vices confined to the papacy. The licentious lives of the priests in Italy and Germany, the facility with which they obtained pardon for the greatest crimes, their immense wealth, and their continual encroachments on the rights of the laity, had given just offence ; and the contests of the sovereigns of France and Germany with the Popes had led their subjects to ridicule papal pretensions, and to assail with boldness papal vices. In this state of things, a dispute, trivial in its origin, kindled a flame which soon spread over all Europe, destroying in its course the strongholds of tyranny and superstition. When Leo X. ascended the papal chair, he found that the treasury of the church had been exhausted by the ambitious projects of his predecessors, Alexander VI. and Julius II. Liberal in his temper, enterprising in his habits, eager for the aggrandizement of the Medicean family, loving splendour, pleasure, and magnificence, and desiring to reward men of genius wherever they could be found, it was impossible for him to practise the economy necessary to recruit the finances, and he consequently made use of every device to raise money for the splendid designs which he contemplated and carried on, which his ingenuity could suggest. Among these devices, he had recourse to an extensive sale of indulgences, a means by which the coffers of the church had ofccn before this been filled. By means of these, a person who had com- mitted any crime was forgiven, and absolved from the sin and its consequences, on his paying to the use of the church a certain sum of money. The right of promulgating these indulgences in Germany was granted to the Dominican friars, who executed their commission with so little regard to discretion or decency, and described the merits of the indulgences in such a blasphemous MARTIN LUTHER. y. * Modern Europe. PRACUE CHAPTER IV. ® i;- e ^ i) i 1 1 JJ T r n x g ' ar. HE young prince Ferdinand had no sooner become lord over the states of Bohemia than he commenced reforming them by restoring the ancient form of divine service. Main- taining the principle that the sovereign of a country should tolerate but one established religion, he compelled those who would not join the ancient faith to expatriate themselves. These severe measures produced the most serious consequences throughout the territories of Ferdinand ; yet in his harsh proceedings the young prince com- bined so much resolution with temper, and evinced so much determined seriousness, that the disturbances excited by discontent were immediately quelled, and tranquillity was maintained without recourse to the scaffold, with- out shedding blood. At the time when the Emperor Rudolph still held both the imperial crown and that of Bohemia, the Protestant states availed themselves of his feeble con- dition to obtain, in 1609, the permission for the free exercise of their religion, the establishment of their own consistory, and other important privileges. This document is called the letter of majesty. Since the time when Ferdinand was nominated as King of Bohemia, great activity and boldness were observed by the Protestants to characterize their Catholic fellow-subjects. The reports (86) COUNT THU RN. 87 which were everywhere circulated threatened the most arbitrary measures against the Protestants. " The letter of majesty," in the language of the Catholics, " was now no longer valid, it having been extorted from King Rudolph." Many vague hints of future executions, confiscations, and perse- cutions, were dropped by the malicious, and, augmenting in number, and assuming a more definite form as they passed from place to place, they excited increasing terror and dismay in the minds of all. At length, an alleged infraction of the provisions of the letter of majesty gave a pretext for open hostilities. The Protestants claimed the privileges of that letter for all their brethren in Bohemia, while the Catholics would have restricted them altogether to the Protestant states. Under the provisions of the letter, the Protestants residing within the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Prague built a church in the small town of Clostergrab, while those in the territory of the Abbot of Braunau also erected one in the latter place. Unwilling to tolerate their existence, the archbishop and abbot procured an imperial decree, by vir- tue of which the church in Clostergrab was razed to the ground, and that at Braunau was closed. As several of the inhabitants of Braunau rose in opposi- ' tion to this arbitrary act, they were thrown into prison. An Italian nobleman. Count Matthias of Thurn, who had long resided in Bohemia, took up the office of Cham- pion of the Evangelists, and summoned the Protestant states to meet in Prague. Several petitions were for- warded to the Emperor, be- seeching him to remove the causes of complaint, and to command the liberation of the imprisoned citizens of Braunau. The imperial reply was harshly worded. It charac- terized the resistance of the people of Braunau and Clostergrab as a revolt ; condemned the states for having occupied themselves with the affairs of the citizens, and for holding illegal meetings, and seeking by the false reports they made of the danger to which the letter of majesty was exposed, to alienate from the Emperor the love and fidelity of his subjects ; and ended with a threat that the matter should be investigated, and each should be treated according to his merits. This reply gave cause to anticipate the worst results, and so excited did the minds of ihe Protestants become, that, when it was reported that the document had not issued from Vienna, but had been prepared in Prague itself, they vented their COUNT THURN. 88 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. indignation upon those who were named as its authors. The two Catholic privy counsellors, Martinitz and Slavata, were said to have superintended it, and they, with one of their sycophants, Fabricius, were precipitated by the enraged deputies of the states, headed by Count Thurn, from the window of the council hall of the castle of Prague. Though the depth of their fall was more than fifty-six feet, they escaped with life, because they happened to fall upon an immense pile of paper shavings and soft materials, and were afterwards for- tunate enough to escape the bullets that were fired at them as they were led away. The Bohemians attempted to justify themselves ; but prudently made preparations for self-defence. The castle was garrisoned with their own troops; all persons in office took the oath of fidelity to the states, the Jesuits were expelled the country, and a council of thirty noblemen was established for the government of the land. The leader and director in all these measures was Count Thurn, whose whole soul was devoted to the cause. Ferdinand levied soldiers in every quarter, and manifested a determination to suffer no interruption in his career from the indecision of the Emperor. The Bohemians took possession of every city in their country save Budweis and Pilsen, the latter of which was soon captured for them by Count Ernest of Mansfeld. This famous general was one of the most remarkable heroes of a heroic age, who, without territory or people, by the mere celebrity of his name, gathered together an army of brave soldiers, and led them for hire or for booty whithersoever his prowess was needful. He had been raising troops for the Duke of Savoy against the Spaniards, but the duke requiring them no longer, gave him permission to serve in the cause of the Evangelical Union. That body despatched him with 3000 men to Bohemia, where he appeared unexpectedly and wrested from the imperialists the important city of Pilsen. Meanwhile, Matthias died, and was succeeded by Ferdinand. (1619.) The Bohemians, however, refused to acknowledge the new Emperor, whose hostile intentions were but too unequivocally expressed. They formally deposed him, and chose Frederic V,, elector-palatine, for their king. This prince, by allowing himself to accept this dignity, assumed a position which would have ranked him among the great, noble, and enterprising of the earth, had he possessed the strength of mind necessary for a successful prose- cution of the work. But in the hour of trial he failed. The energy and presence of mind which he must have who would wear a hazardous crown, were never characteristics of the unfortunate Frederic. By a skilful policy Ferdinand gained over to his cause all the wavering, and Frederic found him- self left with scarcely any auxiliary but the Evangelical Union. All Germany now resounded with the noise and bustle of warlike prepara- tion. The members of the Union were not more active than those of the League, and the whole country resembled a grand recruiting depot. At length, on the 3d of July, 1620, the two armies met at Ulm, where, to the surprise of the people, they entered into a compact, in which the forces of the Union engaged to lay down their arms, and both parties pledged themselves to pre- serve peace and tranquillity. This defection of the Unionists from his cause, DEFEAT OF THE PROTESTANTS. 89 though it preserved them from destruction at the hands of their more powerful enemy, laid the young king Frederic open to the attacks of the combined forces of the League and the Emperor. He could only rely in this emergency upon the small resources of his own house, and the troops of Bohemia. This courageous and faithful people had, two hundred years before, defended their country against all Germany combined, and they might have acquitted them- selves equally well at this time, had not Frederic failed to gain their confidence. His life was careless and his time wasted in extraneous matters, and his mind without that inward dignity of self-possession and calm reflection so necessary at a moment so portentous. His father-in-law, James I. of England, more occupied with scholastic disputes than measures of policy, neglected to accord him support ; Holland and Venice, Denmark and Sweden, acknowledged him king, but afforded him no assistance, and he himself neglected preparations for defence until the Elector of Saxony occupied Lusatia. About the same time the valiant and politic head of the Catholic League, Duke Maximilian of Bavaria, appeared before the gates of Prague with an army of 50,000 men. As the imperialists advanced, the Bohemians took up a posi- tion in the Weissenberg, (White Mountain,) near the city. But the Austrian and Bavarian troops advanced to give battle before their entrenchments were completed. Thus deprived of protection against the superior forces of the enemy, the Bohemians were routed in the short space of one hour. His army beaten and dispersed, and his artillery taken, all Frederic's hope vanished ; he fled with the principal Bohemian lords, and the capital and the kingdom sub- mitted to the victors. The defeated king first sought refuge in Silesia, then in Holland. Unable to defend himself, he was stripped even of his hereditary dominions, the palatinate on the Rhine being conquered by the Spaniards under Spinola, and the upper palatinate by Maximilian of Bavaria. For three months after the victory Ferdinand took no steps in relation to Bohemia. At the end of that time, when many of the fugitives had returned, forty-eight leaders of the Protestant party were suddenly taken prisoners, and on the same day, and in the same hour, twenty-seven of them were condemned to death and executed. The property of the remainder, with that of the absentees, was confiscated ; the Protestant clergymen were gradually all banished the kingdom, and finally it was declared that no subject would be tolerated in Bohemia who did not adhere to the Catholic faith. It is calculated* that the number of families who at this time were forced to leave Bohemia, amounted to thirty thousand ; to whom for the most part Saxony and Branden- burg afforded a refuge. Thus were the hopes of the Catholics realized ; the election of Ferdinand to the empire annihilated the letter of majesty. Though given up as hopeless by the elector himself, the cause of Frederic arose anew by the strong arm and the invincible boldness of Ernest of Mans- feld. After having left Pilsen, this chief planted his standard in the Upper Palatinate, and succeeded in gathering around it twenty thousand valiant sol- * Kohlrausch. Vol. m. 12 h2 90 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. ■ERNEST OF MANSFELD. diers. With these he dared to contend against a power which made Europe tremble, the combined forces of Aus- tria, Spain, and the League. He appeared suddenly in the Lower Palatinate, to the terror of the Span- iards ; and in Alsace, by the plunder- ing of which he satisfied his rapacious followers. The famous Bavarian general, John Tserklas Tilly, was forced to take the field against him, but by rapid and well-planned marches, Mansfeld deluded his anta- gonist, and everywhere spread deso- lation among the Catholic bishoprics. His proud example was followed by others. George Frederic, Margrave of Baden Durlach, collected a strong army, and took the field in favour of the palatine house. He would not fight as a prince of the German empire, lest his land should be made to suffer for it, but as a knight and champion in that which to him appeared most just ; accordingly, before he entered into action, he transferred into his son's hands the government of his country. When united with Mansfeld, Tilly was no match for him, but when they separated, the Bavarian general defeated him on the field of Wimpfen, on the 8th of May, 1622. His ill-success, however, did not deter others from following his example. Duke Christian of Brunswick came forward to support the cause of Frederic, and, after a variety of adventures, joined himself with Mansfeld. United, they entered Alsace, extended their march to the provinces of Lorraine, and made Paris itself tremble as they threatened to march thither to the aid of the Huguenots. After devastating all the neighbouring provinces, they marched into Holland, and joined the Netherlanders in their struggle against the Spanish power. The war might now have been terminated had the Catholic party acted with moderation ; but Ferdinand caused the territories and title of the elector palatine to be conferred upon Maximilian of Bavaria, and intimated his intention of persevering in the course he had entered upon. He recognised in the suc- cess that had attended his measures, an intimation from God that he ought to persevere, and the defeat by Tilly of Christian of Brunswick, who had recom- menced operations, added another to the causes of his self-gratulation, and seemed a pledge that his confidence would be crowned with continued success. The terrified Protestants felt bound to exercise all the energy which they pos- sessed, rather than wait in inaction for the infliction of any punishment to which they might be subjected. Lower Saxony, especially, perceived the danger, took up arms, and chose for the conductor of the war Christian IV. of Denmark, WALLENvSTEIN. 91 FERDINAND II. a young and energetic prince. He promised them considerable aid ; England resolved to espouse their cause vigorously, and France assumed an attitude hostile to Austria. The war in Germany, on the Catholic side, had been carried on almost entirely by the League ; but as the preparations of the Pro- testants became now more ex- tensive, the League demanded supplies of troops from the Emperor. Ferdinand himself wished to furnish an army, in order that the house of Bavaria should not take all the credit of the operations to itself; but he needed the necessary means to effect this object, and was at a loss how to raise and equip the number of men re- quired. Under these difficul- ties an individual presented himself, who proposed to carry on the war by his own resources, and single-handed. Albert of Wallenstein, or more properly Waldstein, was descended of a noble Bohemian family. He was born in 1583, of Lutheran parents, but they dying when he was very young, he was sent by his maternal uncle to a Jesuit college at Olmiitz, and was there educated in the Catholic faith. He attached himself to the Archduke Ferdinand, and set out, in 1617, at the head of 200 cavalry, raised at his own expense, to aid him in an expedition against Venice. Ferdinand, by way of remuneration, gave him the rank of commander of the militia in Moravia. During the early troubles of Bohemia, he fought in the cause of Ferdinand, afterwards took arms against Bethlen Gabor of Transyl- vania, who had raised pretensions to the crown of Hungary, and filled the station of quartermaster-general in the imperial forces under Boucquoi, when, with Maximilian of Bavaria, he gained the battle of Weissenberg. After this he made another campaign against Bethlen Gabor, w^ho had defeated the imperial generals Dampierre and Boucquoi, made him retreat, and obliged him to accede to terms of peace and to relinquish his claims to the Hungarian crown. During the war he had furnished and supported several regiments at his own cost, and as an indemnity for these expenses, and for the devasta- tion w^hich his estates had suffered, he received, in 1622, the territory of Fried- land in Bohemia, with the title of duke. Besides this, he purchased for a large sum of money the confiscated estates of about sixty Bohemian noblemen, and thus became possessed of immense wealth. While Tilly was in command at 92 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. the head of the League, Wallenstein lived retired on his estates, although he felt much discontented at finding the war carried on without him. Now, how- ever, when he found the Emperor desirous of raising an army, he offered his services to levy troops of his own for the Emperor, taking upon himself nearly the whole cost. He stipulated only that he should have unlimited control over them, and possess the exclusive power of appointing officers and collecting a force not of 20,000, but of 50,000 men. Such an army, he said, would soon be able to maintain itself. He obtained the full authority required, and in a few months afterwards the army was raised and completely equipped. The character of Wallenstein is ably given by a learned historian of Ger- many, as follows. He was born to command ; his acute eye distinguished at the first glance, from among the multitude, such as were competent, and he assigned to each his proper place. His praise, from being but rarely bestowed, animated and brought into full operation every faculty, while his steady, reserved, and earnest demeanour secured obedience and discipline. His very appearance inspired reverence and awe ; his figure was lofty, proud, and truly warlike ; his jet-black hair was cut close above his high and commanding fore- head, while in his bright piercing eye was expressed profundity of thought, combined with gravity and mystery — the characteristics of his favourite studies and researches in the language of the stars and the labyrinths of the planets. Before continuing the narration of the history of Germany, it may be well to recur to the affairs of Western Europe. At his death Henry IV. of France left the throne to his infant son, Louis XIIL, during whose minority the govern- ment was badly administered by his mother, Mary de Medicis. All the poli- tical maxims of Henry IV. and his able minister were disregarded, and Sully, finding that he could be of no service to the nation while his honest counsels were disregarded, retired into private life, and occupied himself in writing the memoirs of his beloved king, which have contributed to render the names of both so famous. Mary de Medicis, when she came to marry Henry, brought with her from Italy a lady named Leonora Galigai, who was soon after married to an Italian courtier named Concini. This couple, both ambitious and intriguing, acquired great influence over the queen-regent ; and though he made no pretensions to military ability, Concini caused himself to be made Marshal of France, with the title of Marshal D'Ancre. The marshal and his lady became so haughty and repulsive that they were universally disliked ; the principal men of the kingdom bore with chagrin the power of the favourites, and repeated insurrec- tions and civil wars distracted the realm. They had, however, gained too great an ascendency at court to be easily displaced. An intimate friendship was concluded with Spain, and cemented by a double marriage, between Eliza- beth, the king's sister, with the son of Philip III., and Louis himself with Ann of Austria. (A. D. 1612.) The Protestants now experienced manifold dis- favour, and frequently engaged in hostilities with the Catholics, who were themselves irritated by the increasing disorder in the administration. The ASSASSINATION OF MARSHAL D'ANCRE. 95 declaration of the majority of the king, in 1613, made no change in affairs ; he was but twelve years of age, and his mother and her favourites still retained their power. By the influence of the Marshal D'Ancre, the ministry was changed, and Richelieu, Bishop of Lugon, was made secretary of state. The enemies of the marshal became every day more numerous and more exasperated. The falconer whom the marshal had placed about the king's person, Charles D'Albert de Luynes, had made great progress in gaining the affections of the young prince. He had lately succeeded in making the king regard the discontented princes as being less his enemies than they were those of the marshal, and caused Louis to remark with what care D'Ancre had, up to that time, withdrawn him from public affairs, and in a manner made him a prisoner. He taught him that he was king; that he might rule, and that the only obstacle to his royal will was this favourite, this Italian to whom his mother had confided power. His representations produced the intended effect ; the minister became odious to the king, and his removal was resolved upon. This first act of authority by which Louis XIIL announced his intention to reign, was highly characteristic of his irresolute and feeble character. As king, he could refuse to listen to the counsels of the minister chosen by his mother ; he could have removed him from his office, or, if he were guilty, have brought him before the bar of the parliament, but this required a resolution which was too great for the firmness of the king ; he preferred to recover his power by a miserable intrigue, to gain possession of the reins of state by vio- lence, to plot with the companions of his youth the assassination of the marshal. Accordingly, on the night of the 24th of April, 1617, as D'Ancre was entering the Louvre to visit the queen-regent, the Marquis de Vitry, captain of the king's body-guard, approached the all-powerful minister and informed him that the king wished to see him, at the same time pointing the way in an authoritative manner with his staff. The attendants of the marshal drew their swords, but D'Ancre was immediately shot by pistols in the hands of De Vitry's accomplices, and fell dead upon the drawbridge of the Louvre. At the same instant Colonel D'Ornano, who awaited the issue of the affair in a court of the chateau, announced the death of his victim to the king, who joyfully exclaimed, " Now I am a king indeed ; thanks be to God, my enemy is dead." The death of the marshal was followed by the execution of his consort, and the queen-mother herself was banished to Blois. Luynes now became all-powerful, and rose to the dignity of constable. Richelieu, Bishop of Lugon, shared the disgrace of his patroness, Mary de Medicis ; but having contrived to arrange matters between her and the king, he obtained for himself a cardinal's hat, and a place in the privy council, where his great talents soon acquired their proper influence. After the death of Luynes he became prime minister, and had no sooner got the administration into his hands than he commenced putting into execution three mighty projects : viz., to reduce the power of the turbulent French nobles ; to abase the rebellious Huguenots ; and to resist the encroachments and lessen the influence of Austria. His first step was to nego- 96 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. tiate a treaty of marriage between Charles, Prince of Wales, and Henrietta of France, sister of Louis XIII., in order to preserve amicable relations with England. He also negotiated between the two crowns and the United Pro- vinces a treaty of alliance, which brought on hostilities with Spain. For a time, Richelieu found his attention confined almost solely to France. Besides the Huguenots, he had a powerful faction at court to oppose. Not one prince of the blood was his friend ; Gaston, duke of Orleans and brother of Louis XIII., was his declared enemy; the queen-mother was jealous of him; and the king himself more attached to him from fear than affection. But he knew^how to ^rush_ opposition Jbygrapplingjvi A it ; he triumphed over every obstacle, discovered and dissipated every conspiracy in the very moment of its formation, and finally made himself absolute master of the king and the kingdom. Returning to Germany, we find Christian of Denmark unable to withstand the superior forces which the Emperor and the League w^re able to bring into the field. Wallenstein marched with his new army, in the autumn of 1625, through Suabia and Franconia into Lower Saxony, routed a body of armed peasantry near Gottingen, and advanced to the districts of Halberstadt and Magdeburg. More serious occurrences marked the campaign of 1626. Mansfeld marched along the Elbe against Wallenstein, was defeated on the bridge of Dessau, and then boldly directed his course towards Silesia, in order to join Bethlen Gabor and carry the war into the Austrian dominions, whither Wallenstein, to his great regret, was forced to follow him. After a most ha- rassing and difficult march he arrived in Hungary, but he was badly received there, inasmuch as he had not brought with him the sums of money expected by the prince. Pursued by Wallenstein, his retreat cut off, and without the means of procuring supplies in such a remote country, he was forced to sell his artillery and ammunition, and disband his soldiers. Then crossing Bosnia and Dalmatia, he proceeded with a small suite towards Venice. Thence he intended to repair to England, in order to procure the money which was necessary to his future operations. But on arriving at the village of Urakowitz, near Zara, his nature sank beneath the superhuman struggles and fatigues he had to encounter, and he breathed his last on the 20th of November, 1626, in the forty-sixth year of his age. When the noble warrior felt the approach of death, he caused himself to be clothed in his military coat and his arms, and thus equipped, standing supported by the arms of two friends, he patiently awaited the final moment of his mortal career. In the same year his friend, Duke Christian of Brunswick, also died, and thus the Protestants were deprived of their best leaders. Christian of Denmark was unable to replace them, for in him were wanting all that warlike spirit and energy so necessary in a commander. Thus, though Lower Saxony was greatly relieved by the retreat of Wallenstein, King Christian was unable to defend it against Tilly ; but was completely defeated by him on the 27th of August, at Lutter, near Barenberg, in Hanover, and lost all his artillery, CHRISTIAN OF DENMARK DEFEATED. 97 CHRISTIAN OF DENMARK ENTERING ■WOLFENBUTTEL. together with sixty ensigns.* Christian narrowly escaped with his life: attended by thirty wounded and bleeding officers, he fled from the field, and late in the afternoon of the battle day arrived, despairing and exhausted, at Wolfenbuttel. In 1627, Wallenstein marched back through Silesia, crossed Brandenberg and Muhlenberg, and with Tilly entered Holstein, in order to force Christian of Denmark to abandon Germany altogether. The whole of that country, Silesia and Jutland, were overrun and fearfully devastated, and Christian was forced to take refuge in his islands. Wallenstein also increased his immense private possessions by purchasing from the Emperor the duchy of Sagan and the territory of Priebus in Silesia. III. -13 * Kohlrausch. J 98 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. Wallenstein, considering his victories as steps to still more brilliant gran- deur, had gradually increased his army to 100,000 men, and he continued by enlistments to swell this already superior force ; an unexampled military band for that as:e, a fearful multitude for the countries which were doomed to its support. Under pretext of the Danish war, Wallenstein began to take a firm position on the shores of the Baltic, and besieged the well fortified city of Stralsund. Mecklenberg had been previously conquered, the dukes of this country put under the ban of the empire for their alliance with the King of Denmark, and Wallenstein received Mecklenberg in consideration of the debt due him from the Emperor. He thus became a prince of the empire. Well garrisoned and provisioned, the citizens of Stralsund boldly bid him defiance, and resisted his attacks with determined courage and perseverance. Wallenstein swore to compass the fall of the city ; he advanced in person against it, and repeatedly assaulted the walls ; but the citizens taught him to respect their invincible courage ; and after having remained several weeks before the walls, and lost twelve thousand men in his many desperate assaults, he was forced to withdraw without accomplishing his object. By his imprudence and excess, Ferdinand now precipitated himself from the summit of victory and power to which his generals had raised him, and became the author of a renewed war, which added nineteen years to the eleven which had already spread fire and the sword over Germany. At the solicitation of the Jesuits, he published the famous edict of restitution, commanding the Protestants to restore all the ecclesiastical benefices of which they had taken possession since the treaty of Passau, in 1552. All the Protestant princes would lose considerably in power and wealth if the edict were put into execu- tion. Hence there was a general outcry against the Emperor and his edict. Some submitted, others remonstrated ; the Protestants were completely paralyzed, the Catholics filled with exultation. Imperial commissioners were sent to decide on the claims of the bishops and monks to restitution ; the exe- cution of the decree was intrusted to Wallenstein, whose intolerable tyranny produced increasing indignation, and excited the complaints and murmurs of both parties. The army of Wallenstein spread universal ruin, respecting as it did neither friends nor foes. Catholics nor Protestants. Right and justice were everywhere violated, and the Emperor's own brother, Leopold, wrote him a long letter, in which he gave a dreadful and harrowing description of the pillage, burnings, murderous outrages, and other shameful oppressions inflicted by the imperial troops upon the peaceful inhabitants. Ferdinand could not resist the unanimous voice of complaint thus urged, and as now the w^hole body of princes, headed by Maximilian of Bavaria, insisted that Wallenstein should be deprived of the chief command, he gave his consent to their wishes, and conferred that office upon Tilly. The problem was now to be solved whether the proud and mighty chief would obey the summons, or turn his victorious arms against his former allies. To the surprise of all he yielded, saying that he "by no means complained against or reproached the Emperor, for the stars had already indicated to him that the WALLENSTEIN DISMISSED. 99 ■WALLENSTEIN DISMISSED spirit of the Elector of Bavaria held its sway over that of the Emperor ; but in discharging his troops, his imperial majesty was rejecting the most precious jewel of his crown." He now withdrew to his duchy of Friedland, establish- ing his seat of government at Ghschen, which he considerably enlarged and beautified. (A. D. 1630.)* The Emperor speedily repented of this step. The danger which hovered over the Protestant church, and the attempt of Wallenstein to strengthen and extend the cause of Austria and Catholicism by usurping the coast of the Baltic, brought upon the grand scene of this eventful period the great Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden. Secretly urged by some of the discontented Protestant princes, he published a declaration of war against the Emperor, and, after having captured the important island of Rugen, landed in Germany. (A. D. 1630.) Sporschil's Dreissigjiihrige Krieg. 100 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. For a while the princes of the empire hesitated to unite with him in defence of their religion, but a terrible catastrophe hastened their decision. The city of Magdeburg, which from the commencement had shown great zeal in the cause of the reformed religion, was now the first to throw herself into the arms of the preserver of religious liberty. They urgently invited him to direct his march towards the Elbe, promised to throw open their gates to him, and enlisted a number of soldiers for his service. Gustavus, who perceived the great importance of such a grand depot, accepted their offers with eagerness, and immediately proceeded to meet their wishes. Tilly, however, was equally aware of the advantage which Gustavus would derive from the occupation of this city, and used all diligence to make himself master of it before the king's arrival. Seconded by his brave general Pappen- heim, he laid siege to it in March, 1631, and succeeded in taking it by storm, after a siege of six weeks. May 10th. Pappenheim led the assault. He suc- ceeded in mounting the rampart, while the brave commandant Falkenberg was shot dead as he hastened to the point of danger. Abandoning the walls, the citizens hurried to their homes, and there defended themselves by firing from the windows upon the enemy, while the females threw stones and other missiles from the roofs of the houses. The conquerors showed no mercy to the people. Men, women, and children, the aged and the young, all were massacred alike ; the very infants at the breast being seized, stabbed, and hurled into the flames which consumed the city : the scene being protracted from ten o'clock in the morning during the whole day and night. Every possible cruelty, and torments of every description were resorted to on this dreadful day ; the insatiable sol- diers devoting all their energies to the performance of the sanguinary work. Some of the officers, touched with compassion, repaired to Tilly, who had remained in the camp, and requested him to issue orders for the cessation of carnage, but he replied, " No, no ! let them go on for another hour, and then come to me again ; the men must have some reward for their dangers and fatigue." By ten in the evening, all that remained of this ancient and magni- ficent city was the cathedral, one convent, and a few stray fishermen's cabins on the Elbe ; all else was a pile of cinders. Thirty thousand human beings had been sacrificed to appease the wrath of Tilly : a name henceforth never mentioned but with malediction, never hereafter coupled with glory or good fortune. On the fourteenth of May, Tilly rode through the smoking city and caused the Te Deum to be sung in the cathedral. To the Emperor he wrote, that since the destruction of Troy and Jerusalem such a siege had not been witnessed. He spoke the truth. One of the richest and greatest cities of Germany had been annihilated ; more than six thousand bodies were floating in the Elbe, and but four hundred of the whole population remained. Yet in the cathedral was sung the Te Deum. This unhappy day at Magdeburg, with Tilly's invasion of Saxony, decided the wavering Protestants. They entered themselves without reserve as allies of Gustavus, and concluded with him a firm alliance, offensive and defensive. The rulers of Pomerania, Brandenburg, Hesse, and Saxony, all acceded to the GUSTAVUSADOLPHUS. 101 league, and Richelieu, who had actively shared in the formation of the original plan, secured for the confederates the co-operation of France. Strengthened by the accession of these new allies, Gustavus marched to the relief of Leipsic, determined to stake the war upon a single battle, and by a grand action secure the esteem and confidence of Germany. Tilly advanced to meet him, and the enemies encountered each other in the fields of the \-illage of Breitenfeld, Sep- tember 7th, 1631. Tilly began the battle in the full confidence of success, and the bad conduct of the Saxons appeared for a time to have lost the young king the victory. The charge of the imperialists overthrew them, and they fled from the field. At the same time Pappenheim, the best cavalry officer of his day, threw himself with the elite of his command on the right wing of the Swedes ; but Banner opposed to his attacks an invulnerable wall, and seven times repulsed his efforts to break the line. Having abandoned the pursuit of the Saxons, Tilly directed his attack upon the uncovered flank of the Swedes ; but the royal hero averted the danger by his skilful movements, and the impe- rialists expended their fury in vain against their invincible enemy. The new management of war practised by Gustavus completely baffled his aged adver- sary ; he saw his plans and calculations fail of success ; for the first time in his life his confidence deserted him, and his mortification at having met with a superior genius embarrassed his actions. Gustavus noticed his hesitation ; whh the rapidity of thought he made an attack upon the enemy's artillery, and Tilly Avas recalled to himself by the necessity of covering his troops from the fire of their own guns. But the battle was decided ; the ranks of the imperialists were already in disorder, were routed ; 7000 lay dead on the field of battle, and Tilly himself was in great danger. A Swedish cavalry captain struck him several times on the head with the handle of his pistol, and would have killed him had he himself not been shot by an imperial officer. The imperial general escaped with several wounds, and, exhausted in body and dejected in spirits, reached Halle, where he was joined by Pappenheim and the miserable remains of his army. One thousand Swedes and two thousand Saxons had fallen.* This victory, says Kohlrausch, proved for Gustavus the grand foundation upon which was based his reputation as a warrior throughout Germany, and from that moment was excited that veneration — almost amounting to adoration — for his person and character. For this was a period, as in all extraordinary epochs of history, when, properly speaking, public opinion was all-powerful ; when the faith, confidence, respect, and enthusiasm produced in the minds of the people by the actions of one man, were sufficient to establish him in their favour ; and whoever knew how to avail himself of this moral force must be certain of success. All now turned towards the star thus ascending from the north ; and he was enthusiastically received by zealots both in religious and superstitious faith. Prophecies, miracles, and dreams were all made to refer to the great Gustavus ; and wherever he appeared, the Protestants received him as their deliverer with indescribable transports of joy, and truly, during the * Kohlrausch, Sporschil. Rotteck. i2 102 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. V,/ ^^] TILLY MORTALLY WOtTNDED. whole period of the world's existence, the royal presence of a king was never so gratefully honoured and reverenced as w^as that of the heroic and nobly-born champion of the Protestant faith, Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden. All the members of the Evangelical Union joined the victorious hero ; the measures of the League were disconcerted, and the whole country between the Elbe and the Rhine, a hundred leagues, full of fortified towns, occupied with Protestant forces. Gustavus knew well how to profit by victory, a knowledge often more valuable than that of conquering. From the Rhine he turned back to the east, in order to make Bavaria, where the dangerous Maximilian ruled, feel the scourge of war. Tilly, who had assembled another army, more nume- rous than that of Gustavus, disputed with him the passage of the Lech. But every thing yielded to the arms of the youthful warrior, and he crossed the river in spite of all opposition. Tilly was wounded in the knee by a cannon ball in the beginning of the action, and fell from his horse ; he was conveyed to Ingolstadt, followed by Maximilian. After taking possession of Augsburg, Gustavus formed the siege of that place, which defended itself bravely. Tilly encouraged the garrison until his death, which happened twenty-five days after he received his wound. He was in the seventy-third year of his age, of middle height, and very thin, strongly resembling the Duke of Alva, under whom he had served in the Netherlands. He was a stern, iron-hearted man, who boasted BATTLE OF L U T Z E N. 103 that he had never known the feeling of love or affection ; yet he possessed a firm and incorruptible character and undoubted abilities as a general. In his distress, the Emperor now had recourse to Wallenstein, whom he restored to command with unlimited powers. As soon as he had planted his banner, a powerful army arose, as if by magic, around this formidable chief. Within three months he was at the head of a stronger force than that which Tilly commanded at Leipsic, 40,000 men ready for battle. He moved with uncommon slowness, first drove the Saxons out of Bohemia, and then turned his arms against Gustavus, who hastily entrenched himself in the neighbourhood of Nuremberg. Wallenstein, at the head of sixty thousand men, constructed a strongly fortified camp in sight of the city. After three months spent in watch- ing his adversary, Gustavus determined to attack him ; but he stormed his entrenchments the whole day until nightfall in vain, and was obliged to retire with great loss. August 24, 1632. Anxious to retrieve his fame, the Swedish monarch sought occasion to decide the campaign by a great action, and accord- ingly oflTered battle at Lutzen. About eleven o'clock in the morning, after a short prayer, the king mounted his horse and led his troops to the front of the imperialists, who were well entrenched on the paved road from Lutzen to Leipsic, and stationed in the deep trenches on each side. A deadly cannonade saluted the Swedes ; but they marched boldly forward, leaped the trench, and forced Wallenstein's troops to retreat. Meanwhile Pappenheim had arrived at the scene of action with his cavalry, and the battle was renewed with fury. The Swedish infantry retired behind the trenches, and Gustavus hastened to the spot with a company of horse to render them assistance. He rode at full speed considerably in advance, to observe the force of the enemy ; a few of his attendants only, and Francis, duke of Saxe Lauenburg, following him. His short-sightedness led him too near a squadron of the imperial cavalry ; he received a shot in his arm, so that he nearly fell to the ground powerless, and just as he was turning round to be led away from the scene, he was shot a second time in the back. He fell from his horse, which had likewise been shot in the neck, and was dragged by the stirrup some distance along the ground. The master of the horse in the service of the Duke of Saxe Lauenburg immediately killed the cavalier who had fired the last shot ; but the duke himself, it would seem, abandoned his royal cousin upon a charge of Piccolomini's cuirassiers. A faithful page, Leubelfing, endeavoured to raise his master up, but he was himself shot. The imperial horsemen then killed the king with several wounds, and plundered his body, but the page survived till five days after the battle. The wounded horse of the king returning without his master, brought to his friends the sad news of his fall, and incited them to revenge his death. Under the heroic Duke Ber- nard of Weimar, they rallied, and pushed forward over the trenches upon the ranks of the enemy. Their desire for revenge prompted them to superhuman efforts, which the imperialists were totally unable to withstand ; Piccolomini, covered with blood, had a fourth horse killed under him, and the great Pappen- heim fell, mortally wounded. The ranks of the imperialists were broken, the 104 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. ^p v^iS;^^yVv.^ DEATH OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHDS. cry " We are lost ! Pappenheim is dead ! the Swedes are upon us !" resounded through the field, and Wallenstein ordered a retreat, leaving his artillery in possession of the victors. A thick fog and the approach of night only prevented the Swedes from pursuit ; but they spent the night on the field of battle. Wallenstein marched into Bohemia, instead of wintering in Saxony, as he had intended ; thus in deed acknowledging the Swedes to be victorious, whilst in a letter to the Emperor he represented the battle as undecided, and Ferdi- nand ordered a Te Deum to be sung in all his cities. On the day following, the Swedes searched among the thousands which strewed the wide battle field for the body of their beloved king: it was at length found among many others, so disfigured by the hoofs of horses, and covered whh the blood which issued from eleven wounds, as scarcely to be recognised. Thus terminated the career of this Alexander of his age. An impartial adventurer. Count Gualdo, a Vene- tian and a Catholic, who spent many years in the imperial and Swedish armies, thus describes the glory of Sweden. Gustavus was tall, stout, and of such a truly royal demeanour, that he universally commanded veneration, admiration. DEATH OF WALLENSTEIN. 105 love, and fear. His hair and beard were of a light brown colour, his eye large, but rather near-sighted. War had great charms for him, and from his earliest youth honour and glory were his passion. Eloquence dwelt upon his tongue. He spoke, in addition to the German, the native language of his mother, the Swedish, Latin, French, and Italian languages ; and his discourse was ever agreeable and lively. There never was a general who was served with so much cheerfulness and devotion as Gustavus. He was of an affable and friendly disposition, readily expressed commendation, and noble actions were indelibly fixed in his memory ; on the other hand, excessive politeness and flattery he hated, and if any person approached him in this way, he never trusted him. The death of Gustavus produced great changes in the political state of Europe. Frederic, the elector-palatine, believing all his hopes of restoration blighted, died broken-hearted ; the Protestant confederates, deprived of a head, soon split into factions ; and the Swedes, overwhelmed with sorrow for the loss of their beloved sovereign, saw his throne filled by a princess but seven years of age. But the council of regency appointed to protect the mi- nority of the young Queen Christina, intrusted the management of the Ger- man war to the chancellor Oxenstiern, a statesman of the highest order. The regent kept the allies of Sweden to- gether with great energy and ability, gave a formidable aspect to the Protest- ant alliance, and by means of his able generals, the duke of Saxe Weimar, Banner, and Horn, prosecuted hostili- ties with vigour and success. A totally unexpected event added to the confidence of the allies ; the removal of the terrible Wallenstein from the scene of action. Since his retreat to Bohemia he had remained inactive, maturing his plans for his own advance- ment. He was suspected of aiming at sovereign power by Ferdinand, who certainly appears to have had grounds for his suspicions. The powerful war- rior, ruled by astrological visions, needed only resolution to accomplish what- ever he might purpose, but he suffered the favourable moment to escape, and the Emperor discovered his designs. The danger was urgent ; the Emperor timid ; Wallenstein stood surrounded whh the thunders of war, and Ferdinand dared not attempt to bring him to a legal trial. The Emperor therefore had recourse to the dishonourable expedient of assassination. Vol. hi. 14 MONUMENT TO OUSTAVUS A. T) O L P H U S , NEAR LDTZEN. 106 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. It was determined to include in his fall his brother-in-law, Count Kinsky, and his brave and devoted friends, the field-marshals Illo and Terzka. The great victim was meanwhile tormented by attacks of the gout, to such an extent, that he was obliged to have pieces of raw flesh cut out of the excoriated foot, at the very time that he was almost impelled to throw himself at once into the arms of the Union, by the ill-concealed hostility of his immediate enemies. Piccolomini declared against him, and advanced towards Pilsen, where Wallen- stein was posted. He quitted that place, however, on the 22d of February, accompanied by only ten followers, and borne along in a litter, suffering excru- ciatingly from his disease. At the end of the second day's journey he reached the citadel of Eger, where he took up his quarters in the market-place, in the house of the burgomaster, Pechhelbel. On the following evening, Terzka, Illo, and Kinsky proceeded to the citadel to sup with Colonel Gordon, the command- ant. While they were at table, thirty dragoons, commanded by Captains Deve- reux and Geraldin, suddenly burst into the hall from the ante-room, and falling on their victims pierced them to death. Immediately after the completion of this deed, Devereux led a party of his assassins to complete the work by slaying Wallenstein. The general had been engaged with his astrologer Seni, who announced to him that the danger which impended over him had not yet passed ; but he nevertheless dismissed the reader of the stars, and laid himself upon his bed. Directly Devereux, with six of his miscreants, entered the house, unchecked by the guard, who supposed that he came with reports for Wallenstein. An outcry in the street aroused the noble warrior. He rose from his bed, opened the window, heard from the next house the wailing of the Countesses Terzka and Kinsky, who had just learned the fate of their husbands, and inquired its cause from the sentinel. At that moment the murderer Devereux stood at the door of the chamber. The sentry, when he entered the outer passage with his assassins, had placed his finger on his lips as a sign for him to make no noise, as the general slept. The ruffian cried out, " Friend, this is the time for noise," and demanded the key of the door. It was however locked from within. They commenced a vigorous assault upon it, broke it in pieces, and rushed into the room. The chief stood erect, with his hand resting on a table between the two windows, in complete undress and barefooted, just as he had sprung out of bed. " Art thou the traitor," demanded Devereux, " that wouldst lead the imperialists over to the ranks of the enemy, and tear the crown from the head of his impe- rial majesty? Thine hour has come." Wallenstein stood calm and still, not deigning to answer. " Thou must die," shouted the murderer a second time. Wallenstein opened his breast, received the fatal blow, sank to the earth, and died without a word, without a groan. Horrified at such an end of the career of their mighty chief, the hardy soldiers stood several minutes pale and speech- less, then turned and fled with all speed from the room.* Thus silent and reserved till the hour of his death, all the profound and * Sporschil's Dreissigjiihrige Krieg. WALLENSTEIN. 107 mysterious thoughts and sentiments of his soul remained hidden from the world, and a veil of obscurity M^as cast over his whole life and actions. He was one of those men whose deep-laid plans and motives it is impossible to fathom, and of whom little or nothing can be said in explanation of their views or ideas. After his death his estates were confiscated, and a large portion of them was transferred to his chief enemies and his murderers. The greater part of his possessions, however, were retained by Ferdinand himself. His landed property alone was estimated to be worth fifty millions of florins. His widow received the principality of Neuschloss, and his daughter Elizabeth, his only surviving child, was shortly afterwards well married. In order to justify the assassination of this prop of his empire, Ferdinand published a voluminous document, containing all the accusations brought against the duke, which for a long time continued to convey the most false and unjust ideas and opinions of the character of that extraordinary man. Ferdinand, king of Rome and son of the Emperor, succeeded Wallenstein in the chief command, and opened his career with one of the most brilliant achievements of the war. He marched against the Swedish army with a force superior in numbers and discipline, when the aged and prudent Count Horn would have retreated, but his colleague, Bernard of Weimar, with the ardent daring of youth, insisted on making a stand, and receiving the enemy's attack. Accordingly an action took place near Nordlingen in Franconia, in which, owing to their bad position, their reduced numbers, and the misunderstanding between the generals, the Protestants were defeated. They fought eight hours 108 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. with the most determined courage, and only yielded when nearly cut to pieces. Twenty thousand of their number were either slain or made prisoners ; General Horn himself being a captive. Duke Bernard retreated towards the Rhine with the remainder of his army. Ferdinand followed up his victory by successful negotiation ; he concluded a treaty with all the Protestant princes, except the Landgrave of Hesse, at Prague, and thus threw the whole weight of the war upon Sweden and France. Richelieu ruled the latter country with a rod of iron , alike hated by the nobility and the people, and feared by the king, he nevertheless held firmly the reins of government, and made every attempt to ruin him recoil upon the heads of its originators. Jealousy of Gustavus had prevented him from cordially uniting against Ferdinand : and Oxenstiern was afterwards unwilling to give him any influence in Germany. But the battle of Nordlingen rendered a change of policy necessary. Richelieu had subdued and triumphed over the Protest- ants by the capture of Rochelle. This end effected, he turned the arms of France against the Emperor of Germany, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, in an attempt to secure the succession of Mantua to theDukeof Nevers. In 1631, the treaty of Chierasio terminated the war, by giving to France its ancient influence in Italy, and several important fortresses on the frontiers, and destroying the Spanish supremacy in the peninsula. The battle of Nordlingen announced the arrival of the moment when he could without fear put into full operation his great plan of crushing Protestantism in France on one hand, while on the other he rendered its advocacy a cloak with which to cover his designs against the power of Austria. Jealousy of Gustavus, whom he suspected of aiming at the sovereignty of Germany, was another motive for action. But the battle of Lutzen having terminated the career of that conqueror, and that of Nordlingen having defeated any ulterior designs which Oxenstiern might have entertained, he thought that he might now proceed to sell the services of France at a dear rate. He accordingly concluded a treaty with Oxenstiern, agreeing to take an active share in the war on condition of receiving possession of Philipsburg and the province of Alsace. He also concluded treaties with the Dutch republic and the Duke of Savoy, proclaimed war against Spain, and in a very short space of time equipped five armies to act at once in Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The fortune of war now turned against the imperialists, the Duke of Saxe Weimar carried the arms of Sweden in triumph, and Banner restored their former lustre by a triumphant victory gained over the Elector of Saxony at Wittstock, near Mecklenberg. Henceforth, however, the war only presents a series of gloomy and dis- heartening scenes ; for wanting as it did a leader of noble genius, influenced by motives of a worthy and honourable nature, its whole character assumed an ignoble and mercenary stamp. The royal hero, whose elevation of soul shed a brilliant lustre over all around him, and who was inspired by his religious faith, combined with the glory and honour of his nation, was now no more ; the impenetrable, mysterious, and all-powerful general who alone could venture to make a stand against the forces of Sweden, had also been snatched from the BANNER AND TORS TENSON. 109 realization of his dark projects; while those who now had the command of the imperial armies, although brave and not without distinction, were only second in rank of genius, and wholly incapable of aspiring to the elevated thoughts and feelings of their predecessors. In this war it was egotism alone by which the parties were swayed ; consequently, however remarkable its operations may appear, they must still be regarded in the light of ordinary events. The death of the Emperor Ferdinand II., and the accession of his son Ferdinand III., made little alteration in the state of the war ; the victorious leaders of the con- federates invaded the hereditary dominions of Austria, but in the midst of their triumphant career Bernard of Weimar was seized with sudden illness, and died, 18th July, 1639. He was thirty-nine years of age, and the youngest of eight equally brave and warlike brothers. He himself declared his belief that he was poisoned, and his chaplain confirmed this suspicion in the sermon which he preached on the occasion of the funeral. If this were the fact, it is to be attri- buted to Richelieu, for immediately after the duke's death the army was visited by several French agents, who negotiated for the services of the army, which they purchased for large sums, together with the places in its possession. Three regiments of Swedes alone refused to sell themselves to the French, and they marched out of the place with beat of drum and unfurled banners to join the main body of their array. Thus the valour of the German troops conquered for the French the important fortress of Brisach, with Rhinefeld, Roteln, and Friburg. Banner, the Swedish general, died in 1641, at Hallerstadt, after committing dreadful devastation in Bohemia and other lands. He sent to Stockholm more than 600 standards which he had taken from the imperialists, and his cruel and merciless conduct caused his campaigns to be more bloody and oppressive than any others during the war. While he was in Bohemia there were often more than one hundred small towns, castles, and villages burnt during the night, and one of his principal officers, Adam Pfuhl, boasted that he had with his own hands set on fire eight hundred different places in that unhappy country. When he himself came to his death-bed in Thuringia, and desired the last services of a minister of religion, so wasted and forlorn was the country that none could be found for many miles. He was succeeded by Torstenson, who, though so weak in body as to be always carried in a litter, was nevertheless one of the most active generals of the war. Under his command was fought the greatest battle of this last period of the war, on almost the very ground where Gustavus gained the victory of Leipsic. He had been followed during a retreat by Piccolomini, and determined to rid himself of the presence of his enemy by a desperate effort. He attacked the imperialists with fury, and Piccolomini was defeated, with the loss of 20,000 men, forty-six pieces of artillery, and nearly two hundred ensigns. Torstenson and his successor Wrangel afterwards marched from place to place, spreading terror and devastation over all Germany, and often menacing Vienna itself with a siege. The petty princes gradually concluded armistices with the K 110 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. invaders ; and the Emperor was finally left to contend single-handed with his successful enemies. The French generals Turenne and Conde fought against the imperialists along the Rhine, and enabled Wrangel to subject all Bavaria. The arms of France were equally successful in Spain, where Colioure and Per- pignan were reduced. A characteristic anecdote is related of Richelieu, in connection with the fall of Perpignan. The great minister had just detected and punished a conspiracy when this place was taken, and, though on the verge of the grave and scarcely able to hold a pen, he conveyed to Louis the intelligence of both events in the following haughty and laconic note : " Sir, your enemies are dead, and your troops in possession of Perpignan." The death of Richelieu and his master, Louis XIIL, placed upon the throne of France the infant Louis XIV., whose prime-minister was Mazarin, a worthy successor of him whose genius had so ably controlled the destinies of France. He continued the policy which had been founded by Richelieu, the war was resumed with masterly activity, and, after several vicissitudes, the triumph of the confederates was so decided that the Emperor was forced to solicit terms of peace. In 1640, at the diet of Ratisbon, the Emperor had consented that congresses for peace should meet at Munster and Osnaburg, and the preliminaries to such a meeting were signed by the Emperor and the King of Spain in 1643. The changing course of the war, which was actively continued, varied the negotiations, the Emperor, so long as he had any hope of better fortune in war, being very sparing of concessions. The thunders of the Swedish artillery, however, overcame his resistance, and the instruments of peace were signed on October 24, 1648, at Munster. The demon of the Thirty Years' War, to use the language of a German historian, was finally conjured, but Germany, swimming in blood and covered with ashes, could hardly believe the news that its misery was at an end. The interests of Sweden were regulated at Osnaburg, those of France at Munster ; the tenor of both instruments were the same, respecting those conditions which the two crowns insisted on in common, and the whole is known to the world as the peace of Westphalia. It became a fundamental law of the empire, and the basis of many subsequent treaties. By its provisions France obtained the sovereignty of the three archbishoprics, Metz, Toul, and Verdun, the city of Brisach and its dependencies, the territory of Sundgau, the important fortress of Philipsburg, and as much of Alsace as had belonged to Austria. Besides this, it forced Germany to destroy a great number of fortifications along the Upper Rhine. Thus all those places which had served as the bulwarks of Southern Ger- many, fell through this peace into the hands of the hereditary enemy of the empire. The French envoys boasted that France had never concluded a peace upon such advantageous terms. Poor Sweden, however, was represented by John of Oxenstiern, the chancellor's son, a proud but inexperienced statesman, and by Adler Salvius, a man open to bribery. In consequence she was forced to content herself with five millions of crowns, the sees of Bremen and Verdun on the Weser, Western Pomerania and Stettin, the island of Rugen, and the THE TREATY OF WESTPHALIA. Ill city of Wismar, in Mecklenberg ; a territory the greater part of which was very poor and much devastated. The Elector of Brandenburg, who ought to have received all Pomerania, obtained only the eastern portion of that country ; as an indemnification for the remainder, however, he received the archbishopric of Magdeburg, and the bishoprics of Halberstadt, Minden, and Kanim, secular- ized. In like manner the sees of Schwerin and Ratzeburg were erected into lay principalities, and given to the Duke of Mecklenburg in lieu of the city of Wismar. Hesse Cassel, the firm ally of Sweden, though it had suffered no loss, received the abbey of Hersfeld, a portion of the country of Schaumburg, and six hundred thousand rix-dollars. Thirteen days after the death of Gustavus Adolphus, the elector-palatine, Frederic V., had died broken-hearted ; his son Charles Lewis, however, sup- ported the claims of his house. The Elector of Bavaria refused to give up the Upper Palatinate and the electoral dignity, and they were confirmed to Maxi- milian and his descendants. The Lower Palatinate and his other patrimonial estates were restored to Charles Lewis, and in lieu of the fifth electorate a new one was created purposely for him, the eighth. All the other princes and states of the empire were re-established in the lands, rights, and prerogatives which they enjoyed before the troubles of Bohemia in 1619. The republic of Switzerland was declared to be a sovereign state, exempt from the jurisdiction of the empire ; Spain was forced to acknowledge the independence of the Netherlands, and Germany obliged to free it from all obligation of fealty. In regard to religion, the pacification of Passauwas confirmed in its fullest extent ; and it was agreed that the Calvinists should enjoy the same privileges as the Lutherans. The Catholics and Protestants, comprehended as two reli- gious bodies, were to stand in relation to each other in equilibrium as to powers and rights. The imperial tribunals and the deputations of the empire were therefore to be composed of an equal number of members from the two religious bodies ; but in the assemblies of the states, consequently in the imperial diets, this equality being impossible, the decisive power of the majority of votes for religious matters, and in general for cases of separation in respect to religious parties, was to be abolished. In the instrument of Osnaburg, Spain was expressly designated as an ally of the Emperor and a participant of the peace. It comprised also England, Denmark, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Lorraine, Venice, the Netherlands, Switz- erland, and Transylvania. Yet the Pope protested against the peace, and war between France and Spain was continued with various success until the treaty of the Pyrenees, in 1659. Thus ended this terrible war, after having endured for one whole genera- tion. Unhappy Germany, overwhelmed by adventurers from all parts of Europe, presented a most sad and mournful picture : everywhere the land was devastated, the cornfields trodden down or lying bare, the towns laid waste, and piles of ruins and ashes where formerly blooming regions had greeted the eye. The unfinished work of the sword had been completed by famine, misery, and disease. In the first years of the war its ravages were so extensive and 112 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. destructive in the greatest part of the empire, that the general misery seemed intolerable ; subsequently it scourged also those countries previously spared, and accumulated a measure of wretchedness over all for which language has no expression. Hundreds of thousands had perished on the field of battle, but these were taken off in moments of enthusiastic ardour, while the victims were enjoying the whole force of their vital power, and their destruction cannot be regarded as the greatest evil of the war. But the more lingering and painful sufferings which came in the train of the war, contagion, plague, famine, and all the attendant horrors, — these horrors and miseries which left its victims to the anxious and painful contemplation of the gradual approach of death, — which overwhelmed those who could take no active share in the movements of the age, women, children, and old men, — which cut off all the enjoyments, all the hopes of life, and infused into the germ of a new generation a principle at once poisonous and destructive of strength and courage, — these formed the curse of the war, and destroyed two-thirds of the entire population. Germany, drenched whh blood and filled with ruins, was in danger of falling into com- plete barbarism, or becoming a great desert. This was the effect of the manner of carrying on the war, which Mansfeld first put into practice, afterwards brought by Wallenstein to a most fearful extension, and observed after him by all the other chief generals. War itself was made to support war, and friend and enemy consumed the substance of the land with boundless profusion. Leaders and soldiers, personally uninterested in the cause, brought from other lands to wage war for pay and for plunder, neglected no opportunity of demanding plunder and pleasure as a reward for their labours. The traces of the devastation then effected are still found in many regions of the land, and the eclipse which Germany has suffered from the other states of Europe in refinement, welfare, and art, may safely be attributed to the sufferings of the Thirty Years' War. C n A. H. L E S I . CHAPTER V, 'gi. Jj J 15 ira g I i g i) M n? !fc © I tt t i e n. AMES I. of England died in 1625, and was succeeded by his son, Charles I., who was now twenty-five years of age. One of the first acts of the young king was the . formation of an alliance with France, by marrying the princess Henrietta Maria, the Catholic daughter of Henry IV. of Prance. This was an unfortunate step, inasmuch as the two eldest sons of the king and queen, though educated in the Protestant faith, were so influenced by their mother that they ultimately became Catholics, a result which led to the final expulsion of the house of Stuart from the throne, in the person of James II. Besides this, the proposed marriage of Charles with Mary, the infanta of Spain, being broken off abruptly, Brhain was thrown into a war wdth that country, and the king soon after embarked in a needless conflict with France. To supply the expenses of these continental wars, the king had recourse to Parliament, but was met there by so many complaints about his government, and by such strong demonstrations of that ardent desire for civil liberty which the imprudence of his father had awakened, that he deemed it necessary to revive the system of benevolences. This was an expedient which had been resorted to by other sovereigns, particularly by Elizabeth, of compelling the subjects to grant to Vol. hi. 15 k 2 '^^^^ 114 THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. the sovereign gifts, or, as they were called, benevolences, and also to furnish ships for carrying on war, at their own charge. Such a measure could hardly be tolerated in the age of Charles; and his attempt to revive it spread discon- tent. The commons, fearing that the king would become independent of the parliament, embraced every opportunity to embarrass his measures ; assailed the arbitrary rights he had assumed, and presented him with a Petition of Right, or second Magna Charta, for replacing and permanently fixing the privileges of the people, particularly their exemption from arbitrary taxes and imprison- ment. With great difficulty the king was prevailed upon to give his sanction to this bill, A. D. 1628 ; but he soon after became so incensed at the opposition of the parliament, that he dissolved it, and resolved never to assemble another until he saw signs of a more compliant disposition in the nation. (1629.) He governed from this time for eleven years without a parliament, in the most arbitrary manner, and with continual violations of constitutional laws. He supplied the want of parliamentary subsidies by arbitrary imposts, among which the ship money has become the most famous, through the patriotic opposition of John Hampden ; and he resorted to every kind of extortion, especially by fines, by granting odious monopolies, and by forced loans. The unpopularity of Buckingham, the royal favourite, had been a great source of trouble. About the time of the dissolution of parliament, Buckingham was assassinated at Portsmouth, and the king resolved to be in a great degree his own minister. The political animosities were not a little aggravated by religious disputes. When the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was wrested from the Papal See, the people of England had submitted to a jurisdiction no less arbi- trary in the prince, and all affairs relative to the government of the church and the public conscience were subject to the absolute will of the king. Under the direction of the crown, an ecclesiastical tribunal, the High Commission Court, was instituted, and conformity to the established ceremonies w^as enforced by its judges by fines and imprisonment. There existed in the church, as early as the beginning of the seventeenth century, a religious sect which pretended not to any separate worship or disci- pline. They frequented no dissenting congregations, because uniformity of religion was esteemed absolutely necessary to the support of all government. But they maintained that they themselves were the only pure church, that their principles ought to be established by law, and that none others should be tole- rated. They thought the English reformation incomplete, and, deeming that the errors of the Romish church had not been wholly forsaken, they wished for the simpler forms of worship which Calvin and his immediate followers had established in Germany, and to which his illustrious disciple, John Knox, had converted almost all Scotland. Many of the Puritans, as these reformers were called, had more justifiable reasons for their discontent. Regarding the eccle- siastical sovereignty of the monarch as dangerous to civil liberty, they desired to transfer a portion of the royal authority to parliament. A small sect, called the Arminians, had also appeared in England, which rejected the doctrines of predestination and absolute decrees, and, in return for the royal favour, incul- THE COVENANTERS. 115 COSTDMK OF P U B I T A N . cated passive obedience and unconditional submis- sion to princes. Hence the preachers of these doc- trines came to be regarded by the patriots of the house of parliament as no better than Popish priests, and both were voted enemies to the state. The ministers of Charles were of a character to increase the difficulties under which he laboured. The chief of these were Wentworth, earl of Straf- ford, and Laud, archbishop of Canterbury; the first, doubly odious as a deserter from the popular party ; the second, who directed the ecclesiastical and many civil affairs, a man of learning and virtue, but a high churchman, zealously set on the exaltation of the priesthood, and on imposing on the obstinate Puritans, by the most rigorous measures, new cere- monies and observances unknown to the church of England. Under the influence of these unworthy servants, and in direct violation of the petition of right, Charles levied tonnage, poundage, and other taxes, suspended the penal laws against Catholics upon the payment of a stipulated sum, and gave such extensive jurisdiction to the arbitrary tribunals, the Star Chamber and the High Commission, that the ordinary constitutional administration of justice almost entirely ceased. While England was agitated by these innovations, a formidable outbreak was produced in Scotland by an attempt of Laud to introduce there a liturg}' similar to that used in the church of England. " The Solemn League and Covenant," a bond of confederation for the preservation of the national religion, was concluded by the Scots, and the episcopate which Laud would have forced upon them was formally rejected by the synods of Glasgow and Edinburgh. Richelieu, an enemy to Protestants nowhere but in France, encouraged the Covenanter* and supplied them with money. Charles, fearful of the result of a war, was forced to conclude a treaty with the Covenanters at Berwick, which proved merely a suspension of hostilities. His misfortunes had now fairly commenced ; his civil and religious tyranny rallied all his enemies under one sacred banner and overthrew his throne. Destitute of resources, the king called a parliament, hoping that it would support him m the suppression of the Scottish rebellion, and grant him the necessary supplies. But this parliament acted in the spirit of those which preceded it, and was dissolved in like manner. The Scotch invaded England, and defeated the disaflfected array of Charles, who called a fifth parliament, famous in history as the Long or Bloodthirsty Parliament. This body had no sooner assembled than it raised a series of complaints against the king and his ministers. Wentworth, earl of Strafford, was accused of high treason, and condemned by both houses, the consent of the less passionate upper house being extorted by the menaces of the seditious 116 THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. populace. In like manner, the reluctance of the king to sacrifice his favourite was overcome by his fears, and Strafford, after a resolute defence before the tribunal of his enemies, was led to execution. At the same time Laud was arrested and im- prisoned, and Charles forced to sign a bill which deprived him of the right to dissolve par- liament. A formidable insurrection in Ireland added to the confusion ; political wrongs, un- feelingly inflicted, were ferociously avenged, and the massacre of an immense number of Protestants read to Charles an awful lesson of the effects which oppressive laws produce on the human passions. The troubles in Ireland were artfully employed by parliament to increase the hatred against the king, who was represented as the author of scenes which he really deplored and abhorred. In 1642, parliament presented to him a paper called the " Remonstration of the State," drawn up wdth much bitter- ness, and containing a long list of grievances, old and new, real and pretended. This, being spread among the people, increased the fire ; the position of the king daily became worse, and he resolved upon war. He set up his standard at Nottingham, having inscribed on it the words, "Give unto Caesar his due." He was supported by many of the nobility and gentry, more skilled in arms than the parliamentary troops. But the merchants, yeomen and farmers, the sinews of the country, joined with his enemies. The parliamentary party had also the advantage of enthusiasm and numbers ; it had the capital, the great cities, the ports, and the fleet. In the counties of the north and west, the royalists held sway ; in those of the east, middle, and south-east, more populous and rich, the parliament ruled. Such was the commencement of those terrible wars of Cavaliers and Roundheads, as the court party and the Puritans were respectively designated, the former from the rank of their leaders, and the latter from their fashion of wearing the hair closely cropped. The supreme command of the parliamentary troops was at first conferred upon the Earl of Essex, the son of Elizabeth's favourite and victim. Next to Charles, the chief royalist commander was his nephew, Prince Rupert, a brave, able, and rash soldier of fortune, whose unscrupulous conduct, which would better have befitted a bandit than an honourable warrior, caused him to be known among the English people by the name of Prince Robber. On Sunday, the 23d of October, 1642, the combatants first met fairly in the field of battle at the base of Edgehill, in Warwickshire. That part of the royalist army which was commanded by Prince Rupert defeated their immediate opponents, and the prince led his followers in pursuit entirely out of the battle field as far as a neighbouring village, which they began to plunder. Meanwhile Essex, with the DEATH OF HAMPDEN. IH right wing of the parliamentary troops, had continued the fight with such suc- cess that Charles saw his main body — the defenders of his standard— routed. They fled precipitately away, leaving the standard in the hands of the enemy, and many of their best officers wounded or prisoners. The royalists, however, rallied on the top of the hill until Prince Rupert returned with his admirable soldiers, flushed with booty and conquest. He had now to sustain an impetuous attack from the forces which he had supposed to be totally defeated. In this indecisive manner ended the first contest of the civil war, at a cost of no less than four thousand lives. Many influential men now strove to effect an accommodation ; and they were so far successful as to obtain a suspension of hostilities on the part of the parliamentarians. But Charles, whose bad faith eventually proved his ruin, used the opportunity thus afforded him for treachery by attempting to surprise London. In the early part of 1643, the shires lying in the neighbourhood of the metropolis were incessantly annoyed by Rupert and his cavalry. Essex had extended his lines so far that every part was vulnerable, and the active and enter- prising prince surprised posts, burned villages, swept away cattle, and was beyond the reach of pursuit before a force sufficient to encounter him could be assembled. Essex was politically timid, and conducted his military operations under the feeling that a great victory was scarcely less to be dreaded than a defeat. But Hampden, who had possessed boundless influence in parliament, now commanded a regiment in the field, and afforded a striking contrast to the sluggishness of his superior by his bold and rapid movements. In the council he had shown that no man better knew how to value and how to practise mo- deration ; in the field he laboured to teach his fellow-soldiers that the essence of war is violence, and that moderation in war is imbecility. In the language of Clarendon, when he drew the sword, he threw away the scabbard. The troops loudly condemned the languid proceedings of Essex, and all the eager and daring spirits in the parliamentary army were eager to have Hampden at their head. Had his life been prolonged, the supreme command, in all probability, would have been intrusted to him. But, in the words of a contemporary, it was decreed that at this conjuncture, England should lose the only man who united perfect disinterestedness to eminent talents ; the only man who, being capable of gaining the victory for her, was incapable of abusing that victory when gained. On the 17th of June, Rupert left Oxford on a predatory excursion ; on the morning of the following day he dispersed a party of parliamentary troops at Postcombe, then flew to Chinnor, burned the village, killed or captured all the troops who were posted there, and prepared to hurry back with his booty and prisoners to Oxford. Hampden had notified Essex of the impending danger, and he now requested that general to send a force to cut oflT the retreat of the invaders, while he marched at once to meet them. At Chalgrove he encoun- tered the royalists, and a fierce skirmish ensued, in which Hampden was mor- tally wounded by two bullets. His troops gave way when he fell, and Rupert returned unmolested to the king's head-quarters at Oxford. The last hours of Hampden were devoted to the dictation of letters to the authorities, 118 THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. warning them of the errors which they were committing, and conjuring them to exhibit a more active and resolute spirit. The grief and alarm of his party at his loss was most signal ; it was a greater blow than the defeat of their army in the north by Newcastle, which almost immediately followed. He had left none his like behind him ; no man so religious, none possessed of that prudence, judgment, valour, temper, and integrity which so eminently characterized him. Yet there still remained in his party a man, Oliver Cromwell, the cousin of Hampden, in whom that statesman had long since discovered, under a coarse and extravagant exterior, talents so great and commanding, that they were destined to gain for their possessor the admiration of all Europe ; talents equal to all the highest duties of the soldier and the prince. Throughout the whole of his career he was characterized by a majesty of demeanour, which is indelibly impressed upon all his portraits, and which was the result of confidence in his powers, derived from the test of experience, and the influence of the lofty position he attained. Shortly before the present time he is thus described by the royalist, Sir Philip Warwick. << I came one morning into the House, well clad, and perceived a gentleman speaking, (whom I knew not,) very ordinarily apparelled ; for it was a plain cloth suit, which seemed to have been made by an ill country tailor ; his linen was plain, and not very clean ; and I remember a speck or two of blood upon his little band, which was not much larger than his collar ; his hat was without a hat-band ; his stature was of a good size ; his sword stuck close to his side ; his countenance swollen and reddish ; his voice sharp and untunable ; and his eloquence full of fervour," Such was Oliver Cromwell, who now, emerging from an obscure position in the parliamentary army, came upon the stage, and quickly brought a change over the aspect of affairs. The mere military men of the day were strangely bewildered by his successes. He had had no previous experience in warfare ; had not made it his study ; had no particular taste for it. He was besides a man of mature age, forty-three, and could no longer be supposed to possess that plastic quality of mind which readily adapts itself to an entirely new state of things. But he nevertheless trained his own regiment into such a state of military perfection, that the bravest and most skilful royalist troops were unable to compete with it ; checked the victorious army of Newcastle, scattered like chaff the levies that were coming to the earl's assistance ; gained a victory near Grantham, and saved the parliamentary general, Willoughby, from destruction at Gainsborough ; all in his first brief campaign. Superior numbers, however, arrested his progress, and compelled him to retreat. The queen in the west, Newcastle in the north, and Charles himself in Oxford and the surrounding midland districts, supported the royal cause with marked success. The tide of fortune soon changed. Fifteen hundred of the royalists fell in a defeat which the king's party suffered at Newbury, among them many officers of rank, and a still greater calamity was an act brought about by the exertions of the patriot, Sir Harry Vane, the merging of the National Covenant of the Scots into the Solemn League and Covenant, by which the English parliamentarians and the Scotch covenanters were united. DEATH OF PYM. 119 While the negotiations for this treaty were in progress, Pym, who had for a long time been the leader of parliament, sunk under the weight of his labours. His exertions for some time before his death often left him scarcely three hours of the four-and-twenty for repose. He had firmly supported the rights and franchise of the Commons in the parliaments of 1614 and 1620, and the ground which he then took as a public man he never deserted for a moment during a political life of thirty years. So great was the influence which had falleti to him, both in the senate and with the people, that he was generally known to the royalists by the sarcastic appellation of King Pym. He early acquired a perfect knowledge of the forms of parliamentary proceedings ; and added to the efficiency of a ready and powerful elocution, the confidence inspired by his various information, by his broad and deliberate views of public questions, his firmness of purpose, and his high moral courage. His style was free from the conceits and quaintness of the age, rising at times to the tone of a commanding eloquence, but characterized generally by that simplicity, directness, and nervous solemnity of expression which are so natural to a man in earnest. On his death-bed he expressed great anxiety that peace should be restored, but on such terms only as might be consistent with the liberties of the people. But while the parliament strengthened itself by uniting with the Scots, Charles was not less diligent in seeking assistance from Ireland. He detached a portion of the Irish army that it might come to his aid, and also obtained supplies from that country to the amount of thirty thousand pounds, partly in money and partly in provisions. As, however, the great mass, both of his adherents and his opponents, had a special horror of " papists," the Irish rein- forcement did him more harm than good. They had been scarcely six weeks in the country when Fairfax fell upon them, killing two hundred and making prisoners of fifteen hundred others. The defection of many of the English adherents of royalty in the north was the immediate consequence of the Irish interference. No monarch ever had more ardent and devoted followers than Charles 1. ; but he asked too much when he required that they should run all risks of life and fortune for the maintenance of one abstract principle, that was precious to him, while he violated others that were even dearer to them. The most deter- mined royalist put his " Fear God" before his " Honour the King," and felt his obedience to the latter lessening when he found the king trifling with his conscience as to the first. Thus throughout the contest Charles seems conti- nually to have been engaged in stripping his cause of all the moral strength 120 THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. which it would otherwise have possessed in the usages and affections of his subjects. He left himself and those who fought for him no one principle high and unadulterated, by the light of which they could, with a clear conscience and a zealous spirit, move onward at his call, excepting that of the sovereignty, a principle too weak alone to bear the structure he would rear upon it. Though the commonw^ealth men were generally Puritans, these Puritans were divided into tw^o parties, the Presbyterians and the Independents, who only disliked each other less than they hated the royalists. The former leaned towards the support of monarchical and aristocratical institutions, and yearned to establish their church on the ruins of all others, whence they came to abhor toleration as one of the w^orst of crimes ; the latter held more democratical notions as to civil government, and desired toleration for all Christian bodies in the ecclesiastical policy of the country. Cromwell, Selden, St. John, Vane, and Whitelock were all Independents, whilst their Scotch allies were almost all Presbyterians, as were also the chief officers of the parliamentary army, the Earls of Essex and Manchester. Here were ample materials of discord, which Charles might have used to advantage. The differences of these factions caused a spirit of indecision in the minds of the military commanders, and suspicions grew^ rife that both Essex and Manchester were shunning rather than seeking decisive success against the king, lest they should at the same time give too great a power to that party among their own supporters of whom they were in dread. Facts were not wanting to support these views. A large army having been placed under the command of Manchester, with Cromwell as his lieu- tenant-general, the battle of Marston Moor was fought on the 2d of July, 1644, in which the royalists were completely routed. The whole north of England, in consequence of this victory, fell into the hands of the commonwealth men. In a second battle at Newbury, they remained in possession of the field, though the victory was claimed by their enemies ; the royalists were nevertheless suf- fered to return to the scene of action, in the very eyes of the parliamentary army, and carry away unmolested the cannon left in Donnington castle. The indignant commons ordered an inquiry, and Cromwell did not hesitate to charge his superior with acting as though he thought " the king too low and the par- liament too high." From that moment the Presbyterian leaders sought to overthrow Cromwell, and he to destroy them. With the assistance of Vane and St. John, he suc- ceeded in procuring the passage of the Self-Denying Ordinance, whereby all members of parliament, whether of the House of Lords or of Commons, were excluded from all command and offices in the army. By this subtle stroke of policy the Presbyterian leaders were not only put aside, but could hardly appear even to complain, without injury to their reputation. The profound sagacity of the men who originated this movement undoubtedly perceived that the Presbyterians once put aside, some opportunity would be sure to occur for the reintroduction of Cromwell. Some attempts at negotiating a peace having proved ineffectual, the war BATTLE OF N A S E B Y. 121 was vigorously renewed. A slight reverse caused the Commons to send Cromwell to the scene of action. He performed the duties prescribed with his usual skill, courage, and success. But other dangers threatened. The royal- ists were now concentrating their forces ; some great effort was about to be made, and Fairfax, feeling himself incompetent, sent to the Commons to request that they would again dispense with the ordinance in Cromwell's case, and nominate him second in command. The Self-Denying Ordinance had been chiefly brought about by Cromwell's denunciation of the method by which the par- liament carried on the war, and his eloquent calls for a more speedy, vigorous, and effectual guidance of affairs. This was now to a great extent in his own hands ; the opportunity had been given him of testing personally the value of the counsel he had given. The parliament was exceedingly anxious, as he was determined to settle the business, to know how the settlement should come — whether in triumph or ruin. The result of the battle of Naseby made answer. That battle, fought on the 16th of June, 1645, sealed the fate of Charles, so far as it depended on military issues. At dawn of day the king's army formed on a slight eminence, in an advan- tageous position, where they awaited the approach of the enemy. The impa- tient Prince Rupert marched with a few squadrons to the distance of a mile and a half before the advanced guard of the parliamentary army appeared. In his excitement, the prince imagined they were retreating, and sent word to the king to come and join him wdth all speed, lest they should escape. Towards ten o'clock the royalists came up, disordered by the precipitation of their advance ; and Rupert, at the head of the right wing of the cavalry, dashed down upon Ireton, who commanded the left of the parliamentary army. At the same moment, Cromwell, with the right wing, fell upon the enemy's left, while the infantry composing the centres of both armies engaged under their respective leaders, the king himself on one side, and Fairfax and Skippon on the other. No battle as yet had been so rapidly general or so fiercely contested. The royalists, intoxicated with insolent confidence, sent forth as their war cry, " Queen Mary ;" the parliamentarians, firm in their faith, invigorated their onset by the shout, " God is with us!" Ireton was severely wounded and made prisoner, and his command w^as broken by Rupert, who, always carried away by the same fault, pursued them up to the baggage, which was well defended by artillery. Here he vainly wasted his time and his strength, while the mighty Cromwell was deciding the battle. He had defeated the king's left, and left a detachment on the ground to prevent the broken lines from rallying, while he flew to the aid of the centre, where the conflict was most fierce. Fairfax, with his helmet beaten off by the blow of a sword, was fighting bare- headed, gallantly supported by Doyley, the colonel of his guards. The royal- ists were beginning to waver, when Cromwell joined with his victorious squadrons. The king, in desperation at the sight, put himself at the head of his reserve regiment of life-guards, and faced the new enemy. In a moment the whole regiment turned their backs, and the panic stricken royalists fled over the plain, some to escape, others to rally the fugitives. The return Vol. III. 16 L 122 THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. MONUMENT ON NASEET FIELD. of the victorious plunderer, Rupert, checked the flight for a moment, and Charles wished to make another desperate effort to recover the day, but he was unsupported and compelled to fly. With two thousand horse he galloped off towards Leicester, leaving his artillery, ammunition, baggage, more than one hundred flags, his own standard, five thousand men, and all his cabinet papers in the possession of the parliament. In grateful commemoration of this victory, an obelisk was raised upon the spot where it was gained. The capture of a handful of letters at Naseby, expressive of the true senti- ments of the king on various matters then in dispute, rendered the cause of Charles much more hopeless than the mere result of the battle would have done. By the public reading of them to a great collection of the most distinguished citizens of London and members of parliament, it became known to the world that he who had so solemnly declared, '< I will never abrogate the laws against the Papists," had already in secret pledged himself to abrogate them ; that he who had said, with a show of generous indignation, "I abhor to think of bringing foreign soldiers into the kingdom," had been encouraging his queen to strain every nerve to induce foreign princes to send him troops ; and that, finally, the man who had but a short time before consented during negotiation to give the parliament its title of parliament, was all the while doing it with the mental reservation that calling them so was not so acknowledging them, which simply and clearly implied that he was prepared to keep no faith what- TRIAL OF CHARLES. 123 ever with those whom he so often appeared to be ready to negotiate with. The only thing which could have saved him at this juncture was a sudden change in his deportment, a magnanimous surrender in reliance upon the generosity of his people. But he madly threw it aside, and rushed to encounter all the dangers of civil war, whhout any of its advantages ; he gave himself up to his Scotch rather than to his English subjects, and they shortly afterwards betrayed him to the latter. Charles was now a prisoner in the hands of the parliament, yet still he intrigued, hoping to escape by exciting dissensions between the Presbyterians and the Independents. The struggle was brief; the Independents triumphed, and Cromwell obtained the entire control of the army, in spite of the Presby- terian majority in parliament. From that moment Cromwell was entitled to rule the destinies of England. Having by a sudden movement succeeded in removing Charles from the custody of the parliamentary commissioners to his own, he had the king in his hands, the army his devoted instrument, and the great majority of his countrymen his warm admirers. His conduct at this important period is very remarkable. To allow Charles to regain his power, no matter how restricted, was to set at rest for ever the unlawful and unprinci- pled aspirations of any ; whilst to crush him was to open a thousand opportuni- ties for their realization. The victorious general entered into negotiations with the captive king, who, had he possessed the least sincerity, might have saved his life and recovered his throne. The queen wrote a letter to Charles, reproaching him for having made too great concessions to those villains. These concessions were chiefly that Cromwell should be Lieutenant of Ireland for life ; that an army should be there kept, which should know no head but the lieutenant ; and that he should have a garter. The queen's letter was intercepted, and then forwarded to the king. In his answer, which was found in the possession of the messenger, at the Blue Boar Inn, in Holborn,by Crom- well and Ireton disguised as troopers, the king said that she should leave him to manage, who was better informed of all circumstances than she could be ; but she might be entirely easy as to whatever concessions he should make them ; for that he should know in due time how to deal with the rogue, who, instead of a silken garter, should be fitted with a hempen cord. This letter decided the fate of the king. Cromwell found he was dealing with one who would not only break whatever pledges he made the moment he was again in power, but would make a jest of putting a halter round his neck, as the practical mode of fulfilling the promise of the garter. While he amused all parties with negotiations, Charles had twice attempted to escape by flight, but without success. The Scots, too, ashamed of their desertion of him, sent an army into England under the Duke of Hamilton. That leader, however, was routed with great slaughter by the invincible Crom- well, while General Fairfax quelled a royalist insurrection in Kent and Essex. On receiving the news of Hamilton's overthrow, the parliament voted the con- cessions of Charles sufficient grounds for settling the peace of the kingdom, but the king delayed to embrace their overtures ; two days afterwards the avenues 124 THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. to the house were beset by soldiers, and two hundred of the members mos* obnoxious to the army were forcibly excluded. The Independents now proceeded to consummate the work. The resolu- tions leading to a reconciliation with the king were revoked, and proposals were made for bringing him to a public trial for treason. A high court of justice was constituted for trying him, though the upper house of parliament refused its concurrence. Charles was brought before this tribunal, and during the seven days that the trial lasted, he frequently attempted to speak, but was silenced by Bradshaw, the presiding judge, because he invariably refused to acknowledge the authority of the nation to bring him to account for his crimes. From beginning to end, the utmost respect was paid to the king, and an order, a solemnity, and a rigid intensity of purpose characterized the whole, which could only spring from conscientious and deeply seated, even if mistaken, views of the overwhelming necessity of the deed they were committing. Throughout the whole, Charles continued to temporize, sought to gain time, that a revulsion of popular feeling might effect his deliverance. He called himself a martyr for the people, and when on the scaffold, with his usual consistency, in appealing to the assembled crowd in behalf of his son and successor, he affirmed " that the people ought never to have a share in the government, that being a thing nothing pertaining to them." Herein was contained the whole question at issue between him and his people. Sentence of death was passed upon him on the 17th of January, 1649, and he was executed in front of his palace at Whitehall, on the 30th, a martyr — not, as some would represent, for the peo- ple, — not for the Episcopal religion, — but to his false and high notions of royal prerogative, to his own insincerity of character. CHAPTER VI. lit ® E m m 5 n t f a 3 1 1 © f uE a g 1 u n t:. 1 NGLAND was now a Re- public ; the monarchy had ceased to exist. The House of Commons, or rather the small part of it which re- mained after the exclusion of the Presbyterian members by the military, and which was known by the ridiculous name of the Rump, abolished the kingly power as unne- cessary, burdensome, and dangerous to the liberty, safety, and public interests of the people. The House of Lords was also abolished, and a new great seal was engraved with inscrip- tions according with the new state of affairs. The king's statues were taken down from the Exchange and other places. An elaborate declaration was written and published in the English, Latin, French, and Dutch languages, in explanation and in justification of the king's execution and the change in the form of government. A council of state, consisting of forty persons, was appointed to assume the government of the nation ; it comprised seven noble- men, with Whitelock, St. John, Fairfax, Cromwell, Skippon, Sir Harry Vane, Harry Marten, Bradshaw, and Ludlow. Bradshaw presided, and Milton was L 2 <125) 126 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND. the secretary. Altogether, a council so distinguished for the ability of its members has never before or since sat in England. St. John also became chief justice, the name of the King's Bench being changed to that of the Upper Bench. Six of the judges resigned their seats, but six consented to act, on obtaining a declaration from the present legislature that no infringement should be made on the fundamental laws. The army remained under the command of those who had made it invin- cible ; the navy was removed from the care of the Earl of Warvv'ick, and placed under the control of the three best officers of the day, of whom the chief was Blake ; Vane sat as the guiding spirit at the head of the admiralty ; and the commonwealth men, retaining the Presbyterian form of w^orship, infused into it a spirit hitherto unknown to Presbyterianism — toleration. The first business of the Commonw^ealth was to repress the mutinous detachments of royalists attempting insurrections in different parts of the country. This required, during four months, the most decisive measures on the part of the Commons, and all the promptitude and vigour that Fairfax and Cromwell could bring to the enterprise. Other circumstances rendered the necessity of these exertions at home a source of much perplexity and irritation. Ireland, if any thing better than the name of a government was to be retained there, demanded immediate attention ; and all the remaining strength that could be brought to the conflict would probably be required to meet the effort about to be made by the Scots in favour of the surviving Charles Stuart, whom they had proclaimed king as soon as the news of his father's death had reached them. Cromwell accepted the conduct of the war in Ireland, with the office of lord-lieutenant, and landed near Dublin on the ] 5th of August, 1649, with eight thousand foot, four thousand cavalry, and a train of artillery. He laid the plan of the campaign with that unerring skill which always characterized his military enterprises, and carried it into execution without hesitation or delay. Town after town fell in rapid succession, and wherever the Irish showed themselves in the open field they were totally routed. The royalist deputy, Ormond, had put the important town of Drogheda into the best posture of defence, and gar- risoned it with between two and three thousand of his best troops. Cromwell, instead of allowing himself to be detained by the dilatory process of a siege, effected a breach in the wall, and stormed the works at the head of his men. The whole armed garrison was put to the sword. Wexford suffered the fate of Drogheda. Many of the authorities in other towns were induced by these terrible proceedings to open their gates to the conquerors, and the war com- mencing in September had made such progress by the following March, that Cromwell returned to England, leaving Ireton to watch or subdue the small remains of opposition. The secret of the cruelty and rapidity of this murderous campaign was the necessity of placing England, at the earliest possible period, in a condition to meet the hostilities of the Scotch. On his return to England;, Cromwell was met several miles from London by the Lord-General Fairfax, accompanied by many members of the parliament and officers of the army, BATTLE OF DUNBAR. 127 « with great numbers that came out of curiosity to see him of whom fame had made such a loud report."* The Scotch movement was a far more portentous affair than that in Ireland. Negotiations had been concluded between the estates at Edinburgh, and the young king finally determined to accept their terms, which provided that he should subscribe to the Covenant, and limited the royal prerogative. The lat- ter made the sovereignty little better than a name, and Charles for a while hesitated to subscribe to them until he learned the fate of Montrose. This was one of his partisans and a royalist of the old school, who had attempted a diversion in his favour, but his principles were so distasteful to the Covenanters that they attacked and defeated him. Montrose himself w'as made captive, and hung upon a gallows thirty feet high, at Edinburgh, by virtue of a former attainder. After that event all the hopes Charles had entertahied of obtaining more favourable conditions vanished, and laying aside conscience for what he thought policy, he took the oaths required of him, and landed in Scotland on the twenty-third of June, 1650. Fairfax having declined the command of the army of the Commonwealth, Cromwell was named captain-general of all the forces, June 26. Three days afterwards he was on his way to the Borders. On passing the Tweed, the English army were surprised to find the country everywhere laid waste, and the inhabitants fled. The people, under penalty of the loss of life and property, had been compelled to remove or destroy their substance and to fly northward, their alacrity being increased by the most extravagant stories of the savage treatment they were to expect from the invaders. The deserted wilderness which Cromwell found to extend from Berwick to Edinburgh, w^as the conse- quence of these threatenings and reports, and though, by keeping near the coast, he obtained supplies from the fleets which accompanied him, yet the Scotch had reason to be delighted with their policy, when they saw its results developed in the daily increasing weakness of the enemy. At length Cromwell found the Scottish army between Edinburgh and Leith, so intrenched and other- wise protected as. to preclude the possibility of successful assault. Their gene- ral, Leslie, avoided an engagement, hoping to exhaust his opponent by scarcity of provisions, fatigue, and sickness. His steady perseverance in this course, and the effect it produced upon the P2nglish ranks, caused Cromwell to feel much apprehension, and he retreated to Dunbar, where he shipped his sick and his heavy luggage, and prepared himself to return to England. But the Scotch preachers who were with the army thought that the time was now come for the total overthrow of the enemy, which they had prophesied from the beginning. The numbers of the respective forces were very satisfactory for them, 27,000 on their side against 12,000 under Cromwell. They were pressing closely upon him ; his forces lay spread over an open plain near Broxmouth house, whilst they occupied the heights of Lammermuir on the right and the left. The Scots looked on the foe as snared and taken. * Old Endand. 128 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND. During the first day, which was the Sabbath, both armies remained motion- less. On the following morning, the Scots, urged on, it is said, by their impa- tient preachers, who proved from Scripture that their victory must be sure, drew down part of their army and their artillery towards the foot of the hills. As Cromwell saw what they were doing, he burst out with the triumphant and pro- phetic cry, " The Lord has delivered them into our hands." Through that day, however, a formidable dyke or ditch, which separated the two armies, deterred either from making the attack. But some hours before daybreak the next morning, Cromwell despatched a brigade to attempt the gaining of a pass between Dunbar and Berwick, which would allow of their falling with advantage upon the position of the enemy. This object was accomplished by six o'clock, and Cromwell, advancing with the main body of his army, placed himself in front of the enemy's cavalry. When the sun, which had been hitherto obscured by a fog, suddenly burst forth and scattered the mists which had served par- tially to conceal the combatants from each other, the Scotch were seen advancing to the charge. Cromwell gazed for a moment, enraptured by the beauty of the scene, then recalled his thoughts to the business in hand, and shouted aloud, " Now let God arise and his enemies shall be scattered." The Scots charged with spirit, but they were met by the infantry with such order and force that they began to give ground ; the rout of the cavalry produced a panic among the Scotch infantry, who threw away their arms and fled in every direction. Four thousand killed and ten thousand captive Scotchmen told in awful language the might of the English arms.* Of Charles II. it has been said that he never said a foolish thing and never did a wise one, and the latter part of the assertion might have been true but for his conduct at this crisis. While, in consequence of the battle of Dunbar, one place after another surrendered to the victorious general, and some of the peo- ple of Scotland began to take the side of the parliament, Charles suddenly left Stirling and dashed across the border towards London. He reached Worcester without encountering an enemy, and there issued proclamations to those who favoured his cause in England. While his adherents slowly gathered round his standard, Cromwell, who had been taken by surprise at this brilliant manoeuvre, pursued him with great speed, cut to pieces an army of royalists under the Earl of Derby who attempted to arrest his progress, formed a junction with the troops that had been sent from London on the emergency, and finally sat down before Worcester, assured of success. The parliamentary force was divided by the windings of the Teme and the Severn, and Charles decided to attack that part of it which was commanded by Cromwell on the east bank of the latter river. The attack was commenced upon the newly-raised militia regiments, which broke at the first onset. Cromwell then brought up his own troops, who pressed with so much weight and steadiness upon their opponents, that after a sharp conflict, maintained with various success for four hours, the retreat of the royalists became general, and horse and foot began to seek the * Pictorial Eng^land. WAR WITH HOLLAND. 129 B0300BEL H"U. shelter of the city. The fight was renewed in the streets, but the victory belonged to Cromwell, and Charles fled for his life. (September 3, 1651.) He went first with a few trusty attendants to Bos- cobel House, where he nar- rowly escaped capture by the troopers of Cromwell. After many adventures, he finally, in the middle of October, embarked at Sporeham in a coal vessel, which carried him to the small town of Fecamp, in France. Cromwell left " the Golgotha of Worcester," and hastened to London, where he was honoured with another public entry ; Hampton Court was pre- pared for his reception, and an estate in land worth four thousand pounds a year was v^oted to him. Ireton, as his lieutenant, successfully completed the conquest of Ireland, and Monk, in a similar capacity, reduced all Scotland. Scilly, Guernsey, Jersey, and the Isle of Man were all subjected, and the flag of the Commonwealth was everywhere victorious. Vane, St. John, and six others were appointed commissioners to settle the affairs of Scotland by incor- porating it with England, the Covenanters were forced to succumb to the argu- ments of the parliament, — a victorious army, a chain of forts, and the entire command of their coasts and trade, — and every sign of royalty was eflfaced in both Scotland and Ireland. Thenceforth, the great seal was graced by the map of the United British Islands.* The states-general of Holland had manifested considerable opposition to the Commonweahh, which feeling, added to the commercial rivalry of the two nations, inclined them to experiment with the temper and strength of the young and vigorous power. The commercial war which now ensued between Eng- land and Holland, grew out of difficulties arising from the murder of the Com- monwealth's ambassador at the Hague, by a party of English royalists, and a dispute about a point of naval etiquette. The great Admiral Van Tromp, the Neptune of the Dutch, had received from the states the command of a fleet of forty sail, in order to protect the merchantmen of Holland from the English pri- vateers. He was forced by stress of weather into the road of Dover, where he met with the famous Admiral Blake, who commanded a fleet of fifteen sail. The latter haughtily gave a signal to Van Tromp to strike his flag in compli- ment to the English nation. The gallant Dutchman answered the signal with a broadside, and Blake boldly attacked him. Eight English sail reinforced Vol. III.- -17 * England under the House of Stuart. 130 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND. the admiral, and the battle raged for five hours, when it was terminated by the approach of night. Several other engagements ensued with- out any decided advantage. At length Blake, with a greatly inferior force, was surprised at anchor by his adversary. He never- theless gave battle, and the combat lasted from ten in the morning until night, when the English admiral found that he had lost five of his thirty-seven vessels. (November 29th, 1652.) After this victory, Van Tromp sailed through the channel to convoy home the Dutch and French fleets, and affixed a broom to his mast-head to signify his intention of sweeping the English from the seas. In February, 1653, however, an engagement took place between the rival commanders, which lasted three days. The result was a victory for Blake, much more decisive than any that had occurred during the war. The Dutch lost thirty merchant vessels, eleven ships of war, and two thousand seamen, besides fifteen hundred taken prisoners. The English lost as many killed, but only one vessel. Perhaps there is nothing in modern history more remarkable than the change which in a short space of time had come over the character of the English people : from the pusillanimity and incompetency which had marked its undertakings under the successors of Elizabeth, to the astonishing exhibitions of disciplined valour upon the land and upon the seas, which marked the period of the civil war and the Commonwealth. The new power and complexion of the national character would appear to have been derived from the novelty and nobleness of the objects pursued by the soldier and the sailor in the contests in which they were engaged — personal right and religious freedom. But the spirit of revolution could with difficulty be restrained within the limits which wisdom would have assigned ; every man speculated upon government, every man fancied a form of government by which only the good of the country could be secured, and every man felt aggrieved that his invention was not adopted. Like most others, Cromwell entertained peculiar opinions, and laboured sys- tematically and earnestly to procure their adoption. He thought through life that all theories of government have their value, not from their abstract excel- lence, but from their adaptation to the community that may be supposed to adopt them, and he was persuaded that at this time the form of government best suited to the people of England was a mixed constitution with a monarchical power ; a persuasion that we may readily suppose was not less welcome from its being, in the course of time, connected with circumstances which seemed to point to himself as the only person in whom the supreme power could be vested with any appearance of propriety or safety. It is of the least importance to prove that he did or did not know how to dissemble ; but POLICY OF CROMWELL. 131 certainly, much of his conduct which has been carried to the account of hypo- crisy and ambition, may have been designed to carry into effect those larger views of social policy by which he was assuredly distinguished from all the men of his time. Though he in many instances both spoke and acted in a manner not strictly consistent with his real preferences, yet his intention was to adapt himself to the nature of the elements about him, and to wield them so as to accomplish the objects he then had in view, and which in his judgment were most likely to conduce to the public good. When it was necessary that the command of the army should not be left with men who had received it chiefly on account of their rank, and who were suspected of leaning towards royalty, and of being therefore predisposed against the popular cause, it was Cromwell who saw the necessity of the change, and he became sufficiently a republican to accomplish this desirable end. He employed the popular sentiment in the army, that the cause of the parliament might not be endangered in the hands of incompetent or half-hearted persons. When the dispute began between the parliament and the army under Fairfax, he availed himself of the same feeling to prevent such a settlement on the part of the two houses as would have taken from his followers that religious liberty for which they had so successfully contended, and perhaps at no distant day have exposed himself and others to the vengeance of their enemies. These objects were not, however, more calculated to gratify any feeling of individual ambition in Cromwell than to secure the triumph of the public cause in which he was engaged. That the tone of republicanism which he assumed for their sake was such as to preclude his future adherence to royalty is highly improba- ble. This may be inferred from the fact that he laboured with earnestness to bring about an agreement with the king. It had long been a leading object with him to bring the present parliament to fix on a time when its powers should cease, and when another should be convened on some well-considered principle of representation. He pressed the subject upon the attention of the house in the autumn of 1648, but he could obtain no immediate action upon it. The house of five hundred persons which assembled as the Commons in 1640, by deaths, by the withdrawal of the royalists, and by the forcible ejectment of obnoxious members by the military, had been reduced in numbers to sixty. No one pretended that the selection of persons then made by the officers, or the additions afterwards made to them by the same power, was an assembly that could properly be called a parlia- ment ; it was an authority existing solely as the creature of the army. In many of the departments of government it had acquitted itself with a high degree of sagacity, assiduity, and courage ; but the tenacity with which its leaders clung to the power that had been committed to them, though proceeding probably from motives in which there was as much to praise as to blame, exposed them to suspicion, and gave force to the complaints which were directed against the weak points of their conduct by their enemies. At the same time Cromwell was addressed in all quarters in language which proclaimed him a king in every thing except the name. He adopted measures to ascertain the judgment 132 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND. of the most considerable persons about him in regard to the establishment of a monarchy ; but found the military men generally wedded to a republic, while the civilians were more favourable to the restoration of the peerage and of power in a single person, but always mentioning one of the branches of the late king's family as the person to be called to that power. "With officers so little disposed to change the form of government, it is doubtful what course Cromwell would have taken with respect to the parliament, but for the reasons for violence with which its own conduct furnished him. In November, 1651, it was decided, by a bare majority, that the present parliament should cease on the 3d of November, 1654 ; a decision which Cromwell had had gi-eat difficulty in obtaining. His conduct was regarded as betraying distrust, and the parliamentary leaders discovered a similar jealousy of the commander-in- chief, by effecting some large reductions in the army. In the summer of 1652, Cromwell interposed to pre- vent these retrenchments from extending further than might comport with his plans, and the house con- sented to stay its hand for the present. From September, 1652, to the following April, several meetings took place between the leading officers and some of the members of parliament, in order that provision should be made for the return of a new parliament friendly to the military, yet the house showed an intention of coalescing with the Presbyterians, who at heart hated them and Cromwell alike. In regard to this point a conference took place, on the 19th of April, between the commander- in-chief and his officers and some twenty members of parliament, which came to no definite determina- tion. At parting, several of the members assured Cromwell that they would suspend further proceed- ings about the new representative bill until further conference. It was then late at night. On the next morning, while the council of officers was consider- ing the terms to be proposed at the next meeting with, the committee, Colonel Ingoldsby came from the house, bearing a message from Harrison that the parliament " was proceeding with all speed upon the new representative." In fact, the house had determined on the morning of that day to pass a bill relating to the constitiition of a new parliament, which they had secretly agreed upon, and then to dissolve, hoping to effect both measures before the council at Whitehall should become aware of their proceed- ings. By this means the force of law would be given to their plans, and any attempt to frustrate them by military violence would be rendered less probable. But after despatching Ingoldsby to Cromwell, Harrison prolonged the debate COSTTDME OF A. CUIBAS. SIER. 1645. CROMWELL EXPELLING THE PARLIAMENT. 133 WELL EXPELLINO THE PARLIAMENT. by a mild and humble, but long expostulation to the advocates of the measure, pointing out the impolicy of their conduct. No other man in the country could have met this combination of strategy and courage in his opponents with the firmness and presence of mind of Crom- well. He went, attended by Lambert and other officers and a file of musketeers to the house, and, leaving the soldiers outside, he entered and took his seat. In silence he listened to the discussion until the speaker was about to put the question. Now was the time for action. Without hesitation he rose, removed his hat from his head, and spoke for a short time to the question about to be decided. As he proceeded he grew impassioned, his language violent. He charged the house with the denial of justice, with acts of oppression, with open M 134 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND. profanity, with intending their own aggrandizement at the cost of the public welfare, and above all with planning at this moment to bring in the Presbyte- rians, men who they knew, or should know, would lose no time in destroying the cause which they had so basely deserted. All this they had done to pro- mote their own little interests, and in heedlessness concerning the fate of men who had endured all hardships for the state, fought for it and bled for it. Vane, Wentworth, and Marten broke forth in indignant exclamations at the violence of his conduct. The loud and stern tones of Cromwell bore down their voices as he uttered the memorable words : "I'll put an end to your prating ; you are no longer a parliament. I'll put an end to your sitting. Get ye gone ! Give way to honester men." He then stamped with his foot and the house was instantly filled with armed men. The Speaker hesitated to obey the command to leave ; he w^as forcibly ejected. The young Algernon Sydney, one of the bravest and purest republicans, was similarly put out, and the mem- bers generally, about eighty in number, rose, on being pressed by the military, and moved towards the door. When they had disappeared, he ordered the speaker's mace to be removed, caused the doors to be locked, and returned to Whitehall with the keys in his pocket. The Council of State were dissolved the same day, by the same means — force ; Bradshaw, its president, yielding to w^hat could not be resisted, but with a heart as inaccessible to fear as that of the general himself, speaking to Cromwell as sternly and uncompromisingly as he had ever done to Charles on the trial in Westminster Hall. So weary were the people of their late rulers, that they not only evinced no dissatisfaction, but expressed great joy at the downfall of parliament, and Cromwell received letters from every part of the kingdom, thanking him for his boldness and courage. The statesmen at W^estminster had disappointed his expectations, they were not likely to adopt the form of government which he thought should be chosen, and rather than trust to them or the still less man- ageable body which would have succeeded them, he seized the reins of state into his ow^n hands. No man, not blinded by prejudice or excessive party feeling, will doubt that he intended to guide them for the good of the com- munity, and w^ith a more equal and comprehensive regard to its interests than could be expected from any other quarter ; neither can it well be doubted that he looked forward to an establishment of the supremacy of the law in the place of the power of the sword. But the point of most weight in connection with the judgment to be formed of the conduct of Cromw^ell on this occasion, is one that must always remain in a great degree uncertain, that is, the extent to which his regard for the public good was alloyed by admixtures of personal ambition. Even supposing that his proposed end w^as the most generous and patriotic that could have been entertained, it is still doubtful how far he was justified in resorting to such measures even for such an object.* Cromwell understood the temperament of the people of England too well not to be aware that his ascendency would be of no long continuance unless * England under the House of Stuart. Old England. Von Raumer. CROMWELL MADE LORD PROTECTOR. 135 sanctioned by the appearance of parliamentary authority. He therefore, with the advice of his officers, nominated one hundred and sixty persons, on his own authority, to form a new parliament. This assembly met on the 4th of July, 1653; one hundred and twenty, '< many of them persons of fortune and know- ledge," having obeyed the call. Some of the members were recommended chiefly by their religious enthusiasm and their influence over the common peo- ple and sectarians. Of these the most noted was one Praise God Barbone, a leather dealer of London, whose name, converted into Barebones, furnished an appellation for the whole assembly. The more common popular title, however, was that of the Little Parliament. But the Lord-General did not find his new assembly so favourable to him as he had expected, and he therefore contrived that it should dissolve itself and surrender its power into his own hands. On the 12th of December a portion of the members met sooner than usual, and, with the speaker Rouse at their head, repaired to Cromwell and his council of officers, declared themselves unequal to the task which they had unwarily undertaken, and resigned their delegated power, Harrison had hitherto been an efficient instrument in the hands of Crom- well ; he now became hostile to him. With some twenty others he remained in the house, and they proceeded to protract their functions by placing one Mayor in the chair. As they were preparing to draw up protests, they were interrupted by Colonel White, who entered with a party of soldiers, and asked what they did there. Some one replied that they were seeking the Lord, " Then," said the colonel, " you may go elsewhere, for to my certain know- ledge he has not been here these many years." Four days after the dissolution of the Little Parliament, Cromwell was installed Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and L-e- land, and a paper was read to him entitled an Instrument of Government, which had been prepared by the council of officers, and which he swore to observe. It granted the legislative power to the protector and a parliament, and the executive to the protector and a council of state. The parliament assembled under this instrument was to sit for five months ; at the end of that time, finding it no more tractable than its predecessors, Cromwell dissolved it, declaring that he thought it not good for the profit of the nations that it should continue longer. While thus the parliament and the executive were unable to agree, the royalists and the republicans were active in raising conspiracies and revolts to overturn the existing state of affairs. But their schemes were all known to Cromwell, to whom belongs the honour of perfecting that system of espionage, by which alone the heads of police, and through them the despotic governments of Europe are now assured of their safety. His agents saw every thing, knew every thing, not only in the countries he ruled, but throughout Europe. The private instructions of ambassadors to his court were known to him, often before they had left the hands of the government which sent them, and the machina- tions of the royalists in England and abroad were particularly the objects of attention on the part of his servants. Apprised of the proceedings of conspira- 136 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND tors, he caused their persons to be seized at the critical moment, and the sub- ordinates, deprived of the leaders, remained quiet, fearing and trembling. After the dissolution of the parliament, which had not voted him the smallest supply or even empowered him to collect the ordinary revenue, Crom- well proceeded to administer the affairs of the state by virtue of the authority given him by the Instrument of Government. His demands were moderate, and met with little resistance, so that during a period of eighteen months he sustained the whole power of the Commonwealth, and raised the necessary supplies without any legislative assistance. He then ventured, in an arbitrary manner, to assemble another parliament, in which for a time he commanded a majority. Provisions were made for the greater safety of the person of the chief magistrate, proper measures for supporting the government in its foreign relations were enacted, and the family of Stuart was solemnly renounced. A plot which had for its object the death of the protector being discovered about this time, led to the discussion of a question which, as we believe, had long occupied the mind of Cromwell, and which possessed a deep interest with all the parties of the nation. This was the celebrated affair of the kingship. It had long been seen that a parliament of one chamber or house was a nullity, and that in the present condition of affairs there was nothing but the single life of Cromwell between comparative tranquillity and prosperity, and civil war and anarchy. On this account, many men, not the protector's tools or dupes, neither selfish nor short-sighted, had seriously deliberated upon the restoration of the upper house and a monarchy. By a majority of 123 to 62, they there- fore offered him the title of king. <' The protector," says Bulstrode, — who appears to have understood the frame and temper of Cromwell's mind at least as well as any of the angry debaters who have since written upon the subject, — <' the protector was satisfied in his private judgment that it was fit for him to accept this title of king, and matters were prepared in order thereunto. But afterwards, by solicitation of the Commonwealth's men and many officers of the army, he decided to attend some better season and opportunity in the business, and declined it at this time." We may rest satisfied with this summary account, the rather as the secret details of the matter are dark and not moment- ous.* A. D. 1656. The great statesman having thus declined the title of king, the parliament slightly modified their <« Petition and Advice," by which they begged of Crom- well that he " would be pleased to hold and exercise the office of chief magis- trate, by and under the name and style of Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of ICngland, Scotland, and Ireland ; to appoint and declare during his lifetime the person who should be his successor; and to create the "Other House," the members to be such as should be nominated by his highness, and approved by the Commons." To this instrument Cromwell gave his consent, and on the 26th of June he was inaugurated as protector in Westminster Hall, with all the pomp of royalty. This was scarcely over and the Other House established, * Carlyle. CROMWELL REFUSES THE CROWN. 137 CROMTVELL REFUSING THE C R O 'W N , when the members of the House of Commons commenced a series of intrigues, which had for their object the destruction of the Upper House and the abolition of the protectorate, and which speedily led to the dissolution of this, the last parliament convened by the Protector. Thus ended the last effort made by Cromwell to restore the constitution of his country. Henceforth, w4th that portion of the army which confided in him, Cromwell employed himself in opposing the establishment of the schemes of his opponents — the royalists, the Presbyterians, and the republicans — all of which essentially or from circum- stances were schemes of tyranny. They trusted that the dissolution of this third parliament would render him odious and hasten his fall ; nor did they spare any pains to forward the accomplishment of their own predictions. But in all their paths of conspiracy their adversary met them, and proved himself powerful enough to put down this many-headed opposition. One of the first measures of Cromwell, when he became possessed of the Vol. HI. 18 m2 138 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND. supreme power, was to favour the pacific overtures of the United Provinces. The war with the Dutch had been waged by Cromwell since the assembling of the Little Parliament, with a success which made England appear more for- midable under his administration than ever before. Monk and Dean were intrusted with the command of a fleet of a hundred sail. They encountered the enemy in equal force off the coast of Flanders, and a battle ensued which lasted two days. During its continuance the English were reinforced by eighteen sail under Blake, and, though Dean was killed, victory declared for the CommonweaUh. The Dutch refitted their fleet with surprising rapidity, added to it several new and larger vessels, and committed to Van Tromp the task of retrieving the honour of their flag. The hostile fleets encountered each other on the 31st of July, and for two days the result was doubtful. Both par- ties fought with the utmost fury. On the third morning the struggle was renewed ; they fought from five in the morning until ten, when Van Tromp was shot, while, in the very midst of the English fleet, he animated his men to still greater exertions. His death diffused a panic not only throughout the Dutch fleet, but over all the United Provinces. Though they lost but thirty ships in the battle, the Dutch gave up all hopes of success in the war. They purchased a peace from Cromwell by yielding to the English the honour of the flag, and making such other concessions as were required of them. The Protector's success abroad served still further to increase the estima- tion in which he was held by foreign powers. Spain and France, at war with each other, both courted his friendship, and neither spared any baseness or prostration to win his alliance. The cunning of Mazarin decided the question. Of the king of Spain he demanded, that no Englishman should ever be subjected to the Inquisition, and that the West Indies and the South American continent should be thrown open to his flag, wuth a free trade to all English subjects. The Spanish ambassador told him that this was like asking for the King of Spain's two eyes. The fact that the Protector had made these demands being spread throughout England, greatly increased Cromwell's popularity, and secured him the support of the people in the warlike measures which he com- menced. Two fleets were immediately fitted out ; one under Blake was sent to cruise in the Mediterranean, the other under Penn and Venables proceeded to the West Indies, where, after a blundering and unsuccessful attempt on His- paniola, it secured to the Commonw^ealth the important island of Jamaica. While Blake, with a strong naval force, checked the Barbary pirates, and forced the Grand Duke of Tuscany to make indemnity for sundry offences committed against the Commonwealth, Cromwell treated on terms of equality with Louis XIV. His attention had been directed to the persecuted Waldenses, a Pro- testant people living in the upper valleys of Piedmont, and though he could not hope to make his sea cannon heard by the Duke of Savoy, their oppressor, he nevertheless determined to bring about their deliverance. He refused there- fore to treat with Mazarin, who was said to fear Cromwell more than he did the devil, until that minister had read a lesson of toleration to the court of Savoy, and had obtained from it a solemn engagement to allow the Protestant mountaineers SIEGE OF DUNKIRK. 139 liberty of conscience and the restoration of all their ancient rights. Then only did Cromwell, whom Charles Stuart terms in his proclamations " that base mechanic fellow^," sign the treaty with '< his brother, the King of France." A declaration of open war with Spain was now issued, and Blake presently began to fill the ports of England with rich prizes. On land Dunkirk first engaged the attention of the allies. The British blockaded it by sea, while a French army under Turenne, aided by six thousand of Cromwell's invincible troops as auxiliaries, be- sieged it by land. The Spaniards sent an army to its relief, Turenne gave battle, and obtained a decided victory, chiefly by the obstinate valour of the English. In conse- quence of this victory, the great general in a few days became master of Dunkirk, which was given to Cromwell in accordance whh the terms of the treaty. (A. D. 1656.) The troops of the Protector acted in harmony with the French during the remainder of the campaign, and the fall of Dunkirk was followed by that of many of the principal cities of the Spanish Netherlands. Blake was the naval hero of this war ; the last in which he took part. The burning of an entire fleet in the bay of Santa Cruz, was the last and greatest of his exploits. In the quaint words of an old historian, " here with twenty-five sail, he fought as it were in a ring, with seven forts, a castle, and sixteen ships, many of them being of greater force than most of those ships which Blake carried in against them ; yet, in spite of opposition, he soon calcined the enemy, and brought his fleet back again to the coast of Spain, full fraught with honour." But on the way home, " he who w^ould never strike to any other enemy, struck his topmast to Death." In the civil war Blake had been an inflexible republican, yet his greatest exploits were done in the service of the Protector. He was above forty-four years of age when he entered the military service, and fifty-one before he acted in the navy, yet he raised the maritime glory of England to a greater height than it had ever attained in any former period. Cromwell, fully sensible of his merits, ordered him a pompous funeral at the public expense ; and people of all parties, by their tears, bore testimony to his valour, generosity, and public spirit.* TURENNE * Dr. .Tohnson's Life of Blake. 140 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND. The protection of law and of regular government, and the mildness of his sway having apparently induced many w^ho once opposed him to now uphold his authority, Cromwell, in 1658, contemplated assembling a fourth parliament, which might not prove unwilling to act with him as chief magistrate. The experiment, however, was not to be made. In the summer of 1658 he lost his eldest and favourite daughter, the lady Elizabeth Claypole. Her sufferings and death affected him exceedingly, insomuch that for many days he abstained almost entirely from public business. At the same time his own constitution afforded signs of rapid decay ; he was in his sixtieth year, and so great had been his labours, both in the council and in the field, that he may be truly said to have lived through many lives before that year arrived. His first indisposi- tion was from an attack of the gout, which was followed by a tertian ague of a severe description. Many of the anecdotes recorded of his last illness, though they indicate a sort of consciousness of religious declension, afford withal a sufficient proof of the sincerity with which Cromwell held those religious opinions which it was his practice to avow. His last sane moments were spent in uttering a prayer to the Throne of Grace, not for himself, nor for his own family or near relations, but for his people, for those especially who were impatient for his last moments, and who he well knew had long sought opportunities for effecting his destruction. He died on the 3d of September, 1659, on the anni- versary of the battles of Dunbar and Worcester. The formation of a just estimate of the character of Cromwell is rendered particularly difficult by the manner in which his good and evil qualhies were blended, by the various and peculiar circumstances in which they were deve- loped, and by the exaggerated language in which they have been presented to us, sometimes by over-zealous friends, but chiefly by prejudiced or ill-informed minds, hostile to his memory. History presents us the name of no other man of whom so much has been written, and so small a portion of it by a friendly hand. We are indebted, for nearly all that we know concerning Cromwell, to authors of the royalist, Presbyterian, or republican faction, all of whom hated Cromwell with the utmost intensity of passion. These authors have given currency to many tales of his profligacy in youth, the sole foundations of which appear to have been some of the puritanical modes of expression in which he sometimes spoke of the sinfulness of his past life. Few now deny that his devotion was ardent and his piety genuine, and even prejudiced and inimical authors are constrained to admit that under his sway England witnessed a diffusion, till then unknown, of the purest influence of true religious principles. The first and greatest error of the Protector's life consisted in the surrender of his powerful mind to the religious fashions of his younger days. His court and manner of life continued always quiet and modest ; every thing at Hampton court, his favourite residence, wore an air of decency and sobriety ; there was no riot, no debauchery seen or heard of, yet it was prevented from becoming dull by the cheerful humour of the Protector. In the words of Dr. Bate, who, though the physician, was far from being the panegyrist of Cromwell, " the lives of men, outwardly at least, became reformed, CHARACTER OF CROMWELL. 141 either by withdrawing the incentives to kixury, or by means of the ancient laws now of new put into execution. There was also a strict discipline kept up in his court ; one could find none here that was either drunkard or reveller, none that was guilty of extortion or oppression, but he was severely rebuked. Now trade began to flourish, and, to say all in a word, all England over there w^ere halcyon days." It has been remarked, and it can hardly be denied, that there were times when he employed language to obscure rather than to express his meaning, and others when his words wanted not clearness, but when they did not convey his real opinions. At times, too, he chose to appear to be pushed forward by parties, when he had really been at much pains to win them over to his own views. As he rose in life, temptations to avail himself of such artifices were frequent, and when he deemed the end to be accomplished important, he did not always care to resist them. His enemies assert loudly, and with truth, that no pressure of circumstances can justify an act of insincerity, yet few men perhaps would have preserved a more unblemished character in a similar position. In our own quiet times, we frequently find public men, of ardent temperament, acting under the belief that the success of their party is necessary to the well- being of the state, and persuading themselves that means which they would otherwise have considered highly questionable, are both expedient and lawful when regarded in relation to the end they propose to accomplish. Yet even their most violent political opponents rarely charge them with insincerity. Still more rarely is such a charge laid at the door of the subtle statesmen, Richelieu and Mazarin, both contemporaries of Cromwell, and both ecclesiastics. Yet, while Cromwell but pursued doubtful means of obtaining a good end, they both regarded all means as good in proportion as they might be employed with success, and frequently proposed ends not more consonant with a due regard to moral considerations than the expedients adapted to secure them. The policy of Cromwell during the last ten years of his life, according to an author whose views are singularly impartial and independent, w^as twofold : to prevent any one of the leading parties from becoming so far predominant as to be capable of oppressing the rest ; and to bring them all — using his own language — to a " consistency," or, in other words, to a settlement on the basis of mutual concession. That no hand but his own could possibly conduct affairs to this issue was a conviction which the course of events naturally forced upon him ; and as it became more and more evident that there was no room to hope for such a settlement without recognising a monarchical power, Cromwell laid claim to that power as properly his own. This was his ambi- tion ; a passion which we do not find existing in him in a degree to be censured until after the period when his attempt to place Charles I. on the throne exposed his own life to imminent hazard.* Of the qualifications of Cromwell to sustain the high office to which he aspired, it is far more easy to treat. His humble origin has led some to sneer ♦ England under the Stuarts. 142 THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND. at his supposed want of literary acquirements, but these themselves perhaps have attained to far less proficiency than the object of their malevolence. According to Haller, Cromwell possessed a sound knowledge of the classics of Greece and Rome, and on one occasion at least, he ably maintained his part in a conference in Latin with the Swedish ambassador. This is but one part of that equally diffused intellectual health which he so eminently possessed. Never was any ruler so conspicuously born to govern. It has been said,* that the cup which has intoxicated almost all others sobered him. His spirit, restless from its buoyancy in a lower sphere, reposed in majestic placidity as soon as it had reached the level congenial to it. The expansion of his mind kept pace with the elevation of his fortunes; he had nothing in common with that large class of men who distinguish themselves in lower posts, and betray incapacity when the public voice calls them to take the lead. Insignificant a> a private citizen, he was a great general, — he was a still greater prince. B} the confession of his enemies, he exhibited in his demeanour the simple and natural nobleness- of a man neither ashamed of his origin nor vain of his elevation, — of a man who had found his proper place in society, and who felt secure that he was competent to fill it. Easy even to familiarity where his own dignity was concerned, he was punctilious only for his country — and prepared to risk the chances of war to avenge the death of the most humble of her citizens. No sovereign ever carried to the throne so strong a sympathy with the feelings and interests of his people. He was sometimes driven to arbitrary measures, but he had a high, stout, honest heart. Hence it was that he loved to surround his throne with such men as Matthew Hale and Blake. Hence it was that he allowed so large a share of political liberty to his subjects, and that even when an opposition dangerous to his power and to his person almost compelled him to govern by the sword, he was still anxious to leave a germ from which, at a more favourable season, free institutions might spring. Had it not been for the mad opposition he experienced from his parliaments, his government would have been as mild at home as it was energetic and able abroad. His administration was glorious, but it was with no vulgar glory. It was not one of those periods of overstrained and convulsive exertions which necessarily produce debility and languor. It was natural, healthy, temperate. He placed England at the head of the Protestant interest and in the first rank of Christian powers. He taught every nation to value her friendship and to dread her enmity. But he did not squander her resources in a vain attempt to invest her with that supremacy which no power in the modern system of Europe can safely affect, or can long retain. * Edinburgh Review. Lon IS SI V. CHAPTER VII. :®EiliEifiiitEiI limirij^ir He itij? @tmt^ ©f Eouig tfis iPouirtecRtfs. T tlie death of Louis XIII., the govern- ment of France fell to his queen, Anne of Austria, and the crown to his son, who was not then five years old. As we have seen, all Europe was in a most turbulent state, and as France under Richelieu's administration had taken an active part in exciting the commotion, it was reasonable to expect that the reign of the young king would be marked by war, violence, and intrigue. The queen-mother, Anne of Austria, chose for her minister the cardinal Mazarin, whose consummate abilities, great firmness, and cool temperament, qualified him for the succession to the power of his master, Richelieu. Indeed, while he pursued the same general policy, his measures were likely to be more successful than those of his predecessor, as would appear from the character of them both given by Voltaire. He has placed their talents in a just point of view, by applying them to the same object, and, to make the illustration more complete, he has introduced a less worthy (143) 144 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. associate. " If, for example," to use his own words, " the subjection of Rochelle had been undertaken by Caesar Borgia, he w^ould, under the sanction of the most sacred oaths, have drawn the principal inhabitants into his camp, and there have put them to death. Mazarin would have got possession of the place two or three years later, by corrupting the magistrates, and sowing dis- cord among the citizens. Cardinal Richelieu, in imitation of Alexander the Great, laid a boom across the harbour and entered Rochelle as a conqueror, but had the sea been a little more turbulent, or the English a little more dili- gent, Rochelle might have been saved, and Richelieu called a rash and incon- siderate projector."* Mazarin, more supple and cunning than Richelieu, employed different means to arrive at the same end, Richelieu grappled with and crushed opposition ; Mazarin undermined it at its base, deprived it of external succour, and caused it to destroy itself. If his schemes were less comprehensive, or his enterprises less bold than those of Richelieu, they were less extravagant. The vigour of his spirit was restrained by political caution, his shining genius concealed by profound dissimulation, characteristic traits which have escaped the notice of most historians, and occasioned others to treat with injustice one of the most accomplished statesmen of modern times. THE enemies of Richelieu were the enemies of Mazarin also ; and to the number of these the new minister added many among the great and the powerful, whose envy led them to seek his destruc- tion. An additional cause of jealousy was found in the fact that he was a foreigner. Yet he soon showed his determination and ability to support the glory of France. The Spaniards, thinking that the minority of the king and the internal dissensions afforded a good opportunity for renewing hostilities, invaded the country and laid siege to Rocroi. They found themselves opposed by an army greatly inferior in numbers, led by an inexperienced young man, who was but twenty years of age, and who was placed under the counsel of the Marshal de I'Hopital. They considered their success certain. When the young general announced to his mentor his inten- tion of opening the campaign not by a siege but by a battle, the senior remon- strated and all but rebelled. '< Take," said D'Enghien, " the command of the second line ; I charge myself with the event." '< The king is just dead," rejoined the marshal ; <' the queen-regent's government is hardly yet settled. The enemy are aw^are of the fatal consequences which a defeat must at this moment bring to France. It is no time to run the risk of such calamity." " I shall never witness it," answered the juvenile chief; " I shall enter Paris a conqueror or a corpse. To the head of the second line!" and L'Hopital covered his hoary head and made a sign of obedience. Truly, as Voltaire remarks, this prince was born a general. War, as an art, was in him by instinct ; so was coolness, — for, like Alexander the Great, under similar cir- * Siecle, torn. i. c. v. CIVILWARINFRANCE. 147 cumstances, after having forced his mentor to give way to his youthful impetu- osity, and having himself seen to all the dispositions of his army, he slept so profoundly that it was necessary to wake him in the morning. On this day the Duke D'Enghien gave promise of the future exploits which gained for him the appellation of the great Conde. To appear at the head of the armies of France at such an early age was no common glory ; to annihilate with his maiden sword the famous Walloon and Castilian infantry, which for a century and a half had been considered inv-incible, was of itself sufficient to place his name among the highest warriors of that warlike age. After the battle, in w^hich the Spanish general Francisco de Melo lost nine thousand men, he threw a reinforcement of ten thousand men into Thionville, yet it fell before the victorious arms of the young leader. The victories of Fribourg and Nordlingen, and the taking of Dunkirk in Flanders, contributed to raise his glory still higher. While this able general thus shed lustre upon the period of the minority of Louis XIV., the commotions of the Fronde broke out in Paris. The jealousy of Mazarin's power felt by the nobility, the unpopularity of his measures, the disorder of the finances, and the oppression of new taxes inflamed the nation ; and the intrigues of the coadjutor-archbishop of Paris, afterwards the Cardinal de Retz, blew up this flame into a civil war. The parlia- ment of Paris took part with the discontented, who were headed by the Prince of Conti, the Dukes of Longueville and Bouillon, and others of the chief nobi- lity. Several arrests were made, which irritated the Parisians so much that they rose in all parts of the town, barricaded the streets, killed some of the soldiers, and continued their acts of violence until the prisoners were liberated. This, however, failed to allay the excitement, and the dissensions ended in open rebellion. The rebels were called Frondeurs, from the French word for sling, because they threw stones at their adversaries by means of slings. The other party were called Mazarins, from the name of the minister. Besides these there was yet a third party, named Mltiges, which consisted of those who did not choose to be ranked with either of the other parties, and who, accord- ing to D'Anquetil, waited to range themselves on the side of the conqueror. The civil war became so violent as to oblige the queen-regent and the young king to quit Paris; they removed to St. Germain, and the ministerial party besieged the city. Several combats took place, without any decided advantage to either party. A conference was then agreed to, and a treaty con- cluded at Rouel, by which a general amnesty was granted and a temporary quiet procured, but without extinguishing the hatred of either side. The court returned to Paris, and the cardinal was received by the people with expressions of joy and satisfaction. But the triumph of Mazarin was of short duration. Conde, ever the prey of his ambition, had presumed upon his popularity repeatedly to insult the queen, the minister, and De Retz. By the advice of this subtle prelate, Conde, the Prince of Conti, and the Duke of Longueville were arrested and imprisoned. But their confinement aroused their partisans in all parts of the kingdom ; and the Duke of Orleans, uncle to the king, became 148 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. the head of the malcontents. Afraid of the storm he had raised, and hoping to conciliate the favour of the prisoners, Mazarin released them ; but he him- self was obliged to fly, first to Liege and then to Cologne. Yet he exercised the same influence over Anne of Austria as though he had never quitted the court. With the aid of De Retz, he detached Turenne and his brother, the Duke of Bouillon, from the party of Frondeurs, and then re-entered the king- dom, escorted by six thousand men. Conde flew to arms, and was declared guilty of high treason by the parliament, at the same time that it set a price upon the head of Mazarin, against whom only he had taken the field. In this extremity of fortune, Conde threw himself upon the protection of Spain, and, after pursuing the cardinal and the court from province to province, he entered Paris with a body of Spanish troops. The people applauded his valour, and the parliament were struck wuth awe. Turenne, who commanded the army of the king, now conducted him within sight of the capital, and Louis, from the height of Charonne, beheld the famous battle of St. Antoine, where the two greatest generals of the age performed wonders at the head of a few men. The Duke of Orleans, doubtful what course to pursue, remained shut up in his palace, and his example was followed by the coadjutor-archbishop, now Cardi- nal de Retz. The parliament awaited in silence the result of the combat, and the people, equally afraid of both parties, shut the gates of the city. The battle hung long doubtful, and many gallant noblemen were killed or wounded. It was at length terminated in favour of the Prince of Conde by the intrepidity of the daughter of the Duke of Orleans. This princess, more resolute than her father, had the boldness to order the cannon of the Bastile to be fired upon the king's troops, and Turenne was forced to retire. The king, then but fifteen years of age, attended by Mazarin, witnessed the battle from the heights of Charonne. The princess, it was understood, aspired to gain the heart of Conde, and when the first cannon was 'fired from the Bastile by her order, Mazarin said to the king, " That shot has killed her husband." Conde entered Paris, which soon grew too hot to hold him, and he left it, while Louis, having attained his majority, attempted to appease his subjects by appearing to dismiss Mazarin. He repaired to Sedan in 1652, after which the king again took possession of Paris ; and in order to restore entire tranquil- lity, he issued a proclamation, in which he dismissed his minister, while he praised his services and lamented his banishment. Quiet having returned, Louis, in February, 1653, invited him back to Paris. The king received him like a father, the people submitted to him as a master. Princes, ambassadors, and the parliament hastened to wait upon him. The disturbances in the pro- vinces were soon entirely quelled, and Conde, who had fled to the Spanish Netherlands, was declared a traitor. The Spaniards had profited by the inter- nal dissensions to conquer from France Barcelona, Gravelines, and Dunkirk. Mazarin now prosecuted the war with Spain with redoubled diligence, and for that end formed an alliance in 1656 with Cromwell. On this occasion he despatched an embassy to Cromwell, in which the Duke de Crequi, and Man- cini, duke de Nevers, appeared, followed by two hundred gentlemen. Man- AFFAIRS OF GERMANY. 151 cini presented a letter to the Protector from the cardinal, of which the language is not a little remarkable. It in substance declared that " he was much grieved to find it was not in his power to pay his respects personally to the greatest man in the world." Whether Richelieu would have held this flattering lan- guage to such a personage may be matter of doubt. By this means, Dunkirk was again taken and a peace soon after concluded. Mazarin himself nego- tiated with the Spanish minister, Don Louis de Haro, on the isle of Pheasants. This peace of the Pyrenees was followed by the marriage of the king with the Spanish infanta, and Mazarin gained great honour by his successful policy. He was now more powerful than ever ; he appeared with regal pomp, being regularly attended by a company of musketeer guards, in addition to his body-guard. From this time until his death in 1661, Mazarin held uncontested sway over the destinies of France. He left at his death an immense fortune, and though he came to France an indigent foreigner, he married seven daughters to French noblemen of the first distinction, and left his nephew Duke of Nevers. He had the singular honour of extending the limits of the French monarchy, at the very time when it was distracted by intestine wars, and when, in the case of the treaty of Westphalia, he was himself an exile : and to his political fore- sight in regard to the Spanish succession, the house of Bourbon owed much of its subsequent influence in the affairs of Europe. Louis, who had been a mere puppet in the hands of his minister, now came to the sovereign power. Colbert, a friend and disciple of Mazarin, was placed at the head of the finances, and rendered them more flourishing than they had been for years ; commerce augmented ; Dunkirk and Marseilles were declared free ports, and filled with the ships of all nations ; Paris was much embellished, and her streets were paved and lighted ; and the canal of Langue- doc, for uniting the ocean with the Mediterranean, was begun. Literature, which had been adorned in England under Charles L by Milton and Ben Jon- son, now shone resplendent in France through the genius of Moliere, Racine, and Boileau. Heroes like Conde and Turenne led the armies of France to certain victory, and the sagacity, activity, and zeal of Louvois prepared both the way and the means. Ferdinand III. had been succeeded in Germany by his son Leopold, after a stormy interregnum of fifteen months. (A. D. 1658.) As head of the Aus- trian house, and Emperor of Germany, he was naturally a rival and enemy of Louis. Besides Austria, he possessed Bohemia and Hungary ; he had extensive military forces in his hereditary states ; and Spain was attached to his cause both by family ties and political interest. But poor in ideas of his own, adhering merely to customary forms and transmitted axioms, a docile tool of unfaithful ministers and bad priests, afraid of light, inactive, fearing heresy rather than the arms of Louis, and his subjects' love of liberty more than his victorious neighbours the Turks, revering his confessor as first counsellor and the Jesuits as men of salvation, Leopold dreamed quietly of the immutable grandeur of his house, or left the care of it to heaven and his allies, while the 152 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. ambitious and active ruler of France was building himself an empire at the expense of Austria. At the death of Philip IV. of Spahi, Louis claimed the Spanish Netherlands in right of his wife, the daughter of Philip by his first marriage. He asserted in support of his claim, that females could inherit according to the custom of Brabant, and that his queen should have precedence of an infant brother, the offspring of a second marriage. Ajina Maria of Austria, the queen-regent of Spain, like her relative Leopold, paid far more attention to heresies than to the encroachments of her neighbours. She was entirely governed by her German confessor, the Jesuit Nithard, whose arrogance and ignorance are best exempli- fied by his own remark to a disrespectful nobleman. << You ought," said he, " to revere the man who has every day your God in his hands and your queen at his feet." Louis entered Flanders at the head of a powerful army, and found the Spaniards almost wholly unprepared for resistance. With Turenne for general, he was invincible. Charleroi, Ath, Tournai, Furnes, Courtrai, Douai, and Lille, all fell into his hands in quick succession ; he garrisoned them with French troops, and employed the celebrated Vauban to construct new fortifica- tions. Lnmediately after this campaign, Louis marched into the Spanish pro- vince of Franche Compte, and, though it was in the middle of winter, he conquered it in less than a month. Fortifications falling into ruin, a treasury without money, ports without ships, troops without discipline, officers ill-paid and incompetent, — these were the only preparations which Nhhard opposed to the arms of an enemy whose affairs were in a condition totally the reverse. All Europe was startled at the success of Louis. Troops were immediately raised in all parts of the German empire ; the Swiss trembled for that liberty for which they professed so much reverence ; the Dutch, friends of France at a distance, dreaded her as a close neighbour. They found relief in the midst of their fears, from an unexpected quarter. Charles IL, who was now seated on the throne of England, either jealous of Louis or anxious to acquire popularity, concluded a defensive alliance between England and Holland ; and Sweden shortly afterwards acceded to it. (A. D. 1668.) The politic Louis stopped short in his career. He affected contempt at the daring of a little state like Holland, to think of checking him, but finding that the coalition would succeed in its object, he himself proposed to open conferences at Aix la Chapelle. Clement IX. was appointed mediator, and he therefore sent a nuncio to the congress. The despised Dutch refused to follow this course, and insisted on their ambassador, Van Beunning, treating person- ally with Louis, and that which was then agreed upon was forwarded to Aix la Chapelle to be formally signed. The determined tone of Van Beunning greatly chafed the mighty monarch, whose imperious grandeur, according to Voltaire, was shocked at every turn. Nor would Beunning's republican inflexibility submit to the tone of superiority assumed by France and Spain. In short, a peace was concluded, in authoritative manner, by a burgo- master, at the court of the most superb of monarchs, by which the King of WAR WITH HOLLAND. 153 France was compelled to restore Franche Compte. This pacified the mass of complainants, though the Dutch would gladly have torn the Low Countries from his grasp. Louis was aware that he did better by keeping Flanders, whence he conceived plans to destroy Holland at the very time he appeared to comply with all its demands. The French king had to endure another mortification. The Turks, under the administration of the Vizier Kuproeli,had again become formidable. They compelled the German emperor to conclude peace on terms highly favourable to their interests, and wrested Candia from the Venetians, in spite of the efforts made by Louis to save the place. In the siege of the city, the Turks excelled the Christians in their knowledge of the military art ; the largest cannon Europe had ever seen were cast in their camp ; they drew parallel lines in the trenches, and while an Italian engineer supplied this knowledge, Europe acquired it there. The Turks might now have extended their conquest over all Italy, but for their bad generals, their weak monarchs, and their debasing system of government. None of his designs upon Holland could be well accomplished by Louis without the aid of Charles of England. Being well acquainted with the profli- gate habits of the English monarch, Louis was enabled to conclude a secret treaty with him, in which it was agreed that Charles should receive a large pension from France, in return for which he should co-operate in the conquest of the Netherlands, propagate the Catholic faith in his dominions, and publicly announce his conversion to that religion. The bargain having been concluded, the war was immediately commenced. Louis, without waiting for a pretext, seized the duchy of Lorraine ; and Charles attempted the capture of a Dutch fleet before he had announced his dissatisfaction with the late treaty. The Swedes, forgetting the triple alliance, suffered themselves to maintain a hired neutrality. Louis led a hundred thousand men well equipped to the frontiers, a force the like of which Europe had never seen. Turenne and Conde, each a host in himself, led this enormous force, and under their direction the wise Marshal of Luxembourg, and the great Vauban, who immortalized himself in the science of fortifications and sieges, fought with an emulation worthy of such models. The troops of Maximilian of Bavaria contributed to swell the numbers of this host, and the terrified Dutch saw the unprincipled Bernard von Galen, bishop of Munster, advancing hostilely against them, while the Emperor, the princes of the empire, and Spain remained idle spectators. Louis ordered his troops to advance towards the Rhine in those provinces which border upon Holland, Cologne, and Flanders. The division which he himself accompanied numbered 30,000 men, and was commanded by Turenne, while Conde led another ; the remainder were kept separate under Chamilli and Luxembourg. Orsoi, Wesel, Burick, and Rhinberg fell without a stroke ; the towns on the Rhine and the Issel surrendered in quick succession, some of the governors sending their keys the moment they caught a view of the French, others flying away in consternation, while a part, yet more base, opened their gates for a consideration in gold. It was the general expectation that all Holland would Vol. III. 20 154 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. be subdued as soon as Louis crossed the Rhine. Inquiring of the country people, the French learned that from the dryness of the season the Rhine was fordable opposite an old town used by the Hollanders as a toll-house, near where the Issel separates from the Rhine. Keeping the intention secret, Louis set out late in the evening of June 7th, 1672, taking with him the heavy cavalry ; once across, he could easily maintain his position till the remainder of the army followed. Conde accompanied him. The king directed the Count de Guiche to sound the river ; it was discovered that only forty or fifty paces in the middle required swimming. As there were on the Holland side only 400 or 500 cavalry, the passage was considered easy ; and the household troops and the best of the cavalry, to the number of 15,000, safely crossed under cover of the French artillery. The Dutch cavalry fled with little opposition, and the infantry laid down their arms and begged for quarter. Except a few drunken soldiers no lives were lost in the passage, nor would one have been killed but for the imprudence of the Duke of Longueville, who, being intoxicated himself, fired a pistol at one of the suppliant soldiers, exclaiming, "No quarter to such scoundrels!" The shot killed one of the officers, the Dutch infantry flew to their arms and fired a volley, whereby the duke was slain. A captain of horse, named Ossem- bronk, who had not fled, ran up to Conde, then in the act of mourning his horse, and clapped his pistol to the prince's head. Conde, by a quick movement, diverted the direction of the shot, so that he was only wounded in the wrist. However strange it may seem, this was the only wound the Prince of Conde ever received in all his campaigns. The French became enraged, and pur- suing the enemy killed several, but had the Hollanders conducted with the skill and management they had shown in former days, the passage of the Rhine might have cost their invaders dear. The wound of Conde was suffi- cient to disable him, and he appears to have been absent for some time. Im- mediately after the passage of the Rhine, Doesbourg, Skeck, Bommel, and Crevecoeur fell into the hands of the French, Utrecht surrendered, Guelders and Naerden followed its example ; one step more and Amsterdam had fallen too, and with it the little republic. William III. of Orange was its saviour. At the approach of danger this prince, but twenty-two years of age, was elected captain-general. The people needed a name in which they could confide. The prince soon displayed talents worthy of his name. Moderate, self-commanding, taciturn, firm, bold, inde- fatigable, prepared for every exploit, this young warrior commanded confidence from the commencement of his career. When consternation was general, when the danger was hourly and fearfully increasing, he showed himself calm, undaunted, able in action and in counsel. He collected all the means of defence that were left, called on the European courts for aid, and reanimated the national spirit of his companions. The love of independence and the hatred of foreign dominion broke out with inconceivable ardour in Amsterdam, where the nobler and the more wealthy citizens were resolved to emigrate to the East Indies rather than to submit to France. The Dutch populace ungratefully ASSASSINATION OF THE DE WITTS. 157 vented their rage upon their able pensionary, John de Witt, and his brother Cornelius. The latter was arrested on a charge of treason, and when his bro- ther John went to visit and console him, a tumult arose in the streets, the prison doors were forced open, and both the brothers were dragged out and immediately murdered, with circumstances of the most disgusting barbarity. Just before this tragical occurrence, De Witt had been removed from his office of pensionary, and the stadtholdership, with the dignities attached to it, had been given to William of Orange and made hereditary in his family. Two years later, the dignities of captain-general and grand admiral were added to his title of stadtholder, and his prerogatives were greatly extended. Guelders even offered him absolute sovereignty. The victorious progress of Louis was soon to be ended. The people of Holland dug through the dykes, the sea rushed in and overwhelmed the whole country, so that Amsterdam appeared like a vast fortress in the midst of the ocean, surrounded by ships of war, which came up to its very gates. The crops were ruined and the cattle drowned ; yet the people bore the loss with a resig- nation only equalled by their firm determination not to survive the destruction of the country. Several efforts were made to corrupt the Prince of Orange, but they were sternly rejected ; when told that the ruin of his country was inevitable, he replied that there was one way by which he could be certain not to see its ruin, to die disputing the last ditch. His resolution awakened the admiration of all Europe, and the Emperor Leopold, the Elector of Branden- burg, and the governor of the Spanish Netherlands took up arms in defence of Holland, while Louis, finding that no more conquests were to be made in a country covered with water, returned home, leaving garrisons in the captured fortresses. The war was continued for six years longer, during which nearly every place that had been taken by the French in the United Provinces was recovered. The fortune of war was again turned, however, and the Dutch sought a peace. Louis therefore concluded the treaty of Nimeguen, by which France acquired an increase of power, dangerous to all the neighbouring states. (A. D. 1678.) In the same year the Prince of Orange married the princess Mary, daughter of the Duke of York, a union which afterwards brought him to the throne of England. Inexhaustible in expedients, he had fought gloriously, though unsuccessfully, against Turenne, Conde, Schomberg, Luxembourg, and the Duke of Orleans, During the war, the great Turenne lost his life by a fatal shot near Sasbach, while reconnoitering the position of the enemy. The ball which killed him carried away the arm of General de St. Hilaire, who, upon his son's bursting out into tears at the sight, exclaimed, <«Not for me, but for this great man must you weep." The highest honour was shown by the king to his remains. Turenne possessed, under a rough and ordinary exterior, a great mind. His disposition was cold ; his manners decorous and simple. He was not always fortunate in war, and committed some errors ; but he always repaired them, and accomplished much with small means. He was esteemed the most skilful commander in Europe, even at a time when the art of w^ar was O 158 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. more studied than it had ever been before. Although reproached for deserting his party in the wars of the Fronde ; although at the age of nearly sixty years he suffered himself to be seduced by love to disclose a state secret ; although he committed unnecessary cruelties in his wars ; yet he maintained the reputa- tion of a man of veracity, wisdom, and moderation ; for his super-eminent vir- tues and talents amply sufficed to cover the weaknesses and the faults which he had in common wdth so many others. After the peace of Nimeguen, it would have been politic for Louis to have ceased prosecuting for a while his plans of aggrandizement ; but he imme- diately after established the Reunions at Metz and Brisach. A number of places with all their appurtenances had been ceded to him by the late treaties, though it had not been decided what really did appertain to them. It was the office of these chambers of reunions to accord him under the form of right everything that could be considered in any way as belonging to those places. France, in this manner, acquired large districts on the borders of the Netherlands and of Germany. Louis would gladly have obtained Strasburg, but as even the chambers of reunions could start no formal claim to it, this important place was quietly surrounded by soldiers, and compelled to surrender, in 1681, without striking a blow. On the same day that Strasburg fell, the Marquis de Bouffleurs entered Cassel, which had been sold to the king by the Duke of Mantua. In the suc- ceeding years, the Chambers, acting always to the satisfaction of their master, decreed the occupation of Courtrai, Dixmude, and Luxembourg. The diet of Ratisbon exhausted itself in useless protestations against the course of the French monarch. It was evident that Louis wished for war, and, without the usual initiative, that intention was sufficiently announced by his armaments, so much so that no declaration was necessary. A hundred and fifty thousand men, well armed and w^ell disciplined, were exercised in camp manoeuvres every day. Vauban made of France one vast camp, with entrenchments for twenty millions of men ; while, under the genius of the wise minister Colbert, she became a maritime power. The military port of Brest was enlarged ; that of Toulon created, at an immense expense, and rendered capable of containing a hundred vessels of war, with an arsenal and a proportionate materiel. The like was done at Dunkirk, and on a still greater scale at Rochefort. Companies of coast guards were created, and sixty thousand new sailors were obtained from the mercantile shipping. In a short time Louis XIV. had two hundred ships, and a hundred thousand seamen to man them. This was effected by the Marquis de Seignelay, the son of the deceased Colbert. To prove to Europe that this young navy, w^hich had been created in a day, would be capable of sustaining its rank among its marine rivals, Louis sent his squadron, under the command of Admiral Duquesne, to clear the Mediterranean of the pirates by whom it had been infested. He avenged him- self on Algiers by a new art, the discovery of which was due to that attention which he had bestowed on calling into action all the genius of his age. This dismal, but admirable art, consisted in the employment of bomb-ships, bv MORTARS USED AGAINST ALGIERS. 161 means of which maritime cities might be reduced to ashes. There was then living a young man by the name of Bernard Renaud, who, without having served in a ship, had become, by the mere exertions of genius, an excellent mariner. Colbert loved to detect merit in obscurity, and had often caused him to be brought before the council on marine affairs, even in the presence of the king. It was from the care, labour, and intelligence of Renaud, acted upon by a more regular method, that after some time the workmen under the govern- ment succeeded in the construction of galliots. He did not scruple to propose to the council that Algiers should be bombarded by the fleet. Till then, no one had had an idea that mortars with bombs could by possibility be used any- where but on land. The proposition was thought extravagant. Renaud had to bear those contradi. tions, and that unsparing ridicule which every inventor ought to expect ; but the firmness and eloquence of this man, added to a strong sense of the importance of his invention, induced the king to permit an experi- ment to be made with the formidable novelty. In consequence of this decision, Renaud caused five vessels to be constructed, smaller than ordinary ships, but with stronger timbers, without a deck, with a false tiller in the hold, on which they formed masses of brickwork, capable of receiving the mortars which were to be employed. He sailed with this preparation, under the orders of the old Admiral Duquesne, who was intrusted with the command of the expedition, but who avowed that he had no expectation of success. He was no less astonished than the Algerines to find that by the bombs a great portion of the city was in ruins or consumed in a short time. Thrice was Algiers bombarded by Duquesne and D'Estrees, and forced to give up all Christian prisoners and to sue for peace. This art soon found its way to other nations, and served but to extend the list of human calamities. It was more than once used with the most fatal effect against France, where it was invented. Having concluded the war in the Mediterranean, Louis humbled the pride and arrogance of the Genoese, offended the pope, and prepared actively for a war with coalesced Europe. In the name of the Duchess of Orleans, a princess of the palatine house, he demanded a large part of the inheritance of her bro- ther, the Elector Charles. At the same time Cardinal Egon, of Furstenburg, a man devoted to the interests of Louis, was at his desire appointed archbishop and Elector of Cologne. But the Emperor declared this prince indifferent to the interests of Germany, and procured the archbishopric for Joseph Clement, prince of Bavaria. (A. D. 1688.) Louis invaded the empire immediately, took in the first campaign Philips- burg, with many other cities on the Rhine, and laid the country far around under contribution. The Emperor was incessantly occupied with the Turks ; the empire, as usual, was weak, divided, almost lifeless. Spain could do nothing ; Denmark and England were in alliance witn Louis ; and the whole hope of the continent centered in William of Orange. Suddenly this gallant prince became King of England, and his elevation was the signal for the decline of the grandeur of his adversary, Louis XIV. Vol. III. 21 o 2 162 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. The enemies of France gradually concluded an alliance at Vienna. (1689 and 1690.) England now closely connected with Holland, Bavaria, and Saxony ; Spain and Savoy, and even Denmark acceded to the alliance, and Louis stood alone. The Swiss, however, concluded a treaty of neutrality with him, and the Turks, for their own interests, waged war against the empire. In a nine years' war against one half of Europe, France again displayed her astonishing power, and remained, though without decisive triumph, rather vic- torious than vanquished. From the frontiers of Germany, the first theatre of hostilities, the war extended gradually to the Netherlands, to Ireland, Italy, Spain, and even to the seas and countries of the New World. On the Rhine, the king took the defensive, and attempted to secure his frontiers by making the palatinate on both banks of that river a desert. The inhabitants still recall the day when their ancestors were told that the whole palatinate must be aban- doned, because the army of his most Christian majesty had received orders to lay it in ruins with fire and sword, to destroy the innumerable towns and vil- lages, flourishing and populous, which diversified its surface. Heidelberg, Spires, Frankenthal, and Worms still exhibit the ruins of their ancient walls, show traces of the torch which consumed them, point to the desecrated graves of the electors, and mourn the ashes of the ancient Emperors, scattered to the winds. King William, who was the most odious of all his enemies to Louis, expe- rienced severely the displeasure of the French monarch. The fugitive king, James II., having met with a most brilliant reception at the French court, soon sailed with a well-equipped fleet to Ireland. Louis also projected a descent upon England, in favour of the exiled king. In July, 1690, the illustrious Admiral Tourville had gained a brilliant victory over the combined fleets of England and Holland, near Dieppe, and France for a time was mistress of the sea. But two years afterwards the same admiral was completely defeated by Lord Russell near La Hogue, after a naval engagement of three days. The English proudly boasted that the maritime power of France was destroyed for ever. But a few days after the battle, that portion of the French fleet which escaped succeeded in capturing two merchant fleets. In the following year the squadron of Tourville and D'Estrees formed ninety-five sail. On the 27th of June, 1693, Tourville attacked between Logos and Cadiz a convoy of the Levant, escorted by twenty-seven ships of war- under Admiral Sir George Rooke. But fifteen ships of the escort escaped ; the rest were taken or sunk with the convoy consisting of eighty sail. This single victory cost the allies more than 40,000,000. But it was not so much the royal navies that damaged the commerce of England and Holland as the corsairs, which were most active in their depredations. Squadrons or single cruisers, commanded by Jean Bart, Duguay-Trouan, Forbin, Nesmond, and Pointis Ducasse, enriched Dunkirk, Dieppe, Havre, and St. Malo with the spoils of the merchants of London, Cadiz, and Amsterdam. In the course of nine years, St. Malo saw two hundred and sixty-two ships of war, and three thousand three NAVAL OPERATIONS. 163 TOnnVILLB S VICTOBT NEAR DIEPr: hundred and eighty merchant vessels brought as prizes into its harbour. The English wished to make short work of these insignificant towns. St. Malo was attacked first ; but the infernal machine which was to have reduced it to ashes missed its aim, and spent itself in illuminating the ocean for more than half a league around. In the following' year Brest was attempted, but in vain, Vauban had armed the road with four hundred pieces of cannon. Unfortu- nately, Dieppe was reduced to ruins. Havre was bombarded with little effect, and two new infernal machines failed before Dunkirk, as the first had before St. Malo. The Dutch had even the mortification to see from their coast Jean Bart surprise their fleet, snatch from it a prize convoy of grain, which Louis had caused to be brought from the Baltic, and carry it triumphantly through the midst of a blockading English squadron into Dunkirk. 164 TIMES OF LOUIS T H 1<: F U R T E E N T H. N the Netherlands, the war was bloody and fortune fickle. Luxembourg, the great pupil of Conde and Turenne, commanded the forces of .X Louis, and gained the first great victory, at , \ Fleurus. (July 16, 1690.) But King William ^W ^ arrested the progress of the victor through all the l\"3^o - following year. Luxembourg first gained the decided superiority in 1692, and took the strong city of Namur. On the third of August, William attempted to surprise him at Steinkirk, and par- tially succeeded. Luxembourg, though severely indisposed, rallied the fugi- tives, placed himself at their head, and soon restored the battle, and forced the English to retreat. Desirous not to be in debt, Luxembourg afterwards repaid the attempt of William by surprising him at Nerwinde, The king lay in an entrenched camp defended by a hundred pieces of cannon, where he was sud- denly attacked by Luxembourg, whom he supposed to be far away besieging Liege. Three times the village was taken and retaken. Luxembourg threw himself into the entrenchments. William sustained the attack for ten hours, when a reserved body of the French king's household troops, having taken Nerwinde in the rear, established Luxembourg definitively in possession of the village. "Oh! the insolent nation," was the exclamation of W^illiam, as he retired from before the charge of the French cavalry. The allies precipitately retreated, leaving on the battle-field twelve thousand killed and wounded, two thousand prisoners, seventy-six pieces of cannon, eight mortars, nine pontoons, the materiel of their artillery, sixty standards, and twenty-two colours. This was the last campaign of Luxembourg, and, we may add, the most honourable. He died at Versailles, January 4th, 1695, and was succeeded by a courtier named Villeroy, whose operations were a series of faults, profiting by which, William retook Namur, and had the advantage till the end of the war. In Italy, Marshal Catinat acquired scarcely less glory than Luxembourg. He defeated the Duke of Savoy at StafTard, August, 1690, and followed up his victory by another, in which the enemy left twelve thousand men and all his artillery on the field of battle. The duke abandoned all Piedmont to tlie victors. But the war was by this time very much out of favour in France, and even Louis himself was desirous of peace. He therefore invited the mediation of Sweden, and proposals were submitted by the mediator to Holland and the Emperor. W'hile the attention of Europe was directed to the progress of this negotiation, Louis concluded a treaty with Victor of Savoy, judging it better, as at Nimeguen, to separate the allies by detaching their interests. The duke received favourable terms ; he recovered his states, even Pignerol, which how- ever was dismantled ; and married his daughter to the Duke of Burgundy, the grandson of Louis XIV. The other allies, having renewed their alliance in the Hague, August 18, 1695, continued the war, but without advantage. The French, who had previously made an irruption into Catalonia, now subjected Barcelona. In the New World, the Commodore de Pointis surprised Cartha- THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. 167 gena, one of the richest cities in Spanish America, inflicted on the Spaniards a loss of thirty millions, and returned to France, having successfully avoided the British cruisers ; while Duguay-Trouin captured a Dutch fleet on its way from Bilboa. Spain now hastened to bring the war to a conclusion, and a general peace was speedily concluded at Ryswick, A. D. 1697. By this treaty Louis engaged not to disturb King William in the possession of his states, and to give his enemies no assistance. Between France and Holland all old and new preten- sions were to be reciprocally annihilated. Spain recovered what it had lost by conquest, or by the chambers of reunion, with some few exceptions. The treaty with the Emperor and the empire gave Strasburg to Louis, but restored all the other places which he had gained since the treaty of Nimeguen, with Friburg, Brisach, and Philipsburg. The Duke of Lorraine recovered his country also, with the exception of Sarrelouis ; the King of France retaining the right to a free passage through the duchy. In regard to all other consider- ations, the treaties of Westphalia and Nimeguen were expressly confirmed. Europe was astonished at the moderation of France. In the war, she had found both victory and glory, and it was unusual for her to show forbearance toward an unsuccessful enemy. The wise saw in this relinquishment of one scheme of ambition the prognostics of others far more dangerous. The declining health of the King of Spain, Charles II., engaged the gene- ral attention of Europe after the peace of Ryswick ; three princes being candi- dates for the succession — Louis XIV., the Emperor Leopold, and the Elector of Bavaria. A secret treaty of partition was concluded between Louis and William of Orange, but Charles II. received an intimation of this transaction, and, enraged that his dominions should be shared before his death, he pro- claimed the Prince of Bavaria sole heir.* But this prince soon after died sud- denly, and negotiations were renewed. The Spanish court decided in favour of the Archduke Charles, the younger son of the Emperor Leopold, and only demanded that the Emperor should send this prince to Spain, with a body of twelve thousand men. But the imperial court, with unaccountable parsimony, declined the proposal. A new treaty of division was arranged by France, Holland, and England, but the Emperor protested against it. Meanwhile, by adroitness and gold, the French minister at Madrid had gained over a powerful party for the Bourbon interest ; the pope, Innocent XII., was induced to decide in favour of the French claims ; a new will was made, and Philip, duke of Anjou, the grandson of Louis, was nominated heir to the crown of Spahi. (A. D. 1700.) Charles soon after died, and Louis, with some hesitation between the will and the partition treaty, proclaimed his grandson King of Spain, under the title of Philip V. He went to Madrid in 1701 ; all the provinces submitted, some silently, others with servile acclamations. England and Holland also acknow- ledged him as king. All the other powers did the same ; the Emperor only excepted. He immediately declared his opposition, and sent troops against 168 TIMES OF LOUIS THE F U R T E E N T H. Milan as an opened fief of the empire ; his troops being led by Prince Eugene of Savoy, one of the greatest generals of the age. The Emperor also earnestly solicited the other powers to league with him for the highest interests of his house, as well as for those of Europe. The maritime powers concluded an alliance with the Emperor, which, however, would probably have been frustrated by the British parliament, but for the im- prudence of Louis in hazarding an insult to the British nation. (A. D. 1701.) On the death of James II., Louis caused his son, commonly called the old pretender, to be recognised King of Great Britain and Ireland, under the title of James III. (A. D. 1701.) HE parliament at once entered heartily into the war, which they had hitherto disapproved, and the death of William himself did not abate their ardour. His successor, Queen Anne, declared her intention of adhering to the policy of her pre- decessor. The empire, the Emperor, England, and Holland were now again all at war with France. At the commencement of the same year, 1702, Frederic I., King of Prussia, formerly Elec- tor of Brandenburg, entered into a strict alliance with the Emperor, in grateful acknowledgment of the deference shown by Leopold in recognising him in his new quality of king. With the exception of Bavaria and Cologne, the whole empire was united whh its head, and Portugal and Savoy were also withdrawn from the French alliance. France, however, preserved the advan- tage during the first years of hostilities. The first event of the war was the defeat of the French at Chiari on the Oglio ; their forces being there conducted by Catinat and Villeroi, under the Duke of Savoy. In the following year, Eugene surprised Cremona, where Villeroi was made prisoner. The French king appointed the Duke of Vendome to the head of the army ; this favourite of the soldiers revived their courage and led them to victory at Lu^^ara. About this time, a formidable enemy to France arose in England, in the person of Churchill, duke of Marlborough, who governed Anne through the ascendency which his wife had gained over that queen. Of all the enemies France has had, Marlborough was, perhaps, the most terrible. In 1702, he beat the Duke of Burgimdy and Marshal Boufflers in Flanders, and freed the whole country on the Meuse from Spanish domination. The same year the French and Spanish fleets were beaten in the port of Vigo in Galicia by Admi- ral Rooke and the Duke of Ormond, who captured the rich galleons from the Havana. In Germany, Catinat had hesitated to cross the Rhine, but Villars, who was his lieutenant, resolved to repair the disasters of his country, passed the river and assailed the enemy near the castle of Friedlingen. Notwithstand- ing a terrible fire of artillery and musketry, the French troops carried the heights of Tulick, the possession of which decided the fate of the day. The imperial troops were overthrown and driven from the field, but a moment of THE BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 171 trouble wellnigh changed the triumph into a defeat. The troops, carried on by the ardour of pursuit, had followed the enemy into the plain almost to the castle of Friedlingen, when they suddenly found themselves surrounded by a party of the enemy. This was the cavalry of the Prince of Baden, which had been forced by that of Villars. The French infantry thought themselves cut off from the rest of the army, and a cry of alarm sounded through the batta- lions. Villars marked the disorder and hesitation, ran up to the front, seized a standard, and led them again into the fight, shouting Vive le Roi — the victory is ours. His presence of mind restored the fortune of his arms, the enemy was routed, and the soldiers of Villars proclaimed him a Marshal of France on the field. The king ratified the choice and wrote to the victorious general, ' I unite my voice to that of my brave soldiers." Villars followed up his success by a second victory at Hochstett, at the same time that the French general Tallard gained a victory at Spirbach, there- by opening up the road to Vienna. But the Duke of Savoy changed sides at the very time when the able Villars was recalled in consequence of a disagree- ment between himself and the Elector of Bavaria. The Count Marsin succeeded to the head of the army, while Villars was sent to put down an insurrection of the Protestant refugees in the Cevennes. Portugal also deserted the French alliance, and this series of disasters did not end here. Tallard having led an army into Germany, and formed a junction with the Elector of Bavaria and Count Marsin, the combined leaders met the enemy under Marlborough and Eugene. Each army was about eighty thousand strong, and the battle was fought at Hochstett, at the very spot and almost on the anni- versary of that w^hich Villars had gained the preceding year. Fortune was at this time unpropitious to France. Tallard was taken prisoner, and his col- leagues retreated in such an unskilful manner that their troops were totally routed. France lost fifty thousand men and a hundred leagues of territory. Tallard's misfortune is to be ascribed to his defective vision. His troops fled in all directions, and the panic was complete ; thousands threw themselves into the Danube and were drowned. Great numbers sought shelter in the adjacent village of Blenheim, which gives its name to the battle ; there 1300 officers and 12,000 common soldiers laid down their arms to the Earl of Orkney. The earl had entered the village on horseback, accompanied by a French officer named Desnouvilles. His brother officers crowded around them and said, " Do you bring an English prisoner with you ?" He replied, " No, gentlemen, I am the prisoner, and come to tell you that you have no other course to take but surrender yourselves prisoners of war ; and here is my Lord Orkney, who offers you terms of capitulation." All these veterans expressed the utmost astonishment ; the regiment of Navarre tore their colours and buried them under the ground. Compelled however by necessity, they yielded.* Eugene now swept all Bavaria ; Prince Louis of Baden took Landau ; and Marlborough, having repassed the Rhine, made himself master of Treves and * Boniifichoso. Voltaire. Bensley. 172 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. Traarback. The Elector of Bavaria, now become a fugitive, retired to Brussels ; the electress submitted to the terms of the victors. Ingoldstadt and all the for- tified places in the electorate, with their magazines, were given up to the allies; the towns and cities before conquered by France were restored to the empire. Marlborough was made a prince of the empire, by way of testifying the grati- tude of the Germans for his eminent services. It is said that in his flight the Elector of Bavaria met with his brother, the Elector of Cologne, who was likewise driven from his dominions ; they embraced each other and shed tears. HE war of the Cevennes became every day more formidable. The Calvinist mountaineers organized themselves into regular regiments, under the name of Camisards. Louis XIV. so far subdued his pride as to treat, as power with power, with such of their chiefs as had escaped his executioners ; and one of these, named Cavalier, celebrated for his invincible valour, and formerly but a baker's boy, obtained a colonel's commission and a pension from the proud sovereign who had revoked the Edict of Nantes. Villars was the author of this necessary peace. In 1704, Spain lost Gibraltar, which was seized by the English, and has ever since remauied in their possession. In 1705, under Peterborough, they took Barcelona, where the x^rchduke Charles was proclaimed King of Spain, and the series of misfortunes which pursued the sovereigns of Spain and France was alone broken by the victory of Cassano in Piedmont, gained by Vendome over Eugene. In 1706, Marlborough gained the battle of Ramilies over Villeroi, and thus opened to himself the Spanish Netherlands. It is said that Villeroi made the most disadvantageous disposition of his troops, and that all his officers foresaw the consequences and endeavoured to change his resolution. But he was inflexible, " mad for glory." The French lost 20,000 in killed and prisoners, 120 stands of colours, and 50 pieces of cannon ; the confederates less than 4000 in killed and wounded. A French army was also routed before Turin by Prince Eugene. The Duke of Orleans and Marshal Marsin were the leaders who were defeated in this battle. Their 60,000 troops were put to flight, and their military chest, with one hundred and forty pieces of cannon, fell into the hands of the enemy. The Milanese, Mantua, and the Kingdom of Naples were by this ill-fortune lost to Philip V. Eugene marched upon France, while Lord Galloway took possession of Madrid, and there proclaimed the archduke. The Emperor Leopold had died in the preceding year, and his son and successor, Joseph I., prosecuted the war witJi vigour. He put the Electors of BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET. 173 Bavaria and Cologne under the ban of the empire, and deprived them of their electorates. Every ally was lost to France, and all her frontiers were exposed to the victorious enemy. Villars, again at the head of her forces, now revived the hopes of the French by some slight successes in Germany ; Marshal Ber- wick, the natural son of James II., gained the celebrated victory of Almanza, 1707 ; and Marshal de Tesse obliged the Duke of Savoy and Prince Eugene to raise the siege of Toulon. The face of affairs in Spain began to experience a change. The Spaniards, when they saw the English at Madrid, rose to defend King Philip. '< Charles, by the grace of heretics," as they called him, was an abomination to them. They therefore supported the French army of auxiliaries with such zeal that Philip was soon able to enter his capital, and his cause triumphed in all Spain, except in Catalonia. Tlie victories of the Count Stahrembcrg at Almenara and Saragossa, 1710, produced a change of a short duration, in consequence of which the archduke entered Madrid. But Vendome terminated quickly this success ; he defeated and took at Brihuega the English corps under Stanhope, defeated Stahreraberg in the great battle of Villaviciosa, December 9th and 10th, 1710, and drove Charles back to Catalonia. Henceforth the war on the peninsula was but a secondary affair. In 1708, Louis made another effort in favour of the Pretender ; the cheva- lier Forbin commanded the expedition, but met with no success. By the de- feat at Oudenarde and the loss of Lille, the French army was so dispirited that it suffered itself to be dispossessed of Ghent, Bruges, and all its posts in Flan- ders in succession. The people of France were by this time reduced to a state of utter destitution. The king's favourite and adviser, Madame de Maintenon, lived on oaten bread, the king and his nobles had sent their plate to the mint, and many of the people in the provinces were dying of hunger. The finances were totally exhausted ; credit was at an end, insurrections broke out, the taxes were unpaid, and smuggling was carried on in arms by the very troops themselves. Louis saw the absolute necessity of terminating the war, and sent the Marquis de Torci and the president Rouille to solicit peace from the Dutch, whom formerly he had so humiliated. They were now disposed to retaliate, and Marlborough and Eugene each felt that his power depended upon the continuance of the war. They therefore made the terms of peace so humi- liating that they knew that Louis would not accede to them, and insisted upon his taking an active part with them in the expulsion of his grandson from Spain. When these terms were communicated to Louis he replied, '< If I must make war, I had rather do so against my enemies than against my own children." He caused the exorbitant pretensions of the enemy to be published throughout the kingdom. Indignation aroused patriotism, and the efforts of France were redoubled. Villars and Marshal Bouffleurs were sent against the enemy, and though Marlborough defeated them in the bloody battle of Malplaquet in Flan- ders, yet he lost twenty thousand of his own men, while Villars escaped with the loss of but eight thousand. (A. D. 1710.) Louis again attempted to negotiate, with no better success than before. p 2 174 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. But the face of affairs was soon changed. The victory of Vendome at Villavi- ciosa destroyed the army of the archduke in Spain, and a revolution in the English cabinet, by bringing the political enemies of Marlborough into power, destroyed the war influence in the court of Queen Anne. By the death of Joseph of Germany, the archduke Charles became Empe- ror, and the reasons which had induced Europe to unite in order to prevent the too great aggrandizement of the house of Bourbon, now operated still more strongly against the ambitious head of that of Austria. A new arrangement was necessary for the preservation of the now recognised law of the balance of power, and England therefore made propositions to France. She demanded of Louis the recognition of Queen Anne and a protestant line of succession ; that he should abandon the Low Countries, Naples, and the Milanese to Aus- tria ; that he should demolish the port of Dunkirk, and take the necessary measures to prevent the union of the French and Spanish crowns upon one head. Louis accepted these propositions, and a preliminary treaty was signed at London, October 8, 1711. Holland was inclined to dispute on the subject, but it was vain. Marlborough was recalled, and the Earl of Ormond appointed head of the English army, with orders to remain neutral. Under the influence of England, a general conference was convened at Utrecht, January, 1713. The empire and the Dutch advanced pretensions utterly irreconcilable with the new situation of France. The threat which England held out of treating separately appeared to make but little impression upon the commissioners of the United Provinces. The imposing attitude of their hero, Eugene, who had passed the Sambre, taken Bouchain and Quesnoi, and invested Landrecies, gave a show of colour to their extravagant pretensions. Party differences ran high in France, extending through all parts of the kingdom. It was known that the old king, now seventy- four years of age, could not hope to survive much longer. The death of his only son, which had taken place a year pre- vious, the Duke and Duchess of Burgundy and their eldest son being carried off within the space of a few months, and the last of their children being then in a dying state, all these domestic misfortunes, added to disasters abroad and general misery at home, made the end of the reign of Louis XIV. appear a time marked for calamity, and in which men looked forward to greater humiliations than it had hitherto exhibited of grandeur and glory. Villars took upon him- self to baffle the hopes of the Dutch. Eugene continued the blockade of Lan- drecies, which was momentarily expected to surrender to him. He commitived however an error which saved France. His lines were too much extended, his stores at too great a distance, and the position of General Albemarle at Denain prevented his being speedily succoured. Those who know that a curate, together with a counsellor of Douay named Lefevre d'Orval, walking towards these parts, were the first who projected the attack on Denain and Marchiennes, may demonstrate from this fact by what secret and weak springs the greatest affairs of this world are often directed. Lefevre gave his opinion to the governor of the province ; he communicated it to Marshal Montesquieu, who commanded under Villars. The general approved of it and put it into PEACE OF UTRECHT. 177 execution. This action proved the safety of France rather than the retrocession of England from the allies.* Villars had recourse to stratagem. Pretending to assault the besieging army round Landrecies, he made a side march suddenly and forced the fortified lines, which the imperialists had designated insolently " the road to Paris," and advanced upon Denain. He found it defended by a palisaded ditch. The French officers applied for fascines to fill it up. " Eugene will not allow you time to obtain or use them," said Villars ; "the bodies of those who are the first to fall must serve for our fascines." Animated by his words and example, they rushed with ardour to the assault. Nothing could withstand their impe- tuosity ; they stormed the camp, which was commanded by the Duke of Albe- marle, a Dutch general. Albemarle, Nassau, Holstein, Anhalt, and all the officers were made prisoners, and the Count of Brogli was sent to form the siege of Marchiennes, while Villars threw himself before Eugene, who was advancing in great haste to succour Denain. Profiting by a bridge which had not been broken, he ordered attack after attack; but his troops were constantly repulsed, and he was obliged to witness the defeat of his army across the river. He bit his gloves with rage, and vented his indignation in curses. HE success of this day was com- "^i, plete ; the line of operation of the allies was broken ; Marchi- ennes, the centre of their re- sources, surrendered after a three days' siege, and the conquerors found there an immense supply of munitions of war. Villars successfully recaptured Douay, Quesnoi, and Bouchain ; in three months the allies lost fifty-three battalions killed or taken, two hundred cannon, and enormous quantities of arms and ammunition. The vic- tory of Denain, gained July 24, 1713, saved France and the monarchy, opened for her an honourable way to the congress of Utrecht, and settled the crown as firmly on the head of Louis as did the triumph of Villaviciosa that of Spain upon the head of his grandson. These great successes hastened the conclusion of peace, which was signed in 1713 at Utrecht. Its leading articles were the renunciation by Philip V. of the succession to the crown of France, the abandonment of Sicily to the Duke of Savoy with the title of king, and of Spanish Flan- ders to the Emperor, and the cession of Newfoundland, Acadia, and Hud- son's Bay to England, w^hich retained likewise Gibraltar and the island of Minorca. Louis guarantied the succession to the English throne in the Protest- ant line, and agreed to demolish the fortifications of Dunkirk, which had cost him immense sums. He gave up a portion of his former conquests in the * Voltaire. Vol. IIL 23 178 TIMES OF LOUIS THE FOURTEENTH. Netherlands, and regained Lille, Aire, Bethune, and St. Vincent. The Elector of Brandenburg was acknowledged King of Prussia, and obtained Upper Guelders, Neufchatel, and some other territories. The Emperor, Charles VI., refused at first to be a party to this peace, but gave up the contest when Villars passed the Rhine and seized Landau and Friburg. Eugene received imme- diate orders to negotiate, and Villars, as the representative of Louis, concluded a peace with him at Rastadt. This, says Voltaire, was perhaps the first instance of two generals meeting at the end of a campaign to treat in the name of their masters. Their conduct at meeting was characteristic. Villars records that one of his first expressions to Eugene was : " Sir, we are not enemies to each other ; your enemies are at Vienna, and mine at Versailles." Both indeed had always to struggle against faction at their own courts. In this treaty no mention was made of the claim which the Emperor pre- tended upon Spain. Louis kept Strasburg and Landau, which he had before proposed to resign, and Huninguen and New Brisach, which he had offered to demolish. The Emperor obtained the Netherlands, the Milanese, and the kingdom of Naples, dismembered from the Spanish monarchy. Alsace, for- merly proposed to be renounced, was now retained by Louis, and let it be added to his honour that he now insisted upon and succeeded in effecting the restoration of the Electors of Bavaria and Cologne to all their dominions and honours. This was the last war in which the great Vauban was engaged ; he died during its continuance. He appeared to Louis XIV. as the most worthy to form his grandson, the Duke of Burgundy, in the school of war, and that prince was therefore put under his tuition. During more than fifty years that Vauban served France, he was characterized by calm valour, profound experience, and an enlightened humanity, which even in the heat of battle could reconcile his duty wdth the better feelings of his heart. He entered the army at the age of eighteen, and immediately commenced a series of special and laborious researches which gave to France her most skilful engineer. Many wondered at his learning ; and their amazement was changed to admiration when he showed that his courage and his science were equally allied. Mazarin heard of him, procured an interview, and ever afterwards encouraged the efforts of the genius which was to shed so much lustre around the throne of Louis the Great. Meanwhile, Vauban laboured without relaxation ; obtaining one result but to pursue a greater, seeking constantly the progress of his difficult art, and, endeavouring in his designs as well to guaranty the lives of his men as the duration of conquests, he created the science of fortification, established it upon new principles, and subjected it to rules which are still the foundation of this branch of military science. In the course of a few years he garnished all the frontier with fortresses, combined a general plan of defence for the kingdom, and assured its strength by the disposition of the forts which he raised, opened new ports on the ocean and the Mediterranean, and conducted in person the greater part of the numerous sieges which signalized the campaigns of this MARSHAL VAU BAN. 181 epoch. By direction of Louis he constructed thirty-three new forts and added new works to three hundred others. He first drew from the soil itself and the water that cheap and simple defence of ditches ; and by his happy facility in adapting his plans to the nature of the ground and of the country, to the communications by land and sea, and to the offensive and defensive operations of armies, he acquired the great glory of having given new frontiers to France. He received many flattering testimonials of the estimation in which he was held by the king and his ministers. One of the most precious of these, perhaps, was the letter of Louvois to the Marshal Humieres, directing him to watch particularly over the safety of Vauban, "for you know," says he, "how dis- pleased the king would be if any accident happened to him." It was well known that Vauban exposed himself needlessly to danger, and was as little careful for his personal safety as he was anxious for the safety of his men. At Philipsburg, in 1689, by the most astonishing exertions he succeeded in cap- turing the city which he himself had formerly fortified. At the siege of Frank- enthal, the dauphin who still accompanied Vauban begged him to choose four cannons among those they had just conquered, and he then caused the arms of Vauban to be quartered with those of France upon them. Vauban had just been raised to the rank of Marshal when he was chosen to command with the dauphin's son, the Duke of Burgundy. He found him- self before Brisach, 1703, in the same situation as at Philipsburg; he was to capture a fortress of his own construction. As, accompanied by his pupil, the duke, he viewed the external defences, the prince said to him, '.-^'1iiM'lll!IB FREDERIC3Z: THE GREAT ESACTING THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE FROM THE SILESIAN PRINCES ON HIS OWN SWORD. ATATIS SXIX. CHAPTER XII. ^ts ^sttn ¥faxg' iB&z. HE peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, owing to incapacity or want of information on the part of the negotiators, left unsettled most of the colonial questions at issue between England and France, thereby furnishing grounds for the renewal of hostilities. The limits of the English colony of Nova Scotia or Acadia, the right claimed by the French to connect their possessions in Canada and Louisiana by a line of forts along the Ohio, the disputed occupation of some of the neutral West India islands by the French, and the efforts of both nations to acquire political supremacy in India, all served to give rise to protracted controversies, which were soon merged into active hostilities. War was fiercely waged by the colonies of the two nations in 1755, but it was not until the following year that war was for- mally declared. (235) 236 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR. DEATH OF ADMIRAI. BYNG. This war had no immediate connection with a dispute which was about to involve Europe in one of the fiercest struggles of modern times, but they were blended together by the anxiety of the King of England to provide for his possessions in Germany. Austria looked upon Frederic of Prussia with jealousy, mingled with a desire for the recovery of Silesia. The Prussian monarch was besides the personal enemy of Elizabeth of Russia, and of Augus- tus III. of Saxony and Poland, both of whom joined in the plan formed for his destruction. France, under the disgraceful government of Louis XV., suffered herself to be drawn from that position in which she had risen to the summit of power, hostility to the House of Austria, to become the humble assistant of that power. This was chiefly effected by the able diplomacy of Prince Kaunitz, the real guide of Austria during four reigns. The French commenced hostilities under favourable auspices. They made vigorous preparations for war and menaced England with an invasion, which, though it was only intended as a mask for their real designs, caused the utmost consternation among the British nation, whose government hired large bodies of Hessians ajid Hanoverians for protection. The reduction of Minorca, however, was the real object of the French ministry. A formidable force was landed on the island for this purpose, and Fort St. Philip, which commanded the principal town and harbour, was captured after a brave defence by General Blakeney. That officer was raised to the peerage ; but Admiral Byng, who had failed in an attempt to relieve the place, and whose conduct was irreproach- able, w^as charged with treason, found guilty, and shot. The popular discon- OPERATIONS OF FREDERIC THE GREAT. 237 tent at the loss of Minorca had been increased by the want of success which attended the English arms in America ; the king was forced to dismiss his ministers, and a new administration was formed, the ostensible premier of which was the Duke of Devonshire, while William Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, was the real head. Some further concession being required by popular clamor, it was resolved to sacrifice Byng, whose only fault appears to have been an error of judgment. He was accordingly shot on board ship, and behaved to the last with a composed and dignified fortitude, which effectually clears his memory from the stain of cowardice which many British historians have laboured to affix to it. (1757.) Frederic of Prussia assumed in the commencement of the war a stately behaviour. He called upon the empress-queen for an explicit assurance con- cerning the hostile preparations he saw making on his frontiers ; but instead of a satisfactory explanation he received evasive answers, which left no doubt that the intention of the Austrians was to crush him. Ever prompt and decided in neutralizing the plans of his enemies, Frederic resolved to be beforehand in the field, and, by assuming the aggressive, to avert the war from his own terri- tories. His dispositions were conducted with as much secrecy as they were executed with despatch ; none but the most trustworthy generals received information of his designs, and the generals of brigades were not informed of their destination until the very eve of their departure. In this manner he com- pleted his preparations, and then hastened into Saxony. Dresden fell, and Augustus was blockaded in his strong camp at Pidna. An Austrian army of fifty thousand men, under General Brown, advanced to his relief. Frederic first detached a part of his force as an army of observation, and soon afterwards putting himself at its head, resolved to give battle to Brown. The Austrian forces numbered twice as many as his own ; yet he defeated them at Lowositz. In consequence of the defeat of their allies, the Saxons surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Augustus abandoned Saxony to his enemy, and fled to his kingdom of Poland. In addition to the twenty-four thousand men promised to Austria, and commanded by the Prince de Soubise, a French army of sixty thousand men entered Germany, under the Marshal D'Estrees, and menaced the electorate of Hanover. The Duke of Cumberland was sent over by George II. to protect that electorate with an army of forty thousand Hessians and Hano- verians, including a few regiments of Prussians. The duke attempted in vain to stop the progress of D'Estrees. That marshal defeated him at Hastemberg at the very moment in which a court intrigue superseded him in his command, substituting the Marshal de Richelieu. The new commander followed up the plans of D'Estrees, enclosed the Hanoverians near Stade on the Elbe, forced Cumberland to sign the capitulation of Clostersevern, sent back a part of the army to their homes, condemned the remainder to inactivity and left Hanover in the hands of the enemy. The campaign opened inauspiciously for Frederic. An army of a hundred and thirty thousand Russians was on the borders of Lithuania, marching to invade Prussia; the Swedes, hoping to recover Pomerania, were ready to enter 238 THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. that country ; the French and imperialists were advancing through Germany, while Maria Theresa had assembled four armies for the prosecution of the war, whose united strength amounted to a hundred and eighty thousand men. Notwithstanding the immense preparations of his enemies, Frederic resolved to pursue his original plan of penetrating into Bohemia. For this end he divided his force into four divisions, and, by a series of masterly movements, entered that country and reunited his troops. On the march the Prince of Bevern had gained a signal victory over an army of twenty thousand men under Count Konigseg, and effected a junction with Marshal Schwerin. That officer had failed in his attempt to cut off" the retreat of Konigseg, but had been so fortu- nate, notwithstanding, as to seize an immense magazine which the enemy had formed at Jungbuntzlaw.* Frederic's situation appeared to be such that only uninterrupted success could save him from the loss of his kingdom. Fully aware of the importance of the stake, the great leader had marched on Prague, which was defended by Marshal Brown with one great army. When joined by the Prince of Bevern and Schwerin, he resolved to give battle and over- whelm Prince Leopold, who had taken command of Brown's army, before Daun, the cautious and fortunate Austrian, could arrive with his forces. On the 6th of May, 1757, was fought the battle of Prague. Frederic, Ferdinand of Brunswick, and the king''s brother, Prince Henry, distinguished themselves by their courage in the action ; but the chief glory was with the gallant old Marshal Schwerin. The ground was swampy and hilly, and as the Prussians worked their way through and approached the enemy, they were received with a fierce cannonade, which made terrible car- nage, levelling whole ranks with the ground. Every attack made was unsuc- cessful ; it seemed as if human courage could hold out no longer against such destructive odds, and the Prussians began to waver. The stout old marshal seized the standard from the hand of an ensign, and waving it in the air, called on his regiment to follow him. He rushed into the thickest of the fire, where he fell dead, pierced with four balls ; but General Manteufel took the gory flag from his hand and led on the troops to revenge their invincible commander. The great general of the Austrians, Brown, also fell mortally wounded, and his fall decided the fate of the day. Victory remained w^ith Frederic ; but it had been dearly purchased. Twelve thousand five hundred Prussians lay dead or wounded on the field of battle; twenty-four thousand of the enemy were killed, wounded, or taken. One portion of the defeated army was shut up in Prague ; the remainder fled to join the troops which, under Daun, were now close at hand. In the city the Prince of Lorraine was besieged with 46,000 men, without resources left to enable them to hold out any considerable time ; if Daun had been defeated this host must inevitably have surrendered and the campaign ended in the most glorious manner by the Prussians. The cautious Austrian soon found himself opposed by Frederic with thirty * Lloyd's Campaigns. DESPERATE CONDITION OF FREDERIC. 239 thousand men ; but though his forces were far superior in numbers, he would risk nothing. He occupied at Kollin an almost impregnable position, and awaited the attack of his enemy. The battle was fought there on the 18th of June. Frederic had formed a most excellent plan for the action, and had it been followed out he would probably have secured the victory. The order of battle was that which Epaminondas had practised, and which is known as the oblique line of action. The Prussians in the onset routed the right w^ing of the Austrians ; the centre and the other wing of Frederic's army had but to follow up this success by falling upon the enemy's flank, battalion after battalion in succession, and thus complete its annihilation. Every thing was prospering, when Frederic suddenly ordered a halt. He appears to have departed from his own well-digested plan at the moment that Daun, despairing of success, had given orders for a retreat. Through the halt thus made, the Prussians found themselves directly in front of the position held by the Austrians, which they had strongly intrenched and rendered insurmountable ; a Saxon colonel suppressed the order to retreat, and when the Prussians attempted an assault, the regiments were swept away in succession by the destructive fire of the Austrian artillery. No exertion, no desperate effort could now obtain the vic- tory, and finally the king found that his troops, having been repeatedly driven back with frightful carnage, could no longer be led to the charge. Thirteen thousand of the best soldiers in Europe had been sacrificed by the change in the order of battle, and nothing remained but to retreat in good order, to raise the siege of Prague, and to retire speedily from Bohemia. Nothing appeared to be wanting to complete Frederic's misfortunes. The glory had departed from his arms ; his soldiers had ceased to confide in him as before ; his conduct was criticised, and his character made to suffer by detractors ; even his own brother William first complained of and then quar- relled with him. The inexorable king was greatly displeased ; he broke the heart of his brother by his reproaches ; and William retired from the army to expire in the following year at a country seat. He lost his mother, whom he loved with more affection than he was supposed to be capable of feeling, and the state of his affairs was such that his kingdom appeared irrecoverably lost. His allies, under the Duke of Cumberland, had just been captured at Closter- severn, leaving the French at liberty to turn their arms against him in Saxony ; his general Lehwald had been defeated in a desperate battle with 24,000 Prus- sians against 100,000 Russians under Apraxin, who was committing the most frightful devastations in Prussia ; twenty thousand Swedes had already entered Prussian Pomerania ; one Austrian army had entered Silesia and laid siege to Schweidnitz, while another, penetrating through Lusatia, passed the Prussian armies and laid Berlin itself under contribution. Frederic anticipated nothing short of his own ruin and the ruin of his family. He saw the whole exten< of his peril. His sleep was broken, his mind was agitated with a sense of im- pending misery and dishonour ; yet he resolved never to be taken alive, ant never to make peace on condition of descending from his place among the powers of Europe. If death were to be his fate, and nothing appeared more 240 THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. probable, he had chosen deliberately the mode of dying ; he carried a sure and speedy poison about with him in a small glass case. His resolution once taken, the great king was speedily in motion. He determined, though his army numbered but 22,000, to give battle to the united forces of the French and Austrians, 60,000 strong, under Soubise. At Rosbach, the king took post upon a height, w^here the enemy, curious to see whether or not he would have the courage to make a stand against them, advanced towards his camp. Their object was to surround him completely, and to put an end to the war at once by taking him prisoner. The Prussians fired not a single shot, but remained perfectly quiet, apparently unprepared for, or not taking any notice of the movements of the enemy; the smoke ascending from their cooking fires indicated their present occupation, while Frederic himself took his meal with the general officers and staff, with the appearance of the greatest coolness and indifference. At length, at half-past two in the afternoon, the favourable moment arrived ; Frederic issued his orders, the tents were struck, and the army formed in order of battle as if by magic, while the artillery opened a destructive fire, and Seidlitz with his cavalry dashed into the battalions of the enemy. The French were overwhelmed by the rapidity of action of the Ger- mans, and routed in less than half an hour, before they could be formed into line. Some of them fled to the middle states of the empire, others did not stop until they had placed the Rhine between themselves and the victors. Seven thousand prisoners remained in the hands^of the king, including nine generals and three hundred and twenty officers, together with sixty-three pieces of cannon and twenty-two standards. On this glorious day Frederic lost only one hundred and sixty-five killed and three hundred and fifty wounded. Charles of Lorraine with a mighty powder had taken possession of Silesia, whither Frederic now hastened. On the 5th of December, exactly one month after the day at Rosbach, he met that general near Leuthen, with thirty thou- sand men. The Austrians numbered sixty thousand, and in their plan of the battle extended their lines over a space of five miles ; Frederic hoped to make up the deficiency of his numbers by the celerity of his manoeuvres, and had again recourse to the oblique order of battle, and in four short hours his sagacity, tact, and courage obtained one of the most glorious victories recorded in history. On the battle-field Frederic conferred the dignity of Marshal upon the Prince of Dessau, who had led on the grand attack, in the following characteristic words: "Field-marshal, I congratulate you on the success of the battle." The darkness of the night saved the enemy from annihilation, but Frederic was determined to secure the fruits of this glorious day. In order to get possession of the bridge which crossed the Schweidnitz near Lissa, he selected Ziethen and a troop of hussars, and set out with a few guns on the road to that town. The party entered Lissa in perfect silence, but not unnoticed. Very soon a spirited fire was opened upon them by the Aus- trians in the houses, which the Prussians returned by discharges from their cannon. A scene of general confusion ensued, and Frederic, who knew the ground well, led his officers away to the mansion of the lord of the manor of F R E I) E K I C AT L I S S A. 241 FRSDKSIC AND THE ADSTRIAN OFFICERS AT LI": Lissa. At its entrance he was met by a number of Austrian officers of diSTerent ranks, who, roused from their supper by the firing, were looking after their horses and rushing with lights in their hands from the rooms and staircases. They were so petrified with astonishment at seeing the king and his adjutants dismount, that they could not take advantage of their numbers to obtain pos- session of his person. Frederic demanded a lodging, and the Austrian generals and the staff officers seized the lights and conducted the king up the staircase into one of the best rooms. Here they presented one another to him, and an agreeable conversation on general subjects ensued. In the mean time, Prus- sian officers continued to arrive in such numbers that Frederic at last asked in surprise where they all came from, and learned that his whole army was on its way to Lissa. The troops had silently and seriously broken up the camp, and each man marched forward, meditating on the events of the day. The cold night breeze swept along the fields, carrying with it the groans of the wounded and dying. Suddenly a grenadier set up the old German chant, '< Nun danket alle Gott," which was immediately taken up by the whole array, consisting of 25,000 men. The darkness and tranquillity of Vol. III. 31 X 242 THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. the night — the horrors of the battle-field, where at every step the foot trod upon a corpse — lent an awful degree of solemnity to the song ; and even the wounded forgot for a time their sufferings whilst taking part in this general act of thanksgiving. A new spirit of strength sustained the weary warriors, when on a sudden a loud and long-continued shout burst from every tongue on hear- ing the cannonade in Lissa, and each vied with the other as to w^ho should be the first to come to the aid of his sovereign. Well might Frederic exclaim that in the care of such troops the destinies of Prussia were safe. In the battle of Leuthen twenty-seven thousand Austrians were killed, wounded, or taken, fifty stand of colours, a hundred guns, and four thousand wagons fell into the hands of the king. Breslau opened its gates, Silesia was reconquered, and Charles of Lorraine retired to hide his confusion in Brussels. In one month, Frederic had extricated himself from his difficulties, with an exhibition of genius and energy unparalleled in the annals of the world. The English, whose councils were directed with consummate ability by William Pitt, now violated the convention of Clostersevern, and the Hanoverian army reappeared under a leader chosen by Frederic to co-operate with himself. Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. In 1758 the Count of Clermont opposed Fer- dinand with an army numbering more than three times that led by the prince, yet the latter not only forced him to retreat across the Rhine, but attacked him at Crefeld and put him to a total rout, causing him a loss of seven thousand slain. Ferdinand by this victory gained possession of Dusseldorf, and scoured the country to the very gates of Brussels. Soubise and the Duke of Broglio repaired in part the misfortunes of that day at Sunderkausen and at Lutzelberg, but in 1759, Brunswick, beaten by Broglio at Berghen, beat in turn the Marshal de Contade at Minden. On the latter field the superior genius of Ferdinand proved how truly Frederic had judged him when he chose him for a coadjutor in his astonishing designs. De Contade, contrary to all previous military practice, placed his cavalry in the centre, intending that his strange arrangement should operate to his advantage. Ferdinand's army was greatly inferior in point of numbers, but the steady coolness and bravery of the British and Hanoverian infantry answered his ex- pectations and secured him a triumph. They charged the ranks of the enemy's cavalry; the French, astounded at their daring, attempted to force their lines and gallop over them, but the ranks of bayonets were solid and invulnerable, the aim of the musketry sure, and the fire of the artillery destructive ; they were broken and forced to fly with precipitation. The victory would now have been completed but for the cowardice or treachery of Sackville,the commander of the British cavalry, who absolutely refused to follow up the advantage gained, and thus afforded the enemy time to collect their divided wings and make good their retreat. They lost however eight thousand men and thirty pieces of cannon, and Ferdinand was enabled by his success to recover all that he had lost. While Ferdinand thus kept the French in check, Frederic was, as usual, active in the field. After attempting against the Austrians some operations OPERATIONS OF FREDERIC THE GREAT. 243 which led to no very important result, he marched against the Russians, who were committing the most barbarous devastations, sparing neither women nor children, the young nor the aged. The cities were laid in ashes and the country desolated. Frederic attacked the enemy, who numbered about 60,000, with a band of 37,000, on the field of Zorndorf, near Frankfort, on the Oder. This was one of the most sanguinary battles of the Seven Years' War, the combatants giving no quarter, fighting hand to hand for life or death, after the manner of the ancient Germans. The sight of the ravages committed by the Scythians had roused the Germans to vengeance, and the bodies of thirty thou- sand dead and dying which lay at nightfall on the bloody field proved how desperately the victory had been contested. Nineteen thousand of these were Russians. The enemy abandoned Prussia entirely and retreated into Poland, leaving Frederic at liberty to march to the assistance of his brother Henry, who was hard pressed by the Austrians. In the short space of three quarters of a year, Frederic had gained three great victories over the armies of France, of Austria, and of Rus- sia, and was now at the zenith of his military glory. He was speedily to expe- rience again the opposite extreme of fortune. Count Daun, the commander of the imperialists, was a general of an extremely cautious character ; but he was now united in command with Laudon, the most inventive and enterprising of the Austrians. Frederic relied too fearlessly upon the character of Daun, and was in consequence surprised and beaten at Hochkirch, with the loss of several of his best generals, nine thousand men, one hundred cannon, his camp, and all his baggage. Yet he showed himself as great after this serious loss as before ; Daun found himself baffled in his attempts to follow up his victory, and Frederic, in spite of all his efforts, succeeded in marching into Silesia. Having driven the Austrians from that province, he returned, compelled Daun to raise the sieges of Dresden and Leipsic, and even drove him into Bohemia. He passed the winter at Breslau, writing bad poetry and preparing for a fourth campaign. It proved the most disastrous of the whole war. At its commence- ment, the Austrians filled Saxony and menaced Berlin. The Russians, under Soltikoff', defeated the king's generals on the Oder, threatened Silesia, and effected a junction with Laudon. The most momentous dangers had thus accumulated round him. He saw no other alternative than marching in proper person to check the Russians. Summoning Prince Henry, he intrusted him with the command of the intrenched camp then occupied by the Prussian army at Schmottseifen, and, bidding him farewell, set out in person at the head of a considerable body of troops to attack General Soltikoff", who had intrenched himself strongly at Kunersdorf, on the Oder. The battle was fought on the 12th of August. In the early part of the day Frederic made every thing yield to his skill and the impetuosity of his troops. The lines were forced and half the Russian guns taken. The king sent off" a courier to Berlin to announce a victory, but in the mean time the defeated but stubborn and unbroken Russians had made a stand on an emi- nence where the Jews of Frankfort usually buried their dead. Here the battle 244 THE SEVEN YEARS' W A 1{. PARTING 07 FREDERIC II A. N D PRINCE HBNRT. was renewed, but the Prussians were again and again led to the attack in vain. Frederic headed three charges in person ; two horses were killed under him, and his life was only saved from a bullet which pierced his dress by the inter- vention of his gold snuff-box. The officers of his staff fell all around him, his infantry was driven back with frightful slaughter. The troops were seized with terror, and a terrific charge made by Laudon with his cavalry put the wavering lines to a total rout. Frederic himself escaped with the utmost diffi- culty to a ruined farm-house, where he threw himself on a heap of straw. His second despatch to Berlin was very different from the first: — "Let the royal family leave Berlin. Send the archives to Potsdam. The town may make terms with the enemy." But three thousand of his army remained together; all appeared lost, and the king resolved to end his life with his reign. But the Austrian and Russian generals were mutually jealous of each other, and instead of immediately following up their victory, they lost a few days in loitering and quarrelling, and the days of Frederic were worth the years of common men. OPERATIONS OF FREDERIC THE GEE AT, 245 On the morning after the battle he collected eighteen thousand of his scattered troops, twelve thousand more were quickly added to the number, guns were procured from the neighbouring fortresses, Frederic had again an army, and Berlin once more was safe. Yet he continually received tidings of great cala- mities. One of his generals with a large body of troops was defeated at Maxen, a similar result attended a combat at Meissen, and when winter closed the campaign, the situation of Prussia could hardly have appeared more desperate. The only consolation afforded the king was the success of his favourite, Ferdinand of Brunswick, at Minden, and in the unwavering fidelity of the Prussians. They submitted with patience to the ravages of their merciless enemies, they murmured not when their king debased the coin, the civil func- tionaries went unpaid, they sustained their lives with rye bread and potatoes, and manufactured powder and balls. If a man was able to carry a musket, he shouldered it without reluctance to serve the king, and if he owned a horse he volunteered his services for the gun carriage or the baggage- wagon. Frederic was the idol of his soldiers, the delight and the pride of his people, the admired hero of all Germany. He himself openly thirsted for vengeance, and deter- mined to maintain the struggle so long as the means of sustaining and destroy- ing life remained. In 1760 he determined to protect Saxony himself, while Fouquet was to defend Silesia against the Austrians under Laudon, and the king's brother, Prince Henry, was to maintain Brandenburg against the Rus- sians. Laudon by his immense superiority completely overawed the army under Fouquet, and treated the people of the country with the utmost cruelty and severity. Frederic commanded his general to make an effort to rid them of this scourge, and Fouquet took post at Landshut, where, on the 23d of June, he was attacked by the enemy. He had but 8000 men ; the Austrians 30,000; yet, though attacked and surrounded on all sides, he bravely maintained the contest for eight hours, disputing every inch of ground. His horse was killed by a shot, and fell with his rider ; Fouquet must have been slain by the swords of the enemy but for the heroic self-devotion of his servant, who received in his own body the thrusts intended for his master. The Prussian cavalry cut their way through, but all the infantry were slain or made prisoners. Frederic endeavoured to obliterate this defeat by his own activity and boldness. He deceived Daun by simulated marches, and appeared suddenly before Dresden, one-third of which he reduced to ashes by his vigorous firing before the Austrian general could come to its relief. When that general came up he raised the siege, and marched to Silesia, where, through the treachery of one of his servants, an Italian, Frederic had lost the fortress of Glatz. Laudon had also laid siege to Breslau, but that city was gallantly defended by General Tauenzien until the arrival of Prince Henry. On his march Frederic was accompanied by Daun and General Lasci, one of whom marched on either side of him with an army, constantly fighting with light troops. The king at length reached Liegnitz,but was obliged to stop there, as Daun had formed a junction with Laudon and blocked up the passage to his magazines at Schweidnhz and Breslau. Prince Henry was engaged in watching the Russians on the Oder. x2 246 THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. His enemies were so near him that Frederic was obliged to change his quarters every night. During two years he had experienced continual calamity, but victory now again perched upon his banners. On the night before the 15th of August, he marched with his army to the heights of Puffendorf, leaving his old camp fires burning and some Prussian patrols there on duty. About two o'clock in the morning he w^as awakened by an officer in command of a patrol of hussars, who informed him that the enemy was at hand and scarcely a hun- dred yards from the camp. In a few minutes his officers were in the saddle, his army was drawn up in battle array, and his artillery was pouring destruction on the foe. This was the advance of the Austrian array, w^hich Laudon was leading to the heights of Puffi^ndorf, whence he intended to attack Frederic in the rear on the following day, whilst Daun should engage him on the other side. At daybreak the astonished Austrian found himself opposed to the whole Prussian army, yet he redoubled the ardour of his attack, hoping that Daun would hear the artillery and come to his support. The wund, however, was contrary ; Daun heard nothing. Laudon was defeated with a loss of four thousand killed, six thousand wounded, and eighty-two pieces of artillery. While he hastily retreated to Katzbach, Daun advanced against the king's army, and was received by General Ziethen at the head of the right wing of the Prussians with a very heavy discharge of artillery. As soon as he learned the fate of Laudon's detachment, Daun followed the example of that general. Within three hours after his retreat, Frederic, who now had an open road to his supplies at Breslau, was on the march, the captured cannon placed in the train of his artillery, the prisoners in the centre, and the w^ounded, friends and foes, in the wagons in the rear. The next battle in which the king engaged was that of Torgau, where, after a day of the most horrible carnage, he triumphed over Daun. In this battle, the king staked a great loss against a great gain, and had made up his mind to die should his perilous chance miscarry. By this victory he recon- quered the greater part of Saxony, and fixed his head-quarters for the winter at Leipsic. The fifth year had closed, and the event of the war still hung in the most painful suspense. The enemy had again occupied Berlin, plundered the royal palace, and levied contributions on the inhabitants. In the countries where the war had raged, the misery and exhaustion were more appalling than ever ; but still there were left men and beasts, arms and food, and still Frederic fought on. He struggled with various success but constant glory through the campaign of 1761 ; the result of which on the whole was disastrous to Prussia. The enemy gained no great battle, yet the king was continually more and more hemmed in. Laudon contrived to surprise the strong fortress of Schweidnitz, which gave him the command of half Silesia and the most important defiles in the mountains. In Pomerania, Frederic's generals had been overpoweretl by the Russians. The king himself confesses that he began to look around him in blank despair, unable to imagine where recruits, horses, or provisions were to be found. ACCESSION OF GEORGE III. 247 The great success which had attended the administration of William Pitt in the colonial war with France in America and the East Indies, had made the English people weary of continental connections. But the unflinching minister regarded the continental war as his own war ; he declared that Hanover should be as dear to the English nation as any part of England itself, and that he would never make a peace of Utrecht, never for any object abandon an ally, even in the last extremity of distress. He therefore pushed the operations, of the British arms in every quarter of the globe with the greatest vigour. But the success which everywhere else attended the English standard, made the people still more impatient of the German war ; they complained of the inac- tivity of the navy, and asserted that the French islands in the West Indies, more valuable to them as a commercial people than half the German empire, might have been gained with far less risk and loss than attended the protection of the useless electorate of Hanover. In the midst of ^the dispute, George II. died suddenly, on the twenty-fifth of October, 1760. His grandson, George III., then in his twenty-third year, succeeded to the throne. This event caused a considerable change to take place in the policy of England, Pitt was strongly impressed with the policy of declaring war against Spain, and of supporting with vigour the operations on the continent, but was thwarted in his designs by the opposition of Lord Bute, the favourite of the new monarch. Loudly as the parliament advocated the cause of Frederic, who had been recognised by it under the names of the Great and Invincible, yet Lord Bute, anxious that England should enjoy the advantages of peace, destroyed a new treaty for an alliance between England and Prussia, and stopped the payment of all future subsidies. The death of Ferdinand VI. of Spain and the accession of Charles III. to that throne, was a more important event. The new monarch was inclined to depart from the peaceful policy of his predecessor, and he therefore signed the Family Compact, which bound the two branches of the Bourbon house to afford each other mutual assistance, and prepared to join in the war against England. Ineffectual negotiations were commenced soon after the accession of George III., but with little sincerity on either side. The campaign of 1761 was so languid, however, as to prove that all parties were tired of the war, and nego- tiations for peace were renewed. Spain, though desirous of a breach with England, feared her naval superiority too much to venture upon a maritime war, while she believed the Bourbon alliance to be also superior by land. She therefore attacked England through the side of her ally, the kingdom of Portugal ; but the troops of Joseph the First, aided by 8000 British and bd by the Count de la Lippe, drove the Spaniards from Portugal before the close of the campaign. The French had hoped that the diversion in Portugal would facilitate the progress of their arms in Germany ; but Ferdinand of Brunswick maintained Hanover and recovered the greater part of Hesse, whilst Frederic had again triumphed over the adverse circumstances with which we left him surrounded at the close of the campaign of 1761. Though deprived of his only friend by the retirement of Mr. Pitt, he found another in the Czar Peter III. 248 THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. "WILLIAM STUART, BARL OF BUTK. of Russia, who at this crisis succeeded Elizabeth on the Russian throne. He was a warm admirer and devoted friend of the Prussian hero, and his accession produced an entire revolution in the politics of the North. He released the Prussian prisoners, clothed them and sent them back to their king, absolved from their engagements all those Prussians who had been compelled to swear fealty to Russia, concluded peace on terms favourable to Prussia, and sent fifteen thousand men to reinforce the shattered army of Frederic. The warrior of Brandenburg could once more indulge his thirst for ven- geance. He speedily repaired the losses of the preceding year, reconquered Silesia, defeated Daun at Buckersdorf, invested and retook Schweidnitz, and at the close of the year presented to the forces of Maria Theresa a front as formidable as before the great reverses of 1759. Before the end of the campaign, however, his friend, the Czar Peter III., was deposed by his wife, who usurped the throne with the title of Catharine II. Peter soon after died in prison, a supposed PEACE OF HUBERTS BURG. 249 victim to violence. Catharine determined not to take further part in the war ; she withdrew her troops from Frederic, and remained neutral. Sweden had already concluded peace with Prussia. Bohemia was now invaded by the vic- torious king. Prague saw one division of his army at her gates, destroying her magazines, while the ashes of the unfortunate city of Egra, and the ravaged plains of Franconia and Suabia, bore witness to the zeal with which the other carried on the work of devastation. The princes of the empire hastened to conclude treaties of neutrality, and the war was left to be continued by Prussia and Austria alone. England and France had paired ofT together, and concluded a treaty by which they bound themselves to observe neutrality respecting the German war. Spain and Portugal were parties to this treaty — which was shameful for the French. They surrendered Nova Scotia, Canada and its dependencies, the island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands in the gulf and river of St. Lawrence. England also received or retained the island of Minorca and Fort St. Philip, Senegal in Africa, and the electorate of Hanover. Maria Theresa, not daring to hope that her own power could accomplish what the united forces of the German empire, Russia, and France had not effected, and finding herself menaced on the side of Hungary by the Porte, at length gave up the contest. The peace of Hubertsburg put an end to the Seven Years' War. The statesmen who represented Prussia at that negotiation would cede nothing, the king retained Silesia, which the whole continent in arms had failed to tear from his iron grasp. The war was over. Frederic was safe. He had given an example, unrivalled in history, of what capacity and resolution can effect against the greatest superiority of power and the utmost spite of fortune. After an absence of more than six years he entered Berlin in triumph, amid the loud praises and blessings of his people, who seemed to forget in the delight of victory the miseries which they had suffered from the war. These, however, had been frightful. The capital itself had been more than once plundered ; almost every province had been the seat of merciless war, waged by French and Germans, by hosts of Croatians in Silesia, by tens of thousands of Cossacks in Pomerania and Brandenburg. More than a hundred millions of dollars had been levied by the invaders, and they had destroyed property to a much greater amount. The fields lay uncultivated; the seed corn had been devoured, famine and contagion resulting from it had swept away the flocks and herds, and nearly fifteen thousand houses had been burned to the ground. During the war the population of the kingdom had decreased ten per cent., one-sixth of the males capable of bearing arms had perished on the battle-field. In some districts, none but women were to be found cultivating the soil ; in others the traveller passed shuddering through a succession of deserted villages. The currency had been debased ; the authority of laws and magistrates had been suspended ; the whole social system was deranged. It was hardly to be hoped that a whole age of peace and industry would repair the ruin which these seven years of war, military violence, and anarchy had produced. Yet there was one consolatory circumstance. No debt had been incurred. The burdens of the Vol. III. 32 250 THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. war had been terrible, almost insupportable ; but no arrear was left to embar- rass the finances in time of peace.* This severe and sanguinary war, however, had inculcated several great lessons, to which Europe was indebted for the tranquillity she enjoyed for nearly thirty years after the peace of Hubertsburg. Agitation in public affairs, suspicion, and jealousy, productive of so much hostility among states, were now at an end, and all were sincere in the conviction that the actual condition of affairs would be lasting. Fate had pronounced the decree that, however limited its sphere, the power of Prussia rested upon a sure and solid basis as long as it was guided and governed by united thought and action. An earnest, industrious, and warlike feeling, evinced both by king and people, justice and economy in the administration of affairs, a progressive spirit of research for all that the age brings with it and yields of the really good and noble — such were the means which enabled Frederic and his nation to maintain single-handed the war against the moiety of Europe. At this time, likewise, as on every former occasion when threatened with the danger of vicissitude, Austria indicated that her power was not so easily destroyed, that her rich and beautiful domains, the faithful adherence and co- operation of her inhabitants, their attachment to a mild and paternal govern- ment, nourished within themselves a germ of life, unchangeable and unsurpassed. The Hessians, the Hanoverians, and the troops of Lower Saxony evinced, when fighting against the French invaders, enduring perseverance and courage to such a degree as to add greatly to the glory of the German name. The fame of this war conduced especially to the honour of the Germans generally. The names of Frederic the Great and Ferdinand of Brunswick were proclaimed throughout the world as those of heroes who in the tumult of battle had shown superiority of mind, and had given undeniable proofs of that rapidity of thought which knows how to seize the immediate moment for action. With them was included the brother of the great king. Prince Henry, who appeared to have been united to the royal hero in order that he might repair his faults, and of whom Frederic himself said, "He is the only general throughout the entire war who committed no faults." He was the perfect model of what a prudent and wary general should be, knowing how to keep an enemy of far superior force m constant exercise, while at the same time, by well-laid plans, he adroitly maintained his own ground without exposing his little band to that destruction otherwise so inevitable. Finally in the list of heroic names, those of Ziethen and Seidlitz, who especially distinguished themselves at the head of the cavalry, appeared conspicuous with the rest. The heroic empress, Maria Theresa, who had been entirely indebted to her own mind for the preservation of her fortunes, could point with pride to the achievements of her troops. The conduct of the war had proved the Austrian generals to be unsurpassed in the art of selecting masterly posi- tions for an army, or of choosing the critical, well-timed moment for bring- * Macaulay. PEACE OF HUBERTSBURG. 251 MARIA. THERBSA. ing the guns to work with fatal and unerring effect. She could refer with a feeling of honourable pride to the great names of Brown, Laudon, Nadasti, Lasci, and others, as in after years they recalled the events of the war. But more than all, she could rejoice in the affection and enthusiasm of the nation over which she held sway, and which had preserved her from ruin only by the unshaken fidelity with which it had adhered to her. She had passed safely through the most dangerous vicissitudes, trusting wholly to the loyalty of her peo- ple, who though rude, turbulent, and impatient of tyranny, were faithful and valiant. She had not mistaken the cha- racter of her subjects, nor wanted the means for combatting any enemy, how- ever formidable. France gained but little honour in this war ; her feeble, unsystematic government had already shown that its administration was in the hands of women and their favourites, and hence it languished in mortal throes. One of the greatest French historians* thus suras up the history of the Seven Years' War. The defeat at Rosbach renewed at Crevelt — great reverses, balanced by trifling advantages — the total ruin of the French navy and of the French colo- nies — the English masters of the seas and conquerors of India — the weakness, the humiliation of all Old Europe before Young Prussia — this is the Seven Years' War-. France, nevertheless, did not lose so much by the peace of Paris, which was signed five days previous to that of Hubertsburg, as might have been expected after the success of the English at sea; but this peace was brought about by the not over-sagacious statesman, the Earl of Bute, while Pitt, on the contrary, when presiding at the head of the administration, had in the course of the war made manifest in the most brilliant manner what extra- ordinary energy dwelt in the English nation, and which only waited for the proper motive fb be brought into full operation.! The most striking feature in the history of the Seven Years' War, is the heroism and generalship of Frederick the Great. After maintaining the struggle for six years, his affairs seemed utterly desperate. Maria Theresa was so cer- tain of the crowning success of the next year, that she considered it perfectly advisable to disband 20,000 of her army ; a step rendered in some measure advisable by the extremely exhausted state of her exchequer. Frederic's con- * Michelet. — Modern History. f Kohlrausch. 252 THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. victions were, at that moment, of the same kind; but with the cahnness of intrepidity he looked the future in the face, determined on doing naught which might compromise his own dignity. In his cahnness and elevated composure, he raised his mind above the present, and exahed himself above the petty rela- tions in which he was placed. He commemorated in poetry the heroism of the Emperor Otho, who sacrificed himself to prevent his subjects from being anni- hilated beneath the sword of the conqueror ; he eulogized Cato of Utica, who, as a free Roman citizen, resigned his life rather than submit to be false to himself and grace in chains the triumphant chariot of a tyrant. With such memorials of the past he steeled his resolution to wait the last decisive moment. The war had now terminated gloriously for him, and his undaunted heroism had met its reward.* * Kugler. -.->^'t::s CHAPTER XIII, ^xtm f^oe iPeacf oJ iiasi^ t® t'^s ^vsntfj iEefccIwti^n. HE French nation had suffered most by the Seven Years' War ; the finances had long been in a dis- tressed condition, and the disgraceful luxury of the court required an expenditure which aggravated the national distress. The king was the slave of his appetites and the tool of those who ministered to them ; under their control he sanctioned the most glaring acts of tyranny and rapacity, and connived at the grossest abuses. Each year the expenditure had exceeded the revenue by many millions, and the taxes, which the war had prodigiously augmented, underwent no reduction on the restoration of peace. A general parliamentary effort was made through- out the kingdom to obtain some alleviation of the public burdens, several of the parliaments refused to register the edicts for the continuance of the war- taxes, and others remonstrated in a tone of censure to which the French monarchs had long been unaccustomed. Louis had been obliged to give up the Jesuits to the parliaments, their AT- (253) 254 POPE CLEMENT XIV. deadly enemies. Besides the legislative bodies, the philosophers and the people were all arrayed against this body, by their intolerance, their ambition, and their intrigues. While these parties lay in wait for an opportunity to deal them a fatal blow, it was afforded by the bankruptcy of the Jesuit Lavallette, who failed for several millions. The society was summoned to be answerable for his deficiencies, but refused, and offered nothing more than prayers to the victims of the insolvency. The parliaments thundered forth decrees against the members of the order, who defended themselves feebly. A convention of bishops supported the Jesuits, but the parliament relaxed none of their opposi- tion ; the Duke of Choiseul, the prime-minister, vigorously supported the magistrates, and Louis sacrificed the Jesuit order to his own repose. By an edict issued in 1764, the order was suppressed throughout the kingdom, leave being given the members to reside in France as private individuals. All the Bour- bon courts declared about the same time against this famous society. They were expelled first from Portugal, where several of its members had been accomplices in the assassination of King Joseph, and successively driven from Spain, Naples, and Parma. The total extinction of the order was vehemently solicited at Rome by the Duke de Choiseul. Clement XIII., then pope, refused the desired brief, but it was accorded in 1771 by the famous Ganganelli, otherwise Pope Clement XIV., who thus destroyed the firmest support of the papal pretensions. So exten- sive was this hostility of the Catholic powers to the pontifical jurisdiction, that when Cle- ment XIII. made an effort to support the ancient pretensions of the See, he found him- self opposed to all the Italian states except the kingdom of Sardinia, to the remonstrances of Spain and Portugal, and the active hostility of France. These fatal disputes with the Catholic princes served only to exhibit to con- tempt the imbecility of his spiritual authority, and his designs only exposed himself and his He died in 1769, and it required all the con- ciliatory efforts of his successor to calm the irritation which his injudicious violence had excited among the powers of Europe. Lorenzo Ganganelli, who seated himself in the chair of St. Peter at this critical juncture, was eminently qualified for allaying the ferment which his imprudent predecessor had pro- voked. His wise and moderate conduct soon healed all the divisions of the Roman Catholic Church. Regular but unostentatious in all the exercises of devotion ; simple and unaffected in his manners; intellectual and philosophical in his tastes ; humanity and temperance were the favourite virtues of this cele- brated pontiff. He had cultivated them in the cell of a monastery ; they did POl'E OLBMBNT XIV. OANGA.- N E L I, I . dignity to cruel humiliations. P A L I. 255 not forsake him on his throne ; and they deserve the place which the chisel of Canova has assigned them on his tomb. He proscribed the Jesuits with reluc- tance, not from any affection which he bore them, but from personal apprehen- sion of their vengeance. According to the able historian from whom we have taken the sketch of his character, this solitary weakness hastened him to the grave. After the act of suppression, he was haunted by perpetual fear of poison; his frame sank under the horrors of a diseased imagination, and he died of the effects of terror acting upon a constitution already enfeebled by study and application to business. (A. D. 1774.) He was himself persuaded that he had been poisoned by the Jesuits ; the death of Louis XV., which hap- pened in the same year, was also imputed to them by popular hatred, and the Catholic princes everywhere proscribed them. Two non-Catholic sovereigns, Frederic the Great and Catharine of Russia, were the only ones who offered asylum and protection to the society in their dominions. It is notorious, how- ever, that Louis XV. died of the small-pox, and the charge against the Jesuits of having poisoned Ganganelli, was contradicted by the report of his physicians, and seems to have been wholly groundless.* The Genoese, by their exorbitant treatment of the people of Corsica, had driven them to revolt. Headed by popular leaders, the Corsicans drove their oppressors from the island, and the Genoese had recourse for aid to the Empe- ror Charles VL (A. D. 1730.) The Austrians filled Corsica with flames and bloodshed, but they failed to subdue the stubborn courage of the islanders. The Emperor recalled them, but the Genoese continued, by arms, by negotia- tions, and by perfidy, to recover their authority. The. islanders became more and more exasperated, and the struggle proceeded for many years, until the celebrated Pascal Paoli appeared at the head of his countrymen. He wanted neither courage nor enlightened views to qualify him for his arduous situation. Genoa received aid from France, and afterwards convinced of the hopelessness of recovering the dominion of their revolted colony, ceded their claims of sovereignty to Louis XV. The French monarch accepted the acquisition as an indemnity for immense sums which he had lent to the Genoese, and caused himself to be proclaimed King of Corsica. Paoli fought like a hero against this usurpation, and Louis was obliged to expend much of the blood and trea- sure of his subjects in maintaining it. At the end of two campaigns his troops were driven into the maritime fortresses. But the French were determined to reduce the island, and the debarkation of a powerful army decided the contest. The timid, the wavering, and the disaffected deserted the cause of their country, the Corsicans generally took the oath of allegiance, and when the superiority of his enemies rendered resistance impossible, Paoli retired to England, fol- lowed by the admiration of Europe. Choiseul, finding his influence with Louis XV. declining, sought to strengthen it by effecting a marriage between the king's grandson and heir and Marie Antoinette, daughter of the empress-dowager of Germany. An accidental * Procter. De Bonnechose. 256 RUSSIA AND POLAND. but great destruction of life which happened at the time of the nuptials in Paris, caused the union to be regarded as ill-omened. The minister, however, by involving the king in the quarrels with the parliaments, brought about his own disgrace, and the administration was given to the Duke d'Aiguillon. The king consented to abandon the new forms of jurisdiction which were proposed, and to allow the old courts to resume their functions. This change in the councils was unfortunate and dishonourable. It was well known that the Duke de Choiseul owed his disgrace to the intrigues of Madame du Barri, the king's profligate mistress, and whatever may have been his faults, he certainly would never have permitted the influence of his country to sink so low as it did during the administration of his successor. While France was thus declin- ing, the empire of Russia was ra- pidly acquiring a preponderating influence in Eastern Europe. The Empress Catharine procured the throne of Poland for one of her favourites, Stanislaus Poniatowski, under the title of Stanislaus Au- gustus, (A. D. 1765,) having sent a Russian army to overawe the diet when it assembled to choose a sovereign. From this interference of Russia in the election of a Polish king began the sufferings of Po- land, the greatest, the boldest, and the most terrible violation of the law of nations and the most sacred rights of man, the more revolting from the abuse of the forms of jus- tice and the words of peace. Poland had been agitated by discords between the dissidents, who were in part Protestants, in part Greek churchmen, and the Roman Catholics. The former availed themselves of the influence of Russia, on the ground that they had lost since the death of Sigismund II. their ancient rights, and had been deprived by the diets of 1717 and 1733 of the free exer- cise of their religion. Catharine II. readily exerted herself in their behalf, and caused them to be reinstated in their religious liberty. Religious zeal, national hatred, and party spirit disturbed the peace of the kingdom, the malcontents formed a confederacy in Podolia, and a furious war broke out, in which, after great desolation, the confederates succumbed to the power of the Russians and the king. They fled into the Turkish territory, which was also ravaged by fire and sword. War between the Porte and the Empress was the natural consequence, and hostilities continued for six years, exhibiting unsuccessful valour on the part of the Turks, and formidable power and persevering boldness on that of Russia. (1768 — 1774.) During its *:on OATHA-RINE II. DISMEMBERMENT OF POLAND. 257 tinuance, Stanislaus was forced to join with Catharine against the Turks, ahhough he knew that the sultan, Mustapha III., had taken up arms chiefly to defend the independence of Poland, But the German Emperor, Joseph, began to dread the ambition of Russia, and his mother, Maria Theresa, made over- tures of friendship to her old rival, Frederic, as a counterpoise to the increasing power of the Czarina. Denmark and Sweden, had they been able to withdraw their attention from their internal affairs, would have adopted a similar course of policy. In Denmark, however, the jealousy of his stepmother caused the dethronement of King Christian V., a prince of weak intellect and dissipated habits. He had married Caroline Matilda, a sister of the Queen of England, and that princess, with the aid of Struensee, an adventurer whom she had caused to be made prime-minister, maintained an ascendency over the mind of her husband. Her influence caused jealousy in the breast of the queen-dowager, who had Struen- see and his friend Brandt arrested and put to a cruel death, drove the queen Caroline to Hanover, and usurped the supreme authority. The court of Den- mark, under her administration, was remarkable for its subserviency to that of St. Petersburgh.* Gustavus III. had ascended the Swedish throne on the death of his father, Adolphus Frederic, in 1771. By his vigour and sagacity, he effected a bloodless revolution, which changed Sweden from one of the most limited to one of the most absolute monarchies of Europe. Dread of a counter- revolution, and the necessity of providing some remedy for the distress which prevailed in Sweden, prevented Gustavus from interfering in the affairs of Poland.* Meanwhile the disorder in Poland had reached its height ; the intestine rage of parties was associated with the terror of the Russian and Turkish arms. Stanislaus wished to confer tranquillity and good government on his kingdom, but he could do nothing. He was rather himself exposed to the rage of his enemies. He was seized in Warsaw itself by a band of conspirators, and car- ried off, November 3, 1771 ; his deliverance seemed almost a miracle. At the same time Austria took possession of some districts of Poland bordering on Hungary, on account of some pretensions that had no connection with present relations. These occurrences suggested either to Frederic or to Catharine, perhaps to both, a scheme for accommodating the threatened contest between the rival powers, by dismembering Poland. The first threads of the web of policy in which Poland was involved to its ruin, are unknown. Neither Frederic nor Catharine needed to be instructed how to plunder the defenceless, and neither of them attempted to palliate or disavow their violence. But Austria has sought to escape reproach by adducing, as an apology, the constraint which she had experienced from the two other powers, and the impossibility of preventing the division which was resolved upon otherwise than by a difficult war. Neither Joseph nor his minister, Prince Kaunitz, however, ever having in view the * Taylor. Vol. III. 33 y 2 258 JOHN WILKES. elevation of the Austrian power, needed these grounds to make them accede. While the negotiations about the division were going on, the troops of Austria and Prussia occupied the countries best situated for them, the former " in order to protect those parts of Poland which are connected by the ties of friendship ^vith Hungary on account of ancient relations, from the political storms of the present time," the latter "in order to establish a cordon for the protection of the Prussian dominions against the plague, which was raging in Poland." This occupation w^as accompanied by many brutal acts on the part of the Prussians, while the troops of Catharine conducted with the same fero- city in the provinces which they invaded. The Austrians maintained some discipline, the humanity of the Empress and the policy of the Emperor com- bining to prevent devastation. The three powers quickly came to an agreement about their respective shares in the plunder. In conformity to a convention signed between them at Berlin and St. Petersburgh, 1772, all three powers issued manifestoes, in which they demanded of the King of Poland the cession of certain territories, and designated changes in the interior of the kingdom. Stanislaus resolutely refused, and the grief and indignation of the people produced an energetic expression of opposition at the diet. But the menace of the powers to divide all Poland if their demands were refused, dispirited the resisting, and the king and diet were forced to subscribe to the hard law of the robbers. The cessions altogether amounted to the third part of Poland, and embraced nearly one half its population. The diet was not only obliged to cede these territories, but also to promise to protect the three powers in the possession of them. The constitution of the state also underwent changes according to the despotic order of the foreign potentates. A permanent council of state was established, which was chosen by the nobility, and which was so fettered as to insure its servile devotion to the three powers. The unhappy Stanislaus, reproachecf for calamities he could not avert, retorted on his accusers, attributing the national misfortunes to the bigotry, the factious spirit, and the incessant contentions of the turbulent nobles. Since the accession of the Brunswick family to the throne of England in 1715, the government had been chiefly conducted by the Whig party. Wal- pole, Pelham, Newcastle, and Pitt had all ruled through the support of this great body, who, till a considerable time after the rebellion of 1745, seem to have had the support of the more influential portion of the people. After that period, however, a division appears to have grown up betM^een the government and the people, which broke out in a violent manner under the administration of the Earl of Bute, prime-minister and favourite of George III. That nobleman was driven from the ministry by a storm of abuse raised by his enemies in par- liament and through the newspapers, among the people. (April, 1763.) George Grenville succeeded Bute, and commenced his career by prosecuting John Wilkes, member of parliament for Aylesbury and editor of a paper called the North Briton, for a libel contained in the forty-fifth number of his paper, in which he had directly accused the king of falsehood. The king's messenger JOHN WILKES. 259 arrested him on a general warrant against the editor, printers and publishers of the North Briton, and he was committed to the Tower ; but Chief Justice Pratt first released him on the ground that he was a member of parliament, and afterwards decided that general warrants were inconsistent with the laws of England. Wilkes prosecuted the secretary of state for illegal seizure, and the trial terminated in a verdict of damages. The administration of Grenville is also remarkable for the passage of the celebrated Stamp Act, which gave the first great impetus to the struggle for independence of the colonies in North America. A succeeding Wliig administration repealed the stamp act, but was speedily displaced by a third ministry, in which William Pitt, now created Earl of Chatham, held a conspicuous place. This ministry passed a bill for a duty on teas, glass, and colours imported into the colonies, which also the Americans spiritedly resisted. (A. D. 1767.) In 1768, a new administration was formed under the Duke of Grafton, one of Pitt's pupils. A new parliament being soon after called, Wilkes, who had seen fit to retire to the continent, reap- peared in England, though a sentence of outlawry still stood against him. He ventured to become a candidate for Middlesex, where he was returned to parliament by a large majority. Having pre- viously surrendered to the jurisdiction of the King's Bench, his outlawry was reversed, but he was sentenced to a fine and two years' imprison- ment. He himself made no resistance to the execution of this sentence, but the populace forcibly rescued him from the hands of the officers who had arrested him, and a riot ensued, in which an innocent young man was killed. During his imprisonment, Wilkes was formally expelled the House of Commons, on the pretext that he was disqualified from holding any office by the vote of censure passed by a preceding parliament. This decision created much indignation among all classes of the people, who identified Wilkes with their liberty. The county of Middlesex returned Mr. Wilkes four times, but the House accepted the rival candidate. Colonel Luttrell, notwith- standing he had but one-fourth of the votes. The popularity of the cause of Wilkes was so great as to produce constant tumults, the cry of Wilkes and Liberty resounded on every hand, the municipal bodies and corporations remonstrated with the king on the high hand with which his business was con- ducted, and the agitation was still further increased by the publication of a series of letters, written in a forcible and elegant style, by an unknown author who styled himself Junius, and who animadverted in the most virulent manner on both the men and the measures of government. The administration of the Duke of Grafton was succeeded in 1770 by that of Lord North, the first that was wholly composed of Tories. From this time until the close of the reign of George IV., the affiiirs of state were almost JOHN WILKES. 260 LORD NORTH'S ADMINISTRATION. exclusively in the hands of the Tory party. The agitation which had been excited in the public mind by the supposed injury to the cause of free elections, subsided when the king and his cabinet adopted the resolution to wear out the public fervour by dignified silence, taking no notice of the attacks and remon- strances addressed to them. Lord North was induced by the complaints of the Americans to make many concessions to them, and finally removed all the taxes except that on tea ; but the principle of the right to impose taxes lurked under his concessions, and this it was, and not the taxes themselves, of which they complained. The British government now framed several obnoxious statutes, which imbittered the colonists and led them to open resistance. Force was resorted to by the ministry to compel them to their allegiance, and the war of independence was begun. The details of that war will be found in a subsequent chapter. It is enough here to observe that at the end of seven years, notwithstanding every disadvantage and many defeats, America was triumphant, and her three millions of people were acknowledged as free men by the parent state. During the war, France, Spain, and Holland gave their aid to the Americans against the British, and Russia put herself at the head of what was called an Armed Neutrality, which embraced Denmark, Sweden, Venice, and Portugal, and the policy of which was adopted by the courts of Vienna, Berlin, and Naples. In the year 1779, so great was the force with which Great Britain had to contend, that it required about three hundred thousand armed men, three hundred armed vessels, and twenty millions of pounds annually, merely to protect herself from her enemies. Her naval superiority seemed to have deserted her, and for some time the people beheld the unwonted spectacle of a hostile fleet riding in the channel, which there was no adequate means of opposing. In India also the British power was forced to bend before the arms of the native chieftain, Hyder Ali, and the humiliating treaty which was con- cluded with his son Tippoo greatly diminished the influence heretofore pos- sessed by the English name in the East. Lord North was unwilling to put an end to the war, but in 1782 he found that he had no longer a majority in parliament. He therefore resigned, and a new administration was formed from the Opposition. The new ministers lost no time in taking measures for the restoration of peace, while they vigorously continued the war. The death of the Marquis of Rockingham, however, dis- solved the cabinet, and while the delay which the formation of a new ministry under the Earl of Shelburne occasioned, protracted the negotiations for peace, two signal triumphs shed lustre on the arms of Britain. Admiral Rodney gained a decisive victory over the French fleet under the Count de Grasse, between the islands of Martinique and Guadaloupe. The Spaniards had fought with unexpected power. In America they conquered the English fortresses on the Mississippi, as well as Pensacola and all Florida. (1782.) In Europe they succeeded in conquering Minorca. But all their eflforts against Gibraltar, which the British had held ever since they conquered it in 1704, during the war of the Spanish succession, were fruitless. The valiant commandant, Elliot, repulsed gloriously all the attacks of the combined Spanish and French forces. LONDON RIOTS. 261 At this time he immortalized himself especially, destroying by showers of red- hot balls the floating batteries which the Bourbons had fitted out against him at great expense, and with so strong hope that they believed them invincible. These triumphs in some measure retrieved the national honour, and enabled the British ministers to conclude the war upon tolerable terms. The respect entertained for the English name on the continent had been diminished less by the reverses which attended her arms than by the famous anti-popery riots. In the year 1778, an act had been passed relieving the Roman Catholics in England from some of the severe penal statutes formerly enacted against them. The apprehension of a similar act for Scotland caused the people of that country to form an immense number of associations for the purpose of opposing it and protecting the Protestant religion. The ignorant fanatics who established these institutions stimulated the passions of the mob, and roused immense multitudes to acts of outrage. Several alarming riots occurred in the early part of 1779 at Edinburgh and Glasgow, during which one or two Catholic chapels, and some houses belonging to Catholics, were pillaged and burnt. In England an extensive Protestant association was also formed in order to procure the repeal of the English act ; a body which was chiefly led by Lord George Gordon, a son of the late Duke of Gordon and member of the House of Commons. In June, 1780, an immense mob assembled to escort Lord George to the House of Commons, where he was to present a petition against the act signed by 120,000 persons. His motion for the repeal of the act being rejected by a vast majority, he came out and addressed the crowd in the most violent language, suggesting to them outrages similar to those which had occurred in Scotland. Terrific riots ensued ; during five days the mob had uncontrolled possession of the streets, prisons were broken open, and the Catholic chapels in the metropolis as well as various dwelling-houses were destroyed. The king in counsel determined to authorize the military to put them down by force of arms, and after four hundred were killed and wounded, tranquillity was restored. Many of the ringleaders were convicted and executed ; Lord George Gordon was tried for high-treason, and acquitted on a plea of insanity, which his subsequent life showed to be well founded. The king gained credit for the firmness he had shown in suppressing the outrages, but they alienated the court of Madrid when it was disposed to negotiate, and added Spain to the number of England's enemies. In Germany, after the death of Maria Theresa, Joseph II. strove to effect great changes, to transform ancient into modern institutions, and to devote the great and predominating powder which he possessed towards remodelling the entire condition of his states. He would probably have engaged in the pro- secution of these schemes before the death of his mother, but for the short and unimportant war of the Bavarian succession, a contest between Prussia and Austria, in which Frederic arrayed himself against the Emperor on account of the seizure of two-thirds of Bavaria, at the time of the Elector Maximilian's death. This war being ended in 1779, and Maria Theresa having died in 1780, Joseph was at liberty to bring into execution his great plans. He desired 262 DEATH OF FREDERIC THE GREAT. to give to the various nations under his sway one unique and equal form of government, after a model of his own. But he undertook to effect what was often ahogether unsuited to the genius of his subjects, and encroached upon their dearest privileges. The greatest obstacles thrown in the way of his innovations, however, proceeded from the church, owing to his object of confiscating numerous monasteries, and changing the ecclesiastical constitu- tion. The princes of the empire, too, found themselves attacked in their rights, and did not hesitate to complain loudly ; and when in 1785 Joseph negotiated a treaty for an exchange of territory with the electoral prince pala- tine of Bavaria, by which the whole south of Germany would have come into the possession of Austria, Frederic the Great and the Empress Catharine stepped forward and disconcerted their plans. Frederic then established an alliance of the German princes for the preservation of the imperial constitution. This league was formed in 1785 between Prussia, Saxony, Hanover, the Dukes of Saxony, Brunswick, Mecklenburg, and Deux-Ponts, the Landgrave of Hesse, and several other princes, and they were soon joined by the Elector of Mentz. The alliance, however, produced few important results, owing to the death of the King of Prussia, which happened in Potsdam, August 17, 1786. He con- tinued active and enterprising to the last, in spite of his advanced age, but his condition gradually became more and more isolated, being without a family and having seen all his companions sink before him into the tomb. His mind retained all its power during seventy-four years, though his body was reduced and enfeebled. He left to his successor a well-regulated state, containing a population of six millions of inhabitants ; a powerful, strictly-organized army, and a treasury well provided. The greatest treasure he left, however, was the recollection of his heroic and glorious acts, which will long continue to operate upon his nation with awakening power and heart-stirring influence.* The disadvantageous peace made in 1774 between Russia and the Porte, put a stop to the war for a time, but their arms were scarcely laid aside before the clouds of new hostilities began to gather. The ambitious Joseph concluded an alliance with Catharine, and the cabinets of Austria and Russia united in pressing the Porte with harder demands. An internal revolution in the Crimea gave the Empress Catharine an opportunity of seizing upon that country, which she immediately embraced. The Turks took up arms, the forces of Austria and Russia marched to the frontiers, but the plague broke out in Turkey, and the mediation of France brought about new treaties, whereby Catharine was secured in her unjust acquisitions. (A. D. 1784.) New provocations, how- ever, still kept hatred alive, and finally kindled open war. Considering a con- test inevitable, the Turks determined to get the start of the Empress, and surprised her by declaring war, though they were ill-prepared themselves. The campaigns of 1777 and 1778 passed without remarkable results. The Porte urged Austria to remain neutral, but Joseph, dreaming of brilliant con- quests, remembered only his former alliance with Catharine. The war, how- * Kohlrausch. CATHARINE II. OF RUSSIA. 265 ever, did not produce the results he had anticipated. His fine army suffered considerable losses, both from the Turks, who fought with unexpected courage, and from sickness, and although the Emperor commanded in person, his troops effected nothing, for he was wholly destitute of firmness and presence of mind, the first qualifications for a successful general. He became ill and returned to Vienna, leaving the command of his forces to Laudon, under whose direction affairs were somewhat improved. The Austrians gained several victories, took Belgrade, Turkish Gradiska and Orsova, and conquered parts of Servia and Wallachia. At the same time victory crowned the Russian arms. They reduced, in 1789, Gallacz, Ackierman, and Bender, and, in the following year, Kilianova and Ismail. The latter fortress was stormed and taken by the able and cruel Russian general, Suwarrow. Prussia, Great Britain, and Holland early mani- fested their apprehension at the success of the arms of the two empires ; but Sweden concluded a treaty oi subsidies with the Porte, and, calculating upon a division of forces, boldly attacked her colossal neighbour. Prussia also con- cluded an alliance with the Porte, and her armies began to make hostile move- ments. Austria therefore expressed her willingness to put an end to the war, and, after much delay, a treaty was concluded at Szistowe, August 4, 1791, by which the Emperor obtained Old Orsova and a considerable portion of the neighbouring territory, and the Porte received back Belgrade and the other Austrian conquests. The mighty Catharine II. disdained to receive the law of the powers who interposed their unwelcome mediation. She released herself from her difficul- ties with Sweden by an equitable peace, August, 1790, and continued the bloody war against the Porte with her usual vigour. With all the weakness of her sex, and with a love of pleasure carried to licentiousness, she combined the firmness and talent of a powerful sovereign. Two passions were predomi- nant with her until her death, love and ambition. She was never without her favourite, who, by the manner in which she distinguished him, and by the valuable presents she gave him, was publicly designated as such. She never, however, lost sight of her dignity. She was distinguished for activity, never absent from her cabinet, and never an uninterested listener when there. She was always willing to bear too great a share rather than to neglect any portion of the responsibilities of her government. She wrote a philosophical letter to Voltaire, worked with her ministers, and signed an order to attack the Turks or to occupy Poland, in the same hour. She favoured distinguished authors, particularly those of France, at whose metropolis she had a literary agent. By her attentions to Voltaire, D'Alembert, Diderot, and others, she gained the favour of the literati of Europe, who called her the greatest of rulers, a title to which she was not without claims. She protected commerce, improved the laws, dug canals, and founded towns, hospitals, and colleges. Pallas and others travelled at her expense. She endeavoured to put a stop to the abuses which had crept into the different departments of the government, but was unable to complete her reforms. Civilization advanced slowly in Russia under Vol. III. 34 Z 266 DISMEMBERMENT OF POLAND. her reign, and her anxiety to enlighten her subjects ceased when she began to entertain the idea that the French Revolution had been caused by the progress of enlightenment.* According to her own dictation, she made peace with the Turks at Jassy, January 9, 1792, gaining Oczakow with its territory, and obtaining the Dneister for her boundary. Thus all the wars undertaken against Russia had been so turned by the able management of Catharine as continually to augment the political preponderance of Russia. Her influence in Poland was equal to absolute dominion. When that republic in 1791 wished with the concurrence of Prussia to change its constitution, Catharine took part with the opponents, and concluded a confederation against the form of government adopted by the diet. Prussia abandoned the unfortunate Poles, and in 1793 consented to another partition, by which Russia received 96,500 square miles and 3,000,000 inhabitants, and Prussia 22,500 square miles and 1,136,000 inhabitants. The members of the diet were compelled by the fear of Russian bayonets to acquiesce in this new dismemberment of their country, and the remnant of Poland was placed under the guardianship of Russia. There were patriots in the oppressed country, however, who determined not to give up their national independence without a struggle. These formed a confederacy at Cracow, in March, 1794, and, led on by Kosciusko in the holy contest, they liberated Warsaw and Wilna. The battle of Raclawice, April 4, 1794, and the relief of Warsaw, which was besieged by a Prussian army, September 5th and 6th, 1794, are the most glorious days in the history of Poland. But it was now too late ; Poland, if saved at all, could only be rescued by the sword of Kosciusko. His fall decided the fate of his country. He was overpowered at Macziewice, October 10, defeated, wounded, and taken prisoner by the Russians ; Praga was stormed by the cruel Suwarrow, and all the inhabitants put to the sword. Without fortresses, discipline, allies, or arms, surrounded by enemies, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, the convulsive efforts of national despair were unavailing. In October, 1795, the whole country was divided between Russia, Prussia, and Austria ; the last king was taken to St. Petersburg, w^here he was allowed a pension until his death in 1798, and the Poles retained nothing but wounded feelings of national pride, a bitter hatred of Russians and Germans, and the unaiding pity and cold sympathy of the world. During these occurrences, Catharine could not pay much attention to the troubles of the French. She broke off all connection, however, with the French republic, and actively assi^ed the emigrants and exiles from that country. She also made war upon Persia, and appears to have entertained the project of destroying the English power in Asia, when death put an end to her reign, November 9, 1796. Her old ally, Joseph 11. , had died before the close of the Turkish war. On his return in bad health from his campaign against the Turks, he found his attention drawn to Hungary by a general rebellion in that country, where his * Encyc. Americana. Tooke's Life of Catharine IL JOSEPH II. OF AUSTRIA. 267 measures for the amelioration of the people had been misrepresented and abused. Finding his efforts at reform unsuccessful, he issued from his death- bed an edict, re-establishing the constitution of the kingdom and the adminis- tration of justice on the same footing as at the death of Maria Theresa, with but two exceptions, which prove conclusively the noble, philanthropic spirit which actuated him. These were an edict requiring religious tolerance, and another restricting the rights of lords over their serfs and tenants. This act tranquillized Hungary, but a more serious rebellion broke out in the Nether- lands ; the Belgians aimed at independence, drove out all the Austrian governors, and formed a new constitution. Joseph attempted to reduce them to allegiance, but, worn out with mental and bodily anguish, he breathed his last on the 21st of February, 1790, leaving to his brother, Leopold II., his hereditary states. This prince was soon after chosen to succeed Joseph in the imperial dignity also, and though dissatisfaction, contention, and sedition everywhere abounded, he succeeded by his happy disposition in adopting measures so moderate and conciliatory, as to enable him to steer the vessel of state safely through the tempest. He abolished such of the innovations of Joseph as had proved dangerous, pacified Hungary, tranquillized the Nether- lands, and ended the war with the Turks. He died, however, on the 1st of March, 1792, ending his short reign of two years at the moment of the com- mencement of a new and eventful era in the history of Europe, an era of intrigue, anarchy, and outrage, the events of which we come next to trace. Jt'lGl.ISH COSinMKS OF TUB 'ilUJSS OF yOJCiCJM ANMB,, GJaOKGlC 1 AND '.iEOSGa II. ^^.E-i^-. CHAPTER XIV. ®|ie Jpijiucfj MiefciGiIiiaitien. THE exertions which Louis XIV, made to encourao:e a taste for literature amouo; all classes of the French people, and to cause a general diffusion of knowledge, have justly been classed among the causes of the Revolution. He thereby made the French a thinking people, and gave to intellect an impulse which went on increasing, now quietly and slowly, and again with greater rapidity and show. In the days of the Grand Monarch himself, many spirited writers had begun to enlighten the people. Then came Montesquieu, whose able work '< On the Spirit of Laws," not well understood or appreciated by his contemporaries, was nevertheless valuable for a future generation as a magazine of true political wisdom, and well- examined principles of liberty. Soon after him appeared the schools of Ency- clopedists and Economists, both composed of men of genius and adroitness, who, in one case, combated all errors and prejudices, and sometimes whole- some truths, with all the powers of reason, and, in the other, with noble enthusiasm for public good, were the decided enemies of all injustice and tyranny. They were both, however, influenced by the spirit of system, and were often more fanciful, more brilliant than profound. These societies taught (268) ROUSSEAU AND VOLTAIRE. 269 the nation to judge boldly upon both ecclesiastical and political affairs, and to long for civil as well as religious freedom. Singularly blind to the consequences of these expositions of right and wrong, these free discussions on political subjects, the constituted authorities made no effort to curb inquiries which, general in terms or made with reference to other states, appeared to have no bearing on the tranquillity of the kingdom. They felt secure in the support of the nobles and the army, and though they would have rewarded the author of a direct attack on the monarchy with a place in the Bastile, they took no alarm from general disquisitions ; the young nobility not unfrequently taking part in the discussions. The supreme powers deemed themselves above danger, and slept, securely dreaming of the tranquil- lity of the state, while the people were awaking to active thought on the social contract, on the manners and spirit of nations, on the causes of the evils under which they had so long groaned, and on the nature of the remedy. It was the fashion of the day, even in court circles, to praise the worth and genius of the writings of two men whose powers were wholly given to inflame and pervert the public mind — Voltaire and Rousseau. Heartless, unprincipled, shrewd, and cunning, Voltaire was in all respects fitted for this task. Possessing a universal acquaintance with society, unbounded wit, a manner of reasoning which was marked by brilliancy without depth, he better than any other could denounce the priesthood for avarice and negligence, expose the vices of royalty and nobility, and arouse the people to redress the grievances which the ambition and the wars of their rulers had imposed upon them. It is to be regretted that his sublime and clear spirit wanted the higher consecration which is conferred by virtue alone, that his unrestrained intellect spurned the distinctions between truth and falsehood, and substituted sophistry for sense. The great rival of Voltaire, Rousseau, the lewd and eccentric, equally contributed to hurry on the crisis. By his eloquence he turned the brains of the half of France, and his praise hung in the circles of the court, where he was regarded as the apostle of liberty. In politics he would bring about repub- licanism, in ethics he would introduce universal license into society, subverting the established bases of order, substituting the cant of instinct and sen- sibility for a religious faith grounded on the convictions of reason. It was not by their applause only that the higher classes aided these agents in the w^ork of innovation ; their vices furnished food for sarcasm and declama- tion. The corruptions of the licentious judiciary served to excite popular indignation, and the enormous salaries paid to crown officers who performed no duties contrasted badly with the miserable subsistence obtained by the labouring poor. The peasantry, living in dark, comfortless, unfurnished houses, clothed in rags, and often destitute of food, were the victims besides of the pleasures of the nobility. Destructive game was permitted to roam at large, the preservation of the objects of the chase was made to interfere with the most necessary operations of husbandry, the ordinary transactions of busi- z2 270 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. LOUIS XVI." ness were taxed, the roads were repaired by compulsory services, and the starving people groaned under the pressure of unequalled feudal severity.* The distinctions of caste were rigidly maintained by the clergy ; plebeians, however talented, were rigidly excluded from all dignities, a circumstance which insured the co-operation of the humbler clergy in the commencement of the revolution. No better order pervaded the affairs of the army, and Ihe masses of the military establishment of the country were almost ripe for defec- tion when the commencement of the war for American independence was announced. The enthusiasm which had been inspired by the writings of the " apostles of liberty," was immediately merged into sympathy for those who were shedding their blood for freedom ; the youth of the country burned to wash out the stains left upon the escutcheon of France at the peace of 1763. Lafayette set the example, and it was followed by many Frenchmen of distin- guished families. The king too committed a great mistake in supporting the Americans ; the troops he sent to their aid, mixing with the independent free- men of our country, imbibed their principles ; in that immortal contest they learned patriotic lessons which, on their return to France, they hastened to impart to their countrymen. Louis XVL ascended the throne on the 11th of May, 1774, at the age of twenty. He was characterized by purity of manners and generous intentions, but wanted resolution and perseverance. He found the finances disordered, * iShoberl. MAUREP AS, TURCOT, AND NECKER. 271 the authority of the crown despised, the people impatient of abuses and clamor- ous for an extension of their privileges, and the classes already privileged determinedly opposed to reform. By selecting as his adviser the aged Maure- pas, Louis only added to the difficulties of his position, for the minister was not on good terms with the queen, who was a young, lively, and amiable Aus- trian princess, and who possessed a complete ascendency over her husband. Already the king commenced vacillating, giving way now to Maurepas and again to the queen. The minister recalled the old parliaments, but failed to make them subservient to purposes of useful reform. The public voice greatly applauded Turgot; and Maurepas admitted him to the council, and placed the finances under his control. In the following year, the council was opened to Malesherbes, who seconded Turgot in his operations, and to whom was con- fided the charge of all lettres de cachet^ or mandates issued for the apprehension of suspected individuals. Louis himself had made some reforms when he ascended the throne, and Turgot resolved to proceed further in the good work. He sought the happiness of the people, and devoted himself to the suppression of servitude and of exclusive privileges, Malesherbes said of him that he had the head of Bacon and the heart of L'Hopital. He determined to make the nobles contribute to the taxes in the same proportion as the tiers etat, the third branch or commonalty of the French estates, and sought by means of provincial assemblies to accustom the nation to the discussion of the public interests, and prepare it for the return of the states-general. He combined with the aid of Malesherbes a system of administration that would have restored unanimity to France, by the destruction of all abuses ; and promulgated, in this spirit, edicts which replaced the forced services performed by the peasant or tenant on the highways by a contribution equally levied upon all ; proclaimed a free trade in grain, and abolished commercial wardenships and corporations. The privileged bodies at once broke out into murmurs and complaints ; the parliaments refused to register these wise edicts, and a Bed of Justice became necessary to compel them. The philosophers and economists however triumphed ; but a powerful league was formed at court, under the auspices of the queen, against the reforming ministers. Maurepas, jealous of the popularity of Turgot and his ascendency over the king, entered into the league, and alarmed the king by representations of the dangerous tendency of the new system. Malesherbes noticing a revolution at work in the mind of the monarch, resigned, but the brave Turgot resolutely awaited his disgrace. Louis had said of him, " Turgot and I are the only ones who truly love the people," yet he dismissed him. Clugny, and after him Taboureau, replaced in turn that great minister, with equal ill-success. In 1777, the finances fell under the control of Necker, a Genoese banker, a man of strict integrity and high capacity. He took probity and good faith for the basis of his system, and so high was the opinion formed of him by the capitalists, that he possessed the entire confidence of those who could lend money to the government. He put the country in a condition to support the war in which the king engaged in support of the Americans, a war which 272 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. exercised a great influence on the destinies of France by accelerating the intel- lectual movement, and advancing the progress of liberal ideas. During this war the majority of the French ministry was composed of men remarkable for their worth and talents ; M. de Vergennes made the nation respected abroad, De Segur and De Castries pushed the war with great activity, and the great genius of Necker furnished the means of carrying it on. The budget of this minister, produced in the month of January, 1781, exhibited for the first time an excess of ten millions in the receipts over the expenditure. It created a profound sensation, and the public hailed it with a degree of approbation that inspired old Maurepas with jealousy. He found himself forgotten in the chorus of praise offered to a minister whom he looked upon as his creature, and pointed out to the king a lurking danger in the public discussion of the acts of his government, excited by the financial statement of Necker. From that moment, all this statesman's plans were received with disfavour ; the council opposed them, and the privileged classes struggled against his useful reforms. He still, however, by the sole authority of his own great name, contrived to complete two loans, amounting together to ninety millions. But he speedily felt that the confidence of the sovereign was withdrawn from him, and he gave in his resignation, which was accepted May 23, 1781. He left funds enough in the treasury to complete the decisive campaign of that year, and his retire- ment was mourned as a public calamity.* The Dutch stadtholder had become a monarch in all but the name, and the success of the Americans in establishing an independent government induced many of the inhabitants of the Netherlands to aim at the restoration of their old republican constitution. The French, who were greatly indebted to the repub- lican party, seconded their designs, but Frederic William of Prussia and the ambassadors of England resolved to support the Prince of Orange. An insult offered to the Princess of Orange, who was the sister of the King of Prussia, brought matters to a crisis, the French abandoned the republicans, and the stadtholder was restored to all his original authority. The disordered state of the finances was the cause of this desertion of their party by the ministers of Louis ; Maurepas had died shortly after the resignation of Necker, and the popular ministers were succeeded by ministerial courtiers. The system of the administration was changed, reforms were abandoned, and abuses and disorders revived. Joly de Fleury and D'Ormesson had in turn succeeded Necker, but the finances grew more and more disordered ; and Calonne was called to direct them, by the unwise partiality of the queen. This brilliant and eloquent man, reinarkable alike for levity of mind and daring of character, pursued a system directly the reverse of that of Necker. Having exhausted the expedient of loans, and finding the expenditure exceed the income by an enormous amount, the minister was obliged to resort to taxation ; but the privileged classes refused all sacrifice, and the people were exhausted. Calonne therefore summoned an assembly of notables, A. D. 1787, hoping that * Bonnechose. CALONNE AND BRIENNE. 273 such an assembly, chosen by government from among the upper classes, would prove more tractable than the parliaments or states-general. The assembly was composed of distinguished members of the nobility, clergy, and magistracy, the chief popular gentry and philosophers, a composition by means of which Calonne flattered himself he should be able to carry his point. He charged the embarrassment of the exchequer upon Necker, who brilliantly defended himself, and demonstrated the inadequacy of the proposed measures to remedy the decline of public credit. When it became known that in a few years the Joans had amounted to one thousand six hundred and forty millions, and that there was a deficit in the revenue of one hundred and forty-six millions, there arose a universal outcry, and Calonne resigned his place and quitted the kingdom. The king refused to reinstate Necker, but gave the charge of the state to Lomt-nie de Brienne, Archbishop of Sens, a man of weak character but not destitute of boldness. He had been the opponent of Calonne, but now adhered mainly to the measures of that minister. The notables proved very intractable, however, consenting to a few of the proposed measures and then separating. Deprived of their support, Brienne proposed a stamp duty and a tax of eighty millions. These edicts the parliaments refused to register ; and though it had before assumed the right to sanction taxes, it now admitted that it had not the power to grant imposts, but that the states-general alone could establish them. The registration was, however, peremptorily commanded in a Bed of Justice held at Versailles ; and in the same session the enjoyment of their ancient rights was restored to the Protestants ; and Louis XVI. promised the annual publica- tion of a financial statement, and the convocation of the states-general within five years. The magistrates, on their return to Paris, protested against the violence which had been done to them, and the edicts remained unexecuted. The parliament was exiled to Troyes on the 15th of August, but an apparent reconciliation was effected, and it was recalled in little more than a month. It was expected that they would give their assent to an edict authorizing the creation of gradual and successive taxes to the amount of four hundred and forty millions, which the premier proposed, and which the king, appearing at the session in person, demanded. But the parliament protested against it, the counsellors Freteau and Sabatier and the Duke of Orleans setting the example. They were exiled, but the parliament protested against leltres de cachet and demanded the recall of its members. Under these circumstances Brienne determined to destroy the political authority of the magistracy ; but his scheme was betrayed to the parliament before his preparations were completed, and read to the indignant magistrates. They demanded the regular convocation of the states-general, protested against arbitrary arrests, and asserted their own inviolability. Brienne immediately obtained the king's order for the arrest of D'Epremenil and Montsabert, two of the magistrates whose opposition was the most violent. On the 5th of May the captain of the guard presented himself before the parliament, and claimed them in the king's name. The members exclaimed, "We are all Montsaberts Vjl. III. 35 274 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. and D'Epremenils ;" but these two counsellors, to avoid compromising their colleagues, rose and avowed themselves. The tumult was at its height, the populace accompanying the magistrates and hailing them with shouts of applause. Three days afterwards the king in a Bed of Justice caused the edicts to be registered, abrogating entirely the constitution of the parliaments, restricting the jurisdiction and number of them, instituting sovereign courts of justice, instead of the suppressed parliaments, and transmitting, in fine, all the political rights exercised until then by these bodies, particularly that of register- ing the royal ordinances, to a plenary court, (cour pleni^re,) which was to consist of the princes of the blood, the peers, and a number of the first func- tionaries of state. The public mind, however, was inflamed, the chatelet issued a decree against the edicts, the parliament of Rennes declared all who should belong to the plenary court infamous, sanguinary riots broke out in Dauphiny, Brittany, Provence, Flanders, Languedoc, and Beam, and the provincial states and all orders of the kingdom declared against the minister. Annoyed by the higher orders, the court resolved to summon the tiers etat to its aid, and then urged the convocation of the states-general. It ordered investigations respecting the mode of their assembling, it called upon writers and learned bodies to give their opinions, and whilst the assembled clergy declared that a speedy convo- cation was desirable, the court, accepting the challenge, suspended at the same time the meeting of the plenary court, and fixed the opening of the states- general for the 1st of May, 1789. Brienne then retired from the ministry, leaving the exchequer in distress, the payment of the rentes of the Hotel deVille suspended, all the authorities in hostility, all the provinces in arms. He retired to Rome, after advising the king to recall Necker to his councils. The ajdvice was followed ; Necker re- turned to the administration, and the people broke out into savage expressions of joy. Necker commanded the confidence of the public as before, and was able to raise sufficient funds to carry on the government until the meeting of the states-general. On the 27th of September the parliament registered the edict by which they were convoked, and decided that the same forms should be observed on the convocation which had been followed at their last meeting, in 1614. At this period the number of deputies was equal in each order. Their deliberations were separately conducted by individual vote in different chambers, in which the clergy, the nobles, and the tiers Uat respectively assem- bled. The three estates then met in common, to deliberate together and vote by their collective orders. The result of the votes so managed was always, of necessity, favourable to the privileged orders. But Necker designed to make the latter contribute to the expenses of the state in proportion to their fortunes ; and to this end it was necessary that the number of the third estate should be doubled and the definitive resolutions taken by individual vote. The popular opinion was almost unanimously in favour of this change, and as the parlia- ment had shown itself opposed to it by the vote of September 27, it lost much of the favour with which it had been regarded by the public. WTaile the court FIRST DAY OF THE REVOLUTION. 275 was thus revenged upon the parliament, it was in great doubt which side of the question to embrace. Meanwhile a multitude of pamphlets, among others one by the Abbe Sieyes, entitled " What is the third estate V heightened the agita- tion of the public mind. At length the king convened the second assembly of notables, and submitted to them the question as to the convocation of the states-general. The majority of the notables voted that an equal number of representatives should be sent by the respective classes. Necker disputed this decision, and at his suggestion the king promulgated on the 27th of December a declaration called "The Result of the Council," in which it was decided that the deputies to the tiers etat should equal in number the deputies of the two other orders combined, but left unsettled the mode of voting. From that day the Revolution commenced. The tiers Hat felt its own strength, reckoned reasonably on the defection of a portion of the nobles and clergy, and saw clearly that it would be master of the forms of deliberation. The philosophers of the age had chiefly contributed to this result. The most illustrious of them were dead, but their school still flourished, and, while labouring unceasingly at the destruction of abuses and privileges, it sapped the monument of ancient institutions. Literature, the sciences, the arts, the drama, all numbered many celebrated names ; among them some of the greatest bene- factors of humanity. The professors of literature, science, and philosophy were admitted to the society of the great ; the great laboured to become adepts in all the walks of knowledge. At no period had the manners of the higher and enlightened classes been more refined. French politesse, so vaunted throughout Europe, then made the great charm of social life, and had attained a noble and graceful perfection. But, all this time, a gulf was forming, dug by the vices of the government and the deficit in the treasury, beneath the feet of that brilliant society. Behind it pressed a middle class, humiliated and dis- contented, whose voice was not loud enough to drown the deep murmur of a multitude stagnating in ignorance and misery. From that direction soon came the storm ; a furious whirlwind shook the edifice already mined to its founda- tions; and the whole disappeared before the irresistible breath of the popular tempest. On the 5th of May, 1789, the first day of the Revolution, the states-general assembled at Versailles, the three estates numbering respectively as follows : — the clergy 293, the nobles 270, and the commons 565, two more than the others united. The deputies were introduced and arranged according to the order established in the last convocation, in 1614. The clergy sat on the right, the nobles on the left, the commons in front of the throne. The entry of the popular leaders was followed by loud applause from a brilliant assembly of spectators in the galleries, Necker being particularly distinguished. Last of all the king came, and placed himself on the throne amid the loudest applause, whilst at the same time the three orders arose and covered themselves. In the olden time, the third estate remained uncovered, and spoke only on their knees; this first aspiring movement was ominous of the subsequent conduct of that body. But 1789 was not 1614; two centuries had intervened. 276 THEFRENCHREVOLUTION. The first and most important question to be settled was whether the votes should be taken individually or by orders. In the latter case the deputies of the tiers elat would lose the advantage which their number gave them. The court and the majority of the nobles and clergy attached the utmost importance to procuring a decision that the votes should be taken by orders on all political questions. But many popular dissentients were included among the nobility and the clergy. The portion inclined towards the opinions of the deputies of the third estate, displayed on the present occasion immovable patience and unshaken firmness. For nearly two months aflfairs stood in this position, the commons insisting that the three orders should sit and vote together, and the majority of the nobles and clergy resisting; all in the face of the mob of Paris and the people of France. The king and his council could not make up their minds upon the matter. The inner cabinet, in which the queen and the princes of the blood held sway, was for resisting the pretensions of the third estate, and, relying upon the army, would have dismissed the states-general as soon as they had granted a few taxes. Necker and the ostensible ministers were inclined to compromise with the tiers etat while their power was not yet proved by experience, nor their pretensions raised by victory. The premier also informed Louis that he did not think the army could be relied on ; and that he ought to make up his mind to reign hereafter under a constitution like that of England. Fierce disputes and endless consultations ensued, and though, three weeks after the opening of the legislature, Necker had obtained the assent of the king and queen to a declaration which would have been acceptable to the popular party, yet the influence of the royal consort was exerted to have its promulgation postponed, and a whole month was wasted in idle discussion. Meanwhile nearly one half the nobles and clergy had joined the deputies of the commons, and the tiers ifat, by the advice of the Abbe Sieyes, consti- tuted themselves, June 17, a National Assembly, an important resolution, which was immediately followed by acts of supremacy. They proclaimed the indivisibility of the legislative power, voted the provisional levy of taxes so long as they should be sitting, and their entire cessation in case they should be dissolved, consolidated the public debt, and appointed a committee of supply. They acquired by these acts an ascendency which alarmed the minds of the dominant party of the court, under whose influence Louis announced his inten- tion to hold a royal sitting, for the purpose of interposing his power, annulling the decrees of the assembly, and prescribing the reforms which should be under- taken by the states-general. Under pretext of the preparations required for the occasion, the hall of the states was meantime closed. When, on the 20th of June, the commons presented themselves at the hall of its sittings, they found it closed. The de- signs of the court were no longer doubtful, and the indignant deputies resolved to thwart their execution. They repaired to the tennis court at Versailles, and there, despite of the will of the king and the dangers which menaced them, the deputies of the nation bound themselves to accomplish the reform by a solemn oath. By this the members bound themselves never to separate, and to meet OATH OF THE TENNIS COURT. 277 REPLY OF MISABEAU TO THE MAHi^nlsi DE BREZB. wherever circumstances should require, until the constitution of the kingdom and the regeneration of the public order should be established and consolidated upon firm foundations. The modest and firm Bailly, president of the assembly, read the oath in the presence of an immense crowd of spectators ; all arms were raised towardsheaven, and the united deputies, in tones which were heard above the thundering applause of those around, responded, "We swear it." This step was followed by an important accession of strength. On the 22d, finding that the princes had hired the tennis court for the purpose of excluding them, they met in the church of St. Louis, where 148 of the clergy came to participate in their patriotic deeds and share their dangers. They were received with trans- ports of joy by the commons, who thus acquired a decided preponderance. The royal session was held on the 23d of June, Necker, full of fear and sorrow, excusing himself from being present. The king, who was surrounded by his guards, made some concessions, but announced his pleasure that the three estates should meet and vote in their separate chambers as they had done in 1614, and threatened them with vengeance if they resisted. The members of the nobility and clergy who were present obeyed as soon as the king had departed, but the commons retained their seats. The chancellor ordered the 2A 278 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. deputies to withdraw to their separate chamber. Mirabeau rose and said, '< Gentlemen, I admit the concessions made by the king would be sufficient for the public good if the presents of despotism were not always dangerous. What is the insolent dictatorship to which you are subjected? Is this display of arms, this violation of the national sanctuary the fitting accompaniment of a boon to the people ? Who prescribes these rules ? Your mandatory, he who should receive your commands instead of giving them to you. The liberty of deliberation is destroyed, a military force surrounds the Assembly. I propose that, proceeding with becoming dignity, you act up to your oath, and refuse to separate until you have completed the constitution." Then turning to the master of the ceremonies, the Marquis de Breze, who awaited the result of his command to the Assembly to leave the hall, he said, " Tell your master that we are here by the order of the people, and that we will not be expelled but at the point of the bayonet." Then Sieyes, addressing his colleagues, coolly said, "You are to-day what you were yesterday. Let us enter upon our deliberations." The Assembly persisted in its resolutions ; and on the motion of Mirabeau, added one asserting the inviolability of its members. The ma- jority of the members of the clergy sat again in the assembly, on its next meet- ing, forty-seven of the nobility, including the Duke of Orleans, soon after imitated the example, and on the 27th of June the three orders united, the deliberations became general, the nobles and clergy were lost in the overwhelm- ing majority of their opponents, and to say all in a word, the royal authority was lost. The counsellors of Louis XVL now persuaded him to have recourse to force ; great numbers of troops were collected round Versailles, Necker was dismissed, and unpopular ministers appointed. The approach of the troops and the exile of Necker produced a fermentation in Paris ; a young man zealous for freedom, Camille Desmoulins, harangued the populace ; the busts of Necker and the Duke of Orleans were paraded through Paris ; the colonel of the royal German corps attempted to charge the mob, but desisted when he found the French guards take the part of the people ; and the tumult and disorder became universal. The barriers were fired and many houses pillaged, and the greatest evils were only averted by the firm, active, and prudent conduct of the electors. The National Assembly, having vainly attempted a reconcilia- tion with the court party, took the direction of the government into its own possession, and declared itself permanent. The Archbishop of Vienne pre- sided over it, and Lafayette was elected Vice-President. The populace of Paris, inflamed by the hostile attitude of the court and the energetic proceedings of the Assembly, determined to pursue its advantages, and demanded arms. The committee of electors sitting at the Hotel d5 Ville organized the National Guard, which they increased to forty-eight thousand men, giving them the tri-coloured cockade, its colours being those of the arms of the city of Paris. Each district had its battalion. Fifty thousand pikes were forged, the arsenal of the Invalids was pillaged, and the universal cry of the populace was " To the Bastile!" The siege of that fortress was undertaken; CAPTURE OF THE BASTILE. 279 CAPTURE OP THE BASl'ILE. and the French guards, coming with cannon to the aid of the people, decided its capture. (July 14, 1789.) The weak garrison laid down their arms, but the governor, Delaunay, and several of his soldiers were unable to escape from the fury of the multitude. They were put to death, and the populace returned in triumph to the Hotel de Ville, bearing the bloody trophies of their victoiy. A letter found on Delaunay involved M. de Flesselles, Mayor of Paris, in a charge of treason. The first impulse of the populace was to massacre him, but they subsequently ordered that he should be arraigned before them. He was 280 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. assassinated, however, by a pistol-shot. The popular effervescence was at its height ; Paris prepared herself for a battle, and the entire city wore the aspect of one vast camp. The king, infatuated by the reports transmitted by his military commanders, and surrounded by an impetuous and inconsiderate nobility, saw in this movement of the metropolis nothing more than a mere riot. He proposed to dissolve the Assembly, and to restore tranquillity by causing the Marshal Broglio to move on the capital with an overwhelming military force. The firing of the cannon at the Bastile was distinctly heard by him at Versailles, and as he scorned the idea that the fortress could be captured, he regarded this attack upon it as a sign that the irresolution of the troops was at an end. But in the night intelligence was received at Versailles of the true state of affairs ; that the Bastile was taken ; Paris in insurrection ; the Guards siding with the enemies of the court, and the regiments of the line sullen and inactive. The assembly, which had constantly sat for the two preceding days, was violently agitated by the news from Paris ; it w-as proposed to send a deputation to the king to urge him to remove the troops from the city. " No," said Clermont Tonnere, " let us leave them this night to take counsel ; it is well that kings, like private men, should learn by experience." The Duke de Liancourt took upon himself the painful duty of acquainting the king with the events which had occurred, and proceeded in the middle of the night to his chamber for that purpose. <ij(t®rg ui ^oioniiati®: OLUMBUS'S voyages and the previous ones of the Northmen to America have already been noticed. A double discovery closed the history of adventure in the fifteenth century ; the discovery of a new world and a new route to India. Between the years 1508 and 1510, Hayti, Cuba, and Jamaica were conquered and colonized by the Spaniards, who worked the mines and tilled the soil by the compulsory labour of j'^fe the natives, who sank under the hardships to which 1^3 ^"^ they were subjected, and, by dying, diminished their ^d*^ ^j^3^ Q^^ numbers and the profits of their masters. The natives being found inadequate to undergo the exhausting labours imposed upon them, their taskmasters were obliged to seek servants elsewhere, and hence originated the African slave-trade. More important conquests were opened by the intrepidity of Balboa, who had founded a small settlement on the isthmus of Darien. Fernando Cortez, a commander possessing great skill and bravery, but exceedingly bigoted and unscrupulous, sailed with an armament from Cuba to the harbour of San Juan de Ulloa, which he entered on the 2d of (351) 352 HISTORY OF COLONIZATION. April. 1519. Montezuma, chief of the Aztecans, a tribe which had emigrated from a country north of California, had extended the Aztec dominions on one side to the Pacific, on the other to the Gulf of Mexico ; but it must be stated that many tribes within this tract yielded a reluctant obedience, while some others retained their independence. Cortez with his forces, numbering in all 700 men, was met at Vera Cruz by ambassadors from Montezuma the younger, sent to command him to withdraw from the country. The Spanish leader refused to return until he had communicated with the Emperor in person, and proceeded at once to the capital. Having here got possession of the person of Montezuma, Cortez attempted, by using him as a tool, to effect the subjugation of the empire. But the inhabitants rose against the invaders; in a battle against them fought in the city of Mexico, Montezuma was placed in the ranks of the Spaniards and killed by his own subjects. Cortez, however, was compelled to evacuate the city and retreat to Tlascala. Here he reorganized his forces, took into his service a large body of friendly Indians, built brigantines to be employed in the navigation of the lake Tezcuco, and again pushed forward to the city. It was captured after a siege of seventy-five days, and its fate decided that of the empire. Province after province submitted to the Spaniards, whose power was soon extended over the whole realm of the Montezumas. Cortez, on his return to Spain, was received at first with honours and rewards, but his court favour soon declined, and the office of Captain-General of Mexico was refused him. He engaged in various adventures suited to his ardent and deter- mined spirit, and died at Seville, 1553. Mexico became a subordinate kingdom, governed by a Spanish viceroy, with powers nearly equal to those of the sovereign ; Spaniards received the preference in all offices of trust and profit ; the natives being in fact excluded from all civil and ecclesiastical appointments. Native manufactures and agri- cultural productions were discouraged, to benefit those belonging to the mother country, and all church officers were made dependent on the king and not on the pope. Under this execrable system, Mexico remained a blank for three centuries in the history of nations, and was known only by its produce of the precious metals. But the news of the abdication of Charles VI. of Spain, in 1808, gave a shock to the royal authority from which it never recovered. The natives and coloured population asserted their claim to the rights of freemen, which was opposed to the audiencia or Mexican court of final appeal. An open insurrection against the European authorities broke out in 1810, headed by Hidalgo and Morelos, two priests of New Spain. A national congress was assembled in 1813, the independence of Mexico was declared, and a san- guinary guerilla warfare was commenced. At length, in 1821, Iturbide, here- tofore a royalist, declared suddenly in favour of the patriots, and published the celebrated Manifesto of Iguala, in favour of a constitutional monarchy. His cause became popular ; the enthusiastic support of the nation enabled him to put down completely the Spanish government and form a national congress. That body made him Emperor of Mexico, under the title of Augustin I. By using military force to dissolve the congress he excited opposition among the REPUBLICS OF SOUTH AMERICA. 353 people, who compelled him to abdicate the throne. He was suffered to leave the country and allowed an annual pension of j65000 for his past services, but was decreed an outlaw in case of his return. He did return, however, clandes- tinely, was discovered, arrested, and executed. The congress was reassembled on the expulsion of Iturbide, and a govern- ment was modelled on that of the United States, but the hopes then formed of its stability have proved fallacious ; repeated attempts at revolution have ever since convulsed the country. The parties in the struggle for independence were known as imperialists and republicans ; these became merged into the factions of centralists and federalists ; the former advocating a single superin- tending government, the latter that of the independent government of states, federally connected. This struggle between the rival parties has continued nearly twenty years, and has been a fruitful source of insurrection. Texas declared herself independent of the confederacy, and commenced a struggle for a national existence in the year 1835. The contest was decided with the overthrow by General Houston of the Mexican president Santa Anna, at the famous battle of San Jacinto, April 21st, 1836. There can scarcely be said to be any regular government in Mexico : one military leader or popular dema- gogue holds sway to-day ; the successful revolt of another may dash all his prospects to-morrow. The bonds of society are all loosened, property insecure, and life not safe from assassination and violence. The annexation of Texas to the United States in 1845 led to an unfortunate war between the latter power and Mexico, which absurdly claimed sovereignty over the territory of Texas ; and Mexico, as it exists at present, affords one of the most melancholy exam- ples that modern history has presented of an extensive, fertile, and well-situated region being reduced through anarchy and misgovernment to a state bordering on barbarism.* The discovery of a passage round Cape Horn by Magellan, and the esta- blishment of a colony at Panama, after Balboa had discovered the nature of the isthmus, incited the Spanish adventurers to undertake new conquests. That 01 Peru was planned and executed, A. D. 1531, by Pizarro, one of the most enterprising men that ever visited the new world. By a deliberate massacre of the unoffending and hospitable people he possessed himself of the person of the Inca Atahualpa, who was sentenced to death after having paid an enormous ransom. The perfidious invaders, however, quarrelled over the spoils, the Peruvians made repeated insurrections, and the kingdom was almost lost. Pi- zarro fell by the handof Almagro, a Spaniard, whose father he had put to death, and great confusion arose from this crime. It was not till a quarter of a cen- tury had elapsed that the royal authority was firmly established in Peru. The government there established was far more iniquitous and oppressive than that of Mexico, the mines being worked by a horrid and fatal system of conscription. In 1540 the Spaniards, under Valdivia, added Chili to their possessions in Peru. The revolution which separated Peru and Chili from Spain broke out in * M'Culloch. Taylor. Vol. III. 45 2 g 2 354 HISTORY OF COLONIZATION. 1810. It resembled the war of independence in Mexico in its general feature, and was finally completed at the surrender of the last Spanish garrison, at Cal- lao, February 26, 1826. The chief agent in the liberation of the Spanish pro- vinces of South America was Simon Bolivar, in honour of whom Upper Peru was erected into an independent nation, with the title of Bolivia. In Lower Peru the Bolivian constitution was unpopular, and Peru and Colombia were soon separated from Bolivia. The latter state is the only one of the three which has profited by its liberation ; the others have been involved in per- petually recurring vicissitudes. The states of the Rio de la Plata, long dependent on Peru, had separated themselves from the Peruvians at the close of the revolution, on account of differences in language, manners, and habits, and had formed themselves into the Argentine republic. In 1827 a war broke out between the republic and Brazil, in regard to the possession of Uruguay, which was erected into an independent state in 1828. More recently the republic of La Plata has been involved in difficulties with Bolivia and France, whilst she is torn by internal dissensions. It needs but a few years of repose to develop the abundant natural resources of La Plata, and cause her to become a flourishing country, but her accumulated difficulties appear likely long to retard the march of her prosperity. The first discovery of Brazil was probably made on the 26th of January, 1500, by the Spaniards under Pinzon, the companion of Columbus ; but owing to disputes between Spain and Portugal regarding its possession, it was not settled until 1549, when a Portuguese expedition founded St. Salvador. Various towns sprung up along the shore, and notwithstanding the hostilities of the French, Dutch, and Spaniards, the colony advanced steadily until it was brought under the Spanish dominion by the union of Portugal with Spain, 1580. This dominion was terminated in 1640 by the revolution which placed the house of Braganza on the throne of Portugal. Brazil, by her wealth and resources, enabled the abject and impoverished mother couniry to maintain an independent existence. In 1808 the prince-regent of Portugal, John VI., and his court came to Brazil, which then ceased to be treated as a colony ; it was raised to the dignity of a nation, and the process of amelioration in its financial and commercial condition was rapid. The Portuguese revolution of 1820 operated beneficially in Brazil, where the movement was consummated in 1822 by the dissolution of the ties which bound the colony to Portugal. Don Pedro, the crown prince of Portugal, by favouring the revolutionists, was declared Emperor of the free and independent state of Brazil, but difficuhies arose and he abdicated in favour of his son, a minor in 1831, whose rights have hitherto been preserved, and internal tranquillity has been successfully maintained. At present Brazil appears to have a fair prospect of advancing rapidly in social prosperity and political importance. Parao-uay was first brought under European control by Jesuit missionaries, who were so successful in making converts, that they in a short time became masters of the country. They endeavoured to perpetuate their dominion by excluding all foreigners from the country, and infused a jealousy of strangejs ENGLISH COLONIES. 355 into the natives. After the Jesuits were expelled, 1768, the fabric they had constructed fell to pieces, and Paraguay was almost unnoticed until it entered into the revolutionary movement of the South American states ; in 1813 it was declared a republic under two consuls, and in the following year Dr. P>ancia, the second consul, got himself made sole dictator for three years, and at the expiration of that time for life. The government is an anomaly in the present times. Dr. Francia enacted the part of Sylla at ancient Rome ; he was the commander-in-chief, the head of the church, of the laws, and of every branch of the administration : his caprice was the law of the land, and his punishments were as barbarous as his policy was tyrannical and oppressive. His successors continue the same policy. The English had early made explorations along the coasts of North America. The Venetian, John Cabot, and afterwards his son Sebastian, made i.i-jjortant voyages in the service of Henry VII. of England, but the following reign, that of Henry VIII., was unfavourable to nautical enterprise, and for many years the English occupied themselves only in useless efforts to discover a northwest or northeast passage to India. It was not till the beginning of the seventeenth century that any permanent settlements were effected. The first of these was made at Jamestown, in 1607 ; the colony thus planted being called Virginia, the name given in honour of Queen Elizabeth to the whole country between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude. Six years later the settlement of New York was begun by the Dutch on Manhattan or New York island. These settlers were speedily compelled to acknowledge the sovereignty of the King of England, whose subjects in 1664 conquered the Dutch and occupied the colony. In 1620, the colony of Plymouth was planted by English Puritans, and eight years after, under a grant from the Plymouth company, the colony of Massachusetts was established at Salem. In 1692, Plymouth and Massachusetts were incorporated together. New Hampshire was begun to be settled in 1623 at the mouth of the Piscataqua river. It came under the government of Massachusetts in 1641, but was erected into a separate province by a royal ordinance in 1679. New Jersey was settled by Danes in 1624, conquered by the Dutch governor of New York, Peter Stuyvesant, 1655, and occupied by the English after the fall of New Amsterdam, 1664. At the time of the conquest of New Jersey, Stuyvesant also extended his victorious march over Delaware, which had been settled by the Swedes in 1627. Dela- ware likewise fell into the hands of the English in 1664. The first town in Maine, York, was founded in 1639, but this province was united to Massachu- setts in 1652, and formed part of it until 1820. Cecil Calvert, Lord Baltimore, planted the colony of Maryland, at a place at the mouth of the Potomac, called St. Mary. A company from Massachusetts begun in 1635 the first settlement in Connecticut, at Hartford. The colony of New Haven, commenced at the town of the same name in 1638, was incorporated with Connecticut in 1662. Providence, the origin of Rhode Island, was founded by Roger Williams in 1636, after he had been driven from Massachusetts by the intolerance of his religious opinions. Settlers from Virginia established themselves on lands 356 HISTORY OF COLONIZATION. north of Albemarle Sound, between 1640 and 1650, thus founding what became in 1729 the province of North Carolina. In South Carolina, the first settlement was made in 1670 at Port Royal ; this was abandoned for another site, and that in its turn was forsaken in 1680 for the place where the city of Charleston now stands. Pennsylvania, founded by William Penn in 1682, grew with greater prosperity and rapidity than any other of the colonies ; a result to be attributed to the mildness and equity of its founder and early governors. Georgia was colonized in 1733 at Savannah. In 1643, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven banded themselves together to protect themselves against Indian hostilities and Dutch encroach- ments, under the style of " The United Colonies of New England." This was the commencement of the unity in will and deed which afterwards enabled the colonists to achieve successfully the great work of independence. In 1675 and 1676 New England suffered severely in an Indian war, brought about by the superior abilities of the Sachem king Philip, whose death in the latter year ended hostilities. Commercial restrictions and oppressive taxes in Virginia led to a rebellion, known as "Bacon's Rebellion," from the name of its leader, an ambitious man who seized and held the supreme authority for several months. His rebellion was ended by his death. The succession of rulers and changes of dynasties in England were severely felt by the colonies, and though the accession of William of Orange freed them from the oppressions they had endured under his predecessors, it involved them in the war between France and England, known in the colonies as King William's War. This war lasted from 1690 to 1697, and was marked by savage atrocities on the part of the French and Indians. They were again exposed to these in Queen Anne's War, 1702 to 1713, which originated in disputes about the boundaries. The declaration of war by England against France and Spain, involved her colonies in hostilities with the French, Spanish, and Indians. This war proved extremely disastrous to the Americans, who signalized themselves, however, by a show of remarkable vigour. During its continuance they fitted out an expedition with little aid from Great Britain, and captured the important fortress of Louisbourg. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle gave peace to the colonies, but it was again broken by the encroachments of the French upon the lands watered by the Ohio. George Washington was sent against them with an expedition from Virginia, in compliance with the directions of the British government to resist the aggressions of the French by force. He was met, however, by a greatly superior enemy and compelled to capitulate, with the privilege of returning with his troops to Virginia. This was the commencement of the Seven Years' War, or the Old French War, as it is commonly styled, although hostilities were not openly declared until 1756. In 1755, the forces of the colonies subdued the French in Nova Scotia, and took possession of that pro- vince. General Braddock led a force of British and colonists against the French on the Ohio, but his rashness and arrogance caused his destruction. He was surprised and defeated with great loss by the united forces of French and Indians ; Braddock himself was mortally wounded, and his detachment TAKING OF QUEBEC. 357 was only saved from total destruction by the exertions of Colonel Washington, who commanded the colonial forces. In the north, the French were defeated on the borders of Lake George. In 1756, the French, under Montcalm, were so successful that the British government made great preparations for the cam- paign of 1757, yet it also proved disastrous. In 1758, however, William Pitt assumed the direction of affairs ; Louisbourg was taken, with great loss to the French of prisoners, ships, and munitions of war. Fort Du Quesne was aban- doned by the French and occupied by the English. Its name was changed to Pittsburg. Fort Frontignac, an important fortress at the outlet of Lake Ontario, was captured, though an expedition against Ticonderoga failed. That fortress, with Crown Point, fell in the following year. General Prideaux captured Nia- gara, and the gallant Wolfe was no less successful in the great enterprise of taking Quebec. The acquisition, however, was dearly purchased with the life of the conqueror, who died on the field of battle. This erent virtually ended the war; the French, after making an unsuccessful attempt to recover Quebec, surrendered successively all the places in their possession, and by the treaty of Paris in 1763, Canada, Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, and all islands in the gulf and river St. Lawrence were ceded to the British crown. The presence of enemies in their French and Indian neighbours had hitherto led the colonies to look to Great Britain for protection, and had it con- tinued, would for a long time have precluded all thoughts of independent existence. But as Wolfe died in the moment of triumph, so the power of the British on this continent received its death-blow in the event that destroyed its rival. The removal of the French power suggested a vague idea of freedom and independence to the colonists; the thought that their arms and their prowess had effected it gave them a consciousness of strength ; the aspirations after freedom increased with the added military strength, until, when the councillors of the British monarch put forth arbitrary pretensions upon America, they rose with arms in their hands, and succeeded in establishing their own claims to free government. OENSHAL WOLFB. CHAPTER XVIII. ^fjc WiJiilst) ^Jateg. ^^p^3^^^^ HE history of the United States, as colonies of Great V ,/''.?^^/^^ ^-^^ Britain, is given in the preceding chapter. To pursue %\¥\ ^^^^ parliamentary history from the conclusion of the Xi^-yl^^^\-^^K^^ French war to the declaration of independence, or to Y\^\a recount in detail the operations of that war, would be to A^ follow a beaten track, to repeat what have become household words to every American. We will therefore ''^' but briefly enumerate the more remarkable events of the War of Independence, commencing with the passage of the Boston Port Bill, March, 1774, for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with that town, on account of its spirited resistance to the principles involved in the tax imposed upon tea by the British parliament. This, with another bill for subverting the charter of Massachusetts, caused the assembly of a general congress, which passed a declaration of rights and suspended commercial intercourse with Qreat Britain until their grievances should be redressed. Their addresses proved ineffectual; warlike stores were collected, and the people began to arm. In 1775 parliament proceeded still further with oppressive measures, while the DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 359 imprudence of General Gage, the royal governor of Massachusetts, led to the commencement of actual hostilities. That officer sent a detachment of eight hundred men to destroy a collection of stores made by the provincials at Con- cord. Eight Americans were killed in a skirmish at Lexington ; the spirit of the people was aroused, and the British were compelled to retreat from Concord to Boston in the presence of the Americans, who succeeded in causing a loss to the detachment of nearly three hundred men. The war was begun in earnest. Ticonderoga and Crown Point soon fell into the hands of the Ameri- cans under Allen and Arnold ; Putnam and Warren defended their intrench- ments on Bunker's Hill with an intrepidity which, though unsuccessful, had the moral effect of a victory, and enabled Washington, appointed commander-in- chief by the Continental Congress, to compel the evacuation of Boston. (March 17, 1776.) An invasion of Canada failed, chiefly through the death of its commander, the brave Montgomery. In June the gallant defence of Fort Moultrie, near Charleston, against General Clinton and Sir Peter Parker, still further inspirited the colonists. The enthusiasm in favour of the war had now become universal ; the press, the public officers, and even the ministers laboured unanimously for the same object. Almost all the royal governors had fled from the country, relying upon the wealth, resources, and military experience of the English to effect their restoration. But the Americans had not engaged rashly in the war ; with great prudence and foresight they had avoided being the aggressors in the contest ; they had not suffered the number of their friends to be diminished by errors committed in moments of passion ; and now, when war was forced upon them, they armed themselves in confident reliance upon the righteousness of their cause. In calculating the chances of success, they took into the account the great distance by which they were separated from England, and the unanimity engendered among themselves by indignation at wrongs endured and by enthusiasm in the cause of liberty and country. y In the beginning of hostilities the Congress had drawn up conciliatory addresses and petitions, but their vindications and claims were spurned at as artifices to gain time for the better organization of a rebellion. This rejection imbittered the more moderate Americans, who united with the zealous in aiming at the establishment of a free constitution, the first step towards which was the entire dissolution of the connection with Great Britain. On the 7th of June, therefore, Richard Henry Lee moved in Congress the declaration of the independence of the North American states, and on the 4th of July, 1776, the fiimcis instrument, the Declaration of Independence, prepared by Thomas Jefferson, was almost unanimously adopted by Congress, This decisive mea- sure completed the Revolution. But it still remained to defend it by arms. Their oppressors were too deeply enamoured of their power to resign it without a struggle, and the numerous and well-appointed armies of Britain were speedily directed against the new republic. An army of twenty-four thousand men, with adequate naval co-operation, was brought by General Howe to dis- possess the American general of New York, which had become his head- 360 THE UNITED STATES. quarters. Defeated on Long Island, not successful at the White Plains, Washington, after witnessing the fall of Forts Washington and Lee, retreated through the Jerseys into Pennsylvania, with his army, now reduced to less than three thousand men, and destitute of almost every necessary. On the day that he was driven over the Delaware, the enemy took possession of Rhode Island. New York and New Jersey were in their hands, and the apparent hopelessness of the contest caused general gloom and despondency. Wash- ington, however, turned the tide of affairs by his constancy. Empowered with dictatorial authority by Congress, elevated above party spirit and self- interest, he alone united in himself all the qualities necessary to success in that crisis — foresight, patience, and mildness, with boldness at the right moment. Having raised the number of his forces to seven thousand men, he recrossed the Delaware, captured, with the loss of nine men, a thousand Hes- sians at Trenton, gained a brilliant victory at Princeton, drove the enemy from all their posts in the Jerseys except Amboy and Brunswick, and went into secure winter quarters at Morristown. After the loss of the battle of the Brandywine, September 11, 1777, where Lafayette first drew his sword for American freedom, Washington abandoned Philadelphia to the enemy. On the 4th of October he made a spirhed but unsuccessful attack on a part of the British army at Germantown ; after which he retired to winter quarters at Valley Forge. General Burgoyne had reached Saratoga on his march from Canada, and the great plan of the campaign on the part of the enemy, of hemming in New England, uniting the northern and southern armies, and reducing the less zealous states to submission, appeared likely to be accomplished. But the activity and resolution of the Americans increased as the danger became more imminent, and while Washington watched the southern divisions of the British army, they flocked to the standard of Gates in the north, to oppose the further progress of Burgoyne. The invincible Stark gave to that general the first check by defeating a choice detachment of his troops at Bennington, in Vermont ; the roads were speedily blocked up ; the British in New York made no effectual attempts to unite whh him, and he was finally surrounded and compelled to capitulate, October 16, 1777. This great and unlooked-for event decided the views of European powers, especially France, concerning the American war. The cabinet of Versailles had displayed unwonted skill and the most profound policy in regard to the affairs of her great rival. The ministry, with firmness and sagacity, refused to Silas Deaue, the first plenipotentiary of the United States, any open support ; indeed they treated him with the utmost coldness, which was scarcely changed when Benjamin Franklin came to Paris, December, 1776, to assist Deane in his labours. The great fame of Franklin as a philosopher, with his simplicity of habits and sound sense, insured him the influence and respect which Deane had failed to secure. Deane, however, soon saw its effects when, to his great astonishment, cannons, muskets, and other munitions of war were supplied from the king's magazines to be transported to America, the French minister all the while conducting himself towards the American plenipotentiaries as if TREATY WITH FRANCE. 361 F B A N O E KECOGNISaS A M B B I C A. N I N D 2 P B N D E N C S . he knew nothing about it. The predilections of the French for the Americans had long before manifested itself in all ranks, and very many had followed the example of Lafayette in embarking as volunteers for America. This general inclination was far more strongly expressed after they had received the news of the capture of Burgoyne ; the cabinet of France speedily decided on war with England ; on the 6th of February, 1778, a treaty of commerce was con- cluded with the American plenipotentiaries, w^hich premised American inde- pendence ; and on the same day a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance was signed, which promised mutually to maintain this independence against England's opposition, and forbade the concluding of a separate peace. The joy with which the announcement of this alliance was received in the United States was greatly diminished by the embarrassment in regard to money, in which the country had been placed by the depreciation of the paper money emissions of Congress. But, by the patriotic exertions of Robert Morris and other members of Congress, supplies of money were advanced, and arrange- ments were made to provide supplies, to raise a stronger body of militia, and to increase the army more rapidly. The retreat of the British from Philadelphia to New York, during which was gained the American victory of Monmouth ; and the occupation of Georgia by the enemy, mark the campaign of 1778 ; that of 1779 is noted Vo'i.. III. 46 2 H 362 THE UNITED STATES. for nothing memorable or decisive, if we except the failure of a combined French and American attack upon Savannah, and the predatory expeditions of the enemy in New York. In 1780, Charleston, with a garrison of five thou- sand men under General Clinton, was captured, and South Carolina overrun ; General Gates, who marched to its rescue, being defeated in the bloody battle of Camden, August 16. In the north, however, the British commander con- fined himself to predatory excursions, to blockading a French fleet and army in Rhode Island, and to tampering with the fidelity of General Arnold, who negotiated whh Major Andre the sale of West Point. The scheme was discovered; Arnold fled to the protection of the British, while Andre, captured and convicted, was hung as a spy. The year 1781 opened with the most bril- liant affair of the war ; the victory of Morgan at the Cowpens, with five hundred men over one thousand British veterans, led by Tarleton, January 17, Morgan rejoined Greene, who had succeeded Gates in the command in the south, and who now effected his famous retreat from Cornwallis. Being reinforced, he fought without success a battle at Guilford court-house. Cornwallis then marched into Virginia, while Greene returned to South Carolina. He was defeated in the second battle of Camden, but was victorious at Eutaw Springs. He succeeded in breaking up the British line of posts, and forced them to con- centrate their army in Charleston. Meanwhile, the prudent and skilful Lafay- ette had been opposed to Cornwallis in Virginia. The British general, having fortified himself at Yorktown, was besieged there on the 6th of October by the American and French forces, under Washington and the Count Rochambeau. On the 19th he was compelled to capitulate, surrendering his whole force, amounting to seven thousand men and one hundred and sixty pieces of artillery. This great and important success ended the campaign of 1781, and with it the war. The hopelessness of further hostilities became apparent, and provisional articles of peace were signed November, 1782. The definitive treaty was signed on the 30th of September, 1783. In July of that year the British evacuated Savannah; in November, New York, and in December, Charleston. The war being ended, Washington, to whose unshaken constancy and unrivalled ability the states were indebted for their triumph, resigned his authority and retired to private life. But he was called upon to preside over the Convention, which consolidated and perfected independence by adopting a constitution, which was soon after substituted for the so-called Act of Con- federation, adopted July 9, 1778. This had proved a fruitful cause of suffer- ings and evils, and the jealousy of separate independent state sovereignties would, under it, have in a few years rendered the Americans both unhappy and contemptible. The independence which had been won by union threat- ened to be rendered of no avail by dissension, and the confederation seemed about to fall to pieces. Under these circumstances, the firmness, wisdom, and moderation of Washington were invaluable, and as president of the Convention he rendered services not less valuable than his former warlike exploits.* * Von Raumer. SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 363 The new constitution having been ratified and adopted by the several states, Washington was unanimously chosen first president of the United States under it. During the two terms of his presidency, he abstained from all foreign contests, aided internal improvements, and guided the country into that path which has proved so advantageous. In 1796, having declined a re- election, he surrendered his power into the hands of John Adams, who had been chosen his successor. In the opening speech to the sixth Congress, President Adams complained that France had shown herself arrogant in word and deed, and expressed his fears that America would be forced into a war with her. Fresh negotiations were attempted, but the Directory required that America should buy of them thirty-two millions of worthless Dutch paper, pay a large sum as a gratuity to Talleyrand, and whatever other demands their dishonourable agents had the audacity to propose. When this became known in America, the indignant cry of " Millions for defence, but not a cent for tri- bute," was heard on all sides, and a war was commenced with France, 1798, which lasted until the downfall of the Directory in 1800. Under the adminis- tration of Thomas Jefferson, a treaty was concluded with France, by which the immense territory of Louisiana was ceded to the United States for fifteen millions of dollars; and the Bashaw of Tripoli, who had annoyed American commerce in the Mediterranean by his piracies, was compelled to sign a favourable peace. The decrees of Napoleon and the British orders in council, having combined to cast off American vessels both from England and the continent, occasioned much angry feeling. . The French yielded to the remonstrances of the Americans, but the British having joined to their other pretensions that of the right to search American ships for British seamen liable to impressment, became involved in angry controversies with the Americans, who began to prepare for war. A serious Indian war com- menced at the instigation of the British, and, organized by the power and elo- quence of Tecumseh, first occupied the attention of the country. General Harrison was sent into the Indian country with orders to demand a redress of grievances, and in case of a refusal to use coercive measures. The Indians held a conference with him and agreed to a suspension of hostilities until it should be renewed on the following day. In the night, however, they made a furious attack upon his camp. The onset was bravely withstood until daylight, when the Americans found themselves surrounded by the foe, who poured in upon them a deadly fire from all sides. A charge with fixed bayonets drove them back, and the mounted riflemen, dashing in among them, threw them into confusion, and they dispersed in every direction. The batile of Tippe- canoe, thus happily terminated, was but the prelude to a general war. At the time of its occurrence, Tecumseh was in the South, persuading the Creek Indians and others to join his confederacy. The violation of the rights of the Americans by the British having continued ^o increase in number and enormity, the United States determined upon a declaration of war against Great Britain, June 18, 1812. General Hull, the governor of Michigan, was placed in com- mand of an army for the invasion of Canada, and might have met with consi- 364 THE UNITED STATES. derable success had he possessed the requisite activity and courage, but he proved cowardly and imbecile, and suffered himself and his army to be made prisoners by the capitulation of Detroit. (August, 1812.) This disaster en- couraged the Indians along the whole northwestern frontier to commence active hostilities ; all who had been wavering having decided on war. Gene- ral Harrison was chosen to succeed Hull, and displayed great ability in his endeavours to retrieve the affairs in the northwest. Meanwhile, events of some importance occurred in the vicinity of Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence. An attempted invasion of Canada in this quarter failed through the misconduct of the American militia, who refused to cross the river to the su])port of the regulars, after the latter had, in the most gallant manner, gained the victory of Queenstown. The campaign on land thus ended in the success of the Bri- tish. On the sea, however, their superiority was more successfully disputed. Captains Porter, Hull, Jones, Decatur, Bainbridge, and others, fought with the zeal of men anxious to avenge the sufferings of their fellow-mariners, and to redeem the honour of their profession, which had been greatly aspersed. Their success was almost totally unexpected, and the accounts of their achievements staggered the credulity of their enemies, and filled the breasts of the Americans with the greatest joy and exultation. In six months the national vessels carried the flag of the republic into every sea, and the three losses only which had been sustained were made under such circumstances as to reflect high honour on the vanquished. The privateers, the fastest sailers on the ocean, were able to over- take almost any merchantman, or to escape from the fastest frigate. While the commerce of the states sustained scarcely any damage, the enemy had lost by November two hundred and fifty vessels and three thousand prisoners. The defeat of General Winchester and the massacre of the American pri- soners by the British and Indians at Frenchtown, the gallant defence of Fort Meigs by General Harrison, the battle of Little York, where the lamented General Pike was slain, the capture of Fort George, the defence of Sackett's Harbour by General Brown, form, with Colonel Croghan's defence of Fort Sandusky and General Harrison's victory on the Thames, the principal events of the war in the north during 1813. In the east and south the British made hostile demonstrations in the Delaware and Chesapeake Bays, while General Jackson prepared himself for future services by a glorious campaign against the Creeks. The campaign of 1814, in the north, was brilliantly opened by General Brown with a victory at Chippewa. This success was followed by another more glorious at Queenstown and Lundy's Lane. The siege of Fort Erie and the battle of Plattsburg also shed lustre on the American army. On the 10th of September, 1813, Commodore Perry gained his famous victory on Lake Erie, and the example which he there set was ably followed by M'Donough in de- feating the British fleet on Lake Champlain. The honour of the national flag was equally well sustained by the exploits of the gallant seamen on the ocean. In 1814, a British force under Major General Ross succeeded in taking the city of W^ashington and destroying its public buildings, but ACQUISITION OF THE FLORIDAS AND TEXAS. 365 Ross was defeated, with the loss of his life, in an attempt upon the city of Baltimore. At the close of the year another British army, under Packenham, landed near New Orleans, and afforded to General Jackson an opportunity of achieving the greatest victory ever gained on American soil. January 8, 1815. This event occurred, however, after a peace had been signed between the belli- gerent nations. (December, 1814.) At the commencement of the war between Great Britain and the United States, the Dey of Algiers, confiding in the supposed maritime supremacy of the English, and hoping to acquire valuable American prizes with impimity, commenced hostilities. After the conclusion of peace in 1815, war was de- clared against Algiers, and Commodore Decatur was ordered to the Mediterra- nean with a squadron. The fame of the deeds of our youthfid navy had long since reached the Dey, and he no sooner found Decatur determined upon active hostilities than he sought for peace. By the treaty, it was provided that all Americans in slavery were to be given up without ransom, and that henceforth no tribute should ever be required from the United States by Algiers, in any form or under any pretext whatever, and that compensation should be made for American property destroyed or detained by the Dey. Other stipulations, extremely favourable to the United States, were also agreed to. The Bey of Tunis and the Bashaw of Tripoli were also forced to give a compensation for wrongs suffered by the Americans at their hands. President Monroe obtained from Spain the cession of East and West Florida ; a territory which afterwards became the seat of an unimportant war with the Seminole Indians. The number of the states has more than doubled since the revolution, and their territory still further increased by the annexation of the independent state of Texas, under the administration of James K. Polk. It is astonishing to reflect upon the advance of the United States, its prosperity in business, and its rapid and steady progress in every great interest. After having seen, to use the words of a celebrated geo- grapher,* how completely the American constitution secures all the purposes of a good government, and at how cheap a rate, the fear and trembling which marked its commencement are exchanged for steadfast confidence and unbounded hope ; it stands like a lighthouse on the shore of the sea of liberty to direct the political voyager in his perilous course to the port of freedom. Every Anniversary of the National Independence gives increasing proof of the attachment of the citizens to their excellent form of govern- ment, and affords additional evidence of its stability and perpetuity ; and the American citizen cannot be found who would be willins: to exchange it for any other government on the earth. * Haskel. 2h2 TlrPOO SAHIB, FROM A HINDOO PORTRAIT. CHAPTER XIX iKiaia am^ ©Jjima. HE discovery of a passage around the Cape of Good Hope opened the way to India to a new race of conquerors, far more formidable than the Moham- medans, who had established their dominion there. The Portuguese, by whom it was effected, never acquired more than a petty territory on the West coast, and the continental acquisitions of the Dutch were limited to a few commercial factories. The French, by the active operations of Dupleix, seemed at one time to be on the high road to the establishment of a great Indian sovereignty, but the extraordinary talents, courage, and enterprise of the celebrated Clive, and the greater resources and superior maritime strength of the English caused their almost total expulsion from the peninsula. The British empire in India has grown out of a territorial acquisition of five miles square on the Coromandel coast, where Madras now stands. (A. D. 1639.) It had increased very little previous to the time of Clive, who, during the interval between 1750 and 1765, overthrew the Mogul and his allies, (3G6) I N D I A A N D C n I N A. 367 and acquired Bengal, the richest of all the Indian provinces, the most defensible, and the magazine whence have been drawn the resources neces. sary to conquer and preserve the subsequent acquisitions of the British. In 1773, a governor-general was appointed to reside in Bengal, to which presidency tlie two others, Calcutta and Bombay, were made subor- dinate. Warren Hastings greatly extended the company's territories, and rendered its influence paramount in Northern India ; but the means he employed were inconsistent whh European notions of equity, and he was displaced. Lord Cornwallis became governor-general in 1785, reformed many abuses in the administration, and prosecuted to its close a war with Tippoo Sahib, which rendered the authority of the British supreme from the river Kushna to Cape Comorin. Sir John Shore succeeded Corn- wallis, and still further improved the internal organization of the govern- ment. Under the governorship of the Marquis of Wellesley, another war broke out between the English and Tippoo Sahib, supported by his French allies, which ended in the defeat and death of that prince. The British power was soon after rendered supreme in the Peninsula by a war with the Mahrattas. Subsequently the Goorka tribes were overcome, and ceded to their conquerors as the price of peace territories which brought them into close contact with the Chinese Empire. Other acquisitions followed, and, in 1819, the settlement of Singapore opened to the British the lucra- tive commerce of the Indian archipelago. Many new and valuable pro- vinces were obtained by a war with the Burmese, 1823, and within the last few years the English have involved themselves in extremely troublesome wars with two new kingdoms which arose from the ruins of the Mogul empire, that of the Afghans and that of the Sikhs. In China, after the expulsion of the descendants of Kublai Khan, twelve Emperors of the native dynasty of Ming reigned in comparative peace till the year 1618, when, during the sway of the thirteenth in suc- cession, the Mantchoux, a Tartar horde, profited by internal dissensions of the Chinese to gain admittance into the empire, and succeeded in sub- duing the country by rendering it a desert in a war of twenty-seven years' duration. The first sovereign of this Tartar dynasty, the Ta-tsin, was Shunchy, and the sixth in descent from him, Tao Kwang, is now firmly seated on the throne of China. This Emperor, who succeeded in 1820, is more prejudiced against foreigners than his predecessors ; a fact to which, perhaps, is to be attributed the opium war. Large quantities of opium continuing to be smuggled into the country, contrary to the imperial mandates, the Chinese authorities determined to put an end to the traffic, and accord- ingly compelled Captain Elliott, the English resident at Canton, to consent to the destruction of several cargoes of opium, and disregarded his pro- tests against the restraint to which he was subjected. War was declared against China by the English government ; Canton and Ning-po, two of the most important cities in China, though defended by immense masses of imperial troops, were taken by small British armies, and the impe- 368 INDIA AND CHINA. rialists were finally forced to make a treaty, August 29, 1842, by which the island of Hong Kong was caded to them for ever ; the Chinese bound to pay the expenses of the war and a compensation for the destroyed opium, and five of the principal Chinese ports were thrown open to foreign commerce. We have endeavoured to give an outline of the History of the World. Our limits have allowed but little space for general remarks. The subject itself is indeed replete with topics for reflection ; and every intelligent reader, as he peruses the narrative, will supply from his own mind the obvious moral which the great events and characters of history suggest. One thing which will pre- sent itself forcibly to the attentive reader, on a review of the whole narrative, is the retribution which follows the misdeeds of nations as well as individuals. He will perceive that national crimes are followed by national punishment ; that oppression produces revolt ; that tyranny prepares the means for its own downfall ; that war injures the conquering as well as the conquered ; and that the national prosperity which riots in crime is sooner or later succeeded by the bitter adversity which compels repentance. In short, the history of the world teaches that there is an Almighty Disposer of events, who administers even- handed justice among the children of men. " The Lord reigneth ; let the earth rejoice." 31+77-1 X-262 ^s^ '^. .\^^' % •v,"'\.'^ A .-■{s -N fl ^ ' * 5 0^ ^X . , \ X I ^ ' .^V ■ 0- .xV c^. ' i; ; * ^,^' 3^%, \^ .\ ^ i r, '''; • ^ 'V /_ o 0' J- y li^^ o\^ xV r. .-^ o^ -•;■ .<\^ . . ^\ V ^ "'■"/% "oo^ -A "^ V^ ^^ -^t - •^— ;,;.. N^^. 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