Class \ bb lo Gopyriglitl^°Xjibu2- COESRICHT DEPOSm History of Nebraska FROM THE EARLIEST EXPLORATIONS OF THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI REGION BY J. STERLING MORTON AND ALBERT WATKINS. PH.B.. LL.B. A REVISED EDITION EDITED AND REVISED BY AUGUSTUS O. THOMAS, A.M.. PH.D. STATE SCHOOL SUPERINTENDENT OF MAINE; EX-STATE SUPERINTENDENT OF NEBRASKA : EX-PRESIDENT OF THE STATE NORMAL SCHOOL AT KEARNEY. NEBRASKA JAMES A. BEATTIE, A.M.. LL.D. EDUCATOR AND LECTURER ON EDUCATIONAL THEMES; EX-PRESIDENT OF THE STATE NORMAL SCHOOL AT PERU. NEBRASKA; PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION COTNER UNIVERSITY ARTHUR C. WAKELEY JUDGE IN THE DISTRICT COURT OF NEBRASKA. ASSOCIATE EDITOR WESTERN PUBLISHING AND ENGRAVING COMPANY LINCOLN, NEBRASKA 1918 r lnis}Ci.A5UI380 ,V THE TORCH PRESS LINCOLN. NEBRASKA AND CCDAR RAPIDS. IOWA < r I V iJ I History of Nebraska Leg byHenrvTtLv .fi\3L4^|WsV^-r^^ DEDICATED To the memory of the strong men and noble women who dared the dangers and endured the hardships of pioneer Hfe in the "Great American Desert"; who first plowed and planted these Plains, who here first built and conse- crated homes, and who laid the foundations of an endur- ing civilization. A STATEMENT BY THE PUBLISHERS The publishers take pleasure in presenting to the people of the state and of the country this History of Nebraska. While it is the history prepared by J. Sterling Morton and Albert Watkins, it is much more. It is a careful and a thoughtful revision of their edition which was completed in 191 1 and 1913. The revision has been made in the light and according to the following guid- ing principles : 1. To preserve, as far as possible, the order and the current of events as they are presented in the former work. 2. To furnish, at reasonable cost and within moderate space, a trustworthy history of the days of exploration and discovery, of the pioneer sacrifices and settlements, of the life and organization of the territory of Nebraska, of the first fifty years of statehood and progress, and of the place Nebraska holds in the scale of character and civilization. 3. This revision is the result of a conscientious and painstaking efifort to preserve the unity and spirit, the aim and purpose of the original work. Where changes have been made they have been to bring the parts together, to preserve the unity and harmony of statement, and to add important events which have taken place since the publication of the parent work. Changes have been made, also, to include the events and progress which fall within the semi-centennial period which had not taken place when the larger work was written. 4. It has been the specific aim to include the facts of life and the events in history which exhibit for the people of today and for those who are to come after us a true picture of the plains of Nebraska and to give a trustworthy account of the progress which has been made during the years which lie between the date when the first hunters and trappers saw the Platte river and valley and March I, 1917 — the end of the first semi-centennial of the state. 5. The publishers take the opportunity to say that no mention is made of the activity, loyalty, and patriotism of the people of Nebraska in the great war now raging in Europe. It must be apparent to all that the time has not come to re- count the deeds of valor of our soldiers in the army and navy and to record the devotion and contributions of the people to the cause of freedom and for the relief of the distressed, the comfort of the sick and wounded, and for the deliver- ance of the oppressed. For, in all probability, we are nearer the beginning than the end of the great struggle — the task we have undertaken because of the cry viii STATE^IENT BY THE PUBLISHERS of the oppressed and in answer to tlie call of humanity. It is the purpose of the publishers, when the war is over, to present to the public a volume giving Ne- braska's record in the great war. Enough has been done during the fourteen or fifteen months since the United States declared a state of war exists and took her place with the allied nations, to assure us that Nebraska's record will be worthy of the great cause in which we are engaged and of the loyalty and patri- otism of a free, intelligent, and independent people. Western Publishing and Engraving Company. Lincoln, Nebraska, July, 1918. INTRODUCTION Two or three statements may aid us in appreciation of history in general, and more particularly they may help to show the value, for all citizens, of local and state history. They will enable us to understand and to realize that he lives the best and most useful life, both for himself and for all with whom he is in any way connected, who lives in the present, who makes a wise use of all the past, and who provides as far as possible for the future. This relation of past, present, and future points to the true meaning of history and helps us to determine its real significance. It suggests the most significant thing in the study of history, whether it relates to a community, to a state, to a nation, or to the world. This is the case whether history is one of the means of mental growth and intelligence and a source of enrichment of life, as in the case of a student, or from the standpoint of the busy man or woman who has time for only a few pages in a week. This meaning and significance may be expressed thus: We study history that we may know how the present came to be — how the present came out of the past — what the relation of the present is to the past, and, then, by a wise use of the knowledge we gain and the strength we acquire we may prepare for the future. This is the practical, everyday side of the knowledge of history. From this point of view history has a meaning and a significance which are beyond our ability to measure. 2. A second thing worth while to mention in this connection is this : Every I state in the federal union has certain things which distinguish it from others. \ These special characteristics may be in the relative position, in the form or con- tour of the surface, in the richness or poverty of the soil, in the depth or shallow- ness of the subsoil, in the water supply, in the presence or absence of trees, in the quality, quantity, and variety of the native fruits, in the size and number of its ' watercourses, in its exposure to or protection from destructive storms, in the hfe i , and character of the native peoples, in the aim, spirit or purpose of the first set- ' tiers, in the adaptation of the earlier and later inhabitants, in the changing con- _ ditions which advancing civilization imposes, or any one or more of a hundred \ ! other peculiarities. I While these qualities are often difficult to find in advance they determine the trend of development and fix within definite limits the extent and character of the progress and civilization of the inhaliitants. The foregoing statements and that which they suggest about the state explain in part that which has been accomplished and that which Nebraska is at the end X INTRODUCTION of the first semi-centennial period. This is the case because the trend of growtli and development was determined in part by the physical features upon which the social, economic, political, educational, and religious forces have acted and reacted. Had they been different the history of those who came to build an enduring civilization would have been different. The divine hand through na- ture's forces and laws laid the foundations of a commonwealth and the builders have erected a structure worthy of themselves, of the opportunities which were theirs, and of the physical conditions into which they came. 3. A third thing which may be in place in this introduction as we think of the significance of history and of the relation of the past to the present and to the future, is the complete transformation which has taken place in the valleys and on the plains of Nebraska within much less than one hundred years. What does that transformation say when we question the future? What is the answer when we ask what the future ought to be in the light of the growth of the past? And again when we see the answer in the light of the condition of the present? Do we have the courage of the real conviction necessary to face the future with its ever-increasing demands? Do we possess the knowledge of the past and likewise the ability and skill to use the forces and institutions of the present and thus make the future worthy of the past and of the present ? Have we the wis- dom which the past is willing to supply and the strength which knowledge gives so completely at our command that we can make the physical well-being, the in- tellectual attainments, the moral worth and spiritual excellence of the future worthy of the past and present? In the light of that which the history of Ne- braska unfolds, what kind of a future will discharge the debt we owe the future? Think of the comparatively short time since the great stretches of Nebraska lands were occupied by Indian tribes and herds of buffalo, and of the very few years since the Oregon and Mormon trails were followed by the thousands of people who sought homes and fortunes in the far West ! A little study will teach us what and when and how our forefathers accomplished, in so brief a space, so great a transformation. The pages of this semi-centennial history show us by what means our children and our children's children may be worthy of the log cabin, the sod house and the ox team of our fathers. To make our children and ourselves worthy sons and daughters of noble men and devoted women is one of the chief purposes of this publication. J. A. Beattie. Lincoln, July, 1918. CONTENTS CHAPTER I Natural Conditions — Geology — Archseologj- — Climatic Conditions — Vegetation — Fauna. CHAPTER H 24 Aboriginal Occupants — Spanish and French Explorers — American Expeditions — Fur Trade — First Settlements — Early Traders — Authentic Explorations. CHAPTER HI 62 Early Travel and Transportation — The Overland Stage — Pony Express — River Navigation — First Railroad and Telegraph. CHAPTER R^ 98 The Louisiana Purchase. CHAPTER V 112 The Missouri Compromise — The Second Compromise — Stephen A. Douglas — The Richardson Bill --The Dodge Bill — The Kansas-Nebraska Bill — Provisional Gov- ernment — Division of Nebraska — Estimate of Douglas — Proposed Boundaries — Suffrage Qualifications. CHAPTER VI 138 The Mormons in Nebraska. CHAPTER VH 143 The First Governor — Rival Towns — Organization — Election Precincts — First Cap- ital Controversy — First Election. CHAPTER Vni 171 First Legislature — Administration of Governor Izard — Location of the Capital — Laws of the First Session — L'nited States Surveys — Claim Clubs — Incorporation Laws — Nebraska's Peculiarity — First Independence Day — Judicial Organization. CHAPTER IX 201 The Second Legislature — Second Congressional Campaign — Political Conditions. CHAPTER X 223 The Third Legislature — The Third Congressional Campaign — Richardson Succeeds Izard ^ The Fourth Legislature — Florence Session — Death of Governor Cuming. CHAPTER XI 253 First Political Conventions — Postponement of Land Sales — Fifth Legislature — Res- ignation of Governor Richardson. xii CONTENTS CHAPTER XII 273 Land Sales — Half-Breed Tract — United States Surveys — Appointment of Governor Black — First Territorial Fair — Chapman-Ferguson Contest — Annexation to Kansas. CHAPTER XIII 287 The Territory under Party Organization —The First Party Campaigns — Daily-Esta- brook Contest — Sixth Legislature. CHAPTER XIV 297 Pohtical Conventions — Congressional Campaigns of 1860-1862— Seventh Legisla- ture — Morton-Dailv Contest — Departure of Governor Black — Appointment of Gov- ernor Saunders — Military Affairs — Eighth Legislature. CHAPTER XV 329 Ninth Legislature — Constitutional Convention, 1864 — Political Conventions, 1864 — Tenth Legislature — Reappointment of Governor Saunders — Politics in 1865 — Elev- enth Legislature — The First State Constitution. CHAPTER XVI 359 PoUtics in 1866— Rock Bluffs Contest — Johnson and Anti-Johnson Factions— Strug- gle Over Statehood — Election of First State Officers — Twelfth and Last Territorial Legislature — The Negro Suffrage Condition in Congress, and in the First State Leg- islature. CHAPTER XVII ■ 394 Territorial Military History. CHAPTER XVIII -^-0 Territorial Products. CHAPTER XIX -^33 Territorial Press. CHAPTER XX . . ++9 Slavery in Nebraska. CHAPTER XXI 465 The Pioneer Railway of Nebraska. CHAPTER XXII 492 Schools, Colleges, and L^niversities. CHAPTER XXIII 526 Organizing the State Government — Removal of the Capital — EstabUshing Lincoln. CHAPTER XXIV ^^^ Starting the State — Scandals in the State Government — Senator Tipton Reelected- Governor Butler's Third Election — Hitchcock United States Senator— Impeachment Proceedings. CHAPTER XXV -""^^ Anarchy in the Legislature — Sessions of 1871-1872— Lunatic Asylum Burned — Constitutional Convention of 1871. CONTENTS xiii CHAPTER XXVI 552 A Special Session Fiasco — The Tennant Case — Right of a Negro to be a Juryman — Validity of Admission to Statehood — Political Disruption of 1872 — The Furnas Libel Suit — the Kennard Claims — State Finance — Retirement of Tipton and Election of Paddock for United States Senator — Final Defeat of Thayer — Capital Removal — Legislature of 1875. CHAPTER XXVn 578 Constitutional Convention, 1875 — Constitutions Compared — Elections of 1875 — Rise of Van Wyck — Politics of 1876. CHAPTER XXVni 587 Blunders in Procedure — Defeat of Hitchcock for Senator — The Legislature of 1877 — Capital Removal — Increase in Population — Legislation and Politics, 1877-1883 — Omaha Labor Riot of 1882. CHAPTER XXIX 603 Political History, 1882-1890 — The Period of Mainly Unsuccessful Attempts to Procure Reform Legislation Culminating in the Poprulist Revolution — First Railroad Commis- sion — Three Cent Passenger Rate. CHAPTER XXX 615 The Populist Revolution — The Strangled State Election Contest of 1890-1891 — De- feat of the Prohibition Amendment — Political Conventions and Elections, 1890-1892 — Legislatures of 1891 and 1893 — Election of Wm. V. Allen, Populist, for United States Senator — Impeachment of State Officers. CHAPTER XXXI 634 The Populist Probation — Return of the Republican Prodigal — His Conversion to Populism — A Period of Party Rotation. CHAPTER XXXII 651 Material Growth and Resources — Agriculture — Commerce — Manufacture — The Grasshopper Plague — Drouths — Farmers' Organizations — Trans-Mississippi Exposi- tion. CHAPTER XXXIII 677 History of Railroad Construction — Final Indian Hostilities — Nebraska in the War with Spain. CHAPTER XXXIV 693 Greater Omaha — Christian Science in Nebraska — Ak-Sar-Ben of Omaha — Develop- ment of the Potash Industry. CHAPTER XXXV 706 The Semi-Centennial Celebration — Nebraska and the Great War in Europe. HISTORY OF NEBRASKA i HISTORY OF NEBRASKA CHAPTER I Natural Conditions — Geology — Archeology — Climatic Conditions — Vegetation Fauna IN THE long run physical environment, such as soil, climate, and topography, shape the man and the society ; but human character and social propensities, formed in older states and in other and older countries, have been trans- planted into this new state, and while, accord- ing to a marked American instinct or charac- teristic, the people have been quick to adapt themselves to a somewhat important change of conditions, yet the time during which they have been subject to them has been too short appreciably to change their character or social aspect. If they had only the richest and most easily tillable soil in the world to conjure with, this might tend to breed mental and esthetic dullness; but they have been saved from this influence by the rarefied and bracing atmosphere, by the sunshine in which they are almost perennially bathed, as well as by cer- tain adverse climatic conditions which chal- lenge their vigilance and ingenuity. While the people of the Plains have missed the com- forting companionship of brooks and hills and groves, whose friendly presence sustained the courage and inspired the esthetic sense of the settlers of the Mississippi valley, yet these Plains have a beauteous aspect of their own which often inspired the limning pen of Irving and engaged Cooper's romantic eye. The il- limitable expanse of landscape, the unrivaled beauty of morning and evening lights and shades, the marvelous clearness of the air, however monotonous, do not fail to excite the 1 Astoria, pp. 2S8-2S9. esthetic sensibility and widen the spiritual vision of the people. But when Irving undertook to estimate the material value, and to picture the future use- fulness and development of this vast prairie empire, he looked with blindfold eyes and painted a dismal black: It is a land where no man permanently abides. . . Such is the nature of this im- mense wilderness of the far West, which ap- parently defies cultivation and the habitation of civilized life. Some portions of it along the rivers may partially be subdued by agricul- ture ; others may form vast pastoral tracts like those of the East ; but it is to be feared that a great part of it wMl form a lawless interval be- tween the abodes of civilized man, like the waters of the ocean and the deserts of Arabia ; and like them be subject to the depredations of the marauders.^ And then, as this polished poet-historian continues to contemplate the lugubrious pros- pect, his style, in general the refinement of grace, dignity, and self-control, breaks into an almost grotesque delineation of the fate of a land which was destined within the space of a man's life to become "the home, the portion fair" of nearly ten million prosperous and happy people. And Cooper, the leading ro- manticist of that day, observes in The Prairie that the plains are "in fact a vast country in- capable of sustaining a dense population in the absence of the two great necessities" — wood and water. This great story-teller aflfected a knowledge of geology, but it was not pro- HISTORY OF NEBRASKA found enough to penetrate to the hiexhaustible sheet of subterranean water which, fed by the eternal snows of the Rocky mountains, is coex- tensive with the great slope between these mountains and the Missouri river and within AlortiU Ccoiugical Exj^cdttion, l^uo. Arikaree Falls Ten miles east of Valentine, Neb., fed by Sand Hill springs and leaping over a wall of Arikaree sand rock. First plunge, eighty-five feet ; second, fif- teen feet. These are the loftiest falls in the state. easy reach of the UTodern and post-Irving- Cooper windmills which now dot these plains in such profusion that they would set a whole legion of Don Quixotes in simultaneous frenzv. Nor could the lively imagination of these great romancers foresee the practicabil- ity of the substitution for the lacking wood, of the great deposits of coal in the adjacent mountains and underlying a large part of these vast i)lains, because railroad transportation was beyond Irving's ken or fancy and Coopter's practicable view. As to this, Cooper skeptically remarks : "It is a singular comment on the times that plans for railroads across these vast plains are in active ■discussion, and that men have ceased to regard these projects as chimer- ical." And Long, in the story of his expedition of 1819, gives the following hopeless character- ization to the Nebraska plains, which, in their easterly portion at least, for prolific production of live stock and of the forage which sustains them, including the .staple cereals, and for ease of cultivation and lasting fertility, excel any other region of so large an area in the world : The rapidity of the current (of the Platte river) and the great width of the bed of the river preclude the possibility of any extensive inundation of the surrounding country. The bottom lands of the river rise by an imper- ceptible ascent, on each side, extending later- ally to a distance of from two to ten miles, where they are terminated by low ranges of gravelly hills, running parallel to the general direction of the river. Beyond these the sur- face is an undulating plain, having an eleva- tion of from fifty to one hundred feet, and presenting the aspect of hopeless and irre- claimable sterility. Logically Long's conclusion as to the hope- less sterility of the plains of the Platte should be an inference from the misstatement of fact by Marbois, made as late as 1830, in his his- tory of Louisiana (p. 350) : "On the two ^ides of the river 'Plate' are vast jilains of sand from an hundred to an hundred and fifty leagues in extent where no indication of living creatures is to be found." The ignorance of ■Marbois is not as inexcusable or remarkable as the lame logic of Irving and Long, for the abundance of wild animals with which they perceived the plains were stocked, would have suggested to them that the region would be peculiarly adapted, under cudivatiou, for the sustenance of domestic animal life. When some phenomenon which may have NATURAL CONDITIONS Photograph, Morrill Geological Expedition, iSgS- Bad Lands Bad Lands of Brule formation (Oligocene) two and a half miles west of the Burlington & Missouri railwaj' station at Adelia, Sioux county, Nebraska, looking northwest. Photograph, Morrill Geological Expedition. iSg^. Pine Ridge North face of Pine Ridge at Warbonnet canyon looking north across the Hat creek basin toward the Black Hills outlined in the distance. The pine covered clifTs are Arikaree formation. The white patch in the distance is the Brule clay of the Little Bad Lands, .Sioux county, Nebraska. Beyond the Brule clay the Pierre formation begins. HISTORY OF NEBRASKA been an eternal fact or is a manifestation of an eternal law of nature, but which has been hid- den from our imperfect understanding, is, from the changing jxiint of view or in the nat- ural course of events, suddenly revealed, we call it Providence. And so this vast hidden reservoir of water and the man-wrought mir- acle of the steam railroad, which opened the way for the waiting millions, were the Provi- dence of these Plains. Because Irving and Cooper and their compeers failed mentally or physically to penetrate to the one and to di- vine the coming kingdom of the other, they consigned the whole region to the doom of eternal desolation. God indeed moves in a mysterious way his wonders to perform. This "wilderness which apparently defies cultiva- tion and the habitation of civilized life" is the granary as well as the shambles of the world. Of two typical states — Iowa and Nebraska — which cut through the heart of the Plains, the first is the imperial agricultural common- wealth of the richest farming country of the world, and in the production of the great food staples the other lags but little behind. During incalculable numbers of centuries there was a like providential preparation on the surface of these plains of the richest soil in the world to cover so wide an area. Geology.^ From a geological standpoint Nebraska doubtless stands as the most dis- tinctly agricultural state in the Union, yet it is not without other resources of economic im- portance. Its rocks are undisturbed sediment, and its geology is apt to be regarded as simple in the extreme and its topography as that of an undiversified plain ; but investigation shows the state to be diversified and interesting and even startling in the boldness of certain physi- ographic regions. The altitude varies from a general level of about a thousand feet along the Missouri river to that of over five thou- sand feet some four hundred miles further west in the state. At this distance the prairie lands of the eastern portion, which are some- times level but often rolling, begin to merge 2 For this description of the geology of Nebraska we are indebted to Erwin Hinckley Barbour. Ph.D., professor of geology in the University of Nebraska; state geologist and curator of the state museum. — Ed. into the tables and lofty buttes of the western edge of the state. The climatic conditions vary somewhat with the distance westward, and are comparable with those of Ohio and Indiana. In general the atmosphere is dry and considered quite as favorable to health and longevity as the more famous air of Colo- rado. The rainfall of the eastern portion is about twenty-three inches and the evaporation four feet, while the precipitation of the western portion may fall as low as twelve to fifteen inches with an evaporation of six feet. The geologj' of Nebraska is seemingly complex, chiefly because the strata are so deeply buried that they are not exposed for study. First, the strata sag or dip to the west, not appear- ing again until the flanks of the Rocky moun- tains are reached, thus forming a deeply bur- ied trough. Second, the beds are covered by loose surface materials which are very dis- tinct and generally recognized as bluff deposit or loess, glacial drift, and sand-hills. All of the southeastern half of the state is covered more or less deeply by loess, which is a sandy loam of glacial origin of a light yellow color and of inexhaustible fertility. The northwest- ern half is covered largely by sand-hills re- sulting from the action of wind in transport- ing and piling up the disintegrated sand of Tertiary rock. The loess being as thick in many places as one hundred feet, and the sand-hills as thick as three hundred, it is plain that Nebraska rocks are concealed, and that they are not to be found except where streams have trenched the superficial beds. Along the streams of southeastern Nebraska the limestones are found, which are well known because they are extensively quarried. These belong to the Coal Measure or the Car- boniferous age, the oldest rock in the state. Though rich in beds of limestone and produc- tive beds of valuable clays and shales, our Carboniferous rock is poor in coal, the best seam being scarcely more than eighteen inches thick and encased in tenacious shale. Ex- posures of Carboniferous rock are common along the streams in Richardson, Pawnee, Ne- maha, Tohnson, Otoe, Cass, Sarpy, Douglas, GEOLOGY and Washing-ton counties, and in scattered patches as far west as Lancaster and Gage counties. From an economic standpoint this is the most important geologic formation in the state, since it yields the limestone for lime, rubble, riprap, building, smelting, sugar refin- ing, and flint for ballast, as well as enormous amounts of excellent clay for brick, tile, and terra cotta. The Carboniferous is lost west of Lincoln by dipping under beds of the Cretaceous age and by sinking several thousand feet before again coming to the surface in the mountains. If the state could be divested of its great man- tle of soil and sand. Cretaceous clays and artesian water, building stone (which, though ocherous and soft, is often put to use), and beds of superior clay, which furnish brick of all desired colors and kinds. It also furnishes a large amount of sand for building purposes, and, from a layer near its base, the best gravel in the state. Overlying the Dakota is the Ben- ton Cretaceous, consisting essentially of a white layer of chalk rock overlying a layer of black shale. It may be traced along the Re- publican river from Harlan county to Hebron, Endicott, Milford, Niobrara, and westward along the Niobrara river to Boyd county. Eco- nomically this layer may become important. The chalk rock is quarried for lime and build- Morrill Geological Expedition, igoc. ScHLEGEL Rapids and Falls Southwest of Valentine, Cherry county, Nebraska, in the Arikaree formation. Plunge, about twelve feet; width, about fifty feet. shales would predominate. As it is, they oc- cur in widely scattered patches along the courses of streams. Though enormously thick and broad in ex- tent, our Cretaceous rock is known by small, local patches. The oldest Cretaceous layer, the Dakota, being the water-bearing bed, is the best known as well as the most important. It consists largely of rusty sands and beds of clay which may be traced from Jefferson coun- ty northeast to Dakota county and beyond. Economically, this formation of sparsely ex- posed rock is of the greatest importance to the Plains, yielding excellent water, including ing purposes. Being very soft when "green," it is commonly cut into proper shape with or- dinary hand-saws, and, after drying and hard- ening, is laid up with mortar in the usual way. In this layer is found also an undeveloped re- source of great promise, in as much as the chalk rock, when prop>erly tempered with the shale, gives an hydraulic cement of excellent quality. Next above the Benton comes the Pierre formation, ordinarily spoken of as Pierre shale because it consists essentially of shale throughout its extent. In western Ne- braska it attains a thickness of several thou- sand feet. Though broad in extent, it is sel- 6 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA dom seen save where exposed by the cutting of some river ; and though four thousand to five thousand feet thick, it presents nothing of commercial importance, being destitute of water, gas, oil, coal, building stone, or any- thing else of economic value. At least two- thirds of the state consists of Pierre shale, though covered from general view. Next above the Pierre come the Tertiary bedls, which may be divided into a lower clayey layer eight hundred to one thousand feet thick known as the Bad Lands (Oligo- cene), and an upper layer five hundred to six forts shall be provided. These beds, consist- ing essentially of marly clays of fresh-water origin, are peculiarly rich in vertebrate fossils and are the classic collecting grounds of Amer- ica. Where the wash is not excessive the Bad Lands come readily under cultivation, be- ing fertile and productive ; but seen as they are by the average tourist, destitute of water and living things, trenched, bare, and baked, they seem to typify desolation and waste. Continuous with, and rising high above the Bad Lands are the butte sands of Arikaree formation. Morrill Geological Expeditwu , isg^. To.\DSTooL P.\RK, Sioux Countv B.\d L.'\nds Two miles west of Adelia on the Burlington & Missouri River railroad. hundred feet thick known as the butte sands (Arikaree, Miocene). Like the Pierre, the Bad Lands are without natural resources of the least economic value, save the valuable fos- sils, in digging and collecting which a consid- erable number of men are employed. It is necessary constantly to remind the general public that Bad Lands is a misnomer. They are not bad in the sense of sterility ; but to drive over they are bad beyond question, being cut and w^ashed into deep gullies and lofty pin- nacles. There is a magnificence and grandeur about the Bad Lands which must attract tour- ists when suitable accommodations and com- AU of western Nebraska has a general alti- tude approaching five thousand feet, and here the magnificent buttes and tables add diversity and beauty to the landscape. Here also thou- sands of pine trees flourish and are the chief natural resource of this formation. Being sandy, it is productive of pure water, and its grazing lands are of the best. It lends itself to profitable and easy cultivation, especially where irrigated. In many places in south- western Nebraska a still younger formation rests upon what is known as the "magnesia" or mortar beds (Ogalalla). -\1I of the remain- ing: beds are still more recent in time and con- ARCH.EOLOGY sist of unconsolidated materials. The sand- hill region which covers the northwestern half of the state is derived from the disintegration of Tertiary sands and their subsequent trans- portation by the wind. In the early history of the state, when herds roved unrestricted over the Plains, and when prairie fires were un- checked, the bare sands became shifting sand dunes, and grass, underbrush, and trees were destroyed, and the region presented the ap- pearance of a desert, as it was then supposed to be. Now some of the best ranches, hay lands, and grazing lands are to be found in the heart of the sand-hill country. The south- eastern half of the state is covered, from a few feet to one hundred feet or more in depth, with a fine, light yellow loam of great fertilit}', known as the loess, or bluff deposit, from its habit of standing in vertical walls. Econom- ically this constitutes the basis of the agri- cultural greatness of Nebraska. The eastern fifth of the state has a thin layer of glacial drift under the loess. West of Seward county evidence of glacial drift ceases. The material composing our drift is clay, gravel, sand, bowlders of granite, green stone, and the like from distant northern points, but more espe- cially pink bowlders of Sioux quartzite from Sioux Falls, South Dakota. This formation is of little economic value, although its bowl- ders, some of which are as much as twenty feet in diameter, are utilized to some extent for foundations and other building purposes. The youngest deposit in the state is the al- luvium of our streams, useful chiefly because of its great fertility, and because it furnishes material for making a fair grade of brick where good clays are wanting. The known minerals of the state are of in- terest mineralogically rather than economical- ly. Gold, native copper, meteoric iron, ter- restrial iron, iron pyrite, marcasite, limonite, magnetic iron sand, pyrolusite, selenite, barite, celesfte, calcite, agate, chelcedony, and tur- quoise are among the minerals recorded for the state. Among the mineral resources al- ready developed or of probable utility are ocher, peat, bituminous coal of the Carbon- iferous, lignite coal of the Cretaceous, dia- tomaceous earth, natural pumice of volcanic ash in extensive beds, enormous amounts of clay, limestone, sand, gravel, flint, and mate- rial for manufacture of hydraulic cement. The preparation of the geological history of Falls of the North Loup River Plunge about twelve feet; width, forty to fifty feet. a state requires the closest inspection and study of past and present conditions in every quarter of it ; and already it may be predicted with certainty that many of the natural re- sources of Nebraska, when they become better known, will be developed to such an extent that its present boasted agricultural products will not be its only source of wealth. Arch."Eglogy.' The geographical position of Nebraska, situated as it is between the Mis- souri river on the east and the great Rockies on the west, is conducive to a complicated and interesting archaeology, as well as geolog}'. fauna, and flora. We find the Stone Age im- plements distributed along the waterways so abundantly that we may readily conclude that primitive man gradually worked his way over the entire state by following the streams. The archaeology of the state can be determined only by the implements. The quantity of Stone .\ge material found, naturally divides itself into three classes. While these three classes overlap each other in many cases, yet every implement may be readily placed in one of them. These classes may be subdivided, it is 3 For this description of the archeology' of Nebras- ka we are indebted to Mr. E. E. Blackman. archaeol- ogist of the Nebraska State Historical Society. — -Ed. 8 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA true, but in that subdivision some one imple- ment will be found which is doubtful, and at this stage of the study, lines of demarcation point out but three distinct classes. The first, or most primitive class, is found, without pot- tery intermixed, along the Blue river and in the southeastern portions of the state. The second, or intermediate class, consists of chipped implements of massive size, found along the Elkhorn and Missouri rivers; they are abundant in the northeastern part of Kan- sas as well. A few have been found along the Platte river. The third class (which may be subdivided most easily) consists of chipped flints showing fine workmanship; and abun- dant potsherds, some beaten copper orna- ments, and a few "ceremonials" are inter- mixed. The houseform, or lodge circles, may be studied in this class, and are most abundant along the Platte and its tributaries. It should be borne in mind that these three classes of Stone Age implements may belong to one people — that they may only represent a single tribe in its evolution from barbarism to semi-civilization ; or they may belong to twen- ty or more tribes having no ties in common. Only years of careful study and comparison can settle that question, if, indeed, it can ever be definitely settled. It should be borne in mind also that primi- tive man used stone implements entirely. The aborigine wandered over this state before the Bronze Age ; in fact, there are no known indi- cations that there ever was a Bronze Age in Nebraska. One of the three following propositions is true, either wholly or in part: first, the ab- origine was extinct before civilization came to this continent ; second, the Amerind,* with im- plements obtained from the whites, drove out the aborigine ; or, third, he was, himself, sup- plied with implements of civilization and is now counted an Amerind. Archaeology has to deal with prehistoric man, the man who used the implements of the Stone Age, and when this aborigine has developed into an Amerind, * The term Amerind is coming into general use among archaeologists and scientific men as a short and appropriate designation of the American In- dian. — Ed. ethnology takes up the study where archaeol- ogy leaves off. If the aborigine frequented a spot there was certainly a reason for so doing. Let us examine the conditions that would en- tice the primitive Stone Age man. The white man cultivates the soil and produces his sub- sistence, but the aborigine followed the chase and supplied his wants direct from nature ; to do this he must have flint or some kind of stone from which to- make his implements. Flint is the most available material for this purpose, as it possesses the property of con- choidal fracture, as well as great toughness, very desirable in stone-cutting implements. The southeastern part of tlie state contains flint nodules imbedded in the limestone ledges ; the watershed of the Republican river contains a brown flint or jasper in strata ; the north- eastern part, along the Niobrara river, has a green quartzite which chips easily. Most of the chipped implements of the state are made from one of these kinds of stone ; we may therefore conclude that this natural deposit of implement-making material largely influenced the aborigine in his choice of location. The numerous running streams and the proximity of the buffalo plains, together with an abun- dance of small game, doubtless helped to make eastern Nebraska a favored place for the ab- origine. The Blue river valley is strewn most abun- dantly with the earliest type of Stone Age im- plements. They are found on the high points of land which overlook the Blue river, and are usually not far from a water supply. The ma- terial used for these rude implements was found near at hand. As far as the Blue val- ley has been explored (from Beatrice to the state line on the south) tliere are imbedded in the limestone which rests near the water line many nodules of blue chert or flint. The qual- ity of this material is much better than that of the chert ledges farther south in Kansas, but the nodules are not so abundant and are much harder to procure. In making the implements it is evident that the work was done by beating the edge of another piece of rock until the de- sired shape was obtained. The edges are blunt and the implements very rude. Many frag- ARCHEOLOGY Flint Spearhead found near Blair, Nebraska Flint Implements of Nebraska Hematite Bust found near Lincoln, Nebraska Flint Tomahawk found near VVymore, Nebraska, BY James Crawford 10 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA inents of flint are found with very sharp edges left by the fracture, showing that cutting tools, having sharp natural fractures instead of hav- ing been artificially chipped to a cutting edge, were used. From the Blue river eastward to the state line many high points of land have a few of the chips of blue chert mixed with the soil, show- ing that aboriginal man once had his camp there. But the most pronounced evidence of this first or lowest stage of the Stone Age is found near the mouth of the Weeping Water ; fourth ledge from the top. The trench, as dug from the hillside surface back to the edge of the pit on the brow of the hill, terminates at a solid, perpendicular wall. Here appear marks of discoloration caused by fire. Quantities of charcoal and ashes were found at the base of the wall and scattered throughout the debris which the trench passes through for half its length. At the beginning of the trench, some forty feet above the water level and a hundred feet from the bed of the Weeping Water, broken Quiver.'^ Tomahawks found by \V.\lter Rice near Blue Springs, Xebr.\ska at that point one may draw a circle five miles in diameter with the town of Nehawka well to the southeast side of this circle, and he will en- close a vast area of quarry pits made by prehis- toric man.'' The exact surface area of these pits has not been measured, but they cover many acres. Mr. Isaac Pollard, who owns some of the land upon which the pits are found, made an excavation through one of them. The trench is eighty feet long, six feet wide, and from ten to twelve feet deep. This trench has its floor on a solid ledge of limestone, wliich is the ^ See report of Archaeologist in Annual Report State Board of Agriculture, 1902. rocks and quarry debris were found for a few- feet, then the trench passed through a bank of earth and stratified rocks that had not been moved. This bank is sixteen feet thick on the floor of the trench. After this comes a mix- ture of spalls, broken rocks, and soil inter- mingled. This debris appeared to have been thrown out in layers resting at an angle of about forty-five degrees with the level of the floor. It is loosely packed in places, while here and there is very closely packed stra- tum of brown clay filled with flint spalls and bits of limestone : it has every appearance of being well tamped, and is hard to dig through. The most abundant material in the debris ARCH.EOLOGY 11 is broken lime rocks having large fractures on them as if struck by some heavy body. Many of these rocks show the rounded matrix of a flint nodule which has been removed. The surface near the pit is strewn with flint spalls. The first stratum, as shown in a quarry near by, is a rotten lime rock ; the second is a fairly good building stone without flint nod- ules, and at the perpendicular wall where the trench ends it is from twenty-six to thirty- eight inches thick. The third stratum, which is very compact and from thirty to forty-two inches thick, contains the flint nodules, about tected for a certainty has been found in the trench, and no pottery. A few of the first class of Stone Age implements were found in the vicinity; and a few sherds of pottery, as well as some of the third class of implements, were found, in lodge circles and graves near these pits. They doubtless belonged to other peo- ple who came along the Missouri at a later date. In this limited sketch can be given but a faint conception of the skill shown in quarry- ing, of the years spent in systematic labor, and of the vast numbers that must have been en- The only Complete Piece of Indl-vn Pottery ever Discovered i.\ Nebraska, so i-ar as know n. Found by R. Dewitt Stearns near Fullerton two-thirds of the way down. These nodules are from the size of an egg to the size of a man's head, and are about twelve inches apart each way. They cleave out very readily, and leave a rounded matrix when the ledge is broken up. No tools and no perfectly chipped imple- ments have thus far been found ; in fact, no flint upon which artificial chipping can be de- gaged. In one of these pits stands a bur-oak tree six feet two inches in circumference. The second class of Stone Age implements comprises those of massive, chipped stone found along the Elkhorn and Missouri rivers. Quantities of these are also found along the Sioux river in Iowa, as well as in the north- eastern part of Kansas. They are shaped like the smaller implements of class three ; they 12 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA are undoubtedly chipped by the pressure pro- cess, and at times show much skill in their manufacture. With them are often found the finer and smaller implements of class three. The characteristic of these implements is their size; they are too large for use in the chase or in war, and may be classed as digging tools. On the Wright site, near Genoa, these massive implements are abundant in a field near the lodge circles now to be seen there, but not at the same place. It seems that the newer village site is a few rods from the old one, where the lodge circles are not plainly defined but where these massive implements are abun- dant. This may lead to a better understand- ing of this second class in time. Near th*^ Elkhorn, where no lodge circles can be no ticed, these massive implements are abundant- ly scattered with implements of the third class, and pottery is found there, too. The third class of Stone Age implements is abundant in most parts of the state and con- sists of finely chipped arrows, scrapers, and spears in use by the Indians when early hunt- ers and trappers first came among them. This class may be subdivided. Every tribe which the early trappers and missionaries visited manifested a certain individuality in their chip- ped flints. This difiference is not easily studied from the meager data left by the early writers, and there are many stumbling blocks encoun- tered in trying to classify them from their in- dividuality of chipping alone. This class is most abundant along the Platte river, where the lodge circles are most plainly defined. These lodge circles antedate the tra- ditionary knowledge of the Amerind, but are so similar to the ruins left by the recent tribes that we can but connect the two as the product of the same people. In many cases we know that these ancient ruins were abandoned before contact, even indirectly, with whites, as the red man prized so highly the arts of the whites that he adopted them on sight. There is not the slightest trace of such contact, and we may safely conclude that there was none, and there- fore this latest class is properly a study in ar- cheology. A lengthy description of these im- « London, 1842. plements may not find room here, but the Ne- braska State Historical Society museum illus- trates the three classes in question. It is true in a limited degree only that we may judge the people by their pottery. The potsherds found in Nebraska are mainly of three kinds : those having fabric impressions, those ornamented with designs drawn on the plastic clay, and a poorer quality of more re- cent manufacture. The first two are black, feebly burned, and tempered with quartz, peb- bles, mica, and pieces of pottery crushed. The last is often very red, having been burned more severely ; it is tempered with sand and at times small pebbles are found in it as well as powdered shells. Buche'' describes a Scandinavian pottery which corresponds in every way to this Ne- braska pottery. The Scandinavian pottery was made two thousand years B. C. It is evident that the first class of the Stone Age, as described above, had no pottery. It is equally certain that the third class had pot- tery in abundance ; the second, or intermedi- ate stage is so closely associated with both that it is difficult to say definitely what it contained. The third class had pottery of the first two kinds mentioned, and the third kind was prob- ably brought here by some later tribe. The study of Nebraska archaeology has been in progress, in a systematic way, only a few years, and it is perhaps venturesome to sup- ply even these brief data. No other state in the Union offers a more fertile field. It is com- plicated, as the aborigine was a nomadic crea- ture, and so many tribes of recent Indians have made these vast buffalo plains their hunting grounds that it is very difficult to follow the line of demarcation between the ruins of the aborigine and those of the Amerind. Many rel- ics have been gathered into the Nebraska State Historical Society museum, which forms the basis of this study. Many more are scattered over the state, not only in the fields and along the streams, but in the keeping of people who enjoy their possession, but who do not realize their importance in completing this branch of our history. Twenty-four village sites have been explor- CLIMATIC CONDITIONS 13 ed and charted; while the remains of others, from walled cities whose metes and bounds are still plainly defined, down to temporary hunting camps of a few tepees, are thickly scattered over the state. Of the recent village sites, or those occupied during historic days, five have been explored: the Bryant site, near Yutan : an Otoe site, where Elsworth visited the Otoes in 1832 ;' the Esty site, a recent Pawnee village, seven miles south of Fremont ; the McClain site, a Pawnee site, immediately across the Platte from Fremont ; the Otoe site at Barneston, and the very recent Pawnee site at Genoa. A history of these sites may be ob- tained from published works, so one need not resort to relics. Relics of domestic economy and of art are being gathered, which will reveal the people who used them as truly as we may read the lives of our associates in their everyday walks. Archaeology may, in time, construct a true his- tory of the race which lived, loved, and wor- shiped on the soil of Nebraska. Ci^iMATic Conditions.' It is probable that all pioneers notice more or less carefully the conditions of temperature and rainfall in the new region in which they are making a home. Particularly is this true if the region is popu- larly supposed by former neighbors and friends to have a rather inhospitable climate. Proba- bly reasons of this nature account, in part at least, for the unusual and intelligent interest which was manifested in- climatic conditions by the early settlers of Nebraska. Preceding the settlers, at least in the matter of accurate, preserved weather observations, comes the United States army. The soldiers, in accord- ance with the usual practice, kept weather re- cords at the frontier army posts. The earliest of these records commenced in 1849 at Fort Kearney, and for twenty years the records at the various army posts form an important part of our knowledge of the Nebraska weath- er. The earliest preserved records kept by settlers commenced at Omaha in 1857, Brown- ^ Irving's Indian Sketches. ^ This account of the meteorology of Nebraska should be credited to Prof. George A. Loveland, di- rector of the United States Weather Bureau in the University of Nebraska. — Ed. ville and Bellevue in 1858, Nebraska City and Fontenelle in 1859. The number of observers increased but slowly for the next twenty years, and many records are broken, or perhaps have been but partially preserved ; for there was no organized attempt to encourage or collect and preserve the results of the work of those who are carefully noting events. A leader to stim- ulate interest was wanting. In January, 1878, Gilbert E. Bailey, profess- or of chemistry and physics in the University of Nebraska, organized the Nebraska volun- tary weather service, similar to a service or- ganized three years earlier in Iowa, "for the purpose of collecting facts and securing an accurate and complete history of the weather of Nebraska." The organization thus formed has existed essentially the same to the present time, nearly forty years, and during this period there was issued, without a single omission, a monthly statement of the weather which prevailed in Nebraska. Much credit should be given to the intelligent citizens who have composed this band of workers, and espec- ially to the "director" of the service who, par- ticularly in the early days, contributed largely in enthusiasm, time, and sometimes money to secure the object sought. The directors were Gilbert E. Bailey, 1878; S. R. Thompson, 1878 to 1884; and G. D. Swezey, in 1884, until the work was turned over to the officials of the United States Weather Bureau in 1896. The continued activity of the service seems the more unusual when it is noted that but once — in January 1884 — have the workers met in con- vention. The first attempt to collect the scattered re- cords and determine the climate of Nebraska was made in 1878 by G. E. Bailey, at the time he organized the voluntary service. He charted the rainfall for the two ten -year periods end- ing 1867 and 1877. The results seemed to prove that the rainfall in Nebraska was increas- ing. Thus was advanced the theory of increas- ing rainfall (perhaps already in the minds of the people) with seemingly good reasons, which in the next ten years became firmly fixed as a belief in the mind of the average Nebraskan. The second attempt to present the climatic 14 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA conditions of Nebraska was a more complete and pretentious "Climatology of Nebraska," printed by Samuel Augbey, professor of nat- ural sciences in the University of Nebraska. This was a chapter in a book entitled Sketches of Physical Geography and Geology of Ne- braska. It contained many statements of sup- posed facts which were determined from in- sufficient data and which are now known to be incorrect. It included an elaborate exposition of the mistaken theory of increase in rainfall. In 1890, a comprehensive statement of the Nebraska climate was prepared by the United States Signal Service and printed as Senate Document No. 115 of the Fifty-first Congress. The unusual weather conditions of 1894 arous- ed considerable interest in the climate, especial- ly as regards rainfall. A complete summary of the rainfall records was prepared by the Nebraska voluntary service, and was printed as Bulletin No. 45 of the Agricultural Experi- ment Station of Nebraska. In 1895 Professor G. D. Swezey prepared an excellent survey of the climate of Nebraska for the July number of the Nortlm'estern Journal of Education. The intelligent interest of the citizen, start- ing with the early history of Nebraska and continuing for a half century, has resulted in the collection of sufficient data to establish the characteristics of the climate with consider- able accuracy, also to point out some of the errors of early students. There is every evi- dence that no permanent change has occurred in the climate of Nebraska since its occupation by man. The variations of climate observed in the half century would have occurred if the country had been uninhabited, and they are similar to those occurring in all parts of the globe. The climate of Nebraska is controlled by its location on the globe ; that is, its latitude, elevation above sea level, distance from large bodies of water, and the extensive mountain ranges to the westward, with the absence of such barriers to moisture-laden winds, to the south and east. The average temperature for the year varies with the latitude and elevation. It is highest — 52° — in the extreme southeastern portion of the state, at an elevation of about nine hundred feet, and 2° less in the southwestern portion, at an elevation of about three thousand feet. The mean annual temperature decreases north- ward at an average rate of 1° for forty miles in the eastern and southern portion of the state while in the northwest the decrease in tempera- ture is somewhat less rapid. Along the north- ern boundary the average is slightly above 46°. January is the coldest month, with a mean temperature approximately 27° below the yearly average, or with a range of from 25° in the southeast to 20° or slightly below in the north. In the very coldest days of winter the temperature falls to between 10° and 20° be- low zero, and on rare occasions to 30° below zero. In the northwest portion of the state 40° or more below zero has been recorded twice in the past forty years, the coldest re- corded being 47° below zero in February, 1899, at Camp Clarke. July is the warmest month, with a mean approximately 26° above the yearly mean, or with a range of from 78° in the southeast to 72° in the northwest. In the hottest days of summer the temperature exceeds 100°. In 1901, the hottest July recorded, the highest temperature was from 108° to 110°, while in 1894, 114° was recorded at Creighton and Santee on July 26th. The last killing frost in spring in the south- east, in the last decade, occurs in April, but it appears gradually later to the northward and westward, occurring near May 1st in the great- er portion of the agricultural section of the state, while in the northwest, in the more ele- vated and principally grazing districts, the sea- son is about two weeks later. The first killing frost in the fall in the South Platte district, except the western portion, occurs as a rule during the first week in October, and from five to ten days earlier in the central and northwestern part of the state. The average number of days without killing frosts, that is, from the last frost in the spring to the first frost in the fall, is 155 to 165 in the southeastern part of the state; 145 western parts, and 130 to 135 in the northwest- ern portion. The ground usually thaws out and some plowing and seeding are done in VEGETATION 15 March, but the real growing' season does not begin until the higher temperatures of April are felt. The precipitation of Nebraska is almost en- tirely rain; the snowfall for a year averages about twenty inches, equal to about two inches of water, or less than one-tenth the annual precipitation. The moisture precipitated over Nebraska comes almost entirely from the Gulf of Mexico, brought by the prevailing south- erly winds of summer. The annual precipita- tion slightly exceeds thirty inches in the south- eastern part of the state, and decreases to the north and west somewhat irregularly, but at an average rate of one inch for thirty miles across the state from the southeast corner to the middle of the western border, where it is only fifteen inches. The decrease northward along the eastern border of the state is about one inch for forty miles, or to twenty-seven inches in the northeast corner. The decrease is one inch for fifty miles westward along the northern border, or to eighteen inches in the northwest corner. Very little rain or snow falls in the winter months, averaging less than an inch of water a month, from November to February inclusive. A slight increase is man- ifest in March, but the spring rains begin in April when from two to three inches is the normal fall for most parts of the state. In May the rainfall is about one inch more, while June and July follow with nearly the same amount. June is the month of heaviest rainfall, with an amount ranging from more than five inches in the southeast to slightly less than three in the extreme west. August brings a decided decrease, being only about the same as April, while September and October have still less. The rainy season in Nebraska coincides with the crop season or the warm growing months. Nearly seventy per cent of Nebraska's precip- itation occurrs in the five months, April to Au- gust, inclusive. The percentage of cloudiness is highest in March, April, May, and June, when there are slightly more clouds than clear sky. July, .■\ugust, and September are the months with the least clouds. The velocity of the wind i;^ high in all parts of the state except in the Missouri valley, and averages from nine to eleven miles per hour. Vegetation.'-' The natural vegetation of Nebraska is emphatically that of the Great Plains, and thus diflfers much from that of the forests to the eastward and the mountains ly- ing westward. To say that the eastern botanist notes the absence of many familiar plants sig- nifies nothing, since this must always be the case in comparing the flora of one region with that of another. The flora of the Plains dif- fers in many respects from that of New York and New England, but the eastern botanist must not unduly magnify the importance to be attached to the fact that he does not find here many of the plants he knew in his child- hood days. The Plains have their own plants, which will eventually be as dear to the men and women who gathered them in childhood, as are the old favorites to the New Englander trans- planted to the West. A study of the vegetation of Nebraska shows it to possess some remarkably interesting fea- tures. The wild plants of the state are very largely immigrants from surrounding regions. By far the greater number have come from the prairies and forests lying adjacent on the east and southeast by creeping up the rivers and streams, or in case of herbaceous plants, blow- ing overland without regard for the water- courses. Thus, of the one hundred and forty- one trees and shrubs which grow naturally within the state, all but about twenty-five have migrated from the East, in nearly all cases following the streams. Of these twenty-five, four or five may be considered strictly endemic, the remainder having come down from the mountains. A careful study of the plants of the eastern part of the state, shows that many species are confined to limited areas in Richardson and the adjoining counties, and that the number of species decreases with marked regularity as we ascend the Misssouri river. The same general law is seen as we ascend the three great rivers, the Republican, Platte, and Niobrara, which ^This description of the vegetation of Nebraska is by Charles Edwin Bessey, Ph.D., LL.D., dean of the Industrial College and professor f){ botany in the University of Nebraska. — Ed. 16 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA cross the state from west to east. On the other hand, as we ascend the streams we meet, here and there, a mountain plant which is wandering eastward down the slope from an elevation of a mile above sea level in the western coun- ties to less than a thousand feet along the Mis- souri river. Thus the buffalo berry, the gold- en currant, low sumach, the dwarf wild cherry, and yellow pine have traveled half-way or two-thirds across the Plains ; while the creep- ing barberry, black Cottonwood, Rydberg's Cottonwood, mountain inaple, mountain ma- hogany, and sage-brush barely enter the west- ern connties, not extending eastward of the Wyoming line more than a few miles. A few species of wild roses, the sand cherry, and perhaps the sand plum seem to belong strictly to the Plains. Wherever we go, we find upon the Plains a similar commingling of eastern and western species. Every mile one advances westward brings to view plants not hitherto seen, while at the same time there is left behind some familiar species. Nebraska affords one of the finest illustra- tions of the commingling of continguous flor- as to be found anywhere in America. Not a few of the species in the southern half of the state have come up from the plains of the Southwest, some even coming from Texas and New Mexico. Others, again, appear to have migrated from the great northern plains of the Dakotas, while here again there are en- demic species, as the buffalo grass, Redfield's grass, false buffalo grass, and many more. Through the untiring efforts of the members of the Botanical Seminar of the University of Nebraska there are now known fully three thousand three hundred species, representing every branch and nearly every class of the vegetable kingdbm. There are sixty-four species of native trees in the state. There is, however, no place in the state where all these species grow togeth- er. No county contains sixty-four kinds of na- tive trees. Thus there are nineteen species of trees in the northwestern quarter of the state, southwestern, and fifty in the southeastern. A close study of the distribution of r • twentv-seven in the northeastern, fifteen in the trees shows that nearly all have probably mi- grated to the Plains from the East. They have in some cases done no more than get a lit- tle foothold in the extreme southeastern coun- ties, to which they have come from the heavy forests of Missouri. A few have doubtless crossed the Missouri river from western Iowa, although this number is evidently very small. Nearly all have come up from the Missouri bottoms and spread from the southeastern cor- ner of the state west and northwest. Possibly a few may have come up the Blue river from Kansas, but these must eventually be traced to the Missouri river bottoms at the mouth of the Kansas river. The trees and shrubs which are found only in the western part of the state unquestionably came from the Rocky mountains and have spread eastward to their present limits. Only one of these, the buffalo berry, has spread it- self over the whole state. There is a probabil- ity that a further examination of the bluffs of the Niobrara, Platte, and Republican rivers will show several more of these Rocky moun- tain plants, which have come down with the river currents. It is singular that so few of the western trees and shrubs have come down the streams, especially as prevailing winds are al- so from the westerly parts toward the east. It would naturally be supposed that it would be much easier for the western trees to come down stream, and with the wind, than for the elms, ashes, plums, etc., to have gone up the streams against the prevailing winds. Some of the more important trees are : The yellow pine or bull pine, red cedar, black Cot- tonwood, Rydberg's cotton wood, cottonwood, basswood, white elm, red elm, hackberry, plane tree, mountain maple, butternut, black walnut, shellbark hickory, big hickory nut, bitter hick- ory, white oak, bur-oak, red oak, iron-wood, canoe birch, choke cherry, wild black cherr)', wild plum, Kentucky coffee tree, white ash, red ash. and green ash. The yellow pine, which occurs so abundant- ly in the Rocky mountains, is the only pine na- tive to Nebraska. It forms quite dense forests in the northwestern and northern portion of the state, extending from the Wyoming line along VEGETATION 17 the Pine Ridge and Niobrara river to the east- ern boundary of Rociv and Keya Paha coun- ties. It occurs also on the North Platte river as far east as Deuel county. The white elm is deservedly popular throughout the state as a shade tree ; it is the common elm of the state. It is known as "wa- ter elm." A specimen of the white elm in Tecumseh has a spreading dome-shaped top nearly one hundred feet in diameter. Along the Salt Creek in the vicinity of Lincoln are many trees of about the same size. It will adapt itself to almost any soil and condition and grows well over the entire state. The bur-oak is the most widely distributed oak within the state. In favorable situations it attains a great size even along the western border of the state. In Long Pine canyon there are trees from two to three feet in diam- eter, with large and well shaped tops. Grasses. Many plants are commonly called grasses which are not grasses at all. Many people speak of clover and alfalfa as grasses, because they are made into hay for stock, just as many of the real grasses are. So, too, many of our weeds are called grasses, as rib-grass, knot-grass, etc., when they are not at all relat- ed to the proper grasses. On the other hand, many true grasses are commonly kept separate from them, under the impression that they are very different plants. Thus many people do not think of common field corn as a grass, and yet it is in every way a true grass, although a very large one. So, too, wheat, oats, rye, bar- ley, etc., are real grasses, although we rarely hear them spoken of as such. A grass is a plant with narrow, elongated leaves which are in two ranks upon the jointed usually hollow stem. The leaves end below in open sheaths, which wrap around the stem for a greater or less distance. The flowers are chaffy and are never colored or conspicuous ; they are often in loose heads (panicles, as in blue grass and oats), or in spikes (as in tim- othy and wheat). Some live for but a single season (annuals), while others live for many years (perennials). In the world there are about 3,500 species of grasses, and of this vast number 154 have been recorded as growing wild or under com- mon cultivation in Nebraska. Probably there is no place in the state in which there are not from fifty to seventy-five kinds of grasses, and in some places doubtless there are more than one hundred. Wild Flowers. Contrary to the popular notion Nebraska has a rich flora, and its wild flowers include many species whose beauty has commended them to the florist and gardener. It is safe to say that there are at least three hundred species which are notable for their attractiveness. This large number is, howev- er, distributed over so great an area that no locality possesses many of them. The more important of the wild flowers are the following: Lilies. — Eight of these are attractive flow- ers. The most striking are the two sp>ecies of "Mariposa lilies" whose lavender flowers may be found abundantly in the northwestern part of the state. Much more common, but very pretty, are the two species of "spring lilies" (Erythronium), the one a lavender white, the other rarer one a light yellow. The Canada lily and the little white trillium are so pretty as to merit the high place given them among beautiful flowers. The sand lily (Leu- cocrinum) of the western half of the state sends up in early spring its delicate white, fragrant flowers, while in the same region in early summer the stately dagger weed (Yucca) rears its tall stem, crowned with its creamy tulip-like flowers. Orchids. — Nine or ten pretty orchids grow in different parts of the state, but these shy plants are nowhere abundant. Buttercups. — About a dozen species of buttercups are known within the state, and there are as many more near relatives, the columbines, larkspurs, anemones, and pretty climbing clematises, Water Lilies. — The prettiest of these is the white water lily so much prized by flower- lovers, and the giant water lily (Nelumbo) with its light .yellow flowers and gigantit leaves. Poppies. — Throughout the western half of the state the native prickly {xjppy is very com- mon, its large, white flowers being conspicu- ous everywhere upon the high plains. In com- mon with many of the preceding species, it is very generally cultivated in gardens in the old- er parts of the United States. 18 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Capers. — This odd name is applied to a family represented in Nebraska by several very pretty plants : one of the prettiest is the Rocky mountain bee plant, whose pink flowers yield much nectar to the bees. Violets. — Every spring the hills are dotted over with beautiful prairie violets of several species. Some of these have heart-shaped leaves, while in others they are shaped like the leaves of the larkspur. All are worthy of cultivation in gardens. Mallows. — The eastern resident will see few more interesting plants upon the plains than the native mallows, from the tall grow- ing lavender or blue flowered species to those with bright red flowers. Some of the former have very deep growing, enlarged roots. Cactuses. • — • In eastern Nebraska, on the rocky hilltops, a species of prickly pear grows plentifully, as also in many counties westward to Wyoming. Another species much like it occurs in the western counties only, while a couple of species of melon cactus with spher- ical stems are common from the central counties westward. Mentzelias. — • Several species of Mentzel- ia with thin, straw-colored, star-shaped flow- ers, and adhesive leaves, are very abundant in the western counties. They are sometimes known as "star flowers," and have been culti- vated in the garden under the name of Bar- tonia. Evening Primroses. — These occur in great abundance throughout the state, and six of the species are very ornamental, having bright yellow flowers an inch or livo in diame- ter. Some of these are common in eastern gardens. The Roses. — No part of Nebraska is with- out one or more species of wild roses, and in some places tliese are so abundant that the landscape is made pink by the color of the beautiful flowers which are produced in great numbers. Nearly related to the roses are the cinque-foils of many species, and the well- known wild strawberries, of which we have two species. Lupines. — In the western counties several kinds of wild lupines are found, which are very attractive both in flowers and foliage. Related to these are the milk-vetches of many species, some of which are ornamental. Prairie Clovers. — Two species of these plants, the white flowered and the pink flow- ered, are common everywhere, while three or four more occur in the center of the state and westward. Some of these have long been cul- tivated in gardens in the east and in the Old World. Morning Glories. — • While some of these are troublesome weeds they are at the same time very pretty ornamental plants. One which does not climb and which is known as the bush morning glory produces fine, large purple flowers in great profusion. It is worthy of cultivation. It is curious on account of the very large root which it produces, this some- times reaching the enormous size of five feet in length and a foot in diameter and weighing from fifty to one hundred pounds. Gilias. — A few of the many species of Gilia are pecularly beautiful and have long been grown in gardens under the name Collomia. They occur mainly in the western part of the state. Pentstemons. ^ — Six ito eight species of these beautiful flowers grow in the state, some of them being common everywhere. The fin- est one is the large flowered species (Pcntste- vion grandiflorus) whose blue-purple flowers are two inches long. Verbenas. — Some of our species are coarse and lacking in beauty, but others are low with pretty leaves and flowers, suggesting that they may well be brought into gardens Sunflowers, all the sunflowers as weeds only, but even the coarsest are not devoid of beauty. The most common species (Hcliauthiis aiinuits) is the parent from which have been derived all the cultivated varieties so common in gardens the world over. The so-called Russian sunflower which is often cultivated for its oily seeds is nothing but a highly improved form of our common species. Other species of sunflowers are somewhat cultivated and are prized for their stateliness, but none are as well known as the common kind mentioned above. Asters. — Of this genus of plants we have many species in the state, several of consid- erable beauty. They always attract attention, and are deservedly popular with children and other lovers of flowers. GoLDENRODS. — Few genera of plants have received the attention bestowed upon that which includes our native goldenrods. Their tall wand-like stems, topped with their golden heads, make them striking objects upon the landscape of the Plains. We have many spe- cies, ranging from the stout and stocky "rigid goldenrod" to the slender "Canadian" species. One of the most graceful of the species, the "tall goldenrod" (Solidago serotina) , has recently been designated by law as the floral emblem of Nebraska. This really handsome We too commonly regard VEGETATION 19 species is a native of all quarters of the state. It attains a height of from three to four or five feet, and has smooth, lance-shaped, taper- pointed leaves. It bears a large, more or less pyramidal cluster of fiovi^rs, which lean over somewhat to one side. Nebraska could not have a better floral representative than this sturdy, yet graceful, goldenrod. Weeds. Upon the open countrj' of the Plains, where the winds are almost constantly blowing briskly, seeds of all kinds are much more readily distributed than they are in the wooded regions. This will account for the rapid spread of weeds when once they reach the open country beyond the Missouri river. Then again the whole of the Plains for ages was roamed over by immense droves of buf- faloes and antelopes, and later by domestic animals whose range was almost as far as that of their wild relatives. These herds in their rapid and headlong stamj>edes over the coun- try carried with them the seeds of many plants, thus aiding in their general distribution. The general fertility and the great uniform- ity of the soil has had also much to do with the readiness with which weedy plants ob- tained a foothold in new stations, and from them increased and spread to others. Naturally, in a region having the area and hypsometrical features of Nebraska, the num- ber of native plants which may become weedy is quite large. A region nearly ten times as large as Massachusetts, and ranging in alti- tude above the sea from about 900 to more than 5,000 feet, can not fail to have many native weedy plants. By actual count no less than 125 native plants are worthy of being ranked as weeds, and while many of these are among the worst pests of the farm, others sim- ply take possession of the open pasture lands of waste and uncultivated places. The more important kinds are the following: Squirrel-Tail Gr.\ss (Hordeum jubatum). — ■ This appears to have originally inhabited the sandy margins and islands of the streams of the state. It was common also upon the alkaline and salt flats, and from these it spread to the cultivated lands and roadsides almost everywhere. It is one of the most trouble- some weeds of the state. Couch Gr.\ss (Agropyrmn repens). — This pest of the eastern farmer is widely distrib- uted upon the Plains, but it has not as yet attracted much attention. It is cut for hay, of which it supplies a fair amount of good quality. Porcupine Gr.\ss {Stipa spartea). — ln the eastern part of the state this is a common weed upon the high prairies, where its sharp needle-hke fruits are very hurtful to sheep! In the western counties it is replaced by the suiiilar needle grass {S. coniata), which in every way is equally troublesome. Sand Bur {Cenchnis tribiiloides). — This grass loves the sandy soil of the large streams, from which it has doubtless spread to the higher lands. It is abundant in the eastern half of the state, and is probably our worst native weed. Smart Weeds (Polygonum acre and P hydroptper). — Common in the eastern coun- ties. Heartsease (Polygonum emersum, P. ter- rcstre, P. incarnatum, P. penns\lvani'cmn) . — All are troublesome weeds in lowlands. Tumble Weeds. — Two native plants bear this name, viz., Corispcnmim hvssopifoHum and Cycloloma platyphyllinn. They take pos- session of the recently plowed land'in the cen- tral portions of the state, and often completely cover the ground. In the autumn they begin their uneasy career of rolling and tumbling over the Plains, dropping their seeds every- where. Low Pigweed (Amaranthus blitoides).— As common throughout Nebraska as purslane (which it much resembles in manner of growth) is in the eastern states. Loco Weeds (Astragalus mollissmus) and Crazy Weeds (Oxytropis lambcrti). — These widely distributed plants are generally sup- posed to cause the disorder known as "loco" which attacks horses and cattle upon the plains. While it is possible that they are innocent of this charge, they are worthless weeds of the uplands and rich dry bottoms adjacent, and should be eradicated. Shoestring (Amorpha canesceiis). — For the farmer who undertakes to break up the upland prairie where it abounds, this is one of the most troublesome plants, its long, deep, tough roots offering a serious obstacle to the work. It abounds throughout the state. AIilkweeds (Asclepias syriaca, A. sp&ciosa, A. incarnata, and A. verticillata). — The first and second are pests in cultivated land, where their deep-lying roots enable them to success- fully resist all efforts to dislodge them. Both are widely distributed. The third species oc- 20 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA curs along streams and in moist places in the eastern half of the state as a tall weed. The fourth species is a low weed in pastures and meadows throughout the state. Wild Morning Glory (Convolvulus sepi- um). — In the eastern half of the state it is too common in cultivated fields. It appears to be spreading. Horse Nettle (Solanum carolinense). — A prickly weed of the eastern counties. BuFF.^LO Bur {Solanum rostratmn). — This most vile weed is apparently an immigrant from the southwest. It occurs now abundant- ly in all parts of Nebraska and is rapidly ex- tending eastward. NiGHTSH.^DE {Solanum triflormn). — A low-growing weed spreading eastward from the central portions of the state. Wild Verbena {Verbena stricta, J', has- tata, V. urticaefolia, V. bracteosa, V. pinnati- ftda). — All are weedy plants. The first oc- curs in the eastern half of the state on prairies of all kinds ; the second and third are confined to the moist lands of the eastern counties ; the fourth is a low weed throughout the state, while the last is like it, but confined to the western half of the state. Prairie Pink { Lygodesmia juncea). — Throughout the state this is a persistent weed, about which farmers frequently make com- plaint. Thistles {Cnicus altissimus, C. undulatus, C. ochrocentrus).- — These native thistles oc- cur as weeds in pastures, and especially upon the rich, unbroken prairies. The first is in the eastern counties, while the second and third are in the central and western portions of the state. Spanish Needles {Bidens frondosa). — Becoming common in cornfields and by road- sides in eastern Nebraska. Sunflowers {Helianthus annuus and H. grossescrratus). — The first is very common throughout the state, being the most conspicu- ous weed of all vacant places and poorly culti- vated fields. The second is a common peren- nial species in waste places and roadsides in eastern Nebraska. Several other species are occasionally more or less weedy in their habits. CocklEbur ( Xanthimn canadense) . — Very common by roadsides and in confields in east- ern Nebraska. I doubt whether this is a na- tive plant of the state. Ragweeds (Ambrosia trifida. A. artemisiae- folia and A. psilostachya) . — These pests of the eastern half of the state appear like im- migrants from the East. They abound by roadsides in the rich moist soils along the water-courses, often attaining a height of from ten to sixteen feet. Two species of Iva (/. ci- liata and /. xanthiifolia) , which look so much like ragweeds that they are not easily distin- guished by the farmer, are common weeds growing with the preceding in low lands in eastern Nebraska. Horseweed (Erigeron canadensis). — A common weed of the prairies and fields in the eastern half of the state. Its little relative, E. divaricatus, occurs in similar stations and has about the same range. ■ Iron Weeds (Vernonia fasciculata) . — A troublesome weed in low pastures in the east- ern half of the state. The introduced weeds include some of our most troublesome pests upon the farm, and yet the eastern student will remark upon the entire absence of some of the worst weeds with which he is familiar. Shepherds Purse (Bursa bursa^pastoris) . — Found everywhere in the eastern half of the state. Russian Thistle (Salsola tragus). — Ap- parently now to be found throughout the state. The mature plant is more or less spherical in shape and consists of many elongated branch- ing twigs which grow outward and upward from the root. When not quite matured tlie whole plant has a reddiish color, but as its seeds ripen it bleaches out and eventually is almost white. Well-grown specimens are from two to three feet in diameter, but where crowded together they may be much less. Each twig and branch is covered on all sides by hard, stout prickles, which are very sharp and very irritating to the touch. These prickles are in threes, that is, there are three together in a place and pointing in difi^erent directions. At the upper side of the base of each three prickles there is a seed, and as there are about ten of these to each inch, it is easily seen that the seeds produced by every well-grown plant must reach a great many thousands. A cal- culation made with some care shows that a medium-sized plant contains between 10,000 and 15,000 seeds. Late in the fall, and in the early part of winter, the root breaks oft', and the plant is free to roll away with its freight of seeds. Lambs Quarters (Chenopodium album and C. hybridum). — The first is found all over the state, while the second has not advanced beyond the eastern counties. Pig Weed (Amaranthus retroflexus). — Common in field and waste places in the east- ern half of the state. FAUNA 21 Tumble Weed (Amaranthiis albus). — One of the most common weeds of the recently broken prairie land, almost everywhere in the state. Purslane (Portulaca olcracea). — Now to be found everywhere in the state. It is not only a wayside weed, but a great pest in fields, pastures, and lawns. Plantain {Plantago major). — Now very widely distributed. The narrow leaved plan- tain {P. lanceolata) is appearing in the eastern counties. Dandelion (Taraxacum taraxacum). — In eastern counties and rapidly extending west- ward. Creeping Thistle {Cnicus arvensis). — This so-called "Canada thistle" has appeared in a few places in the eastern counties. Burdock {Arctium lappa). — Not common and mostly confined to the eastern counties. Ox-eye Daisy (Chrysanthemum leucanthe- mum). — Appearing in the eastern counties, where it seems to thrive. Fauna. '° The little work that has thus far been done in Nebraska towards gaining a knowledge of its animal life, indicates that our fauna is comparatively rich in species and in many instances in individuals also. In fact, in this respect it seems to be ahead of most of the neighboring states. Several causes for this richness in forms of life may be cited. When we take into consideration the variation in altitude above sea level, the differences in surface configuration, climate, etc., that per- tain to the state, its location, and the relation which it bears to the country at large, perhaps the wonderment concerning this great richness will be less. Our southeastern corner is only about eight hundred feet, our western border almost six thousand feet above tide water. The state is divided into timbered, prairie, and plains regions. It lies nearly in the middle of the United States, with a high mountain chain to the west and a giant waterway along its eastern boundary. In fact, in Nebraska meet eastern, western, southern, and northern faunas, while we also have a fauna of our own, so to speak. We find forms belonging to low and high altitudes, to wet and dry climates, to i"This description of the animal life of Nebraska is by Lawrence Bruner, B.Sc, professor of ento- mology and ornithology in the University of Ne- braska. — Ed. timbered and prairie countries, as well as to semi-desert and alkali regions. The sandy in- terior also offers special features for a distinct fauna. • A casual comparison of past and present conditions shows that the native animals have materially changed since Nebraska was first settled. Many of the earlier forms have dis- appeared or become much restricted in their distribution. On the other hand, several forms have greatly increased in numbers and have extended their range as well. Less than fifty years ago our plains were covered by immense herds of the bison, or American buffalo, and elk in large bands roamed at liberty through- out the middle and western portions. Both species of deer, the white-tailed or Virginia, and the black-tailed or mule, in considerable numbers, were to be seen in our woodlands, among the fringes of brush and trees that marked the smaller water-courses, or else lurked in the tall grasses of the sand-hills and other rough portions of the country where they were able to hide during daytime from their lesser enemies. The antelop)e ranged the prairies at will, even to within a comparatively short distance of our eastern borders. Some mountain sheep, too, were at home in the rougher country in the northwest, while at times small bands of wild horses also galloped over the Plains. Coincident and in a measure dependent upon these for their food supply were foxes, wolves, panthers, lynxes, and even a few bears. But all this is now changed. Where the bison, elk, deer, and antelope once browsed our grasses, we now have instead herds of cattle and sheep. The larger and fiercer carnivora, along with the forms upon which they were dependent, have been killed or driven away. The numbers of our small mammals, too, have been greatly changed. The beaver, otter, wolverine, badger, and several others of the fur-bearing kinds are now very scarce where they were once common or even abundant. A few of the rodents, such as are favored by the cultivation of the soil and growing of grain, instead of diminishing, have increased. These are forms like the prairie dog, pocket gopher. 02 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA and ground squirrels, together with some of the mice. Several forms have even come into the state from beyond our borders and are now much at liome in towns and cities as well as about our buildings on the farms. Bird life, too, has greatly changed in Ne- braska since the advent of civilized man. Many of our larger and most showy species have nearly or altogether disappeared ; while a num- ber of the smaller ones, which were formerly present in flocks of thousands, are now few and scattered. Of the larger species are the wild turkey, cranes, Canada goose, and swans, both the whistling and trumpeter ; and of the smaller, birds like the Eskimo curlew, Bar tram's sandpiper and golden plover. Then, too, the Lesser prairie hen, which was occa- sionally taken in the middle and upper por- tions of the Elkhorn valley, seems to have al- most or quite disappeared from the state. Notwithstanding the ravages that have been wrought by the thoughtless -upon the bird life as formerly found within our borders, we still lead our sister states in the number of distinct species which are regidar or incidental to our fauna. The partial, but rather careful study which has already been made has brought to light fully 415 or perhaps 420 recognized forms. Many of these are exceedingly valu- able, and most of the others notably beneficial as insect destroyers or eaters of the seeds of no.xious weeds, and only a few — less than half a dozen species — definitely harmful. iSth Reft. Bureau of Ethnology, pt. 2. 28 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^^ i c = c^ u-o >,-a g^ -J ■•§ ni?o S - S «< o-- ^" n n -~ ^_ „ - . "■■*-. :2j= rt i; rt w . ■t.= SS *^I S:y'^ I- »"^ g . 5»S o c o w 2 g < t/i D a .j.^ - -«. to -:S " £ 3 E-'-S.^^S'S n3X.e -- ■ ■ ■ "^ — OJ i> u r/j u ^ '.- % i • c « p t: « " ^ Qj '^ 2 aj^j=0 1^ ™ '-' ^, *"^ . H-l ^ - « c 5 S »t M 4J^ I ABORIGINAL OCCUPANTS 29 souri.^ McGee says the Siouan family began to cross the Appalachian mountains one thou- sand years ago. The Mandans were among the first to break off from the parent stock, and the only excuse we have for including them in our history is the probability that they crossed our borders on their way up the Mis- souri river some time prior to the coming of the Skidi band in 1400. McGee says the Omaha tribe was near the mouth of the Ohio river in 1500, so its coming to Nebraska must have been after that date. It is traced quite accurately up the Missouri and Des Moines rivers to its present home in the northeast part of Nebraska. The Osage tribe branched off and remained at the Osage river. The Kansas tribe came on to the Kan- sas river, and there established its permanent habitat. The date of the arrival of the Kan- sas tribe is sufficiently early to allow the "Es- canzaques" of Ofiate to be regarded as Kan- sas Indians. The Omahas and Poncas re- mained together until about 1650, when the latter moved northward and occupied the country from the mouth of the Niobrara west to the Black Hills. By the treaty of March 16, 1854, the Omahas ceded the northeast third of the present state to the United States, excepting that part north of a line drawn due west from the mouth of the Aoway river. That tongue of land which was added to Ne- braska in 1890, by authority of the act of Congress of March 28, 1882, and which lies between the Niobrara, Keya Paha, and Mis- souri rivers, was ceded by the Poncas in 1858, except a small reservation. In 1877 the Pon- cas were moved to Indian Territory. The Dakota City Herald,^ in noting that the Omahas had just received their annuity on their reservation from Captain Moore, In- dian agent, makes the following observation as to their condition : "They are being gathered to their fathers fast, very fast, as they now number only 964 savage souls. The amount of their payment was $23,000 and averaged about $24 a head. Since Uncle Sam supplied them with a few 'scads' they have paid fre- ^ Catlin, North American Indians. » November 19, 1859. quent visits to our town, and laid something out for the purpose of laying something in." From the observant editor's remarks it ap- pears that the Indians did not confine their inebriety to alcoholic drinks. He relates that "five of these red sons of the forest, two red squaws in red blankets, and one pale red pa- poose put up at the Bates house on Sunday night for supper." They had a table by them- selves, by courtesy of the landlord, and, "in the language of the Arkansas bride, 'they sot and sot' until they stowed away everything eatable within reach or sight. Seventy-seven cups of coffee were drank at the sitting, and but one, a young squaw, gave out. After get- ting down seven cups she failed on coft'ee ; the others kept on until the kettle gave out. When the meal was over they paid the landlord two bits apiece and departed." The third detachment of the Siouan family to occupy Nebraska consisted of three tribes, the Otoe, Missouri, and the Iowa. The Otoes and lowas have always been closely related. They were first seen at the mouth of the Des Moines river by Marquette in 1673. They are said, by tradition, to have sprung from the Winnebago stock. It is stated that in 1699 they went to live near the Omahas. The Mis- souris have had a very checkered career. They were first seen in 1670 at the mouth of the Missouri river. Soon after 1700 they were overcome by the Sac and Fox and other tribes. Most of them joined the Otoe tribe, but a few went with the Osage and some joined the Kan- sas tribe. They have never ceded land to the United States except in company with the Otoes, but they have been a party to every Otoe transaction. To all intents and purposes the Otoes and Missouris have been as one tribe during their occupancy of this state. The Otoes and Missouris ceded the south- east portion of the state to the United States in 1833 ; this cession embraced the land south and west of the Nemaha. The remaining por- tion of land which they claimed, lay between the Nemaha, Missouri, and Platte rivers, reaching as far west as Seward county. This last tract was ceded in 1854, when they re- turned to their reservation south of Beatrice. 30 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA J ■ ..i| pi -^m >^J]H RP' ^^^ ri^liirM^ f^ V '«^^^«^^^f-.^s ■ ^HF ■ y- -ai ^icLl* • '• ■ ^^^^^IBX^' "■' ^■■^^■i^mSI yJJ W" ^- ■ "^ ^^^^i^^^-v L H W fttok»»> ^^^^Sw!H|b" ^'1^9 m-^ hbp- ■ -■ ■■ " %-' Tm^lH ^ H^S I ^"■■xvanpiig^' xiHr '^»*" ^^^^^^^^^^ "t '^ ^ ^ ^^""^j^M #^ 1 »- , mm^:-- -'<^^ %T^ w«S ^^.^ > -^■1 ^ ^*^: ..;^ / ^^^^^■|k m jjramr Hui 'tt'^jupii ■ ^^^^^n ^ 4 ''^ ^^r^^^WW^ /"^trti^^d r "— ' ' 'HtLma,^. If^K- 1 C^ ^ L ^ P^^^^^^ fjL_1^g ^irftf^^^ ^1 * ,-\\^f'^^%^ ^.^ ^M - ^Ul " ^ 1 ^^ wSTlmg jr- • ^^%I^HF. «*.. f^T^ 1 ; mfjfjt^ ^^ ^^Sp^^^ 1^. •> 1 J .ij' ^ t^ Jg '^^"^J^ J i^ffi Tl iraBMMf ^ ii^i^^ '"^^A^^ <^ v^ S- -:4^*l n*l . IJtjr ^K^^^^K S^kL^^ amTsH ,.«j*^ . '-^^fl^Ev ^Kr ' ^hIh*' HIHP' ill Sfll ■ #^' *^ lliili^ . \jdiW:1iHBa ^^' ■ liP ^S ^ ~-~~^^^'iir r^ :rr';;;;';"^ ==~ S"" 1 ^ ABORIGINAL OCCUPANTS 31 This they relinquished in 1881, and they now live in Oklahoma. Most of the lovvas re- mained east of our border until 1836, when they were given a tract of land along the south bank of the Nemaha. This they retained in part in individual allotment, but they remained under the Great Nemaha agency. This tribe was always closely associated with the Otoe, but was never under the same tribal organiza- tion as was the Missouri tribe. All three tribes belonged to the same branch of the Siouan family as the Winnebago. These cessions gave the United States title to the east two-thirds of the state. The earli- est treaty by which they acquired title to land in this state was made with the Kansas in 1825 ; by this treaty the Kansas ceded a semi- circular tract along the south line, reaching from Falls City to Red Willow county and nearly as far north as Lincoln. So it seems that the Kansas laid claim to at least part of our territory. The next detachment of the great Siouan family to invade Nebraska was from the north- ern branch of this tribe which dwelt along the Great Lakes. The Assiniboins had separated from this branch as early ar 1650, and, accord- ing to McGee, were near the Lake of the Woods in 1766, so they had not long wandered over our soil when written history began. The Pawnees and Omahas joined in repel- ling the advance of these northern tribes and held them well back from the waterways for many years, but they hunted on the head- waters of the Platte and Republican and even as far south as the head-waters of the Smoky Hill and Solomon rivers. The Crows were doubtless the first to en- croach on the Platte valley; they drifted to the Black Hills in an early day and hunted on the Platte from the northwest. The Black- feet, a branch of the Saskatchewan tribe, came later. The Yankton, Santee, Brule, Sisseton, Ogallala, Teton, Minnetaree, and parts of oth- er tribes from time to time hunted or fought on the head-waters of the Platte. They joined in ceding the northwest part of the state to the United States in 1868, reserving for them- selves a common hunting right, which they relinquished in 1875. They are now on the various reservations in Dakota and Indian Territory. The Winnebagoes were the last of the great Siouan family to come ; they were moved from Minnesota to a part of the Omaha reservation in 1862, where they still reside. S.;hoolcraft says this tribe once lived on a branch of the Crow Wing river in Minnesota. Some of the Santee Sioux were moved to Nebraska at the same time, but many of both tribes came across the country before. Photograph owned by the Nebraska State Historicaf Society. Senteg.-u,eska (Spotted Tail) Hereditary Chief of the Sioux To the Algonkian family belong the Chey- enne, Arapaho, and Atsina, who wandered over the western part of Nebraska, as did the Sac and Fox tribe, which had a reservation in the extreme southeast part of the state from 1836 to 1885. The Algonkian family once oc- cupied the greater part of the Mississippi val- ley. At a very early date the Cheyennes drift- ed westward through the Dakotas and gave their name to one of the important streams. Later they drifted southward. Lewis and Clark mentioned this tribe as occupying a 32 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA position on the Cheyenne river in 1804, while Long in his expedition of 1819 found a small band which had seceded from the main stock on the Cheyenne river, and had roamed with the Arapaho along the Platte river. There is a record, by Fremont, of tliis tribe being on the Platte above Grand Island in 1843. They ceded the southwestern portion of Nebraska in 1861. The Arapahos, like the Cheyennes, occupied Nebraska as a roaming tribe. The impres- sion left by the very limited number of writers who have spoken of them, seems to be that they came from the north. They were pressed by the Sioux from the east and by the Shos- honeans from the west. The date of their coming to Nebraska is obscure. The time of their separation from the eastern parent stock is shrouded in antiquity, and as early travelers found them a wild race, and not easy to study, little of their early history is recorded. They joined the Cheyenne and Arkansas Indians in ceding to the United States government the extreme southwest portion of Nebraska. So far as can be learned the Arkansas never oc- cupied any part of Nebraska. The Atsinas were closely allied to the Black feet (Siouan) and, since whites have known them, have af- filiated with that tribe. They are distinctly Algonkian, however, and have a legend tell- ing how they came to separate from the Ara- pahos. As stated above, the Algonkian stock occu- pied most of the Mississippi valley at one time. The United States purchased all of Missouri north of the river, most of Iowa, and a part of Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minne- sota from the Sacs and Foxes. They seem to have been the original owners of the Mississip- pi and Missouri front, and the Siouan tribes as they drifted westward doubtless had them to deal with. This may account for the move- ment westward of the Otoe and the Kansas tribes across the river. The Sacs and Foxes relinquished their possessions and retired to a southern reservation, excepting a band which took a reserve on the Great Nemaha river. 7 7th Ann. Rept. Bureau of EthnoL, p. 109. 8 14th Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnol., pt. 2, p. 1044. partly in Nebraska and partly in Kansas, and which remains in the Great Nemaha agency. Powell ^ does not believe that the Shosho- nean family occupied a part of Nebraska, and it is doubtful whether any part of this family had more than a transient home witliin the state. It is certain that the Comanches roam- ed over our territory, and doubtless the "Pa- doucas" once had a more or less permanent home here ; at least the north fork of the Platte river was known in the early days as the Padouca fork. Mooney ^ says: "In 1719 the Comanche were mentioned under their Siouan name of Padouca as living in what is now western Kansas. It must be remembered that five hundred to eight hundred miles was an ordinary range for a Plains tribe, and the Comanches were equally at home on the Platte or in Chihuahua (Mexico)."/ The great Shos- honean family occupied the mountain country from the south line of Oregon to the north line of Arizona, and extended from the Pacific coast at the southwest corner of California, nearly to the west line of what is now Nebras- ka. It was a powerful and numerous people. Later the Siouan bands drove the Comanches south and the other branches of the Shosho- nean family west and north. Lewis and Clark in 1805, mention the Padoucas as extinct ex- cept in name. Bourgmont visited the Padou- cas on the head-waters of the Kansas in 1724. The Comanches and the Kansas were closely associated for one hundred and fifty years, says Mooney. There is no record that the Co- manches ever ceded any part of this state to the United States. About 1700 a tribe of the Kiowan family migrated from the far northwest and took up a residence in the vicinity of the Black Hills. From there it was driven by the Siouan tribes, and Lewis and Clark mention it as residing on the north fork of the Platte in 1805, and num- bering seventy tepees. It slowly drifted south- ward until it occupied the country south of the Arkansas river. As this tribe never lived far from the mountains, its occupancy of Ne- braska was but transient. Powell shows this linguistic family as occupying the extreme southwest part of Nebraska, but there is no ABORIGINAL OCCUPANTS 33 record that it ever ceded any part of the state. There was a "half-breed" tract situated be- tween the Nemaha and ^Missouri rivers set apart in 1830, intended for the home of civil- ized Indians belonging to the Omaha, Iowa, Otoe, Yankton, and Santee Sioux half-breeds. The Pine Ridge and Rosebud agencies are located just north of the north line of Nebras- ka, in South Dakota, and the Indian title to a From a pliotograf'h on-ucd by Mrs. Harriet S, Mac- Murphy, Omaha. Henry FontenellE United States interpreter to the Omaha Indians narrow strip adjoining in this state is not yet extinguished. There are titles in the old Sac and Fox and Iowa reservation, in Richardson county, still vested in Indians, and a few live there. The Santee agency, near Niobrara, still maintains an agent who reports to the commissioner of Indian affairs for this tribe and also for the Ponca subagency, situated twenty miles west between the Niobrara and Missouri rivers. The Indians at these agen- cies, together with the Omahas and Winne- bagoes, in Thurston county, are the only In- dian wards of the government in Nebraska at the present time. According to the census of 1900 there were 3,322 Indians in the state, against 2,685 in 1890. An Indian school is maintained by the federal government in this state, on the Santee, the Winnebago, and the Omaha reservations, while a boarding school for Indians is situated at Genoa, in Nance county. All tribal lands, except a small part of the Omaha reservation, have been allotted in sev- eralty, and all Indians are taxed as citizens of the state. The Omahas now number twelve hundred and the Winnebagos eleven hundred. The Omahas are of a higher grade of develop- ment and civilization and are slowly increasing in numbers. In their married relations they observe the principle of monogamy with cred- itable faithfulness, and they are inclined to hold on to and to cultivate their lands. The Winnebagos, on the other hand, live much more loosely in this respect ; comparatively few of them are lawfully married, and they have but little regard for the marriage bond. They are much less persistent than the Oma- has in holding on to their lands, and less reg- ular and industrious in their habits. All the lands of the reservation, except a few hun- dred acres of a very poor quality, have now been allotted. Under the law, lands which have been allotted can not be alienated by the original grantees nor by their inheritors as long as there are minor heirs. Thus far this class of lands amounts to about ten per cent of the total allotment, or about fifteen hundred acres. As late as 1846 there were only a very few white settlers, scattered here and there, in that part of southwestern Iowa bordering on the Missouri river. By the treaty of Septem- ber 26, 1833, five million acres of land in southwestern Iowa, extending north to the mouth of Boyer river, south to the mouth of the Nodaway river, and east to the west line of the Sac and Fox lands, were granted to the Pottawatomie tribe of Indians, numbering about twenty-two hundred and fifty. Some Ottawas and Chippeways living with the Pot- tawatomies were participants in this grant. All of these Indians had been removed from the vicinity of Chicago. A subagency and trading post was established at Traders Point (or at St. Francis), Iowa. By a treaty with 34 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^^y^e^ ^. _-^^^^i^ ^^^^^^^/ /W^'^^ Note — John S. Minick was one of the incorporators of the Nemalia County Agricultural Societv, in- corporated by act of the territorial legislature, February 9, 1857, and was elected president of the board September 12, 1857. He was for a number of years a merchant at Nemaha City and at Aspinwall and was m busuiess at the former place as late as 1885. He was an active worker in the Good Templar or- ganization. According to the Brownville Advertiser, Mr. Minick had his entire claim of 160 acres fenced and under culti\ation in June, 1857, fourteen months after he had located upon it. ABORIGINAL OCCUPANTS the United States, made "at the agency near Council Blufifs," June 5, 1846, the Pottawa- tomies relinquished these Iowa lands. The agency at Bellevue, on the opposite side of the Missouri river, had jurisdiction over the Oma- has, Otoes, Poncas, and Pawnees. The Coun- cil Bluffs subagency on the Iowa side of the river was subject to the agency at Bellevue. As has already been indicated. Council Bluffs was as shifting as the great river whose shores its various sites adorned. It was first applied to the Lewis and Clark encampment, eighteen miles north of Omaha; then, by reflection and by a sort of evolutionary southward move- ment, to Bellevue; still later, to the subagency on the Iowa border opposite Bellevue. In 1853 — January 19th — Council Bluffs was substituted for Kanesville, which was the origi- nal name (after a brother of Kane, the arctic explorer) of the hamlet on the site of the pres- ent city of Council Bluffs. Thereafter the place was known by its present name by designation of the postofifice department ; and it was form- ally incorporated by act of the Iowa assembly, February 24, 1853. According to the Frontier Guardian of September 18, 1850, a census tak- en at that time yielded a population of 1,103 for Kanesville and 125 for Trading Point or Council Bluffs ; .so that as late as that date the migratory name of Council Bluffs had not reached the northern settlement of Kanesville, but by local usage was confined to Traders, or Trading Point. The domain of the Omahas lay to the north of the Platte river, and that of the Otoes about its mouth — both, along the Missouri river. A strip of land intervening was a source of chronic dispute between these tribes. At the time of the Louisiana Purchase the Otoes numbered about two hundred warriors, including twenty-five or thirty Missouris. A band of this tribe had been living with the Otoes for about twenty-five years. In 1799 the Omahas numbered five hundred warriors ; but as the Mormons found them in 1846 this tribe, and the Otoes as well, had been reduced by the scourge of smallpox to a mere remnant of their former numbers. These Indians are described by their white neighbors of that time as being almost destitute of martial spirit and not viciously inclined, but naturally ready to rob and steal when prompted by hunger, which, unfortunately for their white neigh- bors, was their nearly chronic condition. Or- son Hyde, editor of the Frontier Guardian, in its issue of March 21, 1849, inspired by the From a photograph in the CoKn collection, in the Miisenin of the Nebraska State Historical Society, PiT-A-LE-SHAR-u (Man Chief) Head chief of the Pawnees wisdom of Solomon, advised the use of the rod, and a real hickory at that, on the thieving Omahas and others. It is said that the Oma- has were exceptionally miserable. "Unpro- tected from their old foes, the Siou.x, yet for- bidden to enter into a defensive alliance with them, they were reduced to a pitiable handful of scarcely more than a hundred families, the 36 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA prey of disease, poverty-stricken, too cowardly to venture from tiie shadow of their tepees to gather their scanty crops, unlucky in the hunt, slow in the chase, and too dispirited to be dar- ing or successful thieves." In the region between the Niobrara and Missouri rivers were the Poncas, some five hundred or six hundred in number, and but little better than the Omahas and Otoes in condition and circumstances. According to Lewis and Clark, the Grand Pawnee and Re- publican Pawnee, numbering respectively five hundred and two hundred and fifty men, dwelt in 1804, on the south side of the Platte op- posite the mouth of the Loup; the Pawnee Loup or Wolf Pawnee, comprising two hun- dred and eighty men, on the Loup fork of the Platte about ninety miles above the principal Pawaiee ; and a fourth band of four hundred men on the Red river. Clayton's Emigrant's Guide, in 1848, finds the old Pawnee Mission station at Plum Creek, latitude 41° 22' 37"; nine and a quarter miles east of the Loup Fork ford (latitude 41° 22' 37" ; longitude 98° 11') ; and the old Pawnee village, formerly occupied by the Grand Pawnee and Tappa, half a mile west of the Loup Fork. This village was burned by the Sioux in the fall of 1846. In the spring of 1847 the Paw- nee were found on the Loup Fork, about thir- ty miles east of the old village, according to the same authority. Celebrated Chieftains. Among the Indians distinction was won through heroism upon the battlefield ; consequently, their great men are warriors. No doubt many of the great In- dian chieftains would rank among their own people with the great generals of the civilized nations. Indeed none could be more brave nor exercise greater fearlessness and courage upon the battlefield. They had no use for a coward, and deeds of bravery were greatly prized. A history of the Plains country would be incom- plete without mention of a number of distin- guished chieftains : Marpiya Luta (Red Cloud), chief of the Ogalalla Sioux, was one of the great generals in various wars against the United States. He was born in 1821 in Deuel county, Ne- braska. Red Cloud earned distinction and the name he bore at the age of sixteen, and for twenty years was a successful leader against other Indian tribes. He planned the fight against Fort Phil Kearney in 1866 in which nearly one hundred soldiers were slain. He abandoned the war path in 1869. He was prominent in all the councils and treaties of his tribe after that date. In a tribal feud, Red Cloud slew Bull Bear, a prominent Sioux chief. His home for many years was in a small frame house near Pine Ridge agency. He visited Washington sixteen times. He spent his last years in total blindness. Sentegaleska (Spotted Tail), a Brule Sioux, came up from the ranks and became one of the most distinguished of the red men. He gained prominence when only eighteen years old through deadly combat with a subchief, and rose rapidly in the councils of his people until he was chosen hereditary chief of the entire Sioux nation. He went to Washington as a delegate in 1872, and was crowned "King of the Sioux" in 1876 by General Crook. Spotted Tail was not only a warrior of cour- age, but was unusually trustworthy and was respected by the white men with whom he was always friendly. He was killed in 1881 by Crow Dog, one of his subchiefs whom he sought to discipline. The tragedy occurred at Rosebud agency as Spotted Tail was pre- paring to visit Washington. Pit-a-le-shar-u (Man Chief) approaches more nearly a type of Indian statesman than a warrior. He was of commanding presence, over six feet tall and had an expressive face. He obtained the chieftainship of the Pawnees in 1852, and lived in the vicinity of Fremont and Genoa. Man Chief delighted in dress and wore a showy head-dress of eagle's feath- ers of which he was extremely proud. He was in every way worthy of his high office. He was a great orator and ruled his people wisely through persuasion rather than by force. He was a delegate to Washington when the treaty of 1858 was ratified. In 1874 a pistol wound in the thigh proved fatal ; the shot, though reported to be accidental, was probably fired intentionally by someone who SPANISH AND FRENCH EXPLORERS 37 differed from him on the removal of the Paw- nees to Indian Territory. Logan Fontenelle (Shon-ga-ska), chief of the Omahas, was born near Fort Calhoun in 1825. His father was a Frenchman of nobil- ity and his mother an Indian woman of the Omaha tribe. He was educated in St. Louis, but, upon the death of his father in 1840, he returned to Nebraska and became an interpre- ter. He was elected a chief of the Omahas in 1853 and retained the position until his death in 1855. He was respected and hon- ored by the whites and had absolute control over his tribe. He was killed in battle with the Sioux. Ta-ta-nka-I-yo-ta-nke (Sitting Bull) was born in the spring of 1834 on the banks of Grand river near the mouth of Stonewall creek in South Dakota. This continued to be his habitat during the greater part of his life. At the age of fourteen he achieved distinction on the war-path, and his father bestowed upon him his own name, Sitting Bull. He was a priest, or "medicine man," rather than a chief, but was a natural leader and gained much piower and influence among his people by or- ganizing and leading war parties. He came into special prominence by his participation in the battle of the Little Bighorn in Montana, June 25, 1876, in which Custer's entire com- mand was slaughtered. Sitting Bull then made his escape into Canada, where he re- mained five years, and finally surrendered to the United States on promise of pardon. He wtas held a prisoner of war until 1883, when he again went to reside on Grand river. He continued, however, to lead the opposition to the government, and for seven years steadily opposed the treaty which was finally execut- ed in 1889. He continued to be the center of Indian hostility until December, 1890, when he was killed during an attempt to place him un- der arrest. Expedition of Coronado. Spain was pre- eminently the seat of chivalry at the time of the discovery of America and during the fol- lowing centuries, while the country now com- prising the United States was being discov- ered and colonized in detail — until it was laughed out of her by Cervantes and knocked out of her by the practical and prosy peoples of the more northern countries and of the Teu- tonic race. But the spirit of chivalry was prolific of adventurous discoverers, through whose valorous enterprise, Spain had come to possess, at the time the little strip along the Atlantic comprising the Americain colonies was ready for political separation from Great Britain, the whole territory west of the Mis- sissippi river now comprised in Mexico and the United States, except that portion within the limits of the states of Washington and Oregon. That part of these Spanish domains north of the present boundary line of Mexico, comprised more than two-thirds of the present area of the United States. At this time Spain also dominated Central and South America. Though Spain was the first discoverer of America, and established the first permanent colony within the territory of the United States, she no longer owns a foot of the con- tinent ; and she became so weak that she lost all her holdings through force. It was of the spirit of Spanish chivalry to seek success by the royal road. Her explorers and discover- ers were either animated by the search for gold — like De Soto and Coronado — or for more illusive treasure, such as Ponce de Leon's elixir of life. But the ultimate race was not to the swift nor the final battle to the strong. The continent came to the men who knew how to wait. While it is still an unsettled and perhaps not very important question whether the Spanish Coronado was the first white man to set foot in Nebraska, there is no doubt that he was the first white discoverer of whom there is any account of the great Plains tributary to the Missouri river, and that he came ver\' near to the southern border of the state. In 1539 a Franciscan friar, Marcos de Niza, whom Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of Mexico, had sent to investigate reports of populous settlements in the region now com- prized in Arizona and New Mexico, brought stories of vast wealth in the Seven Cities of Cibola. An army of about three hundred Spanish soldiers and one thousand Indians and 38 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA servants was raised and equipped for the con- quest of the new country, and Francisco Vas- quez de Coronado, governor of New Galicia, a western border province of Mexico, was placed in command of the expedition. Cor- onado appears to have been a bold and ven- turesome cavalier — a fit lieutenant of the am- bitious viceroy. The expedition started from Compostela — the capital of Coronado's prov- ince, about three hundred and seventy-five miles northwest from the city of Mexico — February 23, 1540. On the 7th of July Co- ronado, with an advanced detachment of the main army, captured one of the seven small Zuiii villages, which, situated near the present western border of New Mexico, in about the latitude of 35°, and within a radius of five leag- ues, constituted the Seven Cities of Cibola. These villages were composed of small store- houses, three or four stories high, but the disappointed Spaniards found in them poverty instead of the fabled riches. On an expedition from this point, Coronado was partly compensated for his disappoint- ment, though doubtless in a way which he did not fully appreciate, by discovering the Grand Canyon of the Colorado. It was found that the riches lay far beyond, in the land of Quivera ; and probably, through a strategem to get rid of their cruel and op- pressive visitors, the story of the New Eldo- rado was told by a native of Quivera who was met with as a captive of the natives of Cicuye, a fortified village east of Cibola on the Pecos river. The "Turk," as the Spaniards called the slave, on account of his appearance, told more stories of large towns with hoards of gold and silver and vast herds of buiTalo in his country to the east. The greedy credulity of the Spaniards again listened to these fab- ulous tales, and in April or May, 1541, the army took up its eastward march with the Turk for its guide. The slave intentionally led them by a wandering course far to the south, and, provisions becoming scarce in the neighborhood of the head-waters of the Colo- rado river of Texas, Coronado sent back all of the army excepting from twenty-six to thirty-six soldiers, with whom he pushed northward on his journey of forty-two days to Quivera, now under the guidance of a good Indian, Ysopete, also a native of the Plains, the perfidious Turk having been taken into custody. The party crossed the Arkansas in the neighborhood of its southern bend, not far from the present site of Dodge City. Thus the first white man's crossing of the Arkansas was at a place which, two hundred and sixty years later, was to become an angle in the division between the Louisiana Purchase ced- ed to the United States, and the residue of territory still held by Spain. At this point the boundary line changed from its northern course to the west along the Arkansas river. About eightv miles to the northwest, at the site of the present town of Great Bend, Coronado found the first Quivera village. He first met Indians of that name beyond the crossing not far from Kinsley and Larned. Here immi- nence of his exposure seems to have moved the Turk to confession that his people were stran- gers to the precious metals as well as to other riches, and he was straightway strangled by the enraged Spaniards. There was now nothing left for them to fall back upon, but appreciation of the richness of the soil ; for Jarmillo, one of their chroniclers, says: "Some satisfaction was experienced on seeing the good appear- ance of the earth ;" and Coronado himself writes that the soil of Quivera was "fat and black," and "the best I have ever seen for pro- ducing all the products of Spain." The buffalo is described by these travelers in a very naive and realistic manner. Like the reindeer to the Laplander, this beast was food and raiment for the Indian natives, and it is curious to note that bufifalo "chips" were used for fuel then, as they were until recent days by our own pi- oneers. "One evening there came up a terrible storm of wind and hail, which left in the camp hailstones as large as porringers, and even larger. They fell thick as raindrops, and in some spots the ground was covered with them to the depth of eight or ten inches. The storm caused many tears, weakness, and vows." Making a moderate allowance for the quick- ened imagination of the belated Spaniards, these stories of what they saw, indicate that SPANISH AND FRENCH EXPLORERS 39 they journeyed not far from Nebraska. The substantial agreement of the conclusions drawn by Mr. Hodge of the ethnological bureau, of the accounts of their journey by the Spanish travelers themselves, with the actual field work of Mr. J. V. Brower, leaves little room for doubt that these adventurers reached the neighborhood of Junction City, or perhaps Manhattan, Kansas. Mr. Hodge, writing as late as 1899, observes that the common error in determining latitude in the sixteenth cen- tury was about two degrees ; therefore when Coronado said that Quivera, "where I have reached it, is in the 40th degree," that moans that it was in fact in the 38th degree; and Mr. Hodge adds: "Nothing is found in the nar- ratives to show positively that either Coronado or any member of his force went beyond the present boundaries of Kansas during their stay of twenty-five days in the province of Qui- vera." Mr. E. E. Blackman of the Nebraska State Historical Society, thinks that the state- ments accredited to the Indians by Jaramillo, that there was nothing beyond the point reach- ed by the Spaniards but Harahey — ^ the Paw- nee country — ■ coupled with his own demon- strations that the Quivera village extended in- to Nebraska, show that the Spaniards crossed our border; and Simpson's studies led him to the conclusion that it is "exceedingly probable that he (Coronado) reached the 40th degree of latitude (now the boundary between the states of Kansas and Nebraska) well on to- wards the Missouri river." Bandelier, George Winship Parker, Hodge, and Brower all sub- stantially agree with H. H. Bancroft's earlier statement (1899) that, "there is nothing in the Spaniards' descriptions of the region or of the journey to shake Simpson's conclusion that Quivera was in modern Kansas." The writings of the Spaniards referred to are, in the main, Coronado's letters and formal accounts of the journey by Jaramillo, a cap- tain in the expedition, and of Castaiieda who went back with the main body of the army, but industriously collected his material from hearsay. The latest and perhaps the most thorough manuscript work has been done by Parker in The Coronado Expedition, and Hodge in Coronado's March, and the results of their researches substantially accord with the field work of Brower and Blackman, which is still under prosecution, and may yet show that Coronado was the discoverer of Nebraska proper. While this expedition appears to have been barren as to practical results, yet it has been said of it that "for extent in distance traveled, duration in time, extending from the spring Prom photograph owned hy E. li. Blackman, vice pie^tdenl Quivera Historical Society. QuivEKA Monument Near Junction City, Kansas of 1540 to the summer of 1542, and the multi- plicity of its cooperating branch explorations, it equaled, if it did not exceed, any land ex- pedition that has been undertaken in modern times." Another writer observes that "a bare subsistence and threatened starvation were the only rewards in store for the volunteers upon this most famous of all the Spanish ex- plorations, excepting those of Cortez. They discovered a land rich in mineral resources, but others were to reap the benefits of the wealth of the mountain. Thev discovered a 40 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA land ricli in material for the archaeologist, but nothing to satisfy their thirst for glory or wealth." But this erudite author, like his Spaniards, has missed the main point. For they discovered the future granary of the world ; and the fact they were oblivious or disdainful of their main discovery, pointed the moral of future Spanish history. The Spaniards took nothing and they gave little — two friars left as missionaries at Cibola who soon wore the crown of martvrdom. Jacob V. Brower Archaeologist and explorer — rediscoverer of Quivera and Harahey To Spain, from the first, nothing in her new- world conquests was gold that did not glitter ; and for this she disdained to dig — it was eas- ier and more chivalrous to rob. She of course made pretense of having substituted for this mere material good, the priceless but easy gift, religion. A shrewder if not a juster race came after who were able to discern the true and in- exhaustible body of gold hidden in the dull- hued soil ; and they tilled and patiently waited nature's reward. And lo, to them is the king- dom. And Spain has her due reward. Driv- en from all her vast outlying domains by the relentless force of the modern industrial spirit, which she could neither assimilate nor enter- tain, into a little corner of Europe, there she lies, oblivious to progress, surviving chiefly as an echo, and consec[uential merely as a rem- iniscence of the dead past. Expedition of the Mallet Brothers. The earliest authenticated exploration by white men on Nebraska soil was that of two brothers, Pierre and Paul Mallet, and six other French- men in June, 1739. The Mallet brothers had probably come up from New Orleans the year before, and had wintered near the mouth of the Niobrara river. An account of their journey from that neighborhood to Sante Fe forms a part of the Margry papers, which consist of reports of early French explorers of the Trans-Mississippi country to the French au- thorities at New Orleans and which have been printed by Margry in Paris. Lezt'is and Clark Expedition. In 1804, fol- lowing the purchase of Louisiana, the Lewis- Clark expedition was sent out by President JefTerson for the purpose of gaining knowl- edge of the new and almost unknown territory. Following is a description of the company and outfit taken from the journal of Lewis and Clark: The party consisted of nine young men from Kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the United States army, who volunteered their services, two French watermen, an interpreter and hunter, and a black servant belonging to Capt. Clark — all of these, except the last, were en- listed to serve as privates during the expedi- tion, and three sergeants appointed from amongst them by the captains. In addition to these were engaged a corporal and six soldiers, and nine watermen to accompany the expedi- tion as far as the Mandan nation, in order to assist in carrying the stores, or repelling an at- tack, which was most to be apprehended be- tween Wood River and that tribe. The neces- sary stores were subdivided into seven bales and one box, containing a small portion of each article in case of accident. They con- sisted of a great variety of clothing, working utensils, locks, flints, powder, ball, and arti- cles of the greatest use. To these were added fourteen bales and one box of Indian presents, distributed in the same manner, and composed of richly laced coats and other articles of dress, medals, flags, knives, and tomahawks for the chiefs — ornaments of dift'erent kinds, partic- AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS 41 ularly beads, looking glasses, handkerchiefs, paints, and generally such articles as were deemed best calculated for the taste of the In- dians. The party was to embark on board of three boats; the first was a keel boat fifty-five feet long, drawing three feet of water, one large square sail and twenty-two oars, a deck of ten feet in the bow and stern formed a forecastle and cabin, while the middle was covered by lockers, which might be raised so as to form a breast work in case of attack. This was ac- companied by two perioques or open boats, one of six and the other of seven oars. Two horses were at the same time to be led along the banks of the river for the purpose of bringing home game, or hunting in case of scarcity. . . All where it first touched the present state at the southeast corner to the point at the northeast corner, where the Missouri river reaches its borders, the distance is 277 miles as the bird flies. According to the government survey, the distance between these two points is 441 miles, following the meanderings of the river. The Lewis-Clark expedition recorded 556 miles of river front for the state in 1804. On the 8th of September the explorers left the pres- ent limits of Nebraska and continued their voy- age up the Missouri, then crossed the dividing mountain chains, and launched their boats on the swift Columbia, following it to its mouth. K.yltMAyfy>^^~e/¥tcA. o^Le/t^i.>^^K^* the preparations being completed, we left our encampment on Monday, May 14, 1804. This spot is at the mouth of Wood river, a small streamwhich empties itself into the Mississippi, opposite to the entrance to the Missouri. The expedition, following up the Missouri river, came in sight of the present Nebraska on the afternoon of July 11, 1804. It camped on the Missouri side, immediately opposite the mouth of the Big Nemaha, and the next day some members of the company explored the lower valley of that river. This expedition is of particular importance as it gives the first historical glimpse of the eastern border of Nebraska. From the point Two years later they returned over the same route and gave a graphic description of the vast country they had traversed. The explorers first camped on Nebraska soil July 15th, near the mouth of the Little Nemaha. The camp of July 18th was not far from the present site of Nebraska City. According to Floyd's journal, the camp of July 20th was on the Nebraska side, and under a high bluflf, three miles north of Weeping Water creek. On the 21st of July the party passed the mouth of the Platte river and encamped on the Ne- braska side (probably not far from the south- east corner of section 31, township 13. range 14 E). They passed on up the river for a dis- 42 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA tance of ten miles the next morning and then camped on the eastern shore. Here they re- mained for five days. They explored the coun- try in all directions and sent for the surround- ing Indians to meet them in a council at a point farther up the river. While they were here dispatches and maps were prepared to be sent to the president. July 27th they swam their horses to the Nebraska side and continued the journey northward. The camp of July 30th was at Council Bluff, This is the most important camp-ground of the Lewis-Clark expedition within the state. Sub- sequently (1819) it became the site of the first military post established in Nebraska. There is no doubt that the recommendation of this site by the captains, Lewis and Clark, deter- mined the location of what was afterward known as Camp Missouri, Fort Atkinson, and finally Fort Calhoun. The importance of this camp warrants a quotation from that part of the journal describing Council Bluff: . . . The land here consists of a plain, above the high water level, the soil of which is fertile, and covered with a grass from five to eight feet high, interspersed with copses of large plums and a currant like those of the United States. . . Back of this plain is a woody fidge, about seventy feet above it. at the end of which we formed our camp. This ridge separates the lower from a higher prai- rie, of a good quality, with grass, of ten or twelve inches in height and extending back about a mile to another elevation of eighty or ninety feet, beyond which is one continued plain. Near our camp we enjoy from the bluffs a most beautiful view of the river, and the adjoining country. At a distance varying from four to ten miles, and of a height between seventy and three hundred feet, two parallel ranges of high land afford a passage to the Missouri which enriches the low grounds be- tween them. In its winding course, it nour- ishes the willow islands, the scattered cotton- wood, elm. sycamore, lynn and ash, and the groves are interspersed with hickory, walnut, coffeenut and oak. The meridian altitude of this dav Hulv 31) made the latitude of our camp 41° "18'' 1.4" . . . We waited with much anxiety the return of our messenger to the Ottoes. . . Our apprehensions were at length relieved by the arrival of a party of about fourteen Ottoe and Missouri Indians, who came at sunset, on the 2nd of August, ac- companied by a Frenchman who resided among them and interpreted for us. Captain Lewis and Clark went out to meet them, and told them that we would hold a council in the morning. . . [Flere follows an account of the council in detail.] The incidents just relat- ed, induced us to give this place the name of the Council-bluft' ; the situation of it is exceed- ingly favorable for a fort and trading factory. There were fourteen Indians present at this council, six of whom were chiefs. They were all Otoes and Missouris who formed one tri- bal organization at a later date, and presum- ably at that time. After concluding the council they moved up the river five miles and encamped August 3d. On the 4th of August they continued the voy- age and came to "a trading house on the south, (Nebraska side) where one of our party pass- ed two years trading with the Mahas." This too brief paragraph is important in disclosing that there were white traders in Nebraska pri- or to 1804. The camp of August 4th was also on Nebraska soil, but the exact point is not de- termined. The next sojourn in Nebraska was on the 11th of August, when they paused to examine "Blackbird's grave." The description given is worthy of repetition here: . . We halted on the south side, for the purpose of examining a spot where one of the great chiefs of the Mahas, named Blackbird, who died about four years ago of the small pox, was buried. A hill of yellow soft sand- stone rises from the river in bluffs of various heights till it ends in a knoll about three hun- dred feet above the water ; on the top of this a mound of twelve feet diameter at the base, and six feet high, is raised over the body of the deceased king; a pole of about eight feet high is fixed in the center ; on which we olaced a white flag, bordered with red, blue and white. Augiist 13th they reached a spot on the Ne- braska side where "a Mr. Mackay" had a trad- ing house in 1795 and 1796 which he called Fort Charles. This same day men were sent out to the old ^laha village with a flag and a present, in order to induce them to come and hold a council with us. They returned at twelve o'clock next day, August 14. After crossing a prairie cover- ed with high grass, they reached - the Maha AMERICAN EXPEDITIONS 43 In upper right-hand corner appears the monu- ment erected by order of the legislature of Ten- nessee, over the grave of Captain Lewis, Lewis county, Tennessee. Reproduced from The Trail of Lewis and Clark, by courtesy of Olin D. Wheeler, editor. In the center and upper left- hand corner are three views of the monument of Captain Clark in Belle Fontaine cemetery, St. Louis. The two lower cuts represent the bowlder at Fort Calhoun, Nebraska, commemorating the first council with the Indians on Nebraska soil. Lewis and Clark Monuments 14 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA creek, along which they proceeded to its three forks, which join near the village; they crossed the north branch and went along the south; the walk was very fatiguing, as they were forced to break their way through grass, sun- flowers, and thistles, all above ten feet high, and interspersed with wild pea. Five miles from our camp they reached the position of the ancient Maha village ; it had once consisted of three hundred cabins, but was burnt about four years ago, soon after the small-pox had destroyed four hundred men, and a propor- tion of women and children. On a hill in the rear of the village, are the graves of the na- tion ; to the south of which runs the fork of the Maha creek; this they crossed where it was about ten yards wide, and followed its course to the Missouri, passing along a ridge of hill for one and a half miles, and a long pond be- tween that and the Missouri ; they then recrossed the Maha creek, and arrived at the camp, having seen no tracks of Indians or any sign of recent cultivation. Probably the first large Nebraska "fish story" originated on August 16th, when a seine was improvised with which over four hundred fish were taken from the Omaha creek. Au- gust 13th they made a camp near the old Oma- ha village and remained until August 20th. At this point another council was held with the Otoes and Missouris, who were then at war with the Omahas and very much afraid of a war with the Pawnees. After concluding this council they continued their journey, and the next day (August 20th) Sergeant Floyd died and was buried on the Iowa side near the Floyd river. On August 21st the camp was made on the Nebraska side ; also on the 23d. On the 24th of August they came to the Nebraska volcano, a bluff of blue clay where they say the soil was so warm they could not keep their hands in it. These volcanic phenomena were probably due to the action of water, at times of inunda- tion, on iron pyrite, setting free sulphuric acid, which in turn attacked limestone, producing heat and steam. Similar phenomena have been observed in the same locality in very re- cent years. This night camp was made in Ne- braska, and mosquitoes were numerous. On August 25th camp was made very near the Cedar-Dixon county line. August 28th a camp was made in Nebraska, a little way below where Yankton now stands. The Yankton- Sioux had been called here for a council, and on August 31st the council was concluded. While the expedition was in camp here a num- ber of Sioux chiefs arranged to accompany Mr. Durion to Washington. On the 1st of September they again set sail; on the 2d they stopped to examine an ancieni fortification which must have been on section 3, 10, or 11, in the bend of the river and quite near the bank. September 3d they camped again on Nebraska soil, and the next day they reached a point just north of the Niobrara riv- er. September 7th the last camp in Nebraska was pitched six miles south of the north line. On the return trip down the Missouri river, the expedition reached the northeastern corner of the present Nebraska on Sunday, August 31, 1806, and left the southeast corner on the 11th of September, having made the unevent- ful journey in twelve days. The up-stream passage of this part of the route had required fifty-seven days. Pike's Explorations. On the 15th of Julv, 1806, Lieutenant Zebulon M. Pike's party, consisting of two lieutenants, one surgeon, one sergeant, two corporals, sixteen privates, and an interpreter, sailed from Belle Fontaine, four miles above the mouth of the ]\Iissouri river, on the famous expedition which resulted in the discovery of Pike's Peak. The object of this expedition, which was sent out by General James Wilkinson, then commander-in-chief of the army of the United States, and also gov- ernor of the territory of Louisiana, was os- tensibly, and in fact partially, to establish friendly relations with the Indians of the in- terior, but it is supposed also to gain informa- tion about the Spaniards, who, since our ac- quisition of Louisiana, out of which they felt they had been cheated by Napoleon, had been in a menacing attitude towards the Americans. The route of Pike's expedition was up the Missouri river to the mouth of the Osage riv- er, then up this stream to the Osage villages at a point near its source. Here the party abandoned their bateau and took a northwest- erly course across the country, reaching the AIMERICAN EXPEDITIONS 45 ; THIS SHAFT i MARKS THt BUKIAL PLACE 1)1 ' SERGEANT ClI MILES FLOYl) • AMEMBtR OF THE .KWIS AXR CLAIIK EXPEDITION (I DIED IN HIS (OUMTiVS SERVICE AND WAS BllRlEn'MliAli I HIS SPOT .A UGUST 20 180 4 . ■ HWES OF SUCH mf> ARE TILCRIM Slllil\rS -.URINES rO NO .LASS OR CRLED CONFINFI) ERtCTEl) AD 1900 BY THE FLOYD MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION AIDED BY THE UNITED STATES AND THI-. SI'VfF 01- IOWA OF THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE MADE DURING THE XDKINISTRATION OF IHOMAS JEFFLRSO'' IHIRD PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STAII- APRIL 30 1H03 OF ITS SUCCESSFUL EXPLORATION BY THE HEROIC MEMBERS OF THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPEDITION OF IHE VALOR OF THE AMERICAN SOLDIER AND OF THE ENTERPRISE COURAGE AND FORTITI DE OF IHI AMERICAN PIONEER 10 WHOM THESE GREAT STXTFS WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI RI\ I J OVVI THEIR SECURE FOUNDAT-i*- From photographs copyrighted by P. C. Waltermire, Sioux City. Floyd Monument near Sioux City, Iowa, showing Bronze Tablets attached to the East and .West Faces of the Shaft Sergeant Charles Floyd, the first soldier of the United States to die west of the Mississippi river, was a son of Chas. Floyd, Sr., a grandson of Wm. Floyd, and was born in Jefferson county, Kentucky, between 1780 and 1785. He was one of the "nine young men from Kentucky" who joined Lewis and Clark at Louisville in the fall of 1803, was formally enlisted April 1, 1804, and appointed one of the three sergeants of the expedition. Sergeant Floyd was taken ill August 19, 1804. died the following day, and was buried on "Floyd's Bluff," on the Iowa side of the Missouri river near the place of his death. His grave was marked by a cedar post properly inscribed. In 1857, when Floyd's grave was endangered by the river, his remains were removed 600 feet farther east. In 1895 the Floyd Memorial association was organized, and a monument erected at a cost of about $15,000, which was dedicated May 30. 1901. The shaft occupies a commanding position, three miles southeast of Sioux City, on the top of Floyd's Bluff — the highest of the range of hills — about 600 feet from the Missouri river, and 115 feet above low-water mark. The monument is of the style of an Egyptian obelisk; the underground foundation is a monolith of concrete 22 feet square at the base, 13 feet 6 inches at the top, and 11 feet deep. This is surmounted by a base course of solid stone 2 feet high, and 10.92 feet square. The shaft is 100 feet 21/. inches in height, 9.42 feet square at the bottom, and 6.28 feet square at the top. It is a masonry shell of Kettle river sandstone, the core of solid concrete. 46 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Republican fiver at a point which has not been determined even approximately; and that in- teresting question is now the subject of inves- tigation by specialists. The party camped on an eminence on the north side of the river, op- posite the Pawnee village, and circumstances favor the conclusion that they were within the present bounds of Nebraska, notwithstanding that in 1901, a monument to mark the northern limit of Pike's route, was erected within the Kansas line about four miles south of Hardy, Nebraska. Pike's visit to the Republican Paw- nees had been preceded a short time before by the expedition of the Spanish Lieutenant May- gares, who had traveled from Santa Fe with about six hundred soldiers and over two thou- sand horses and mules ; but Pike says that about two hundred and forty men and the horses that were unfit for service were left at the crossing of the Arkansas river. The beaten down grass plainly disclosed to Pike their line of march in the Pawnee neighborhood. This Spanish ex- pedition had been sent to intercept Pike and also to establish friendly relations with the Indians, and the American party found a Span- ish flag flying over the council lodge of the Pawnees. These incidents, together with the fact that Pike was detained in New Mexico, virtually a prisoner, illustrates the indefinite- ness of the boundary of the Louisiana Purchase at the time and the insolence of Spain, not yet conscious of her decaying condition, toward the young republic. The contrast between Pike's little party and the considerable Spanish army which had just passed, inspired insolent behavior on the part of the Pawnees, which led the intrepid American explorer to give vent to his feelings in his journal: "All the evil I wished the Pawnees was that I might be the instrument in the hands of our govern- ment to open their eyes and ears, and with a strong hand convince them of our power." It would no doubt have given the indomitable but persecuted Pike much satisfaction to know that within a very few years the insolent Span- iard, then invading American territory, would be pushed off the continent finally by American aggression. Pike himself was killed in battle in our war of 1812, but his services had been recognized and rewarded by promotion in 1795. Explorations of Crooks and McLcllan. In 1807 Ramsey Crooks and Robert McLellan, two of the most famous and intrepid explorers of the Northwest, formed a partnership, and in the fall of the year started up the Missouri river with an expedition comprising eighty men fitted out on shares by Sylvester and Auguste Chouteau. On the return of Lewis and Clark in 1806, they brought with them to St. Louis, Shahaka, the chief of the Mandans, on the way to Washington for consultation with President Jefferson and under promise of safe escort back to his home. The next summer Ensign Nathaniel Pryor, who had been a ser- geant in the Lewis and Clark party, undertook to escort the chief up the river. The command consisted of fourteen soldiers in all, but it was united with a party of thirty-two men led by Pierre Chouteau. When they attempted to pass the lower Arikara village, the Indians at- tacked them and drove them back, and on their return they met Crooks and McLellan, who then turned back and established a camp prob- ably near Bellevue, where they remained until the spring of 1810. Lisa had safely passed the Arikaras before these parties arrived, and, whether true or not, the charge that he inspir- ed the Arikara attack is a concession to his ability and influence as well as an illustration of his reputation for intrigue. Astorian Expedition. Commerce led to the first exploration and civilized occupation in the Northwest, including Nebraska. The French had led in exploration and fur trade until the British wrested Canada from them in 1762, and Frenchmen continued to carry on active commercial traffic in this region, with St. Louis, then a French town, as their princi- pal base. But about the beginning of the nineteenth century there was a state of actual hostility between English and American trad- ers. The discovery of. the mouth of the Col- umbia river in 1792 by Captain Gray of the American trading ship Columbia, was an im- portant factor in the long dispute over the Ore- gon boundary. In 1810, John Jacob Astor, of New York, organized the Pacific Fur Compa- FUR TRADE 47 ny, a partnership including himself, Alexander McKay, Duncan McDougal, Donald McKen- zie, David Stuart, Robert Stuart, and Wilson Price Hunt, for the purpose of colonization and trade at the mouth of the Columbia river. Astor was encouraged in his enterprise by the federal government. The partners named,, with the exception of Hunt, sailed in the ship Tonquin in September. 1810, and founded As- toria at the mouth of the Columbia river in the spring of the following year. In October of 1810 Mr. Hunt .started up the Missouri river with a party in three boats to reach As- toria by the overland route. The expedition came to the mouth of the Nodaway river in November, and went into winter quarters, though Hunt returned to St. Louis, where he spent the winter. He reached the win- ter camp again on the 17th of the fol- lowing April, and a few days later the party set sail. It consisted of about sixty men, five of them partners in the enterprise, and they embarked in four boats. On the 28th of April they breakfasted on an island at the mouth of the Platte river, and they halted for two days on the bank of the Missouri, a little above the m<5uth of Papillion creek, and therefore on or near the site of Bellevue. In Irv'ing's account of this journey no mention is made of any settlement at this point ; but he set the example of writing enthusiastically of the beauty of the landscape, which has been assiduously practiced by travelers and settlers ever since. On the 10th of May the party ar- rived at the Omaha Indian village, situated. by their measurement, about two hundred and thirty miles above their P>ellevue encampment. On the 12th of June they arrived at the village of the Arikara Indians, about ten miles above the mouth of the Grand river, now in northern South Dakota. From this point they proceed- ed by land to the Columbia river, which they reached some distance below the junction of the Lewis and Clark river. They followed down the Columbia in canoes, and reached Astoria on the 15th of February. Lisa, who represented the Missouri Ftur Company, jealously watched the operations of the new Pacific Fur Company, and his suc- cessful attempt to overtake Hunt resulted in a famous keel boat race. Lisa explains that this desperate exertion was caused by a desire to pass through the dangerous Sioux country in Hunt's company for greater safety ; but it seems likely that his primary object was to prevent Hunt from establishing advantageous trade relations with any of the Indians on the upper river. Lisa traveled with great rapidity, at an average rate of eighteen miles a day, and overtook Hunt's party. There were twenty-six men on Lisa's boat and it was armed with a swivel mounted at the bow. Twenty men were at the oars. Pierre Chouteau. Jr. A master mind in the early fur trade Brackenridge, who, according to Irving, was "a young, enterprising man, tempted by mo- tives of curiosity to accompany Mr. Lisa," gives an account of the starting of the party : We sat off from the village of St. Charles on Tuesday, the 28th of April, 1811. Our barge was the best that ever ascended this river, and manned with stout oarsmen. Mr Lisa, who had been a sea captain, took much pains in rigging his boat with a good mast and main top sail, these being great helps in the navigation of this river. . . We are in all twenty-five men. and completely pre- 48 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA pared for defense. There is besides, a swivel on the bow of the boat, which in case of attack would malce a formidable appearance ; we have also two brass blunderbusses. . These precautions are absolutely necessary from the hostility of the Sioux bands. It is exceedingly difficult to make a start on these voyages, from the reluctance of the men to terminate the frolic with their friends which usually precedes their departure. . . The river Platte is regarded by the navigators of the Missouri as a point of as much importance as the equinoctial line amongst mariners. All those who had not passed it before were re- quired to be shaved unless they would com- promise the matter by a treat. On the 28th of June, 1812, Robert Stuart started from Astoria with five of Hunt's origi- nal party on a return overland trip. At Fort Henry on the north fork of Snake river, now in southeastern Idaho, he was joined by four of the five men who had been detached by Hunt on the 10th of the previous October. After a journey of terrible hardships they established winter quarters on the North Platte river not far east of the place where it issues from the mountains. At the end of six weeks they were driven out by the Indians and proceeded three hundred and thirty miles down the Platte ; and then, despairing of being able to pass safely over the desert plain covered with deep snow, which confronted them, they went back over seventy-seven miles of their course until they found a suitable winter camp in what is now Scotts Bluff county, where they went into win- ter quarters on the 30th of December, 1812. On the 8th of March they tried to navigate the stream in canoes, but found it impracticable, and proceeded on foot to a point about forty- five miles from the mouth of the Platte, where they embarked, April 16th, in a large canoe made for their purpose by the Indians. The Yelloivstone Expedition. Such im- portance in Nebraska annals as may be attri- buted to what is known as Long's expedition in 1819 is due to the fact that it was the occas- ion of the passage of the first steamboat up the Missouri river, and the establishment of the first military post within the limits of the territory. This post, at first called Camp IMis- souri, was developed into a fort of the regular quadrangular form and named Fort Atkinson after its founder, General Atkinson, the com- mander of the Yellowstone expedition. It was occupied until 1827 in the main by the Sixth regiment of infantry, and was abandoned, June 27, 1827, when Fort Leavenworth was estab- lished and to which the furnishings of Fort Atkinson were transferred. A reason assign- ed for the abandonment of Fort Atkinson, namely, that the site was unhealthy, does not seem plausible. A better, and probably the real reason is that, owing to the insignificance or failure of the up-river fur trading enter- prise, this fort was nowhere and protected nothing, while the new site chosen by Colonel Leavenworth was virtually at the beginning of the Sante Fe and Oregon trails, where traf- fic vi^as of considerable and growing impor- tance. The failure of Astor's attempt to effect sta- ble American lodgment on the Columbia, and of the Missouri Fur Company and other pri- vate enterprises to overcome or successfully compete with British influence and trade ag- gression in this new northwest, stimulated the federal government to send, out what was intended to be a formidable military and sci- entific expedition for the purpose of estab- lishing a strong post at the mouth of the Yel- lowstone river, to ascertain the natural fea- tures and resources of the country, and, if practicable, the important line between the United States and the British possessions. There were dreams, if not practical intentions, of establishing a trade with the Orient by way of the Columbia river, across the mountains to the Missouri, and down that stream to the Mississippi, but which were to be realized through the steam railroad across Nebraska instead of the steamboat up the Missouri. Five steamboats were provided for the trans- portation of the military arm of the expedition, comprising about a thousand men under the command of Colonel Henry Atkinson. Mis- management and miscalculation chiefly distin- guished this pretentious enterprise from first to last. The waste of time and monev — ex- cept as tlie latter provided a substantial lining FUR TRADE 49 for the pocket of the contractor — in attempt- ing to navigate the Missouri with vessels not specially adapted to its very peculiar demands, the lack of proper provisions for the troops at their winter quarters at Council Blufifs, result- ing in appalling sickness and death, the entire abandonment of the original and important de- sign of the enterprise — to obtain a sure foot- ing or control in the upper Missouri — and the failure of Major Long to reach the Red river at all seem to justify the criticism which the expedition has received. Two of the five boats were not able to enter the Missouri at all ; and "the Jefferson gave out and abandoned the trip thirty miles below Franklin. The Expedition and the Johnson wintered at Cow Island, a little above the mouth of the Kansas, and re- turned to St. Louis in the following spring."' The troops did not reach Council Bluff, where they established Camp Missouri, till the 26th of September, 1819. Their condition in the spring, March 8th, is shown in the journal of Long's expedition : Camp Missouri has been sickly, from the commencement of the winter ; but its situation is at this time truly deplorable. More than three hundred are, or have been sick, and nearly one hundred have died. This fatality is occasioned by the scurvy (scorbutus). In- dividuals who are seized rarely recover, as they can not be furnished with the proper aliments ; they have no vegetables, fresh meat, nor anti- scorbutics, so that the patients grow daily worse, and entering the hospital is considered by them a certain passport to the grave. ^^ The scientific and exploring division of the party, under Major Long, left St. Louis on the 9th of June, 1819, on the steamboat Western Engineer, which is said to have been the first stern-wheel steamboat ever built. This vessel appears to have been well adapted to its pur- pose and, proceeding by easy stages, reached the mouth of the Platte river on the 15th of September, Fort Lisa on the 17th, and on the 19th anchored at the winter camp, half a mile above Fort Lisa and five miles below Council Bluff, and which they called Engineer Canton- ment. According to one writer, the vessels which attempted to transfer Atkinson's sol- ' History of American Fur Trade, vol. ii, p. 569. ^o Long's First Expedition, vol. i, p. 195. diers in the early winter of 1818 were the first steamboats to enter the Missouri river; but the statement that two of them went as far as Cow Island, above the mouth of the Kansas, is contrary to an account of the arrival of the In- dependence at Franklin, contained in the Franklin Intelligencer of May 28, 1819: With no ordinary sensation of pride and pleasure we announce the arrival this morning of the elegant steamboat. Independence, Capt. Nelson, in seven sailing days (but thirteen from the time of her departure) from St. Louis with passengers and a cargo of flour, whiskey, Benjamin Louis Eulai,ia Bonneville iron castings, etc., being the first steamboat that ever attempted ascending the Missouri. The grand desideratum, the important fact is now acknowledged that steamboats can suc- cessfully navigate the Missouri. Major Long started to Washington after a sojourn of two weeks at Engineer Cantonment and returned in the spring by land from St. Louis. On account of mismanagement of the expedition and the scandals arising from it the necessary appropriations were stopped and Major Long vi^as authorized to lead an explor- ing party "to the source of the river Platte and thence by way of the Arkansas and Red rivers to the Mississippi." The party consisted of S. H. Long, major United States topographical engineers, six regular soldiers, and eleven oth- 50 HISTORY ()F NEBRASKA er men, most of them such specialists as were needed in a scientific exploration. They started from Engineer Cantonment on the 6th of June, following the Pawnee path southwesterly to the Platte valley, then, proceeding along the north side of the river, crossed the forks a short distance above their junction, and fol- lowed the south bank of the South Platte. By the end of June they came in sight of the moun- tains and discovered the great peak which they named after Major Long. In May, 1832, Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth, with a party of eighteen, intent on Astor's or- iginal plan of establishing trade on the Colum- bia river, passed through Nebraska on the Ore- gon trail. He traveled in company with Wil- liam L. Sublette's expedition to the mountains. On his return by way of the Missouri river he passed Council Bluff on the 21st of September. 1833. In 1834, Wyeth, with a party of seven- ty men, traveled over the same route again — from Independence to the Columbia. Captain Bonneville was a diligent wanderer rather than an explorer, and he owes his fame largely to the fact that the fascinating Irving was his historian. He took a party of about one hundred men over the Oregon trail in the spring of 1832, and traveled over the whole northwest mountain region, including the Co- lumbia river country, until the spring of 1835. In the year last named Colonel Henr>' Dodge, who afterwards became the first governor of Wisconsin, and after whom Nebraska's bril- liant son, Henry Dodge Estabrook, was nam- ed, led an expedition from Fort Leavenworth up the Platte and along its south fork to the mountains, thence south to the Sante Fe trail, returning by that route. Fremont's Expedition. The federal gov- ernment had indirectly encouraged the expe- ditions set on foot by Astor and others and had directly sent the Long expedition, but the most important explorations of the Northwest, un- der the auspices of the government, were those of Fremont. The first party passed through Nebraska by the Oregon trail in the summer of 1842. This expedition, composed of twenty- seven men, mostly Creole Canadian frontiers- men, included the famous Kit Carson as its guide and a son of Thomas H. Benton, a boy of twelve years, whose sister Lieutenant Fre- mont, the leader of the expedition, had recently married. This expedition started from Cyp- rian Chouteau's trading post on the Missouri river, a little over twelve miles above the mouth of the Kansas, on the 10th of June, 1842. Fre- mont's orders were, "to explore and report up- on the country between the frontiers of Mis- souri and the south pass in the Rocky moun- tains and on the line of the Kansas and Great Platte rivers." This was accomplished by the middle of August, and the party returned by the same route, reaching the junction of the north and south forks on the 12th of Septem- ber. Here Fremont also was tempted to un- dertake the navigation of the river. His own account of the remainder of the journey through Nebraska is a pertinent and interest- ing story : At this place I had determined to make an- other attempt to descend the Platte by water, and accordingly spent two days in the construc- tion of a bull boat. Men were sent out on the evening of our arrival, the necessary number of bulls killed, and their skins brought to camp. Four of the best of them were strongly sewed together with buffalo sinew, and stretch- ed over a basket frame of willow. The seams were then covered with ashes and tallow and the boat left exposed to the sun the greater part of one day, which was sufficient to dry and contract the skin and make the whole work solid and strong. It had a rounded bow, was eight feet long and five broad, and drew with four men about four inches of water. On the morning of the 15th we embarked in our hide boat, Mr. Preuss and myself with two men. We dragged her over the sands for three or four miles, and then left her on the bar, and abandoned entirely all further attempts to navi- gate this river. The names given by the Indi- ans are always remarkably appropriate ; and certainly none was ever more so than that which they had given to this stream — "the Ne- liraska, or Shallow River." Walking steadily the remainder of the day, a little before dark we overtook our people at their evening camp, about twenty-one miles below the junction. The next morning we crossed the Platte, and continued our way down the river bottom on the left bank, where we found an excellent plainly beaten road. On the 18th we reached Grand Island, which FUR TRADE 51 is fifty-two miles long, with an average breadth of one mile and three quarters. It has on it some small eminences and is sufficiently ele- vated to be secure from the annual floods ot the river. As has already been remarked, it is well timbered, with an excellent soil, and rec- ommends itself to notice as the best point for a military position on the Lower Platte. On the 22nd we arrived at the village of the Grand Pawnees, on the right bank of the river, about thirty miles above the mouth of the Loup fork. They were gathering in their corn, and we obtained from them a very welcome supply of vegetables. The morning of the 24th we reached the Loup fork of the Platte. At the place where we forded it, this stream was four hundred and thirty yards broad, with a swift current of clear water; in this respect differing from the Platte, which has a muddy yellow color, de- rived from the limestone and marl formation of which we have previously spoken. The ford was difiicult, as the water was so deep that it came into the body of the carts, and we reach- ed the opposite bank after repeated attempts, ascending and descending the bed of the river in order to avail ourselves of the bars. We camped on the left bank of the fork, in the point of land at its junction with the Platte. During the two days that we remained here for astronomical observations, the bad weath- er permitted us to obtain but one good observ- ation for the latitude — a meridian altitude of the sun, which gave for the latitude of the mouth of the Loup" fork 41° 22' 11". Five or six days previously, I had sent for- ward C. Lambert, with two men, to Bellevue, with directions to ask from Mr. P. Sarpy, the gentleman in charge of the American Company's establishment at that place, the aid of his carpenters in constructing a boat, in which I proposed to descend the Missouri. On the afternoon of the 27th we met one of the men who had been dispatched by Mr. Sarpy with a welcome supply of provisions and a very kind note which gave the very gratifying in- telligence that our boat was in rapid prog- ress. On the evening of the 30th we encamped in an almost impenetrable undergrowth on the left bank of the Platte, in the point of land at its confluence with the Missouri — three hundred and fifty miles, according to our reckoning, from the junction of the forks, and five hundred and twenty miles from Fort Lar- amie. From the junction we had found the bed of the Platte occupied with numerous islands, many of them very large, and well timbered ; possessing, as well as the bottom lands of the river, a very excellent soil. With the excep- tion of some scattered groves on the banks, the bottoms are generallly without timber. A por- tion of these consist of low grounds, covered with a profusion of fine grasses, and are prob- ably inundated in the spring; the remaining part is high river prairie, entirely beyond the influence of the floods. The breadth of the river is usually three quarters of a mile, ex- cept where it is enlarged by islands. That por- tion of its course which is occupied by Grand Island has an average breadth from shore to shore of two and a half miles. The breadth John C. Fremont of the valley, with the various accidents of ground — springs, timber, and whatever I have thought interesting to travelers and set- tlers — you will find indicated on the larger map which accompanies this report. October 1. — I arose this morning long be- fore daylight, and heard with a feeling of pleasure the tinkling of cow bells at the settle- ments on the opposite side of the Missouri. Early in the day we reached Mr. Sarpy's resi- dence, and in the security and comfort of his hospitable mansion felt the pleasure of again being within the pale of civilization. We 52 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA found our boat on the stocks ; a few days sufficed to complete her ; and in the afternoon of the 4th we embarked on the Missouri. All our equipage — horses, carts, and the materiel of the camp • — had been sold at public auction at Bellevue. The strength of my party enabled me to man the boat with ten oars, relieved every hour; and we descended rapidly. On his second expedition the following year, Fremont passed up the Kansas river to the mouth of the Republican. He then proceeded iJ^. Jl northwestwardly, leaving the Republican val- ley on his right or to the north. Soon after crossing and naming the Prairie Dog river he again entered the Republican valley. He crossed the present Nebraska line not far from the western boundary of Hitchcock county, and, crossing Dundy county diagonally to the northwest, entered the valley of the South Platte, which he followed to the mountains. Fremont complains on this trip of the difficulty of traveling on account of heavy rains, which is another indication of the fallacy of the popu- lar notion that rainfall has increased in this por- tion of the plains since its occupation and cul- tivation by white men. John C. Fremont. John C. Fremont was born January 21, 1813, in Savannah, Georgia, and died July 13, 1890. He was the son of a French immigrant who married into one of the most prominent families of Virginia. John C. Fremont distinguished himself as statesman, soldier, and explorer. After completing his work in Charleston College, he taught mathe- matics for a time, and later became a civil en- gineer. He married the daughter of Colonel Thomas H. Benton. Fremont gained the recognition of the United States government, which supported his ambitions in explorations extending across- the continent to the Pacific coast. As a recognition of his services he was rewarded with a brevet captaincy. In California, he pro- tected the settlers from the Mexicans, and in 1846 was appointed governor of California. He received the commission of lieutenant-col- onel. Fremont organized an expedition to find a southern route to California and, while the attempt was somewhat disastrous, he succeeded in reaching California by that route in 1849. He was elected United States senator from that state and took his seat when the state was admitted in 1850. His term expired in 1851,. and the following year was spent in Europe. In 1856 he was the republican nominee for^ president of the United States, but was defeat- ed by James Buchanan, the democratic nomi- nee. Fremont was appointed major-general in the Federal army, and later was made com- mander of the mountain district of Virginia and Kentucky. He resigned when Major- General Pope was assigned to the command of the Army of Virginia. The failure of his pro- ject to build the El Paso and Pacific railroad reduced him to poverty. He was appoint- ed governor of Arizona territory and served four years. Manuel de Lisa. It is probable that there was a trading post called Fort Charles, about six miles below Omadi, kept by one McKay- as early as 1795. In 1802, Cruzatte's post,. FIRST SETTLEMENTS 53 also a trading establishment, was situated two miles above old Council Bluff. In 1807, Crooks and McLellan established a post not far above the mouth of the Papillion ; but they abandoned it in 1810 when they formed the Pacific Fur Company. This was probably the first settle- ment on the site, or in the immediate neigh- borhood, of Bellevue. The tradition that Man- uel Lisa made a settlement at Bellevue in 1805 is probably groundless. He established his post, known as Fort Lisa, at a point between five and six miles below the original Council Bluff — ■ where Lewis and Clark had a council with the Missouri and Otoe Indians, August 3, 1804, and now the site of the town of Fort Calhoun — as early as 1812. Manuel Lisa was doubtless the most remarkable man among the early explorers and traders of the Missouri river. "In boldness of enterprise, persistency of purpose and in restless energy, he was a fair representative of the Spaniard of the days of Cortez. He was a man of great ability, a mas- terly judge of men, thoroughly experienced in the Indian trade and native customs, intensely active in his work, yet withal a perfect enigma of character which his contemporaries were never able to solve. "'^ He was selected to command in the field, nearly every expedition sent out by the St. Louis companies of which he was a member. Lisa was born of Spanish parents, in Cuba, in 1772. The return of Lewis and Clark excited his ambition to establish trade on the upper Missouri, and in 1807 he led an expedition as far as the Bighorn where he established a post called Fort Lisa. The Missouri Fur Company of St. Louis, in which he was a partner, was organized in 1808-1809. In the spring of 1809 he went up to the Big- horn post with a party of one hundred and fifty men, but returned to St. Louis for the winter. Every year, from 1807 to 1819, in- clusive, possibly with one exception, he made the upper Missouri trip — twice to the Bighorn, a distance of two thousand miles, several times to Fort Mandan, fifteen hundred miles, the rest of the journeys being to Fort Lisa at Council Bluff, six hundred and seventv miles. After the establishment of this post he spent most, probably all of the winters there, returning to St. Louis in the spring each year. His last sojourn in his Nebraska home was in 1819, and this time his wife, whom he had recently mar- ried in St. Louis, was with him. He had kept at least one woman of the Omahas as wife or mistress, and there is a tragic story of his final separation from her before his last trip back to St. Louis, and of her giving up their two children to him because she thought it would be best for them. As is often the case 113. ^1 Chittenden, History of American Fur Trade, Mary M..\nuel Lisa First white woman to live in Nebraska with original and adventurous spirits, in a com- mercial sense Lisa sowed that others might reap, and he died at St. Louis, in August, 1820, leaving little of the material gain for which he had striven with wonderful energy and at such great risks. While McKay and Cruzatte, and perhaps others of the white race may have had lodgment in Nebraska before Lisa, yet it seems fair to call him the first real white settler. Thomas Biddle, the journalist of the Yellowstone expedition, in a report to Atkin- son, commandant at Camp Missouri, dated October 29, 1819, says that Lisa's party went 54 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA to the mouth of the Bighorn in 1809 and that they wintered there that year, and on the wa- ters of the Columbia in lSlO-1811; but Lisa, himself, returned to St. Louis in the fall of 1809. By Biddle's showing the Missouri river fur trade was on the whole unprofitable, and the various companies or partnerships were short-lived, and according to his statement, the Missouri Fur Company expired in 1814 or 1815 ; by other accounts it dissolved between 1828-1830, Joshua Pilcher remaining its presi- dent after Lisa's death. Biddle tells us also Engra^nng from a photograph owned by John Q. Goss, Belleznte, Nebraska. Logan Fontenelle (Shon-g.\-sk.\) Elected principal chief of the Omahas, September, 1853 that after the dissolution of the Missouri com- pany, Lisa, Pilcher, and others bought a new company for $10,000, and they added goods to the amount of $7,000. As Lisa died in 1820, he could not have joined Pilcher in his last enterprise after the expiration of the Missouri company, if it had lived until 1828 or 1830. The confusion must be accounted for by the fact that another company of the same name was organized after the dissolution of the first, and it is to that doubtless that some writ- ers refer. Long notes that Major Pilcher and Lucien Fontenelle were in the employ of the Missouri Fur Company at the beginning of the year 1820. Not long after Lisa's death, the company, now in charge of Pilcher, moved its post from Fort Lisa down to fhe site of Belle- vue. Chittenden states that Lucien Fontenelle and Andrew Drips bought the post soon after this time and retained it many years, though in another place this author says that they built a post at Bellevue. It is probable that this Fontenelle was connected with one of the numerous French royal families, and it is stated that he committed suicide at Fort Laramie ; but reliable local accounts say .that he left his mountain trading post in 1839 and came to Bellevue where he lived with his family until he died, from intemperate habits, in 1840. He married a woman of the Omaha tribe and they had five children. Logan Fontenelle. Logan Fontenelle be- came a chief of the Omahas and a man of much note among the Indians and the earliest white settlers. Henry Fontenelle, a brother of this Omaha chief, has given the following account of his death: In June, 1855, Logan went with the tribe as usual on their summer buffalo hunt, and as usual their enemies, the Sioux, laid in wait for the Omahas in vicinities of large herds of buf- falo. The first surround they made on the buffalo the Sioux made a descent upon them in overwhelming numbers and turned the chase into battle. Four Omahas were killed and several wounded. In every attempt at getting buffalo the Sioux charged upon them. The Omahas concluded it was useless to try to get any buffalo, and retreated toward home. They traveled three days, and, thinking they were out of danger, Logan, one morning, in com- pany with Louis Saunsoci and another Indian, started on ahead of the moving village and were about three miles away when they es- pied a herd of elk in the distance. Logan pro- posed chase, they started, that was the last seen of him alive. The same moment the vil- lage was surrounded by the Sioux. About ten o'clock in the morning a battle ensued and lasted until three o'clock, when they found out Logan was killed. His body was found and brought into Bellevue and buried by the side of his father. He had the advantage of a limited education and saw the advantasfe of FIRST SETTLEMENTS 55 it. He made it a study to promote the welfare of his people and to bring them out of their wretchedness, poverty and ignorance. His first step to that end was to organize a parole of picked men and punish all that came home intoxicated with bad whiskey. His effort to stop whiskey drinking was successful. It was his intention as soon as the Oinahas were settled in their new home to ask the govern- ment to establish ample schools among them, to educate the children of the tribe by force if they would not send the children by reasonable persuasion. His calculations for the benefit of the tribe were many, but, like many other hu- man calculations, his life suddenly ended in the prime, and just as he was ready to benefit his people and sacrifice a life's labor for help- less humanity. After Logan was killed the Omahas went back to Bellevue instead of coming back to the reservation whence they started, and wintered along the Missouri river between Calhoun and the reservation, some of them at Bellevue. In the spring of 1856 they again went back to their reservation, where they have been since. Between the years 1822 and 1826, J. P. Ca- banne established a post for the American Fur Company at a point nine or ten miles above the later site of the Union Pacific bridge at Omaha. It is probable that Joshua Pilcher succeeded Cabanne in the management of the post in 1833, and between that year and 1840 it was moved down to Bellevue and placed under the management of Peter A. Sarpy. Pilcher succeeded General Clark, of the Lewis and Clark expedition, as superintendent of Indian affairs at St. Louis in 1838. The Rev. Samuel Allis, a missionary to the Pawnee In- dians and who was frequently at. Bellevue as early as 1834 and thereafter, states that in the year named, his party camped at the fur com- pany's fort and that Major Pilcher was in charge of the post ; also that soon after Peter A. Sarpy came into that part of the country he was clerk for Cabanne. Chittenden says that "Fontenelle and Drips apparentlv bought Pilcher's post and established it in their own name which it retained for many years." Thus both the Missouri Fur Company's post and the American Fur Company's post ap- pear to have been transferred to Bellevue, the one from Fort Lisa and the other from Caban- ne's. The Rev. Moses Merrill, a Baptist mis- sionary to the Otoe Indians, who came to Belle- vue on his mission in the fall of 1833, speaks in his diary of visiting Cabanne's post as late as April 1, 1839, so that it could not have been removed to Bellevue before that time; and Mr. Merrill, whose diary comes down to August 18, 1839, makes no mention of the removal. In this diary Mr. Merrill frequently speaks of rid- ing from Bellevue to "the trading post," eigh- teen miles, which was in charge of Major Pil- cher, and evidently the old Cabanne post. On the 7th of March, 1834, Merrill makes the fol- lowing entry in his diary: "Sublette and Campbell have established a trading post here in opposition to the American Company." On the 10th of May, 1834, he records that he set out from the trading post eighteen miles above Bellevue, which must have been Cabanne's, to the Otoe village which he says was twenty- five miles distant. After Mr. Merrill had estab- lished himself at the Otoe mission house on the south side of the Platte, he records, May 30, 1836, that he rode to Cabanne's post, thirty miles. Mr. Merrill repeatedly states that he and the women who assisted him in his mission work, went backwards and forwards daily between the mission house and the Otoe village, so that they could have been only a short distance apart. The permanent Otoe villages were on the west side of the Platte river forty miles from its mouth, not far from the present village of Yutan. The Merrill mission estab- lishment was about eight miles above the mouth of the Platte where a chimney still marks its site. Merrill's diary tells us in a vague way that the Otoe villages were moved down the Platte from the site in question during the summer of 1835. Merrill gives the distance from the trading post to the villages and to the mission as the same, showing that they were very near together ; and his diary gives other ample evidence of that fact. Allis says that Merrill's establishment was on the Platte, six miles from Bellevue. In a paper by the Rev. S. P. Merrill, the mis- sionary's son, the following statement is made: "A few miles from Bellevue, just below Boy- er's creek, was the trading post of Cabanne. This post was sold about this time to a fur 56 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA FIRST SETTLEMENTS 57 company, and in 1834 was occupied by Major Pilcher." This agrees with another statement that Pilcher succeeded Cabanne as manager of the post in 1833. Mr. Merrill states that at Bellevue was a government agency for the Otoes, Pawnees, Omahas, and Missouris. "Bellevue," he says, "was at first a trading post of the Missouri Fur Company. They had sold out to Fontenelle, and he had disposed of a part of his holdings to the government. Here Major John Dougherty was government ageijt and Major Beauchamp was assistant. There were here now but few men. During the sum- mer before, the cholera had carried off seven out of ten in twenty-four hours. On the bank of the river were the poorer huts, while high- er up were the agency buildings. A quarter of a mile below were the buildings of Fonte- nelle. Mr. Merrill says that under Major Dougherty were "his brother, Hannibal, as- sistant, a teacher, an assistant teacher, two blacksmiths to care for the farming tools, and one or two farmers to teach the Indians how- to make their crops." The missionary, the Rev. Moses Merrill, unfortunately for the cause of accurate history, was an almost mor- bid religious devotee, and his diary is so large- ly given up to recording his devotions and vary- ing religious moods as to leave too little room for intelligible historical data. Peter A. Sarpy. P. A. Sarpy, born 1804, was a son of Gregoire Berald and Pelagic (Labadie) Sarpy. His father is said to have been the first man to attempt the navigation of the Missouri river in a keel boat. But little is known of his early life except that he was of French extraction and was educated in St. Louis where his relatives, the Chouteaus and others, occupied high social position. His elder brother, John B. Sarpy, was an impor- tant factor in the fur trade and the general commercial life of St. Louis. He was born in that city January 12, 1798, and was first em- ployed as a clerk for Berthold and Chouteau, with whom he was associated in business for the balance of his life. His first wife was the eldest daughter of John P. Cabanne. About 1823 Peter A. Sarpy came to Nebraska as a clerk for the American Fur Company under John P. Cabanne, and in 1824 succeeded him as manager of the post at Bellevue. Shortly after, he established a post on the Iowa side of the Missouri river which he called Traders Point ; this was used for the accommodation of the whites, while Bellevue catered chiefly to the Indian trade. On account of the encroach- ments of the river. Traders Point was aban- doned in 1853 and a new location established at St. Mary, four miles down the river. In 1S53 Colonel Sarpy established flat-boat ferries across the Elkhorn river near where Elkhorn From an old daguerreotype taken in 1855 at Council Bluffs, Iowa, and given to the Nebraska State His- torical Society by J. Sterling Morton. Petes A. Sarpy City was afterwards located, and on the Loup Fork near the present site of Columbus. He was a man of peculiar temperament, kind at heart, but in the pursuit of his business enter- prises he spared no one. He was small and wiry in build, possessing great physical endurance. He loved the freedom of the West and was in- timately associated with the Indians, beings honored with the title of "white chief" by the Omahas. He married, according to Indian cus- tom, Ni-co-mi, a woman of the lowas, to whom he was greatly attached, and whom he as greatly feared. Ni-co-mi had been the wife of Dr. John Gale, who had deserted her and their child. In 1854 Mr. Sarpy was a member 58 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA F.ARLv AfissouRi River StEambtats The lower view represents a steamboat wreck on the Missouri river, copied from Early Steamboat Navigation on the Missouri River, Chittenden. The others are from photographs owned by the Nebraslca State Historical Sc.c'etv. F.ARLY TRADERS 59 of the Old Town company which laid out the town of Bellevue, and in company with Ste- phen Decatur and others laid out the town of Decatur, where he had maintained a trading post. In 1862, he rrnoved to Plattsmouth, where he died January 4, 1865. Sarpy county was named in his honor. The St. Louis rela- tives of Colonel Sarpy deny that he left any considerable estate. He provided, however, for the payment of an annuity of $200 to Ni- co-mi, his Indian wife, which amount was paid regularly until her death. Eari.y Traders. A number of the hardy traders of the early days in the Plains country deserve special attention and, briefly sketched, their lives throw a ray of light into those early days and present an understanding of the loneliness of the lives they led. as nothing else can. Manuel dc Lisa. Manuel de Lisa, Spanish fur trader of Nebraska, was born in Cuba, September 8, 1772. He came to this country about the time the Spanish took possession of Louisiana. His father was in the service of the Spanish government during most of his life time. Manuel de Lisa went to St. Louis about the year 1790, when he became inter- ested in the fur business. In 1800, he secured from the Spanish government the exclusive right to trade with the Osage Indians. In 1807, he came up the Missouri river and estab- lished a post and began the fur trade at the mouth of the Bighorn and also at Fort Lisa, near the present site of Fort Calhoun. He re- turned to St. Louis and organized the St. Louis Fur Company. Lisa was made subagent for all of the Indian tribes along the Missouri north of Kansas. He was beyond question the most active and successful man who ever entered the Indian countr}' in the early days, and rendered great service to the government. He was a prominent citizen of St. Louis and was one of the incorporators of the Bank of St. Louis in 1813. Manuel Lisa was married twice among his own people, and also had a wife from the Oma- ha tribe. It is said this marriage was for the purpose of ingratiating himself into the Indian favor and to hold a commercial advantage over his rivals in the fur trade. Two children were born of this union and were recognized in his will as his "natural children." Lisa provided for the education of these children before his death. Little is known of his first wife who favored him with three children. The second wife of his own people was Mary Hampstead Keeny, of St. Louis, whom he married August 5, 1818. Mrs. Lisa spent the winter of 1819-1820 with her husband at his post in Nebraska and was prob- ably the first white woman to ascend the Mis- souri river. Major Joshua Pitcher . Major Joshua Pilcher, pioneer Indian trader, was born in Virginia, March 15, 1790. He entered busi- ness pursuits in St. Louis in 1812, and in 1820 entered the fur trade as a member of the reor- ganized Missouri Fur Company, of which he became president in 1821, upon the death of Manuel Lisa. He remained at the head of this company until its dissolution about 1830. For a time he transferred his services to the Amer- ican Fur Company and had charge of their post at Council Blufif. In 1838, he was ap- pointed by President Van Buren as superin- tendent of Indian affairs at St. Louis, which was made vacant by the death of General William Clark, the associate of Meriwether Lewis. As did a large number of these early pioneers, he married an Indian woman. He is represented as a man of great ability, of strict integrity, and high standing in business and social circles. Lucicn Fontenclle. Lucien Franqois Fon- tenelle, pioneer Indian fur trader, was a direct descendant of a powerful family of the French nobility. Lucien was born near New Orleans about 1800. He entered the employ of the American Fur Company at St. Louis in 1816 and made his headquarters at Fort Lara- mie. He later entered business for himself and for a time was associated with Andrew Drips. He established a storehouse at Bellevue where he made his home. He was intimately associ- ated with the Omaha Indians and married a woman of the tribe. It is said the marriage 60 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA was performed by Father De Smet, an influen- tial Catholic missionary. Fontenelle had five children : Logan, Henry, Albert, Tecumseh, and Susan. He gave all of his children a good education and they were baptised in the Catholic faith. In 1838, he abandoned his mountain home and lived with his family in Bellevue. He died in 1840 and was buried at Bellevue. His distin- guished son, Logan, was later buried by his side. Andrczi.' Drips. Andrew Drips, fur trader, was born in 1789 in Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania. But little is known of his early history. Like his contemporaries, he went to St. Louis which at the time was attracting at- tention. In 1820 he became a member of the reorganized Alissouri Fur Company and ac- companied many expeditions in its interest, gaining a reputation as mountaineer. In 1842, he was appointed Indian agent by President Tyler for the Indians of the upper Missouri tribes. After four years in this service he en- tered the employ of the American Fur Company and for some years lived in the vicinity of Bellevue. For a time he was associated with Lucien Fontenelle and Joshua Pilcher. In early life he married an Indian woman of the Otoe tribe. Major Drips died in 1880 at Kan- sas City. Jolm Pierre Cabannc. John Pierre Ca- banne, Indian trader, and prominent citizen of St. Louis, was born about 1773. The first brick residence of St. Louis was built by Mr. Cabanne and was known as the Cabanne man- sion, on the King's Highway, near the present site of Forest Park. He was engaged in mer- cantile business in that city for many years. He was one of the commissioners for the bank of Missouri in 1816. A year or two earlier he became identified with the American Fur Company. After 1820 he devoted his atten- tion almost exclusively to the fur trade and made many trips up the Missouri river in its interest. Between 1822 and 1826, he estab- lished a post known as Cabanne's Post, about ten miles above the present site of Omaha. He was in charge of this post until 1833. Major Pilcher succeeded him in charge of the post which was afterward removed to Bellevue. Mr. Cabanne died in St. Louis in 1841. Moses Merrill. Aloses Merrill, pioneer Indian missionary, was born in Sedgwick county, Maine, in 1803. His father was a sol- dier in the Revolutionary war and afterward became a minister of the Baptist faith. Moses was given the best education common in his day and for a time taught school in his native state. After being licensed to preach, he of- fered his services as a missionary to the Indi- ans, but the New York Baptist convention to which the off^er was made, did not accept it. For a time he lived in Michigan where he en- gaged in teaching and in the study of theolo- gy. Mr. Merrill married Eliza Wilcox in 1830, and in 1832 was appointed missionary to Sault Ste. Marie. The following spring they were transferred to Missouri, and later went to Bellevue where a mission school was at once opened. Mr. Merrill and his wife labored faithfully among the Indians, teaching and preaching until his life was laid down in 1840. Authentic Explorations. The most im- portant of the early explorations was that of Lewis and Clark. Their expedition had of- ficial significance and gave definite information concerning a vast region and lent an impetus towards its further exploration. This event marks the beginning of definite history of the territory from which was to be carved a num- ber of populous and prosperous states. William Clark. Williain Clark was born August 1, 1770, in Kentucky, not far from his later associate, Meriwether Lewis. At four- teen years of age he removed with his parents to Louisville where, amidst the most humble surroundings, he grew up. He chose a mili- tary career and was appointed ensign in the regular army at the age of eighteen ; two years later he was made captain of militia. In 1791 he was commissioned lieutenant of infantry, and later served as adjutant and quartermaster. In 1796 he resigned from the army on account of ill health and returned to his farm in Ken- tucky. In 1807 Lieutenant Clark was commissioned by President Jeft'erson as brigadier-general AUTHENTIC EXPLORATIONS 61 and Indian agent of Louisiana territory. In this office he became widely known and great- ly trusted by both whites and Indians. In 1812 the name of the territory was changed to Mis- souri, and in 1813 General Clark was appoint- ed by President Madison as governor of the territory, which embraced all of the present state of Nebraska. He was reappointed by Madison in 1816 and 1817, and by Monroe in 1820. He held the office continuously until Missouri was admitted as a state into the Union. In 1822, President Monroe named him as superintendent of Indian affairs, which position he held until his death in St. Louis in 1838. Meriwether Lewis. Meriwether Lewis was born in 1774 near Charlottesville, Virgin- ia. He came of an illustrious family which had achieved military distinction during the Revolutionary war. His early life was spent on a farm, but at the age of twenty he answer- ed the call of George Washington for volun- teers to put down the "whisky rebellion." He later entered the regular service as a lieuten- ant ; still later he was appointed to a captaincy, and finally became paymaster of his regiment. He had served for two years as private secre- tary to President Jefferson before his appoint- ment to command the expedition through which he became famous. At his suggestion, the president appointed Lieutenant Clark as his associate in the command of the exploring party. In 1807, Captain Lewis was appointed governor of Louisiana with headquarters at St. Louis. He held this office until his death bv suicide in 1809. CHAPTER III Early Travel and Transportation — The Overland Stage — The Pony Express ■ Navigation • — First Railroad and Telegraph River TRAVEL and transportation, whose im- petus is the desire for the exchange of ideas, personal impressions, and material goods, have always been the prime factors of civiliza- tion ; and where travel and trade have been freest, civilization has reached its highest plane. There is as yet but scant knowledge of Indian or prehistoric routes of travel in Nebraska, and the subject is in the main a future field for students. One class of investigators insist that, on their longer journeys, Indians travel- ed by a sort of instinct and irregularity, and not by fixed or definite routes. Mr. Ed- ward A. Killian in a discussion of the subject^ quotes T. S. Hufifaker, of Council Grove, Kan- sas, "who came to the frontier in 1846, as a missionary and teacher," as follows: When I first came among the Indians, now more than half a century ago, there were at that time no well-defined trails between the lo- cations of the different tribes, but between the several bands of the same tribe, there were plain, beaten trails. Each band had a village of its own, and they continually visited each other. The dififerent tribes would change their location perpetually, and never remain in one location long enough to mark any well- defined trails, in going from tribe to tribe. Mr. Killian argues that the conclusions to be drawn from the above statements are: That there were no permanent trails over the Plains in prehistoric times, as shown by the facts and conditions set forth herein, and there is neither evidence nor tradition for such an assumption. There probably were prehi§toric routes, sometimes several miles in width, but no trails, roads or paths as understood by the use of these words at the present day. In a ' The Conservative, August 8, 1901, J. Sterling Morton, editor. 2 September 5, 1901. timbered or mountainous country, the case was different, and prehistoric trails existed. In a discussion of this subject in the same journal - Mr. A. T. Richardson quotes General G. M. Dodge, who became very familiar with the Plains country during the construction of the Union Pacific railroad : All over our continent there were perma- nent Indian trails ; especially was this the case west of the Missouri river. There were regu- lar trails from village to village, to well-known crossings of streams, up the valleys of great streams, over the lowest and most practicable divides, passing through the country where water could be obtained, and in the mountains the Indian trails were always well-defined through all the practicable passes. I traveled a great deal with the Indians myself at one time, and when they started for any given point they always took a well-established trail, unless they divided off for hunting, fishing, or something of that kind ; and in my own reconnaissances in the West, and in my engineering parties, when we found Indian trails that led in the right direction for our surveys, we always followed them up and examined them, and always found that they took us to the best fords of streams, to the most practical crossings of divides, to the lowest passes in the mountains ; and they were of great benefit to us, especially where we had no maps of the country, because we could lay them down and work from them as well-defined features of the country. Mr. Richardson also quotes the observation of Parkman, the historian, Rufus Sage, and John C. Fremont as to the existence of dis- tinct Pawnee trails on the Nebraska plains. The notations of the first surveyors of Ne- braska show fragmentary Indian trails and roads of pioneer white men, because some of them marked their routes with regularity, while others did not. It will require the labo- EARLY TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION 63 rious.work of special students to trace these Indian routes of travel, which undoubtedly existed well-defined and of various lengths, from the local trails radiating from the more or less permanent villages to those of an ex- tent of several hundred miles, such as the well-known Pawnee routes from the habitat of that tribe along and north of the Platte val- ley to the hunting grounds of the Republican river country and even to the rivers farther south. When Major Long arrived at the Pawnee villages on the Loup river, he noted that the trail on which he had traveled from the Missouri had the appearance of being more frequented as he approached the Pawnee towns, and here, instead of a single pathway, it consisted of more than twenty parallel paths, of similar size and appearance.^ Again he observes that the path leading to the Pawnee villages runs in a direction a little south of west from the cantonment (Long's winter quarters) , and leads across a tract of high and barren prairie for the first ten miles. At this distance it crosses the Papillion. or Butterfly creek. ^ Charles Augustus Murray, in his account of his residence with the Pawnee Indians in 1835, describes the Indian mode of travel in masses : Thev move in three parallel bodies ; the left wing consisting of part of the Grand Paw- nees and the Tapages ; the center of the re- maining Grand Pawnees ; and the right, of the Republicans. . . All these bodies move in "Indian file," though of course, in the min- gled mass of men, women, children, and pack- horses, it is not very regularly observed ; never- theless, on arriving at the halting-place, the party to which I belonged invariably camped at the eastern extremity of the village, the great chief in the center and the Republicans (Tapages) on the western side; and this ar- rangement was so well kept that after I had been a few days with them I could generally find our lodge in a new encampment with very little trouble, although the village consisted of about 600 of them, all nearly similar in appearance.^ Murray recounts a remarkable feat of trav- eling by an individual Indian. His party ' Long's First Expedition, vol. i. p. 435. * Ibid., p. 427. ^ Travels in North America, vol. i, pp. 282-283. «Ibid., pp. 273-274; vol. ii, p. 32. started from Fort Leavenworth to the Pawnee villages with a party of Pawnees who had gone on ahead: A runner had been sent forward to request the chiefs to make a short halt in order to give our party time to come up. This Indian had walked at the head of the party as guide during the whole day's journey, which occu- pied nearly 24 hours. When we halted, Sa- ni-tsa-rish went up to him and spoke a few words, upon which, without rest or food, he tightened the belt around his middle and set oft' at a run, which he must have maintained upwards of 20 miles. He had to traverse the same ground coming back, and thus he must have gone over 100 miles of ground without food or rest in 24 hours. . . We found the Indian regulations for traveling very fatiguing, namely, starting at four A. M., with nothing to eat, and tarveling till one, when we halted for breakfast and dinner at one time . . . and on the 20th (July, 1835) we traveled from half past three in the morning till half past eight in the evening. . . A war party leaves only the trail of the horses, or, of course, if it be a foot party, the still lighter tracks of their own feet ; but when they are on their summer hunt or migrating from one region to another, they take their squaws and children with them, and this trail can always be distinguished from the former by two parallel tracks about three and a half feet apart not unlike those of a light pair of wheels ; these are made by the points of the long curved poles on which their lodges are stretched, the thickest or butt ends of which are fastened to each side of the pack-saddle, while the points trail behind the horse; in crossing rough or boggy places this is often found the most inconvenient part of an Indian camp equipage." Mr. Murray makes an interesting observa- tion as to the quantity of game on the prairies of northeastern Kansas over which he was traveling: No game had been seen or killed (since starting from Fort Leavenworth), and every hour's experience tended to convince me of the exaggerated statements with which many western travelers have misled the civilized world in regard to the game of these prairies. I had now been traveling five days through them, and with the exception of a few grouse and the fawn I shot, had not seen anything eatable, either bird or quadruped. The Santa Fe Trail. Whether or not the famous Santa Fe trail was established or used 64 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA by Indians in the general sense indicated by the name, before it was surveyed under authority of the federal government, not long after 1820, is a mooted question. The first wagon train over this trail started from Westport, Mis- souri, its initial point, in 1828. This road was established for communication between the Missouri river and the settlements of New Mexico. The Oregon Trail. The Oregon trail was the most notable route of its kind in the coun- try. It may be called fairly a social institu- tion, for like other social institutions it was not made but grew, and its growth was simply the result of human movement along the lines of least resistance. By 1843, it had become a well-defined route for trade and other traf- fic between a great base, St. Louis, and a great objective point, the mouth of the Colum- bia river. The general line of this trail had been used by the Indians, though in a piece- meal fashion, from time immemorial. It was left to true emigrants and travelers, the whites, to develop it into a continuous route. While St. Louis was the real southern terminus of the route, the overland trail began at Franklin, Missouri, two hundred and five miles above the mouth of the Missouri river. In the course of ten years Independence, situated near the mouth of the Kansas, had superseded Frank- lin as the initial point of the land route, and in a few years the river had carried away the Independence landing, so that Westport, now within the boundary of Kansas City, became the starting point. It is true that the first traffic by way of Franklin and Independence which began about 1820, was with Santa Fe, and it is not possible to say when travel over the eastern end of the Oregon trail began. In July, 1819, Long's party noted that Franklin, "at present increasing more rapidly than any other town on the Missouri, had been com- menced but two years and a half before the time of our journey." This indicates a con- siderable trade with Santa Fe and Missouri posts, and also its recent growth. Long's journalist uttered a prophecy as to the fate of Franklin which was to be verified in a very re- alistic manner, for the town was swept away not many years after. The chronicler ■ said : "The bed of the river near the shore has been heretofore obstructed by sandbars which pre- vented large boats from approaching the town ; whether this evil will increase or diminish it is not possible to determine, such is the want of stability in everything belonging to the chan- nel of the Missouri. It is even doubtful wheth- er the site of Franklin will not at some future day be occupied by the river which at this time seems to be encroaching on its banks." Hunt's Astorian expedition (1811), as we have seen, did not follow the eastern line of the trail, but ascended the Missouri river to the Arikara villages. But it did follow the trail from the junction of Port Neuf river with the Snake. There appears to be no au- thentic account of the passage of this route by white men before Hunt, and to his party belongs the credit of having discovered and established it. Certain writers incline to be- little Hunt's ability and achievement, but he should have the credit of reaching the Colum- bia from the point where he struck the Wind River or Bighorn mountains, near the present Jackson's Hole, by original investigation and experimental exploration of a very difficult character. There was absolutely no pathway to the Columbia river, and the Indians at the head-waters of the Snake river were ignorant of any way to reach it. On their return Stu- art and Crooks followed the general course of the Oregon trail to Grand Island, Nebraska, with the exception of a detour in southeastern Idaho. Bonneville certainly, and Wyeth prob- ably, passed over the cut-oflf from Independ- ence to Grand island in 1832, and, as far as is known, Bonneville's was the first wagon train over this end of the trail. These appear to be the first authenticated journeys by the cut- off. A fairly accurate itinerary of the trail has been made from notes of Fremont and other travelers as follows: From Independ- ence for the distance of 41 miles it is identical with the Santa Fe trail ; to the Kansas river, 81 miles ; to the Big Blue river, 174 miles ; to the Little Blue, 242 miles ; head of the Little Blue, 296 miles; Platte river, 316 miles; lower ford of South Platte river, 433 miles ; upper ford of EARLY TRA\EL AND TRANSPORTATION 65 South Platte, 493 miles; Chimney Rock, 571 miles; Scotts Bluff, 616 miles. Adding the distance from the northwest boundary of Ne- braska to Fort Vancouver, the terminus, yields a total of 2,020 miles. The trail crossed the present Nebraska line at or very near the point of the intersection of the 97th meridian and about four miles west of the southeast corner of Jefferson county. It left the Little Blue at a bend beyond this point, but reached it again just beyond Hebron. It left the stream finally at a point near Leroy, and reached the Platte river about twenty miles below the west- ern or upper end of Grand island. Proceeding along the south bank of the Platte, it crossed the south fork about sixty miles from the junc- tion, and touched the north fork at Ash creek, twenty miles beyond the south fork crossing. In 1820 Major S. H. Long crossed the Platte from the north side. There was evi- dently no fixed or well-known ford at that time, for this noted explorer informs us that he was led to the fording place of the north fork through animal instinct : We had halted here, (at the confluence of the forks) and were making preparations to examine the north fork with a view of cross- ing it, when we saw two elk plunge into the river a little above us on the same side. Per- ceiving it was their design to cross the river we watched them until they arrived on the other side which they did without swimming. We accordingly chose the same place they had taken, and putting a part of our baggage in a skin canoe, waded across, leading our horses, and arrived safely on the other side. Major Long crossed the neck between the two forks diagonally and forded the south fork at or near the place of the subsequent lower ford.' Travel by emigrants across the Plains by the great trail to Caiforrtia and Oregon, chiefly to the latter, set in appreciably in 1844. Francis Parkman, who left St. Louis in the spring of 1846, on a tour of curiosity and amusement to the Rocky mountains, found "the old legitimate trail of the Oregon emi- '■ Long's First E-rpedition. vol. i, p. 463. * What I Saii' in California, p. 94. ^Adventures of Captain Bonneville, p. 53. ''"Journal of Travel Over t'e Rocky Mountains to the Mouth of the Columbia River, p. 22. grants" at the junction of the St. Joseph trail, and in that year both Parkman and Bryant found a heavy travel of emigrants to Oregon and California over the trail. The latter re- ports that his party met five men between the lower and upper ford of the Platte, going east- ward, who had counted 470 west-bound emi- grant wagons in coming from Fort Laramie; and they were "about equally divided between California and Oregon." * Before the high tide of traiffc to the Cali- fornia gold fields set in, in 1849, there were two principal places where the large general travel to Oregon and California crossed the Platte known as the lower ford and the upper ford. Irving, in his Adventures of Captain Bonneville, pays more attention to literary form than to exact narrative and statement of the facts, much to the present his- torian's regret. We learn from him only that Bonneville traveled two days from the junc- tion to his crossing of the south fork, and nine miles from that crossing to the north fork. No mention is made of a lower ford, and his crossing place was probably some dis- tance east of the later common upper ford. We are told that when he arrived at the forks, "finding it impossible from quicksands and other dangerous impediments to cross the river in this neighborhood, he kept up along the south fork for two days merely seeking a safe fording place. "^ Fremont on his outward trip, in 1842, made this record : "I halted about forty miles from the junction. . . Our encampment was with- in a few miles of the place where the road crossed to the north fork." Joel Palmer of Indiana, who started with a party from Independence, Missouri, May 6, 1845, returning in 1846, makes the following explicit statement : The lower crossing of the Platte river is five or six miles above the forks and where the high ground commences between the two streams. . . There is a trail which turns over the bluff to the left ; we, however, took the right and crossed the river. The south fork is at this place about one-fourth mile wide and from one to three feet deep, with a sandy bottom which made the fording so heavy that we vv-ere compelled to double teams." 66 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Nineteen miles from the fortes, "the road between the two forks strikes across the ridge toward the north fork. Directly across, the distance does not exceed four miles ; but the road runs obliquely and reaches the north fork nine miles from our last camp" — the place of leaving the south fork. "At Ash Hollow the trail which follows the east side of the south fork of the Platte from where we crossed it connects with this trail." Palmer's itinerary has this record : "From lower to upper cross- ing of south fork, forty-five miles." Edwin Bryant, who traveled by the Oregon trail from Independence to the Pacific coast in 1846, crossed the south fork thirty-five miles west of the junction, according to his measurement, but he states that "the distance from the south to the north fork of the Platte by the emigrant trail is about twenty-two miles, without water," ^^ which would place the upper ford approximately where Palmer and Stansbury found it. Howard Stansbury, a captain of United States topographical engineers, was ordered, April 11, 1849, to lead an expedition to Great Salt Lake for the purpose of surveying the lake and exploring the valley. His description and measurements of the route are made with a clearness and precision characteristic of the trained engineer. He started from Fort Leavenworth on the 31st of May. He notes that a "Boston company's train," which trav- eled in advance of his party, crossed the South Platte twenty miles above the forks : but he "preferred to follow still further the main road," crossing sixty-six miles above the lower ford, or seventy-two miles above the forks. He says specifically: "This is the upper ford and easily crossed in low stages of the river, width, 700 yards." ^^ By his measurement it was eighteen and a half miles from the cross- ing to the north fork at Ash TIollow. On his return trip in October, 1850, he notes that at Ash Hollow "the road leaves for the south fork, and the ridge is crossed bv several " What I Sazt! in California, p. 97. ^' Stansbnrv's Expedition, p. 272. 13 Ibid., p. 289. ''* Across the Rocky Mountains, p. 106. 1^ Stansbury's E.vf>edition, p. 272. tracks ; one leads to the junction of the two forks, ours to the upper crossing of the south fork." ^^ He finds the distance the same as in the outgoing trip, so that this part of the trail seems to have been well-defined and per- manent at that time. William Kelly, an English traveler, who passed up the trail in 1849, crossed the Platte at the upper ford. He describes the route between the two forks of the river as follows : About half way between the forks we got upon the summit of the hills that divide, where driving became rather a nerve-testing opera- tion; the only practicable path being along a ridge with a declivity amounting to a preci- pice on each side, and so narrow that it did not admit of a man's walking alongside to lay hold of the leaders in case of need ; but this very circumstance, I believe, contributed to our safety, as the sagacity of the mule con- vinced him that there was no alternative but to go on cautiously. Not a voice was heard for a couple of miles, every mind being occu- pied with a sensation of impending danger, for in some places the trail was so edge-like that even some of the horsemen alit, under the influence of giddiness." The descent into Ash Hollow was precip- itous. In undertaking it all but the wheel- span of mules were taken off, the wheels were locked, and the men undertook to steady the progress of the wagon by holding it back with a rope. The rope broke, and the wagon slid or fell upon the mules, killing one and injur- ing the other. Stansbury found the distance from Fort Leavenworth to the meeting of the St. Joseph and Independence road about forty-six miles. He seems to have left the Little Blue at the usual point, near the present Leroy, Adams county, where the trail cut across to Thirty- two Mile creek, seven and a half miles ; thence to the Platte river, twelve miles ; and to Fort Kearney, seventeen miles. He tells us that he struck the Platte in a broad valley and that, "this road has since (June 18, 1849) been abandoned for one on the left, more direct to Fort Kearney." ^^ Joel Palmer in his itinerary gives the fol- lowing distances on the Oregon trail : The distance from St. Joseph, Missouri, to EARLY TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION 67 the Indejjendence trail, striking it ten miles west of Blue river, is about 100 miles ; from the forks of these roads to the Big Sandy, striking it near its junction with the Repub- lican river, 42 miles ; from the Big Sandy to the Republican fork of Blue river,'*' 18 miles ; up the Republican river, 53 miles ; from the Republican to the Platte, 20 miles; up the Platte to the crossing of the south fork, 120 miles; from the lower to the upper crossing of the south fork, 45 miles. Mr. Palmer here observes that there is a road on each side of the river and but little choice in them. From the south to the north fork at Ash Hollow, 20 miles; thence to a point opposite Solitary Tower, on Little creek, 42 miles; thence to a point opposite Chimney Rock, 16 miles; thence to a point where the road crosses the river, 15 miles ; thence to Scotts BlufT, 10 miles ; thence to Horse creek, 12 miles; thence to Fort Laramie, 24 miles. Palmer followed the Little Blue, which he evidently miscalled the Republican fork of the Blue, and then went over to the Big Platte, the usual twenty miles, and thence to the cross- ing of the south fork, one hundred and twenty miles. While all of these travelers followed sub- stantially the same route through Nebraska, yet, either through their own carelessness or because the names of the streams, in the ear- lier part of the course especially, were not certain or fixed, they greatly confused them. The schedule distance between the Vermillion and the Big Blue was about fourteen miles, and yet Kelly traveled several days and crossed two other streams, each of which he felt certain was the important one in question, before he came to the fine river which he definitely decided was worthy of the name of Big Blue. The length of the route up the Little Blue valley in all was about seventy miles, though it left the stream where impor- tant bends or easier going required. If Bry- ant is accurate in his statement, he traveled twenty-seven miles from the Little Blue to the Platte river, which he reached about twelve miles b elow the head of Grand island. 1" The Renublican river is not a fork of the Blue but of the Kansas; moreover, he mistook the Little Blue for the Republican. Palmer, Kelly, and Stansbury reached the Platte only a few miles below the head of the island ; but Captain Bonneville reached it twenty-five miles below. The old California crossing, which was sub- stantially identical with the "upper ford," was twenty-seven miles east of the upper Cali- fornia crossing at old Julesburg, opposite the mouth of Lodge Pole creek. In the year 1859, a Frenchman from St. Louis, called Beauvais, established a trading post at the old Cali- fornia crossing, which on that account came to be called Beauvais' ranch. There was very little travel by the upper California route until the daily mail was established in 1861, which crossed at old Julesburg. After cross- ing the Platte, this route followed Lodge Pole creek as far as Thirty-mile ridge which ran toward the north fork. It continued along this ridge by way of Mud Springs, reaching the North Platte near Court House Rock. The earlier and great crossing was on the main Oregon trail, and was commonly known as the Ash Hollow route. The Mormon trail, which was estalilished by the Mormon exodus, followed tlie north side of the Platte all the way from Florence to the crossing beyond Fort Laramie. At least before Fort Kearney was estab- lished. Ash Hollow was the most important and interesting point on the trail, this side of Fort Laramie, after it struck the Platte river. Owing to Irving's vagueness we can not be sure that he was describing that delectable place in recording Captain Bonneville's prog- ress : "They reached a small but beautiful grove from which issued the confused notes of singing birds, the first they had heard since crossing the boundary of Missouri" ; but cir- cumstances almost warrant that conclusion. Palmer relates that "the road then turns down Ash Hollow to the river; a quarter of a mile from the latter is a fine spring, and around it wood and grass in abundance." Stansbury, seeing with the scientific eye and writing with the trained hand, has left us an invaluable description of the crossing between the two forks and of Ash Hollow itself : Today we crossed the ridge between the 68 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA North and South forks of the Platte, a dis- tance of eighteen and a half miles. As we expected to find no water for the whole of this distance, the India-rubber bags were filled with a small supply. The road struck directly up the bluff, rising quite rapidly at first, then very gradually for twelve miles, when we reached the summit, and a most magnificent view saluted the eye. Before and below us was the North Fork of the Nebraska, winding its way through broken hills and green meadows; behind us the undulating prairie rising gently from the South Fork, over which we had, just passed; on our right, the gradual convergence of the two valleys was distinctly perceptible ; while immediately at our feet were the heads of Ash Creek, which fell off suddenly into deep precipitous chasms on either side, leaving only a high narrow ridge or back bone, which gradually descended, until, toward its western termina- tion, it fell off precipitately into the bottom of the creek. Here we were obliged, from the steepness of the road, to let the wagons down by ropes, but the labor of a dozen men for a few days would make the descent easy and safe. The bottom of Ash Creek is tol- erably well wooded, principally with ash and some dwarf cedars. The bed of the stream was entirely dry, but toward the mouth sev- eral springs of delightfully cold and refresh- ing water were found, altogether the best that has been met \\ith since leaving the Missouri. We encamped at the mouth of the valley, here called Ash Hollow. The traces of the great tide of emigration that had preceded us were plainly visible in remains of camp-fires, in blazed trees covered with innumerable names carved and written on them ; but. more than all, in the total absence of all herbage. On the slope towards the South Fork the valleys are wide and long with gracefully curved lines, gentle slopes, and broad hollows. . . . Almost immediately after crossing the point of "divide," we strike upon the head- waters of Ash Creek, whence the descent is abrupt and precitous. Immediately at your feet is the principal ravine, with sides four or five hundred feet in depth, clothed with cedar. Into this numerous other ravines run, meeting it at different angles, and so com- pletely cutting up the earth, that scarcely a foot of level ground could be seen. The whole surface consisted of merely narrow ridges di- viding the ravines from each other, and run- 1' Stansburv's Expedition to the Great Salt Lake, pp. 40-41. IS Ibid., p. 289. ^° Across the Rocl?y Mountains, p. 107. ning up to so sharp a crest that it would be difficult for anything but a mountain-goat to traverse their summits with impunity. Never before had I seen the wonderful effects of the action of water on a grand scale more strik- ingly exemplified.^' In his return itinerary this traveler observes that, "Ash Hollow has abundance of ash and poplar wood, a small stream in the bottom" ; there were "cedars in the hills for camping- purposes."'* Kelly, who wrote with more literary spirit than any of the others of these travelers, was yet possessed of a degree of English surliness which, however, the charms of the Hollow overcame entirely for the nonce, and he dropped deep into poetry : Two more moderate descents brought us into a lovely wooded dell, so watered and sheltered that vegetation of every description appeared as if stimulated by a hot house com- pared with that on the open prairie. The modest wild rose, foregetting its coyness in the leafy arbours, opened out its velvet bosom, adding its fragrant bouquet to that of the various scented flowers and shrubs that formed the underwood of the majestic ash-trees, which confer a name upon the spot, producing a perfectly aromatic atmosphere. Cool streams, filtered through the adjoining hills, prattled about, until they merged their murmurs in a translucent pond, reposing in the center of a verdant meadow, a perfect parterre, the be- spangled carpet of which looked the conge- nial area for the games and gambols for the light-tripping beings of fairy-land.'" But three years before Bryant saw only these prosy commonplaces : "We descended into the valley of the North fork of the Platte, through a pass known as 'Ash Hollow.' This name is derived from a few scattering ash- trees in the dry ravine, through which we wind our way to the river bottom. There is but one steep or difficult place for wagons in the pass. I saw wild currants and goose- berries near the mouth of Ash Hollow. There is here also a spring of pure cold water." Bryant found a small log cabin, near the mouth of the Hollow, which had been erected during the last winter by some trappers on their way to the East. This cabin had been turned by the EARLY TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION 69 emigrants into a sort of voluntary general post- office. Many advertisements in manuscript were posted on the walls outside. These in- cluded descriptions of lost horses, cattle, etc. ; and inside, in a recess, there were a large num- ber of letters addressed to persons in every part of the world, with requests that those who passed would convey them to the nearest post- office in the states. "The place had something of an air of a cross roads settlement, and we lingered around it some time, reading the ad- vertisements and looking over the letters."-" The reader will be inclined to credit Bry- ant's description with orthodoxy in the knowl- edge that the susceptible Englishman was also thrown into a fit of esthetic hysteria at the sight of a party of Sioux squaws whom he had seen a few days before : The women were extremely beautiful, with finely-chiselled features, dark lustrous eyes, raven locks and pearly teeth, which they dis- closed in gracious smiles that lit up their lovely faces with a most bewitching radiance. They wore no head dress ; their luxurianr tresses, divided with the most scrupulous ac- curacy flowing in unconfined freedom over their shoulders. Their attire consisted of a tanned buckskin bodice, not over tight, . . . to which was appended a short full skirt of the same material which did not reach the knees. The legs were concealed by close leathern hose which revealed the most exqui- site symmetry, embroidered on the sides with beads, meeting above the taper ankles a laced moccasin, worked up the instep in the same manner; and over all was thrown with a most graceful negligence, a blanket of snowy white- ness, so arranged as to form a hood in an instant. They also wore large ear drops and had the fingers up to the joints covered with rings. . . There was one dear girl amongst the group that I was fairly smitten with, to whom I presented a small looking-glass, taking leave to kiss the tips of her delicate fingers as she graciously accepted it, at which she smiled, as if understanding this silent but express- ive mode of admiration ; and taking ofT a ring caught hold of my hand to put it on ; an opera- tion I playfully protracted by cramping my 2» What I Saw in California, pp. 97-98. 21 Across the Rocky Mountains, pp. 97-98. -2 Stansbury's Expedition, p. 48. 23 ]Vhat I Saw in California, p. 100. ^* Journal of an Exploring Tour, p. 63. fingers, that I might prolong the pleasure of contact with so charming a creature.-^ Court House Rock. The next notable landmark on the trail was Court House Rock, which Stansbury describes as "two bald eleva- tions — ■ to which the voyageurs, most of whom are originally from St. Louis, had given this name, from a fancied resemblance to a well known structure in their own city." It was some distance south of the road and the riv- er.°- When Samuel Parker, the missionary, pass- ed Court House Rock in 1835, traveling on the opposite, or north side of the river, it was ev- idently without a name that was at all familiar, for he spoke of it as "a great natural curios- ity, which, for the sake of a name, I shall call the old castle." Its situation was on a plain some miles distant from any elevated land, and by his estimate covered more than an acre of ground and was more than fifty feet high. It is tolerably certain from his description that this curiosity was what Bryant, in 1846, knew and described as Court House Rock. This traveler went a distance, which he estimated at seven miles from the trail, toward the rock without reaching it, and it appeared to him to be from three hundred to five hundred feet in height and about a mile in circumference.^^ Parker describes the remarkable formations in this neighborhood in general : We passed many uncommonly interesting blufifs composed of indurated clay; many of them very high, with perpendicular sides, and of almost every imaginable form. Some ap- peared like strong fortifications with high cit- adels, some like stately edifices with lofty towers. I had never before seen anything like them of clay formation. And what adds to their beauty is that the clay of which they are composed is nearly white. Such is the smoothness and whiteness of the perpendicu- lar sides and oiifset, and such the regularity of their straight and curved lines, that one can hardly believe that they are not the work of art.^* At the time of Palmer's trip in 1845, how- ever, the rock was called Solitary Tower, and that traveler tells us that it was "a stupen- dous pile of sand and clay, so cemented as to resemble stone but which crumbles away at the slightest touch." According to this 70 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA author it was situated about seven miles from the river, and was six hundred to eight hun- dred feet above the level of the stream. A stream of water ran along; the northeast side some twenty rods from the rock. Kelly, we may surmise, was still too much possessed with the charms of the Sioux squaws to have any eye for this inanimate object; and he dismisses the tradition that the rock was named "from its supposed resemblance to a large public building of that description," with the remark that "there was nothing about it of and white sandstone, and may be seen at a distance upwards of 30 miles." According to this authority the total height of this form- ation was then one hundred and seventy- five yards. -'' Fremont records that, "It consists of marl and earthy limestone and the weather is rapidly diminishing its height, which is now not more than 200 feet above the river. Trav- elers who visited it some years since placed its height at upwards of five hundred feet."^' It looked to him from a distance of about thirty miles like the long chimney of a steam Engraznng from f^hvlv^mph by Joint Wright. Staff Arttst. Court House Rock and J.ml Showing Gullies Leading to Base that striking character to seduce me from my path so far aside to visit it." Its location, ac- .cording to this traveler, was six miles from the river.^^ Captain Bonneville describes the next won- der of this mountain region of Nebraska thus : "It is called the Chimney. The lower part is a conical mound, rising out of the naked plain ; from the summit shoots up a shaft or column, about 120 feet in height, from which it derives its name. . . It is a compound of indurated clay, with alternate layers of red "^Across the Rocky Moxtntains, pp. 108-109. 20 Adventures of Caf'tain Bonneville, p. 55. -' First and Second Expeditions, p. 38. ^^ Stanshury's Expedition, p. 51. factory establishment or a shot tower in Balti- more. Palmer describes it as "a sharp-pointed rock of much the same material of the solitary tower standing at the base of the bluff and four or five miles from the road." As Stans- bury saw it, this Nebraska wonder "consists of a conical elevation of about 100 feet high, its sides forming an angle of about 45 degrees with the horizon ; from the apex rises a nearly circular and perpendicular shaft of clay, now from thirty-five to forty feet in height." ^' This author here remarks that young pines were taking the place of red cedars, the latter dying oft'. This is in accordance with the Bngrm-ing from photograph by John Wright, Staff Artist. Chimney Rock In November, 1904, members of the editorial staff of this History made an examination of the pictur- esque part of the Oregon trail in Nebraska — between Ash Hollow and Scotts Bluff — and took the photo- graph here reproduced. Chimney Rock, a land-mark easily seen thirty miles distant, is two and one-half miles south of Bayard. The area of its dome-like base is upwards of forty acres. Drawings by the early travelers, including Fremont, represent the Chimney as cylindrical. It is in fact rectangular, like the chimney of a modern house. Court House Rock — engraving on opposite page — is about five miles south of Bridgeport. Pumpkin Seed creek, a clear and rapidly flowing stream, about two yards wide, runs close to the southern and western base, which rises abruptly from the level valley, then doubles back about sixty yards, thus enclosing a section of an ellipse. The Jail, so-called from its association with the Court House, is about forty yards east of the latter, and its eastern front is a remarkably symmetrical circular tower. Labyrinthine water courses have been cut through the base of these rocks which cover upwards of eighty acres. Toward the creek they are from twenty to thirty feet in depth, and the rush- ing waters have smoothed their walls almost to a polish. These remarkable elevations were formed by the action of water cutting away the less durable contiguous rock. The material of which they are com- posed is somewhat harder, and lighter in color than the clay-banks along the Missouri river. Letters cut in them fifty years ago remain unimpaired, and it does not appear that they have been much dimin- ished in height during that time. Buffalo grass grows up to the beginning of the steep sides. 72 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA present tendency of the pine growth to extend from that part of the state eastward, as ob- served by our botanists. Parker observes that. "It has been called the Chimney; but I should say it ought to be called Beacon Hill, from its resemblance to what was Beacon Hill in Boston." He found the base of the rock three miles from the river. "This Beacon Hill has a conical formed base of about half a mile in circumference, and one hundred and fifty feet in height, and above this is a perpen- dicular column, twelve feet square, and eighty feet in height ; making the whole height about two hundred and thirty feet. We left our horses at the base, and ascended to the perpen- dicular. It is formed of indurated clay or marl, and in some parts is petrified. It is of a light chocolate or rufous colour, in some parts white. Near the top were some handsome stalactites, at which my assistant shot, and broke ofT some pieces of which I have taken a small specimen."-* Kelly is a sceptic in his view of Chimney Rock also : To my eye. there is not a single lineament in its outline to warrant the christening. The Wellington testimonial in the Phoenix Park, elevated on a Danish fort, would give a much more correct idea of its configuration, though not of its proportions. It is, I should say, 500 feet high, composed of soft red sandstone, standing out from the adjoining cliiTs, not so much the result of a violent spasm of nature, as of the wearing and wasting effects of the watery storms that prevail in those forlorn regions. It appears to be fast chipping and crumbling away, and I have no doubt that, ere half a century elapses, Troja fiiit will apply to the Chimney Rock.^" Bryant places Chimney Rock three miles from the Platte river, and says that it is sev- eral hundred feet in height from base to apex and can be seen in a clear atmosphere at a distance of forty miles. "The column which represents the chimney will soon crumble away and disappear entirely. The scenery to the "^Journal of an Exploring Tour, pp. 64-65. ^"Across the Rockv Mountains, p. 110. 31 What I Saw in California, pp. 101-102. ^-Journal of an Exploring Tour, p. 66. ^^ Across the Rocky Mountains, p. 112. ^* Stansbury's Expedition, p. 272. right of the rock as we face it from the river is singularly picturescjue and interesting. There are four high elevations of architec- tural configuration, one of which would rep- resent a distant view of the ruins of the Athenian Acropolis ; another, the crumbling remains of an Egyptian temple ; a third, a Mexican pyramid ; the fourth, the mausoleum of one of the Titans. In the background the bluffs are worn into such figures as to repre- sent ranges of castles and palaces. "^^ Scotts Bluff. Captain Bonneville observed that Scotts Bluff was composed of indurated clay, with alternate layers of red and white sandstone, and might be seen at a distance of upwards of thirty miles : and Irving calls at- tention to "the high and beetling cliffs of in- durated clay and sandstone bearing the sem- blance of towers, castles, churches, and forti- fied cities." Palmer found a good spring and abundance of wood and grass at Scotts Bluff. Parker describes these bluffs as "the termination of a high range of land running from south to north. They are very near the river, high and abrupt, and what is worthy of notice, there is a pass through the range a short distance back from the river, the width of a common road with perpendicular sides two or three hundred feet high. It appears as though a part of the bluffs had been cut off, and moved a few rods to the north." ^- Kelly relates that his party cried out, "Mount Ararat ; Mount Ararat, at last !" at first sight of the bluff". "As we got on the ele- vated ground we could see that the bluffs took a curve like the tail of a shepherd's crook: a prominent eminence forming the curl at the end. This is called Scotts Bluff, from the body of an enterprising trapper of that name being found upon it." ^^ Stansbury records that "these bluff's are about five miles south of the river. The road up the bluffs steep, but on good, hard, grav- elly ground. A small spring at the top of the first hill." " One Robidoux had a trading post and black- smith's shop there ; and when the smith was not inclined to work he rented the shop at seventy-five cents an hour to emigrants who EARLY TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION 73 Photographs by John Wright, Staff Artist. ScoTTs Bluff and Vicinity Scotts Bluff, the most imposing in appearance of a south of the town of that name and two miles west o show the Bluff, the Tower, and Mitchell's Pass, the from Gering. The upper picture on the right was ta exposure of an hour and a half (photo by H. A. Ma ond picture from the top is a view of the Bluff from At the bottom is the bridge at Camp Clarke, built in with the aid of other enterprising citizens of Omaha company. 11 the elevations in the Platte valley, is three miles f Gering. The upper and next to the lower pictures route of the Oregon trail between them, looking west ken at midnight by the light of the moon, after an rk). To the left of it is the Tower alone. The see- the east side, an irrigation canal in the foreground. 1876, for the Black Hills traffic, by Henry T. Clarke leading freighters, and the Union Pacific railroad 74 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA might do their own work. He pointed out to Stansbury a good wagon which he had bought from discouraged emigrants for seventy-five cents. He kept a considerable stock-in-trade of this sort, which he had acquired through the misfortunes and discouragements of travelers. In his return itinerary Stansbury records that he found on Scotts Bluff a small rivulet, a row of old deserted houses, a spring at the foot of Sandstone Bluffs, where the road crosses the ridge, cedars on the bluffs and good grass on the plains. Bryant describes this remarkable formation as follows: The bluff is a large and isolated pile of sand-cliffs and soft sandstone. It exhibits all the architectural shapes of arch, pillar, dome, spire, minaret, temple, gothic castle and mod- ern fortification. These, of course, are upon a scale far surpassing the constructing efforts of human strength and energy. The tower of Babel, if its builders had been permitted to proceed in their ambitious vmdertaking, would be but a feeble imitation of these stupendous structures of nature. While surveying this scenery, which is continuous for twenty or thirty miles, the traveler involuntarily imag- ines himself in the midst of the desolate and deserted ruins of vast cities, to which Nine- veh, Thebes and Babylon were pigmies in grandeur and magnificence. The trail leaves the river as we approach "Scott's Bluff" and runs over a smooth valley in the rear of the bluff seven or eight miles. From this level ])lain we ascended some distance, and found a faint spring of water near the summit of the ridge, as cold as melted ice. From the extreme height of this ridge the travelers were able to see the peaks of the Rocky mountains ; and Laramie's Peak, one hundred and fifty miles distant, was distinctly visible. This author gives perhaps as nearly authentic a story of the tragedy which gave the name to the bluff as can now be told : A party of some five or six trappers, in the employment of the American Fur Company, were returning to the "settlements," under the command of a man — a noted mountaineer — named Scott. They attempted to perform the journey in boats, down the Platte. The cur- rent of the river became so shallow that they could not navigate it. Scott was seized with a disease which rendered him helpless. The men with him left him in the boat, and when they returned to their employers, reported that Scott had died on the journey, and that they had buried him on the banks of the Platte. The next year a party of hunters, traversing this region, discovered a human skeleton wrapped in blankets, which from the clothing and papers found upon it, was immediately recognized as being the remains of Scott. He had been deserted by his men, but afterwards recovering his strength sufficiently to leave the boat, he had wandered into the bluff's where he died, where his bones were found, and which now bears his name. As Captain Bonneville learned the story in 1832, Scott traveled sixty miles eastward be- fore he succumbed at the bluffs. While those early travelers were keen and intelligent observers of the remarkable moun- tain region of Nebraska, it was left to the recent work of scientific men to furnish accu- rate information and specific data concerning it. Court House Rock is now about five miles from the river, its height above the sea level is 4,100 feet; and above the level of the river, 440 feet. Its upper part of about 160 feet is of sandstone and the rest of pink Bad Lands clay. Chimney Rock is somewhat less than two miles from the river ; its height above sea level is 4,242 feet, and above the river, 340 feet. The chimney proper is about 50 feet in diameter at the base, 142 feet high, and is of sandy formation. A part of the upper forty feet of the chimney has been chipped off. The rest of the rock is of pink clay or marl, inter- bedded with volcanic ash. One of these beds is five feet in thickness. The varying colors of white and red attributed to these elevations by the early travelers were owing to the light to which they were exposed when they saw them. In the clear sunlight the color was white. Geologists suppose that the volcanic ash was blown across the plains from the far distant mountain regions of Arizona. Wind and rain tint the whole surface of these remark- able rocks with this whitish ash. Scotts Bluff is about three-quarters of a mile from the river; 4,662 feet in height above sea level, and nearly 800 feet above the river. The upper 282 feet is of sandy and concretionary formation, below which are pink Bad Lands EARLY TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION 75 clays or marls, with two beds of white volcanic ash. This bluff is in Scotts Bluff county, and Court House Rock and Chimney Rock are in Cheyenne county. The highest peak in the range is Wild Cat mountain — 5,084 feet — in Banner county. The highest elevation of these mountains, in Nebraska, is in the extreme northwest of Kimball county where they reach the height of 5,300 feet. It is said that the Oregon trail in Nebraska is entirely obliterated. In September, 1873, the writer of this history crossed it near Steele City, and it was then a gorgeotis band of sun- flowers, stretching on a direct line northwest- wardly as far as the vision could reach — ■ a most impressive scene. But the route may always be described generally by the principal rivers as follows : The Kansas, the Little Blue, the Platte, the Sweetwater, the Big Sandy, the Green, the Bear, the Snake, the Boise, the Grande Ronde, the Umatilla, the Columbia. The northern trail from old Council Bluff kept to the north of the Platte, crossing just beyond the mouth of the Laramie river. This northern route probably came to be considerably used about 1840. When Fremont crossed the Platte on his return, twenty-one miles below the junction of the north and south forks, he found on the north side "an excellent, plainly beaten road." Fremont crossed the Loup river below its forks, while the earlier Oregon trail crossed the forks above the junc- tion. Subsequently there were branches from Florence, Omaha, Bellevue, Plattsmouth, Ne- braska City, and Brownville, and from St. Joseph and Fort Leavenworth below the Ne- braska line. They flourished most from the time of the gold discoveries in the Pike's Peak region until the Pacific roads were built. This wonderful highway was in the broad- est sense a national road, although not sur- veyed or built under the auspices of the gov- ernment. It was the route of a national move- ment — -the migration of a people seeking to avail itself of opportunities which have come but rarely in the history of the world, and which will never come again. It was a route, every mile of which has been the scene of hard- ship and suffering, yet of high purpose and stern determination. Only on the steppes of Siberia can so long a highway be found over which traffic has moved by a continuous journey from one end to the other. Even in Siberia there are occasional settlements along the route, but on the Oregon trail in 1843 the traveler saw no evidence of civilized habita- tion except four trading posts, between Inde- pendence and Fort Vancouver. As a highway of travel the Oregon trail is the most remarkable known to history. Considering the fact that it originated with the spontaneous use of travelers ; that no tran- sit ever located a foot of it ; that no level established its grades ; that no engineer sought out the fords or built any bridges or surveyed the mountain passes ; that there was no grad- ing to speak of nor any attempt at metalling the road-bed ; the general good quality of this two thousand miles of highway will seem most extraordinary. Father De Smet, who was born in Belgium, the home of good roads, pronounced the Oregon trail one of the finest highways in the world. At the proper season of the year this was undoubtedly true. Before the prairies became too dry, the natural turf formed the best roadway for horses to travel on that has probably ever been known. It was amply hard to sustain traffic, yet soft enough to be easier to the feet than even the most perfect asphalt pavement. Over such roads, winding ribbon-like through the ver- dant prairies, amid the profusion of spring flowers, with grass so plentiful that the ani- mals reveled in its abundance, and game every- where greeted the hunter's rifle, and finally, with pure water in the streams, the traveler sped his way with a feeling of joy and exhila- ration. But not so when the prairies became dry and parched, the road filled with stifling dust, the stream beds mere dry ravines, or carrying only alkaline water which could not be used, the game all gone to more hospitable sections, and the summer sun pouring down its heat with torrid intensity. It was then that the trail became a highway of desola- tion, strewn with abandoned property, the skeletons of horses, mules, and oxen, and, alas ! too often, with freshly made mounds and head boards that told the pitiful tale of suft'erings too great to be endured. If the trail was the scene of romance, adventure, pleasure, and excitement, so it was marked in every mile of its course by human misery, tragedy, and death. The immense travel which in later years passed over the trail carved it into a deep furrow, often with several parallel tracks mak- ing a total width of a hundred feet or more. It was an astonishing spectacle even to white men when seen for the first time. 76 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA It may be easily imagined how great an impression the sight of this road must have made upon the minds of the Indians. Father De Smet has recorded some interesting obser- vations upon this point. In 1851 he traveled in company with a large number of Indians from the Missouri and Yellowstone rivers to Fort Laramie, where a great council was held in that year to form treaties with the several tribes. Most of these Indians had not been in that section before, and were quite unprepared for what they saw. "Our Indian companions," says Father De Smet, "who had never seen but the narrow hunting paths by which they transport themselves and their lodges, were filled with admiration on seeing this noble highway, which is as smooth as a barn floor swept by the winds, and not a blade of grass can shoot up on it on .account of the continual passing. They conceived a high idea of the countless White Nation, as they express it. They fan- cied that all had gone over that road, and that an immense void must exist in the land of the rising sun. Their contenances testified evi- dent incredulity when I told them that their exit was in nowise perceived in the land of the whites. They styled the route the Great Medi- cine Road of the Whites. "^^ Over much of its length the trail is now abandoned, but in many places it is not yet elTaced from the soil, and may not be for cen- turies. There are few more impressive sights than portions of this old highway to-dlay. It still lies there upon the prairie, deserted by the traveler, an everlasting memorial of the human tide which once filled it to overflowing. Nature herself has helped to perpetuate this memorial, for the prairie winds, year by year, carve the furrow more deeply, and the wild sunflower blossoms along its course, as if in silent memory of those who sank beneath its burdens. . Railroads practically follow the old line from Independence to Casper, Wyoming, some fifty miles east of Independence Rock ; and from Bear river on the Utah-Wyoming line to the mouth of the Columbia. The time is not distant when the intermediate space will be occupied, and possibly a continuous and unbroken movement of trains over the entire line may some day follow. In a future still more remote there may be realized a project which is even now being agitated, of building a magnificent national road along this line as ^^ Western Missions and Missionaries, pp. 07-Q8. ^^ History American Fur Trade, vol. i, pp. 460-463. ^' Journal of an Exploring Tour, p. 49. ^^ Adventures of Captain Bonneville, p. S3. a memorial highway which shall serve the future and commemorate the past.^'^ There were other journeys of minor impor- tance through Nebraska to the far Northwest, previous to Fremont's return from his first ex- pedition, when the trans-Missouri region was no longer an unknown country. About 1832 a strong movement began for sending mis- sionaries to the Indian tribes beyond the Rocky mountains. In 1834 the Methodists sent Jason and Daniel Lee; and in 1835 the Presby- terians sent Marcus Whitman and Rev. Samuel Parker, who started from Bellevue on the 22d of June with a caravan of the American Fur Company led by Lucien Fontenelle. The party first traveled to the Elkhorn river, which they followed ten miles, then followed Shell creek "a good distance." They crossed the Loup at the Pawnee villages near the junc- tion of the forks, then went southwest to the Platte river, which they followed to the forks, and then proceeded along the north fork. In his journal "' Parker relates that his party crossed the Elkhorn on the 25th of June, 1835. "For conveyance over this river we constructed a boat of a wagon body so covered with un- dressed skins as to make it nearly water-tight. The method was very good." This appears to have been a favorite method of fording streams ; for the first wagon train that crossed the Plains of v.-hich we have an account — that of Captain Bonneville, in 1832 — forded the Platte in the same way. The wagons, "dislodged from the wheels, were covered with bufl^alo hides and besmeared with a compound of tallow and ashes, thus forming rude boats. "^* Mr. Parker tells us that The manner of our encamping is to form a large hollow sc|uare, encompassing an area of about an acre having the river on one side ; three wagons forming a part of another side, coming down to the river; and three more iii the same manner on the opposite side ; and the packages so arranged in parcels, about three rods apart, as to fill up the rear and the sides not occupied by the wagons. The horses and mules, near the middle of the day, are turned out under guard to feed for two hours, and the same again towards night, until after sunset, when they are taken up and brought within the hollow square, and fastened with EARLY TRA\EL AND TRANSPORTATION Photogmfhs by John Wright, Staff Artist. Scenes at Ash Hollow The original route of the Oregon trail, from the south fork to the north fork of the Platte river, by way of Ash Hollow, descends northward from the plain, 3.763 feet above sea level, four miles to the river bottom, at an elevation of 3,314 feet. From the head of the Hollow, the trail, still visible, wound to the left about a mile along the sharp-backed ridges, then dropped by a very steep descent eastward into the Hollow, which here widens into a level valley from a quarter to half a mile wide. The spring, a luxury to the emigrants, still bubbles up strongly a quarter of a mile from the mouth of the Hollow, and at the base of a cliff about 100 feet high, as shown in the middle picture. The cedar and ash trees at one time abundant here all have been cut away. Marks of Fort Grattan, occupied as a post in 1855, are visible near the river north of the east side of the mouth of the Hollow. On the west side of the mouth of the Hollow are the modest gravestones of Rachel Patterson, a girl of nineteen, who died in 1849, and of two infant children. The figure on the hill is that of Mr. Albert Watkins. editor of the Morton History HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ropes twelve feet long to pickets driven firmly into the ground. The men are divided into companies, stationed at the several parcels of goods and wagons, where they wrap them- selves in their blankets and rest for the night; the whole, however, are formed into six divi- sions to keep guard, relieving each other every two hours. This is to prevent hostile Indians from falling upon us by surprise, or coming into the tent by stealth and taking away either horses or packages of goods. The Pawnees were evidently the same troublesome, thieving creatures at the time of their first relations with white men as they proved to be down through territorial times. On the 2d of July Parker records''* that, "these Indians were going out upon their summer hunt by the same route we were pursuing, and were not willing we should go on before them lest we should frighten away the bufTalo." And again, July 6th : "We were prevented from making the progress we might have done if the Indians would have permitted us to go on and leave them. The men of the caravan began to complain of the delay, and had reason to do so, having nothing to eat but boiled corn and no way to obtain anything more before finding bufifalos." And then, July 9th, we have a hint of that irrepressible spirit which was soon to force the Indians out and away from further opportunity for interference ; for "Captain Fontenelle, l)y a large present, purchased of the Indians the privilege of going on tomorrow without them." But "our men could hardly have been kept in subordination if they had not consented." On the 14th of July "the an- nouncement of buffalo spread cheerfulness and animation through the whole caravan, and to men whose very life depended on the circum- stances it was no indifferent event. From the immense herd of these wild animals . . we were to derive our subsistence." Francis Parkman, the noted historian, trav- eled over the Oregon trail, starting from Leav- enworth in ]\Iay, 1846. Like every other ob- servant traveler, he makes note of the Pawnee trails leading from their villages on the Loup and the Platte to the southwestward hunting ^^ Journal of an Explorinq Tour beyond the Rockv .^Toun tains, IS^SST, pp. 52-53. " Oregon Trail, pp. 69-70. grounds. The universal notice of these trails, which appear to have extended as far as the Smoky Hill river, proves that they must have been well-defined. Parkman expresses the dif- ference in the impression made upon travelers by the Plains and by the mountain country, by noting that the trip from Fort Leavenworth to Grand island was regarded as the more tedious, while that from Fort Laramie west was the more arduous. By this time the prin- cipal points in the Oregon trail had come to be permanently fixed, and Parkman says, "We reached the south fork of the Platte at the usual fording place." The trail had also be- come a busy highway by 1846, for Parkman tells us that the spring of that year was a busy season in the city of St. Louis. "Not only were emigrants from every part of the country preparing for the journey to Oregon and Cal- fornia but an unusual number of traders were making ready their wagons and outfits for Santa Fe. The hotels were crowded and the gunsmiths and saddlers were kept constantly at work preparing arms and equipments for the different parties of travelers. Steamboats were leaving the levee and passing up the Missouri, crowded with passengers on their way to the frontier." Parkman adds his testimony as to the illusory notion of the navigability of the Platte in an account of the misadventures of a fleet of eleven boats laden with furs which were attempting to make use of that treacher- ous stream as a highway : "Fifty times a day the boats had been aground ; indeed, those who navigate the Platte invariably spend half their time on sand-bars. Two or three boats, the property of private traders, afterward sep- arating from the rest, got hopelessly involved in the shallows, not very far from the Pawnee villages, and were soon surrounded by a swarm of the inhabitants. They carried off everything that they thought valuable, including most of the robes ; and amused themselves by tying up the men left on guard and soundly whipping them with sticks."*" Bryant testifies to the futility of success- fully attempting to navigate the Platte even with the shallow Mackinaw boats. Below the forks he met two parties with these craft laden EARLY TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION 79 with buffalo skins and bales of furs. The men were obliged to jump into the stream very fre- quently to push the boats over the bars, and it would often require three or four hours to cov- er a single mile. These incidents may be coupled in an inter- esting way with the serious attempts to navi- gate the Platte in the later territorial times. Bayard Taylor, in his Eldorado, or Adven- tures ill the Path of Empire, gives the follow- ing vividly realistic description of the part which Nebraska was playing in the great drama of California emigration: The great starting point for this route was Independence, Missouri, where thousands were encamped during the month of April, waiting until the grass should be sufficiently high for their cattle, before they ventured on the broad ocean of the Plains. From the first of May to the first of June, company after company took its departure from the frontier of civili- zation, till the emigrant trail from Ft. Leaven- worth, on the Missouri, to Ft. Laramie at the foot of the Rocky Mountains, was one long line of mule trains and wagons. The rich meadows of the Nebraska or Platte, were settled for the time, and a single traveler could have journeyed for the space of a thousand miles, as certain of his lodgings and regular meals as if he were riding through the old agricultural districts of the Middle States. The wandering tribes of Indians on the Plains — the Pawnees, Sioux, and Arapahoes — were alarmed and bewildered by this strange appa- rition. They believed they were about to be swept away forever from their hunting grounds and grass. As the season advanced and the great body of emigrants got under way, they gradually withdrew from the vicin- ity of the trail, and betook themselves to grounds which the former did not reach. All conflicts with them were thus avoided, and the emigrants passed the Plains with perfect immunity from their hostile and thievish vis- itations. Another and more terrible scourge, how- ever, was doomed to fall upon them. The cholera, ascending the Mississippi from New Orleans, reached St. Louis about the time of their departure from Independence, and over- took them before they were fairly embarked on the wilderness. The frequent rains of the early spring, added to the hardship and expo- sure of their travel, prepared the way for its *' Across the Rocky Mountains, pp. 99, 100. ravages, and the first three or four hundred miles were marked by graves. It is estimated that about four thousand persons perished from this cause. Willam Kelly observed Fort Kearney with foreign contemptuousness, thus : "We reached Fort Kearney early in the evening — if fort it can be called — where the States have station- ed a garrison of soldiers, in a string of log huts, for the protection of the emigrants ; and a most unsoldierly looking lot they were — un- shaven, unshorn, with patched uniforms, and lounging gait. Both men and officers were ill off for some necessaries, such as flour and sugar, the privates being most particular in their inquiries after whiskey."*^ Fort Kearney. Stansbury, who reached Fort Kearney on tlie 19th of June, gives this description of the fort : "The post at present consists of a number of long, low buildings, constructed principally of adobe, or sun-dried bricks, with nearly flat roofs ; a large hospital tent ; two or three workshops, enclosed by canvas walls ; storehouses constructed in the same manner ; one or two long adobe stables, with roofs of brush; and tents for the ac- commodation of horses and men." He speaks of the road over the prairies as being "already broad and well beaten as any turnpike in our country." He says of the emigrant's wagon that "it is literally his home. In it he carries his all, and it serves him as a tent, kitchen, parlor, and bedroom, and not infrequently as a boat to ferry him over an otherwise impass- able stream. Many have no other shelter from the storm during the whole journey, and most of these vehicles are extremely tight, roomy, and comfortable." He complains of the break- ing out of skin diseases on account of the lack of fresh meat and vegetables ; and as to game, "Ashambault, our guide, told me that the last time he passed this spot (the valley of the Platte near the eastern end of Grand island) the whole of the immense Plain as far as the eye could reach, was black with the herds of buffalo. Now not so much as one is to be seen ; they have fled before the advancing tide of emigration." The emigrants were obliged to go four or five miles from the line of travel 80 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA to find a buffalo. Stansbury says that the Paw- nee Indians were very troublesome between the Blue and Fort Kearney, so that a force had been sent from the fort to drive them off. A great many of the travelers became discouraged before they had entirely crossed the ^Missouri plains, and Stansbury relates that "wagons could be bought from them for from ten to fifteen dollars apiece and provisions for al- most nothing at all." The party forded the south fork of the Platte one hundred and eightv miles west of Fort Kearney in this way : One of these wagons, as an experimental pi- oneer, was partially unloaded by removing all Alexander Majors Frontiersman, pioneer freighter, under direction the pony express was inaugurated ifhose articles liable to injury from water, and then driven into the stream ; but it stuck fast, and the ordinary team of six mules being found in- sufficient to haul it through the water, four more were quickly attached and the crossing was made with perfect safety and without wetting anything. In the same manner were all the remaining wagons crossed, one by one, by doubling the teams and employing the force of nearly the whole party wading along side to incite and guide the mules. The water was perfectly opaque with yellow mud and it re- quired all our care to avoid the quicksands with which the bottom is covered. . . Both man and beast suffered more from this day's exertion than from any day's march we had yet made. Published accounts of this California travel seem to be confined to the lower route — from Independence, St. Joseph, and Fort Leaven- worth. In the year 1849 one William D. Brown had a charter for operating the Lone Tree Ferry across the river from Council Bluff to accommodate this class of emigra- tion. The upper routes, however, did not come into general use until the Pike's Peak discoveries of gold about ten years later. The Overland Stage. The "Overland Mail" and the "Overland Stage" to California are justly famous as factors in the vast enter- prise of opening up the western plains and of traversing them for communication with the Pacific coast. The simultaneous develop- ment of the California gold fields and the suc- cessful founding of the great Mormon settle- ment at Salt Lake City led to the establish- ment by the federal government of the "Over- land Mail," and the first contract for carrying this mail was let in 1850 to Samuel H. Woods- ton of Independence. Missouri. The service was monthly and the distance between the terminal points, Independence and Salt Lake City, was twelve hundred miles. Soon after this time this mail route was continued to Sac- ramento, California. The service was by stage- coach, and the route was substantially the same as the Oregon trail as far as the Rocky mountains, and thus passed through Nebraska. Fort Kearney, Fort Laramie, and Fort Bridg- er were the three military posts on the route. When serious trouble with the Mormons was threatened in 1857, General Albert Sidney Johnston was sent with five thousand soldiers into the Salt Lake valley, and the mail service was soon after increased to weekly trips. In 1859 this mail contract was transferred to Russell, Majors & \\'addell, who afterwards became the inost extensive freighters in Ne- braska from the Missouri river. The firm's original headquarters were at Leavenworth, but when it took the contract for carrying sup- THE OVERLAND STAGE 81 plies to Johnston's army in 1858 Nebraska City was chosen as a second Missouri river initial station, and the business was conducted by Alexander Majors, who thus became a very prominent citizen of the territory. He states that over sixteen million pounds of supplies were carried from Nebraska City and Leaven- worth to LTtah in the year 1858, requiring over three thousand five hundred wagons and teams to transport them. This firm controlled the Leavenworth and Pike's Peak E.xpress, and after taking the mail contract in question the two stage lines were consolidated under the name of the Central Overland California and Pike's Peak Express. The new contractors the winter season; but southern wish and political power were doubtless the real father to the thought of the change. The mail left St. Louis and San Francisco simultaneously on the 15th of September, 1858, to traverse for the first time a through route from the Missouri river to the Pacific ocean. The trips were made semi-weekly with Concord coaches drawn by four or six horses, and the schedule time was twenty-five days. On account of the disturbance of the Civil war the southern route was abandoned in the spring of 1861, and a daily mail was estab- lished over the northern route, starting at first from St. Joseph, but a few months afterward One Type of the F.\mous Concord St.\ge-co,\ch abandoned St. Joseph as an initial point, and started only from Atchison and Leavenworth. After the subsidence of the Mormon trouble the mail service to Salt Lake City was reduced — in June, 1859. The first through mail line to the Pacific coast was opened by the post- office department September 15, 1858, and it ran from St. Louis through Texas via Fort Yuma to San Francisco. It was operated by the Butterfield Overland Mail company, John Butterfield being the principal contractor. The main objection urged against the north- ern route was that on account of deep snow and severe weather the mail could not be carried regularly and the trips were often abandoned during a considerable part of from Atchison, Kansas. The consolidated stage line which carried it — the Central Over- land California and Pike's Peak Express — was in operation for about five years, or until it was superseded in part by the partial com- pletion of the transcontinental railway. The first through daily coaches on this line left the terminal points — St. Joseph, Missouri, and Placerville, California — on the 1st of July, 1861, the trip occupying a litttle more than seventeen days. The stage route followed the overland trail on the south side of the Platte river, while the Union Pacific railroad, which superseded it as far as Kearney in 1866, was built on the north side of the river. "For two hundred miles — from Fort Kearney to a point 82 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA oppKDsite old Julesburg — the early stage road and railroad were in no place more than a few miles apart; and in a number of places a short distance on either side of the river and only the river itself separating them." As the Central Pacific and Union Pacific railway lines approached each other from the west and from the east, the stages adapted their starting point from time to time to the termini of the rail- roads. The Concord coaches used on this greatest stage line ever operated, and so-called because they were built in Concord, New Hampshire, accommodated nine passengers in- side and often one or two sat beside the driver. Sometimes an extra seat was built on the outside behind the driver, and not infrequent- ly as many as fifteen passengers rode in and on a coach. Until 1863 the passenger fare by this stage line was $75 from Atchison to Denver, $150 to Salt Lake, and $225 to Placerville. The fare was increased soon after when the cur- rency of the country became inflated. Ben Holladay, who was the transportation Morgan or Hill of those days, controlled this great line. In 1865 he obtained the contracts for carrying the mail from Nebraska City and Omaha to Kearney City. The Western Stage Company was another large transportation organization which operated stages in Iowa ; and from the latter '50's until it was taken over by Holladay, quite after the fashion of present day com- binations, it operated stage lines from Omaha and Nebraska City to Fort Kearney. There was a good deal of friction between these two lines during the times of heavy travel, owing to the fact that the through passengers on the Overland route from Atchison filled the stages so that those coming from Omaha and Ne- braska City on the Western Stage Company's lines were often obliged to wait at Fort Kear- ney a tedious number of days. The famous Pony Express, wliich was put into operation in 1860 between St. Joseph and Sacramento, was the forerunner of the present great fast mail system of the United States. In 1854 Senator W. M. Gwin of California rode to Washington on horseback on the cen- tral route by way of Salt Lake City and South pass ; and over part of the route B. F. Fick- lin, superintendent of the firm of Russell, Majors & Waddell, was his companion. The idea of the famous Pony Express grew out of this trip. Senator Gwin introduced a bill in the Senate to establish a weekly mail on the pony express plan, but without avail, and then, through Gwin's influence, Russell or- ganized the scheme as a private enterprise through the Central Overland California and Pike's Peak Plxpress company. No financial aid was extended to the company by the gov- ernment. Ordinary letters were carried by the slower service and were barred by the high toll from this fast express. "The charges were originally five dollars for each letter of one-half ounce or less ; but afterwards this was reduced to two dollars and a half . . . this being in addition to the regular United States postage. The originators of this great enterprise evi- dently knew that its regular revenue would amount to but a small part of the operating expenses, and counted on receiving a subsidy from the federal government. But the sub- sidy of a million dollars was reserved for the slower daily mail which superseded the pony express. This brilliant pioneer object lesson in fast trancontinental service cost the dem- onstrators some two hundred thousand dollars in loss. By an act of Congress of March 2. 1861, the contract of the ix)st-ofifice depart- ment with the Overland company of the old southern route for a daily mail over the cen- tral route included a semi-weekly pony ex- press. The original company continued to operate the Pony Express under this contract by arrangement with the Overland company until it failed in August, 1861. The Express was continued by other parties until October 24th of that year when the through telegraph line had been completed. In 1860, according to the report of the postmaster general, there was a tri-monthly mail by the ocean to California, and a semi- monthly mail from St. Joseph to Placerville, but during the year this was increased to a weekly between St. Joseph and Fort Kearney, '■for the purpose of supplying the large and THE PONY EXPRESS 83 increasing populations in the regions of the Pike's Peak and Washoe mines." There were two other mail routes to San Francisco — a weekly from New Orleans, via San Antonio and El Paso, and a semi-weekly from St. Louis to Memphis. By the ninth section of an act of Congress approved March 2, 1861, authority is given to the postmaster general to discontinue the mail service on the southern overland route (known as the "Butterfield route") between St. Louis and Memphis and San Francisco, and to provide for the conveyance, by the same parties, of a six-times-a-week mail by the "central route," that is, from some point on the IMissouri river, connecting with the east, to Placerville, California. In pursuance of this act, and the acceptance of its terms by the mail company, an order was made on the 12th of March 1861, to modify the present contract so as to discontinue the service on the southern route and to provide for the transportation of the entire letter mail, six times a week on the central route, to be car- ried through in twenty days eight months in the year, and in twenty-ihree days four months in the year, from St. Joseph, Mis- souri (or Atchison, Kansas), to Placerville, and also to convey the entire mail three times a week to Denver City and Salt Lake, . . . a pony express to be run twice ri week until the completion of the overlanlete, and runs up the valley of the Platte through all the princi- pal settlements west of this." The terrtorial legislature*^ memorialized Congress to grant to John A. Latta, of Plattsmouth, 20,000 acres of land in the valley of the Platte river, on con- dition that before October 1, 1861, he "shall place on said river a good and substantial steamboat and run the same between the mouth of said Platte river" and Fort Kearney, and do all necessary dredging, "knowing that there is a sufficient volume of water in said river which is a thousand miles in length." This visionary memorial sets out that the proposed method of navigation would be advantageous for gov- ernment transportation among other things. In a joint resolution and memorial to Congress, the Fifth legislature, in urging the bridging of the Platte river, states that "a military or a public road beginning at Leau-qui-court and extending southward across the territory, has been located and opened under the direction of the national government, and has become a great thoroughfare, whereon military sup- plies may be expeditiously transported north- ward. It also affords an avenue of trade of great advantage and is now one of the promi- nent mail routes to the inhabitants of this ter- ritory and others, in said territory." *'' The governor's message to the seventh legisla- ture''" urges that "without a bridge over the Loup Fork the government road up the Platte valley is but a work half done." The govern- or's message to the twelfth — and last — territorial legislature** again urges the building of a bridge across the Platte river ; and the same document" informs us that "now four regular trains run daily between Omaha and North Platte, 293>^ miles, and ■*■'"' Lazvs of Nebraska, 6th ter. sess., p. 219. ^'^ Laws of Nebraska, 5th ter. sess., p. 412. *~ House Journal, p. 21. •"' Council Journal, p. 14. *'■> Ibid., p. 15. ■•» Xovember, 13, 1858. 51 March 17. that the track is complete for 305 miles, 240 miles of roadbed having been constructed and 262 miles of track laid during the past season; also that there is a Howe truss bridge, 1,505 feet, across the Loup Fork and a pile bridge, 2,640 feet, across the North Fork." The Herald of July 13, 1866, gives an ac- count of the excursion of the members of the legislature to the end of the Union Pacific road beyond Columbus. The excursionists took dinner at that place, and at the after-dinner ceremonies Andrew J. Poppleton presided and Dr. Thomas C. Durant, General Hazen, Geo. Francis Train, Governor David Butler, Thomas W. Tipton, John ^[. Thayer, and the ubiqui- tous Colonel Presson, then chaplain of the territorial house of representatives, made speeches. It is suggestive of the relations of the Union Pacific corporation to politics for many years afterwards that the speaking list at this banquet comprised most of the well- known republican, and some of the democratic politicians of the territory. The Herald of June 22, 1866, notes that George Francis Train had just made the quickest trip on record from Omaha to New York, via St. Joe, in eighty- nine hours. The same trip is now made in forty-two hours. The Nebraska of today, however, is not proportionately faster than his pioneer predecessor in other phases of his daily life. In May, 1867, passengers went from Chicago to Denver in five days — by rail over the Chicago and Northwestern and the L'nion Pacific roads to North Platte and thence by AVells, Fargo & Co.'s mail and express line. A striking illustration of economic condi- tions on our western frontier is afforded by a statement in the Nebraska City Xeivs'^" that at Fort Kearney the price of corn is $3.50 and $4 a bushel, and from $3 to $4 a bushel a hun- dred miles west of Nebraska City. Illustration of the feeling of desert-like isolation in the ter- ritory as late as 1859 is found in Omaha corre- spondence of the Advertiser^'' which notices the arrival of the Florida, the first steamer of the season, "amid the shouts and cheers of the multitude, and the booming of cannon under the charge of Captain Ladd's artillery squad. It is the earliest landing made in this vicinity RRER NAVIGATION 89 for many years." The Advertiser of March 3, 1859, says that the completion of the Han- nibal & St. Joseph railroad was celebrated at the place last named on the 23d inst. on a grand scale. "The completion of this road will take a surprising amount of emigration off the river which will be poured out oppo- site southern Nebraska and northern Kansas and speedily work its way into these portions of the two territories. The Nebraska City Nezcs'^^ rejoices that a depot of federal mili- tary supplies has been established at that place ; and May 29th, following, the Nezvs wag- ers that three times more freight and passen- gers have been landed at the Nebraska City wharf this season than at any other town. The Neivs of May 21, 1859, says Alexander Majors estimates that from four hundred to six hun- dred wagons would be sent out from Nebraska City that season, and about as many from Leavenworth. The Advertiser'"^ says that, "The little boat built for the purpose of navigating the Platte river passed here going up on Sunday morn- ing. It was a little one-horse aflfair, and will not, in our opinion, amount to much. If the Platte river is to be rendered navigable, and we believe it can, it requires a boat suffi- ciently large to slash around and stir up the sand, that a channel may be formed by wash- ing." The Omaha Xebraskian-'* notes that forty boats will navigate the Missouri river the coming season — two will run daily between Liberty and St. Joseph, and three daily between St. Joseph and Omaha, all in con- junction with the Hannibal and St. Joe rail- road. On the 11th of August following the same paper notes that the Kearney stage made a quick trip to Omaha in thirty-three hours, carrying six passengers. On the 25th of the same month the Nebraskian announces that Colonel Miles had chosen Omaha City as the place of debarkation and reshipping his sup- plies to Fort Kearney. At the height of travel to the newly discov- ■" February 27, 1858. =^3 Mav 12, 1859. "l* February 18, 1860. '•' August 4. s«.\pril 21, 1860. ered gold mines in the vicinity of Denver there was sharp rivalry between Nebraska Cit}' and Omaha and other minor starting places, such as Brownville and Plattsmouth. As early as 1854 the Omaha Arroiv,^^ with a wish no doubt aiding the thought, insists that Omaha has "the great advantages of being on a shorter line by many miles than any other crossing belovv this from Chicago to the north bend of the Platte, and the south, or Bridger's Pass, and the crossing of the Missouri river is as good, to say the least of it. at this point as at Stephen' F. Xuckolls any other in a hundred miles above the mouth of the Platte." The Nebraska City Neivs'" takes a traveler's guide to task for stating that the route from Plattsmouth is direct, where Fort Kearney is in fact forty miles south of a. line west from that starting point and half a mile south of Nebraska City. It is observed; in the item that no government train had ever gone out from Plattsmouth, all traffic of this kind starting from Nebraska City because it was the military depot. The Nezvs of April 28, 1860, tells of a new route to the mines, by way of Olathe, on Salt 90 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA creek, which shortens the distance by fifty to seventy-five miles. June 30th the A^ezvs says that Cadman's, Goodwin's," and Davison's,^* on Salt creek, and Vifquain's on the Blue are good farms for entertainment on the new straight road to Kearney. The place on the Blue referred to was for many years subse- quently the farmstead of General A^ictor Vif- quain, and Cadman's was John Cadman's homestead. The Nczi's of July 28th, illustrat- ing the extensive freighting business at Ne- braska City, says that Hawke, Nuckolls & Co. sent in a train of twenty wagons from the mines for supplies. On the 24th of November the same paper gives a statement of Alexander Majors' freighting business to Utah, the west- ern forts, and Pike's Peak, from April 25 to October 13, 1860: Pounds transported 2,782,258 Oxen used 5,687 Wagons used 515 Mules used 72 Men employed 602 At that time Hawke & Nuckolls were, next to Majors, the heaviest freighters. The A'eTi's of December 22, 1860, gives the follow- ing itinerary of the freight route from Ne- braska City: To Little Nemaha 9 miles, good bridge across the Nemaha ; Nemaha to Brown- ell creek, 10 miles, good ford; to north branch of Nemaha, 6 miles, good crossing, plenty of good water ; to Bucks Bend, 5 miles, a rock ford on the Nemaha ; to Salt creek, 20 miles — bridge begun — large steam saw and grist mill; to junction of the old road, 3 miles; to the Blue, 25 miles, bridge absolutely necessary, impossible for heavy teams to cross ; Blue to Dry Run, 20 miles, never failing spring of water ; Dry Run to a spring, 20 miles ; to the junction of Leavenwurth road, 60 miles; to- tal, 178 miles. The same paper contains a map of the route from Nebraska City to Fort Kearney, giving distances from point to point, making a total of 169^ miles, as follows : From Nebraska City to north fork of Little Nemaha, 63/2 miles ; up Little Nemaha to Brownell creek, ^' James Goodwin located on Salt creek in the spring of 1857. ''* James L. Davison, pioneer of 18S7. 7 miles ; to Little Nemaha, 4 miles ; to the head of Little Nemaha, 21 miles; to Salt creek, 11 miles; to east fork Big Blue. 17 miles; to a grove of timber, 17 miles ; to head of Big Blue river, 50 miles; to Platte river, 17 miles; to Fort Kearney, 19 miles. The Nebraska City Nezvs gives the follow- ing account of a contract just made between the authorities of the United States army and Russell, Majors & Waddell : The contract amounts to $1,700,000. Five thousand tons of government supplies and stores are now preparing for shipment to this place to be conveyed hence in ox wagons, up the valley of the Platte and across the moun- tains to Utah. To move this immense mass will require two thousand heavy wagons, twen- ty hundred ox drivers and train masters, and from eighteen to twenty thousand oxen, and in one continuous column will present a length of forty miles. Mr. Majors, one of the gov- ernment contractors for transporting this freight, has taken up his residence in this city, and of course will prove an inestimable addi- tion to its society, both socially, morally, and in a business point of view. The capacious wharf, built specially to receive this freight, is nearly completed, and when finished will be one of the very best on the river. In view of this great commercial boon and boom a public meeting of citizens of Nebraska City was held on the 25th of February at which resolutions were adopted pledging it by the written obligation of "the mayors of the three cities" — presumably Nebraska City proper, South Nebraska City, and Kearney City — in the sum of $100,000, that the levee should be finished by the opening of naviga- tion, and that a committee of thirteen should be appointed to carry out the resolution that "the business of dram selling is demoralizing, illegal, and a public nuisance, and we heart- ily approve of the condition imposed of their suppression." The committee of thirteen were pledged "to take immediate and efficient meas- ures to abate the nuisances, wherever they arise in this locality, and to maintain the law in our community by moral suasion if possi- ble and that failing by every other lawful and honorable means." In glorification over this contract, the same RRER NAVIGATION 91 Freighting Scenes from Photographs The lower view represents the frerghting train known as "Bull of the Woods." owned by Alexander and James Carlisle. From a photograph taken on Main street, Nebraska City, looking east from Sixth street, and loaned by Mr O. C. Morton. This train consisted of twenty-five wagons with si.x mules to each wagon, and was considered one of the finest outfits known to freighters. 92 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA paper, of February 17, 1858, announces tliat in the coming months of April, May, June, •and July two thousand wagons, hauled by six- teen thousand cattle, hitched up with two acres of ox yokes and driven by two thousand rjx drivers would start across the Plains. The item promises to the citizens a season of grand opera, when "Bellows Falls, or the Glory of a Bovine Jehu" would be presented nightly. The Nebraska City Ncii's leaves in unex- plained ambiguity the question whether the advantage of the Nebraska City over the Leavenworth route lay in distance or in the superiority of oxen over mules : "The ox trains leaving Nebraska Citv in Mav reached as that of commercial transportation, in those ante-railroad days is illustrated in an article [luffing the steamer Wautossa which appeared in the Omaha Times, June 17, 1858: "The Wautossa arrived here 'up to time' on Sunday morning last. Captain Morrison finding, at our levee and at other landings near here, a large quantity of freight, awaiting shipment for points above, consented to extend this trip to Sioux City. The Wautossa departed for Sioux City on Tuesday morning, having on board pleasure parties from Nebraska City, Council Bluffs, and Omaha. A band of music accompanied the party. The trip can not fail of being a pleasant one to all on board." Courtesy Mailia-n P. Dodge, Coitneil Bluffs. lotva Ferry Across the Elkhorn River Twenty-three miles nortluvest of Omaha, 1854. Drawing by George Simons, whose uncle, Norton Simons, owned the Bellevue ferry. Fort Kearney, unloaded and made four days travel back toward Nebraska City when they met mule trains from Leavenworth that left there in April." A curious illustration of the dependence of the people uixjn even impracticable water transportation as late as 1858 is afforded by a statement in the Advertiser that a small steam- boat had ascended the Big Nemaha as far as Falls City — twenty-five miles — coupled with the remark that, "this can not fail to prove gratifying to the enterprising citizens of this flourishing and prosperous young city." The inode of taking pleasure trips, as well s» February 25. 1860. Travelers at this time report a great deal of gold on the road from the mines to Nebraska City. The Nebraskian ^^ notes that two hun- dred miles of the route to the mines is over a military road, constructed by the federal gov- ernment, and gives much space to glorifying that route and the importance of the gold fields. A panoramic view of the North Platte route ten thousand feet long was exhibited in Omaha as an advertisement. Cottonwood Springs in those days was counted "ten days from Omaha." May 23, 1860, the Omaha Republican reports that crossing Loup fork at .Columbus can be accomplished "in a very few minutes." about four-fifths of the emi- RIVER NAVIGATION 93 grants through Omaha cross the Platte at Shinn's ferry. The correspondent says that since leaving Fort Kearney there had not been less than fifty to one hundred teams in sight at any time. Residents estimated that two thou- sand five hundred to three thousand teams had already passed along this route that sea- son, and, allowing about five persons to a team, he estimated that from ten thousand to fifteen thousand people had gone over that road to the mines during the spring in question. There were plenty of antelope and other kinds of game, but no bufifalo were to be seen. The Republican of August 15, 1860, notes that many adventurous individuals are build- ing boats at Denver for the purpose of navi- gating the Platte, and thereupon gives this sage counsel: "We would advise all that such an enterprise is attended with great difiiculties, and often results in the total abandonment of the boat after many weeks of fruitless en- deavor to reach the Missouri." The Nebras- kian "" says that not less than twenty Pike's Peak wagons pass its office daily, and thirty were counted one afternoon ; and the same pa- per of April 28th says that teams are passing Fort Kearney at the rate of two hundred a day. In the same issue there is a statement that the rate for freight from Omaha to Denver is $9 per hundred pounds, and that there is much of it lying at Omaha awaiting transportation. In this paper James E. Boyd & Co. advertise that they keep a general merchandise store and a stable capable of accommodating forty horses on the north side of the Platte river directly opposite Fort Kearney, and the Genoa ferry is advertised to carry teams across the Loup fork "at the town of Genoa, eighteen miles west of Columbus, where there is a good crossing from bank to bank." O. P. Hurford also advertises a ferry over the same stream at Columbus. In this interesting issue of the Ncbraskian we find also a notice of the organization of the Missouri & Western Tele- 6" April 14, 1860. ^1 Charles M. Stebbins of St. Louis, was presi- dent. 62 May 25, 1861. • ^^ Dakota City Herald, August 13, 1859. 6* October 19, 1865. "5 Mav 19, 1860. graph company at St. Louis, of which Edward Creighton of Omaha, was treasurer, and Robt. C. Clowry of St. Louis, secretary and super- intendent.*^' It is announced that the company intends to construct a telegraph line to Omaha and Council Bluffs immediately, and to extend it westward to the Pike's Peak region. The Xcivs '^- notes that the Messrs. Byram will send out two or three heavy trains a week to Pike's Peak guarded by thirty armed men. On the 9th of August, 1862, the News avows that the round trip to Denver from Nebraska City is two hundred miles shorter than from St. Joe or Leavenworth and fifty miles shorter than via Omaha. The following is a good il- lustration of the importance which the north- ern route from Omaha had assumed by the summer of 1859 : The secretary of the Columbus Ferry Com- pany at Loup Fork informs the Omaha Ne- braskian that the emigration across the Plains, up to June 25, was as follows : 1,807 wagons, 20 hand carts, 5.401 men, 424 women, 480 children, 1,610 horses, 406 mules, 6,010 oxen, and 6,000 sheep had crossed this ferry at that point. This statement includes no portion of the Mormon emigration but embraces merely California, Oregon, and Pike's Peak emigrants and their stock, all going westward. The re- turning emigration cross at Shinn's ferry, some fifteen miles below the confluence of the Loup Fork with the Platte. Many of the outward bound emigrants also crossed at the same point so that it is probable that not less than 4,000 wagons have passed over the mili- tary road westward from this city since the 20th of March."^ The Advertiser,^* which at this time was fervently loyal, insisted that traffic should be diverted from Nebraska City as a punishment for disloyalty to the cause of the Union. The Nebraskian ^^ avows that a traveler met seven hundred teams in one day between Loup fork ( Columbus) and the Elkhorn river. About five hundred of these would keep the north route and cross the Loup at Columbus ; the other two hundred would cross the Platte by Shinn's ferry, "and take the tortuous route on the other side of the river." Another traveler reported that the whole region about Buffalo and Elm creeks is a valley of death, strewn white with buft'alo bones over the whole width 94 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of the Platte bottom and fifty miles in length. The same paper, June 2, 1860, says that up to that time an average of thirty-five teams and three men to a team had crossed the Missouri river at Omaha on the way to the mines. The Press ''^ of Nebraska City says: There are four principal routes to the gold mines: the Omaha route crosses the Papillion, the Elkhorn, and Loup Fork, three large and bad streams, and a great number of smaller ones, and the Platte, the worst river to ford in the West, and is six hundred miles long. The St. Joe and Leavenworth route crosses the Soldier, Grasshopper, Nemaha, Walnut, Big Blue, Sandy, Little Blue, and many other tributaries of the Kansas, at points where there are no bridges and are difficult to ford — • distance, six hundred and fifty to seven hun- dred miles. The Kansas City route, up the Kansas and Arkansas rivers is a bad and dif- ficult road. From Kansas City to the mouth of Cherry creek it is nine hundred miles. The Nebraska City route runs along the divide be- tween the southern tributaries of the Platte and the northern tributaries of the Kansas and crosses but one stream of more than a few inches of water on the whole route. There are good timber, water, and grazing along the whole line. It is about five hundred miles — the road has not (nor have any) been meas- ured, but W€ judge from the time of travel ; ox teams have come from Auraria to Nebraska City in twenty-five days. The Huntsman's Echo,^'' published at Wood River Center, Buffalo county, shows that our own heyday of monopoly of transportation is no new thing: The people of the Pike's Peak mining dis- trict, together with all concerned, and the rest of mankind, will be pleased to learn that after being swindled, gouged, imposed upon, and literally robbed in the matter of mail facilities and service by that arch-monopoly, Jones, Rus- sell & Co., for near two years they are now provided by the department, at American rates, a mail from Omaha, by this place and Fort Kearney, once a week and back. The West- ern Stage Company, the most accommodating punctual, and reliable in the mail service, has the contract and have already sent out one mail. •ie February 3, 1860. 8T September 13, 1860. esMay 4, 1861. 69 November 1, 1860. ■o March 1, 1862. "June 28. 1862. " August 14, 1863. Query : Did this editor have a pass ? The Nebraska City Neivs "^ notes that a daily mail line overland to California, via St. Joe, has recently been established. The Prcss,^^ of Nebraska City, quotes an item from the last N ebraskian stating that the telegraph line be- tween Omaha and Fort Kearney has just been finished and that news by Pony Express will doubtless come from Kearney by wire in fu- ture. The Nebraska City Neivs "° reports that grading is going on across the river for the Council Blufl^s and St. Joe railway; and the same paper,'^ describing the Salt Lake traffic from Omaha, says that in two days over a month six hundred and thirty -two large gov- ernment wagons, each carrying on an average five thousand pounds of freight to Colorado merchants at the; mines, passed through Ne- braska City. The N ebraskian "^ says that "five trains of sixty wagons each, loaded with freight and Moimon poor, have left for Sail Lake, and five more are to go, making six hundred wagons in all — the last to go this week. There are already two thousand emi- grants on the Plains and two thousand yet to leave." Freight on a cotton mill for Salt Lake had already cost $1,500 as far as Omaha. In the spring of 1865 there was bitter com- plaint by the partisans of the Omaha route because travelers were not protected from the Indians. It was charged that anywhere be- tween the mouth of the Elkhorn and the forks of the Platte the North Platte route was ig- nored by the military and was in a state of outlawry. After passing Fort Kearney trav- elers north of the south fork were at the mercy of the Indians for a distance of two hundred miles. It was charged also that Brigadier- General P. E. Connor telegraphed on the 24th of May, 1865, to Captain S. H. Morer at Oma- ha as follows: "Please notify all trains com- ing west that they must cross the Platte at Plattsmouth. They can not cross the Platte east of Laramie, and I have not the troops to escort them on the north side." The Repub- lican at this time charges Morer, Colonel Liv- ingston, and General Connor with favoritism for the Plattsmouth route. On the 27th of FIRST RAILROAD AND TELEGRAPH 95 May, 1865, a meeting was held at Omaha for the purpose of raising a subscription of $50,000 for building a bridge across the Platte in the interest of the North Platte route, and among those on the subscription committee were Ed- ward Creighton, Ezra Millard, and Dr. George L. Miller. Representatives of the Burlington & Mis- souri River Railroad company took a lively part in the protest against the change of the route of the Union Pacific railway to the southern, or ox-bow line; and on the 21st of December, 1866, Dr. Aliller, in the Omaha Herald, assists J. Sterling Morton in his attack in the Ne- braska City Nczi's on Secretary Harlan's de- cision that the Burlington company might go outside the twenty mile limit to locate its land grant. The Herald complains bitterly that to do so "withholds from occupation and sale three million acres of the best lands in Ne- braska." The Burlington company objected to the Union Pacific's change of line because it lapped over its own land grant. On the 25th of October, 1867, the Nezvs says that there is a tri-weekly stage from Ne- braska City to Lincoln doing a large business — "the only regular line of stages from the Missouri river to Lincoln." The Republican '^ says : The Burlington & Missouri River railroad has been located as far west as a point opposite Plattsmouth, and surveys have been made from that place west with a view to a con- nection with the Union Pacific at, or not great- ly beyond Columbus. The proposed extension of that line west of the Missouri river is to be in the valley of the Platte and Lincoln City has never been thought of as a point. Besides we venture the assertion that no intelligent man in Nebraska believes that the Burlington road will ever be built west of the Missouri river in any direction. It will seek a connec- tion with the L'nion Pacific at Omaha, where it can compete on equal terms with the other roads running through Omaha, and will not be guilty of the folly of inviting the opposi- tion of the LTnion Pacific by seeking to tap it at some point west of this city. The only excuse for the Republican's pro- phetic blindness is consideration of the fact " August 28, 1867. " August 22, 1863. that its mistakes had a great deal of company of the same sort at that time. The Republi- can observes that the Chicago & Northwestern Railway company at one time contemplated a connection with the Union Pacific at Columbus or Kearney, crossing the river at Decatur sixty miles north ; but, seeing that the Mississippi & Missouri (Rock Island) would form a con- nection with the Union Pacific at Omaha, the Northwestern changed its route to that city where it could compete on equal terms with its rival. The Republican laughed unrestrain- edly at the statement that the Northwestern would go to Lincoln. On the 4th of December, 1867, the Republi- can speaks of a famous early transportation company as follows: "The old Northwestern Stage Company is known by every man, wo- man, and child in Iowa and Nebraska. . . Its coaches rolled over every road. For years it was the only means of intercommunication — even as late as two years ago." The Brownville Advertiser ''* gives an inter- esting sketch of the effect of these freight routes upon the almost sole mdustry — agri- culture — in the course of a complaint of the sloth of Nemaha county in competition for the trade of the lines: The truth is farmers, more than anybody else, would be benefited by a good road to Fort Kearney. The market for farm produce is now west of us in Colorado and the forts. The thousands of gold hunters in the moun- tains are fed from the Missouri valley. There is no county in Nebraska that produces more than Nemaha. The surplus is gathered up by freighters, but they do not pay as much here by 20 per cent as in Nebraska City sim- ply because the road from here needs a little mending. Freighters pay 25 cents a bushel for corn at Nebraska City and only 15 and 20 cents here. A bridge, or a good ford, across the Blue, at or near Beatrice, would be worth thousands annually to Nemaha, Richardson, Pawnee, Johnson, Clay, and Gage counties. The Advertiser further complains that : Ten times as much of the travel across the Plains leaves the river from Omaha and Ne- braska City as from Brownville. Ten times as many freighters start for Denver, Jules- burg and the forts from Omaha and Nebras- ka City as from this countv. The route from 96 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA here to Fort Kearney is naturally better than any other; in distance it is shorter than most other routes ; the road is comparatively level ; no large streams except the Nemaha to cross ; plenty of good water and pasture, and between here and the Leavenworth road at Sandy vou are never out of sight of timber. Had about two good bridges been built five years ago a large pvortion of the vast emigration to the mines would have passed over this route. We vainly hoped that the government vvould see the importance of this route and would aid us in making a good road. Meanwhile the tide of travel influenced by interested parties be- came fixed to other roads. In August, 1862, the Scientific American copied from the Nebraska City Nezvs an ac- count of the trip of a steam wagon — the Prai- rie Motor — which had started for Denver, "drawing three road wagons containing five tons of freight, two cords of wood, and all the wagons were crowded with excited citizens." The article goes on to relate that there were five regular stage routes between the Missouri river and the West, all of which concentrated at Fort Kearney, and that the stage fare for a single passenger from Nebraska City to Den- ver was $75, and the time taken for the trip one week, traveling day and night. "The citi- zens of Nebraska in view of these facts have regarded the introduction of the steam wagon with enthusiasm as a great improvement upon the common slow and expensive system of ani- mal teaming on the prairie road. On the 28th of July last they met in mass convention at Nebraska City and requested the authorities of the county to construct a road to its west- ern limits suitable for the steam wagon so as to make Nebraska City the focus of the steam wagon line." The Nebraska City News " re- lates that, "General Brown's steam wagon which left here last week, has, we regret to learn, met with an accident. About twelve miles from the city one of the cranks of the wagon shaft broke and stopped further pro- gress for the present. . . The wagon had got over the last rise of ground and was about to start on the long divide which runs clear through to Kearney when it broke. The acci- dent will cause a delay of about three weeks. " August 2, 1862. General Brown left immediately for New York with the broken parts to have them replaced. Messrs. Sloate and Osborne, the engineers, remain here and will push immediately for- ward when the new shaft arrives." But the experiment was abandoned at this stage. t^ Since Nebraska was, in law and in fact, exclusively "Indian country" prior to the time of its organization as a territory — 1854 — it had no roads except such as had been laid out in the natural course of travel, and no bridges except such as might have been voluntarily built by travelers over the smaller streams. The first appropriation for a highway within the present Nebraska was made by act of Con- gress, February 17, 1855, which authorized the construction of "a territorial road from a point on the Missouri river (opposite the city of Council Bluffs), in the territory of Nebraska, to New Fort Kearney in said territory." On the 3d of March, 1857, Congress appropriated $30,000 "for the construction of a road from the Platte river via the Omaha reserve and Dakota City to the Running Water river," under the direction of the secretary of the interior. Appropriations were made for roads within the original territory, but not within the present state, as follows: February 6, 1855, $30,000, "for a military road from the Great Falls of the Missouri river in the territory of Nebraska to intersect the military road now established leading from Walla Walla to Pu- get Sound." July 22, 1856, $50,000, "for the construction of a road from Fort Ridgley, in the territory of Minnesota, to the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains, in the territory of Nebraska." On the 3d day of March, 1865, an appropriation of $50,000 was made for the construction of a wagon road from the mouth of Turtle Hill river to Omaha, and from the same point to Virginia City, Montana. The main motive for the construction of these high- ways in the Northwest was national, that is, to provide for transportation of troops and supplies into the country where British influ- ence at the earlier dates and the Indians all the time were most to be feared. Encourage- ment and accommodation of local settlements was no doubt an important but secondary con- sideration. PACIFIC WAGON ROADS 97 SIOUA .City CHAPTER IV The Louisiana Purchask OUEST for the germ of political Nebraska f,^ leads us back just through the brief pe- riod of the nation's miraculous making, when — April 2, 1743 — at Shadwell, Albemarle county, Virginia, in the shadow of the Blue Ridge mountains, we find Alartha, the mother, clasping to her bosom the new-born Thomas Jefferson, under whose sandy hair are the brains that are to give to mankind the Declar- ation of Independence; to give distinction to American diplomacy at the court of France, between the years 1785 and 1789, as the first secretary of state under the federal constitu- tion; to initiate and develop the foreign and domestic policy of the young republic; to be- come president in 1801 ; to negotiate and com- plete the Louisiana Purchase from Napoleon Bonaparte in 1803 at a cost of about two and three-fifths cents an acre. The aggregate amount paid for this new empire, of which the present Nebraska forms about a twelfth part, was $15,000,000. Of this purchase price France received in United States bonds $11,- 250,000, and by agreement the remaining $3,- 750,000 was paid to American citizens in liquidation of claims against the French gov- ernment. When the United States took formal possession of these lands on December 20, 1803, the Union consisted of but seventeen states, Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Ken- tucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hamp- shire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Car- olina, Tennessee, Virginia, and \"ermont, with 1 Adams, History of the United States, vol. ii, p. 121. Rufus King on the Missouri Bill, American Orations, vol. ii, p. 42. 2 Including all of Colorado. Minnesota, and Wy- oming, 18,016,363. Census, 1910. a total area of -144,393 square miles, or 284,- 411,520 acres. But Mr. Jefferson's purchase of contiguous territory covered 890,921 square miles, including both land and water surface, or 878,641 square miles — 562,330,240 acres — • of land alone ; and it lacked but little of being twice as large — as it certainly was twice as valuable for agriculture and mining — ■ as the seventeen states named. Today, with all the more expensively and less peacefully acquired islands of Hawaii, Porto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines in the reckoning, the Louisiana Purchase of President Jefferson comprises nearly one-fourth of the republic. From this vast purchase of territory adjacent to the previous holdings of the republic have been created thirteen great states, namely: Louisiana in 1812, Missouri in 1821, Arkansas in 1836, Iowa in 1846, Minnesota in 1858, Kansas in 1861, Nebraska in 1867, Colorado in 1876, Montana in 1889, South Dakota in 1889, North Dakota in 1889, Wyoming in 1890, and Oklahoma in 1907. Only about one-third of Colorado, two-thirds of Minnesota, and a little more than three-fourths of Wyoming are parts of the Jefferson purchase. The esti- mated population of the land ceded by Na- poleon in 1803 was fifty thousand! whites, forty thousand slaves, and two thousand free blacks. More than four-fifths of the whites and all the blacks except about one thousand three hundred were in and adjacent to New Orleans. The rest were scattered through the country now included in Arkansas and Missouri.^ The population of the Louisiana Purchase is now over 18,000,000,= and if it were as densely populated as Belgium, which, contains 536 human beings to the square mile, it would contain and maintain 473,326,592. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 99 The importance of the Louisiana Purchase does not spring alone from its extent and value as a vast territorial addition to the country, but very largely from its momentous political sig- nificance and effect. In the first place it was a pawn played by the great Napoleon in his universal game of war and diplomacy, in which the ancient empires of Europe were the stakes. Acquired by France under Louis XIV, through exploration and settlement here and there, it was ceded to Spain as a salve for sacrifices on her part in the treaty of 1763, which secured the supremacy of the English speaking race on this continent and in general as a colonizing power, and was the territorial preparation for the great republic. Before Napoleon had forced himself into actual power as first consul, November 9, 1799, Tallyrand, who ruled under the directory, had conceived the idea of at once spreading out France in a great colonial empire, and curbing, through near neighborship, the pretentious young American republic, by securing the retroces- sion of Louisiana. Spain's fortunes were go- ing from bad to worse, and after Napoleon's startling victory over the Austrians at Maren- go in June, 1800, Tallyrand's messenger had but to demand the retrocession on the terms he proposed and it was accomplished — Octo- ber 1, 1800. The Spanish king, complaining that France had not carried out her part of the bargain, delayed the delivery of Louisiana, but finally yielded. October 15, 1801, on the as- surance of Tallyrand that, "You can declare in the name of the First Consul that France will never alienate it." Meanwhile Napoleon had won peace from Austria by force, and from Great Britain through diplomacy, so that now he prepared to take possession of Louisiana; but first he had to deal with the revolution of the negroes of the important outpost of Santo Domingo, under the lead of Toussaint L'Ouverture. The disaster which finally befell Napoleon's army in Santo Do- mingo, and the impending renewal of his irre- pressible conflict with England, led the marvel- ously practical first consul to abandon what- ever thought he may have indulged of a colo- nial empire in America. It is doubtful that he ever fully entertained or regarded as feasible this original dream of Talleyrand's. But at any rate, and in spite of Talleyrand, his unequaled executive mind saw straight and clear to his purpose and acted with characteristic decisive- ness. In the early days of April, 1803, he disclosed to Talleyrand, and then to others of his ministers, his purpose of ceding Louisiana to the United States. At the break of day, April 11th, the day before Monroe, Jefferson's special envoy for the purchase of New Orleans and possibly the Floridas also, arrived in Paris, Napoleon announced to Marbois, his minister of finance : "Irresolution and deliberation are no longer in season; I renounce Louisiana. To attempt obstinately to retain it would be folly. . . Have an interview this very day with Mr. Livingston." He had said the day before that he feared England would seize Louisiana at the beginning of war ; and al- ready, April 8th, he had countermanded the order for General Victor to sail with his army to take possession of Louisiana. When in an interview later in the day Livingston was "Still harping on my daughter," begging only for New Orleans and West Flor- ida, he was disconcerted at the sudden de- mand of Talleyrand, "What will you give for the whole?" The next day Livingston con- ferred with Monroe, but in the afternoon he met Marbois, who invited him to his house, and during the night a preliminary understanding was reached. After much haggling about the price the papers were signed during the early days of May, but were dated back to April 30th. Napoleon sought to preclude danger of the subsequent cession of the territory to England, or any other rival power, and to pro- tect the inhabitants, who were mainly French and Spanish, in the enjoyment of their religion and racial propensities, by inserting the follow- ing guarantee in the treaty: The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the union of the United States and admitted as soon as possible, ac- cording to the principles of the federal con- stitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, ad- vantages and immunities of citizenship of the United States ; and in the meantime they shall 100 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA be maintained and protected in the free en- joyment of their liberty, property and the religion which they profess. Though this vast territory had actually been pressed upon the American ambassadors, its acquisition was indeed a triumph for the young republic. Livingston had achieved the greatest dip- lomatic success recorded in American history. . . . No other American diplomatist was so fortunate as Livingston for the immensity of his results compared with the paucity of his means. . . The annexation of Louis- iana was an event so portentous as to defy measurement. It gave a new face to politics, and ranked in historical importance next to the Declaration of Independence and the adop- tion of the Constitution — events of which it was the logical outcome; but as a matter of diplomacy it was unparalleled, because it cost almost nothing.^ But Livingston's cup of glory turned to ashes on his lips. He was charged with cor- ruption in the distribution of the part of the purchase price which was to be paid to Amer- ican claimants, and the credit the public gave Monroe elevated him to the presidency, where he was so fortunate as to make his name known of all men by the timely enunciation of the "Monroe Doctrine," which was adopted as an expedient for the safety of the still young and not yet firmly founded republic and its institutions, and which is still maintained as a principle of American polity, but more per- haps through the influence of tradition than of the original need or expediency, this motive having been superseded by one of wider scope and farther reach though not definitely defined or conceived. The direct bearing of an account of the Louisiana Purchase upon a history of Nebraska will now begin to appear, and is fore- cast in the following estimate of its political effect or sequel : Of the transcendent importance of that event, aside from the expansion of territory, we get some idea when we reflect that the Missouri compromise, the annexation of Texas, the compromise of 1850, the Kansas- ^ Adams, History of the United States, vol. ii, pp. 48-49. ^ Thomas M. Cooley. "The .Acquisition of Louis- iana," Indiana Hist. Soc. Pamphlets, no. 3, p. 5. Nebraska bill, the Dred Scott case, and at length the Civil war, were events in regular sequence directly traceable to it, not one of which would have occurred without it.* The sweeping conclusions of the eminent jurist are doubtless technically correct, but there is a hint in them of the almost dogmatic implication in many historical accounts of the famous purchase that it was a work of chance — a result of the accidental extremity of the fortunes of Napoleon and of the Spanish nation at that particular time, and of the acu- men of several American politicians. Mr. Adams partially corrects this misapprehension when he declares that the acquisition of Louis- iana was "the logical outcome of the Declar- ation of Independence and the adoption of the Constitution." But the historian would have been equally correct and more fundamental if he had said that the acquisition was the logical outcome of the ascendency of the English race and English institutions in North America, as against the Latin race, which was formally determined by the result of the French and Indian war and the treaty of 1763. The ex- pulsion of France and Spain would have been completed by the same English race without the incident of the secession of the colonies and the division of English territory which the Declaration of Independence proclaimed. While the great Napoleon's necessity of try- ing conclusions with England at home in 1803, just as his predecessor had tried conclusions with England in America in 1763, and his necessity of diverting the troops with which he intended to take possession of and defend Louisiana to put down the Santo Domingo re- bellion, probably at once precipitated this final surrender of French pretension to America which might have been held in solution yet for some time, still the precipitation would have been only a question of time ; and it is not unlikely that there would have been the same evolutionary working out of the question of slavery and of union, the same tragedy and the same glory. The first view, in short, has the fault of empiricism, of explaining an im- portant social phenomenon as an accident in- stead of a natural evolutionary process. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 101 News of the retrocession of Louisiana to France, which reached America about eight months after it had been agreed upon, dis- closed the inherent or inevitable opposition to the reinstatement of France. And so Jefferson was moved by fear of such an event to write in July, 1801.^ We consider her (Spain's) possession of the adjacent country as most favorable to our interests, and should see with an extreme pain any other country substituted for them. Spain, unlike her then monstrously mili- tant neighbor of the same race, was already too inert to be seriously inimical. Madison, Jefferson's secretary of state, wrote, Septem- ber 28, 1801; to Livingston, who had just reached France, that the proposed change of neighbors was a matter of "momentous con- cern." If allowed, "inquietudes would be excited in the southern states where numerous slaves had been taught to regard the French as patrons of their cause. "^ Livingston, who perceived the perplexities of the situation, wrote to Madison several months before the cession, that he was persuaded that the whole business would result in the relinquishment of Louisiana to the United States. It was plain, moreover, to astute American statesmen that the reoccupation of Louisiana by the French undid the work of the Seven Years' war and nullified the treaty of 1763. Jefferson's feel- ing seemed to grow stronger, and he wrote to Livingston, April 18, 1802, that New Orleans was so important to the United States that whoever held it was for that very reason naturally and forever an enemy, and that the day France took possession of the city the ancient friendship between her and the United States ended and alliance with Great Britain 5 At the time fNovember, 1801) that Jefferson re- ceived Talleyrand's explicit denial of retrocession, he received also from Rufus King, American minister at London, the te.xt of the treaty of retrocession dated eight months before. '' It is curious to note that while the French Re- public in 1794, still in its mad career of enfranchise- ment, had freed the slaves of Santo Domingo, it was now part of Napoleon's purpose in sending troops to that island, instead of employing them to take pos- session of Louisiana, to again reduce the blacks to slavery. ' Adams, History of the United States, vol. ii, pp. 63-65. became necessary. Nor were English states- men slow to foresee the natural sequence of events. Before the cession had been mooted Lord Whitworth, the British ambassador at Paris, had predicted that America would reap the "first fruits" of the coming French war with England; and Addington, anticipat- ing Napoleon's own later reason for the ces- sion, told Rufus King that the first step of England on the outbreak of war would be to seize Louisiana. The interesting question as to Napoleon's real reasons for alienating Louisiana from France will perhaps never be settled. Of our late standard historians of the United States, Adams gives the question the most thorough consideration ; and while he seriously dam- ages, if he does not completely demolish the reasons usually given, he fails to establish others in their place. Bonaparte had reasons for not returning the colony to Spain ; he had reasons, too, for giving it to the United States, — • but why did he alienate the territory from France? Fear of England was not the true cause. He had not to learn how to reconquer Louisiana on the Danube and the Po. . . Any attempt (on the part of England) to regain ascend- ency by conquering Louisiana would have thrown the United States into the hands of France ; and had Bonaparte anticipated such an act he should have helped it. . . Every diplomatic object would have been gained by accepting Jefferson's project of a treaty (for New Orleans alone) and signing it, without the change of a word. . . The real reasons which induced Bonaparte to alienate the ter- ritory from France remained hidden in the mysterious processes of his mind. Anger with Spain and Godoy had a share in it, disgust for the sacrifices he had made, and impatience to begin his new campaigns on the Rhine, — possibly a wish to show Talley- rand that his policy could never be revived, and that he had no choice but to follow into Germany, — had still more to do with the act.^ McMaster, on the other hand, puts the orthodox, or generally accepted reasons into a nutshell, thus: New combinations were forming against him (Napoleon) in Europe; all England was loudly demanding that Louisiana should be attacked ; and, lest it should be taken from 102 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA him. he determined to sell it to the United States.* Somewhat more at length, and willing to credit Jefferson with shrewd foresight, Schouler adopts the same reasons : The accident for which Jefferson had here allowed was. in truth, the speedy renewal of hostilities betwen France and England. The treaty of Amiens had been too hastily drawn up, and its adjustment of disputes was too incomplete to be more than a truce between them. . . And thus it came to pass ere Monroe could reach Paris. . . Napoleon after his abrupt fashion had relinquished, and most reluctantly, his designs upon the Amer- ican continent, under the pressure of a speedy war with England, and the necessity of pre- venting the United States from making the threatened alliance with its enemy. Forced to surrender the Mississippi, in any event he resolved to put it out of the reach of his im- mediate foe, and gain the gratitude of a new and rising power. He needed money, fur- thermore, in aid of his warlike operations.^ Rhodes essays little on this topic beyond crediting Jefferson with long-headedness : The possession of the mouth of the Missis- sippi was a commercial necessity, and Jeffer- son showed wisdom in promptly seizing the opportunity presented by a fortunate combina- tion of circumstances to secure the purchase of this magnificent domain.^" But it is easier and perhaps safer to give over attempting to interpret the motive and design of the arbiter of the Nebraska country, who is likened to deity, and acknowledge that "his ways are past finding out." For a noted Englishman, even, avows that he was "a super- natural force" ; that "his genius was su- preme" ; that "he raised himself by super- human faculties," and "carried human faculty to the farthest point of which we have ac- curate knowledge. "^^ And we find the head of the English army characterizing him as "the greatest soldier and ruler, the greatest human being whom God has ever allowed to 8 McMaster, History of the People of the United States, vol. ii, p. 626. » Schouler, History of the United Stales, vol. ii, pp. 50-51. 10 Rhodes, History of the United States, vol. i, pp. 27-28. 11 Roseberry, Napoleon, The Last Phase. 12 Field Marshal Viscount Wolseley, in Cosmopol- itan for March and April, 1903. govern here below. . . His greatness in peace, his success in war, his wis.dom as a ruler, his genius as a commander, all com- bine to make him the most remarkable man whom God ever created. "^^ But while Napoleon's part in this great transaction remains equivocal, or not posi- tively to his credit, Jefferson's reputation for great capacity and consummate sagacity in his part has been established by a century's severest scrutiny. From the time of the retro- cession of Louisiana by Spain to France in 1800 the position of the United States was diplomatically very delicate if it was not des- perate. France had been insolently preying upon our commerce, and Livingston was ob- liged to complicate demands for damages on this account with his negotiations for the pur- chase of New Orleans. No friendship could be expected from England except as it might be played off against France. In its constant peril of one or the other of these greatest powers, Spain took frequent opportunity to visit the young republic with both insult and injury; and though Napvoleon's extremity fur- nished our opportunity for the Louisiana ac- quisition, its original stimulus and initiative came from an imperious demand for free com- merce, through the channel of the Mississippi river, by the settlers of the western parts of Kentucky and Tennessee. Before the close of the war of the Revolu- tion, John Hay, minister to Spain, had in vain negotiated for an acknowledgment of this privilege, which was claimed on good grounds as a natural right by virtue of our claim of ownership of the entire east bank of the river as far as New Orleans, and of succession to the right of free navigation guaranteed to our grantor. Great Britain, by the treaty of 1763. But then, as now, international treaties and international law were made to be violated with impunity as against the weaker party, and the LTnited States was the weaker party. When Jay, for diplomatic reasons, agreed that the disagreeable matter should not be pressed against Spain for twenty-five years, the rest- lessness of the Kentucky and Tennessee pio- neers broke into riotousness, and preparations THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 103 were made to set up a separate government, and to send an armed expedition to force the free passage of the river beyond New Orleans. But, crushed in the adversity of the Napo- leonic wars, Spain relented in 1795, and guar- anteed free passage of the river and a place of deposit for American cargoes at New Orleans for the period of three years. The bold wes- terners regarded this agreement as a tempo- rary makeshift, and egged President Adams on for a permanent settlement. Even Hamil- ton, with many followers, urged the necessity of taking advantage of Spain's helplessness and seizing and holding New Orleans by force; but Adams held them off. Jefferson's administration inherited this persistent demand for a permanently free Mississippi, and he si- lenced its insistent clamor by setting on foot the negotiations for the purchase. Godoy, who in everything save the ultimate power to enforce his policy and rights, was a match for Talleyrand and Napoleon, had been recalled to power as foreign minister of Spain after she had been persuaded into the retrocession, and he skilfully played every device for delay of the final delivery. Godoy's bold strategy and Touissant's revolution in St. Domingo put off French occupation of Louisiana until, by the spring of 1802, Jefferson's eyes had opened wide on the situation. For "the whole power of the LTnited States could not at that day, even if backed by the navy of England, have driven ten thousand French troops out of Louisiana." ^^ Morales, the Spanish intendant at New Orleans, had goaded the temper of the free trade westerners to the acute stage by refusing to extend the right of passage and deposit at the end of the three years, as the treaty of 1795 had stipulated; and when resti- tution was ordered by Godoy's influence March 1, 1803, it was too late. The Spanish tariff on trade through the Mississippi, which drove the pioneer western colonists to revolution, and but for the peace- ful diplomacy of Jefferson must have involved the forcible conquest of New Orleans, was 13 Adams, History of the Utiitcd States, vol. i. p. 421. '* Schouler, History of the United States, vol. ii, p. 47. from fifty to seventy-five per cent. For the last forty years a tariff tax on western agri- culture, equally as high, has been imposed by the forms of law at the port of New Orleans and every other port of the LTnion, and its most strenuous and ablest opponents have hailed from the same old Kentucky common- wealth. It is interesting to reflect that per- haps the aggressive courage, brilliancy, and legal acumen of our present day Kentucky free-traders — the Wattersons and Carlisles — ■ are an inheritance from those pioneer revo- lutionists against the Spanish tax on trade which was so appropriately named after Tar- ifa, a Spanish free-booter at the passage of Gibraltar of a still earlier day. And thus the recalcitrant Godoy, playing for time, hoping against hope to free Spain from the shackles of Napoleon, five hundred thousand Santo Do- mingo negroes frenzied with the passion for personal freedom, and the necessity of the Kentucky and Tennessee settlers for a free market for their tobacco, flour, bacon, and hams, were the Providence of the great Louis- iana Purchase. While Hamilton's policy for getting New Orleans was to seize first and negotiate after- ward, and early in March, 1803, Congress authorized Jefferson to call out eighty thou- sand troops, he resolutely kept the key to the situation and continued "to palliate and en- dure." They who sought thus to lessen confidence in the president, and to take the Mississippi entanglement out of his discretionary control by cutting the knot, underrated at this crisis the ability of a most consummate and experi- enced negotiator; one with whom, in a matter of foreign diplomacy, Hamilton himself bore no comparison.^* While Adams, in his rigid impartiality, ap- parently sees that Jefferson might have been open to the charge of having dallied too long in his passion for peace, in face of the immi- nent danger of Napoleon's occupation with an impregnable force, if the outcome had been disastrous or less glorious, yet he is con- strained to unqualified recognition of his great diplomatic skill. 104 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA With infinite pertinacity Jefferson clung to his own course. . . The essence and genius of his statesmanship lay in peace. . . The consistency of the career became more remark- able on account of the seeming inconsistencies of the moment. He was pliant and yielding in manner, but steady as the magnet itself in aim. His maneuvers between the angry west and the arbitrary first consul of France of- fered an example of his political method. He meant that there should be no war.^^ The consciences of republicans evidently suffered a severe gnawing because necessity impelled them to violate their construction of the Constitution to get Louisiana. Jefferson urged an amendment which would grant "an enlargement of power from the nation," rather than by mere construction to "make Dur pow- ers (including treaty powers) boundless," and the Constitution "blank paper." But Jeffer- son was no less consistent and certainly more logical than his fellow republicans in the the House and the Senate. Although it may be "hard to see how any president could have been more federalist than Jefferson himself," confronted by this imperious necessity of act- ing outside the acknowledged narrow limits of the written Constitution which theoretically restrained him, yet he frankly confessed that he was technically wrong, but as frankly avowed that he should "acquiesce with satis- faction, confiding that the good sense of our country will correct the evil of construction when it shall produce ill effects." Breckin- ridge and Nicholas, on the other hand, the one author of the Kentucky, and the other ardent supporter of the \'irginian resolutions, now began to see implied powers in the Constitu- tion which would amply support the present purpose. John Ouincy Adams, representing the younger and more moderate federalists, like Jefferson, desired the acquisition, but like him also thought a constitutional amendment ^•'' Adams, History of the United States, vol. i, pp. 434. 445. ^•^ A leading newspaper of the metropolitan class disputed the statement in ex-President Cleveland's address at the opening of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis in 1903, that Jefferson be- lieved the acquirement of the territory was uncon- stitutional. 1^ McMaster, History of the People of the United States, vol. ii, p. 630. IS Ibid., p. 628. necessary and, cooperating with the administra- tion, like Jefferson, offered an amendment for the purpose. Contrary to somewhat authori- tative assertion, the ground of Jefferson's con- stitutional objection included that of the ac- quirement of territory as well as the right, which was involved in the treaty, of adding this territory, acquired since the formation of the Constitution, as states to the Union. ^^ The extreme federalists, such as Pickering of Massachusetts and Griswold of Connecti- cut, in a fit of capricious, obstructionist partisan temper, insisted that the treaty was absolute- ly imconstitutional and void, their chief con- tention being that it involved the admisson of this new territory as a state in the Union which could not be done without the consent of all the other states, since the Constitution applied in this sense only to the territory comprised within the United States when it was adopted. "Nothing so fully illustrates the low state to which the once prosperous federalists were fallen as the turbulent and factious opposition they now made to the acquisition of Louis- iana." But "the mass of the people pro- nounced the purchase a bargain,"'' and Jeffer- son knew that he was safe in their hands. "He would accept the treaty, summon Congress, urge the House and Senate to perfect the purchase, and trust to the Constitution being mended so as to make the purchase legal."'' He called Congress in special session in October; the Senate almost unanimously rati- fied the treaty, and a bill to carry it into effect was passed with only five votes against it in the Senate, and twenty-five federalists voted against it in the House, seventeen of whom were from New England. Nothing more was heard of "mending the Constitution." Neither Jefferson nor Breckinridge, republicans, nor Adams nor Pickering, federalists, could then discern that out of the same revolution which had produced only our rigid written Consti- tution, hobbled by Hamiltonian "checks and balances," the seeds of a British polity were already growing whose full fruitage was soon to be a constitution made to the order of public opinion directly by the supreme popular house of parliament. In the new-born spirit of devo- THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 105 tion to an impracticable literal construction of a word-bound constitution, Jefferson was bit- terly assailed for violating it ; and he has not wholly escaped the assaults of our contem- porary publicists : "Mr. Jefferson struck a dangerous blow at the foundation principles of the government, and offered to demagogues who should come after him a corrupting and dangerous precedent, when he proposed to violate the Constitution in order to accom- plish an object of immediate desire."'" The singular error of this eminent exposi- tor of constitutions in saying that, "the pur- chase, according to the federal view of the Constitution was perfectly legitimate,"^" is sufificiently illustrated by the foregoing brief showing of the ' attitude of contemporary federal leaders. In brief, this process of immediate constitution-making at the right- eous dictate of the public welfare and opinion — though sometimes most unrighteous, and against the one and in spite of the other — which Jefferson, the strict constructionist, began, and which all shades of construction- ists have continued to the present day, serves chiefly to illustrate the misconception and the vanity of the painful hair-splitting of "the fathers" as to the constitutionality of the great Purchase. While of necessity we make our constitution as we go, as the work is done in England, according to the order of public opinion, we are hampered, morally and other- wise, by being cut off from that easy and natural test of appeal to the public which, un- der the responsible cabinet system, our British brethren enjoy. Under a like system of gov- ernment by discussion we are forced as well as we may to make British bricks without the British straw. All the constitutional questions and speculations raised in the transaction of this momentous business were left to be con- troverted from time to time during the various phases of the coming struggle over African slavery, and to be revamped and become fa- '" Cooley, "The Acquisition of Indiana," Indiana Hist. Pamphlets, no. 3, p. 17. 20 Ibid. 21 The Nation, December 12, 1889, vol. 49, p. 482. 2- See speech of Daniel E. Dickinson, vol. 15, Cong. Globe, p. 416. miliar to our own ears a century later under the Philippine question, and the present ques- tion of the constitutional treaty-making power to enact "reciprocity" without the consent of the House of Representatives — all old yet ever new. But it was decided beyond contro- versy and without dissent that the government might constitutionally acquire territory though its constitutional status after acquisition is even yet unsettled. The acquisition was popular on the whole from various motives, chiefly of self-interest. The omnipresent slavery question, though only in a negative and defensive form, affected, if it did not determine, the attitude of the South. Slave-holders would gladly be rid of this French next neighbor whose inculcation of a bias for freedom in the West Indies had broken out in the fearful negro revolution of Santo Domingo. The extreme West, as we have seen, would dispossess the French to in- sure free travel and trade along the natural and only commercial highway. New England, as usual, at least in those provincial days, was both bigoted and selfish. Her strong religious scruple against having "infidel France" per- petually at our doors was overbalanced in some degree by jealousy of the expansion of the West, as she feared at her own loss in power and population.^' In this spirit a Massachu- setts politician said : "I consider Louisiana the grave of the Union." Elbridge Gerry animadverted on the danger to the country — that is to the East — to be apprehended from the creation of new states in the West. Even so great a political figure as Gouverneur Mor- ris could contract his vision to this : Among other objections they (new wes- tern states) would not be able to furnish men equally enlightened to share in the adminis- tration of our common interests. The busy haunts of men, not the remote wilderness, is the proper school of political talents. If the western people get the power in their hands they will ruin the Atlantic interests. ^^ And we wonder if these far-seeing New England statesmen are not at this moment (1905) turning in their graves at the spec- tacle of the commanding personages in the federal Congress and two members of the fed- 106 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA eral cabinet, all from a single state " of this "remote wilderness" of the Louisiana Pur- chase. New England's opposition to the Louisiana Purchase and other manifestations of her ear- her temper show how lightly the value of the federal union was held, and were precursors and stimulants of the Civil war. The speech of Josiah Quincy, Jr., of Massachusetts, in the House of Representatives, in 1811, oppos- ing the admission of Louisiana as a state on these familiar New England grounds, might well have furnished the very text for the nullification convention of 1832 or of the secession resolutions of 1860-1861. As Louisiana, in the inevitable order of Providence, was annexed, so it has developed into a family of imperial food-producing states. A vast, unexplored, almost illimitable em- pire was ours; perpetual immunity from dangerous neighbors ; sole possession of this river of rivers, with all its tributaries ; a sure dominating influence in the affairs of the North American continent; national oppor- tunities for the future almost depressing in their sublimity."* What wonder that even Jefferson almost feared that it might not stop — not east of the Pacific or north of the isthmus; and that not foreseeing the cleavage of the slavery question between the North and South, he feared division along the Mississippi. The limits of Louisiana were defined in this momentous transfer with less care than we now give to the conveyance of an ordinary town lot or a forty-acre tract within the Pur- chase. Both Napoleon and Talleyrand had either some malign subjective design or some undisclosed objective purpose in keeping the boundaries ill-defined; and the southeast and southwest boundaries were not settled until the treaty with Spain and Great Britain in 1819, when the claim of the United States to Oregon, which included the present state of that name and Washington and part of Idaho, was also recognized. When at the time of the nego- tiations the .\merican representatives urged the need of a more definite boundary. Napoleon 23 Iowa. -* Schouler, History of the United States, vol. ii, p. S3. treated the suggestion lightly if not scorn- fully, remarking that the very indefiniteness was so much the better for us, implying. Napoleon-like, that, being the stronger party, it would leave us a good oportunity to get the better of Spain in the final settlement. Decres, the French minister of marine, had undertaken to fix the boundary for the retro- cession from Spain. He said that it was well determined on the south by the Gulf of Mexico ; "but, bounded on the west by the river called Rio Bravo (Rio Grande) from its mouth to about the 30th parallel, the line of demarkation stops after reaching this point, and there seems never to have been any agree- ment in regard to this part of the frontier. The farther we go northward the more unde- cided is the boundary period. This part of America contains little more than uninhabited forests or Indian tribes, and the necessity of fixing the boundary has never yet been felt there. There also exists none between Louis- iana and Canada." The eastern boundary was more definite, and Decres fixed it by the terms of the treaty of 1763: "It is agreed that in future the boundaries between the States of His Most Christian Majesty and those of His Britannic Majesty shall be irrevocably fixed by a line drawn down the Mississippi river from its source to the river Iberville, and from there by a line down the middle of that river and of the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea. New Orleans and the Island shall belong to France." The western boundary was described in the treaty of 1819 with Spain as follows : "The boundary line between the two countries, west of the Mississippi, shall begin on the Gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of the river Sabine, in the sea, continuing north along the western bank of that river to the 32d degree of latitude ; thence by a line due north of the degree of latitude where it strikes the Rio Ro.xo, of Natchitoches, or Red river ; then following the course of tlie Rio Roxo westward to the degree of longitude 100 west from London and 23 from Washington ; then crossing the said Red River and running thence b)- a line due north to the river Arkan- sas ; thence following the course of the south- THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 107 ern bank of the Arkansas to its source in lati- tude 42 north ; and thence by that parallel of latitude to the South Sea" (Pacific ocean). In the year 1899 a conference of experts was appointed at the request of the census officer to make a special study of disputed questions in relation to the boundaries of the western ter- ritory acquired by the United States. This conference made its report April 5, 1900, and its conclusions in regard to the boundaries of the Louisiana Purchase follow: 1. The region between the Mississippi river and lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the west, and the Perdido river to the east, should not be assigned either to the Louisiana Pur- chase or to the Florida Purchase, but marked with a legend indicating that title to it between 1803 and 1819 was'in dispute. 2. The line between the Mississippi river and the Lake of the Woods, separating the territory of the LTnited States prior to 1803 from the Louisiana Purchase, should be drawn from the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods to the nearest point on the Mississippi river in Lake Bemidji. 3. The western boundary of the Louisiana Purchase between 49° and 42° north followed the watershed of the Rocky mountains ; thence it ran east along the parallel of 42° north to a point due north of the source of the Arkansas river, and thence south to that source. The conference found further, That the territory of Louisiana, as de- scribed by France and granted to Crozat by Louis XIV., extended on the east to the river Mobile, which, with the port, was ceded specifically by France to England by the treaty of Paris in 1763, Spain at the same time ceding the Floridas to Great Britain, with St. Augus- tine and the bay of Pensacola — thus, inferen- tially at least, determining the respective boundaries of Louisiana and West Florida ; that the first occupation of the interior of the territory between the rivers Mississippi and Perdido by the Spaniards, was during the War of the American Revolution, when it belonged to Great Britain ; that Great Britain retroceded the Floridas to Spain in 1783, at which time the Louisiana territory belonged to Spain by the French cession in the preliminaries of peace of 1762 (confirmed 1763), whereby "all the country known under the name of Louisiana" was transferred ; that Spain in 1800 retro- ceded Louisia na to France as it was received == Census Bullclin, no. 74, July 20, 1901. from France in 1763 ; that France in 1803 ceded the territory of Louisiana to the United States, as discovered and held by France, ceded to Spain, and retroceded to France ; and, finally, that in 1819 Spain ceded to the United States all the territory held or claimed by His Catholic Majesty under the names of East and West Florida. In addition to the grounds of dispute between France and Spain, and the United States and Spain, here shown, there was a conflicting claim concerning the extent of West Florida, born of the contention be- tween French and Spanish discoverers and settlers in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- turies ; and there was also the claim of the French, by right of La Salle's decent of the Mississippi in 1682, to "all the country drained by that river." With reference to the Louisiana boundary, there remained but one point of difference between the maps under consideration. Ar- ticle II of the definitive treaty of peace in 1783, between the United States and Great Britain, after defining the northern boundary to the Lake of the Woods, continues as follows: ". . . Thence through the said lake to the most northwestern point thereof, and from thence on a due west course to the river Mis- sissippi." Such a line as that described being obviously impossible, the Mississippi river being south not west of the Lake of the Woods, the line drawn by the conference was a line from the most northwestern point of that lake to the nearest point on the Mississippi. This line the conference regarded as justified by rules of international law and practice re- .'.picting vaguely described boundaries in such topographical circumstances.-^ The temporary act of October 31, 1803, for taking formal political possession of the new territory, continued the form of the Spani.sh government, merely substituting Jefferfon for the king, and subordinate officers of his ap- pointment for the king's officers. The act of March 26, 1804, divided the territory on the 33d parallel — the present line between I ,ouis- iana and Arkansas — and provided fot a gov- e;-nment for the lower division, or "territory of Orleans," bv a governor and secretary, judi- cial officers and a so-called legislative council of thirteen, all appointed by the president. There was much clamor against the arbitrary character of this government in which the people had no voice at all, but this form was modeled upon that of the ordinance of 1787, 108 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA under \vhi:h the whole northwest territory and then the individual territories, such as Indiana and ^lichigan, as they were successively carved out of it, were governed. It was known as government by "the governor and judges," and under it all executive and legislative power was vested in a governor and three judges appointed by the president. These officers might adopt such laws of other states as were applicable to the territory. "The whole gov- ernment thus originated in Washington and centered there, and was neither derived from the people governed nor responsible to them."^'' While this government, in form at least, was obviously arbitrary and unrepublican, yet its temporary necessity, until there should be people enough to form a popular government or render it practicable, was alike obvious ; and the republican principle was saved by pro- viding for a legislative assembly as soon as there should be five thousand free male per- sons of full age in the territory to elect its members. This assembly would submit names of ten persons to the governor from whom he should select five for a legislative council or upper house ; though the governor had abso- lute veto power over legislation — "the source of unseen harm still inhering in the institutions of Ohio."^' The upper division, called the "district of Louisiana," was attached to the territory of Indiana for governmental purposes. Thus with the exception that the legislative authority in the territory of Orleans was broadened into the council of thirteen appointed exclusively by the president, the whole territory started under the same government as that under which the territory of Ohio had started. If the people of Ohio were fewer in numlser and so scattered that their participation in govern- ing was impracticable, while those of Orleans were more compactly settled, yet the former were largely Americans, "to the manner born," while as to the latter it was frankly insisted that "the principles of civil liberty can not suddenly be engrafted on a people accustomed =" Cooley, History of Michigan, p. 146. =' King, History of Ohio (Commonwealth Series), p. 183. to a regimen of a directly opposite line," and who by prejudices of race were largely hostile to the new government. In both instances wise expediency amounting to temporary ne- cessity prevailed. True, the principles of the government of the northwest territory which, as we have seen, were applied to Louisiana, were adopted under the cooperative leadership of Washington and Adams, and Jefferson and Madison, before they and their followers had divided on federalist and republican party lines. And the defense of the principle by some of the republicans on the ground that Congress had absolute power over the ter- ritories — that "the limitations of power found in the Constitution are applicable to states and not to territories" — was inconsistent with the spirit, at least, of the strict constructionist principles which in its youthful ardor the new republican party was just then promulgating with such enthusiasm. This incongruity was illustrated when Marshall, the great federalist chief justice, validated this principle of the extra-constitutional power of Congress as ap- plied to Florida. It was left to Chief Justice Taney, thirty years after, somewhat under the spur of the later developed slave interests, to bring the belated Marshallized constitution back again into consistency with Jeffersonian principles. But though some of Jefferson's followers, like Breckinridge and Rodney, lost their heads and professed a false faith, and though Jefifer- son himself, in the temporary government as in the purchase, found it necessary to techni- cally burst some impracticable bonds of a written constitution, yet both Jefferson and his - party were in the long run absolutely true to their republican faith in their policy of giving republican government to all territories and f)f admitting them as states in the LTnion under republican constitutions of their own making at the earliest practicable moment. In his general republican aim touching the new territory Jeft'erson was, as the sequel shows, "steady as the magnet itself." On the 30th of November the Spanish au- thorities formally and, we may well believe, most reluctantiv, turned over Louisiana to THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 109 Laussat, the French prefect at New Orleans, and on December 2C)th following possession was in turn given to General James Wilkinson and Governor Claiborne of Mississippi, who were authorized to receive it on the part of the United States. When the French flag, which was floating in the square, was hauled down and the American flag hoisted to its place, it is related that the few Americans present at the momentous ceremony cheered, but that not a few of the Frenchmen shed tears. On the 9th of March,..lSQ4..a detach- ment of American troops crossed the river from Cahokia to the village of St. Louis, and Don Carlos Dehault Delassus delivered upper Louisiana to Captain Amos Stoddard, of the United States army, who was authorized to receive it on behalf of France. The next day he turned it over to himself representing the United States, thus ending thirty-eight years of Spanish rule. On the 26th of the same mon th President Jefferson" approved the act of Congress dividing the territory and placing the upper division, the "district of Louisiana," under the government of Indiana territory. That government was embodied in Governor W lUianTTTenry Harrison, afterward president ofthe United Stat'eC~an"d"'fIifee fudges — Wil- liam Clark, Henry Vanderburgh, and John Griffin. The secretary was John Gibson. These men had organized the first government of Indiana, July 4, 1800. In a very broad sense, therefore, both territpria,lIx7iA3. PO.Iiti- caTly speaking, William Henry Harrison — " Old I'lppecahoe" — was the first governor of NebrasI ca", arid~ tHelirst capital was Vincennes. Governor Harrison relieved Captain Stoddard, who had been "king for a day" with the powers and prerogatives of a Spanish lieutenant- governor.^* By act of Congress the laws of the district of Louisiana were to remain in force until they were altered, modified, or replaced by the governor and judges of Indiana territory. On the 1st of October the governor and judges promulgated six laws for Louisiana 28 Carr, Historv of Missouri {Commonwealth Series), pp. 81, 82. ^^ See Rcz'iscd Lazi^s of Louisiana Territory, i8oS. ^' Ch. 8, Dunn's History of Indiana. territory;-" but these did not affect Indiana, and no law of Indiana extended over Louis- iana. The most important of these six laws applied to slavery, and many of its provisions remained in force as long as slavery existed in Missouri. The French settlers had carried slavery with them to St. Louis, and slaves were actually held at this time in Indiana under the quasi-protection of the law ; and Harrison, the first governor over "the Ne- braska country," was himself a slave-holder. The people of the new territory stoutly rebelled against the arbitrary absentee gov- ernment, and they again gave cry to the "no taxation without representation" shibboleth whose revolutionary echoes had scarcely died away. We have already seen that the slavery ques- tion faintly shadowed the Louisiana Purchase from the first. Now one of the chief objec- tions to the absentee government was based on the fear that the extension of the abolition ordinance of 1787 over Louisiana might be a preliminary to the abolition of slavery there. It was insisted that re-union of the whole ter- ritory under a single government would be more convenient than the Indiana annexation, and that the separation from the territory of Orleans might afford the pretext to "prolong our state of political tutelage." At the same time that these people of upper Louisiana were insisting on being detached from Indiana the people of western Indiana were petitioning Congress to have that territory attached to Louisiana as they believed their slave property would be safer under such an arrangement.^' These grievances were formulated in a pe- tition prepared and adopted by a convention held at St. Louis, September 4, 1804, and which was received by the Senate December 31st. Congress gave prompt ear to the remon- strance, and March 3, 1805, a law was passed to take effect July 4th, erecting the territory of Louisiana under a separate government, but the same in form as that of Indiana, legislative power being vested in a governor and three judges appointed by the president, "who shall have power to establish inferior courts in the said territory and prescribe their jurisdiction no HISTORY OF NEBRASKA and duties and to make all laws which they may deem conducive to the good government of the inhabitants thereof."^^ The act contained a provision in the nature of a bill of rights guaranteeing to the people of the territory right of jury trial in civil and criminal cases and immunity from religious disability, and prohibiting the passage of laws inconsistent with the Constitution. The first governor of the new territory was General James Wilkinson who had been a leader in the agitation for forcibly clearing the Mississippi of Spanish obstruction. He went to Kentucky as a merchant in 1784, and appeared in New Orleans as a trader in 1787. In 1807 Aaron Burr was tried for treasonable conspiracy to break up the federal union, and a few years later Wilkinson was also tried as an accessory. Though both escaped convic- tion, yet the bad character of both was es- tablished. J. B. C. Lucas, a French Penn- svlvanian, was appointed chief justice, and Dr. Joseph Browne, of New York, a brother-in- law of Burr's, was appointed secretary. Captain Lewis, who had returned from the Lewis and Clark expedition in September, 1806, was appointed governor in place of Wil- kinson in the spring of 1807. He encountered great disorder on account of disputes over land titles and the hostility of Creoles to American rule. Spain had continued in possession of Louisiana after the treaty of retrocession to France in 1800 till the time of American oc- cupancy, and the act of March 26, 1804, pro- vided that all grants of land made by Spain during this time were void. In 1808, Pierre Chouteau, under the instructions of Governor Lewis, concluded a treaty with the Osage Indians for the cession of forty-eight million acres of land extending from Fort Clark, thirty- five miles below the mouth of Kansas river, due south to the Arkansas and along that river to the Mississippi. The Sacs and Foxes sold three million acres in 1804. In 1803 this tribe and the lowas, their allies, claimed all the state of Missouri, as well as the northwest 32 Annals of the 8th Cong., 2d ses., p. 1684. •■'^ McMaster, Historv of the People of the United Stales, vol. ii, pp. 570-571. quarter of Illinois and part of southern Wis- consin. The treaty of Portage des Sioux, a village on the west side of the Mississippi, a few miles above the mouth of the Missouri, put an end to the Indian wars in the territory, but on the part of the Indians there was the familiar bitter complaint of dark ways and vain tricks pursued by the white negotiators. Howard succeeded Lewis as governor in 1810. By the census of 1810 the population of the territory was twenty thousand, and settlements had been pushed along a strip from fifteen to twenty miles wide from the Arkansas river to a point not far above the mouth of the Missouri, ^^ and had already necessitated the treaties with the Indians. By the act of June 4, 1812, which was to take effect December 12th, the territory of Louisiana became the territory of Missouri, and its gov- ermnent was advanced to the second grade, after the fashion of the second grade terri- tories of the Northwest Territory. The act provided for a governor appointed by the president, a house of representatives elected by the people, and a legislative council of nine members appointed by the president from a list of eighteen persons furnished by the house of representatives — a somewhat more than half-way republican form of government. Governor Howard divided its settled portion into five counties by proclamation, and then for soine months the secretary of the territory, Frederick Bates, acted as governor until Wil- liam Clark, of the Lewis and Clark expedi- tion, was appointed in 1813. He held the ofiice until Missouri became a state in 1821, and after this he was superintendent of Indian affairs until his death. He seems to have been even more skilful and a better selection than his famous companion for the main function of these officers, which was to get hold of the lands of the Indians ; and through his nego- tiations, by 1825, the Sacs and Foxes, the Osages and the Kickapoos had relinquished all their domains within the state of Missouri. All the part of the original territory between latitude 33° and 36° 30', that is, between the south line of Missouri and the north line of Louisiana, and extending west to the Mexican THE LOUISIANA PURCHASl". Ill line, about five hundred and fifty miles, was included in Arkansas territory by the act of March 2, 1819. From the time of the admis- sion of Missouri as a state in 1821 until 1834 all the remaining part of the territory was left without any government whatever. By the act of Congress of June 30, 1834, "All that part of the United States west of the Missis- sippi river and not within the states of Mis- souri and Louisiana or the territory of Arkansas, and also that part of the United States east of the Mississippi river, and not within any state to which the Indian title has not been extinguished, for the purposes of this act, shall be taken and deemed to be Indian country." The object of this act was to define and regulate the relations of the L'^nited States with the Indians of the territory in question, and jurisdiction of questions aris- ing under it in all the territory south of tlie north line of the Osage Indian lands was vested in the courts of Arkansas, and of all the territory north of this line and west of the Mississippi in the courts of Missouri.^* The act provided for a superintendent of Indian affairs for all the Indian country who resided at St. Louis, and his salary was $1,500 a year. He was provided with two agents. ^^ By the act of June 28, 1834, that part of the territory east of the Missouri and White Earth rivers and north of the state of Missouri was "for purposes of temporary government attached to and made a part of Michigan."^^ That part of the territory west of the Missouri river, which included present Nebraska, was left without government or political organization until the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854. 3* United States Statutes at Large, vol. 4, p. 729. 35 Ibid., p. 735. 3" /&/(/., p. 701. CHAPTER V The Missouri Compromise — The Second Compromise — Stephen A. Douglas — The Richardson Bill — The Dodge Bill — The Kansas-Nebraska Bill — Provisional Government — Division of Nebraska — Estimate of Douglas — Proposed Boun- daries — ■ Suffrage Qualifications THE first direct contest over the slavery question took place when John Taylor of New York, February 17, 1819, moved to amend the bill for the territorial organization of Arkansas by the same anti-slavery provi- sion which Tallmadge sought to incorporate into the enabling act for the admission of Mis- souri as a state. It provided that no more slaves should be introduced into the territory, and that all children born after admission should be free, though they might be held to service until the age of twenty-five years. But the status of slavery was fixed on the east in Mississippi and on the south in Louisiana at the time of the purchase, and the argument that Arkansas was naturally and by original right slave territory easily prevailed. But the proposal at the same time to admit Missouri as a state started the fierce controversy over the slavery question, which to leading states- men even then seemed destined to end in dis- ruption of the Union, and war, and which were postponed merely by the three great com- promises — the last being the Nebraska bill. Missouri became the storm center, partially because it was further north, and therefore less logically or naturally slave territory than Arkansas, and partially because the proposed dedication of the state to slavery by consti- tutional provision would be final. The lower house of the First Congress re- solved, after thorough debate, that Congress 1 Annals of Congress, vol. 2. p. 1473. - Rhodes, History of the United States, vol. i, p. 29. 3 Schouler, History of the United States, vol. ii, p. 66. * Rhodes, History of the United States, vol. i, p. 27. had no power to interfere with slavery in the states, and the North faithfully adhered to this decision.^ The prompt and almost unani- mous passage of the act prohibiting the impor- tation of slaves after January 1, 1808, the time when the constitutional limitation would expire, seemed to end the slavery question, and "the abolition societies which existed in all of the states as far south as Virginia died out; it seemed as if their occupation was gone."^ There was a growing conviction that slav- ery was in a decline,^ and Jefferson and Madi- son proposed and hoped to colonize the slaves of Virginia in Sierre Leone. But when the Missouri question came up, the cotton gin and the fugitive slave law — brought forth in the same year — had been at work, gradually changing commercial conditions and moral attitudes, for twenty-five years. From the time of the invention of the cot- ton gin till slavery agitation culminated in secession in 1860 the production of cotton increased a thousand fold. In 1860 its total product was twelve times that of sugar and thirty-five times that of rice; and to the rais- ing of cotton it was believed that slave labor was indispensable. "Cotton fostered slavery ; slavery was the cause of the war between the states. That slavery is a blessing and cotton is king were associated ideas with which the southern mind was imbued before the war. On the floor of the Senate it was declared that cotton had vanquished all powers, and that its supremacy could no longer be doubted."* Thus the slavery issue was as selfishly sec- tional and commercial as the tariff issue, which THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 113 precipitated nullification in 1832 and has kept the countrj- in a state of sectional embroilment ever since. Previous to the war political pol- icies were controlled by the Northeast and the South. The Northeast was adapted to manu- facturing, for which slave labor was unfit, and so the Northeast eschewed slavery and chose a tariff subsidy instead. The South believed that it could only raise the raw material for which slave labor was essential, and so refused to pay New England's tariff subsidy, and clung to slaverj'. The same immoral principle in kind was involved in both policies, but it differed in degree, and to the disadvantage of the South ; and on this point the Northwest, holding the balance of power, sided with the Northeast, and the South was loser. It was insisted also that the growth of slaven.' was inherently essential to its life and, in turn, demanded its territorial expansion. To fur- ther this end, in the Missouri controversy Clay contended that this spreading policy' was philanthropic and would mitigate the evils of crowded confinement within the old states, and Jefferson, in his anxiet>' to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, since he now despaired of the practicabilitj- of abolishing slaven,-, lent his approval to this theory of dilution.^ In 1820 Missouri had a free population of fiftj'-six thousand and ten thousand slaves. In those days at least no odium of being dedi- cated to commercialism attached to New York, for she furnished the leaders in this first great anti-slavery battle — ■ Tallmadge and Taylor in the House and Rufus King in the Senate. To illustrate so momentous an event pwssibly Schouler's partial rhetoric is not too highly colored. Referring to Tallmadge's advocacy of the restriction amendment to the Missouri enabling act, which he had offered, the histo- rian says: His torch kindled this great conflagration. A young man of seemingly frail health, but of burning eloquence and seemingly deep con- 5 IVritings of Jefferso*. vol. 10. p. 158. « Schouler, History of the United Stales. voL iii, p. 103. " McMaster, History of the People of the United States, voL iv, p. 576. * Rhodes. History of the United States, vol. i, p. 37. viction, his national service was limited to a single term . . . for he declined a reelec- tion. His crowded hour here was one of glorious life ; he blew one loud, shivering blast and then passed out to be heard no more.* But this panegj'ric is faulty in its implica- tion that the North was the aggressor in the ^lissouri struggle ; and the contrary contention has been urged by the highest authority: "In that section (the North) the status of slaver>' had long been regarded as settled. No one supposed for a moment that another slave state would ever come into the Union."" "The Missouri compromise was a southern measure. Its passage was considered at the time as in the interests of the South, for it gained imme- diately a slave state in Missouri, and by impli- cation another in Arkansas, while the settle- ment of the northern portion of the territor>' was looked upon as remote.' On the other hand, as late as 1836, John Quincy Adams, a stout and consistent oppo- nent of the expansion of slavery, in advocating the admission of Arkansas as a slave state, quoted the Louisiana treaty, which provided that the inhabitants were to be "incorporated in the Union and admitted as soon as possible to enjoy all the rights, advantages, and immu- nities of the United States." And he held that, "As congress have not the power to abolish slavery- in the original states of the Union, they are equally destitute of power in those parts of the territories ceded by France to the United States by the name of Louisiana, where slavery existed at the time of the acqui- sition." And Mr. Adams also said that he had favored the admission of ^Missouri on this ground, though he also favored the restriction of the Compromise as to the rest of the territory. But there is no doubt that the conflict which began over the Missouri question was irre- pressible, and a few statesmen at least so interpreted and feared it. From Jefferson in his retirement at Monticello came the cry that it was "the knell of the Union" : and Clay lamented that "the words civil war and dis- union are uttered almost without emotion." It was in the very nature of things that the North should stand against the aggressive 114 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA expansion spirit of the South ; and now that the northern obstructionists had outgrown the determined propagators of slavery, outnum- bering them in the House of Representatives by twenty-nine members, the obstruction was the more exasperating. Tallmadge's amend- ment passed the House by eighty-seven to seventy-six, notwithstanding the great ad- verse influence of Clay who was then speaker ; but it was lost in the Senate, and the bill for the time was dead. The bill for admitting Missouri as a slave state was passed March 6, 1820. The three points of the Compro- mise were as follows: (1) The Senate should consent to the division of the bill for the admission of both Maine and Missouri ; (2) the House should yield on the restriction of slavery in Missouri; (3) both houses should consent to the admission of Missouri with slavery, but forever restrict it from all the Louisiana territory north of the parallel 36° 30' — the extension of the southern boundary of Missouri. John Randolph dubbed the fif- teen northern members who voted against the restriction of slavery in Missouri "dough faces," and the epithet stuck to them and their kind till the death of the slavery question. Every member of Monroe's cabinet answered yes to his question whether Congress had the constitutional power to prohibit slavery in the territories. John Quincy Adams thought that this power extended to statehood as well, while Crawford, Calhoun, and Wirt thought it was limited to the territorial status alone. This difference was portentous of trouble to come. The constitution offered by Missouri for- bade the state legislature to interfere with slavery, and required it to pass laws prohibit- ing free colored people from settling in the state. The anti-slavery element in the House was of course opposed to these provisions, and it seemed as if the whole question would be reopened. But in 1821 Clay succeeded in smoothing over the difficulty by a stipulation that the Missouri legislature assent to a con- dition that the exclusion clause of the consti- 46. ^ Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation, p. tution should never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law should ever be passed, by which a citizen of any state should be deprived of any privileges and immunities to which he was entitled under the Constitution of the United States. The legislature coupled to its assent to this funda- mental condition the ungracious declaration that it was an invalid requirement and not binding upon the state. But the restive terri- tory at last came into the Union by the proclamation of the president, August 10, 1821. The second great slavery compromise took place in 1850, and the controversy which it temporarily settled arose directly out of the question of territorial organization for New Mexico and Utah. This portion of the coun- try had been acquired by the Mexican war and therefore was outside of the Louisiana Purchase, and so appertains to our subject only as it leads up directly to the Nebraska bill. The first contest over the expansion of our territory arose out of the determination of the pro-slavery element to annex Texas. Webster and Clay, the great Whig leaders, and the Van Buren element of the Democracv were opposed to annexation. Van Buren lost renomination for the presidency through his opposition, and Clay, alarmed at the power and determination of the South, lost the election to Polk by retreating from his positive ground and attempting to get on both sides. The annexation of Texas was chiefly due to Calhoun, Tyler's secretary of state, and he boldly advocated it on the ground that it was necessary to the preservation of sla- very.'' Under Polk the Democratic party, for the first time, was in the hands of the South- ern element and committed to the now aggres- sive policy of slavery extension, and under this policy war with Mexico was deliberately provoked, and the annexation of the vast territory between the Louisiana Purchase and the Pacific ocean brought about. The great northern leaders opposed this acquisition — or "robbery of realm," as Channing put it. Webster based his opposition ostensibly on the general principle of non-e.xpansion. In a speech before the Whig state convention at THE SECOND COMPROMISE 115 Boston, September 29, 1847, he denounced the war as unnecessary and therefore unjus- tifiable.i" I should deprecate any great extension of our domains. . . I think that thus far we have a sort of identity and similarity of character that holds us together pretty well. . . . I do not know how we can preserve that feeling of common country if we extend it to California. . . I say at once that unless the president of the United States shall make out a case that the war is not prosecuted for the purpose of acquisition of dominion, for no purpose not connected directly with the safety of the union, then they (the whig house of representatives) ought not to grant any further supplies." To what a truly "little American" must such sentiments reduce the "god-like Web- ster" in the eyes of the present-day expan- sionist ! But slavery extension was firmly in the saddle and only to be unhorsed by the shock of war. Calhoun boldly brushed aside his assent in Monroe's cabinet to the consti- tutionality and binding force of the restric- tion of slavery in the territories by the Missouri Compromise, which the tell-tale diary of John Quincy Adams has disclosed, and insisted that as soon as the treaty with Mexico was ratified the sovereignty of Mexico became extinct and that of the United States was substituted, "carrying with it the Consti- tution with its overriding control over all the laws and institutions of Mexico inconsistent with it."^- The continuation of slavery in Arkansas and Missouri had been defended on constitutional ground because it existed there under Spanish and French law at the time of the cession. By parity of reasoning, there- fore, slavery should not be extended into the newly acquired Mexican territory because it had been formally abolished throughout the Mexican domains by the Mexican govern- ment. But with Calhoun necessity was a prolific mother of invention. Webster in his speech on the admission of Oregon as a free state, August 12, 1848, reminded the South that alreadv five slave !» Niles' Register, vol. 73, p. 104. " Ibid., vol. 73, p. 106. i2/6«d., vol. 74. p. 61. 13 Webster's Works, vol. v, p. 311. States had been admitted from territory not contemplated when the Constitution was formed, and since slave labor and free labor could not exist together- the inequality would be on the side of the North in northern terri- tory. He pointed out, in opposition to Cal- houn's sweeping doctrine, that slavery rested on purely local law and was against natural law. Under the Roman law and the law of all mankind a person was presumed to be free till it was proven that he was a slave. But his most important proposition was this: Congress has full power over the subject. It may establish any such government, and any such laws in the territories as in its dis- cretion it may see fit. It is subject of course to the rules of justice and propriety; but it is under no constitutional restraints. ^^ Calhoun, who, when the question of the territorial organization of New Mexico and Utah arose, had come to be representative of the South, demanded equal rights for slavery in the newly acquired territory, actual return of fugitive slaves, and that agitation of the slave question should cease. The New Mexico and Utah bill was a compromise with the first demand in providing that when these terri- tories came to be admitted as states they should come in with or without slavery as their constitutions might prescribe ; yet yielded to the second demand by greatly strengthen- ing the fugitive slave law ; and as to the third demand — that was beyond the power or reach of any human agency. The compromise of 1850, then, led the way directly to the third and last compromise of the slavery extension question — the Kansas-Nebraska bill. It was a natural, if not an easy step, for "squatter sovereignty" from this outside territory where it had been enthroned over into the jurisdic- tion of the Missouri Compromise. The align- ment of parties, or rather of sections, on the slavery extension question at this time is shown by the vote for the admission of Cali- fornia as a free state. The ayes were composed of fifteen northern democrats, eleven northern vvhigs. four southern whigs, and Salmon P. Chase, John P. Hale, Thomas H. Benton, and Houston of Texas. The nays were all from slave states, and all democrats but three. The 116 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA questions of the compromise were, the organ- ization of the territories of New Mexico and Utah without the Wihnot Proviso, that is, without any restriction as to slavery', the ad- mission of California as a free state, the aboh- tion of the slave trade in the District of Colum- bia, adjustment of the Texas boundary dispute, and strengthening of the fugitive slave law. There has never been an array of giants in de- bate in Congress equal to those who discussed the compromise of 1850. Among its supporters were Webster, Clay, Cass, and Douglas; and among its opponents, Calhoun, Seward, Chase, Hale, Benton, and Jefferson Davis. Calhoun's speech in opposition was his last in the Senate, and he died before the bill finally passed. It was the last struggle also of Clay and Webster. Clay died in 1852, two weeks after the Whig convention had set him aside for General Scott as the candidate for president, and Web- ster died four months later "the victim of personal disappointment." " Stephen A. DouGL.^s. The slavery ques- tion, which had been twice compromised with such futility, in 1820 and 1850, was more acute than ever in the contest over the Nebraska bill, and was so fitly characterized by Seward as the "irrepressible conflict." The death of Webster, Clay, and Calhoun left Douglas easily in the ascendency as leader and efifective debater. His blue eyes and dark, abundant hair heightened the physical charm of boyishness ; his virile movements, his face, heavy-browed, round and strong, and his well-formed, extra- ordinarily large head gave him the aspect of intellectual power. He had a truly Napoleon trick of attaching men to his fortunes. He was a born leader beyond question. ^° This commanding physical equipment was completed by his firm, rich, and powerful voice. Douglas certainly strongly resembled Napoleon in his boldness and brilliancy in giv- ing battle and his wonderful successes; and in his tragical personal defeat, which was the 1* Schouler, History of the United States, vol. v, p. 246. ^^Stet'hen A. Douglas (Brown), Riverside Bio- graf' ifal Series, p. 21. « Co»(7. Globe, 2d sess., 28th Cong., p. 41. ^'' Ibid., 2d sess., 30th Cong., pp. 1, 68. IS These boundaries are from the original liills on file at Washington, and never hefore published. concomitant of his brilliant victory in the Kansas-Nebraska campaign, there is a strong reminder of Waterloo. Douglas was the pio- neer projector of a territorial organization for Nebraska. As early as 1844 he introduced a bill in the House of Representatives "to establish the territory of Nebraska," which was read twice and referred to the committee on territories from which it was not report- ed." In March, 1848, he introduced a bill of the same purport which was recommitted on his own motion in the following December, and, like its predecessor in the House, was pigeonholed by the committee.'^ The boundaries of the proposed territory in the bill of 1844 were as follows : Commencing at the junction of the Kan- sas with the Missouri river ; thence following the channel of the Missouri river to its con- fluence with the Qui Court, or Running Water river; thence following up the latter river to' the 43d degree of north latitude ; thence due west to the summit of the grand chain of the Rocky mountains ; thence due south to the 42d degree of latitude ; thence pursuing the line agreed upon between Spain and the United States, February 22, 1819, as the boundary between the territories of the two countries, to the 100th degree of longitude west from Greenwich ; thence following the course of the Arkansas river until it inter- sects the 38th parallel of latitude at a point east of the 98th degree of longitude ; thence due east on the 38th parallel to the boundary line of the state of Missouri ; thence north on the said boundary line of the state of Missouri to the place of beginning.^^ Following are the boundaries of the bill of 1848: Commencing at a point in the Missouri river where the 40th parallel of north latitude crosses said river ; thence following up the main channel of said river to the 43d parallel of north latitude ; thence west on said parallel to the summit of the Rocky mountains ; thence due south to the 40th parallel of north lati- ttide ; thence east on said parallel to the place of beginning. Why Douglas should have projected these measures so much before their time, or, to put it another way, why so forceful a member as Douglas should have done so little with them has been superficially regarded as inex- STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 117 plicable except by the assumption that from the first his motive was to further the scheme of the South for the extension of slavery. But inspiring the origin and running through the entire long campaign for the organization of Nebraska we find the strong and steady pur- pose of commercial enterprise. Chicago, where Douglas lived, was already the potential base of northwestern commercial conquest and development. In 1844 the state of Illinois was already well settled, and the territory of Iowa had become important in population as well as promise. The quick eye of business interest already saw that the Missouri river would soon be the terminus of railway lines leading from Chicago. Whitney had come home from Europe in 1844 enthusiastic in the conviction of the need and practicabilit}' of a railway to the Pacific, and as early as Jan- uary, 1845, he memorialized both houses of Congress in favor of such a project, and from that time on the national legislature was bombarded with influences in its favor. The representatives in Congress from Illinois and Iowa could now see the importance of making the most of this border territory. Douglas, as chairman of the committee on territories, was the natural agent and spokesman for these interests. He afterward explained his seem- ingly premature action in introducing the or- ganization bill of 1844 by saying that he served it on secretary of war as a notice that he must not locate any more Indians there, and by re- peating this notice he prevented action for ten years." He said also that the Atlantic states opposed opening Nebraska to settlement out of jealousy, and that both political parties had the power to defeat the Kansas-Nebraska bill by making new Indian treaties, and "I was afraid of letting that slip." In December, 1851, Willard P. Hall, mem- ber of the House from Missouri, gave notice of a bill for the same purpose.^" and although Missouri statesmen favored the organization of the territory on their western border at the earliest time, and I\Ir. Hall actively supported 's Constitutional and Party Questions, J. M. Cutts, pp. 90-92. inclusive. 20 Cong. Globe, vol. 24, pt. 1. p. 80. 21/btW., vol. 26, p. 47. the successful measure in 1854, his own bill seems to have perished by neglect. Mr. Hall also introduced a bill for the organization of the territory of the Platte on the 13th of De- cember, 1852,-^ but it was never reported from the committee. The introduction of a bill by this leading member of the lower house from Missouri so shortly before the completion of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and which made no reference to slavery or the repeal of the Com- promise, illustrates the indifference to that question then existing in that state, and also the complete dominance in the public mind of Stephen A. Dougl.'^s the name Nebraska, or its French substitute, for the country' in question. From the time the region of the Platte valley became known to white men till it was politically divided by the Kansas-Nebraska act, the name of its principal river was ap- plied, roughly speaking, to the countrv be- tween the water-shed of the Platte and Arkan- sas rivers on the south and the 43d parallel on the north, the ^Missouri river on the east, and the Rocky mountains on the west. It was "the Nebraska countrv." 118 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA The Richardson Bill. On February 2, 1853, William A. Richardson, member of the House from Illinois, and who, after the death of Douglas in 1861, was elected to fill a portion of his unexpired senatorial term, introduced house bill No. 353, "to organize the territory of Nebraska."-- This bill, which made no ref- erence to slavery, passed the house February 10, 1853, by a vote of 98 to 43. The northern boundary of the territory described in this bill was the 43d parallel, the present boundary of Nebraska on that side, its eastern limit was the west line of Missouri and Iowa, its southern, the territory of New Mexico and the parallel of 36° 30', and its western, the summit of the Rocky mountains.-^ The bill underwent an extended and spirited debate which throws an interesting light on the condition of the territory and of politics at that time. It ap- pears from the debate that the Indian affairs of the territory were under the jurisdiction of the superintendent at St. Louis, and that all Indians located immediately along the Mis- souri frontier had been removed there from their eastern habitat.-^ Mr. Brooks of New York objected strongly to the bill on the ground that the government had no right to take possession of the territory because the Indian title to it had not been extinguished.-'' In reply to this objection, Mr. Hall of Mis- souri, who was an ardent lieutenant of Doug- las and Richardson in their enterprise, said that a tract forty miles wide and three hundred miles long, running along the border of Mis- souri, had been set aside for the Indians by treaty and was occupied by twelve thousand to fourteen thousand of them ; a strip of about the same extent, called neutral, was not occupied ; as to the rest of the territory it was in the same situation as that of Oregon, Utah, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Iowa when they were organized. Mr. Hall said that by the act of 1834 all the territory west of the Mis- sissippi river, except the states of Missouri and Louisiana and the territorv of Arkansas, 474. 22 Cong. Globe, vol. 26, p. 23 House Roll, 353. 24 Cong. Globe, vol. 26. pp. 442-443. 25 Ibid., p. 543. 2« Ibid. was erected into what was called Indian ter- ritory. Under the operation of that law our people were not permitted to enter that terri- tory at all without a license from the executive of the government or his agent. As a result the occupants were limited to about five hun- dred licensed persons, and yet as many as fifty or sixty thousand people passed through this country annually on the way to Oregon, California, Utah, and New Mexico, under the protection of no law, and murders and other crimes were perpetrated. If we desired to protect this travel we must organize the ter- ritory and extinguish the Indian title. When Mr. Brooks insisted that this was the first time that a territorial bill had ever been intro- duced to establish government over territory to which the Indian title had not been extin- guished in any part and over a people who do not exist there, Phelps, Richardson, and Hall held out that the Indian title had not been extinguished in any of the territories when they were organized. Brooks persisted in his demand to know the population of the proposed territory, and Richardson replied that it was not over one thousand two hun- dred. Mr. Howe (Pennsylvania) taunted Joshua Giddings on neglecting to insert the anti-slav- ery provision of the Ordinance of 1787 in the bill, and wanted to know if it was on account of the national party platforms of 1852, which had dodged the slavery question. Giddings retorted by reading the restriction of the Mis- souri Compromise and said : "This law stands perpetually, and I did not think that this act would receive any increased validity by a re- enactment. . . It is very clear that the ter- ritory included in that treaty must be forever free unless the law be repealed." When asked by Mr. Howe if he did not remember a compromise since that time ( 1850), Giddings replied that it did not affect this question ; and, illustrating the then tem- perate spirit of anti-slavery statesmen, Mr. Giddings added, "I am not in the habit of agitating these questions of slavery unless drawn into it." '" When Sweetzer (Ohio) moved to strike out THE RICHARDSON BILL 119 the part of the bill which provided for the making of treaties with Indians to extinguish their title, because it was time "to let the country know that it is our policy to plunder these people ; not make a mockery anew by the pretense of a treaty," Hall protested that while Sweetzer might be correct in holding that the Indians should be incorporated as citizens, yet a territory large enough for two or three large states should not be given up to ten or twelve thousand Indians. He thought a portion of the territory had been secured by treaty with the Kansas Indians, but that so far there was no controversy between the Indians and the government. Mr. Howard said that the treaty of 1825 had given the Ohio and Missouri Shawnees fifty miles square, and the Kansas Indians had also selected a tract of the same area on the Missouri river under treaty.-" Howard (Texas) said the territory had 340,000 square miles and not over six hun- dred white people, that the bill violated treaties with eighteen tribes^^ who had been moved west of the Mississippi river, to whom the government had guaranteed that they should never be included in any state or terri- tory. Monroe had begun this policy in 1825, and Jackson had matured and carried it out under the act of 1830. The Indians, he said, would be surrounded by the white men's gov- ernment, which would force them to come under the jurisdiction of white men's laws or suflfer their tribal organization to be destroyed. There would be no country left for other tribes east of the Rocky mountains and west of the Mississippi river. It was Great Britain's policy to concede to Indians the right to occupancy but not to the fee, while Spain conceded neither.^" Hall then charged Howard with the design of settling the Comanches and other wild tribes of Texas in Nebraska territory, which would drive the overland routes from Missouri and Iowa to Texas ; and he urged that. If in course of time a great railroad should " Cong. Globe, vol. 26, p. 544. -* Ibid., p. 556, for names of tribes. 23 Ibid., p. 558. be found necessary from this part of the coun- tinent to the shore of the Pacific, and the doctrine prevails that all the territory west of the Missouri river is to be a wilderness from this day, henceforth and forever, Texas being settled, this country will have no alter- native but to make the Pacific road terminate at Galveston or some other point in Texas. Mr. Hall insisted that Howard's argument meant that "we should never settle Nebraska at all," and that white settlement must be extended to the mountains to keep in touch with California and Oregon for the protec- tion of the Union and of travel across the plains. He quoted from Medill, the late com- missioner of Indian affairs, who urged that the Omahas, "Ottoes," and "Missourias" be moved so as to be with the Osages and "Kan- zas," because they were circumscribed in hunting by the Pawnees and Sioux and often attacked and murdered by the tribe last named. The Pawnees all should be removed north of the Platte, and the Sioux of the Missouri restrained from coming south of that river, so that there would be a wide and safe passage for our Oregon emigrants and for such of those to California as may prefer to take that route, which, I am informed, will probably be the case with many. Howard argued that we should negotiate with the Indians before violating our treaties with them by organizing a territorial govern- ment over lands which they occupied. To the objections of Clingman (North Carolina) that there were only from six hundred to nine hundred inhabitants in the proposed territory, Hall replied that it was because the law pre- vented a white man from settling there, "and if he does a company of dragoons will run him out." There would be thirty thousand or forty thousand people there within three or four months after there was a territorial organization to protect them. The southern line went down to 36° 30', he explained, be- cause the route from Missouri to New Mexico crossed that line, and that travel must be pro- tected. Sutherland (New York), imbued with the characteristic spirit of the Northeast, and espe- cially of New England, in relation to western expansion, argued that it was bad policy to 120 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA take in more lands and encourage emigration from the states which were still so largely unoccupied. The eleven landed states, as he called them, of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, and Wisconsin, had 137,000,000 acres of unimproved lands in the hands of private owners and 200,000,000 acres of public lands. Richardson retorted that this was the argument of Fisher Ames over again, and charged the eastern members with fear of opening the better lands of the West in competition with their own. He thought the best way was to give the people a chance to make their own choice. The Senate committee on territories was composed of Douglas, Johnson of Arkansas, Jones of Iowa, Houston^" of Texas, democrats, and Bell and Everett, whigs. Douglas domi- nated the committee. The three members last named were opposed to the Nebraska bill. On the 17th of February Douglas reported the bill as it came from the House without amend- ment, and March 2d he tried to get it up for consideration, and complained that for two years the Senate had refused to hear a terri- torial bill. Rusk of Texas bitterly opposed the bill, and said that its passage would "drive the Indians back on us," and it failed of con- sideration by a vote of twenty to twenty-five, all but five of those opposed — including two from Delaware — ' being of the South. Of the southern senators, only the two from Missouri favored the bill.^' Senator Atchison's remarks on the 3d of March are notable as a remarkable contribu- tion to the theory of the inviolability of the Missouri Compromise, and also as being the only serious reference in the whole debate to the slavery question. In the early part of the session he had seen two objections to the bill, namely, the fact that the title of the Indians had not been extinguished and the Missouri Compromise. It was very clear to him that the law of Congress passed when Missouri was admitted into the Union, excludins; slav- 3" General Sam Houston, the hero of San Jacinto. 31 Cong. Globe, vol, 26, p. 1020. ^"- Ibid., p. 1113. ^^Ibid., p. Ills. ery from the territory of Louisiana north of 36° 30', would be enforced in that territory unless it was specially rescinded, and, whether constitutional or not, would do its work, and that work would preclude slaveholders from going into that territory. But when he came to look into the question he saw no prospect of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, But for this he would oppose organization of the territory unless his constituency and all people of the South could go into it carrying their slaves with them. But he had no hope that the restriction would ever be repealed. The first great error in the political history of the country was the Ordinance of 1787, making the Northwest territory free; the sec- cond was the Missouri Compromise. He did not like the competition in agriculture with his own state which would follow the organ- ization of the territory, but population would go into every habitable part of the territory in a very few years in defiance of the govern- ment, so it might as well be let in now.^- Houston made a flamboyant speech against the bill, entirely devoted to the wrongs of the Indians which its passage would involve, and Bell (Tennessee) spoke along the same line, and urged that there was no neces- sity for territorial organization.^^ Douglas closed the debate showing that the provisions of the bill did not include the land of any Indian tribe without their consent (it had been so amended in the House), and he said, "It is an act very dear to my heart." He had presented a bill eight years before in the House and had been pressing it ever since. But on the 3d of March the motion to take up the bill was laid on the table by a vote of twenty-three to seventeen, and it was never revived in that form. The debate, especially that of the House, discloses that the border states north and south were fighting for advantage in the traffic to the Pacific coast and in the location of the then somewhat dimly prospective Pacific rail- way. This real objection to the measure on the jiart of the southern states seems to have been largely veiled by an ostensibly very phi- lanthropic regard for the fate of the Indian ; THE DODGE BILL 121 but it seems scarcely possible that finesse could have been so adroitly spun and spread so far as to have concealed the consideration of the admission of more free territory as the real objection on the part of the South. On the other hand, the prompt report which Douglas made from his committee early in the next session of Congress, recommending the squat- ter sovereignty compromise, indicates that he had discovered not only that the South, in part at least, had decided to press the slavery objection, but the way to meet it — unless indeed this compromise was a gratuitious sop thrown to the South as a bid for its favor to his political fortunes. In a speech at Atchison during the vacation, September 24, 1854, Senator Atchison, in a bibulous burst of confidence, said that he had forced Douglas to change his tactics and adopt the compro- mise.^'' While this claim shames the wily sena- tor's frank disclaimer at the last session, alluded to above, it is entirely consistent with his leadership in the subsequent attempt to make the most of the compromise by forcing- Kansas into the Union as a slave state. At a meeting, in Platte county, Missouri, Atchison spoke in the same vein. The senti- ment and determination of the western border Missourians whom he represented were ex- pressed in the following declaration: "Re- solved, that if the territory shall be opened to settlement we pledge ourselves to each other to extend the institutions of Missouri over the territory, at whatever cost of blood or trea- sure." There was a very large slave popula-- tion in these border counties, amounting, it is said, to as many as seventeen thousand, and the fears freely expressed by Atchison and others that this property, and so the system under which it was held, would be seriously menaced if the immediately adjoining territory of Kansas should be made free, were no doubt well founded. And yet solicitude about this matter seems to have been confined to a few, 3* Rhodes, Historv of the United States, vol. i, p. 431. ■ . 3^ Rhodes, History of the United States, vol. i, p. 432. 38 Senate bill No. 22, 18S3. 3' Cong. Globe, vol. 28, pt. 1, p. 239. and there is evidence that indifference was the rule rather than the exception. This is illus- trated by the fact that the members of the House of Representatives from Missouri left it to the members of Congress of Iowa to in- sist on the division of the territory. The sweeping dictum that "Douglas was a man of too much independence to suffer the dictation of Atchison, Toombs, or Stephens,"^^ is rather beside the question, and it seems to be virtually contradicted by its author when he shows how readily Douglas yielded to the radical and rnomentous amendment of Dixon, a lesser man than either of the three above named, for the total repeal of the Missouri restriction, when Douglas spoke "in an earnest and touching manner," so that "it was a pretty comedy. The words of Douglas were those of a self-denying patriot, and not those of a man who was sacrificing the peace of his country, and, as it turned out, the success of his party, to his own personal ambition." Early in the session of the next Congress, December 14, 1853, Senator Dodge of Iowa, apparently acting in concert with the commit- tee on territories of which Douglas was chair- man, introduced a bill to organize the terri- tory of Nebraska which should comprise "all that part of the territory of the United States included between the summit of the Rocky mountains on the west, the states of Missouri and Iowa on the east, the 43° 30' of north latitude on the north, and the territory of New Mexico and the parallel of 36° 30' north lati- tude on the south. "3« This bill contained no reference to slavery. "The simple bill which Dodge introduced has undergone very impor- tant changes," said Chase, in asking for more time to consider the committee's substitute.^' The DoDce Bill. On the 4th of January following, the committee on territories, through Douglas, reported the bill of Dodge in the form of a substitute, in which the proposed territory embraced all of the Louisiana Pur- chase lying north of latitude 36° 30', except tlie states of Iowa and Missouri and that part of the territory of Minnesota which lay between the Mississippi river on the east and the north- ern boundary of Iowa and the Missouri and 122 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA White Earth rivers on the south and west ; and Fort Leavenworth, then a military station, was designated as the capital.^" A leading histo- rian commits the error of including within this proposed territory of Nebraska the area now comprised in the states of Kansas, Nebraska, the Dakotas, Montana, and part of Colorado and Wyoming, which "contained 485,000 square miles, a territory larger by thirty-three thousand square miles than all the free states in the Union east of the Rocky mountains." ^^ That larger part of the Dakotas lying east of the Missouri, however, belonged to Minne- sota, and a corner of Wyoming was not in- cluded in "the purchase." But the area in square miles as given is approximately correct. The committee's bill contained the compro- mise provision of the Utah and New Mexico bills, that the territory of Nebraska or any portion of the same when admitted as a state or states "shall be received into the Union with or without slavery as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admissiori " Accompanying this bill was a formal report in which Douglas explained why the provisions relating to slavery were inserted. He i5oint^ out that "eminent statesmen hold that Con- gress is invested with no rightful authority to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the territories, and that therefore the eighth soc- tion of the Missouri Compromise is null and void" ; while "the prevailing sentiment in large sections of the Union sustains the doc- trine that the Constitution of the United States secures to every citizen an inalienable right to move into any of the territories with his property of whatever kind and description and to hold and enjoy the same under the sanction of law. . . Under this section, as in the case of the Mexican law in New Mex- ■ 38 Cong. Globe, vol. 28, pt. 1, p. 222. 39 Rhodes, History of the United Slutcs, vol, i, p. 426. There are also two material errors in the de- scription of the boundaries of the territories of Ne- braska and Kansas in p. 222, pt. 1, vol. 28, Cong. Globe. The boundaries given in the bills here re- ferred to lia-ve been obtained by examination of the bills on file in the capitol at Washington, as none of them, excepting the last one, which passed, wore officially published. *" Senate reports, 1st scss., 33d Cong., no. 15. *i Rhodes, History of the United States, vol. i, p. 433. ico and Utah, it is a disputed point whether slavery is prohibited in the new country by valid enactment. As Congress deemed it wise and prudent to refrain from deciding the mat- ters in controversy then (1850), either by affirming or repealing the Mexican laws or by an act declaratory of the true intent of the constitution and the extent of the protection afforded by it to slave property in the terri- tories, your committee are not prepared now to recommend a departure from the course pursued on that memorable occasion either by affirming or repealing the eighth section of the Missouri act, or by any act declaratory of the meaning of the constitution in respect to the legal poitits in dispute." '"' After the bill was reported it was amended by the addition of the concluding part of the committee's report, which was declaratory of the meaning of the comproinise of 1850, as follows : First. — That aJl questions pertaining to slavery in the territories and the new states to be formed therefrom, are to-be left to the decision of the people residing therein, by their appropriate representatives, to be chosen by them for that purpose. Second — That "all cases involving title to slaves" and "questions of personal freedom" are to be referred to the jurisdiction of the local tribunals, with the right of appeal to the supreme court of the United Staes. Third — That the provision of the constitu- tion of the United States in respect to fugi- tives from service is to be carried into faithful execution in all "the organized territories" the same as in the states. On the 16th day of January Dixon of Ken- tucky fortified the indirect setting aside of the Missouri Compromise by the popular sover- eignty provision of the bill by moving an amendment explicitly repealing the anti-slav- ery clause of the compromise. If it is true that "the Senate was astonished and Douglas was startled"'" their emotions must have been due to being brought face to face with the spectacular plainness of the meaning of the indirect repeal already incorporated in the bill. The popular sovereignty clause of the Ne- braska bill was absolutely inconsistent with the Missouri restriction and applied to all the I KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL 123 territory affected by it except the part of the Dakotas lying east of the Missouri river, and which would be hopelessly anti-slavery under the popular choice. Moreover, this very area had been embraced in the territory of Wis- consin by the act of 1836, in which was incor- porated the slavery interdiction of the Ordinance of 1787; and this interdiction seems to have been passed on when the territory fell to Minnesota in 1849, where it remained when the Missouri Compromise was repealed by the Kansas-Nebraska act. It seems still less accu- rate, or still more misleading, in the attempt to exaggerate the importance of the formal repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to say, touching Douglas's 4th of January bill, that, "The South was insulted by the pretense of legalizing slavery in territory already by the Missouri Compromise preempted for free- dom" ;*^ for the report of Douglas "closed with a proposition which certainly set it (the com- promise) aside" ; *^ and this very proposition was appended to the 4th of January bill. Nor is the ground for the statement that, "So long as the Missouri Compromise remained the law of the land slavery could have no legal recognition in Nebraska while it was yet a territory" discoverable; for the 4th of January bill provided, as we have seen, "That all questions pertaining to slavery in the territories . . . are to be left to the decision of the people residing therein." Eastern writers seem to have conceived it to be an a priori virtue to be offended at the virile strenuosity of this remarkable western leader and they seem to write under the compulsion of arriving at the conclusion that "in the view of Douglas moral ideas had no place in poli- tics."" For the great part which Clay played in the compromise of 1850 there is a palliation where there is not praise, and we are told that *- Macv, Political Parties in the United States, p. 189. ^■^ Rhodes, History of t'e United States, vol. i, p. 428. ^*Ihid., vol. i, p. 431. *° Ibid., p. 430. ■*^ Schouler, Historv of the United States, vol. v, p. 285. " Rhodes, Historv of the United States, vol. i, p. 471. it is probable that "the matured historical view will be that Webster's position as to the application of the Wilmot Proviso was states- manship of the highest order." Though Clay, like Webster, was a constant candidate for the presidency and bore a potent part in the two great compromises with slavery aggression, which were bitterly assailed by anti-slavery sentiment, he is awarded the meed of patriotic motive and achievement, while the similar action of Douglas is written down as a mere "bid for southern support in the next demo- cratic convention. "^^ By a sort of pneumatic method he is summarily rejected from the company of respectable statesmen, or politi- cians even, with the brand of "Stephen Arnold Douglas — with accent on that second name."*^ This last is a good example of the over- working of a bias, a predilection, or a tortured emotion which one almost expects of the author. Another historian is fairer in describ- ing the great 3d of March speech: The appearance of Douglas was striking. Though very short in stature, he had an enor- mous head, and when he arose to take arms against a sea of troubles which opposed him, he was the very picture of intellectual force. Always a splended fighter, he seemed this night like a gladiator who contended against great odds ; for while he was backed by thirty- seven senators, among his opponents were the ablest men of the senate, and their arguments must be answered if he expected to ride out the storm which had been raised against him. Never in the United States, in the arena of debates had a bad cause been more splendidly advocated ; never more effectively was the worse made to appear the better reason.*" Kansas-Nebraska Bill. These estimates of the author of Nebraska's political beginning by standard historians of today, seem pertinent here as affording the latest and thus far the best view of his character and of his motives in the prologue to the great national tragedy which followed the Nebraska contest. But they also indicate that a remove of a single generation from the culminating scenes of the struggle over slavery does not serve entirely to separate the northern writer from northern prejudice and partisanship. The serious charge against Douglas is that he initiated the 124 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Nebraska bill, which grew into the Kansas- Nebraska act, including the repeal of the Mis- souri Compromise, of his own volition, and, by so doing, to ingratiate himself with the South for the selfish furtherance of his presidential ambition, he deliberately disturbed the repose which had been established by the compromise lead and pressed what he saw was a necessary concession as a positive measure of his own. Moreover, the debate shows that the question whether Douglas acted in bad faith in refer- ence to the Missorui Compromise at least re- mained an open one, and with the technical or formal advantage with Douglas. In his . '^— .r" ^^IV 7 ''^ n ^ Bitgra^ing from a photograpli owned by the Ncbrasica State His- torical Society William Walker at the Age of 33 Provisional governor of the proposed territory of Ne- braska, 1853 of 1850, and which President Pierce had prom- ised in his late message should "suffer no shock during my official term, if I have power to pre- vent it." There is much reason for believing that Douglas was aware that southern politi- cians would press for adherence to the princi- ples of the latest compromise, and that, instead of accepting it in the way of a compromise, as Clay or Webser would have done, at an earlier time, by his imperious method he took the speech in the Senate, February 29, 1860, he said : It was the defeat in the House of Represent- atives of the enactment of the bill to extend the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific ocean, after it had passed the Senate on my own mo- tion, that opened the controversy of 1850, which was terminated by the adoption of the measures of that year. . . Both parties in 1852 pledged themselves to abide by that principle, and and thus stood pledged not to KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL 125 prohibit slavery in the territories. The whig party affirmed that pledge and so did the democracy. In 1854 we only carried out, in the Kansas-Nebraska act, the same principle that had been affirmed in the compromise measures of 1850. I repeat that their resist- ence to carrying out in good faith the settlement of 1820, their defeat of the bill for extending it to the Pacific ocean, was the sole cause of the agitation of 1850, and gave rise to the neces- sity of establishing the principle of non-inter- vention by congress with slavery in the terri- tories. And in his famous speech of March 3, 1854, he silenced Chase and Seward on his point by showing that, after the Missouri compact of 1820 was made, the northern vote" in Congress still kept that state out of the Union and forced Mr. Clay's new conditions of 1821 ; that a like northern vote was recorded against admitting Arkansas with slavery in 1836, and that the legislature of Mr. Seward's state (New York), after the Missouri act of 1820, had instructed her members of Congress to vote against the admission of any territory as a state with slavery. Mr. Douglas at least went far toward estab- lishing the consistency of his action in 1854 by quoting from his speech in Chicago in 1850 : "These measures (of 1850) are predicated on the great fundamental principle that every people ought to possess the right of regulating their own internal concerns and domestic insti- tutions in their own way." It was conceded on both sides that the states had the absolute power to adopt or re- ject-slavery by provisions in their constitutions, and, as Douglas points out, it was inconsistent to deny this principle to the territories : "These things are all confided by the constitution to each state to decide for itself, and I know of no reason why the same principle should not be confided to the territories.'' A severe critic of Douglas's selfish sub- serviency in the Nebraska afifair admits that. Probably he had at first no more intention of actually enlarging the arena of slavery than had Daniel Webster in laboring to remove the legal restriction from the territory of Utah. Northern free labor was moving westward, as he knew, by leaps and bounds. It was not likely that slavery would ever gain any foot- hold in the region between the Rocky moun- tains and the states of Minnesota, Iowa and Missouri. Douglas no doubt sought to further his presidential prospects without making any actual change in the practical situation respecting slavery extension. But what more or less could be said of Clay, Webster, or Lincoln, each of whom, while as ardently seeking to further his presidential prospects, temporized upon the slavery ques- tion ? And in view of the probability, con- .■\iiELABD Guthrie Delegate to Congress representing the proposed territory of Nebraska, 1853 firmed by the result, that slavery could not be forced upon Kansas or Nebraska, whatever might be done with the Missouri restriction, did not the course of Douglas result in a dis- tinct gain in that, "the southerners abandoned the claim to their inherent right to take their slaves into the new territories and united — both whigs and democrats — in support of Douglas's bill" ? Furthermore, Douglas emphasized the fact that there was a grave question as to the con- stitutionality of the Missouri restriction ; and may he not be credited with sagacity and patri- 126 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA otisni in fortifying against the event of the Dred Scott decision in 1857, which confirmed his fears, by interposing his Kansas-Nebraska popular sovereignty device as a new bar to the door against slavery in the territories which that memorable decision had otherwise opened wide? For "Kansas was the only territory in which slaveholders tried to assert their rights" — that is, the constitutional right to carry slaves into the territories against at- tempted prohibition by Congress or its crea- tures, the territorial legislatures. And as it turned out, they had the best of the argument, and nothing could have hindered their design but the popular sovereignty provision of the Nebraska bill. But this spontaneous harshness toward Douglas reaches the climax of its unreason- ableness when it discovers in southern pro- slavery motives a rare nicety or moral dis- crimination and self-renunciation, and exalts it to contrasting heights above the groveling motives of Douglas. Thus we are told that the bill that passed the House in 1853, "being naturally objectionable to the pro-slavery politicians who still respected the Missouri Compromise, was defeated by them in the Sen- ate." But in this bill there was no allusion to slavery, and the Compromise was not attacked. Moreover, on the final passage of the Kansas- Nebraska bill, which repealed the Compro- mise, onh' nine votes from the South — two democrats and seven whigs — could be mus- tered against it in the House, while forty-two democrats and forty-five whigs from the North voted against it.^* But in one instance Douglas has been grouped with the patriots — though perhaps inadvertently. For "the ar- dent advocates of the compromise of 1850 were all devoted to the Union" ; *^ and Douglas ad- vocated every part of the compromise. The impartial judge of contemporary cir- cumstances will conclude that Douglas thought and had good ground for thinking that in this *8 Rhodes, History of the United States, vol. i, p. 489. ^^Macy, Political Parties in the United States, p. 129. ^o Schoulcr, Historv of the United States, vol. v, p. 281. first organization of new territory since the new compromise or temporizing arrangement between the slavery and the anti-slavery ele- ment in 1850, another controversy was inevit- able, and that the statement that the "new pol- icy thus sprung so unexpectedly upon the coun- try was the secret contrivance of a few aspiring democrats, obsequious to slavery's propagan- da,"^" is an inadequate and inconsistent ex- planation of the new compromise. Dixon's reason for pressing the repeal of the Missouri restriction, which it is generally admitted took Douglas by surprise, illustrates the fact that the pro-slavery leaders of the South intended to fight for a new arrangement, and the solid support which the members from the South gave to the bill makes the contention that the scheme was originated by a few politicians, and that the people of the South "had not dreamed of taking it" little less than ridiculous. Mr. Dixon stated that he never did believe in the propriety of passing the Missouri Compro- mise. "I never thought the great senator from Kentucky, Mr. Clay, when he advocated that measure did so because his judgment ap- proved it. . . And I have never thought that that measure received the sanction of his heart or of his head." He said that he pro- posed the amendment under the firm convic- tion that he was carrying out the principles settled in the compromise of 1850, and which left the whole question of slavery with the people and without any congressional inter- ference. He had always believed that Congress had no authority over the subject of slavery in states or territories, and, therefore, that the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional. In a colloquy with Dixon, Douglas explained that he "and some others with whom he con- sulted" thought that Dixon's amendment not only wiped out the legislation excluding sla- very but affirmatively legislated slavery into the territory ; he therefore inserted the repeal- ing clause in his own words to avoid the af- firmative force of Dixon's amendment. Abel- ard Gtithrie, who had been elected a delegate to Congress from Nebraska, at Wyandotte, in October, 1852, writing while on his way to Washington in December, 1852, to William PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 127 Walker, provisional governor, throws light on the attitude of the pro-slavery element to- ward territorial organization, as follows : I traveled in company with Senators Guyer and Atchison of Missouri and Representatives Richardson and Bissil of Illinois. I am sorry to say our Missouri senators are by no means favorable to our territorial projects. The slavery question is the cause of this opposi- tion. I regret that it should interfere — it ought not. Mr. Atchison thinks the slaves in Nebraska are already free by the operation of the Missouri Compromise act, and asks a re- peal of that act before anything shall be done for Nebraska. In a letter to the New York Tribune, writ- ten August 9, 1856, Mr. Guthrie relates that he was a candidate for reelection as a delegate to Congress in 1853 ; but because "the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was now first agitated, and it was thought important to suc- cess that the territory should be represented by one favorable to that measure," Mr. Guthrie complains, the influence of the administration was thrown against him, and he was defeated by a large Indian vote. The tradition and belief of the Douglas family are worthy of consideration. A son of Senator Douglas thinks that his father had become convinced that the South could and would repeal the Missouri Compromise, and he therefore set about to get the best terms he could against the further spread of slavery, and believed he had accomplished this in the formal recognition of the doctrine of popular sover- eignty in lieu of the open door which the South was bent on securing. Provisional Government. On the 23d day of January, 183?, TTouglas presented the Kansas^Nebraska bill which passed as a sub- stitute for the Nebraska bill of January 4th. It comprised two important additions to the old bill, which Were to divide the territory into two — Kan sas and Nebrask a.^ and....&pecifi- cally repeal the Missouri Compromise. His own reasons for dividing the territory are as follows : There are two delegates here who have been elected by the people of that territory. They are not legal delegates, of course, but they " Cone;. Globe, vol. 28. pt. 1. p. 221. have been sent here as agents. They have pe- titioned us to make two territories instead of one, dividing them by the 40th parallel of north latitude — the Kansas and Nebraska territories. Upon consulting with the delegates from Iowa I found that they think that their local interests as well as the interests of the territory, require that the proposed territory of Nebraska should be divided into two territories, and the people ought to have two delegates. So far as I have been able to consult with the Missouri dele- gates they are of the same opinion. The com- mittee therefore have concluded to recommend the division of the territory into two territo- ries, and also to change the boundary in the manner I have described. '^^ Engraznng from a photograf^li ozvned by the Nebraska State Historical Society Hadlev D. Johnson First "delegate to Congress" from the unor- ganized territory, now known as the state of Nebraska. Elected October 11, 1853. The change consisted in making the southern line 37° instead of 36° 30', thus avoiding di- vision of the Cherokee country and running between that and the Osages. The simple reasons Douglas himself gave for finally and somewhat suddenly dividing the Nebraska territory as at first proposed, in- to two territories, are not only consistent 128 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA with the circumstances but are fairly confirmed by them, and they leave no necessity for the search that has been made for hidden, myste- rious, and unworthy motives. The two dele- gates to whom Douglas referred, as he is quo- ted above, were Mr. Hadley D. Johnson, who was chosen at an election held at Bellevue, October 11, 1853, and the Rev. Thomas John- son,who was elected at Wyandotte on the same day. Mr. Hadley D. Johnson states that after consultation with citizens it was decided to advocate the organization of two territories instead of one, and that on his presentation of the case to Douglas he adopted Johnson's plan and changed the bill so as to divide Nebraska into Kansas and Nebraska. It was quite nat- ural that the people of the northern part of the territory and of Iowa lying directly opposite, should desire the division so as to have complete control, in view of the contemplated Pacific rail- way, and for other commercial reasons, and Mr. Johnson states that Senator Dodge of Iowa warmly approved his plan for two ter- ritories, and took pains to introduce him to Douglas. Just as naturally, too, the people and politicians of Missouri would prefer to have the territory opposite their state, and over whose affairs they would naturally exercise much control, separated from the northern ter- ritory. The general commercial interests, as well as considerations of the slavery question, would lead them to this desire,. Contemporaries of Hadley D. Johnson now living, as well as the important part he played in the afTairs of Iowa and Nebraska, testify to his high standing and the credibility his state- ments deserve. He was elected a member of the Iowa senate for the Council Bluffs district in 1852, was a "provisional" delegate to Con- gress from Nebraska in 1853, was a prominent candidate for delegate to Congress at the elec- tion of 1854, was elected territorial printer by the legislature of Nebraska in 1856, and in general was recognized as a man of affairs in those earlier years. We have an account of a meeting of citizens of Mills county, Iowa, at Glenwood, in Octo- ber, 1853. Glenwood was then the county seat of Mills county, which adjoins Potta- wattomie, of which Council Bluffs is the county seat, on the south, and borders on the Missouri river on the west, opposite Sarpy county, Nebraska, in which Bellevue is situ- ated. Among those who addressed this "great and enthusiastic meeting were Hadley D. [ohnson, delegate elect from Nebraska," J. L Sharp, who was chairman of the committee on resolutions, M. H. Clark who had been chosen provisional secretary of Nebraska at the same Bellevue election which chose John- son for delegate, and Hiram P. Bennet. Mr. Sharp became president of the first legislative council of Nebraska, and Bennet and Clark were also members of that body. The resolutions adopted by the meeting declared that the best interests of western Iowa as well as the bordering Indian tribes would be secured by the early organization of the territory of Nebraska, and that "the boundaries indicated by Judge Douglas's bill, subserve the interests of the whole country; but if they can not be obtained we would next prefer the parallel of 39^2 degrees south and 44 degrees north as the boundaries of Ne- braska." This reference to the bill of Doug- las "introduced some years ago," which must have meant his bill of 1848. discloses that the boundary which in the opinion of these enter- prising border promoters would "best subserve the interests of the whole country" extended half a degree further south than the line that would satisfy them — to the fortieth parallel, — and fell one degree short of the boundary they proposed on the north. There is no material difference in the two boundaries in question, and perhaps the Glenwood resolu- tions made a mistake in their reference to Douglas's bill : but in any event they show that the men of Iowa wanted a territory, as nearly and exclusively as they could get it, opposite their own state. The proprietary regard of these lowans for the prospective territory, the key to it, and their resolute intent to bring about territorial organization in the form suited to their ambitious purposes, are disclosed in the other resolutions of the meeting. While they "approve of an election by the citizens of Nebraska of provisional ter- DIVISION OF NEBRASKA 129 ritorial officers as well as a delegate to repre- sent their interests in the approaching Congress," they "would not approve any measure which would retard or interfere with the early extinction of the Indian titles to all of said territory." They request their senators and representatives in Congress to use their best efforts to carry out the policy set forth in the resolutions, direct a copy to be sent to each of them and to Senator Douglas, recommend the appointment of a committee to confer with citizens of other counties touch- ing the interests of western Iowa, and ask the St. Mary's Gazette, Western Bugle, Chicago Democratic Press, Peoria Press, and New York Herald to publish the proceedings of the meeting. Nor did they neglect the one sub- ject on which all wide-awake border people in this latitude were now always harping, so they resolved, "That the valley of the Ne- braska or Platte river and the South Pass is the route most clearly pointed out by the hand of nature for a world's thoroughfare, and a natural roadway for the United States, con- necting the Atlantic with the Pacific." Mr. Hadley D. Johnson states^- that in the month of November meetings were held at Council Bluffs which were addressed by Sena- tor A. C. Dodge and Col. S. R. Curtis, one of the first United States Commisioners of the Union Pacific railway, "who warmly advo- cated the construction of our contemplated railways, and the organization of Nebraska territory." He further says : Before starting (for Washington) a num-. ber of our citizens who took a deep interest in the organization of a territory west of Iowa had on due thought and consultation agreed upon a plan which I had formed, which was the organization of two territories instead of one as had heretofore been contemplated. After arriving at Washington Mr. Johnson says: Hon. A. C. Dodge," senator from Iowa, who had from the first been an ardent friend of my plan, introduced me to Judge Douglas, to whom I unfolded my plan, and asked him 52 Trans. Neb. State Hist. Soc, vol. ii, p. 87, et seq. 53 Augustus C. Dodge, born January 2, 1812; died November 20, 1883. to adopt it, which, after mature consideration, he decided to do, and he agreed that he would report a substitute for the pending bill, which he afterwards did do. . . The Honor- able Bernhart Henn, member of the house from Iowa, who was also my friend, warmly advocated our territorial scheme. The important part which Senator Dodge played in the great national drama — or per- haps a prologue which was to be followed by the tragedy of the Civil war — aids greatly in the interpretation of its motive and mean- ing. Many of us of Nebraska remember him as the suave, kindly, and gracious gentleman of the old school. By virtue of his ability and experience as statesman and politician, as well as his official position. Senator Dodge represented the interests and wishes of the anti-slavery state of Iowa, which demanded the early organization of the great empire on its western border. Indeed, until the last, when the question of the adjustment of the interests or demands of slavery became paramount. Senator Dodge might well have been regarded as the leader in the project of territorial organization rather than Douglas himself. In the terrific but short struggle at the last, when slavery was pressing its over-reaching and self-destructive demand, he preserved his independence. His democratic, anti-slaveholding spirit breaks out in his rebuke of Senator Brown of Missis- sippi in the course of the Kansas-Nebraska debate. Brown had defended negro slavery on the ground that it was necessary to the performance of menial labor which he referred to contemptuously as beneath white people : There are certain menial employments which belong exclusively to the negro. Why sir, it would take you longer to find a white man in my state who would hire himself out as a boot-black or a white woman who would go to service as a chamber-maid than it took Captain Cook.to sail around the world. Would any man take his boot-black, would any lady take her chamber-maid into companionship? This spirited retort of Senator Dodge's is not that of a dough-face : Sir, I tell the senator from Mississippi, — I speak it upon the floor of the American sen- 130 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ate, in presence of my father [Henry Dodge of Wisconsin] who will attest its truth — that I have performed and do perform when at home, all of those menial services to which that senator referred in terms so grating to my feelings. As a general thing I saw my own wood, do all my own marketing. I never had a servant of any color to wait upon me a day in my life. I have driven teams, horses, mules and oxen, and considered myself as respectable then as I do now, or as any senator upon this floor is.'^* This incident serves also to illustrate the great change in customs and manners which has taken place in the short time since the birth of our commonwealth. This Cincinnatus — foreman of the founders of Nebraska — was yet of courtly manners, a senator of the United States, and minister to the court of Spain. When, at last, the Kansas-Nebraska bill involved a question of vital importance to the Democratic party, Douglas, as the conceded and imperious leader of the party, overshad- owed all others. But from first to last Dodge cooperated with Douglas for the organization of Nebraska. He showed that he consistently supported the popular sovereignty principle of the Nebraska measure by showing that he had advocated that principle as a solution of the still vexed slavery question in his support of the compromise measures of 1850.^^ Senator Dodge discloses clearly his reasons for desiring the division of the territory: Originally I favored the organization of one territory ; but representations from our con.stituents, and a more critical examination of the subject — having an eye to the systems of internal improvement which must be applied by the people of Nebraska and Kan- sas to develop their resources — satisfied my colleague who was a member of the committee that reported this bill, and myself, that the great interests of the whole country, and espe- cially of my state demanded that we should support the proposition for the establishment of two territories. Otherwise the scat of gov- 5* Appendix Cong. Globe, vol. 29, p. 376. " Ibid., p. 380. ^•^ Appendix Cong. Globe, vol. 29, p. 382. ■■■'T Bernhart Henn, elected to Congress in 1849, serving four years. =8 .Appendix Cong. Globe, vol. 29, p. 885. =" Ibid., p. 886. crnmcnt and leading thoroughfares must have fallen south of lozva.'''^ Though Bernhart Henn,-" member of the lower house of Congress, lived at Fairfield, as early as June 11, 1853, he had established a land and warrant broker's office under the firm name of Henn, Williams & Co., at Coun- cil Bluffs, the residence or rendezvous of the potent promoters of the territorial organization and of Omaha City. In a speech in the House, urging the pas- sage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, he discloses the objects and motives of the promoters even more clearly than Senator Dodge had done. "The bill is of more practical importance to the state of Iowa, and the people of the dis- trict I represent than to any other state or constituency in the union. "^^ In answer to '"the unjust charge made on this floor by several that it was the scheme of southern men, whereby one of the states to be formed out of these territories was to be a slave state" he demands : "Do they not know that the delegates sent here by the peo- ple interested in the organization of that coun- try proposed this division ?" ^^ Continuing in the same strain he urges that the 40th parallel, the proposed line of divi- sion, is nearly on a line dividing the waters of the Platte and the Kansas rivers : A line which nature has run for the boun- dary of states : a line that will insure to each territory a common interest, each having a rich and fertile valley for its commercial cen- ter ; a line that will be of immense importance to the prosperity and commerce of Iowa ; a line that will make the commercial and politi- cal center of Nebraska on a parallel with the great commercial emporiums of the Atlantic and the harbor of San Francisco. . . The organization of two territories instead of one has advantages for the north, and for Iowa in particular, which should not be over- looked. It secures in the Platte valley one of the lines of Pacific railways by making it the center of commerce, wealth and trade. It brings to the country bordering on Iowa the seat of government for Nebraska. It at once opens up a home market for our produce. It places west of us a dense and thriving settle- ment. It gives to western Iowa a prominence far ahead of that which ten years ago was maintained by the towns in the eastern por- DIVISION OF NEBRASKA 131 tion of our state. It brings Iowa nearer to the center of power and commerce.™ While these members of Congress from anti-slavery Iowa thus strongly urged divi- sion of the territory, those from pro-slavery Missouri merely acquiesced in the plan. In the Senate Benton opposed the passage of the bill on account of the repeal of the Compro- mise. Atchison took little part in the debate on the bill, but while he said that he thought slavery would go into Kansas if the Compro- mise should be repealed,^' it does not appear that he ever urged division. In the House, Lindley, Miller, and Oliver discussed the measure but said nothing about division. Lindley urged that organization must precede settlement, which must precede "that great enterprise of the age, the great Pacific railroad." Miller and Oliver discussed the question of Indian cessions. Facts thus rudely obtrude themselves as a substitute for the guessing of the historians as to the primary motive of Douglas for the division scheme, namely, subserviency to the hope and intent of the slave power to make Kansas a slave state, and they seem positively to preclude that theory. On this point there is a strong and significant concensus of north- ern opinion. Douglas himself expressed his belief that it would be impracticable to fix slavery upon either of the territories. In his noted speech on the 30th of January, 1854, he urged that slaves had actually been kept in the Northwest territory in spite of the pro- hibition of the ordinance, and that they were then kept in Nebraska in spite of the prohi- bition of the Missouri Compromise; but the people of all the northern territories had abol- ished slavery as soon as they had the local authority to do so. And so he said of Ne- braska: "When settlers rush in, when labor becomes plenty and therefore cheap, in that climate, with its productions, it is worse than folly to think of its being a slaveholding coun- try. I do not believe there is a man in Con- 00 Appendix Cone/. Globe, vol. 29, p. 886, " Ibid., pp. 939-940. «= CoH<7. Globe, vol. 28, pt. 1, p, 279. «3 Appendix Co>ig. Globe, vol. 29, p. 560. o^/fciU, p. 382. gress who thinks it could be permanently a slaveholding country. I have no idea that it could. . . When you give them a legis- lature you thereby confess that they are com- petent to exercise the powers of legislation. If they wish slavery they have a right to it. If they do not want it they will not have it, and you should not force it upon them.""- Benton in his speech in bitter opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska bill said: "The ques- tion of slavery in these territories, if thrown open to a territorial action, will be a question of numbers, a question of the majority for or against slavery; and what chance would the slaveholders have in such a contest? No chance at all. The slave owners will be over- whelmed and compelled to play at a most unequal game, not only in point of numbers but in point of stakes. The slaveholder stakes his property and has to run ofif or lose it if outvoted at the polls. "'^^ Benton dreaded and deprecated opening anew the slavery contest by the proposed repeal of the Compromise. For the sake of peace he had promoted the clause in the con- stitution of Missouri prohibiting the legisla- ture from emancipating slaves without the consent of their owners. Senator Dodge insisted that, as touching slavery, the bill would have the effect of free- ing several hundred slaves who would be taken into Kansas and Nebraska as domestic ser- vants on the promise of freedom at some fixed time. The owners of slaves, he said, would be too timid and conservative to take them into new and unfavorable communities in larger number.^* This theory was peculiarly confirmed in Nebraska, and doubtless would have been in Kansas after conditions had become settled there, but for the Civil war which swept slavery away entirely. In his speech in the House, in which he urges the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill with all his powers, Mr! Henn argues that, "These territories will, nay must become non-slaveholding states. . . . My experi- ence in the settlement of new countries so teaches." Emigration moves on a line south of west for the betterment of physical as well 132 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA as financial conditions. "Hence," he con- tinues, "all of Nebraska, if not all of Kansas, will be settled by emigrants from non-slave- holding states. Three thousand of these, from free states, are now in the line of Nebraska and fifteen hundred on that of Kansas ready to step over as soon as the bill passes." A network of railways in this latitude already embraced the Mississippi and would soon reach the Missouri. "^^ Without a word of tes- timony^ ;unprejudiced eyes should see why commercial and political considerations, en- tirely independent of the slavery question, should have discovered the advantages of divi- sion to Iowa and Illinois also, and stimulated to the utmost their demand for it. Douglas was the natural mouthpiece of this sentiment by virtue of his residence in Chicago, which was vitally interested in securing the location of the Pacific railway as a direct extension of her great trunk lines to the West, and of his position as chairman of the senate committee on territories. So far from being surprising it is quite natural that these advantages of division should have appeared and been pre- sented now, when the long-mooted question of territorial organization was at last plainly to be settled, and which quickened, and for the first time made the question of a Pacific railway practicable and imminent. This now certain prospect of the opening of the way for giving value to the bordering territory and for the most gigantic project for a com- mercial highway that had yet been imagined suddenly increased the importance of every local consideration or possible advantage, and resulted in the project of division for north- ern commercial interests and by northern commercial initiative. Douglas had from the first striven for a northern territory. His prompt acquiescence in the proposal of division is quite explicable and consistent when coupled with the fact that his bill of 1844 provided for a territory, "'i Appendix Cong. Globe, vol. 29, p. 885. «« Rhodes, History of the United States, vol. i p 439. ^'' Von Hoist, Constitutional History of the United States, vol. iv, p. 323. whose northern boundary line was identical with that of present Nebraska and whose southern line was only two degrees farther south than the dividing line between the two territories, and with the further fact that the proposed northern boundary of his bill of 1848 was that of the present state, and the southern boundary was the same as the division line between the two territories and states, namely, the 40th parallel. But this cogent consistency of circumstance and specific human testimony must, it seems, give way to the exigencies of contrary histo- rical authority. For we are told in no incon- clusive tone and terms that, We cannot clearly trace the ways leading up to the division of Nebraska which appar- ently formed no part of the original plan. Nor is the explanation of Senator Douglas sufficient. It is almost certain that if there had been no question of slavery this change would not have been made.*^" And again: "For the division of the Ne- braska country had no meaning if it were not made in order to secure a part of it to sla- very." "" This author brings to the discussion of the question great ability, but a zeal that leaps the bound of fairness and reason. It certainly seems as if he has retained his pow- ers to discredit and smirch Douglas to the utmost. This palpable predetermination nat- urally leads to disingenuous if not false state- ments. Thus, to sustain his preconception that the primary object of the organization of the Nebraska country, and especially its division into two territories, was to further the interests of the slavocracy, he insists that there were no white men in the territory, keep- ing back the fact that theoretically or legally there could be none since they had been inter- dicted by the law of Congress of 1834; and he neglects to mention the very relevant fact that the advocates of organization in Con- gress rightfully urged that the population would be forthcoming, and, more scrupulous than the Israelites of old, in general waited legal permission to "go up and possess the laiid." Organization therefore must need precede population, or else be indefinitely post- poned. Douglas himself completely answered ESTIMATE OF DOUGLAS 133 these objections in his great 3d of March speech by correctly stating that, in spite of the formal legal prohibition there was a goodly number of white settlers within the proposed territory ; that there was an immense traffic through it to the Pacific coast, now entirely unprotected, and organization was necessary on that account ; and that people would inev- itably invade the territory in spite of legal barriers which therefore had better be removed in response to the popular demand. The first census of Kansas taken within six months after the passage of the organic act indicates that there was already a population not far from five thousand. Douglas very plausibly if not conclusively established his contention that he at least was breaking no new ground and springing no surprise in what he re- ^^ The pertinent declaration of the democratic convention was as follows : "Congress has no power under the constitution to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several states. . . All efforts of the abolitionists or others to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery or to take incipient steps in relation thereto are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous conse- quences. . . Therefore the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the compromise measures settled by the last Congress." The whigs bore even more heavily upon the idea of the general principle : "The series of acts of the thirty-second Congress, the act known as the fugitive slave law included, are re- ceived and acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settlement, in principle and sub- stance, of the dangerous and exciting questions which they embrace, and so far as they are con- cerned we will maintain them and insist upon their strict enforcement until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity for further legislation." The free-soil democratic convention denounced the compromise measures of 1850 for "their omission to guarantee freedom in the free territories, and their attempt to impose unconstitutional limitations on the powers of Congress and the people who admit new states." The free-soilers, however, plainly opened the way for the repeal of the Missouri Com- promise, if it were found inexpedient, by declaring, "That the doctrine that any human law is a finality and not subject to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the founders of our government, and is dangerous to the liberty of the people." True, both the regular democratic and the whig convention resolved in the strongest terms against the further agitation of the slavery question in Congress or out; but Douglas could easily answer to the implication that he broke or was inclined to break these solemn party vows, that the organization of the Nebraska country was an enterprise that had been "dear to my heart" for ten years, and that he had no thought of mixing it up with the slavery question until it was forced upon him at the elev- enth hour by greedy and shortsighted representa- tives of the slavocracy. garded as the incidental repeal of the Mis- souri Compromise. In his noted speech in Chicago, October 23, 1850, he had very explicitly and broadly generalized the principle which he substituted for the Compromise : These measures are predicated on the great fundamental principle that every people ought to possess the right of forming and regulat- ing their own internal concerns and domestic institutions in their own way. . . These things are all confided by the constitution for each state to decide, and I know of no reason why the same principle should not be confided to territories. He cited the forcible fact that the two great political parties — whig and democrat — ■ in their national conventions in 1852 "adopted and affirmed the principles embodied in the compromise measures of 1850 as the rules of action by which they would be governed in all future cases in the organization of terri- torial governments and the admission of new states."^* Seward, Chase, and Sumner were the prin- cipal leaders of the opposition to the Kansas- Nebraska bill. Perhaps they had a finer ethi- cal and philanthropic instinct and purpose than Douglas. This is doubtless true at least of Chase and Sumner. It is true also of Lincoln, whom the new opportunity presented by the passage of the bill lured out of the hiding into which he had gone discouraged after his unfortunate participation with the Whig party in its opposition to the Mexican war, and discouraged also by the easy ascend- ency of Douglas in Illinois. But the position of Douglas was far different from that of either of the statesmen named. He had the tremendous responsibility of leadership of a party which was virtually without opposition and whose dominating element was fatuously bent, as it continued to be to its self-destruc- tion, on the expansion of slavery. To Douglas fell the colossal task of holding the dominat- ing pro-slavery element of his party at bay without destroying the party — and the Union. It would be rash to say that Seward, Chase, or Lincoln, who were all ambitious, practical politicians, would have done differently in Douglas's place. Seward and Lincoln repre- sented politically the echo of dying whiggism 134 HISTORY OF NEP.RASKA and Chase had cut loose from the democratic party. It was therefore easy for them to join the now swelling chorus of the North and of the civilized world against slavery. But Doug- las had the misfortune at this critical juncture of being the responsible leader of the dominant party and personally ambitious as well. Though Seward and Lincoln, and perhaps Chase, were already shaping the new anti- slavery republican party of which they were to become the ambitious leaders and the prime beneficiaries, yet as their aim was more remote than that of Douglas, its element of selfish- ness was not as apparent. Certain it is that in their early leadership of the republican party Seward and Lincoln compromised on the slavery question more than Douglas evaded — more than it was possible for him with his impetuous, Napoleonic, dictatorial spirit to trim. The dramatic halo of the Civil war, from whose embrace death snatched Douglas all too soon — for he had promptly and un- equivocally thrown his weighty influence on the side of the Union — hides all but martyr- dom and saintship in the character and career of Lincoln, and illuminates, if it does not exaggerate the moral heroism of Seward and Chase. It is not likely that an impartial esti- mate of these early republican leaders will ever be written. For an opposite reason no impartial or just estimate of Douglas has yet appeared. Estimate of Douglas. After the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill there was a mem- orable struggle in Kansas for six years between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery forces, both augmented by organized colonization from oth- er states, until the unhappy territory was ad- mitted as a state without slavery in January. 1861, just as the southern states were busy go- ing out of the Union. Actual experience in Kansas with the popular sovereignty plan of adjustment was sorry and sorrowful indeed. But this was a sorrowful and vexatious ques- tion, and under any plan there would have been an irrepressible conflict. It should suf- fice that though under Douglas's plan free- dom was born in sore travail, yet it seems not improbable but for that plan it had not been born at all ; and it is to the eternal credit of the courage and capacity of Douglas that there is no doubt that freedom won the day under his leadership against the now blind and mad greed and aggressiveness of the South and the truckling policy of Buchanan's adminis- tration. In the trial of a masterful states- man's character and career it should be esteemed a weighty matter that throughout his course and after he had compassed "the Kansas-Nebraska iniquity" this "subservient demagogue" remained the idol of his party in the North ; that the confidence of the exacting, destructive slave-power of the South was, on the other hand, always withheld from him, until it finally accomplished his undoing as well as that of his party and the Union. ^^'hile calm and ripened public opinion will not hold that Douglas ought to have consid- ered uncompromisingly and exclusively the welfare of the slave or the immoral quality of slavery, where the life of the Union, as well as that of his party, was already at stake, yet, obviously, he lacked that sentimental regard and sympathy for the negroes in bond- age which the civilized world now applauds in Garrison, Phillips, Sumner, and Chase, but which in effect cooperated with the fire-eating sentiment of the South in precipitating the war which otherwise might have been avoided. Perhaps Douglas played a hard-hearted as well as a desperate game, not guiltless of finesse, with his overbearing, cunning, and outnumbering southern party associates ; and perhaps he was over-selfish in yielding to the preposterous demand of a part of them for the repeal of the Compromise. But it would be rash as well as unjust to draw the sweep- ing conclusion that his ultimate motive was not patriotic or that he did not sincerely be- lieve that his substitute for the Compromise oiTered the most practicable solution of the momentous and vexatious question with which he was confronted. It was apparently not until some years after its passage that Nebraska was relegated to the rear in the name of the Kansas-Ne- braska bill and was thus deprived by its Jay- hawker neighbor of its immemorial prece- PROPOSED BOUNDARIES 135 dence and of the full flame or notoriety of its relation to this famous or infamous act. Douglas constantly referred to it as the Ne- braska bill as late, at least, as the time of his debates with Lincoln in 1858; but in his noted article in Harper's Magasine, of September. 1859, he commits the error of stating that the act "is now known on the statute book as the Kansas-Nebraska act." The act is in fact entitled in the statute as "an act to organ- ize the territories of Nebraska and Kansas" ; but the Illinois democratic convention of 1860 called the measure by its present name. 'The misnomer, and the usurpation by Kansas of first place in the name, may probably be cred- ited to the fact that it is more easily spoken in that form, and that the spectacular and tragical political procedure in "bleeding Kan- sas" during the years immediately following the passage of the bill gave the territory the full place in the public eye to the exclusion of Nebraska with the comparatively tame events of its organization. Thus Louisiana territory was conceived by the exigencies and on the threshold of a mighty international struggle which resulted in the annihilation of the greatest and most imperious of potentates ; and Nebraska, child of Louisiana, was conceived by the exigencies and in the beginning of a great national strug- gle, in which the no less imperious power of human slavery was also to meet its doom. The organic acts for Nebraska and Kansas which were finally adopted contained a guar- antee, not found in the bills offered by Doug- las in 1844 and 1848, that the boundaries should not "include any territory which by treaty with any Indian tribe is not, without the consent of said tribe, to be included within the territorial limits or jurisdiction of any state or territory ; but all such territory shall be excepted out of the boundaries and consti- tute no part of the territory of Nebraska until such tribe shall signify their assent to the president of the United States to be included within the said territory of Nebraska." This clause was inserted in the Indian provisions of the Richardson bill, doubtless as a result of the strenuous opposition to the organiza- tion of the territory on the part of the East and Southwest, and it was retained in the Dodge bill. Proposed Boundaries. The bill of 1844 provided that "the existing laws of the terri- tory of Iowa shall be extended over the said territory," but "the governor, secretary, and territorial judge, or a majority of them, shall have power and authority to repeal such of the laws of the territory of Iowa as they may consider inapplicable and to adopt in their stead such laws of any of the states or other _ territories as they may consider necessary," subject to the approval of Congress ; thus fol- lowing the principle of the original provisions of the Ordinance of 1787 for territories of the first grade. This bill of 1844 followed the Ordinance of 1787 in providing for a second grade or representative government : but while under the Ordinance five thousand free male inhabitants were recjuired as a condition prece- dent to legislative government, under the Douglas bill the requirement was five thousand inhabitants merely, only excepting Indians. The Ordinance provided that an elector should own fifty acres of land in his representative district, and that to be eligible to membership in the legislature one should own two hundred acres of land within his district ; the Douglas bill required no property qualification in either case, but that members of the legislature should have the same qualifications as voters. While the Ordinance did not, specifically at least, exclude negroes from the elective fran- chise, the Douglas bill limited that right to free white male citizens for the first election and empowered the legislature to define the suffrage qualifications thereafter. On the 7th day of January, 1845, A. V. Brown of Tennessee, member of the House committee on territories, reported a bill amendatory to the Douglas bill which required that there should be five thousand white inhabitants before the territory should be entitled to a legislature. This bill also changed the provisions of the original bill relating to the judiciary system. The boundary described in the bill of 1848 dififered from that of the bill of 18-14 in start- 136 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ing where the 40th parallel of latitude crosses the Missouri river instead of at the confluence of the Kansas and Missouri rivers — a little above 39° ; in running to the 43d parallel instead of the mouth of the Niobrara river, a little to the south, and then following the river to that parallel; and on the south in running along the 40th parallel instead of the devious course, ending at the east on the 38th parallel as already outlined. The bill of 1848 followed Brown's amendment in requiring five thousand white inhabitants before change to legislative government and also in the pro- visions for the judiciary, and the bill of 1844 in requiring the approval of the enactments of the legislature by Congress before they should become vaHd. In other respects the bills in question are all essentially alike. The boundary described in the Richardson bill of February 2, 1853, differed from its predecessor of 1848 in following the summit of the Rocky mountains on the west instead of a right line south from the point of inter- section of the northern line with the moun- tains—which did not appreciably alter the western boundary of the part of the territory included in the bill of 1848 — and in adopting the northern line of New Mexico and the parallel of 36° 30' instead of the 40th parallel as the boundary on the south. In the Richardson bill the feature of legis- lation by the governor, secretary, and terri- torial judge is left out, and legislation bv a general assembly from the first is provided for ; but all enactments of the legislature must be approved by Congress to become effective. Only free white male citizens could vote or hold office. Since the territory was to pass its own laws, the provision of the bill of 1848, extending the laws of Iowa over the territory except as they might be repealed by the gov- ernor, secretary, and judge was dropped. With these exceptions the bills were essen- tially alike. The boundaries in the Dodge bill of De- cember 14, 1853, were identical with those of the Richardson bill and the bills were other- wise alike in all important provisions. The boundary of the final organic act differed from that of the Richardson and Dodge bills in taking in all the remainder of the Louisiana Purchase on the north, except that part of Minnesota lying west of the Mississippi river, instead of running only to the 43d parallel ; and on the south in running down to the 37th parallel instead of 36° 30'. There are two other important points of dift'erence between the final organic act and the bills which pre- ceded it, namely, that of the famous provision with regard to slavery and the dropping of the provision that legislation by the territorial assembly must be approved by Congress to become operative. This proviso was retained even in the substitute of January 23, 1854. The other bills also provided that the governor should act as superintendent of Indian affairs in place of those officers stationed at St. Louis, but this feature was dropped from the final bill. The similarity of the main provisions of all these bills is explained by the fact that they, like the organic acts of all the territories which have been organized since 1787, except that of Florida, which was patterned after the Louisiana act, were constructed upon the framework of the immortal Ordinance of the Northwest Territory. Nebraska was distin- guished in being the first territory with an elective legislature whose laws were not re- quired to be submitted to Congress for approval before becoming effective. This submission was not required by the Ordi- nance of 1787, presumably because the gov- ernor, whose assent to legislative acts was required, and the upper house of the legis- lature were appointed by the president of the United States. There was a departure from this principle in the case of the territorial government at Orleans — the first government established by the Lhiited States within the Louisiana Purchase. Though the governor and the legislative body, consisting of a coun- cil of thirteen members, were appointed by the president, yet, as they were residents of the territory so lately alien in fact, and still so in spirit, it was doubtless deemed discreet that Congress should have the power of veto- ing their enactments. The organic acts of SUFFRAGE QUALIFICATIONS 137 the earlier territories, such as Indiana, Mis- sissippi, Michigan, IlHnois, and Kentucky and Tennessee of the southwest territory followed closely the Ordinance of 1787. Missouri, the first territory organized after the original divi- sion of the Louisiana Purchase into the terri- tory of Orleans and the district of Louisiana, was at once allowed a legislative assembly, though the members of the upper house were appointed by the president. In the organic act of Indiana, however, (1800) the first division of the Northwest Ter- ritory, a provision that the terriory might have a legislature, "so soon as the governor thereof shall be satisfied that it is the desire of a majority of the freeholders thereof." was substituted for the rigid condition of the Ordi- nance of 1787 requiring five thousand free male inhabitants. No provision was made for a legislature in the organic act of the district of Louisiana (1805), and that of Michigan passed the same year merely adopted the Ordi- nance of 1787. The right of freeholders to decide when a legislature should be estab- lished was left to lUinois (1809) and Arkan- sas (1819). The organic act of IMissouri (1812), and all the territories established after 1809 provided for immediate legislative as- semblies. Wisconsin ( 1836), the next terri- tory organized — excepting Florida — was the first to come in with the right to elect both houses of the legislature, but the act con- tained the offset that "all the laws of the governor and legislative assembly shall be submitted to, and, if disapproved by the Con- gress of the United States, the same shall be null and of no effect." This provision for sub- mission of the enactments to Congress was in- corporated in the organic acts of all the terri- tories organized from that time until Nebraska and Kansas were reached. Such undemocratic surveillance would have been galling to the spirit of populuar sovereignty which pervaded the Kansas-Nebraska act, and the two princi- ples were quite incompatible. Under the Ordinance of 1787 members of the legislative council were required to be freeholders to the extent of five hundred acres, and electors, fifty acres. Members of the coun- cil of thirteen of the territory of Orleans were required to be holders of real estate. In the Missouri territorial act members of the council were required to own two hundred acres of land, and members of the house were required to be freeholders ; only free white males who were taxpayers could vote. This provision of the Missouri act was applied to Arkansas. While the Ordinance of 1787 did not specif- ically restrict the suffrage of whites, it did provide that appointment should be based upon the number of free males. The act of Congress (1808) "extending the right of suffrage" in Missouri restricted it to free white males, but who should also hold fifty acres of land in ac- cordance with the Ordinance of 1787. This restriction of suffrage to "free white males" is found in every subsequent territorial act to and including that of Montana passed in 1864, excepting those of Oregon and Washington in which the term "white male" is used. But, beginning with Wisconsin, and until Wyoming was reached, the legislative assemblies of the territories were left free by the organic acts to prescribe the qualifications of voters. CHAPTER VI The Mormons in Nebraska THE religious sect, self-styled Latter Day Saints, but commonly known as Mor- mons, arose in the state of New York in the year 1830. On account of their fanatical reli- gious zeal and some of their tenets and prac- tices, which were inconsistent or incompatible with the civilization surrounding them, this pe- culiar people enuilated "Little Jo" in the desire or necessity for moving on. The principal body of them had drifted as far west as Missouri, suiting in the assassination of the prophet, Jo- seph Smith, and his brother Hyruni, the "Great Patriarch," in January. 1846, the coun- cil of the church proclaimed the intention of the sect once more to move on, and this time to their final retreat at Salt Lake, beyond the great range of mountains, which were then an vmsurmountable Ijarrier to the advanc- ing civilization of the Plains. But 1;)efore this, September 9, 1845, it had been determined to Eiif^roring from an ml f^tiiiiting i'l llic f^attu'C of Brigliam Vonn^ Joseph Smith Hvrum Smith Founder of the Mormon clinrch Great Patrinrcli where they had settled in comparative isola- tion in Caldwell, Clay, and Jackson counties. Driven from their locality \)y hostile public opinion or prejudice, in 1S40, they were at first welcomed to the neighborhood in Illinois nearly opposite the mouth of the Des ]\Ioines river, where they founded the town of Nauvoo. After little more than five years spent in this ha\en, the latter of which were given to riotous troubles re- send at once an advance party to the general rendezvous. The first detachment, comprising about sixteen hundred men, women and chil- dren, and including the principal officers of the church, started westward early in Feliruary, the main body following in detachments, at intervals ; and during the spring months as many as 16.000 persons and 2.000 wagons were ferried across the Mississi])pi. These poorlv equipjied and provisioned unfortunates THE MORMONS IN NEBRASKA 139 suffered indescribable hardships, which were increased by the unusual severity of the winter. When spring had fairly opened, scarcely half the journey across Iowa had been accomplished. Portions of the emigrants settled on the lands of the Sac and Fox Indians, where they proceeded to develop farms and to erect log houses which were to serve as camps for those who were to follow the pioneers. Other camps, some of them of a permanent character, were established along the route — at Sugar Creek, Richardson Point, Lost Camp, Locust Creek, Sargeants Grove, Campbells Grove, and Indian Town. Many remained at these places on ac- count of the lack of means for proceeding, and some returned to the eastern states. As many as 12,000 were at Garden Grove, Mt. Pisgah, and in settlements west of these places. Pres- ident Brigham Young, "with a number of prominent brethren," reached the Missouri river on the 14th of June, 1846, at a point near the present Council Bluffs. They camped in the hills until a ferry boat could be built. The boat was launched on the 29th and the next day the emigrants began to cross the river. The other companies, as they arrived from time to time, camped at Council Point, Mynster Springs, Rushville, and Traders Point. Though all beyond the Missouri was "Indian country" and forbidden to settlement or invasion by white men, these determined pioneers pushed westward, opening roads and building bridges across the Papillion and the Elkhoni for the passage of the main body. Some of these forerunners went as far as the Pawnee villages in the fall of 1846, and then proceeded to the northward, wintering near the mouth of the Niobrara river, where they received a friendly welcome from the Indians in that locality. They spent the winter in improvised shanties, some of cottonwood logs, but many of much less substantial and pre- tentious construction. The main body of the Mormons crossed the Missouri river by the ferry at Florence and by Sarpy's ferry at Traders Point. The principal camp was at Cutler's park to the northwest of the last named ferry. Here they entered into friendly relations with Big Elk. the noted Omaha chief, and obtained permission to re- main in that neighborhood for two years. By the end of the summer of 1846 upwards of 12,000 Mormons were in the camps on both sides of the Missouri river. Soon after the Alexican war broke out Gen- eral Kearny gave Captain James Allen au- thority to enlist soldiers among the Mormons, and he raised, in two weeks, a battalion of five companies — "nearly 600 souls" ; but this event delayed the start across the plains until the next year. At Fort Leavenworth each soldier received a bounty of $40, which was largely used for relieving the extreme wants of the people in the Mormon camps. During the summer and fall of 1846 the camps were infected by a scrofulous or ma- larial disease which had been very fatal among the Indians during the previous year. As many as 600 of the Mormons died at the Flor- ence camp. The pestilence returned each sum- mer up to 1851, and invaded the camps on both sides of the Missouri river. The great camp on the site of the present Florence was called "Winter Quarters," and there some 3,500 of the emigrants spent the severe winter of 1846-1847. By December, 1846, this magic village counted 538 log and 83 sod houses, which were symmetrically ar- ranged along regularly laid-out streets. Brig- ham Young, the masterful director of this remarkable enterprise, described the village as follows : The buildings were generally of logs, from twelve to eighteen feet long; a few were split and made from linn (linden or basswood) and cottonwood timber ; many roofs were made by splitting oak timber into boards, called shakes, about three feet long and six inches wide, and kept in place by weights and poles; others were made of willows, straw, and earth, about a foot thick. Some of puncheons. Many cab- ins had no floors ; there were a few dug-outs on the side hills — the fireplace was cut out at the upper end. The ridge pole was supported by two uprights in the center and roofed with straw and earth, with chimneys of prairie sod. The doors were made of shakes with wooden hinges and a string latch ; the inside of the log house was daubed with clay ; a few had stoves. Schools, churches, and the ecclesiastical- 140 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA civic government peculiar to the Mormons were established in Winter Quarters. An ex- pensive flouring mill was built, the machinery for which cost as much as $8,000. During the winter the women made large numbers of willow baskets ; and for the lack of forage several thousand cattle were wintered on the Iowa side of the river in Harrison and Monona counties, where they fed on the rush bottoms, said to have been extensive there at that time. Both of the "twin relics of barbarism" were planted, though temporarily, in Nebraska. The Mormons practiced polygamy, to some extent at least, at Winter Quarters ; but the statement that Brigham Young's own inven- tory of his family counted sixty-six, though apologetically the narrator insists that some of the children were his only by adoption, should be accepted as an illustration of the fact that polygamy existed and not as a fact itself. In the large octagonal council house the revelations concerning the grand march to Salt Lake, which Young had received in fore-handed season — during the month of January — were formally arranged and con- firmed. The Cutler's park camp had been moved to Winter Quarters in October, and the advance guard returned from their win- ter's sojourn at Niobrara in the spring of 1847. Heber C. Kimball started six teams west- ward on the 5th of April, 1847, and the party went into camp on the Elkhorn ; but Kim- ball returned to Winter Quarters to attend the conference held on the 6th, at which the final arrangements were made for the de- parture of the pioneer band, which was to explore the Rocky mountain basin in search of a final rest for the saints. Besides Young and Kimball, prominent among those who attended this remarkable conference, of great social interest and import, were Wil- ford Woodruff, Orson Pratt, George A. Smith, Willard Richards, Amasa Lyman, and Ezra T. Benson. These were of the twelve apostles. On Wednesday, April 7, 1847, this pioneer band moved out of Winter Quarters, and after the first dav's inarch thev halted at the rendezvous which had been established by Kimball on the Elkhorn river two days be- fore. Here the final apportionment of goods to be carried and other arrangements in de- tail were made. On the 8th another party started for the rendezvous ; and on the 9th still another, including Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball. This party joined others who had assembled at Cutler's park, and they camped the first night four miles east of Papillion creek. The main body of the pioneer band reached the Elkhorn river on the nth. The leaders returned from these outposts from time to time to Winter Quar- ters ; but on the 14th the final departure took place, the last wagons leaving at two o'clock in the afternoon. Brigham Young and other prominent leaders were in this party. They traveled nineteen miles that day and camped near Papillion creek, and reached the Elkhorn the next day half an hour before noon. The river was crossed on a raft which had been constructed by the advance band. On the 23d a part of the teams forded "the dangerous Loup Fork of the Platte." It was then decided that it was necessary to build a raft to assist in the crossing. On the 28th the party camped near the present site of Grand Island. They kept along the north side of the Platte river and reached Scotts Bluff, not far from the present Wyoming boundary, on the 27th of May. They entered Salt Lake valley July 2ist, and on the 22d selected a camping ground on the present site of Salt Lake City. This pioneer band of Mormon emigrants comprised 149 people, including three women — Harriet Page Wheeler Young, wife of Lorenzo D. Young; Clara Decker Young, wife of Brigham Young; and Kllen Saunders Kimball, wife of Heber C. Kim- Ijall — 247 animals and 72 wagons. These were loaded with provisions and farm ma- chinery. This itinerary is from the record of the journal kept by Apostle Orson Pratt, who measured the distance from Winter Quarters to the eighth ward square. Salt Lake City, as i,o54''4 miles. THE MORMONS IN NEBRASKA 141 Brigham Young started back to Winter Quarters on the 26th of August with a party of 107 persons, arriving October 31st. After the departure of the pioneer band from Winter Quarters, the others who were able to travel organized a company called the First Immigration. It comprised 1,553 people, with about 560 wagons with a large amount of live stock and poultry. This ex- pedition was under command of Parley P. Pratt and John Taylor, and it reached Salt Lake valley in several divisions during the fall of 1847. The consummate organizing ability of Brigham Young, if not of others of the Mormon leaders, was shown in this great exodus from Nebraska. Young, who went with the pioneer band, was chosen lieutenant-general. The subsequent expedi- tions were organized and conducted with military precision, being divided into com- panies of 100 each, subdivided into bands of 50 and squads of 10, each of the companies being commanded by a captain, and all under the authority and command of the high council of the church. Outriders se- lected each camp on the day preceding, and formed a skirmish line. The wagons pro- ceeded in a double column and at every im- portant halting place were formed in two arcs of circles, openings being left between the sections ; the tongues of the wagons pointed outward, each front wheel lapping the hind wheel of the next wagon. The cattle were confined inside this efifective cor- ral and fortification, and guards were sta- tioned at the two openings. The people, for the reason presumably that they were not, like the cattle, subject to stampede, took their chances in tents pitched outside the ramparts. When the camp abutted on a large stream, the wagons were arranged in a semicircle, each extremity resting upon the river, which answered for a defense on that side. Overlapping extensions widened the wagon beds to six feet, and they were laden with farm machinery, grains for seed and provender, and the familiar coops of chickens. The larger prairie schooners were drawn by six oxen ; but there were all sizes and grades of vehicles between this king' of emigrant travel and a cart drawn by a single cow. The wily and wary In-- dians soon discovered the perfect armed organization of the Mormons, and with the exception of occasional attempts to stam- pede the cattle, they traversed the country of the hostiles without serious attempts at de- predation or attack. In May, 1848, Brigham Young headed an expedition from Winter Quarters, compris- ing 1,229 people and 397 wagons; Heber C. Kimball headed another in July, comprising 662 people and 226 wagons ; and Willard Brigh.^m Young Richards, following not long after with 526 persons and 169 wagons, left Winter Quar- ters a deserted camp. The general Mormon emigration over this route continued to be extensive, though gradually falling ofif, till as late as 1852. The route of emigration from Great Britain was by way of New Orleans up the Mississippi and Missouri rivers to Independence, and thence by the Oregon trail, or for those who preferred it, the old route to Council Point near Kanes- ville. The principal crossing was at Beth- lehem, opposite the mouth of the Platte 142 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA river. Old Fort Kearney, and subsequent to 1856, Wyoming, Otoe county, shared this northern Mormon travel. It now followed along the south side of the Platte to New Fort Kearney. "The trail officially recog- nized and directed was along the north bank of the Platte, leaving Kanesville by way of Crescent, making a rendezvous at Boyer Lake or Ferryville, crossing the river to the abandoned Winter Quarters, then to the Elkhorn rendezvous, with ferries ovei the Elkhorn and Loup. All the sunflower trails converged at Fort Laramie. The North Plate route was deemed the more healthful, and was thus constantly urged and recommended by the church authorities at Kanesville. Orson Hyde counted 500 graves on the trail south of the Platte and but three north of the Platte, from the Missouri to Fort Laramie." Several thousand Mormons, through dis- affection or lack of means for traveling, re- mained in the Missouri valley — in south- western Iowa; and as late as 1853 Potta- wattamie county was under their complete political control, which was exercised in the choice of political officers, including mem- bers of the legislature, with the same rigid exclusiveness that has characterized their governinent in L'tah, and which is charac- teristic of all combinations of religious zealots. The inevitable depredations of the ag- gressive Mormons upon the groves of tim- ber adjacent to their camps west of the Missouri caused serious trouble with the In- dians within a year after the settlement on that side ; and those who had not emigrated westward were obliged to settle on the eastern side of the river by permission of the Pottawattomies to remain there for five years. They settled in the Indian creek valley, in the heart of the present site of Council Bluffs, gathering around an old block house there which belonged to the United States. The settlement was at first called "Miller's Hollow," after the Mormon bishop, Miller; Colonel Thomas L. Kane, brother of Elisha Kent Kane, the arctic ex- plorer, was possessed of a dominant spirit, and though a gentile was friendly to the Mormons ; so Kanesville supplanted the original name bestowed by or in honor of their own bishop. CHAPTER VII The First Governor- - RivAE Towns — Oet-anization — Election Precincts Capital Controvbrsv — First Election First GOV ERN OR BURT- Francis -Burt was already a man of mark in the nation when, at the age of forty-seven years, he was appointed by President FrankHn Pierce,.Jh.e.. first governor of Ne- braska.^ His previous training and expe- rience in political public service excelled that of any governor^9f the state. He was a lawyer'^Py" profession, but at an early age began to take an active part in politics. He was a member of the famous nullification convention of South Carolina — his native state — in 1832, and then, at the age of twenty-five, began a career of nearly con- tinuous membership in the state legislature, initil in 1844 he was elected state treasurer. From 1847 to 185 1 he was editor of the Pendleton Messenger. In 1852 he sat as a member of the constitutional convention of his state, and was then again elected a mem- ber of the legislature. In 1853, soon after the inauguration of President Pierce, he was appointed third auditor of the treasury of the United States, and it is said that his executive services in that department until he was relieved by the appointment as gov- ernor were unusually efficient. A glance at the famous nullification con- vention and the conditions out of which it grew, reveals in an interesting way the po- litical character of the first governor of Ne- braska and political conditions in the coun- try when the territory started on its organ- ized career. Roughly speaking, the north- ern states in the first quarter of the nine- teenth century were looking mainly to manufactures, while the southern states were looking to agriculture. As a growing sentiment against slavery became manifest in the North about this time, alarm for its safety had begun in the South. While the sentiment of the people of the South was, for economic reasons, naturally against a protective tariff which, while it taxed their importations, could not benefit them, since they had no expectations of developing manufactures, yet the doctrine of rigid con- struction of powers of the Constitution, which they began to advocate about this time, was intended primarily as a defense against congressional interference with slavery. But these economic conditions were the immediate occasion, if they were not the prime cause of the attempt to nullify the protective tariff acts of 1828 and 1832. South Carolina had cast her industrial fortunes upon agriculture alone, and upon a single Ijranch of agriculture, namely, cotton grow- ing. Cotton was therefore the only impor- tant domestic product which the people of South Carolina had to exchange for the manufactured necessaries and luxuries then imported from European countries, and they felt and resented the high tariff of 1828 and 1832 as a direct and heavy burden upon their means of subsistence. And so they then and there began the rebellion which ripened in i860 and ended in 1S65. In his message to the special session of the legislature which had been called to pro- vide for the convention. Governor James Hamilton, Jr., insisted that the Union was "a confederacy composed of coequal and 1 William O. Butler of Kentucky had been previ- ously appointed governor of Nebraska territorv, but declined the office. Harper's Monthly, vol. i.x. p. 398. 144 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA The resolutions which the convention adopted declared that the objectionable tariff laws "are unauthor- ized by the Constitution of the United States, and violate the true meaning and intent thereof, and are null, void and no law, not binding upon the state, its officers or citizens" ; that it was the duty of the legis- Court, and that any attempt by federal authority to enforce the tariff laws would absolve the state from the Union.- Twenty- six members of the convention had the courage to vote against the adoption of the ordinance, but Governor Burt was not of them. He was one of the 136 voting aye.^ And yet when we consider times and con- From a photosraph owned by the Nebraska State Historical Society Francis Burt First governor of Nebraska territory lature to adopt measures to enforce the or- dinance and prevent the enforcement and arrest the operation of the acts annulled ; that no suits brought in the state courts in- volving the validity of the ordinance or leg- islative enactments to enforce it should be appealed to the United States Supreme ditions, this drastic and revolutionary act should not excite our wonder. We may not affirm that Massachusetts would not then have acted similarly under similar serious provocation. There was as yet no strong - Niles' Register, vol. xliii, p. 219. ^Ibid., p. 277. THE FIRST GOVERNOR 145 or distinct comprehension of the importance or sacredness or inviolability of the union ; and an adequate sentiment of this sort could only be awakened by a shock. The first awakening shock came with the clash of Jackson's imperious championship of a real union against this very South Carolina doctrine of the rope of sand — of nullifica- tion. The final shock did not come till the day of Appomattox. In 1854, as in 1832, the South dominated the Union, South ■ Carolina dominated the South, and the Burt family were to the South Carolina manner born, and were of influential standing in that turbulent, intractable, and irrepressible commonwealth. Armistead Burt was even more promi- nent in public affairs than his younger brother, our Nebraska governor. He was a member of the House of Representatives for five consecutive terms, from 1843 to 1853, and was temporary speaker of the Thirtieth Congress for a short time during the illness of the speaker. He survived, the Civil war, politically as well as physically, and was a member of the South Carolina legislature of 1865 which enacted the "black code," and in 1876 assisted General Wade Hampton in the revolutionary political movement which rid the state of the carpet- bag regime. Episodes in his career in Con- gress, at the time when Douglas was first undertaking the political organization of the vast northwest territory known as Ne- braska, indicate the short-sighted, imperi- ous presumption and narrow provincialism of the pro-slavery sentiment, which was to overreach itself in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise by the Nebraska bill — the first step toward its self-destruction, secession being the second, and war the third and last. On the 21st of February, 1844, there was a sharp debate in the House over an attempt on the part of anti-slavery members to ignore or set aside the rule made by the Twenty-fifth Congress excluding petitions for the abolition of slavery, and Mr. Burt, answer- ing Eeardsley of New York, uttered the following fiery speech: Language is impotent to express the in- tensity of scorn and contempt with which South Carolina regards the miserable, up- start morality of the North which attempts to hold up her domestic institutions to the odium of the world. . . The gentleman from Maine (Severance) has told the House that that class of petitions will never cease until Congress does its duty by abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia ; but I beg permission to say that whenever that discussion is raised in this hall it will be the last subject that an American Congress will ever discuss here. The South would re- gard it as a declaration of war, and she would act accordingly. She would not al- low that government to which she had sur- rendered certain attributes of her sov- ereignty for the protection of this property to be permitted in any form to invade it.' It must have been obvious at the time that the settlers of Nebraska would be strongly anti-slavery in sentiment, and it is indicative of the subservient spirit of Mr. Pierce's administration that a man so widely distant in both sentiment and location should be sent to rule over them. Our wonder is increased by the reflection that the great hardships incident to traversing the vast physical distance cost the first gov- ernor his life. With the exception of the short beginning of the Milwaukee & Mississippi railroad — from Milwaukee, the Chicago & Rock Is- land to the Mississippi, and a few spurs or beginnings in Illinois, no railways had been built west of a line drawn north and south through Chicago. Most of the railways of the country were confined to southern Michigan, Ohio, and the northeastern and southeastern states. Governor Burt was commissioned Au- gust 2, 1854, and on the 11th of September following he left his home — Pendleton, South Carolina — for Nebraska, accompa- nied by his young son, Armistead, and sev- eral neighbors who intended to settle in the new territory. The party traveled by fre- quent alternations of private conveyance, "stage," railway, and steamboat. The ex- treme isolation of Nebraska and the pro- gress of railways toward the west at that time are illustrated in an interesting man- * Cong. Globe, vol. xiii, pp. 303-304. 146 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ner Ijy the account of this journey given in a recent letter to the editor from Dr. Armi- stead Burt at his home in New Mexico. From Chicago they might have gone by the Chicago and Rock Island railroad, which had been completed to the Mississippi river earlier in the year 1854, but since they could go part of the way to St. Louis by railroad and the rest of the journey by steamboat they preferred that route rather than to cross the unsettled plains of Iowa by wagon. This very complicated and difficult guber- natorial journey was suggestive of the con- temporary condition of politics and of the hard road over which Douglas, with his new whip of popular sovereignty, as em- bodied in the Nebraska bill, was attempt- ing to drive the democratic, party. And yet, though the course of the governor and that of the intrepid leader of the democracy alike led to tragic disaster, it is doubtful that either could have chosen a better or wiser one. Comparison of the material and political condition of the country at that time, as illustrated by these aims and strug- gles of Burt and of Douglas, with present conditions reveals the miracle that has been wrought within the memory of living men. Governor Burt was very ill when he reached St. Louis and was obliged to stop over there several days, confined to his bed. By the time he reached Bellevue, on the 7th of October, he had grown still worse, and he continued to sink until his death, which occurred October i8th. He took the oath of office on the i6th, before Chief Jus- tice Ferguson, and so was governor two days. Correspondence between Mrs. Burt and her husband shows that she repined over his absence at his post in Washington, and when he submitted to her the question of his acceptance of the governorship of Ne- braska she replied eagerly that she would go anywhere if they could only be together. These letters show that it was the govern- or's intention to live permanently in Ne- braska, and his wife urged tenderlv that he deserved a wider field for his abilities than was afforded by the little isolated town of Pendleton. It appears also that before the Nebraska appointment came they bitterly resented the failure of President Pierce to appoint Mr. Burt governor of Kansas ac- cording to a promise which they under- stood he had made. The story of the gov- ernor's funeral journey back to Pendleton and to the wife is in pathetic contrast to the eager hope and solicitude she had expressed for a permanent family home, though in an unknown and immeasurably distant coun- try. On the 19th of October, Acting Governor Cuming appointed Barton Green, Col. Ward B. Howard, James Doyle, and W. R. Jones as an escort for the body of Governor Burt to his South Carolina home. They were al- lowed from the contingent fund $2 a day and actual traveling expenses, and the boy, Ar- mistead Burt, was allowed traveling ex- penses to Pendleton. It has already been pointed out that west- ern border lowans were the self-constituted but logical "next friends'' of prospective Nebraska, and the following picture of con- ditions and prospects of the coming terri- tor}- drawn by Mr. Henn, representative from western Iowa, in a speech in the House of Representatives, March 3, 1854, already quoted from, should be regarded as fairly true to nature : Ten years ago we looked for a further west, and for a time when Iowa was to be a frontier state no longer. Step by step that emigrating spirit, which first breathed .\merican air on Plymouth Rock, was look- ing forward to the beautiful valleys of the Platte and the Kansas. Nebraska, a name familiar only to Indian ears, was in a few short months becoming a watchword for the frontier settlers. The year 1846 found not a few on the banks of the Missouri await- ing legal authority to cross and occupy "those green meadows prepared by nature's hand." In the summer of 1853 not less than 3,000 souls had assembled on the frontiers of Iowa ready to make their future home on. that soil.^ ' -Appendix Cong. Globe, vol. xxi.x, p. 88S. RIVAL TOWNS 147 He then goes on to say that he had voted against the measure for territorial organi- zation a year ago to save the rights of the Indians, but in favor of appropriations for securing treaties since made. According to rehable estimates, he said, there were now in Nebraska 9,000,000 acres of land ob- tained from the Indians by purchase and treaty, and 12,133,120 acres heretofore owned by the United States — in all, 21,- 133,120 acres open for settlement. Replying to the objection raised by op- ponents of the bill that "there are no peo- ple in the country proposed to be organized except Indians, half-breeds, traders, soldiers, and those in the employ of the Indian Rival Towns. But in numbers, aspira- tions, and hopes the carpet-bag politicians and other promoters of the infant territory were as great as its actual population was small, and the townsites did not fall below them in any of the qualities named. The first number of the Arrozv makes a round- up of those worthy of notice. These pioneers attached great impor- tance to the esthetic quality of the sites of the future cities, and it was exploited to the utmost in the acrimonious controversies over the respective merits of Omaha and Bellevue. To the Palladium's observation that "Belleview is admitted by every im- portant observer to be the most command- From drawing by Geo. Simons, in the frontier sketch book of N. P. Dodge First Claim Cabin in Nebr.^ska Built by Daniel Norton, between Omaha and Bellevue, in 1853 bureau," Mr. Henn said that a few months ago this was no doubt the case, because the people of the frontier were law-abiding and unwilling to interfere with the regulations of the government which forbade their oc- cupancy of the country. Yet an intelligent citizen had informed him that two months since there were between five hundred and six hundred whites within that territory by permission of officers of the government — three hundred at Fort Laramie, two hundred at Fort Kearney, and feeventy-five scattered at other points. Within three days after the passage of the bill, he asserted, there would be not less than three thousand peo- ple in Nebraska ; and the same conditions existed in Kansas. ing and beautiful location," the Arrow re- plies that Omaha "is nevertheless a hand- some place"; and in detail: "It occupies a beautiful plateau, sloping well to the river. The view is extensive and pic- turesque, taking in a .long reach of the river both up and down, the broad, rich bottom lands dotted over with fields, houses and cattle, and a strange, romantic, and be- wildering background of indented and variously formed bluffs." Nor was the industrious promulgation of this early "Iowa idea" confined to the local field. In the same issue of the Arrozv is copied correspondence of the old Ohio State Journal which tells the old, old story : But the site which seems to me to contain 148 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA the most advantages is that of the city of Omaha. . . The plat is most beautiful and attractive. . . Several gentlemen of capital and great influence are interested in this new city and a regular survey and platting of premises is now going on. Be- ing so near Council Bluft's, the only town of any size in western Iowa, it has many ad- vantages as the seat of government, and a vigorous efifort is being made by those hav- ing influence in the right quarter to secure that object. A public square and a state house will be donated by the company for this purpose. If it succeeds Omaha will at once take rank as the first city in Nebraska, and if the roads come to Council Bluffs it will, whether it becomes the capital or not, assume an important position. his reckoning. He could with some safety discount the influences around him which, about two years later, diverted the Rock Island down the Mosquito to Council Bluffs from its intended route down Pigeon creek to a terminus at the rock-bottom crossing opposite Florence. And while this reason was not free from the hit-or-miss element and the influence of the wish over the thought, yet it foreshadowed a great eco- nomic fact. Here the railway was to pre- cede occupancy and growth, and so, during an exceptionally long period of commercial and political dominance was to receive, if not to exact, from its creatures recognition. Drazvtng by Sunoiis, froui .V. i-'. Dodge skctcii booi: BellevuE. Nebraska, 1856 No. 1 (near center), old home of Peter A. Sarpy; No. 2 (in fore- ground), Sarpy's new home; No. 3, Indian mission; hill on extreme right, present site of Bellevue College. We may well believe that these esthetic conceits would be much less obtruded in a contest for the choice of a site of a capital in the face of the more dominant commer- cial spirit of the present. But our beauty- struck pioneers did not, after all, miss the main chance ; for in the same article the Arroiv significantly observes that, "in full view, and due east, is Council Bluft's City. the great and well known local point of the Iowa railroads." While this mouthpiece of Council Bluft's spoke wide of the fact — for that place had not been fixed upon then as the objective of any railroad — yet he did not speak without and obeisance as the creator of the com- monw-ealth. At the beginning Nebraska was a state without people, and it remained so, vir- tually, until their forerunners, the railroads, opened the way for and brought them. This phenomenon distinguishes the settlement of the trans-Missouri plains from that of the country eastward of them. There the railways followed the people. Here they preceded the people, and hither, as self- created immigration bureaus, they both persuaded and carried them. It was when the railways, having" crossed Illinois and having been projected across Iowa, pointed RI\'AL TOWNS 149 the way to the occupancy of the Plains that the people collected on the eastern bank of the Missouri river barrier and cast a wistful eye to the Nebraska Canaan. On these Plains, in their isolated state, the industrial arts were impracticable ; there was only the soil capable of produc- ing; staple foods. Until the railways came to carry the staple products of the soil to the far eastern market, and to bring back in exchange all the other necessities of life, in- cluding, besides the indispensable fuel, the very tools and material for cultivating the soil, the erection of shelter for man and beast and for all other improvements, life could be endurable only along the Missouri river, and comfortable nowhere. So great was the extremity in this beginning of civil- ized utilization of these Plains that even statesmen, usually the most ubiquitous of all ov:r animals, were wanting, necessitating the importation of members of Congress and even of the local legislature. The pleasantries and sarcasms of the mouthpieces of the two principal and rival towns lay bare, like searchlights, the ex- treme slenderness of the foundations on which the political beginning was to rest. The Arrozv of October 13, 1854, referring to a reception at Bellevue prepared for Governor Burt on his arrival, says it was reported that there were fifteen persons present — -"all the citizens and some neigh- bors." The Palladium of the week before had a sarcastic account of the editor's visit to Omaha. He tells us that after landing from the steam ferry-boat: We expected the beauty of the location would manifest itself at first glance, and then the commanding features we had often read of in the Arrozv, would at once claim our attention. But, instead of this we looked around wondering which way to go to find the city. We were at a loss at first to satisfy ourselves that it was actually spread out before us, and much more to identify the locality of its commanding point — -the focus of business. And then the outraged Arrozv lets fly in this spirited fashion, and though we are thankful for the information about Omaha which is disclosed by the retort, we cannot but feel that it is relatively blunt: Focus of business indeed ! Four months ago there was not a family upon this spot nor a house reared. Now there are two stores and some twenty houses, with a score more in progress. Query : Where is the "focus of business" at Belleview? When there has been one house reared upon the commanding site we shall not farther in- trude so impertinent an inquiry. The city of Belleview is easily found, not a building nor a pile of material obstructs the vision. The same number of the Arrozv an- nounced that arrangements had been made Charles H. Dow.\s Pioneer of Omaha, Nebraska at Omaha for a reception to Governor Burt "in a style which would have done credit to many an older place." The committee of reception were Charles B. Smith, Alfred D. Jones, William R. Rogers, Robert B, Whitted, Michael Murphy, William Clancy, Samuel A. Lewis, Charles H. Downs, Wil- liam N. Byers, and William Wright. The committee of arrangements were T. Allen, Charles B. Smith, David Lindley, Alexan- der Davis, and Charles H. Downs. "Both committees will continue in their respective stations until such time as the governor's health will justify their action." But the committees continued in their respective stations till, one by one, so far as is known. 150 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA with the single exceptiun of Charles H. Downs, they have been summoned to fol- low the ruler they were to honor to the other shore where mayhap the long pre- |)ared reception has at last been held. Though Secretary Cuming, who, by the death of Governor Burt and the provision of the organic act, became acting governor, was to be architect of the organic begin- ning of Nebraska, yet in a deeper and broader sense the beginning had taken place First chief justice of the supreme court of the terri- tory of Nebraska in the summer and fall of 1854, on the ad- vent of the settlers who came filled with the anticipations and hopes, accustomed to the asperities, inured to the hardships, and con- scious of the constructive responsibilities and duties of pioneer life. For fifty-one years after its acquisition the land these l)ioneers had come to possess had been an unorganized ])rairie wilderness. During all that time the geographers had described it as a part of the Great American Desert, un- fit for agriculture — of too arid a climate and too lean a soil to attract or sustain any considerable permanent civilized population. Organization. There were neither laws nor political organization. The bare and ill-defined territorial boundary was the only finger-mark of civilization or sign of civil- ized control. Writer and reader are able to remember that the nearest railway was yet three hundred miles from our borders. Re- liable estimates that property values, real and personal, are over three thousand mil- lion dollars in 1917 show the miracle wrought by these beginners whose creed has' been faith and good works. And this enormous and almost incomprehensible sum vested in the farms, homes, manufactories, railroads, and other belongings of Nebraska has been accumulated almost wholly by the tillage of its fecund soil. The homely art of plowing and the faithful labor of plant- ing, fused with domestic economy and good management by individual citizens, have popu- lated, organized, and developed the resources of the ninety-three counties, caused all the beautiful homes, the fruitful orchards, the bountiful crops, the thriving plants of manufacture, and the prosperous towns and cities to arise like exhalations upon the jjrairies. Then the most hopeful and pro- Ijhetic hardly expected to see any acre of Ne- braska land sold for agricultural purposes during his life for more than twenty-five dollars, or thought that improvement was practicable more than forty to sixty miles beyond our eastern border. Land in and of itself has no more exchangeable value than air and water; it depends for its value on human efTort put forth upon it, or in re- lation to it. As lately as 1866 one could get agricultural college scrip for fifty to seventy cents an acre. The value of lands then expressed in cents must be now ex- pressed in like luimbers of dollars. I offered to sell to some parties in New York City twenty thousand acres of Otoe county land for twenty thousand dollars. The proposition was based upon an option ORGANIZATION 131 of twenty thousand acres of college scrip, belonging to the state of Maryland, which a friend had secured for me. Elated at the prospect of making forty cents an acre I went in great haste to the city of New York, and there for two weeks labored to impress upon the minds of possible purchasers my faith that the land would be worth five or ten dollars an acre in ten or fifteen years. But, while they listened to my descrip- tions of the soil, its possibilities in produc- • tiveness, and my forecasts of future values, not a man of the wealthy financiers with whom I labored, and all of them had idle money, would buy an acre. The scheme fell through because, in the judgment of the New Yorkers, we were too remote from means of transportation." No railroad touched the east bank of the INIissouri opposite Nebraska until 1867. Then the Northwestern reached Council Bluits, and offered the farmers of this state their first rail connection with Chicago and the markets of the east. Those rails were laid in relation to Nebraska lands. The Rock Island and the Burlington soon fol- lowed, and, together with the Union Pacific and other railrc>ad lines on the west bank of the Missouri, contributed to establish land values from the river to the foothills of the mountains. The acting governor of Nebraska, Thomas B. Cuming, ostensibly lived on the town- site of Omaha, but he really abode at Coun- cil Bluft's. The city of Omaha had a popu- lation not e-xceeding one hundred and fifty. It had no hotel, only a half dozen finished cabins, a few shanties, and a tavern in pro- cess of erection to be called the Douglas House ; and neither man nor beast could yet find comfort there in the way of board and lodging. Of tawny autumnal color, the un- broken plains stretched from that hamlet to the Rocky mountains like a gigantic can- vas awaiting only the touch of intelligent industry to make it glow with all the vivid shades and colorings of modern civilization. But precedent to all enterprise and develop- ment was required the establishment of order, civil organization, and law. The organic act provided for that. The United States had authorized the president to ap- point for the territory a governor, a secre- tary, three district judges, a district attor- ney, and a marshal. President Franklin Pierce had named, and the Senate had con- firmed, Francis Burt of South Carolina, gov- ernor; Thomas B. Cuming of Iowa, secre- tary; Experience Estabrook of Wisconsin, United States district attornev ; Fenner Fer- J.\MIiS Br.'KDLEY Associate justice of the first supreme court of the territory of Nebraska guson of Michigan, chief justice; E. R. Har- den of Georgia and James Bradley of In- diana, associate justices of the supreme court ; and Mark W. Izard of Arkansas, United States marshal. Each of the judges of the supreme court was judge also of one of the three judicial districts. It will be seen that the carpet-bag system had full sway in that early day ; and under it the unfortunate territories, during their existence as such, continued to be the eleemosynary asylum for superannuated or superfluous politicians. In considering the question as to who should succeed Governor ^ Personal recollections of J. Sterling Morton. 152 HISTORY Ol' NEBRASKA Burt, the Umalia Arroiv furnishes us at once a strong and discriminating character- ization of the pioneers — the more forceful and interesting because "written on the spot," and by one of them — and an at- tacl< on the carpet-bag system : It is with heartfelt gratitication that we witness the degree of patriotism and self- sacrifice manifested of late by persons throughout the territory desirous of serving the "dear people" in the capacity of your humble servant, in the small number of of- fices within the gift of an honest pioneer constituency. Cosily seated as we are in our prairie sanctum, we can watch the whole field with a degree of pleasure, an interest unappreciated by the aspiring pa- triots or, genteelly termed, Nebraska state office seekers. . . We see around us and all over our terri- tory needy aspirants for the forty represen- tative offices within the gift of a constitu- ency who have led the van in opening one of the loveliest countries the sun ever shone upon. We see persons anxious, eager, striving for the votes of a people upon whom the old fogy sobriquet of squatters has often been applied, yet a people as hon- est, as noble, as generous, as hospitable, as practically and theoretically democratic as any in this broad land of ours. They are our friends and we are emphati- call)^ theirs. They have come here, not as aspirants for political favors, or under out- side pressure for patronage, but have come like us, to rear a home on the frontier, and freed from the anti-progressive customs of old states, act and feel as God in His wis- dom intended man to act and feel. In selecting those, therefore, who are to represent and make laws, to govern and protect us, we want practical, honest men ; we want men who are even above the sus- picion of being influenced by motives of pecuniary interest ; men who know the country and people whom they represent, who have been identified with their inter- ests, who have worked and will continue to work for those interests. . . We are half inclined to believe that every battle- riddled politician, every boaster of bold I)oliticaI deeds of days gone by, every rant- ing politician should be left to pursue any other avocation than to serve the "dear peo- ple," and plain, practical, progressive men be allowed to act for us in the legislative halls. Of all the creatures that roam this fair land of ours, whom we really most pity, and whom we hold in supreme contempt that species of greedy aspirants that always hurry to a new country to court public favor, without basing their claims upon the shadow of a right, stand in the superlative degree. We have no faith in their prom- ises, no faith in their actions. They cannot pass the ordeal among Nebraska voters. But our editor, like all of them who perch upon the tripod of the "organ," is no fool to make a stumbling block of his consis- tency, and does not hesitate to mock that bauble jewel. On the same page with his settler of carpet-bagism he declares that the appointment of Izard from the alien Arkan- sas country "would meet with the hearty concurrence of the people," and he reen- forces a puf? of Secretary Cuming of the foreign state of Iowa for the same office, which he has clipped from an Iowa paper, with the assurance that "his many friends here would heartily rejoice at such a de- served promotion." And then in the next column our editor, giving full vent to his innate sentiment and fancy, answers the question at the head of his article, "'Who will be appointed gov- ernor of Nebraska?" in- this strain: This is a question of no little importance and one that we often hear asked. Although we were born and reared in the East and all our early associations are bound up in the hills, valleys, hemlock slopes and clay soils of the East, still we do not the less appreciate the energy, spirit, talent, use- fulness, and real perceptiveness of the pioneers of the West. We love them be- cause we know there is the real stuff in them that constitutes all that is excellent, noble, brave, exalted, and statesmanlike. We SDcak not of the mass, but of many of the choice spirits that compose that industrious and excellent class of society. Thejr leave the quiet firesides of home, often strewed with the luxuries to which their lives will in future be strangers, to the occupation and use of those who are less able to make a name and fortune for them- selves, or who are less ambitions to do a work that shall signalize them among those who are benefactors of their fellow crea- tures. Thev are those who retreat from the ORGANIZATION 153 pleasant haunts of youth, often sundering ties dearer than life to become an humble citizen of the great, the unbounded, the glorious West. Such heed not labor, toil, or privation, they are ever ready to meet the disappointment or success, and in this great school every day they receive a new lesson, and early become the true judges of human nature, the real philosophers of hu- man phenomena. Such a class of men can never be oppressed or borne down with servility or tyranny in any form, and of such are and will be the most intelligent and exalted statesmen of this continent. For 20 years have we been on the trail of the frontiers-men ; and for that time have we ever noticed that among the early set- tlers may be found the men who will dare anything and who are capable of everything. Such men, tho' as tame as a summer flower, and as submissive to right as is the ox to his owner ; still no men are better judges of right than themselves. They know the country, the locality, the wants and neces- sities of the people in their rude manners and customs, and there are no other class of men more capable of making laws or governing a country. We have noticed with some degree of in- terest the seldom failing practice by the chief executives of our Nation, of appoint- ing for the new territories men from coun- tries far removed, that know little or noth- ing of the people over which they are to exercise a brief authority. Men whose tastes, habits, peculiarities, predilections, and views have been directed in a channel far different, and altho' they may be num- bered among the best of men, they may be quite unfit for the position assigned them and unable to bear up physicially under the great changes they are forced to undergo. No, we assert it boldly and with a firm conviction of the correctness of our position. The Pioneers should for their Governor have a good, plain, practical, frontier man, one who is not afraid of the heat of sum- mer or the frosts of winter, that can sup from a prairie dog and still be a statesman. One whose talent and good sense is as dis- cernible in the rude cabin as the princely mansion. One who knows the people over which he is placed, as well as their wants and necessities. Give us such a man for Governor, and to such a one the people, the hardy pioneer, the energetic squatter, will subscribe with all their heart and soul. We look not at the outside; the roughest covering often hides the most brilliant gem, or the mine of wealth. Give us the men schooled in storms, or opposed by hurricanes of ad- versity. Such men are firm and unwaver- ing in purpose and are worth a thousand band-box or silk stocking gentry. On the i8th of October the death of Gov- ernor Burt, at the mission house in Belle- vue, was officially announced by Acting Governor Cuming. The proclamation of that death was the first executive act.' Thus the beginning of the life of a state which is indestructible was the official announce- ment of the death of its principal citizen, who saw only possibilities where others of his time and generation are permitted to experience great realities. Acting Governor Cuming was thirty years of age, a swarthy, compactly built man, with a head and features that plainly be- spoke power of will, sagacity, and courage. He was about five feet eight inches in height, and weighed perhaps one hundred and thirty pounds. His hair was dark and as straight as that of an Indian. His black eyes, flashing energy and determination, possessed also that charm which sturdy and intellectual training so largely contribute. He was a thoroughly educated man, a grad- uate of the University of Michigan, for en- tering which he had been carefully and rigorously prepared in Latin, Greek, and mathematics by his father, the Rev. Dr. Cuming, a distinguished clergyman of the Episcopal church in the Peninsular state. With a fine aptitude and versatility, Gov- ernor Cuming had entered journalism zeal- ously for his life calling, and was, when ap- pointed secretary, editing the Dispatch at Keokuk, Iowa.* No executive of the terri- tory or state perhaps has equaled him in ability; and no documents from the execu- tive ofifice have been couched in better Eng- lish than those he put forth. Mr. Cuming's appointment as secretary of the territory was doubtless due to the potent influence of Iowa politicians added ■! Laws of Nebraska, 1855-1857. p. 41. 8 Personal recollections of J. Sterling Morton. 154 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA to that of Lewis Cass of his native state. His oath of office as secretary was adminis- tered August 3, 1854, by Peter V. Daniel, associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and he arrived in the territory on the 8th of the same month. To the task of evoking political order from the chaos he found, he was quite equal — his enemies said more than equal. In few of our commonwealths has the framing of the state fallen to men of such large ability as were the framers of political Nebraska ; and in point of abiHty Thomas B. Cuming should doubtless be named with the half dozen or Thomas B. Cuming First secretary and twice acting governor of Ne- braska territory less of tile first class. In executive capacity and aggressive force, in the judgment of some of his ablest contemporaries, he ex- celled them all. Two of those conteinpor- aries have expressed the opinion, independ- ently of each other, that if Cuming had gone to the Civil war he would have become a distinguished general.'' In audacity, and in his methods in general, he was Na- poleonic. The dift'icult knot in which he found the question of temporarily locating the capital of the territory, which an ordi- nary man would have striven in perplexity to untie, he cut with an Alexandrian stroke, and his generalship in the campaign for formally and legally fixing the seat of gov- ernment at Omaha was of the same order. By like methods he went about the task of organizing orderly government out of the chaotic material he found. Bribery and other forms of corruption in the settlement of the capital question were freely and vociferously charged, and are credited as a matter of course by the survivors of those strenuous times. The partisans of Bellevue pushed as her supe- rior claims seniority and the intent of Gov- ernor Burt, the real executive. At the third session of the legislature a well-distributed committee of the council, composed of Jacob Saftord " of Cass, Dodge, and Otoe counties, Samuel M. Kirkpatrick of Cass, and William Clancy of Washington, in their unanimous report in favor of relocating the capital, said : When the first governor arrived in this territory he found but one place entitled to the name of village, even, anywhere north of the Platte river. The town of Bellevue, the first town-site north of the Platte, w^as the place where it was known it was his intention to locate the capital. His death, however, left the matter in other hands, and the capital was located at its present site. Your committee are loth to say what influences are universally be- lieved to have been brought to bear in in- ducing the present location. It is suffi- cient for them to say that the people of the territory are by no means satisfied with the location or with the means by which it was located, and still less by the means by which it has been kept there." Omaha was exactly midway between the north and south limits of population at that time, and nearer the center of the north and south limits of the prospective and now actual state than Bellevue. Distances east and w-est were of little consequence because " Personal recollections of James M. Wcolworth and Dr. George L. Miller. 1" Safiford was a resident of Otoe county. " Council Journal, 1855-1857, p. 25. ORGANIZATION 1: it was thought that for an indefinite time to come the country would not be settled more than forty miles westward from the river. Regard for the sentiment of the people and for superior eligibility as a site for a city and as a point for a railroad cross- ing certain!}' would have made Bellevue the capital. But the population was so small and so shifting that this consideration was of little consequence. The new order of man-made cities was soon to be illus- trated in Omaha herself, so that the pri- ority argument for Bellevue had little weight. It is a truth or abstraction of small practi- cal consequence to say that Acting Gov- ernor Cuming should have convened the first legislature at Bellevue in accordance with the decision of Governor Burt, though there was at most none other than a moral obligation to do so. It would be more to the purpose to say that Acting Governor Cuming should have fairly apportioned the members of the first legislature, so that the South Platte, or anti-Omaha settlers would have had the majority to which they were entitled. In that case the legislature would perhaps have located the capital at Belle- vue where it would have remained, not xxn- likely, to the present time, and where the Union Pacific bridge and terminals would have followed it. In other words, Bellevue would have taken the place of Omaha as the commercial capital of Nebraska, but more than that, for an indefinite time would have been the political capital also. But we say "perhaps," because the same potent Iowa influence, focused at Council Blufifs, which after A'ears of effort had compassed territorial organization and made Nebraska a separate territory, might have prevailed in spite of any adverse initiative of the gov- ernor. To contemplate this might-have- been, to conjure in the mind the splendid dual capital which might have adorned the beautiful site — the most beautiful as well as the most eligible of the available sites — of the now deserted village is perhaps idle speculation, or at most a fascinating fancy. But to relate the facts and interpret the motives which contributed to this important incident in the beginning of a common- wealth is legitimate history. On Saturday, October 21st, the governor issued the second proclamation which an- noiinced that an enumeration of the inhab- itants of the territory would begin October 24th, the purpose of the notice being to en- able persons who were temporarily absent from the territory to return in time for the census. The third proclamation, dated Oc- tober 26th, gave instructions as to the duties of the six deputy marshals who were to take the census in the six districts into which the territory had been divided for that purpose — the first three lying north and the last three south of the Platte river. According to the instructions the work was to be completed by the 20th of the following November and returns to be made to Mr. Lindley, postmaster, Omaha City, or to the governor, at the mission house, Bellevue. The governor appointed as enumerators Joseph L. Sharp, first district; Charles B. Smith, second district ; Michael Murphy, third district; Eli R. Doyle and F. W. Symmes, fourth district; Munson H. Clark, fifth district; Charles W. Pierce, sixth dis- trict. The fourth proclamation, made Novem- ber 18, 1854, appointed Thursday, Novem- ber 30, as a day of thanksgiving. The fifth, dated November 23, 1854, promulgated rules for the elections. The sixth executive document, pertaining to territorial organi- zation, issued November 23, 1854, pro- claimed that elections should be held De- cember 12. 1854, to choose a delegate to Congress and members of a legislature which was to meet January 8, 1855. The seventh proclamation, issued December 15. 1854, authorized a special election at Ne- braska City on the 21st of that month to fill the vacancy in the council left by a tie vote cast at the regular election. On the 20th day of December the last two proclamations 156 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA pertaining to territorial organization were issued, one convening the legislature at Omaha, and on the i6th instead of the 8th of January, 1855 ; the other announcing the organization of the judiciary system, and designating judges of probate, justices of the peace, sheriffs, constables, and clerks for the several counties, and in the same proclamation the three judges were placed. Chief Justice Fenner Ferguson was as- signed to the first district, comprising Doug- las and Dodge counties; Justice Harden to Judge Edward R. Harden the second, cmlM-acing all of the counties south of the Platte river; and Justice Brad- ley to the third district, comprising the counties of Burt and Washington. Judge Ferguson arrived in the territory October II, 1854. and the next day took the oath of office before Secretary Cuming ''at the town of Bellevue." Judge Bradley arrived Octo- ber 14th, and took the oath before Judge Ferguson at Omaha City, October 28th ; Judge Harden arrived December ist, and took the oath before Judge Ferguson at Bellevue, December 4th. Attorney General Estabrook arrived at Omaha City, January 22, 1855, and took the oath before Secre- tary Cuming. Marshal Izard arrived Octo- ber 20th, and took the oath before Judge Ferguson at Bellevue, October 24th. The Palladium of December 6th gives this ac- count of Judge Harden : Hon. Edward R. Harden, one of the as- sociate judges of Nebraska, accompanied by the clerk of his court, M. W. Riden, and J. H. White, Esq., of Georgia, arrived at Belleview, December 4. The judge is a middle-aged man, spare in person and to appearance quite feeble in constitution — his manners, dress and equipage all bear the stamp of democratic simplicity and econ- omy. He is courteous in manner, agree- able and affable in conversation. On the 23d of December the governor called for two volunteer regiments for de- fense against the Indians. The date marks of these state papers show that the executive office was wherever the governor happened to be when he desired to perform an executive act; and they faintly suggest that the aspirations and hopes of each hamlet to become the capital were delicately nurtured, or at least not incon- siderately or prematurely blighted. Giving a strict construction to the pro- vision of the organic act that nothing therein contained "shall be construed to im- pair the rights of person or property now pertaining to the Indians in said territory so long as such rights shall remain unex- tinguished by treaty between the United States and such Indians, or to include any territory, which by treaty with any Indian tribe, is not without the consent of said tribe, to be included within the territorial limits or jurisdiction of any state or terri- tory," he had aimed to include in these dis- tricts only such territory as had been actu- ally relinquished by the Indians. But doubt as to the scope of this restriction hav- ing arisen, on the 1st of November Gov- ernor Cuming addressed a letter to the com- missioner of Indian affairs asking whether he had done right to restrict election privi- leges to those actually within the Otoe and Omaha cessions and to exclude "the traders and others northward of the Blackbird Hills, who by the intercourse act of 1834 have been given special privileges, or those in any other part of the territory who are ELECTION PRECINCTS 157 living on Indian lands not yet ceded, but to restrict all election control within the Omaha and Otoe cessions, reaching north to the Aoway river, south to the little Ne- maha river, and west to the lands of the Pawnees." "Some of the territorial officers and many of the citizens," he said, "contend that elec- tion precincts should be established over all the territory wherever white men (trad- ers and others) reside — comprising the Sioux, Blackfeet, Crows, and other tribes. Others are of the opinion that such election privileges should only be enjoyed by the settlers within the Omaha and Otoe ces- sions where it is now understood that the wliites have the authority of the govern- ment to make a permanent residence." The commissioner was asked to "state also whether there is any neutral or United States ground south of the Platte river, south and west of the Otoe and Missouri cession, where an election precinct may be made." The commissioner, Mr. George W. Many- penny, answered that, \A''here there has been no cession made by an Lidian tribe, as has not been done bj the Sioux, the Blackfeet, the Crows, the Poncas, and some others, any exercise of authority for[ territorial purposes by the government would be in niy opinion in con- travention of the proviso of the act organ- izing the territory. To Governor Cuming's second question the commissioner replied: The country west of the half-breeds and south of the Platte river west of the Otoe and Missouri cession and bounded on the north by the Platte river as far back as loi degrees west longitude, and from that point in a southwesterly direction to the line dividing Kansas and Nebraska near the 103d degree is of such character. In accordance with the commissioner's opinion the governor sent Deputy Marshal Jesse Lowe to spy out this "United States ground" to the southwest. The only rec- ord we have of the object and result of this investigation is contained in Marshal Lowe's report of December 10, 1854: To Acting Governor T. B. Cuming : Sir: Having been sent by you to estab- lish what is called Jones county, bounded as follows, commencing 60 miles west from the Missouri river at the north corner of Rich- ardson county ; thence west along the south bank of the Platte river to the loist degree of west longitude ; thence southwesterly to the boundary between Kansas and Nebraska at the 103d degree of west longitude ; thence along said boundary to the southwest corner of Richardson county; and thence to the place of beginning, and instructed to appor- tion to said county one representative or more as the number of inhabitants should require, (I) respectfully report that by ascer- taining from satisfactory information that there are no voters in said county unless a few living in the neighborhood of Belews precinct in Richardson county, and who would naturally vote at said precinct, and believing furthermore from satisfactory in- formation, that Richardson county has been given more than her just representation, I am of opinion that no apportionment should be made for Jones county. Very respectfully, Mark W. Izard, marshal. By Jesse Lowe, deputy. Governor Cuming sent the following curious announcement : Omaha City, Nov. 30, 1854. To Editors Neivspapers : Dear Sir: The deputy territorial marshal has been sent below the "Platte" in the neighborhood of "the Blues" to establish a new county. The notices of election in the census dis- trict above the Platte, (Belleview and Omaha) will not be circulated until he can be heard from as it will be impossible until then to correctly fix the apportionment, which is limited by law to a certain number for the whole territory. It will be well to make this announcement public. The other counties have received their apportionment and this is the only dis- trict in the territory where this course will be pursued, it being the most compact and least subject to injury by delay. Respectfully yours, T. B. Cuming, Acting Governor of Nebraska. EJECTION Precincts. The inference from this communication is that the governor in- tended to cut the Douglas county represen- 158 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA General William Orlando Butler The first white man to be appointed to official position in the govern- ment of Nebraska territory THE FIRST CAPITAL CONTROVERSY 159 tation cloth to suit the whole garment after it should be completed by the attachment of that part on "the Blues," just as he evidently entirely disregarded Mr. Sharp's compre- hensive count of Richardson county, quite in accordance with the suggestion or warning of Deputy Marshal Lowe. It was at once freely and forcibly charged by the enemies of Governor Cuming, who appear to have been nearly identical with those who opposed the location of the cap- ital at Omaha, that this first census was doc- tored, with fraudulent intent, in the interest of Omaha. Though at the beginning of the session the governor, in compliance with a resolution of the house, moved by Mr. Decker of Nebraska City, had furnished copies of the census returns to that body, they are not now in existence. That there were gross falsifications and other irregular- ities in this census there is no doubt. These legislative districts were gerrymandered by Governor Cuming in the interest of Omaha, and there is only one motive that may be assigned therefor. The interests of a coterie of enterprising Iowa speculators who had gathered in Council Bluffs, and some of whom were camping in expectation on the site of Omaha, required that the capital should be located there, and they set about to reach their end by much the same means and methods as always have been employed for like purposes. They won, as was inevitable, on account of the great superiority of their resources. If (jovernor Burt, who, being a south- ern gentleman of the old school, would have been proof against these means and averse to these methods, had lived, his initi- ative might have drawn this Iowa influence to Bellevue. As governors of new terri- tories go, Burt was the exception and Cum- ing the rule ; more of them act as Cuming acted than as- Burt would have acted — though few would act in like circumstances with a vigor so naturally effective and so little impaired by nicety of moral scruple or conventional restraints. The First C.xpital Controversy. The story of the proceedings in the capital con- test rests mainly upon personal recollection and tradition. It is doubtless true that Gov- ernor Cuming demanded of "Father" Ham- ilton one hundred acres of the section of mission land at Bellevue as the price for designating that place as the capital. It would doubtless have been difificult to alienate this land at all, since the board of missions did not receive a patent for it until 1858. "Father" Hamilton seemed to be filled more with the fear of the Lord than of losing the capital, and the reader of the Palladium gains an impression that its editor, Mr. Reed, was too much possessed by a sense of the righteousness of Bellevue's cause to be willing or able to meet her op- ponents on their own morally less defensible but practically far stronger grounds. The moral suasion of these good people of Belle- vue was not backed up with material argu- ments sufficient to meet those of the Council Bluffs and Nebraska Ferry company, which not onl)' represented but constituted Omaha's interests. Under authorit}' of the organic law Governor Cuming had divided the inhabited portion of the territory into eight counties, and after the census had been taken he ap- portioned the several counties into legisla- tive districts. Friends of Bellevue read in this appor- tionment the doom of their hopes for the capital, and it was the first overt act of the bitter war between the North Platte and South Platte sections which lasted until the chief cause of the quarrel was removed by the removal of the capital to Lincoln in 1867.. It is seen that twenty-one members were awarded to the counties north of the Platte and eighteen to those south of that river. It was strongly contended by the people south of the Platte that their section was the most populous, and the governor's own census gave it 1,818 inhabitants as against 914 in the northern section. The census showed 516 voters — that is, males over twenty-one years of age — south, and 413 north of the Platte. But during the final 160 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA debate in the house on the 25th of January, in which, for some reason, Governor Cum- ing was allowed to speak, he said that there had been some misrepresentation regarding his acts which he wished to correct ; that he had found, after careful examination of all the census returns, that the greatest popu- lation was north of the Platte, and he had given that section representation accord- ingly. He said the poll books and census ' returns were free for investigation by mem- bers. But the abstract which he certifies flatly contradicts him. In the same debate Mr. Poppleton also alleged that the census returns gave the North Platte the greater population. Deductions from the figures of the first census and the abstract of votes of the first election are contradictory, and according to the vote the governor's apportionment as afifecting the two sections was not grossly inequitable. The following table gives the actual ap- portionment of representation to the several counties as made by Governor Cuming — the apportionment as it should have been, based upon population, and as it should have been, based upon the votes actually cast. The counties which are grouped together corre- spond approximately to the census districts in which they were situated. The vote taken is that cast for candidates for delegate to Congress : AN.A.LYSIS OF APPORTIONMENT s a 0. a > COL'XCIl| HOUSE f artiinl ■s c g < c > '7. re C D. t 0. «^- \ •2o Sr Ss a = o - 3S s > :: :; -r ^ S c E CO a Is a 3 apportionment to vote COUNTY 'a C » u 1 5 Ricliartlson Pierce / 851 614 353 645 106 163 914 1818 38 188 42 13' 297 14 34 57 402 398 7 6 s 1 2 5 4 3 2 S 2 1 5 6 2 1 » 4 810 2 1 2 1 2 2 414 813 8 6 S 6 1 1 1 I to 38 1 to 63 1 to 42 1 to 13(1 1 to 74 1 to 14 1 to 34 1 to 57 1 to 19 1 to .17 Forney s Ca-is DoUBhis Dod;;e 1 to 21 1 to 65 1 to 37 1 to 7 Washington ) 1 1 7 6 .... 41 91 1 to 17 Burt S Totals North Platte. Totals South Platte. 9 17 1 to 57 1 to 68 1 to 28 1 to 36 By the census of 1855, taken about ten months after the first one, the population was found to be 4,494, with 1,549 north and 2.945 south of the Platte river. It is prob- able that in the meantime the relative in- crease of the North Platte section had been greater than that of the South Platte, on account of the drawing influence of the newly made capital ; so that the contention of Governor Cuming that the North Platte section had a greater population than the South Platte not only involved the utter repudiation of his own census, but seems to be inconsistent with the weight of the evidence upon that point. There is no doubt that the vote of Burt county was largely "colonized," since it was known that there was no bona fide population there. And the same machinery that so successfully im- ported voters into Burt was, not unlikely, quite as eiifective in the case of Washington and Douglas counties. Governor Cuming disregarded the palpable overcount in Rich- ardson county, and apparently the basis of his apportionment there was not far from correct, since the county showed a popula- tion of 299 by the regular census of 1855. If he had eliminated the population of Rich- ardson by the first census — 851 — the South Platte would still have been in the lead, ac- cording to his census, by about 100. The Bugle of Council Bluffs, mouthpiece of the Iowa exploiters of Omaha, in an article scolding the Palladium for its chronic squealing, ofifers the following justification of Cuming's course : We have been a quiet looker-on whilst the struggle for the capital has been going on between four land companies, each sure that their special point was designed by nature for the great western mart, and the capital of a new and important state. Foremost upon this list was Belleview, the proprietors of which loudly claimed the right by prece- dence, being the earliest settled place, etc. Nebraska City claimed it from being hand- somely located, and Winter Quarters by its most central position, whilst Omaha claimed the capital by right of her early industry in making by far the greatest amount of im- provements, from being the most populous and convenient place, and as ofifering the THE FIRST CAPITAL CONTROVERSY 161 most conveniences for the coming session of the legislature. Although as yet there has been no improvements or buildings go- ing on at Belleview the town owners have constantly claimed all the advantages, merit and consideration, leaving nothing for Omaha or any other place. Before Mr. Cuming arrived here we knew that he was prepossessed with a conviction that Omaha must be the place for the present seat of government, and at the death of the la- mented Governor Burt he had not changed his mind. Consequently he could not have been influenced by unworthy motives in se- lecting Omaha as the present capital. Find- ing congenial and equally disappointed parties south of the Platte they have leagued to slander, villify and misrepresent Mr. Cuming abroad, and are making strenuous exertions for his removal from office, by pe- titions and private letters. But the Palladium had pointed out that : The doors of the Mission are open to re- ceive the legislature, if it is called here, and we hazard our reputation upon the assertion that equal accommodations can not be of- fered elsewhere in Nebraska before the 8th day of January, 1855. This house was built under difficulties such as had disappeared long before Omaha was thought of ; most of the lumber having been sawed by no other aid than hand labor. Now according to the principles upon which our anxious neighbor thinks ought to control the location of the capitol, it would be located here. Governor Cuming did not issue his procla- mation convening the legislature at Omaha until December 20th, but the Bellevue con- tingent had anticipated his recreancy to their cause some time before, and a gather- ing of citizens there on the 9th of that month to further the interests of Bellevue in the capital contest, which Cuming attended, was turned into an indignation meeting. At this meeting Governor Cuming is quoted as saying that he had made up his mind two weeks previously to locate the capital at Omaha, but owing to attempts improperly to influence him in favor of that place he had changed his mind and was then in doubt. But if Bellevue would nominate a candidate for the council and two for the house, pledged to sustain his administration and not to attempt to remove the capital from the place of his selection, he would give Bellevue a district by itself, otherwise that nervous aspirant would be included in the Omaha district and be swallowed up by it. The Omaha Arroiv, published at Council Bluffs by residents of that place, and which was also the actual residence of Governor Cuming, announces, November 3d, that "the work on the State House here goes briskly on. It will be ready for the accom- modation of the body for which it was in- tended before the middle of next month" ; and on the 10th of November that, "the con- tractor of the State House assures us the building will be ready by the first of Decem- ber." Even if Governor Cuming himself, at Bellevue, had lost faith in his intention to locate the capital at Omaha, his Council Bluffs neighbors had not, and they kept pushing their preparation for it to perfec- tion. These Bellevue people either considered that they had no chance, and could afford to play the role of indignant virtue, or they were very poor generals; for by responding to the governor's finesse they might have had three militant members directly repre- senting them in the contest in the legislature. But they threw dissimulation to the winds, and Mr. A. W. Hollister insisted that he had seen the original of a compromising letter, apparently written by Cuming, and which in some unexplained way had come into pos- session of his enemies, and he was certain of its authenticity. At this juncture Governor Cuming, in a fierce passion left the meeting and thereby placed upon Bellevue the perpetual seal of "the deserted village." Mr. Hollister then proceeded to aver that Major Hepner, In- dian agent, would swear to the genuineness of the signature to the letter, and to spurn with contempt the propitiatory offering of the governor. Stephen Decatur and Silas A. Strickland followed in a like intense and grandiloquent strain of indignant patriotism and offended virtue, in which rather more than due rhetorical justice was done to "the 162 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA '>^e. a-'-T-^ <2>-^ [XoTF. — Fred Renard was an early farmer and miller of Burt county, Nebraska] THE FIRST CAPITAL CONTROVERSY 163 tyrant Charles the First" and to "the great charter of our own liberties." Soon followed mass meetings in many places in the South Platte district for the purpose of denouncing Governor Cuming. The meeting for Pierce county was held December 15th, at Nebraska City, and it passed resolutions charging Cuming with "seeking only his own aggrandizement, with neglecting to reside within the limits of the territory but keeping the actual seat of government in a foreign city," and that he "is no longer worthy or capable of discharg- ing the duties that have accidentally de- volved upon him, and his longer continuance in office would be an insult to the people -of the territory." The resolutions invited the citizens of the territorj' to meet in delegate convention at Nebraska City, December 30th, "to select some suitable person to rec- ommend to the president of the United States for appointment to the governorship of this territory." The climax of the pro- ceedings of the convention was a resolution commending the people of Bellevue "for their Christian forbearance toward Gov- ernor Cuming in not offering him personal violence for as gross an insult by him as could be offered by a tyrant to a free people, in refusing to give them a separate district and allowing them to elect members of the legislature, unless they would pledge them- selves to elect such men as he should dic- tate." A meeting for a like purpose was held at Brownville in Forney county, December I2th, and another at Bellevue, December 28th. In this meeting the two Mortons, des- tined to long careers in the territory and state, took important parts. Thomas Mor- ton was chosen chairman, and J. Sterling Morton, one of the three delegates to the territorial convention. Here the latter per- formed his first public act in the common- wealth which was to be distinguished as the scene of his public activity for near half a century, and where his personality was to be impressed on the institutions and the life of the people. Mr. Morton was as prompt in taking this active part in public affairs as he was afterwards ceaseless in pursuing it. Only three weeks before this meeting the Palladium contained the following modest but, in the light of subsequent events, im- portant notice : J. S. MORTON This gentleman, formerly associate editor of the Detroit Free Press, and lady arrived at Belleview on the 30th ult., where they intend to settle. Mr. Morton is a man of ability and an able writer, and having had the good sense to select one of the most beautiful locations for his residence as well as one of the most strongly fortified points, in a political view — he will no doubt be an important acquisition to the territory and to this community. Nevertheless, within only two months, this most strongly fortified political point yielded to the siege of the Omaha forces, and was so completely razed that Mr. Mor- ton was prompt to evacuate it and take a new position at Nebraska City, which he occupied with distinguished courage, enter- prise, and honor for forty-seven years. By a previous notice in the Palladium it appears that Mr. Morton himself had visited Bellevue on the 13th of November. The old settler is only able now to point out the ap- proximate site of the log cabin which was the home of the young couple, married somewhat less than a year, when they left with the ebbtide of Bellevue's fortunes for the more promising location. In the delegate convention at Nebraska City, held December 30th, five counties — Cass, Douglas, Forney, Pierce, and Richard- son — were represented by nineteen dele- gates; and of course the Douglas county delegates, Stephen Decatur, J. Sterling Mor- ton, and Geo. W. Hollister, were all from Bellevue. J. H. Decker of Pierce county (speaker of the house in the legislature which retreated from Omaha to Florence in a subsequent capital controversy), was chairman, and Geo. W. Hollister of Bellevue and A. M. Rose of Pierce county were sec- retaries. Mr. Morton was chairman of the committee on resolutions, and this first of- 164 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA THE FIRST CAPITAL CONTROVERSY 165 |XoTE — W. p. Snowden was for six years an early city marshal of Omaha] 166 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ficial function in territorial affairs in Ne- braksa we may be sure he performed with- out dissimulation or self-repression. The resolutions went straight to the mark — his mark — which, in the nature of the men, Cuming had already become: Whereas, we believe that, in order to at- tain the ends of just government, the ex- ecutive power should be vested in upright and honorable men ; and whereas, we believe that that power, when confided to unprin- From ail ztnpiiblishcd copy of a daguerreotype taken in 1S54. and now in the possession of Miss Emma Mor- ton. This was taken on Mr. Morton's wedding day and just before he started for Nebraska to settle. J. Sterling Morton At 22 years of age cipled knaves, who seek rather to control than to consult the people (whom we recog- nize as the only true American sovereigns) is always used to the advantage of the few and the oppression of the many ; therefore. Resolved, 1st, That Acting Governor Cum- ing is neither an upright, honest nor honor- able man. Resolved, 2d, That he, the aforesaid Act- ing Governor Cuming, is an unprincipled knave, and that he seeks rather to control than consult the people. Resolved, 3d, That he, the said acting gov- ernor has, by his own acts, secret ones now exposed, as well as those which he has openly avowed, convinced us of the truth of, and invited us to pass the above resolutions. Resolved, 4th, That, recognizing the right of petition as the prerogative of all free cit- izens of the LTnited States, we do hereby petition His Excellencv, Franklin Pierce, President of the United States, to immedi- ately remove the said Cuming from the act- ing governorship. Resolved, That we, also, because of the reasons hereinbefore stated, petition for his removal from the secretaryship of this terri- tory. Resolved, That the secretaries of this con- vention forward a copy of these proceedings to every newspaper in Nebraska for publica- tion, and every paper containing them, with a written copy, to the president of the United States. On motion. Resolved, That we recommend Gen'l Bela M. Hughes of Missouri, for the office of governor, and Dr. P. J- McMahon of Iowa, for the office of secretary. "After a long and spirited discussion," we are told, the resolutions were unanimously adopted. The following letter from Acting Gov- ernor Cuming to President Pierce, dated December 13, 1854, illustrates the turmoil in which these territorial organizers were plunged: Dear Sir: I understand that petitions are in circula- tion asking my removal from the office of governor. These petitions have been pre- pared and are being distributed by specu- lators whose fortunes have been marred by the location of the capitol. My only request is that if any charges shall be made I may not be dealt with without the opportunity of answering them. You are aware that I have never sought my present position ; but being called to it by the interposition of Providence I have not felt at liberty to neglect or postpone the organization of the territory. The protracted illness and unexpected decease of the late la- mented governor left but a short interval for the decision of the vexed questions con- FIRST ELECTION 167 nected with that organization. Hence some errors may have been committed ; but I es- pecially solicit that my conduct may be sub- jected to the test of the most rigid scrutiny. Great fortunes have been invested in rival points for the capitol, and the exasperation expressed and desperate persecution resorted to by the disappointed are not unnatural, and were not unexpected. I am prepared, however, to prove by letters and certificates that I have refused bribes and relinquished gratuities, and have located the capitol where my pecuniary interests were least considered, at a point which I believed would give satisfaction to the people and stability to the territorial organization. My enemies expect to have a governor appointed whom they can influence to veto an act establishing the capitol at that point. I am writing to you. General, with frankness and confidence, and I desire to say that ever since the death of Gov. Burt I have hoped that someone might be appointed who would relieve me of the responsibility and risk con- fronting so many opposite and threatening interests. This has not been the case, and I have no alternative but to meet the storm and abide its results. Should another indi- vidual be chosen after those embarrassments have been surmounted, their unpopularity in- curred, I trust that his appointment will not be permitted to be construed into a condem- nation of my course, and shall be glad (if so requested) to present to you facts and cer- tificates to overthrow the allegations of my enemies. Trusting that your administration may continue to be crowned (as I believe it will) with success and the approval of the people, and that the strength which it has added to the republic may be fortified by the upright- ness and efficiency of your officers, I remain, Very truly and sincerely, T. B. Cuming. On the 9th of January, 1855, another anti- Cuming convention was held at Bellevue which contained at least three delegates from the North Platte country, E. R. Doyle of Fontenelle, Dr. B. Y. Shelley of Black- bird Hills, and J. C. Mitchell of Florence. The resolutions of the convention charged, among other things, that the acting gov- ernor was a non-resident of the territory, that his apportionment of representation was unjust, and demanded that the census be taken again and that the territory be re- districted. Mr. Mitchell, who was afterwards molli- fied by appointment as sole commissioner to locate the capitol in Omaha, made "a very interesting speech." He said that there was not population sufficient in Florence or in Burt or Dodge counties to entitle them to designation as an election precinct, so the governor made it up by causing certificates to be made up and signed by loafers in Council Blufifs. "The officer who took the census in Dodge county enrolled numbers in the grog shops of Council Blufifs. Omaha was supplied in the same way." On the other hand, he said, census officers on the south side of the Platte were required to cut down their returns so that, notwithstand- ing that this section had the greater popula- tion, the majority of the representatives should be from the north side. But this pre- caution or basis for consistency with which Mr. Mitchell credits Cuming seems incon- sistent with the facts as well as with our estimate of Cuming's characteristics and our knowledge of his methods. First ElSction. According to the Ne- braska City Press of December 1, 1859, the following somewhat hackneyed story was still going the rounds of the eastern press. It is likely that it is a substantial statement of fact, and in any event it is typically true : "Mr. Purple, formerly conductor on the Western railroad and a member of the first. Nebraska legislature, tells his experience in western politics as follows : 'Secretary T. B. Cuming said to me one morning: "Purple, we want a member from Burt county." So I harnessed up and took nine fellows with me from Iowa, and we started for the woods, and when we tliought we had got far enough for Burt county we unpacked our ballot box, and held an election (in Washington county), canvassed the vote, and it was as- tonishing to observe how great was the unanimity at the first election held in Burt county.' " Purple had every vote and was declared duly elected. There were four candidates for the office 168 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of delegate to Congress: Hadley D. John- son of Council Bluffs — but by proxy of Omaha City — who, we have seen, had gone across the river to Bellevue in 1853, to be elected provisional delegate to Congress; Bird B. Chapman, just arrived from Elyria, Ohio, in search of a political career; Napo- leon B. Giddings of Savannah, Missouri, who, it is alleged by contemporaries never even pretended citizenship in Nebraska ; and Joseph Dyson, who strove to create a wave of public sentiment which should carry him Napoleon B. Giddings First delegate to Congress from the organized territory of Nebraska into the coveted office by exploiting more advantageous land laws. The abstract of the vote illustrates the early sectional align- ment of voters, and also the fact that it did no harm to a candidate in our border coun- ties to hail from Missouri. To refute the charge that Judge Kinney was ineligible to the office of delegate to Congress because he was not a resident of the territory, the Nebraska City Nezvs calls attention to the fact that the organic act re- quired only that a delegate should be a citi- zen of the United States. The Nczvs then makes the following statement as to the residence of Chapman and Giddings when they were candidates for the office in question : The "oldest inhabitants" of the territory will doubtless recollect that two delegates from this territory had no other qualifica- tion. N. B. Giddings, the first delegate, was a citizen of Missouri, and came into the ter- ritory only about two weeks before the elec- tion, and then brought no other property with him except a carpet-bag. Bird B. Chap- man, the second representative of the terri- tory, was at the time of his election a citizen of Elyria, Ohio. He never resided here at all. As far as citizenship here was con- cerned he had none ; he represented us en- tirely on the strength of being a citizen of the United States. A contemporaneous account of the "Quincy colony" — the first name of the set- tlement at Fontenelle — incidentally ex- plains the curiously solid vote of Dodge county for Abner W. Hollister; and at the same time illustrates the isolation of the various early settlements : To the credit, of the interesting colony their election was carried on without the aid of intoxicating drinks and hence the una- nimity that prevailed. The good people of Fontenelle, not having heard of the with- drawal of Mr. Hollister from the canvas, voted for him as a representative of the in- terest which they are laboring to secure. Our Puritan editor characterized these colonists as "enlightened and influential men, and above all, men of high moral endow- ment." Governor Cuming gave this solid fourteen a representation in the legislature of one councilman and two members of the house. It may be doubted that our censor of the Palladium would have made his cer- tificate of character quite so sweeping after two of the three members from Fontanelle had voted to locate the capital at Omaha. He was justified, however, to the extent that J. W. Richardson, the secretary of the col- ony, and who, we may assume, was repre- sentative of its peculiar virtue, voted against Omaha and so against his section. The editor of the first newspaper printed in Nebraska was temperamentally fitted for FIRST ELECTION 169 feeling that he carried the full weight of responsibility for the task of properly laying the foundations of the new state. This is shown in his account of the coming and pathetic leaving of the first chief magistrate. The governor and his party arrived at Belle- vue on the 6th of October. Governor Burt's Personal Appearance. His arrival was unheralded and unosten- tatious — his dress, equipage, manner and ap- pearance indicated a disposition to respect those fundamental principles of republican simplicity which constitute the groundwork, strength and beauty of our political and social system. The governor is apparently nearly fifty years of age- — -a little above the medium height, well proportioned, simple and easy in his manners and expression. His coun- tenance indicates the possession of those peculiar traits of character needed to secure the confidence and respect of the people who come to build up the institutions of liberty, harmony and Christianity upon this virgin soil, for so many ages past held in undisputed possession by its aboriginal owners — the children of the forest. The governor was hospitably entertained by I. H. Bennet, Esq., of this place. The governor took lodgings at the oflfice of the Indian Agency.^- The fact that the entertainer of the gov- ernor of the commonwealth was the black- smith of the Omaha agency must have satis- fied the editor's exacting democracy. A meeting of the citizens of which George W. Hollister was chairman and Stephen Decatur secretary, was convened, and Lieut. Hiram P. Downs, Isaiah H. Bennet, and Stephen Decatur were appointed a com- mittee to tender the governor a hearty wel- come. The committee soon reported that the governor would be pleased to meet his friends on the following Monday. At the second meeting, on Monday, Abner W. Hol- lister reported that the governor was too ill to attend, whereupon Col. Joseph L. Sharp, "of Iowa," Hiram P. Bennet, also "of Iowa," the Rev. William Hamilton, and Majoi George Hepner made appropriate speeches. The same issue of the Palladium gives this information : The governor reached Belleview in an en- feebled condition, . . . his complaint be- ing a derangement of the bilious system. After his arrival his complaint continued to increase in malignancy, until it was thought advisable to call for medical aid. Accord- ingly a messenger was dispatched to Messrs. McMahon & Williams, of Blufif City, who immediately sent for Dr. A. B. Malcolm, an accomplished physician, connected with them in his profession. . . The governor is now convalescent and it is hoped will soon recover from his prostration. Dr. Charles A. Henry On the 18th of October the Palladium an- r.ounces that "the governor was slowly re- covering from his prostration until the I2th instant when from improper annoyance from visitors, and perhaps imnecessary ex- |)0sure of himself while in his enfeebled con- dition, his fever returned with an aspect suf- ficiently threatening to make it necessary to send for his physician." The public is as- sured that "the governor is comfortably sit- uated at the Otoe and Omaha mission." On the 25th of October the Palladium gives an account of the governor's funeral. After the singing of an appropriate h3'mn Secre- 1- Nebraska Pallnilini: 170 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA tary Cuming, "evidentl_\" under the deepest emotions of grief," made some appropriate remarks, and he was followed by Chief Jus- tice Ferguson and the Rev. William Ham- ilton, who conducted the services. C)n the 20th an escort started with the body "for burial at the family residence in South Carolina." Unappreciated Heroism . Thus were com- pleted the preliminaries for lodging local civil government in a vast and unex- plored region, upon a soil that had been un- tested b}^ tillage, and in a climate untried as to healthfulness through permanent occu- pancy by civilized man. And now in the crucible of these conditions the courage and constructive capacity of the pioneers are to be put to test, and though never so severe it is not to find them wanting. Many, or most of them, had surrendered good homes and the associations of endearments of kin- dred and friends in other communities. The privations of frontier life were voluntarily sought only by men and women who had the courage, spirit, and ambition to give up agreeable environments in an old home for the purpose of founding a new one. From the days of the colonies in Virginia, New England, and New York, the best types of mankind, physically and mentally, and tlie strongest individuals of those types — those gifted with self-reliance and inspired by the spirit of self-denial — have penetrated new countries and opened them to the institu- tions of civilization. The dependent, the liabitually gregarious, never strike out from parents, kindred, and the comfortable cir- cumstances of settled social life to challenge the hardships of the wilderness. Only that civilization and those breeds of men capable of developing strong individuality and self- reliance can establish and maintain settle- ments remote from population centers. Self- reliance, self-control, and stability among savages are merely sporadic ; consequently we find no traces of voluntary migrations for establishing permanent sovereignty and settlements by the Indians who preceded us upon these Plains. The strong characteris- tic of the pioneer is his ambition and zeal- ous, enthusiastic work for tomorrow, his willingness cheerfully to endure hardships in the present that others may enjoy consum- mate satisfactions in future — satisfactions which he himself may never experience. There were genuine heroes among the openers and testers of the vast crust of soil which stretched from the river to the moun- tains. They worked tirelessly, with intelli- gence and directness, to demonstrate the value of constant productivity. Already the great majority of that peaceful and heroic band who first planted these prairies have folded their tired arms and lain down to everlast- ing rest. The story of their humble lives, tlieir useful labors, their sacrifices, and their achievements has perished with their gener- ation, and will iiot be told. As their cabins have been replaced by the mansions of fol- lowers, and the smoke of their chimneys has faded away into unknown skies, so have tliey gone from sight and remembrance. But their sticcesses, achieved in that primitive and frugal Past, are the foundations of all the industrial and commercial superstruc- tures which our Present proudly enjoys. As we walk the streets of a thronged metrop- olis we look in wonder and with admiration upon the splendid triumphs of modern arch- itecture. Magnificent palaces of industry, reaching into the clouds and embellished with all the symmetry and grace which skill and taste can evolve, attract and entrance the eye. But we seldom give a moment's thought to the broad and strong foundations laid and hidden deep in the earth, which, with unquaking and stupendous strength, up- lift and sustain all. The citizen of this pros- perous commonwealth today beholds the su- perstructure of a state, but very infrequently are the foimders and the foimdations upon which it is erected ever brought to mind. De- sire and ambition for achievements, instead of vital gratitude and reverential memory, occupy the mind and absorb the energy of the pres- ent generation. The pioneers in their graves are recalled only now and then by some contemporary who, perchance lingering be- vond his time, tells stories of their courage and of their character. CHAPTER VIII First Legislature — Administration of Governor Izard — Location oe the Capital - Laws of the First Session — United States Surveys — Claim Clubs — Incorpor- ation Laws — Nebraska's Peculiarity — First Independence Day — Judicial Organization FIRST Legislature. In accordance with the proclamation of Acting Governor Cuming, the first legislature of Nebraska terri- tory convened at Omaha, Tuesday, January i6, 1855, at ten o'clock in the morning, in the building which had been erected for the purpose by the Council Bluffs & Nebraska Ferry Company. This company was incorpor- seat of government contrary to the wishes of its real residents. It was fitting that Iowa capital and enterprise, which were to fix the seat of the government, should also temporarily house it. "This whole arrange- ment," we are told by the Arrozv, printed in Council Bluffs, "is made without a cost of one single dollar to the government." First Territorial Capitol Building of Nebraska at Omaha, 33 X 75 Feet. Cost About $3,000.00 ated under the laws of Iowa, and Enos Lowe was its president. This Iowa corporation em- bodied or represented the Omaha that was to be ; for the future metropolis then ex- isted only in the imagination, the hope, and the ambition of its Iowa promoters. Iowa men had procured the incorporation of the terri- tory and shaped it to their wishes ; and an Iowa man had organized it into political form and arbitrarily located its temporary This first tenement of organized Ne- braska government was located on lot 7, in block 124, as platted by A. D. Jones, front- ing east on Ninth street between Farnam and Douglas. The structure was known as "the brick building at Omaha City," indi- cating that it was the first building of brick in the town. It was occupied by the legis- lature for the first two sessions, and was afterwards used as the first general offices i; HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of the Union Pacific Railway Company, un- til, in the fall of 1869, they were transferred to other quarters/ The first meeting house of the legislature is thus described by the disappointed but no doubt faithful contemporary chronicler of the Pallad'mm: First Capital Building. The building in which the session is to be held is a plain, substantial, two-story brick edifice, which we should judge was about 30 by 45 feet. Joseph L. Sharp President of the first territorial council The entrance to the building is on the east side into a hall, from which the various state apartments above and below are reached. As you enter the hall below, the repre- sentatives' room will be found on the left, and the governor's apartment on the right. A winding staircase leads to the hall above, at the head of which, upon the left, you enter the council chamber and the committee rooms on the right. The build- ine is a neat and substantial one, but alto- gether too siuall for the purpose intended. The speaker's desk is elevated two or three steps above the level of the floor, and likewise that of the president of the council. The desks are well proportioned and taste- full}' finished. The desks for; the representatives and councilmen are designed to accommodate two members, each having a small drawer to himself, and a plain Windsor chair for a seat. The furniture, including the secre- taries' and speaker's desks and chairs, is of the plainest character, and yet well suited to the purpose for which they were designed. The size of the legislative rooms are so small that but very few spectators can gain admittance at one time. We were struck with the singularity of taste displayed in the curtain furniture of the different rooms, which consisted of two folds of plain calico, the one green and the other red, which we took to be symbolic of jealousy and war — which inonsters, we fear, will make their appearance before right is enthroned and peace established. On the 13th day of October the Arroiv tells us that, "But a few short months ago and not a sign of a habitation was visible upon the site where now are constantly in progress and will be completed, within an- other month, a town numbering some 175 or 200 inhabitants." The legislature was composed of a council of thirteen and a house of twenty-si.x mem- Ijers. It cannot be said that a single mem- ijer of this first legislature had a permanent footing in the territory, and many of them had not even "declared their intentions." But the men from Iowa were there in full force. Mr. J. L. Sharp, the president of the council, nominally from Richardson county, lived at Glenwood, Iowa, and never became a resident of Nebraska. Out of a total membership of thirty-nine at least five, namely. Sharp, Nuckolls, Kempton, Latham, and Purple never were actual residents of the territory, and many of the rest were mere sojourners — driftwood, tempo- rarily stranded on this farther shore of the westward stream of population, but des- tined soon to be caught by its constant on- ' Memorabilia. .Andrew J. Poppleton. FIRST LEGISLATURE 173 ward flow and carried off to the boundless country beyond. The members of the first territorial coun- cil were Benjamin R. Folsom of Burt county, Lafayette Nuckolls of Cass county, Munson H. Clark of Dodge county, Taylor G. Goodwill, Alfred D. Jones, Origen D. Richardson, Samuel E. Rogers of Douglas count}^ Richard Brown of Forney county, Hiram P. Bennet, Henry Bradford, Charles H. Cowles of Pierce county, Joseph L. Sharp of Richardson county, James C. Mitchell of Washington county. The first territorial house of representa- tives was comprised as follows: Burt county, Hascall C. Purple, John B. Robertson; Cass county, William Kempton, John McNeal Latham, Joseph D. N. Thompson ; Dodge county, Eli R. Doyle, J. W. Richardson; Douglas county, William N. Byers, William Clancy, Fleming Davidson, Thomas Davis, Alfred D. Goyer, Andrew J. Hanscom, An- drew J. Poppleton. Robert B. Whitted; For- ney county, William A. Finney, Joel M. Wood ; Pierce count}-, Gideon Bennet, James H. Cowles, James H. Decker, William B. Hail, Wilson M. Maddox; Richardson county, David M. N. Johnston, John A. Sin- gleton ; Washington county, Anselum Ar- nold, Andrew J. Smith. It does not require the full spelling of these Christian names in the record to safely conclude that there were three "Andrew Jacksons" in the house. The circumstance that this representation of strenuous names from the North Platte outnumbered that of the South Platte, two to one, might have had much to do with the success of the first- named section in achieving its heart's desire. Hiram P. Bennet of Pierce county was chosen temperary president of the council, and it is his recollection that J. C. Mitchell of Florence nominated him for that ofifice and put the question to the council. After temporary organization the council pro- ceeded to the chamber of the house where the governor delivered the first message to the joint assembly. With characteristic im- periousness he first undertook to administer the oath of office to the members. Mr. Ben- net thinks that he required as a condition for taking the oath that members should have received certificates of election from him. At any rate three South Platte members, Bennet, Bradford, and Nuckolls, refused to take the solemn vow by the governor's sanc- tion, and after the reading of the message both council and house acknowledged the irregularity of the proceeding by going through the ceremony before Judge Fergu- son and Judge Harden respectively. This Hiram P. Bennet President pro tem. of the first territorial council is the Palladiimi's unfortunately meager ac- count of the first actual skirmish of the ir- repressible and endless conflict between the North Platte and South Platte factions : The acting governor made an attempt to get control of the council, but was peremp- torily denied the privilege by the president (Mr. Bennet), by whom he was told that he had no business to do what he was attempt- ing to do, and that he was not needed, and not wanted there, that he was not set in authority over that body, and that his pre- tensions could not be recognized by it.^ At the afternoon session ]\Ir. Bennet, hav- ing become convinced that Mr. Sharp had - Nebraska PaUadiiiiii, January I", 18.^5. 174 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA been playing both sides, and had agreed to transfer his support to the North Platte, refused to act as temporary president, and Benjamin R. Folsom of Burt county was elected in his place. Messrs. J. L. Sharp and Hiram P. Bennet of the council were advertised as lawyers of Glenwood in the Palladium, during and after the legislative session, and that faith- ful chronicler of the doubtful deeds of all whom it classed among the wicked says that immediately after final adjournment the president of council "led ofT for Glenwood, Iowa, at about 2:40 on the first quarter." The ordinary restraints to the game of grab for the capital, which was organized at Council BlulTs soon after if not before the passage of the organic act, were lacking. These restraints are a settled interest in the community or state which the non-resident does not have, and the pride and fear of reputation which are invoked in public rep- resentatives only by the knowledge and fear that the eye of a real and responsible citi- zenship, with moral standards by which it will reach moral judgments, is upon them. It was to be expected, therefore, that the preparation for, and the first step in law- making should do violence to moral law. Omaha promoters intended to make that place the capital, and with well-founded confidence they relied upon the Napoleonic Cuming to carry out their intention. The citizens of Bellevue had insisted that their settlement should constitute a separate leg- islative district. It far exceeded in numbers any other settlement excepting Omaha and Nebraska City. "There were two points in the county though lying side by side were actually heaven-wide apart in interest and feeling. No union existed between them any more than if an ocean rolled between. If there were any points in the territory needing a district representation, these were the ones." I\Ir. Decatur, in arguing his case as con- testant for the seat of Mr. Poppleton in the house January 31st, is quoted as saying that "In the original organization of Omaha county, now recognized as Douglas county, there were two separate and distinct dis- tricts." The inference from this is that dur- ing the negotiations, or cross-bidding be- tween Bellevue and Omaha, conducted bj' Governor Cuming, he had at first intimated or agreed that in the first organization Omaha City and Bellevue should be kept apart in distinct districts, and the county was to be named Omaha instead of Doug- las. And so Mr. Decatur charges that, while the Nebraska bill makes it obligatory upon the acting governor to so district the county that each neighborhood should be represented, Bellevue is unrepresented. By the governor's tactics, however, Belle- vue was thrown into the Omaha district wliere her hostile vote was safely swallowed. But Bellevue voted for a distinct set of leg- islative candidates, and the tabulated vote is an interesting page in history. Bellevue, determined to emphasize to the utmost her distance from her northern rival, threw most of her vote for delegate to Con- gress to a resident of the far South, Savan- nah, Missouri — Napoleon B. Giddings — while Omaha voted for Hadley D. Johnson, actually of Council Bluffs but constructively of Omaha. The Bellevue candidates contested, or rather attempted to contest the seats of the Omaha candidates — who had of course re- ceived certificates of election from Governor Cuming. In the council they made a test of A. W. Hollister's claims. On the second (lay of the session, by a close vote of 7 to 6, Dr. Geo. L. Miller of Omaha was chosen chief clerk over Mr. Isaac R. Alden, the temporary clerk, who, being from Wash- ington county and Florence, presumably, was not sound on the capital question ; O. F. Lake was chosen assistant clerk, S. A. Lewis, sergeant-at-arms, and N. R. Folsom, doorkeeper. Then Mr. Mitchell ofifered a resolution "that a committee of three be appointed to investigate the claims of A. W. HoUister of Douglas county to a seat in this body," which on motion of Richardson of Douglas was tabled. A similar resolution FIRST LEGISLATURE 175 on behalf of B. Y. Shelley of Burt county who, according to the returns, had received 25 votes against 32 for Folsom, the sitting member, met with similar treatment. An attempt of the anti-Omaha forces to take up these resolutions on the following day was unsuccessful. On the 24th a resolution by ]\Ir. Folsom to inquire into the right of Mr. JMitchell to a seat, on the ground "that he is not now and never has been a citizen of Ne- braska, but that he is a citizen of Iowa," was met by another from the other side making similar charges of non-residence against Folsom, Richardson, and Sharp, the president ; and then came a resolution by Mitchell that Goodwill of Douglas was in- eligible because he was a resident of New York, and another by Goodwill charging that Nuckolls of Cass was a minor. These resolutions were all referred to the com- mittee on elections from which they were never reported, probably on the ground that it was not worth while, since the reasons for the investigation were admitted on all hands and could not be denied. Resolutions calling on the governor to furnish the coun- cil with the original census returns and his instructions to census takers were referred with safety to the same committee, since two of its members were from Douglas county. On the 6th of February this committee re- ported that it was "inexpedient" to further investigate the subject of contested seats; a word fitly chosen, considering the peculiar character of the objections raised to the claimants of seats and the impartiality of their application. As Mr. Shelley had at least a plausible case against Mr. Folsom, based upon the number of votes he received and not upon the delicate one of non-resi- dence, he was allowed the pay of a mem- ber up to February 6. In the house, on Mr. Poppleton's motion, Mr. Latham of Cass was chosen temporary presiding officer, and Joseph W. Paddock was appointed temporary chief clerk, George S. Eayre, assistant clerk, Samuel A. Lewis, sergeant-at-arms. and Benjamin B. Thompson, doorkeeper. As in the council, those members were recognized who held certificates of election from the governor. In the joint session, Doyle of Dodge and Decker and Maddox of Pierce refused to receive the official oath from Governor Cuming. On the second day Andrew J. Hanscom of Douglas was elected speaker over John B. Robertson of Burt by a vote of 18 to 7 ; Joseph W. Paddock of Douglas was elected chief clerk over Mastin W. Riden bv a like Benjamin R. Folsom Member of the first territorial assembly vote ; George S. Eayre, assistant clerk, over Mastin W. Riden by a vote of 19 to 7, and Isaac L. Gibbs doorkeeper without opposi- tion. The Rev. Joel M. Wood, member from Forney county, seems to have acted as chaplain of the house for the first week of the session, although the Rev. W. D. Gage of Nebraska City had been formerly elected to this office. The council took no action for the selection of a chaplain until the fifth day of the session when, by resolution, the president was authorized to invite the Rev. 176 [ISTfjRV OF XEHRASKA [Note — Jacob King was an early and well-known resident of the Platte valley] FIRST LEGISLATURE 17; William Hamilton of the Otoe and Omaha mission to act in that office. It does not ap- pear, however, that "Father" Hamilton ever served as chaplain, but the record shows that Mr. Gage actually served a part of the time in the council and also in the house. A determined fight was at once begun by the anti-Omaha members in favor of con- testants, against those who had received cer- tificates of election from the governor. Archie Handley of Forney county contested the seat of Wood, Benjamin Winchester of NiLES Rathbone Folsom Santa Monica, California, doorkeeper first ter- ritorial council Washington contested against Arnold, and J. Sterling Morton and Stephen Decatur of Bellevue against A. J. Poppleton and Will- iam Clancy of Omaha. On the 17th, Decker of Pierce offered a resolution for the appointment of a com- mittee of three "to examine the certificates of members of the house, and to investigate the claims of those contesting seats," which was rejected. On the 24th Mr. Poppleton moved to amend rule 53, which was similar to Decker's resolution, so as to restrict the duty of the committee on privileges and elections "to examine and report upon the certificates of election of the members re- turned to serve in this house." The opposi- tion exhausted all their parlimentary re- sources against the passage of the rule, but it was finally adopted by a vote of 13 to 12. This was an approximate division of the Omaha and anti-Omaha forces on the cap- ital question. It is interesting to note that this violent measure was supported by the same members, who, with the addition of Robertson of Burt, two days later, passed the bill locating the capital at Omaha. The Palladium sounds this note of disgust and despair: Governor Cuming's appointees having the majority and being reluctant to have their claims investigated, yesterday they made it a rule of the House that Cuming's certificates were the only evidence which had a right to come before the House in the matter ! ! ! And this in Nebraska, and enacted by the very men who are so loud in their praises of popular sovereignty! Oh! Shame! where is thy blush? Poppleton and Richardson of Douglas and Latham and Thompson of Cass argued that under the organic law the possession of the governor's certificate was conclusive, and that there could be no appeal or contest but to him. Decker of Pierce, Wood of Forney, and Doyle of Dodge insisted that the well- settled principle that legislative bodies have the right to pass upon the qualifications of their members applied to this case. The Palladium admits that "Poppleton, the mover, closed the debate in a tolerably able vindication of the amendment." Even then Poppleton must have been a tolerably good jurist; and he must have laughed in his sleeve as his defense of his novel doctrine rolled out in plausible phrase and with unctuous smoothness. Nebraska, we believe, is unique in the dis- covery and application of this principle of parlimentary procedure. The provision of the organic act bearing on this question is as follows : "The person having the highest number of legal votes in each of said coun- 178 HTSTORV OF XERRASKA [XoTE — J. B. Kuony established the first store at Fort Calhoun, Nebraska f FIRST LEGISLATL'RE 179 180 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA cil" — or the house, as the case may be — "shall be declared by the governor to be duly elected" ; and this wording is found substantially in the organic acts of all the northwestern territories. We find a like lack of restraint in the organization of the first legislatures of other territories, though under the usual parlimentary rule. The first legis- lature of Kansas, at the first, arbitrarily un- seated nine free-soil members who held cer- tificates, and because they were free-soilers, the other two having resigned partly through disgust and partly through the "moral suasion" of the pro-slavery members. In Wisconsin, the first house unseated a Benjamin B. Thompson Doorkeeper, first territorial house of representatives certificated member and seated the con- testant, according to the general, but against the Nebraska parlimentary principle; and the first house of Indiana, whose first act was to consider the qualifications of its mem- bers, arbitrarily unseated the regular mem- l)er from St. Clair county. On the first day of the session it appears that two of the contestants from Bellevue, J. Sterling Morton and Stephen Decatur, were admitted into the house and participated in the discussion about Cuming's credentials or certificates, and from what we of the present know of Morton we may be sure that the discussion was not lacking in ag- gressive vigor. The sardonic answer of the report of the committee on privileges and elections to the editor's hope and prayer for righteousness was that "Mr. Decatur ad- vanced his claim on the ground that Doug- las county is separate and distinct from Omaha, and that he is the representative from Douglas county, having received a greater number of votes in that county than Mr. Poppleton"; but "Mr. Poppleton in de- fense produced a certificate from the gov- ernor of Nebraska declaring him duly elected a representative from Douglas county." It did not matter that the conclusion of the committee violated immemorial parlia- mentary usage and renounced all spirit of fairness ; it was backed by a majority as resolute as it was oblivious of any such nice considerations. The finding was brief and to the point, as it could afl'ord to be : After considering the evidence of each party your committee are of the opinion that A. J. Poppleton is entitled to a seat in this House according to the organic lazv and rules adopted bv this House." Of the five members of the committee, four had voted for the obnoxious rule and after- ward consistently voted to locate the capita! at Omaha. It is a barren formality to add that every member to whom Governor Cum- ing had given his certificate held his seat. This was the beginning of the end of the most important act of the first legislature. The council or upper house, the equivalent of a state senate, contained some men of re- markably good intellect, and several of pre- vious experience in legislative bodies. Colonel Joseph L. Sharp, nominally of Richardson county, who was elected president of the coun- cil over his bitter political and personal rival, James C. Mitchell of Florence, had formerly been a member of the legislature of Illinois and also of the legislature of Iowa. He was a disciplined and ready parliamentarian. He knew and could apply with quick decision, the rules governing deliberative bodies. Down to this day no one has presided over the senate,, or any other deliberative body of the state. '^ House Journal, 1855, p. 144. FIRST LEGISLATURE 181 with more skill or dignity. He was a man of italic individuality. His person was angular and his height six feet three. His hair was abundant and iron gray, and it covered a leonine head. His eye was a bright steel-blue, his chin square, his mouth tight-shut and firm. In the little council chamber where these primitive lawmakers were laying the footings for the walls of the civic edifice since built, there was but small space for spectators ; but they drifted in from the curious East, now and then, and, standing against the railing which fenced them out from the members, took notes and made whispered observations among themselves upon the proceedings of the coun- cil and the demeanor of its president. It was the misfortune of Colonel Sharp to have been fearfully scarred, indented, and pitted with smallpox. That dreadful disease had bleared, glazed over, and destroyed the sight of his left eye, and at the same time had twisted and deeply indented his prominent nose, which looked somewhat awry ; so that, altogether, the victim's facial expression was rather repel- lant. Right against the lobby rail was the desk and seat of his spiteful and malignant competitor, Jim Mitchell, as he was called. Mitchell was a lithe, slender, small man, about sixty years of age, not more than five feet six inches tall and weighing not more than one hundred and twenty pounds. He was quick of mind, had a hairtrigger temper, and his courage was unquestioned. He had justi- fiably killed his man at Jackson, Iowa, had been tried and honorably acquitted. There- fore no bully presumed to insult him, though his features were mild, gentle, and pallid as those of a studious orthodox clergyman, and his manners were refined and quiet. His hatred of Sharp was deep and relentless. One day a couple of visitors from "down east" were leaning against the railing by Mitchell's desk, watching President Sharp and listening to his rapid decisions and rulings, and finally one said to the other, in an undertone which reached the alert ear of Mitchell: "That president knows his business. He is able and impartial, quick and correct, but certainly the homliest man I ever looked at" ; and Mitch- ell, with a cynical smile and tranquil irony, remarked : "Hell ! You should have seen him before he was improved by the small- pox." Possibly state senators of this day keep sarcasm in stock sharper and more spontaneous than that, but they seldom exer- cise it. The other law-maker of experience in the council was Origen D. Richardson of Doug- las county. He had served in the Michigan senate and had also been governor of that state. He was a native of Vermont, level- Origen D. Richardson Oldest member of the first territorial assembly lieaded, honest, and of sound judgment. More than any other individual, Richardson deter- mined the character and quality of the legis- lation of that first assembly. As chairman of the permanent committee on the judiciary, in the council, he did an enormus amount of thoughtful, diligent, and eiificient labor. He no doubt planned, formed, and shaped more statutes than any other member of either house, not excepting Andrew J. Poppleton, who was the most capable, industrious, and painstaking member of the house committee on judiciary, the superior of any lawyer then 182 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA in Nebraska, and the peer, perhaps, of any who have since practiced in the courts of this state. In those earlier days Mr. Poppleton was almost passionately fond of public speak- ing, for which he was well equipped with an unusual share of personal magnetism, reason- ing power, and a plausible and persuasive ad- dress. He manifested a keen interest in poli- tical affairs up to the time of the segregation of his services in the office of the Union Pacific railway company, which was a distinct loss to the commonwealth. Among the most far-sighted law-makers of the future of such a road, and in concluding declares that if it could be built. The millions of Europe would be brought in contact with the hundreds of millions ot Asia, and their line for quick transit would be, to a great extent, across our continent. Their mails, their ministers, their most costly and interesting travel and trade, would take this route, and augment our business and mul- tiply our resources. In view of the compara^ tive cost, to the wonderful changes that will result, your committee can not believe the period remote when this work will be accom- plished ; and with liberal encouragement to capital, which your committee are disposed to E>^gra^■ing from j-m .;.';,' .;■ ,' '■;,'; I'x S:.:ri Lis IT. )'. Schyincmsky, oziltcd by Mrs. Jatncs T. Alhiu, Onialui, Xchriijka. The Presbvteeiax ^Mission at Bellevue, Completed ix 18+8 This, and its companion pieces, are the only pictures extant of the Mission building as it appeared in 1854 that first council was Dr. M. H. Clark, mem ber from Fontenelle, Dodge county. He was a type of the vigorous frontiersman in form and mind. He was an enthusiast as to the commercial future of Nebraska. As chairman of the committee on corporations he made a report to the council on the 16th of February, 1855, which was a prophecy of remarkable ac- curacy, and which has been completely veri- fied. The report in its advocacy of the charter- ing of a transcontinental railroad forecasts grant, it is their belief that before fifteen years have transpired the route to India will be open, and the way across this continent will be the common way of the world. Enter- taining these views, your committee report the bill for the Platte Valley and Pacific Rail- road, feeling assured that it will become not only a basis for branches within Nebraska, but for surrounding states and territories. The report begins with this sentence: "It is generally conceded that the portion of the territory of Nebraska which will first seek organization as a state is that which lies be- ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR IZARD 183 tween the parallels of 40 degrees and 43 de- grees, extending west to the Rocky moun- tains." That this discerning pioneer should thus have foretold the future northern and south- ern boundaries of the state is more significant than remarkable for prescience when we con- sider that it is simply a reflection of the orig- inal Iowa idea. This was the original and persistently proposed northern boundary for the territory until, at the last moment, all that remained of the unorganized part of the Pur- chase was included. It was the boundary in the bills introduced by Douglas in 1844 and 1848, and of the bill of the Iowa senator (Dodge) in 1853 — the bill which, as amended, was finally passed — and the 40th parallel was the southern boundary in the bill of 1848. This boundary had been fixed by the united desire or judgment of the bordering promo- ters of organization, and in accordance willi the reasons given by the Iowa statesman al- ready freely quoted. This forecast indicates that Mr. Clark was, to some extent, familiar with what had gone before; and his judgment as to the desirable and probable location of the coming state was confirmed by its pro- jectors. That report, written and published before civil government in Nebraska was six months old, and when most of the people of the United States who had thought about the subject at all believed that the construction of a railroad from the Missouri river across the Plains and through the Rocky mountains to the Pacific coast was an impossibility, is a notable piece of economic and industrial faith, if not of fore- sight. Acting Governor Cuming delivered the first executive message to a joint meeting of the two houses in the chamber of the house of rep- resentatives at three o'clock in the afternoon of the first day's session.* As might be ex- pected of a man so able and of such positive parts, the message was comprehensive and well composed, and for the greater part direct, con- cise, and incisive ; and as might be expected in one so young — he was only twenty-six — it not only had the unnecessary and at least now quite unusual appendage of a peroration, but this peroration was grandiloquent indeed. When it is considered that no other executive message since delivered in this commonwealth, except that of the ripe statesman, Governor Richardson, equals this first one — the com- position of an inexperienced boy — in point of saying what should be said and saying it well, we readily overlook the final efflorescence. The temporary governor bespeaks for the expected permanent executive, Governor Izard, the blending of "a dignified disinter- estedness with an appreciated efficiency well befitting the chief magistrate of the largest commonwealth of freemen within the limits of the Union or the world." Our appreciation of the unerring western apotheosis of mere size is heightened by the reflection that this physically greatest of all the territories, past or present, was the least of all in population. It is significant that the first recommendation of this first Nebraska message was in favor of a memorial to Congress in behalf of the construction of the Pacific railway up the valley of the Platte. The governor suggested that the legislature in its memorial should "urgently if not principally ask" for a prelim- inary provision for telegraphic and letter mail communication with the Pacific, and that for its jjrotection parties of twenty dragoons should be stationed at stockades twenty or thirty miles apart. Councilman Clark's commit- tee report in favor of a Pacific railway and by the Platte route was an elaboration of the governor's recommendation. The legislature was reminded that in the enactment of a code of laws and the establishment of public insti- tutions, it had the benefit of an ample fund of experience treasured by neighboring states. The recommendation of the enactment of gen- eral incorporation laws was wise but unheeded. The governor also recommended that volun- tary military companies be organized for pro- tection against the Sioux, Ponca, and other Indians. Administration of Governor Iz.\rd. Mr. Izard, United States marshal, who had been in Washington, we may believe with an eye to * Records Nebraska Territory, p. 40. 184 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA promotion to the governorship, returned to Omaha on the 20th of February, and his ar- rival was formally announced to the two houses of the legislature by Secretary Cuming on that day, and on the same day the secre- tary presented him to a joint meeting of the houses, when he delivered a passable speech, as governor's speeches go, and which might sociate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. He resided at Mt. Vernon, St. Francis county, Arkansas, and his appoint- ment was due to the influence of Senator Sebastian of that state. The Helena (Arkan- sas) .T/ar in noticing his appointment admitted that he was "not endowed with shining tal- ents," and the governor's Nebraska contem- M.\RK W. Izard First United States marshal and second governor of Nebraska territory be excused for its lack of much else by its plethora of reference to "sovereigns," "the principles of popular sovereignty," and "the sovereignty of the people." The new governor had taken the oath of oftice December 23, 1854, in the city of Wash- ington, before Judge John A. Campbell, as- jioraries still living are not heard to dissent from the adinission. He was doubtless a fair sample of the overplus of the mass of aspi- rants for place with which southern dispensers of patronage must have been infested, and for whom, in the einergency, such long-distance provision must be made. Since Secretary LOCATION OF THE CAPITAL 185 Cuming, a quasi-resident, was himself an as- pirant for the office in question, we may pre- sume that his sympathetic reference — in in- troducing his successful rival to the legisla- ture — to the carpet-bagger's "long and toil- some journey" in reaching Nebraska was not innocent of malicious irony. Izard was scarcely competent to properly perform the duties of his office. His short career gave evidence of this, no less than the implied ad- mission of his friends when they said he "meant well." Governor Izard was not inclined to miss a chance to distinguish himself as a maker of state papers ; so he gave himself the benefit of the doubt whether a second message was called for, and delivered one to the two houses February 27th. He had discovered his lack of discretion and sense of propriety in his address of the 20th in saying that "in the discharge of my official duties as your chief executive I shall endeavor to carry out the wishes of the national administration." In his message to the all but sovereign legislature he betrayed his ignorance of the limitations of the pro- vince of the executive by expressing regret that he was not "sufficiently familiar with the progress already made to indicate a course of policy for the government of your future action." He recommended in the message the adoption of the code of Iowa for temporary purposes, "as a large portion of our citizens at present are from that state, and are more or less familiar with its system" ; that provision be made for all local officers to be elected by the people ; that the interest of settlers on lands they had occupied, not yet surveyed under the act of Congress of July 22, 1854, be treated as taxable property ; and he followed Acting Governor Cuming in wisely urging general instead of special legislation as far as possible. These first legislators were true to their type in that practical politics was their first care; and house file No. 1, offered Jan- uary 18th, by Robertson of Burt county, was a joint resolution as follows : Resolved, That we herewith endorse the principles enunciated in the bill organizing the territories of Kansas and Nebraska ; that we rejoice that the geographical line between the northern and southern states has been erased, leaving the people of every state and territory free to control their domestic insti- tutions ; and that we commend the firm and patriotic course of the men, without distinc- tion of party, who have aided in establishing the sound constitutional principles of the com- promise of 1850, and Resolved, furthermore, that we pledge our- selves to oppose any unfair discriminations, such as those of the late Missouri compro- mise, but to protect and defend the rights of the states and the union of states, and to ad- vance and perpetuate the doctrine of popular sovereignty. Location of the Capital. The momen- tous contest of the session was opened by the introduction of bills for the location of the seat of government. The contest has raged at intervals from that time to this. On the 24th of January a bill was introduced in the council by Richardson of Douglas county, and the following day Latham of Cass introduced a similar bill in the house. A motion by Nuckolls to insert the words "Plattsmouth of Cass county" in the council bill carried 7 to 6. A motion by Clark of Dodge to insert the name of Bellevue lost. Richardson succeeded in having the bill referred to the committee on public buildings. The Latham bill left blanks in the bill to be filled in relative to the location. A motion by Kempton, to insert Plattsmouth, lost, as did a motion to insert Brownsville, and a similar motion to name Omaha. Latham later renewed his motion to name Plattsmouth, but the motion lost by a tie vote, and Poppleton, the general in the house for Omaha, finally renewed his motion which carried, and the bill was sent to the coimcil. In the council Mitchell moved to insert Plattsmouth instead of Omaha, but Richardson procured its reference to the committee of the whole as a substitute by a vote of 7 to 6, and then secured its postponement for two days. In the meantime, Mitchell had seen a sign and withdrew, upon the first opportunity, his motion to name Plattsmouth, and moved to locate the capital about two and one-half miles north of Omaha ; then Richardson gave 186 HISTORY OF -NEBRASKA notice that upon some future day he would make Mitchell sole commissioner to locate the capital buildings, and Mitchell withdrew his last amendment. Richardson's task was now easy and, in spite of Rennet's dilatory tactics, the bill was passed by a vote of 7 to 6, Mitch- ell's vote having changed from Plattsmouth to Omaha. After the location had finally been made, charges of bribery were frequent in the press of that day. The Palladium did not fail to credit Mr. Poppleton with efficiently follow- ing up Cuming's primary work. Nevertheless the governor had virtually located the capital, and was to be a very great factor in locating it actually. And thus it occurred that Thomas B. Cuming was the founder of Omaha. The Bellevue of today, in size and condi- tion, illustrates the truth that mere righteous- ness and beauty are not in the reckoning against western hustle with all that it implies. The original missionary's residence and the building which was occupied by the Indian agency are still standing ; the first on the edge of the plateau immediately overlooking the river. The walls are a concrete of mortar and small stones, and the house is rectangular in shape, two stories in height with a veranda ex- tending between the two stories along the en- tire eastern or river front, thus commanding a magnificent view of the river valley and the distant bluffs and groves on the Iowa side. A hall extends from east to west across the mid- dle of the house. The mission house itself was long since removed. The first church (Presbyterian) and the residences of Chief Justices Fenner Ferguson and Augustus Hall are still standing and in use. The natural tovi'nsite of Bellevue comprises a level plateau of about three thousand acres in the angle be- tween the Missouri river and Papillion creek. It rises on the north to a high hill which seems to have been especially designed by nature foi the capitol of the commonwealth; but though selfish and shortsighted man has disposed where God so magnificently proposed, still the eminence is fittingly crowned by the main Iniilding of Bellevue college. The journal of the council tells us that "Mr. Richardson (of Douglas county) nominated Mr. Sharp of Richardson county for presi- dent of the council, whereupon, on motion of Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Sharp was declared duly elected." This is suggestive that both sides in the capital contest depended upon Sharp, and that he ■ was ready to disappoint either. Surviving contemporaries of these men and times insist that Sharp agreed for a valuable consideration to support Omaha in the capital struggle, and that, mistrusting him, the con- sideration was recovered through strategy by an emissary of Omaha (A. J. Hanscom). Though Sharp appears to have favored Omaha interests in the appointment of committees of the council, he for some reason lost interest in the cause of Omaha, and afterward voted against locating the capital there. On the 5th of February, after the capital campaign had ended in triumph for Omaha, friends and beneficiaries in the council moved resolutions vouching for the uprightness and purity of motive, and commending the effi- ciency of the Napoleonic leader in so rapidly organizing the territory • — the first, doubtless because it was felt that he needed it, and the second because he really deserved it. A reso- lution declaring the right of the council to in- quire into the acts of public officers, and another declaring explicitly that the several acts of Acting Governor Cuming in the organi- zation of the territory were proper subjects of investigation by a committee, had been re- jected January 24th. Mr. Bennet now insisted that the vote of confidence could not be prop- erly awarded in the face of the denial of the investigation ; but after a fierce fight the reso- lution was carried by a vote of 8 to 5. Those voting nay were Bennet, Bradford, and Cowles of Pierce, Mitchell of Washington, and Nuck- olls of Cass. We find Mitchell's eimiity or conviction unabated by his capital commis- sionership, and the Palladium's perfidious Sharp, in this instance, in the enemy's camp. L-'^ws OF THE First Session. Council file No. 1 was a joint resolution by Richardson providing that the st\de of the laws should be as follows : "Be it enacted by the council and house of representatives of the territory of LAWS OF THE FIRST SESSION 187 Nebraska." Mr. Rogers would have it amended into this more democratic fashion : "Be it enacted by the people of the territory of Nebraska in general assembly convened," but his amendment failed and both houses passed Richardson's resolution. The enactments of the first legislature were classified in eight parts. The first part was intended as a complete civil code, and was ap- propriated from the code of Iowa. The sec- ond comprised laws of a general nature pre- pared by the legislature itself. The third was the criminal code, also appropriated from the Iowa code. The fourth located and estab- lished territorial roads. The fifth defined the boundaries and located, or provided for the lo- cation of county seats. The sixth incorporated industrial companies and towns, or cities rather. The seventh incorporated bridge and ferry companies, and authorized the keeping of ferries and the erection of bridges. The eighth consisted of joint resolutions adopted at the session. The first enactment, in part second, as ar- ranged in the statute, provided for taking another census to be completed by October 11, 1855, for a new apportionment of members of the house of representatives, and the time when annual elections should be held and the legislature should convene. The second pro- hibited the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors in the territory. H. P. Downs of Nebraska City took the first step in a prohibi- tion movement in Nebraska when he obtained eighty signatures, besides his own, of people of the town named, to a petition for a "pro- hibitory liquor law," and lodged it in the council. The petition was presented by Mr. Bradford on the 6th of February, and was re- ferred to the judiciary committee. On the 9th of February Mr. Rogers of that commit- tee made the following unique report : Your committee, to whom was referred the petition of H. P. Downs and eighty others, praying for a prohibitory law against trafific in intoxicating drinks, and against licensing dram shops and other drinking houses, report : That in their opinion, where the people are prepared and public sentiment sufficiently in favor of a prohibitory law to fully sustain and enforce it, such a law would be productive of the best results to the community. That in the opinion of this committee, the traffic in intoxicating drinks is a crime, ana they would be unwilling to legalize this crime by the solemn sanction of a law granting li- cense for its commission. They are unwilling to elevate to respectability by legal sanction any trade or traffic that tends to demoralize [the] community, retard the progress of edu- cation, impoverish the people, and impose on the sober and industrious part of [the] com- munity, without their consent, a tax which must necessarily be incurred to take care of paupers and criminals manufactured by the traffic. They are unwilling to make a traffic credit- able the evil effects of which do not stop by besotting and bankrupting the heads of fam- ilies, but which cause hunger, shame, distress and poverty to be imposed with tenfold sever- ity upon the innocent wife and children of their families. As much, however, as we may be in favor of a prohibitory law until [the] community by petition or otherwise may fully manifest their determination to sustain such a law ^ S. E. Rogers. Some Features of the Nen' Linvs. The revenue law required the auditor to distribute the territorial expense authorized to be paid out of the territorial treasury according to the assessment rolls, which were to be transmitted to him by the judges of probate of the several counties. The probate judges levied the taxes, and the sheriffs were at once the assessors and tax. collectors. The sheriff was also coroner of his county. A register of deeds was provided. The supreme court consisted of a chief jus- tice and two associates, who were to hold a term annually at the seat of government. In accordance with the organic act, the legisla- ture divided the territory into three districts, and fixed the times and places of holding court therein. A judge of the supreme court pre- sided over each of these districts. The act regulating elections named the first Tuesday in November, 1855, and on the same day thereafter every second year, as the time for the election of a delegate to ^ Here the report, Council Journal, p. 52, breaks off short. Thus prohibition in Nebraska was born in Nebraska City, and was afterwards legitimized and was a law of Nebraska, though httle enforced, until 1858, when it was repealed by a license act. 188 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Congress, and county officers consisting of a probate judge, register, sheriff, treas- urer and surveyor ; also a territorial treasurer, auditor, and librarian, a district attorney for each judicial district, two justices of the peace, and two constables for each district. A law exempting the property of married women from liability for the debts of husbands was passed, but no general exemption of home- steads or other property was made. An in- terest rate of ten per cent was fixed where no other rate was provided in the contract, and the contract rate was left without limitation. . The law "to establish the common school system" conferred upon the librarian the du- ties of territorial superintendent of public in- struction at a salary of $200 per year, and provided for the organization and support of the common or district schools. The county superintendent reported to the territorial su- perintendent all essential facts reported to him from the several districts in his county, examined and granted certificates to teachers, and apportioned the puJilic school tax and paid it over to the districts of his county. The district boards managed the affairs of the dis- tricts, and before employing teachers, were re- quired to examine them in the subjects taught in the common schools. United States Surveys. An act entitled "Claims on public lands," passed by the first legislature, undertook to legalize neighborhood regulations as to claims and improvements on public lands, and provided for their registry in the office of the register of deeds of the county as the law of each neighborhood. A valid claim was limited in extent to 320 acres, and each claim was to conform "as near as may be to the lines of subdivision of the United States surveys," and the boundaries were re- quired to be "marked, staked, or blazed." The act provided that the resident claim holders of each neighborhood should define its boun- daries and record them in llie office of the reg- ister of deeds. It is an interesting fact, which must be borne in mind for a proper under- standing of the claims bill, that at the time it was passed no part of Nebraska had been sur- veyed, and therefore no lands had been offered for sale or formally opened to settlement. We find Mr. Joseph Dyson urging, in support of his candidacy as a delegate to Congress in 1854, that he is in favor of a law which will "secure to actfial settlers a temporary right to the lands they have improved until such time as they can dig out of the soil the amount of money necessary to enter them" ; and that "it is a conceded point that the preemption law of 1841, in a great majority of cases, has been destructive to the interests of the preemptor." because, "as soon as a person who has no capital files on a piece of land some individual who has more money than good principles will lay his money on the same land" in the hope that the preemptor will not be able to pay for it at the time specified by law. In order to protect himself from this menace he must bor- row money "at forty or fifty per cent per an- num, which are the usual rates of interest in such cases." By the law of Congress approved July 22, 1854, the President of the United States was authorized to appoint a surveyor-general for the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, and his office was to be located as the President should from time to time direct. This law provided that "all public lands to which the Indian title has or shall be extinguished" should be subject to the preemption act of 1841 ; also that Nebraska should constitute the "Omaha district" and Kansas the "Pawnee dis- trict." The first surveyor-general appointed under this act was John Calhoun, and his of- fice was first located at Leavenworth, Kansas. It was removed from Kansas to Nebraska City about June 1, 1858. The second party to the first surveying con- tract for Nebraska undertook to establish the principal base line in the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, which was to begin at "the point where the 40th degree of latitude (the boundary line between Nebraska and Kansas) intersects the right bank of the Missouri river," and to run west 108 miles to the sixth principal meridian, which was the western bor- der of the Omaha cession, and is now the western boundary of Jeft'erson, Saline, Seward and Butler counties. The parties to this con- tract were the surveyor-general and J. P. John- son of Bond county, Illinois ; it was dated No- CLALA[ CLUBS 189 vember 2, 1854, and the work was to be com- pleted by January 20, 1855. The next contract was made April 26, 1855, with Chas. A. Man- ners of Christian county, Illinois, for estab- lishing the guide meridian between ranges 8 and 9 — the west line of Pawnee, Johnson, Otoe, and Cass counties — and the Missouri river, and also to establish the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th parallel lines. The third con- tract, dated September 26, 1855, with Bennet Burnam, was for subdividing townships 1, 2, 3, 4, north, range 12 east — the east tier of townships of Pawnee county, and the south- east corner of Johnson, and the southwest cor- ner of Nemaha county. This contract was to he completed by December 1, 1855. Contracts for the first subdivision in Douglas county — ■ including Omaha City and Florence — and in Otoe county were made October 31, 1855, to be completed by June, 1856- The Council Bluffs Chronotype quotes the Nebraska City News of January 19, 1856, which reports rapid progress of the survey, saying that "early in the spring all of Nebraska between the guide meridian and the Missouri river will be surveyed and in the market." Major J. D. White had just returned to the city from the field, having completed a con- tract in the first division, and several com- panies were at work on the first, second, third, and fourth divisions. Claim Clubs. From this account of the first surveys it will be seen that all claimants of lands before the organization of the terri- tory and for about two years after were mere- ly scjuatters, without titles or surveyed boun- daries of their landed possessions. But neces- sity had become the mother of invention of a practicable and efficient substitute for statutory rule or measure. The primary government of the territory was a pure democracy. The first formal territorial laws were those passed by the claim clubs. Though the earliest of these laws antedated the legislature, and had no con- stitutional origin or sanction, they were none the less actual or effective. This system was doubtless borrowed directly from Iowa, where it had been in vogue in a similar form. There is contemporary evidence that the rules of these clubs were enforced with equity and firmness — sometimes with the utmost sever- ity — and that the settler who came into this voluntary court of equity was protected in his substantial rights from the time he squatted on his claim until he made good his title when the lands were put on sale by authority of the federal law. The constitution and rules of the several clubs did not greatly differ in sub- stance. The first claim association of Ne- braska of which we have any record was or- ganized at a meeting held under the "lone tree" — the western terminus of the Council Bluffs and Nebraska Ferry — on the 22d of July, 1854. Samuel A. Lewis was chairman and M. C. Gaylord, secretary. In the pre- amble of a set of resolutions passed at the meeting is an interesting account of the rela- tion of the ferry company to the projected town of Omaha as early as 1853. NEBRASKA CLAIM MEETING Pursuant to notice given, a large and re- .spectable number of the claimants upon the public lands in the vicinity of Omaha City met at that place on the 22d day of July, 1854. S. Lewis [Samuel A. Lewis] was called to the chair, and M. C. Gaylord appointed secretary. The following claim laws were then enacted, viz. : CLAIM LAWS Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Omaha Town- ship Claim Association, that we unite ourselves under the above title for mutual protection in holding claims upon the public lands in the ter- ritory of Nebraska and be governed by these claim laws. Sec. 2. That all persons who have families to support or who are acting for themselves will have protection from this association pro- viding they become a member of it and act in conjunction with the majority of its members. Sec. 3. No person can become a member unless he resides in Nebraska territory or dis- claims a residence elsewhere. Sec. 4. All claims must be marked, staked and blazed so the lines can be traced and the quantity known by persons accustomed to trac- ing lines. Sec. 5. No person will be protected in hold- ing more than three hundred and twenty acres of land, but that may be in two separate par- cels to suit the convenience of the holder. Sec. 6. Marking the claim and building a claim pen four rounds high in a conspicuous place shall hold the claim for thirty days. Sec. 7. At the expiration of thirty days as 190 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA in section six the claimants sliall erect a house thereon. Sec. 8. All dilTerences respecting claims if they cannot be settled amicably between the proper claimants, shall be settled by arbitra- tors, each claimant shall select one arbitrator and those selected shall choose a third. Sec. 9. The arbitrators shall investigate all the claim difficulties between said claimants by hearing testimony and argument, and decide as the right and justice of the case to them may appear, and give to the party in whose favor the decision has been made a written certificate of the settlement of the differences between them and file a copy with the recorder of the association for the future reference if required. Sec. 10. When claims are sold or exchanged, Quit Claim Deeds shall be given as evidence of the contract in which the boundaries of the claim shall be amply set forth. Sec. 11. The jurisdiction of the association shall extend north and south of the grade sec- tion line in Omaha City 3 miles and west from the Missouri river 6 miles. Sec. 12. No person shall hold more than eighty acres of timber but that may be in two separate parcels. Sec." 13. When claimants of different claim townships come in conflict a committee of conference shall be appointed by the Judge to hold a council with a similar committee se- lected by the proper authorities of the claim township of which the other interested person is a member, which committees when acting together shall determine which claimant is en- titled to the matter in dispute. Sec. 14. After the adoption of the fore- going resolutions the following preamble and resolutions were submitted to the meeting and unanimously adopted : Whereas, the Council Bluff's and Nebraska Ferry Company obtained the consent and ap- probation of the Indian Agent in July last, now one year ago, to establish and put in op- eration a steam ferry at and between Council Bluff's and the point where we are now as- sembled, now known as Omaha City, And whereas said company has expended large sums of money in the purchase of a steam ferry boat, and in keeping it in regular operation, in making roads, and in starting the first brick yard in the territory for making pressed and other superior bricks, And whereas said company is about erect- ing a substantial and commodious brick edi- fice, suitable for legislative, judicial and other public purposes ; as well as other buildings and improvements on their ferry claim, now Omaha City, Therefore, resolved, that we recognize and confirm the claim of said company as staked out, surveyed and platted recently into lots, blocks, streets, alleys and out lots, and bounded on the East by the Missouri river, on the North by [Thomas] Jeffrey's claim, on the West by [M. C] Gaylord and [Hadley D.] Johnson's claim, and on the South by [Alfred D.] Jones' claim; and that we will counte- nance and encourage the building of a city on said claim. Sec. 15. The officers of the association shall consist of a judge, clerk, recorder, and sheriff', who shall hold their offices for six months, and until their successors are elected. Sec. 16. The judge shall preside at all meet- ings of the association and with the other of- ficers call its meetings whenever he may deem it necessary and perform such other duties as may be assigned him by the association. Sec. 17. The clerk shall keep a journal of the proceedings of the association when in session assembled. vSec. 18. The recorder shall record all quit claim deeds, boundaries of claims, decisions of arbitrators, &c., which may be presented to him for that purpose, for which he shall receive fifty cents each from the person desiring the service rendered. Sec. 19. The .sheriff' shall execute and put in force all judgments of arbitrators and shall have power to call to his aid therefor the en- tire association and should any member refuse without good cause shown before the judge, he shall forfeit all his right to protection from the association. Sec. 20. These laws shall not be altered or amended except by a public meeting of which due notice shall be given by order of the of- ficers of the association. After the passage of the above laws the as- sociation proceeded to the election of its of- ficers, which resulted, viz. : A. D. Jones, Tudge ; S. Lewis, Clerk ; M. C. Gaylord, Re- corder ; R. B. Whitted, Sheriff. On motion the assembly adjourned. S. Lewis, Chairman. M. C. Gaylord, Sec." John M. Thayer was president of the Omaha Claims Association, and Lyman Rich- ardson was secretary. The fundamental reso- lutions, after reciting that "it has been found necessary in all new countries to league to- gether to prevent lands being taken by specu- lators abroad or at home," and that "during the coming season lands will be greatly sought for by newcomers and land sharks," commit the club to the meting out of justice in this ad- e Omaha Arro'ic. July 28. 1854. CLAIM CLUBS 191 mirably direct, determined, and unmistakable manner : We whose names are hereto subscribed, claimants upon the public lands, do hereby agree with each other, and bind ourselves upon our honors that we will protect every lawful claimant in the peaceable possession of his claim, and that in case of his claim being jumped we will, when called upon by the Captain of the Regulators, turn out and pro- ceed to the claim jumped, and there endeavor to have the matter settled amicably by an ar- bitration on the spot, each party to choose one arbitrator, and if they can not agree they shall choose a third ; but if it cannot be so settled then we will obey the captain in carefully and quietly putting the jumper out of possession and the claimant in. We further agree with each other that when the surveys have been made and the land of- fered for sale by the United States we will at- tend said sales and protect each other in en- tering our respective claims, each claimant fur- nishing the money for his said entry. After the sales we are to deed and re-deed to each other so as to secure to each claimant the land each has claimed, according to the lines now existing. The burden was on the jumper of any part of a claim in different tracts to show the ex- cess over 320 acres in the total claim by the regular survey. Alfred D. Goyer, who had been a member from Douglas county of the first house of rep- resentatives, was unanimously awarded the formidable, if not dangerous title of captain of the regulators. The several associations in Douglas county were invited to meet the Omaha association in joint convention to es- tablish more accurately the division lines, and for other purposes. Andrew J- Poppleton was an active member of this meeting, and Harrison Johnson, O. D. Richardson, Samuel E. Rogers, L Shoemaker, and A. D. Goyer were the committee on resolutions. The N ebraskian of March 26, 1856, copies laws and boundaries of the club formed by the residents of the south part of Washington county. These laws provided that any person above sixteen years of age might hold a claim. The same journal of May 21, 1856, states that at a meeting of the Omaha Claims Association a resolution was passed requiring claimants to make improvements worth $50, and "begin to- morrow," in order to hold their claims. At Secretary Cuming's instance a resolution was passed directing that a copy of the resolutions of February 5th be left with the register of the county, and every claimholder be required to sign them in order to come under their pro- tection. This paper also contains an account of a summary eviction by the Omaha club. Four men had erected a cabin and prepared the foundations for three more on the "upper end of the town site," on the previous Satur- day night. The "captain" had the work de- molished promptly. It is stated that the jump- ers intended to claim one hundred and sixty acres each, "worth in all at least $15,000." From the N ebraskian of July 2, 1856, we learn that at a meeting of the claim club of Omaha, of which J. W. Paddock was now president and Dr. Geo. L. Miller, secretary, Mr. Poppleton, for the committee, reported resolutions, the preamble of which recited that it had come to the knowledge of the club "that divers evil-disposed persons will attempt by a secret preemption to steal from their neigh- bors lands assured and pledged to them by the laws of this association." They therefore re- solved that : Whereas, if any person shall file a decla- ration of intention to preempt, or take any other step to secure a preemption upon lands not his own according to the laws and regu- lations of this association, this association, at the call of the Captain of the Regulators, will proceed to the premises on which such a state- ment has been filed or such steps shall have been taken, investigate the matter, and if such shall appear to be the fact, compel the party filing such statement to enter into bonds to deed by warranty deed to the respective own- ers all lands not his own included within the limits of such preemption or leave the coun- try. The federal principle of these claim clubs is illustrated by the proceedings of a county convention held in Omaha which was com- posed of delegates from Bellevue, Florence, and Omaha. Andrew J. Hanscom was chair- man and Silas A. Strickland, secretary, of the convention, which resolved that. When the lands are offered for sale each association shall elect its own bidder for bid- ding in lands comprised within its limits for the respective owners ; and at such sale we hereby agree to attend en masse, and there 192 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA remain from the opening of the same until the close thereof, and protect said bidder, to any extremity if necessary, in securing said lands at $1.25 per acre. The convention further declared "that we will not hereafter recognize suits at law rela- tive to claim matters." The preemption act of 1841, which was in force at this time, limited its application to citizens, and those who had declared their in- tention to become citizens of the United States, and in particular to heads of families, widows, and single men over the age of twenty-one years. Any one of these classes might settle on a tract of land, not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres, the Indian title to which had been extinguished, and which had been sur- veyed, and afterward by a proper showing he would be entitled to enter the land. Some of the claim clubs referred to were in operation from one to two years before the lands their members claimed had been surveyed, and doubtless the Indian title had not been ex- tinguished in all cases. The act of the legisla- ture validating the acts of the claim clubs con- travened the federal statute, and no doubt its attempt to invest the clubs with legislative powers was without constitutional warrant. In turn the Douglas county convention of clubs, by the resolution just quoted, sought to over- ride or annul that part of the legislative act which provided that, "Any claimant may pro- tect and defend his possession by the proper civil action." Iowa had gone before Nebraska in this bold and original adoption of means to immediate ends and local wants : This occupation of land which had been recorded by the association was declared to be legal by the territorial legislature. But this decision was clearly contrary to the intent of the act of 1807. It was sanctioned, however, by a decision of the supreme court of the ter- ritory in a test case during the year 1840. Iowa, by this virtual annulment of the United States statute showed that independence char- acteristic of the commonwealth by which it became a state. It is interesting to note that these claim clubs were in operation at Burlington, Iowa, before there was any government, except by voluntary local organization, as well as before the lands had been surveyed; and, besides, occupation of these lands was in violation of the federal acts of 1807 and 1833. "On their way to the western prairies settlers did not pause to read the United States statutes at large. They out- ran the public surveyors. Soon after the close of the Revolutionary war they began to violate the ordinance of 1785 by settling on the public lands without obtaining titles. Later they ig- nored the act of 1807; and it is doubtful that the early settlers of Iowa ever heard of the act of March 2, 1833. Some were bold enough to cross the Mississippi and put in crops before the Indian title had expired. . . Hun- dreds of thousands of settlers from every part of the Union thus squatted on the national commons, all without the least vestige of legal right or title." In both Nebraska and Iowa the squatters on lands were fully protected by the unauthorized, if not positively illegal rules and promises of the claim clubs. Mr. James M. Woolworth was able to write in 1857 : "These regulations afford pretty safe possession to the actual set- tler; although it can hardly be doubted, that the law of the territory conferring legislative authority on the clubs is unconstitutional." The testimony from Iowa is more emphatic : "When the land was placed on the market by congressional authority the decrees of the as- sociations were completely enforced. No dif- ficulty was experienced on the part of the original claimants in securing, through their special delegates, at a nominal rate, the lands which they had taken." Incorporation Laws. Part sixth is de- voted to thirty-two special acts of incorpora- tion. Two of the companies were incorporated for the manufacture of salt ; one of them to carry on business "at a place they may select within five miles of a saline spring in Otoe county," the name of the place to be Nesuma ; the other to manufacture salt "from the salt springs near Salt creek." The Platte Valley & Pacific railroad ccmpany^was incorporated for the purpose of building a railroad and tele- graph liiie from the Missouri river at Omaha City, Bellevue, and Florence up the north side of the Platte river to the west line of the ter- ritory, with power to connect with other roads or extend its own line where the laws of other CLALM CLUBS 193 states and territories should permit. The Mis- souri River & Platte Valley railroad company was empowered to construct a road from Plattsmouth by way of Fort Kearney and Fort Laramie to the western limits of the ter- ritory. The Nebraska Medical Society was incor- porated with Dr. George L. Miller — who was, however, destined to an important career in the wider field of jornalism and politics — at the head of the list of incorporators. Three edu- cational institutions were also chartered, name- ly, Nebraska University, at Fontenelle, Simp- son University, at Omaha City, and the Ne- braska City Collegiate and Preparatorv' Insti- tute at Nebraska City. The extreme paucity of the real resources of these institution-build- ers doubtless stimulated a more or less un- conscious attempt to make up for the serious deficiency with imposing and pretentious names. The first named university was the only one actually put in operation ; but, as if predestined, after an almost vain continuous struggle, creditable only to the courage and fortitude of its abettors, it yielded its life in 1873. Of the fourteen hamlets — and some of these not actual but merely potential — which under this division were awarded municipal charters, only three, Margaretta (named after Governor Cuming's wife) of Lancaster, Brownville of Nemaha, and Elizabeth "of the counties of Dodge and Loupe" were abased with the title of town — all the rest were styled "city," and some of these first municipal blooms were born to blush unseen. Of the thirty-seven bridge and ferry char- ters under part seven, twenty-two are for fer- ries across the Missouri river, and two of these charters confer the right to construct bridges, also. Of the remaining fifteen, five are for bridges, two for bridges and ferries, three for bridges or ferries, and five for fer- ries alone across the important inland streams. Whatever difference of opinion may be en- tertained as to the virtue and abilities of the first Nebraska legislators, their individual pru- dence and thrift are beyond question. They bestowed on one another and their relatives the privileges and potential emoluments of these special corpora'.ions without stint and with apparent generous impartiality, so that their patronymics appear almost as regularly as beneficiaries of these special privileges as in the ordinary proceedings of the legislature. They lost no chance to "cast an anchor to windward." With remarkable disregard of the law of environment these denizens of the desert with one accord conceived a passion for navigation. Not less than twenty-one of the thirty-nine members were actually named in these transportation charters. We are not surprised that Mitchell, whose raw material as a violent opponent of Omaha in the capital contest had been manipulated into the glad commissioner for locating the state house on Capitol Hill, led all the rest with six of these tokens of appreciation of open-mindedness, and Dr. Clark of Dodge and Nuckolls of Cass followed with three apiece. The Council Bluff's and Nebraska Ferry company is, however, an apparent exception, for its charter runs to Samuel S. Bayliss, Enos Lowe, James A. Jack- son, Jesse Williams, Samuel M. Ballard, Sam- uel R. Curtis, and their associates. Whether the majority of the members were reluctant to add further evidence to their conduct in the capital contest of "Jim" Jackson's very prac- tical control over, or his practical obligation to them, by being named as co-beneficiaries in their valuable gift to his company, or whether that efficient agent of Omaha's interests felt, as he no doubt would have been justified in feeling, that he had done quite enough for them in the capital enterprise without letting them into this one, is not a matter of public record : but either hypothesis would serve to explain the singular omission. By these charters exclusive right to main- tain ferries between the mouth of the Platte and a point five miles north of Florence was granted to the companies at that place, at Omaha, and at Bellevue. The entire river front was parceled out to them. As a fur- ther example of the monopolistic character of these grants the company at Tekamah had exclusive rights for a distance of ten miles. Predatory Omaha having left no other hope or consolation to Bellevue but in righteous- ness, her spokesman of the Palladium is re- 194 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA solved to make the most of it, and the voice he raises for virtue is as that of one crying aloud in the wilderness. No inconsiderable portion of the present session of our terrtorial legislature has been spent in creating corporations. — This has been done notwithstanding the democratic creed denies the doctrine of "chartered rights" and "exclusi\e privileges." and in theor}' maintains the doctrine of equal rights. We say that a large portion of the present session has been spent' in the creation of paltry corporations, and petty monopolies, which enable a few in- dividuals to bar away the public from privi- leges to which they are inherently entitled, and have as good a right to exercise (if the doctrine of democracy be true) as those whom the law says shall have the exclusive right. The liberality of the legislature has been most profuse in granting exclusi\e privileges to in- dividuals and companies. In proof of this look at the single item of "ferries". . . "Pa- per towns" are pretty thickly established up and down the river nearly the whole length of the territory. . . Charters have been called for at nearly every ])lace. . . Not content, however, with the establishment of a corpor- ation for each of the places referred to, we notice one of a broader character designed to cover the whole extent of the river from one end of the territory to the other, not alreadv covered by other charters. Numerous charters have been procured by companies or individ- uals for ferry privileges in different portions of the territory, where there are no settlements nor any likelihood of their [there] being anv for many years to come. . . \Ve presume most of these charters have been procured for no other purpose than speculation. A charter when once obtained gives the possessor the power of making something off of the public, without having made the least expenditure for the benefit of either. And then this Isaiah in idealism and Jere- miah in lamentation rebukes these monopoly- servers with the charge of early recreancy to their democratic faith : .V large majority of the members of the legislature claim to be the disciples of democ- racy, and yet, we have never known an in- stance where the zeal of a whig legislature, led it to bestow charters with that degree of liberality which our legislature has manifested in its creations of monopolies. We look upon this charter-making spirit as democratic heresy of the vilest kind, and more becoming whig faith than democratic practice. If whig prin- ciples are the best for the practice of demo- crats, in other words, for adoption in practice, we have no objection to them — providing the theory is adopted along with the practice. . . The democratic theory says, avoid special leg- islation — shun monopolies. The policy of the legislature appears to have been to cover as large an amount of both land and water with chartered privileges as possible. Such are the momentum and inertia of the crowd that the influences of a half century may change its course or character but little. Substitute republican for whig — bearing in mind that the republican party succeeded to the economic principles or dogmas of the whig party — and this pronouncement of the Pal- ladium would be a typical democratic news- paper article for today. Part eight consisted of an even score joint resolutions and memorials. Congress was memorialized for the right of way and grants of land for the construction of the ^Missouri River & Platte Valley, and the Platte Valley & Pacific railroad companies ; to establish a safe route for mails and other communica- tion between the Missouri river and California and Oregon: and the secretary of war was requested to send without delay a sufficient military force to afford protection to the fron- tier settlements from Indian depredations. Among the joint resolutions are requests to the delegate in Congress to procure a pension for the widow and heirs of Governor Burt and means for the erection of a monument to his memory, and to procure the passage of a homestead law similar to the laws of Oregon and New Mexico ; requesting the governor to commission officers to raise two or more com- panies of mounted rangers for the protection of the frontier settlements ; appointing Sher- man & Strickland printers of one thousand copies of the laws of the session, and O. D. Richardson and Joseph L. Sharp of the coun- cil and A. J. Poppleton and J. D. N. Thomp- son of the house, commissioners "to prepare a code of laws for the government of this territory and report the same to the legisla- ture at the next session." Nebraska's Peculiarity. Neither the dominant spirit nor the general work of this first legislature may be commended or ad- NEBRASKA'S PECULIARITY 195 mired. It worked under abnormal conditions and without the restraints of organized so- ciety. There could be no appeal to public sentiment through public discussion — the present criterion and referee of public mea- sures — because there was as yet no public. When the Israelite adventurers determined to appropriate Canaan, Moses sent twelve spies "to search the land." Our first handful of pioneers had come the very year of the first session to spy out the land while it was still in possession of its original occupants. Ten years before, Douglas had served unequivo- cal notice — in his bill of 1844 — of the in- tention of the stronger to "go in and possess the land" of the weaker race. This was no new departure, but the natural process and the immemorial rule of the progress of civi- lization, and never perhaps pursued by the strong nations of the earth with such una- nimity and aggressiveness as in the last quar- ter century. As a token of the refinement of civilization nineteen centuries after Christ in contrast to the barbarism of fifteen centuries before Christ, unlike the Israelitish summary dealing with the Canaanites, our pioneers of- fered the people the grace of peaceful, as the alternative of enforced surrender of their homes ! But the difference was merely con- ventional, and there was the same notion and spirit of conquest and force in the one case as in the other. The chief difference between these beginning years of Nebraska and those of the easterly territories was that while, owing chiefly to the legal barrier against grad- ual occupation of this forbidden "Indian country," our invasion was sudden and com- paratively artificial and superficial ; their set- tlement was the result of steady purpose, and their institutions, accommodating themselves to these conditions, were more the product of growth and development. In short the dif- ferentiation of Nebraska territory was that it did not grow but was made. As there was no settled citizenship to con- sult, many of the legislators themselves re- fraining yet to "declare their intentions" to cast their fortunes in this untried and vnicer- tain desert, the first legislative session was a game of scramble with "the devil take the hind-most" for its guiding rule. As the pop- ulation of prospectors had brought nothing to begin with, their very first acquisition cen- tered in the prospective capital — in the pro- cess and methods, as well as the place of fix- ing it. Every other act of the legislature was subordinate and subsidiary to this one mea- sure and motive of creating something for a commonwealth composed mostly of specu- lators and largely of carpet-baggers. It does not disturb this proposition that such men as Thomas B. Cuming, O. D. Richardson, Sam- uel E. Rogers, A. D. Jones, Andrew J. Pop- pleton, George L. Miller, A. J. Hanscom, and Thomas Davis remained — and some of them to this day — to be capable builders of their city and their state, and to illustrate staunch citizenship therein. For if their main object in making Omaha a place by placing the cap- ital there had failed, not all of them would have remained in Nebraska, and none of them in Omaha, for there would have been no Omaha — at least none worthy to command such capable handiwork as theirs. In suc- cessfully pressing on to the mark and prize of their calling, the leaders of the capital con- test exhibited ability and skill of no mean order. As for the rest of the work of the legislature, as we should expect from such conditions, that which was not. merely indif- ferent must be rated as bad. The Arrozv of Omaha and the Palladium of Bellevue mirror many interesting incidents of the first days of civilized and organized Nebraska. In its initial number the Arrozv instructs those not to the manner born as to the pronunciation of Omaha : "As many of our foreign friends will be unable to pro- nounce this word we will from our Indian dictionary assist them. The proper pronun- ciation is O-mah'-haw, accenting the middle syllable." Since the editor was a tenant at will of the Omaha tribe, and a few weeks later published an admirable description of the village of the tribe which was situated abotit seven miles to the southwest, he could speak ex cathedra. But civilized usage has sacrificed melody and euphony to convenience by forcing the accent back (or forward?) to the first syllable. The same inexorable me- 196 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA chaiiical law of civilization has substituted for the beauteous, unconventional slopes and freely irregular lines and the groves as nature placed them, streets and grades and cuttings and piles of brick and mortar, all in hard- and-fast and stifT rectangular lines; and the groves have been wholly sacrificed to the same Moloch. But by the law of compensation this is the price of progress. October 6th the Arrozv notes that in his recent visit to Omaha City the commissioner of Indian alTairs "found no fault with the set- tlers for the occupancy of the land," and to From a daguerreotype taken in lS3^. Dr. George L. Miller invest this official wink with still greater sug- gestiveness it is further stated that "a gentle- man who accompanied him here purchased a number of lots." The same issue notes "long trains and large herds of stock daily arriving at Bluff City and crossing to Omaha on the steam ferry, Marion." On October 20th the Arro-M announces that at the late session of the Iowa conference at Keokuk, a new dis- trict, known as the Nebraska and Kansas missionary district, was established, at present under Presiding Elder M. F. Shinn of Council Bluff City, the stations in Nebraska being Omaha City and Old Fort Kearney. This was doubtless the first formal invasion of Ne- braska by the great pioneer Methodist church. The same paper, on November 3d, gave the following interesting statement of the begin- ning of Tekamah : '"The Nebraska Stock Company . . . have, . . . upon their claimed lands, some fifty-five miles north of this place, . . . laid off a beautiful town or city platt called Tecamah. The county is called Burt, . . . after our late respected and lamented Governor." The same issue argues in favor of holding a mass democratic convention to nominate a candidate for dele- gate to Congress. And notice of the advent of the first physician of Omaha is of more than passing interest : "Although but little sickness pervades our prairie land we can but congratulate our citizens upon the acquisition of a young and apparently well qualified physician to our society." The first editor of Nebraska little knew how peremptorily the career of Dr. Miller, the first physician of Omaha, was to require a slight distortion of the meaning of what he was writing. It was not in the professional, but in a much wider sense that Dr. Miller was to become a physi- cian to Omaha in her subsequent ills and ail- ments. On the 10th of November the Arrow notes that a new town has been laid off one mile below the mouth of the Platte river and lots were to be sold on the 13th. "It is at jjresent named Plattsmouth and will doubtless become a place of some importance." In the same number the editor's quaint fancy runs on an excursion against the "new- fangled names which these reformers hitch on with a flourish to town sites, rivers, etc., throughout the territory." "It is not," he protests, "old fogyism to desire a retention of those names in our prairie land which have become as familiar as household words to pio- neer men. Point us out if you can anywhere in the English language any names more musi- cal or more appropriate to our territory than those which exist amongst the Indian tribes or have been affixed by old frontiersmen." .\nd then he cites as examples of his outraged taste the substitution of Florence for the good old significant and appropriate name of Win- ter Quarters. "Next comes Bellevue — a little better it is true — but partaking of the FIRST INDEPENDENCE DAY 197 same fanciful air." The name of Otoe, originally selected for the place now called Plattsmouth, "was a good one, and far better than the modern innovation. Mt. Vernon, the name of the beautiful site at the mouth of the Weeping Water, is another bad selection ; why not call it after the pleasing name of the river?" "And so," he laments, "it is all over the territory; city and town sites, rivers, and creeks have with but few exceptions under- gone an awkward and unbecoming change of names; an abandonment of these beautiful and original names which ofttimes lend an air of enchantment and pleasure to the place." Thus at the beginning this voluntary deni- zen of the wilderness, untutored in the arts. expressed a truth that has rankled in the heart and mind of every sensitive citizen of the commonwealth of this day. And so it seems that taste, that unappraisable gift of God to His creatures — some of them — com- pound of sentiment and judgment, is born and not made. The schools may lead it out and rectify its vision, but if it has only being in the soul it will see straight and clear to the eternal fitness of things. What pity that our poet-editor was not a Poo Bah, with a lord high executioner resolute to enforce his de- crees against these counterfeiters of names ! Through our obtuseness or vanity or other infirmity general and irreparable violence has been done to the native names of Nebraska. It is slight consolation to know that this esthetic rape was not committed without pro- test — that at the first there was at least one eye to pity though there was no arm to save. It is not likely that this frontier champion of propriety and esthetic sense knew that Washington Irving, high priest of fine taste, at a still earlier date lamented the same mis- fortune : And here we can not but pause to lament the stupid, commonplace, and often ribald names entailed upon the rivers and other fea- tures of the great West, by traders and set- tlers. As the aboriginal tribes of these mag- nificent regions are yet in existence, the Indian names might easily be recovered ; which, be- side being in general more sonorous and musi- cal, would remain mementoes of the primitive lords of the soil, of whom in a little while scarce any trace will be left. Indeed, it is to be wished that the whole of our country could be rescued, as much as possible, from the wretched nomenclature inflicted upon it, by ignorant and vulgar minds ; and this might be done in a great degree, by restoring the Indian names, wherever significant and euphonious. As there appears to be a spirit of research abroad in respect to our aboriginal antiquities, we would suggest, as a worthy object of enter- prise, a map or maps, of every part of our country, giving the Indian names wherever they could be ascertained. Whoever achieves such an object worthily will leave a monument to his own reputation. The first number of the Palladium, July 15, 1854, states that John F. Kinney, who had lately been appointed chief justice of Utah, had given the name "Bill Nebraska" to his son, born at Dr. AI. H. Clark's hospital, Nebraska Center, June 10, 1854 — "the first white child born in the territory since the passage of the bill." Strong faith in the fu- ture development of the country is a charac- teristic of pioneers, and may be traced, in part at least, to the instinct of duty and neces- sity. It is cherished from the feeling, not always clearly conscious, that requisite cour- age and tenacity of purpose can not be sus- tained without it. A striking example of this kind of faith is found in a "puff" article about Nebraska which indulges in the prophecy that the Platte river will after a while become navigable. "According to the statement of experienced navigators on the upper Missouri the Nebraska [Platte] is now a much better stream for navigation than the Missouri was twenty-five years ago." This number also gives an account of the first formal celebration of Independence Day which took place at Bellevue. The characteristic serious religious- sentimental temperament of the editor is touched by the scene : The assemblage met near the Indian agency, under the broad canopy of heaven, and seemed to have hearts as expansive as the great scene of nature in which they were situated. If the spirit so beautifully and freely manifested on this soul-inspiring occasion, be an index to the future character of the vast multitudes who will soon come from the four quarters of the earth, to mingle in the pursuits and pleasures of this oeople, then it will be true, as it was remarked by one of the speakers, that "this 198 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA country will be, indeed the 'Eden' of the world. ' The editor himself was president of the celebration. .V committee consisting of Judge L. B. Kinney, Stephen Decatur, and C. T. Holloway presented patriotic resolutions which did not neglect to point out that Bellevue was the one and only place for the capital. A very long list of toasts which neglected few patri- otic topics, and included "the ladies" in dupli- cate, were offered and responded to. The issue of August 16th states that "the Presbyterian board of foreign missions for the benefit of the Otoe and Omaha Indians was established in the fall of 1846," and "the mission buildings were built upon a large scale, having every necessary accommodation for one hundred persons." In the whole range of their descriptive articles we find these "rough" pioneers still harping on esthetic features. And so this mission, we are told, "is built upon the brow of an eminence that overlooks the majestic Missouri and surround- ing country, and upon which nature has lav- ished her charms with unsparing profusion." And then, moved to overstrain his eye of faith, the editor sees that "Bellevue is des- tined by nature to become the metropolis of learning as well as of legislation and com- merce in Nebraska." In eight months after these visions of glory had thus strained his aching sight, the confident prophet was to abandon the fruitless and hopeless field. Mr. Reed's judgment was at fault in that it had failed to apprehend that the period of nature- made capitals had been superseded by man- made ca])itals. Henceforth railways and not God-chosen sites were to locate the important towns, and the destiny of railways is dictated by men. In brief, man was not only to pro- pose but also almost absolutely to dispose of townsites. When in 1856 two or three rail way magnates diverted the Rock Island line from the proposed Pigeon Creek route to the Mosquito Creek route Omaha's permanency became possible and probable. When, in 1867, the Union Pacific bridge was located at Omaha after a fearful struggle between men, Omaha was made and Bellevue's last hope was de- stroyed. Again the editor's vision of the com- ing educational and political capital was quite right in general and wrong only in particu- larizing. When a dozen years later men, vio- lating all the old rules of town-making, and turning their backs on every site of nature's choice, commanded, "Let there be a capital to be called Lincoln at nowhere" — and there was a capital — the orthodox editor could not have comprehended that his prophecy of a capital though not of his capital was true. The Palladium of November 29th calls at- tention to the fact that, "in accordance with the custom of our Puritan ancestors" the act- ing governor had designated the 30th of that month as the first Thanksgiving day. The editor is a moral exotic, somewhat misplaced in this western desert, and fitter for the soci- ety of eastern roundhead than of western cavalier. And so he moralizes : "Although we have, as in all new countries, compara- tively little to be thankful for, we have suffi- cient to inspire our gratitude and praise." It is difficult for this severe purist to acknowl- edge anything good in a free lance like Gov- ernor Cuming, but he conies to it grudgingly and characteristically : We have reason to be thankful, that the Governor has thus publicly acknowledged the Supreme Ruler, and recommended a day of thanksgiving to be observed by the people of this Territory, on the very threshold of their territorial existence. We hope this ordinance will be respected and perpetuated from year to year, to the latest posterity. In the next number the editor tells us that "We were greatly pleased to witness the gen- eral interest, which this festive occasion seemed to awaken among our citizens, and the zeal which they seemed to manifest in the exercises that belong to this time-hallowed institution. . . The day was calm and lovely, and the earth, though robed in the dark hues of autumn, never appeared more lieautiful than on this consecrated day." And he goes on to say that, "considering the place, a large and respectable audience attended pub- lic worship held at the mission, at 11 o'clock, A.M. An excellent lecture was delivered on the occasion, by the Rev. Wni. Hamilton, founded on the following text: 1st Thes- salonians. 5th Chapter, ISth Verse : 'For in EARLY EDITORIAL COMMENT 199 everything give thanks, for this is the will of God concerning you.' " x\ remarkably large portion of his available space is given up by this devotional editor to an exposition of the traditional, first, secondly, and thirdly of the sermon. Alas, for the editor ! Even the paucity- of things temporal for which to be thankful, and for which he had murmured, is soon to be further reduced by the designation of Omaha as the capital of the territory, thus sweeping away his first and last hope of something worth living for at Bellevue. And while these faithful souls were holding their devotional services on Thanksgiving day, with an ill- timed trust in the justice and righteousness of their capital cause, their Omaha — or rather Council Blufifs — rivals, true modern hustlers, were trustful, too, but in their own intention to command and use whatever means should be necessary to appropriate the prize, discard- ing moralizing, and, it is to be feared, morals as well. They were so trustful in their own resources that while their opponents on that first Thanksgiving day prayed, and laid down the rules of righteousness and justice, they hustled and laid up the walls of the capitol, while yet they had no assurance, but self- assurance, of its use. Notice that the school attached to the Otoe and Omaha mission is about to be transferred to the Iowa and Sac mission, near the north- ern line of Kansas, appears in this issue. The same paper, of December 20th, notes that there are in the Quincy Colony — Fon- tenelle — "about thirty persons who came on and commenced the settlement late in the fall," and several houses had been erected. The Palladium of January 10, 1855, ex- plains that "goos-noo-gah" is equivalent of Omaha, and means "sliding," "which is a fa- vorite amusement with the Omaha youth by whom we are surrounded." The sled was a cake of ice about ten inches wide and fifteen inches long rounded off at the ends. Some- times in its rapid descent the brittle vehicle would go to pieces, when a catastrophe would happen to the Indian boy passenger as pre- cipitate, though not as fatal, as the result of the bucking automobile of our day. The issue of January 17th describes the great beauties of the site of St. Mary, "on the eastern shore of the Missouri river, four miles above the mouth of the Platte, and nearly opposite the Council Bluft's agency, Belleview, Nebraska territory. . . The town is sur- rounded with scenery of unsurpassed beauty. On the east the green bluffs, rising nearly two hundred and fifty feet above the level of the river two miles back, stretch along to the north and south until they disappear in the distant horizon. On the north the Mosquito creek, skirted with beautiful trees and farms, appears at a distance of half a mile. The south presents an open view. The blufifs back of the town are covered with beautiful groves of elm, oak, hickory, and black walnut." The auxiliary embellishments of this picture in un- impaired beauty are still visible from Bellevue, but the ambitious townsite itself long since "moved on" and now, no doubt, forms an important part of the delta of the Alississippi. St. Mary was the eastern terminus of the con- siderable ferry traffic across the river. On the 7th of March there is notice that a postoffice has been established at Bellevue with the editor as postmaster. Mails are to arrive and depart twice a week ; but the post- master gives warning that "As we are not authorized to expend anything beyond the avails of the office for carrying the mails, we hope our citizens will come forward and make up the deficiency, and thus secure promptness and regularity in the mail service." In this number there is a notice of a meeting of the democracy of Nebraska to be held at Omaha on the 8th of March "for the purpose of ef- fecting the organization of the democratic party." The meeting appears to have been held to further the aspirations of B. B. Chap- man to become delegate to Congress and to dis- credit the sitting member, Mr. Giddings. No actual organization of the party was practi- cable until 1858, when the republican party began to take form, thus influencing the demo- crats to united action. In the issue of March 21st the following an- nouncement appears under the heading "Bellevue" : The friends of this place being desirous of 200 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA changing the orthography of its name, so as to correspond with the French, from which it is derived, we have conckided to adopt that method of spelHng. Henceforward, the old spelhng, "Belle- view," is drojiped. It was the duty of the governor under the organic act, to organize the territorial courts, provisionally, this organization to continue until superseded by the act of the territorial legislature. Accordingly, by Governor Cum- ing's proclamation, Fenner Ferguson, chief justice of the sujireme court, was assigned as judge of the first judicial district, which com- prised the comities of Douglas and Dodge; Edward R. Harden, associate justice, was assigned to the second judicial district, em- bracing all that part of the territory lying south of the Platte river; and James Bradley, the other associate justice, was assigned to the third district, comprising the counties of Burt and Washington. A term of the supreme court was to be held at the seat of govern- ment beginning on the third Monday of Febru- ary, 1855. The first terms of court in the several districts were to be held as follows : First district, at Bellevue, on the second Mon- day in March, 1855 ; second district, at Ne- braska City, on the third Monday in ?\Iarch ; third district, at Florence, on the first Monday in April. Thereafter the times and places of holding the courts were to be regulated by the general assembly. "Accordingly, on Monday, March 12, 1855, the first court of record ever held in the terri- tory, the district court of the first judicial district, with jurisdiction practically like our present district court, was opened at the mis- sion house, Bellevue, by Fenner Ferguson, chief justice; Eli R. Doyle, marshal." The Palladium of March 21, 1855, informs us that "The Court was organized by the choice of Silas A. Strickland of Bellevue, Clerk. Sev- eral foreign born residents made their declara- tion of intention to become citizens. No other business of importance coming up, the Court adjourned to April 12." But this was not the first session of a court of record in Nebraska. The first session of the supreme court, ac- cording to the governor's proclamation, met in Omaha on the 19th of February; and the Palladium of February 21st tells us that "The first session of the supreme court of Nebraska, is now being held at the capitol, Hon. Fenner Ferguson, Chief Justice, presiding. The Court convened on Monday, the 19th inst. J. Sterling JMorton, of Belleview, has been appointed clerk of the court. . ."' CHAPTER IX The SiccoND Legislature — Second Congressional Campaign — Political Conditions THERE was little diversion in the terri- tory during the year 1855, from the time of adjournment of the first legislature, except the small politics of the aspirants for the offices to be filled at the fall elections. The dreams of Mr. Henn and others of the organizers about a rapid increase of population had not come true. The first, or Cuming census, furnishes no data for comparison — except to illustrate its unreliability. By that census the first district, which comprised substantially the counties of Pawnee and Richardson, was credited with a population of 851. After the lapse of a year, during which there was some immigration, these two counties yielded only 441 people to the census of 1855. On the other hand, while the counties of Forney and Pierce in 1854 had but 614 people, in 1855 their successors, Nemaha and Otoe, had respectively 604 and 1,188. Otoe no doubt felt plenary satisfac- tion in so decisively outstripping Douglas, her rival of the North Platte. But the active colonizing on the part of both slavery and anti-slavery interests diverted most of the im- migration to Kansas, which as early as Feb- ruary, 1855, boasted a population, such as it was, of 8,601. Under the act of the first legislature the gov- ernor appointed Charles B. Smith as terri- torial auditor, B. P. Rankin, territorial treasurer, and James S. Izard, ^ librarian. Minor officers for the several counties were also appointed by the governor, and the terms of all these officers continued until their suc- cessors were elected in November, 1855. On the 15th of October, 1855, Governor Izard is- sued a proclamation announcing that an elec- tion would be held on the first Tuesday in November of the year named to choose a dele- gate to Congress, a territorial auditor, treas- urer, and librarian, twenty-six members of the lower house of the general assembly, and in the several counties a probate judge, sheriiif, county register, county treasurer, and county surveyor; and each precinct should elect two justices of the peace and two constables. A district attorney for each judicial district of the territory was to be elected also. The first district embraced all the counties south of the Platte river; the second the counties of Douglas and Washington ; the third the coun- ties of Burt, Dakota, and Dodge. The Second Legislature. The legislature had left the task of making the apportionment of the members to the governor, and he estab- lished the representative districts as follows: Burt and Washington, jointly, 1 ; Cass, 3 ; Cass and Otoe, 1 ; Dodge, 1 ; Douglas, 8 ; Nemaha, 2 ; Nemaha and Richardson, 1 ; Otoe, 6 : Pawnee and Richardson, 1 ; Richardson, 1 ; Washington, 1. The act of 1855 provided that the number of members of the house should not exceed twenty-nine ; but the gov- ernor did not see fit to change it from the original twenty-six. Pawnee was the only one of the sixteen new counties, whose organiza- tion had been authorized by the first legisla- ture, to take advantage of the act and become entitled to representation. The proclamation also called for the election of three members of the council to fill vacancies ; and Samuel M. Kirkpatrick was chosen in place of Nuckolls of Cass county, who had resigned ; John Evans in place of Dr. Munson H. Clark of Dodge ^ James S. Izard was private secretary to his father, Mark W. Izard, during the latter's term as governor. He acquired considerable property in Omaha, but left the territory about the time that his father did. He died, some years ago, in Forest City, .■\rkansas. 202 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA count}', deceased; and Allen A. Bradford in place of Hiram P. Bennet, who resigned for the purpose of becoming a candidate for dele- gate to Congress. The hold-over members were Dr. Henry Bradford of Otoe, formerly Pierce; Richard Brown of Nemaha, formerly Forney; Charles H. Cowles of Otoe; Benja- min R. Folsom of Burt ; Taylor G. Goodwill, Alfred D. Jones, Origen D. Richardson, and Samuel E. Rogers of Douglas ; Joseph L. Sharp of Richardson ; and James C. Mitchell of Washington. The members of the house were John F. Buck. John McF. Hagood, and William Laird of Cass county ; Thomas Gibson of Dodge ; Leavitt L. Bowen, William Clancy, Alexan- der Davis, Levi Harsh, William Larimer, Jr., William E. Moore, George L. Miller, and Alonzo F. Salisbury of Douglas ; William A. Finney and Samuel A. Chambers of Nemaha ; John Boulware, Dr. John C. Campbell, James H. Decker, William B. Hail, J. Sterling Mor- ton, and Mastin W. Riden of Otoe; Amazial AI. Rose of Otoe and Cass jointly; Abel D. Kirk of Richardson ; Dr. Jerome Hoover of Richardson and Nemaha jointly ; Charles Mc- Donald of Richardson and Pawnee jointly ; Potter C. Sullivan of Washington ; and Wil- liam B. Beck of Washington and Burt jointly. Comparing this second apportionment with the first we find that the audacious stuffing of the North Platte counties of Burt, Dodge, and Washington by the deft hands of Gov- ernor Cuming is acknowledged by his suc- cessor; for in place of her two full repre- sentatives allowed by Cuming, Burt is now tacked to Washington to divide one with that county, which in turn is reduced from two members to one and a half. Dodge is cut down from two to one. Cass county retains its three members and divides another with Otoe, which has six of its own — a gain of one. Douglas holds to its original eight. But since Governor Izard's census awards a pop- ulation of 712 to Cass, L028 to Douglas, 1,188 to Otoe, and 604 to Nemaha, the principle of Governor Izard's apportionment is still past finding out. The rights of Cass, Otoe, and Nemaha are .shamefully abused to the profit of Douglas. Councilman Sharp's very keen appreciation of the responsibilities of a pioneer census taker in 1854, in the case of Richard- son coimty in 1855, to be at all presentable, had to be discotmted at about forty per cent of its face value; though with a population of only 299 that county still held on to one rep- resentative and shared two others with Ne- maha and Pawnee respectively. It has been pointed out that in an addendiun to his census returns Mr. Sharp admitted that the number of voters in Richardson county, excluding the half-breed tract, should be reduced from 236 — his census figures — to about 100. Beck, the joint member for Burt and Wash- ington, lived at Tekamah, Burt county ; Rose, the member for Cass and Otoe, lived at Ne- braska City, Otoe county ; Hoover, member for Richardson and Nemaha, lived at Nemaha City, Nemaha county ; and McDonald, mem- ber for Richardson and Pawnee, lived in F'awnee county. So that in the popular adjust- ment of the apportionment Burt and Wash- ington in fact shared alike with one member each ; Cass retained her original three ; and Otoe gained two, making seven in all ; Nemaha gained one, making three in all ; and Rich- ardson retained her original number — two. ^\'ith thirty-four and four-tenths per cent of the population the North Platte is awarded forty-two and three-tenths per cent of the representatives. The hold-over council, with fifty-four per cent of its members from the North Platte, presents even a worse travesty of decency and justice. In view of such a piece of his handiwork as this the impartial judge must demur to the modest disclaimer of Governor Izard's home paper (the Helena, -Arkansas, Star) that he was "not endowed with shining talents,'' and must also question its ascription to the governor of the compen- satory virtue of probity. The second legislature convened at Omaha. Tuesday, December IS, 1855, at 10 o'clock in the morning. The temporary officers of the council were Origen D. Richardson, president : John W. Pattison, chief clerk ; Lyman Rich- ardson, assistant clerk ; Samuel A. Lewis, ser- geant-at-arms ; and Niles R. Folsom, door- keeper. The regular organization consisted of Benjamin R. Folsom, president ; Erastus THE SECOND LEGISLATURE 203 G. McNeely, chief clerk ; M. B. Case, assist- ant clerk ; Charles W. Pierce, sergeant-at- arms ; Henry Springer, doorkeeper ; Le Grand Goodwill, page. The house was organized by the election of the following temporary officers : Speaker. William Larimer, Jr., of Douglas county ; chief clerk, Joseph W. Paddock ; assistant clerk, H. C. Anderson ; sergeant-at-arms, A. S. Bishop; doorkeeper, Ewing S. Sharp: fire- man, Patrick Donahue. In the permanent or- ganization Potter C. Sullivan of Washington county was elected speaker, his principal op- ponent being Abel D. Kirk of Richardson county. Isaac L. Gibbs was elected chief clerk ; H. C. Anderson, assistant clerk ; A. S. Bishop, sergeant-at-arms ; E. B. Chinn, door- keeper ; and Rev. Henry M. Giltner, chaplain. From the council we miss Hiram P. Ben- net, a prominent leader. Dr. Clark, cut of¥ by death from a career whose beginning gave promise of future activity and influence, and Nuckolls, whose name was and is well known. From the house we miss a prominent figure — Poppleton — but in his place we have Di . George L. Miller, and from Otoe county, J. Sterling Morton — two names destined to be linked together in the political activity and the general progress of the commonwealth for some forty years, and until they should be- come familiar to the ]iopular ear through all its borders. Richardson and Nemaha counties each at- tempted to appropriate the joint representa- tive to its individual use. Henry Abrams was the candidate of Richardson county, and he received 76 votes, while his opponent. Dr. Jerome Hoover of Nemaha county, received only 13. But Nemaha outstripped her rival in local patriotism by giving Hoover 117 votes and Abrams a blank. The law required that the register of the senior county should give a certificate of election to the candidate receiv- ing the highest number of votes in the entire district. But in those strenuous times local interest was seldom backed by the majesty or mandate of the law, and the register of Rich- ardson county gave Abrams, the minority can- didate, a certificate on which he could base a contest. But the committee on privileges and elections, and subsequently the house itself, decided against Abrams, and Nemaha gained the seat. Richardson county sent Thomas R. Hare to contest for a seat in the house on the ground that a part of the territory conceded to the half-breed tract belonged to her, and entitled her to another representative. But the com- mittee on privileges and elections reported against Hare on the law and the facts — that the house could not properly go behind the governor's apportionment for twenty-six mem- PoTTER Ch.\iu.es Sullivan Speaker of the house of the second territorial assemblv of Nebraska bers and increase the number, and, further, that no proof of the contention of Hare as to the right to include any part of the half-breed tract had been made, and that, if all that was contended for in this respect were conceded, the county would still fall short of voters en- titling her to another representative. This re- port was laid on the table, and the matter was referred to a special committee. Four of the five members of the special comiuittee — Campbell, Bowen, Hagood, and Morton — three of them from the South Platte and the 204 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA other, Bowen of Bellevue, constructively so — stated Hare's case as follows : Your committee to whom was referred the memorial of Thomas R. Hare, asking for a seat in this body on equal footing with other members, beg leave to report that after ma- ture deliberation they have come to the con- clusion that said memorialist has a right to a seat in this body. Your committee would further report that they come to the above conclusion from the following reasons. 1st. That Pawnee county was not organized at the time of apportionment, and consequent- ly should ha\'e been considered in Richardson county, as the law specifies, for election pur- poses. 2nd. That Richardson and Pawnee together contained, according to the census returns, one hundred and ninety-three voters, but fifty of those were returned as living on the half-breed tract, but since the census has been taken the half-breed tract has been run out, and the true boundary on the west fixed, which shows conclusively that there are only 23 voters on the half-breed tract which, taken from 193, leaves 170 legal voters in Richardson county. Taking then 56 as the basis of representation, Richardson county is entitled to three repre- sentatives. Your committee would further report that the law providing for taking the census and apportioning the representatives, in section four, provides that the whole number of mem- bers of the house of representatives shall not exceed twenty-nine for the next session, and that it would be doing no injustice to the bal- ance of this territory to give to Richardson county her full representation on this floor, since it comes within the bounds prescribed by law. All of which your committee would re- spectfully submit and recommend. A resolution that Mr. Plare be admitted to a seat as joint representative from Richardson and Pawnee counties was carried on the 26th of December by a vote of 13 to 11. Four North Platte members, Gibson of Dodge, Larimer of Douglas, Bowen of Bellevue, and Sullivan of Washington, voted aye, and four South Platte members voted no. On the 10th of January the council sent a communication to the house which contended that by the or- ganic law the number of members of the legislature could be increased only by. the act of both houses, and that therefore Hare was not a legal member of the house. The house replied with a short and snappy resolution reciting that it was the judge of the qualifica- tions of its own members, and suggesting that the upper body had better be about its own business. But Hare evidently was not made of staying stuff, for on the same day he re- signed "to effectually put down this disorgan- izing spirit and not from any conviction of my not being entitled to my seat." On the morning of December 19th the gov- ernor delivered his message to the two houses in joint session in the hall of the house. We may overlook the painful prolixity of this document, and even with propriety give place to its length on account of its painstaking review of the general social conditions of the territory after a year's experience under the harness of formal organization. The message is such a paper as might be expected of a man of such antecedents and qualities as are at- tributed to him in the following "send-off" by the Helena (Arkansas) Star: We were honored on Monday last with a visit at our office from Hon. Mark W. Izard, governor of Nebraska, and his private secre- tary, James S. Izard, Esq. They were here waiting . . . for a boat, to take passage for their new field of labor. The appointment of Colonel Izard to the governorship of Nebraska territory is one among the very best appoint- ments that have been made during the admin- istration of President Pierce. He was for almost a quarter of a century a member of one or the other branches of the Arkansas legisla- ture, and during the period of his long and valuable services in that body he served at different times as speaker of the House of Representatives and President of the Senate; and in all the many honorable and responsible stations to which he has been called, he has discharged his duty usefully and successfully, and although a minister of the gospel, active in every cause of religion and benevolence, re- markable for his exemplary life and fervent piety, yet he has been all the time an active partisan, and has done more, and sacrificed more for the democratic party — the party to which he has been warmly attached — than perhaps any man in Arkansas. Not endowed with shining talents, though of excellent sense, his career furnishes a remarkable instance of the deserved success of probity, fidelity, indus- try, gentlemanly bearing and inflexible honor : and our sincere wish is that he may yet live THE SECOND LEGISLATURE 205 to see Nebraska a state, and highest honors his. While the message clearly confirms the Star's estimate that the governor was "not endowed with shining talents" and possibly leaves open the question of "excellent sense," yet, regarded as a contemporaneous view of conditions and an authoritative statement of facts, it is interesting and valuable history. Its preaching proclivities may perchance be suggestive of the more pretentious national executive messages just now in vogue, and it seems charitable to point out this mutual sanc- tion of which both stand so much in need. The governor's picture of the industrial de- velopment of the territory was mainly fanciful and gratuitous. For many years after this time progress was chiefly speculative — hop- ing instead of doing. Lentil 1861 the inhabi- tants were virtually non-producers. And in- dustrial development was very limited until the coming of the railways encouraged it — or in fact made it practicable. The report of the territorial auditor to the legislature showed a bad financial beginning. The levy of a tax of two mills on the total assessed valuation of $617,882 would have yielded an insufficient territorial revenue at best ; but the auditor was obliged to report that, as not a single county treasurer had set- tled his accounts with the territory, he had no means of knowing how much had been col- lected, and he had been obliged to draw war- rants to meet expenses to the amount of $1,971.20, with about $1,000 of the last year's appropriations still to meet. The warrants covered incidental legislative expenses, which the federal treasury did not recognize, amounting to $1,454.70, and the salaries of the auditor, treasurer, and librarian in the munificent sum of $516.50. The valuation of the counties was as follows : Burt $ 13,006 Cass 71,524 Dodge 14,455 Douglas 311,116 Nemaha 74,980 Otoe 85,701 Richardson 26,643 Washington 20.397 $617,822 Hadley D. Johnson was elected public printer by the two houses, and an attempt was made to choose a joint chaplain also, but the houses could not agree, and Rev. Henry M. Giltner was chosen by the house and Rev. William Bates by the council. On the 26th of December, O. D. Richard- son, J. L. Sharp, and J. D. N. Thompson, of the committee appointed at the previous ses- sion to prepare a code, reported that Mr. Pop- pleton had resigned from the committee, and that since they "could avail themselves of but a very limited number of the revised codes of. the diiTerent states on account of their scar- city in this region, and as the territorial library has not yet arrived" but few books were within their reach. Still, though their work had been laborious, it was nearly completed. It would consist of four parts, two of which were now reported and the other two, relating to courts and to crimes, would be ready within a week. The two houses appointed a committee to examine the work of the code commission, consisting of A. A. Bradford, A. D. Jones, and S. M. Kirkpatrick of the council, and Bowen, Riden, Finney, Miller, and IMoore of the house, with Bradford for chairman. This committee reported the work of the commis- sion, with such amendments as they saw fit to make, to the council, and most of the first two parts was finally adopted by both houses, the remainder going over, without consideration, to the next legislature. Those parts of the code adopted by the first legislature, relating to courts and their jurisdiction and to crimes and their punishment, crude as they were, remained in force until the third legislature provided a substitute for the first and repealed the second, leaving the territory for a time entirely without criminal law. The new law provided that the general as- sembly should thereafter meet on the first Monday in January of each year, instead of the first Tuesday of December as fixed by the law of 1855. The census act of March 16, 1855, provided also that annual elections should be held on the first Monday in August, except the first election, which should be held HISTORY OF NERRASKA [Note — R. H. Henry was an early merchant and lianker of Colnmlms, Nebraska. Also county com- missioner.] THE SECOND LEGISLATURE 207 the first Tuesday of November, 1855 ; and the election law of the same year also pro- vided that elections should take place the first Tuesday in November, so that for that year there was no conflict. The census act of Jan- uary 26, 1856, provided that the election of that year should be held on the first Tuesday in November. But the elections law pro- vided that general elections should be held on the first Monday in August: that a delegate also took from the governor the power to re- ceive returns and issue certificates of election to candidates for members of the legislature and of "forming precincts" in the several counties, which was conferred by the census act of 1856 as well as that of 1855. The au- thority first named had also been conferred upon county clerks by the election law, and the second upon county commissioners by the law creating the commissioner svstem. This FrO)ii II f^hotogra^h made in iSfQ by P. Golay, and now owned by Mrs. S. D. Beats of Omaha. Seconj Territorial C.ipitoi. Building of Nebraska Erected in 1857-1858 at a cost of about $130,000, and located on Capitol Hill, Omaha, the present site of the Omaha high school building. This shows the building in its uncompleted condition with only a few of the columns in place, and these were later pronounced unsafe and removed. to Congress and members of the council should be chosen in 1856 and every second year thereafter; and that all territorial and county officers, including district attorneys, justices of the peace and constables, and one county commissioner for each county, should be chosen in 1857, and every second year thereafter. This conflict was settled by an- other act of the second session which pro- vided that the election of 1856 should be held in November instead of August. This act reconciliation act was introduced on the even- ing of the last day of the session by Dr. Henry Bradford and immediately passed by both houses. The incident illustrates again the carelessness and lack of oversight of the early legislatures. The act creating the county commissioner system provided that all three commissioners should be chosen the first year — 1856 — and one of the three every year after. Continued contradictions and crudities indi- 208 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^/a^<^:f>K> /03^^ I Note — Nathan P. Dodge was one of the early homesteaders near Fremont, Nebraska, he was a prominent banker of Council Bluffs, Iowa.] Afterwards THE SECOND LEGISLATURE 209 cated more than the ordinary degree of ineffi- ciency common in legislative bodies. Chapter 2 prescribed the duties of county assessors, while their election or appointment was not provided for, and the section of the old law- imposing the duties of assessment on sheriffs remained unrepealed. The laws had been con- sidered by the standing code committee for nearly a year, and again by the joint special committee during the session, and had been copied largely in blocks from the statutes of other states, so that a reasonable degree of accuracy might have been expected. A general incorporation law was passed, but it was not exclusive, the power of the legislature to pass special acts of incorpor- ation being specifically recognized. A general act for the incorporation of towns was passed, and the term "city," so greatly overworked at the first session, had apparently dropped from notice through exhaustion. Under the laws of the first legislature the business of counties was distributed in a complicated mess among various county officers, the judge of probate falling heir to all that was not specifically parceled out to others. The second legislature established the county commissioner system, and placed the general business of the county in the hands of three commissioners elected from as many districts therein. This commissioner system reached Nebraska on its westward course from Pennsylvania through Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, our legislature having copied it from the Iowa statute. It originated in Pennsyl- vania in 1725, but its germ in the Northwest Territory first appeared in 1792 in the first county organized there, and which comprised about half the present state of Ohio. It was adopted in a more developed form in 1795, and in 1804 three commissioners, possessing general fiscal and administrative authority, were elected in the several counties of the state of fJhio. The commissioner system then in its present scope, essentially, came to us from Ohio. By a special act the commissioners were em- powered to divide the counties into "con- venient precincts," each entitled to two jus- tices of the peace and two constables. This decentralizing act took this power away from the governors, with whom it had been lodged up to that time. Under the new school law the territorial li- brarian continued to act as superintendent of schools with a salary of two hundred dollars a year, in addition to his salary of one hundred dollars as librarian. The confusing and de- moralizing provision of the act of 1855, giv- ing authority to both county superintendents and district boards of directors to examine teachers and to issue them certificates to teach, was retained in the act of 1856, except that the clause "or cause to be examined" of the act of 1855 was stricken out and the duty of making examinations thus peremptorily im- posed upon the incompetent directors and vir- tually annulling the like authority of the county superintendents. These officers were allowed two dollars for each day of actual ser- vice and two dollars and fifty cents for each quarter section of school lands they might sell — when they should come into market. The salary of the territorial auditor was fixed at two hundred dollars, and of the territorial treasurer at one hundred and fifty dollars. The salaries of all the officers named remained the same as they were the first year, and in com- parison with the comfortable compensation of the governor, secretary, and judges, which was paid out of the federal treasury, furnishes a fair illustration of the poverty of the terri- tory at that time. The laws for estrays and for the registry of marks and brands, both favoring the running at large of live stock, in- dicated the feeling of the time that even in the eastern part of the state the raising of cattle was of more importance than the cultivation of the soil. A provision was added to the law governing the common school system di- recting county superintendents of schools to appraise sections 16 and 36 — the lands set apart for school purposes by the organic act — at a value of not less than one dollar and twenty-five cents an acre, and offer them at public sale, the proceeds to be invested in real estate mortgage bonds drawing ten per cent annual interest, and the interest alone to be used for maintaining schools. The legislature memorialized Congress in a joint resolution to 210 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA convey these school sections to the territory as they were surveyed, that they "might be en- abled to apply a portion of the same in raising a fund for school purposes while we have no other resources by which to raise said fund." The legislature undertook to break up the of- ficial carpet-bag system by providing that a delegate to Congress must have resided in the territory at least one year before his ele(:tion, and that members of the legislature must have resided in their districts six months before the time of their election. A requisite of resi- dence for a married man was that his family should reside in the territory. This act was a sign of a growing belief in the permanency and stability of the settlement of the territory. In the same act those eligible to any office of trust or profit were confined to free white males — the same class which by the organic act composed the electorate. The marriage act of the first session de- clared all marriages between whites and ne- groes or mulattoes void. The act of 1856 changed this so as to limit the prohibition to those possessed of one-fourth or more of negro blood. The act of the first session was reported by Mr. Richardson from the judici- ary committee of the council, and was copied from the Iowa statute of marriages of Janu- ary 6, 1840. The act of the second session was reported "with amendments" by Mr. Bradford, chairman of the joint committee for examining the work of the code commis- sion, and was further amended in the com- mittee of the whole in the council, and also by the house. The modified provision in relation to the intermarriage of whites and negroes re- mains in the statutes of the present day. The prohibition was dropped in Iowa in the re- vision of 1860. A bill repealing the section in question, introduced by Mr. Ricketts, a col- ored member of the house, was passed by the legislature of 1895, but was vetoed by Gover- nor Holcomb. The veto message discloses the objections taken by the governor : After careful consideration I am led to the belief that this measure does not represent a demand of the people, and return it without my approval. The ef¥ect of the bill is to legalize marriages between the white and black races. It is a question of gravest importance, and shoukl demand the careful deliberation of the legislative body before a change is made in the Mw. From the statements of various members of the legislature it is apparent that this measure was hurriedly passed during the closing hours of the legislative session without consideration, many members afterwards open- ly declaring that they did not know they had voted for the bill on its final passage. The alteration of existing laws, contemplating pro- nounced changes in moral and social questions, should emanate from the declared wishes of the people. There is in my opinion no press- ing demand for the proposed amendment. If the people desire that this change be made the question can be agitated, and at the next ses- sion of the legislature the will of the people may be expressed after a careful consideration of the proposed amendment. Without enter- ing into a discussion of the merits of the pro- posal to allow the inter-marriage of whites and blacks I am constrained to disapprove of this hastily enacted bill. An act of this session provided for the first military organization, and territorial and mili- tary terms are confused in the enactment with characteristic frontier freedom : "The ter- ritory of Nebraska shall constitute one divis- ion : said division shall consist of two brigades. All that portion of the territory lying north of the Platte river shall constitute the first bri- gade. And all that portion of the territory lying south of the Platte river shall constitute the second brigade." The official list was as formidable as the rank and file turned out to be insignificant. It is the present-day recol- lection of General Thayer that little more than nominal organization was accomplished under this act at that time. The governor was to be commander-in-chief of all the forces ; and a major-general of the division, and a brigadier- general of each brigade were to be chosen by the two houses of the legislature, which held a joint session for that purpose, January 24, 1856. John M. Thayer was elected major-gen- eral, and L. L. Bowen, of Douglas county, brigadier-general of the northern district with- out opposition. John Boulware of Otoe county, and H. P. Downs, H. P. Thurber, and Thomas Patterson of Cass county were candidates for the office of brigadier-general for the southern district. On the first ballot Boulware re- THE SECOND LEGISLATURE 211 ceived 15 votes, Downs 9, Thurber 4, Patter- son 7. On the second ballot Boulware and Downs had 18 votes each; on the third ballot Boulware had 14 votes and Downs 21, and so Mr. Downs became brigadier-general of the second brigade. There was a general grist of special acts of incorporation, but much fewer in number than at the first session. Simpson University of Omaha (reincorporated), Nemaha University at Archer, Washington College at Cuming City, the Plattsmouth Preparatory and Colle- giate Institute, and Western University "to be located near, or in Cassville, Cass county," made up the modest list of incorporations for higher institutions of learning. The first was organized under the auspices of the Nebraska district and the Council Bluffs district of the Iowa annual conference of the Methodist Episcopal church. The other four were to be stock corporations with a capital of one hun- dred thousand dollars each. None was ever successfully organized. There was a strong movement in the house, stimulated of course by the still living capital feud, to create the county of Sarpy out of the southern half of Douglas. A compromise was effected in the shape of a substitute which formed a separate election district out of the territory now comprising Sarpy county, with the exception of a strip two miles wide on the present southern border of Douglas county. The second legislature formed the judicial dis- tricts as follows : First district, Burt, Dakota, Dodge, Douglas, and Washington counties, "and the territory north and west" ; second dis- trict, Cass, Clay, Lancaster, and Otoe coun- ties, "and the territory west thereof" ; third district, Johnson, Nemaha, Pawnee, and Rich- ardson counties, "and the territory west of said counties." Chief Justice Ferguson was assigned to the first district. Associate Justice Harden to the second, and Associate Justice Bradley to the third. A general law was passed empowering the people of the several counties to select or change the location of the county seats. The "Salt Spring Company" was incorporated "for the purpose of erecting suitable buildings, fur- naces, and reservoirs to carry on the business at the Salt Springs discovered by Thomas Thompson and others, lying west of Cass county." The six applications for divorce were referred to the judge of the first judi- cial district for action at his discretion. The first legislation for the Order of Odd Fellows in Nebraska was the incorporation of "the Masonic and Odd Fellows Hall Company" of Otoe county "for the purpose of erecting in Nebraska City, South Nebraska City, or Kear- ney City a suitable building or buildings to be used in part as a hall for Masonic and Odd Fellowship purposes" ; and also the Odd Fel- lows' Hall Association of Omaha, No. 2, of Nebraska territory. A penitentiary for the territory was located at Tekamah, and the pro- prietors of the town were required to donate ten acres of land for a site. But though Con- gress was regularly importuned by the terri- torial legislatures, no appropriation for con- structing the proposed penitentiary was ob- tained until just before the time of admission to statehood. The first act providing for the organization of religious societies was passed at this second session. The boundaries of Cass, Dakotah, Nemaha, Ottoe, and Richardson counties were changed, and in this act one "t" is dropped in the spell- ing of Otoe. The organization of eighteen new counties was also authorized. Seven of these, namely. Clay, Greene, Gage, Izard, Lan- caster, Saline, and York, had been authorized by the previous legislature. Two of the new names in this act, Calhoun and Monroe, and two of the old, Greene and Izard, have disap- peared from the map, no organization having taken place under them, and Clay and Jones were organized, but the first was afterward merged with Gage and Lancaster, and the second with Jefiferson county. Monroe county voted at the general elections of 1859, and its returns became notorious in the contest be- tween Estabrook and Daily, candidates for delegate to Congress ; it was added to Platte county by the legislature of 1859-1860. The rising tide of Civil war passion in the legisla- ture of 1861-1862 swept the names of Calhoun, Greene, and Izard off the map, and substi- tuted for them respectively Saunders, Seward, and Stanton. The bills changing the names 212 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA all passed with a rush and without division, and apparently without comment by the press. The continued impoverished condition of the territorial finances is illustrated by the act authorizing the treasurer to borrow four thou- sand dollars on the bonds of the territory, at a rate not exceeding fifteen per cent annual in- terest, for the purposes of paying officers and employees of the first and second legislatures and for the taking of the census of 1855. A large number of territorial roads were specifi- cally established, and a general law gave county commissioners power to open and keep in repair all county roads. Room was found for four more ferry franchises on the Mis- souri river. The most important legislation of the session was the granting of charters to five so-called wildcat banks : The Bank of Florence, the Nemaha Valley bank at Brown- ville, the Platte Valley bank at Nebraska City, the Fontenelle bank at Bellevue, and the Bank of Nebraska at Omaha. Joint resolutions were adopted asking Con- gress to grant ten sections of land and five thousand dollars for the benefit of Nebraska University at Fontenelle ; for the removal of the Omaha Indians, according to their wish, from their new reservation in the Blackbird hills to some place in the interior, and for in- demnity to settlers who were driven from their homes by the removal of the Omahas to Blackbird county ; for a change in the organic act of the territory so as to base apportionment of representation upon the entire population instead of voters only ; for an appropriation to pay the expense of defense against Indian depredations during the past year, and the do- nation of one hundred and sixty acres of land to each man regularly mustered into the ser- vice for such defense. Mr. Gibson, for the committee on federal relations, made a report in the form of a memorial to Congress praying for a free grant of one hundred and sixty acres of the public domain to actual settlers of Nebraska, which illustrated the spirit and an- ticipated the arguments that a few years later stimulated the passage of a general homestead law. On the 11th of January, Mr. Decker intro- duced a liill to relocate the capital at Chester, in what is now Lancastei' county, and on the 16th, William A. Finney, J. Sterling Morton, and James H. Decker, of the committee to whom it had been referred, recommended its passage. Dr. George L. ^Tiller made a minor- ity report as follows : A brief review of the organization of the territory brings to our consideration the fact that, in accordance with the require- ments of the organic law, the seat of govern- ment of Nebraska was, by the acting governor of the territory, located at Omaha City. The wisdom of that selection was confirmed by a subsequent legislature against the most stren- uous efforts made to frustrate and defeat that organization, and an unprejudiced view of the existing condition of our aiTairs would seem to impose upon all who desire the permanent progress of our territory the duty of uphold- ing that policy under which we are enjoying the benefits of a just and impartial administra- tion of the territorial government. It cannot be denied that the capital is now located as near the geographical center of the territory as may be, and that its present situation is the best that can be named for the accommodation of its resident population. A comprehensive view of the interests to be consulted upon this subject would show that its removal to a sparsely populated district could possibly be of no practical advantage to the territory at large. Large amounts of money have already been expended toward the erection of a suit- able state house at the seat of government as now established, and under the liberal patron- age of the parent government and the energetic direction of his excellency, the governor, we have every reason to congratulate ourselves upon the prospect of its speedy completion. To reverse the policy under which we are so prosperously advancing in our career would be, in the opinion of the undersigned, emi- nently disastrous and suicidal. For these, among other reasons, I beg to report adversely to the bill under consideration, and to recom- mend the indefinite postponement of the same. Mr. Thomas Gibson also made a minority rejiort which is of interest as a reflection of the o])inion at that time as to the probable com- ing center of population. Mr. Gibson admit- ted that the proposed location on Salt Creek might benefit a large majority of "our present })opulation," but his objection was based on the following considerations : . . From information which may be had it is su])]iosed that 80 to 100 miles will lie the- THE SECOXD LEGISLATL'RE 213 extent of our settlements westward, and about 100 miles northward. It is seen, then, that the relocation must be north of the Platte river, and about 40 miles west from the Missouri to be centrally situated ; and in selecting a site for so important a purpose it is requisite that reference should be had to eligibility for the purpose of a town site, where water, timber, and position of land are found supplied, and where a location for health will be a desider- atum. Such a position can be found on the Elkhorn river, and not one more desirable than the city of Fontenelle. With his report Mr. Gibson offered a bill to locate the capital at Fontenelle. The re- moval bill was killed by postponement on the 22d of January by a vote of 13 to 11. Of the South Plate members, Hagood and Buck of Cass and Hoover of Richardson and Nemaha voted against removal, while all those voting for removal were of the South Platte. Two members — J. Sterling Morton and Dr. George L. Miller — whose flight, in state politics, was to be long and high and to extend into the national empyrean, tried their fledg- ling wings in this second legislature, and in spite of their adolescence they at once became con.spicuous. J. Sterling Morton, not yet twenty- four years old, was chairman of the committee on public buildings and grounds, and second on the committees on common schools and printing. We readily infer that the chairmanship of the public buildings com- mittee was not unsought by Morton nor grudg- ingly bestowed by Speaker Sullivan. Hos- tility to the Omaha element and, in particular, to Secretary Cuming as its rough-shod gen- eral, had already naturally focused in Morton's intense temperament. It was the intention of the anti-Omaha, or roughly rounded up, the South Platte representatives to undo the capi- tal location business of the first session and to uncover the methods of its doing. Speaker Sullivan of Washington county, which had lost the capital prize, was the natural ally of the South Platte. Morton at once began an inquisition for a showing by Secretary Cum- ing to the house as to his expenditures for public printing, and by the governor and sec- retary of all documents in regard to public buildings, including estimates and contracts ; and later in the session his resolution "requir- ing" the secretary "to lay before the house of representatives a copy of his instructions which he alleges to have received from the comp- troller of the United States treasury in regard to the pay of clerks, firemen, and chaplains for this territory." Since the expenditures under the first two subjects of inquiry were from federal appropriations and for which the sec- retary and executive were accountable to the federal treasury department, technically, per- haps, they could not be required to account also to the local legislature. The secretary promptly responded to the first request, but it does not appear that the governor or secretary complied with the request for a showing as to public buildings. The more diplomatic Gibson, of Dodge county, moved to cure the innuendo of the in- tentionally undiplomatic Morton by substitut- ing the word "has" for the words "alleges to have," but Miller, who was the alert defender on the floor of Omaha men and measures, moved to table the resolution. The motion was lost by a vote of 11 to 13, and, after the more judicious word "request" had been sub- stituted for JNlorton's intentionally peremptory "required," on motion of a more peaceable, if less virile South Platte member, the resolution passed without division. All who have watched with clear vision Alorton's long and impress- ive career till its late lamented end, will read in this boyhood resolution the forecast and the epitome of the man ; the same undisguised and relentless attack on opponents, the abandon in giving battle which burns the bridges of re- treat, and the uncompromising and implacable spirit which, while they were perhaps the chief source of his strength, yet almost uniformly defeated his political aspirations. The follow- ing resolutions, also characteristic of their mover, were oft'ered by Mr. Morton : Whereas, At the last session of the legis- lative assembly of the territory of Nebraska, James C. Mitchell was appointed, bv joint reso- lution of the Council and House of Represen- tatives, sole commissioner to select the place whereon the capital buildings should be lo- cated or erected : and WhEre.\s, The said James C. Mitchell, as a condition precedent to his appointment a.s said commissioner, pledged himself to select 214 HISTORY ()F XEr.RASKA " • mf-^-^SSsy^^',' bii^ ^u /^A^J^/^^ I Note — John F. Buck was a pioneer of Cass county, Nebraska] THE SECOND LEGISLATURE 2Li the site for the capital Ijuildings on the Hne be- twen the Clancy and Jeli'rey claims ; and Whereas. There has been a different lo- cation of the capital buildings, and an evident departure from the pledge of said James C. ^Mitchell, as made by him in o]ien Council ; Therefore, Resoeved, That James C. Mitchell, be and hereby is respectfully requested to present to both Houses of the legislative assembly a re- port stating fully and explicitly all that he has done relative to the performance of the duties enjoined in said commission, stating fullv and explicitly the reasons that induced him, the said Mitchell, to depart from his pledged honor to locate the said buildings on the line between the said Clancy and Jeffrey claims, and whether there was any reward or promise offered him to influence the location or selection of the site for said buildings. Resolved, That in the event of any person or persons having offered any inducements, pecuniarily or otherwise, or having used any arguments to influence his action as said com- missioner, that the name or names of said person or persons be given, with all the in- ducements offered. After a hot controversy the resolutions passed by a vote of 14 to 10, and here again Miller and Morton led the fight on opposite sides. J. Sterling Morton's father was a close friend of Lewis Cass, and the bright and sus- ceptible boy had no doubt been much impres- sed by that statesman's character and career. Cass's distinguished political life had budded in his military and political experience in the Northwest, which had extended even as far as Minnesota. It is a fair inference that young Morton was inspired by the knowledge of the older man's western beginnings, and not unlikely by his direct suggestion, to attempt a like career by following a like course. It might have been expected that Morton, with his political as])irations, after defeat as a par- tisan of Bellevue, would take counsel of ex- jjediency and follow victory to Omaha, now the politician's Mecca. But his aggressive and implacable spirit preferred to fight Cum- ing and his capital as well, rather than to fol- low them ; and in Nebraska City, the most considerable town, and in the leading county of the territory, he chose the best vantage ground. At a time when nothing was regarded as finally settled and with as good a chance as her rival for railroad favors, there was firm ground for hope that Nebraska City might keep the lead and deprive Omaha of the capi- tal, too. The last hope, only, came true. S. F. Nuckolls, of strong, resolute character, a successful man of business, and a principal factor of the considerable prestige and pros- pect of Nebraska City, discerned Morton's promising qualities, and no doubt influenced him in his choice. In the work of developing the aspiring metropolis of the South Platte section, in which Nuckolls had the chief inter- est, and in the fight already on against Omaha and the North Platte for political and com- mercial supremacy, these men of differing tem- ])erament and tendency would be mutually supplemental. "We were proud of his ac- quisition," says Hiram P. Bennet, himself one of the promising young men, and afterward a prominent political figure in the South Platte struggles, of whom Nuckolls had al- ready become in some degree an adviser and patron. For this bitter and protracted war- fare the base was wisely chosen, in proof whereof results eventually reinforced reason. For, as we shall see, the prestige and hostility of (.)toe county, reflected and largely kept alive by the strong personality of Morton, turned the scale against Omaha in the last weighing of aspirants for the capital. Morton carried on his fight against r)maha and the North Platte section along two lines ; he would take away the entire South Platte from Nebraska and annex it to Kansas ; or, short of that, he would take away the capital from Omaha and the North Platte and place it in the South Platte section. Failure of his more sweeping scheme of secession was apparent as early as 1860, but he, or the force of his early impetus, fol- lowed the other line to final success in 1867. They who have known the riper Morton need not be told that he did not spend his political novitiate in this session in laboriously com])iling and introducing long lists of bills to be counted off to his credit by an astonished and admiring constitutency or a wondering posterity. In fact he presented only three bills and as many resolutions, while similar achievements of colleagues, otherwise un- 216 HISTORY OF NEDKASKA ■ ^^H jgpi. ^^^1 Hi ^^PlfH I^^L ^,AV.:; . ^^^^^ Hi ^^Ir^ ^m >-■. ^^^pp ^ ^mk '^''^^^Mtoj^; . ^^^g 1 ■ 1 .<^^^A^ j/L^I^^W^X^/^' [Note — Chas. McDonald was a pioneer mcrcliant and banker of North Platte, Xeliraska] THE SECOND LEGISLATURE 217 known to fame, must be counted by the score. His activities came from original or unusual sources, and he struck in unexpected quarters. While his colleagues, with the weak yielding and impulse of "the crowd," were rushing through wildcat bank charters he interposed a minority report against the principle involved as well as against the acts themselves. While ordinary men were crying Peace! Peace! as to the North and South Platte divisions, where there could be no peace until the then only dimly foreseen railway system should establish practicable communication between the sec- tions, he cut to the quick of the question by ad- vocating secession of the South Platte and pre- senting a memorial to Congress for the an- nexation of that part of the territory to Kan- sas, giving cogent reasons therefor. The originality of Morton's methods is illustrated in his intervening motion, when it was pro- posed that the house forthwith choose an ad- ditional enrolling and engrossing clerk, that a committee be appointed to examine candidates. The committee reported as follows : The special committee on the matter of en- grossing and enrolling clerks respectfully sub- mit that they have received applications for the post from the following gentlemen : Messrs. Alden, Gorton, Dendy, Warner, and others, and beg leave to commend the ability of the gentlemen named above as they believe them equally qualified to fill the responsible position which they seek. Your committee therefore submit the matter to your consideration. J. Sterling Morton. Levi Harsh. Geo. L. Miller. The house selected the candidate at the head of the list after six ballots. Where is there a record of a formal civil service proceeding in this country that precedes this one conceived by our tyro statesman of twenty-three years? Morton opposed the civil service reform move- ment in his later career until he came face to face with the conditions which had stimu- lated it when he was at Washington as secre- tary of agriculture. From that time it re- ceived his approval and advocacy. Dr. Geo. L. Miller, who afterward became very prominent as a political journalist and leader, did not introduce a single bill at this session, but he was very active on the floor of the house. He led the opposition to the measure to remove the capital when it was finally defeated for this session, as also in the attempt to divide Douglas county, and he stood unswervingly against the incorporation of the illegitimate financial schemes which were a blight on this legislature. Dr. Miller was a member of three standing committees, and he and Mr. Morton represented the house on the committee to prepare joint rules for the two houses. The prominent members of the first council held their positions relatively in the second, but the three new members, A. A. Bradford. Evans, and Kirkpatrick, took an active and important part in the proceedings. Among the rather motley membership of the second legislature not one was more grotesque and peculiar than Judge Allen A. Bradford, a lawyer by profession, who lived at Nebraska City. He was a native of Alaine, whence he came to Missouri and settled in Atchison county ; but remaining there only a short time he moved across the state line and became a citizen of Fremont county, Iowa. Very soon he became judge of the court of the district in which that county was situated. There are many amusing anecdotes of Judge Bradford's eccentricities and peculiarities as a jurist. In 1854 he left Iowa and settled in Pierce (now Otoe) county, and there he was elected a member of the second council. He had a gen- eral knowledge of law, a great contempt for most of mankind, and no regard for the feel- ings of anyone who dared differ with him upon any important question. He was sometimes politic and always keen and grasping. There- fore when, during the second session of the council in 1856, the question o^f chartering wildcat banks came up, Bradford was found fiercely advocating them, for the purpose of making money cheaper to the plain people and to increase the per capita circulation among the poor. He was bitter and vindictive in denunciation of all who opposed any of the bank charters, .and particularly severe upon those who antagonized the creation of the Platte Valley bank at Nebraska City. Among the latter was A. D. Jones, then and until his 218 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA death a useful citizen of Omaha, whose town- site was originally surveyed and platted by him. Mr. Jones vehemently and with good logic denounced all the proposed banks as un- safe. He declared that by mere enactment or fiat the territory could not create value in paper promises to pay dollars. He argued firmly, thoroughly, and intelligently against all the financial fallacies which Judge Brad- ford advocated. And finally Mr. Jones made a closing argument against all the bank char- ters. His peroration was eloquent, with cita- tions from the history of banking in Michigan and the crash and calamity that came to that state through a redundant issue of bank notes. Sturdy facts were arrayed in every stalwart sentence. Prophecies of the panic that would come to Nebraska when the proposed issue of bank notes had driven out gold, silver, and currency redeemable in gold, under the oper- ation of the Gresham law, were delivered with fire and force ; and then, winding up his speech, Mr. Jones said : As an honest man who cares for his good name, I can not vote for such banking. Neither expediency nor principle demands such a sac- rifice of common sense. Let the gentlemen threaten, they cannot frighten. The years that are coming, the monetary experiences that this attempt at creating values will bring to the people will vindicate my judgment. When I am gathered to my fathers I shall be remem- bered, I hope, as having acted wisely and well in this matter, and I aspire to no higher eulo- gium or epitaph upon my tombstone than, "Here rest the remains of an honest man." At that time Mr. Jones was a squatter sovereign upon the land just southeast of the Omaha townsite, upon the north side of which the Union Pacific and Burlington de- pots and their bewildering maze of railroad tracks and sidings now handle the travel and freight of this continent and of Europe and Asia. The Jones claim, upon which he lived, consisted of three hundred and twenty acres. It rejoiced in a pretty piece of woods and a brook of pure water, and Mr. Jones had named it Park Wild. Thus when Mr. Brad- ford closed the debate in favor of chartering the Platte Valley bank at Nebraska City, the Nemaha V'allev Ijank at Brownville, the Bank of Fontenelle at Bellevue, the Bank of Ne- braska at Omaha, and the Bank of Tekamah, he said, with all the vigor which his thin and squeaking \oice would permit : Mr. President, the honorable gentleman from Park Wild has declared himself an hon- est man. Perhaps he is. I don't suppose a man would tell a lie about a matter which is of so little consequence in this distinguished body. But, Mr. President, the gentleman from Park Wild talks of his death, of his grave and his tombstone and an epitaph there- upon. But if he is as good and as honest as he pretends he is, he need fear neither death nor the grave. He'll never die. He'll be translated like Elijah and go up in a chariot, be wheeled right into the golden streets of the New Jerusalem, and made a member of the everlasting choir to sing glory hallelujah for- ever and ever among the saints and angels : and, Mr. President, he is so good, so pious, and so honest that I wish he were there NOW. This satirical and grotesque apotheosis of Jones finished the opposition to the bank char- ters and ended the debate. Mr. Jones lived to be ninety years old in the enjoyment of his well-earned good name, and the banks are all dead, having expired in the panic of 18.i7. The Omaha Nebmskiaii of February 20, 1856, copies a study of the Nebraka legisla- ture, then in session, by a correspondent of the New York Times — who. it alleges, was the clever young journalist. J. W. Pattison — which possesses suftlcient inherent evidence of l)eing tolerably true to life to be worth re- producing : It is a decidedly rich treat to visit the gen- eral assembly of Nebraska. You see a motley group inside of a railing in a small room, crowded to overflowing, some behind their little school-boy desks, some seated on the top of desks, some with their feet perched on the top of their neighbor's chair or desk, some whittling — half a dozen walking about in what little space there is left. The fireman, doorkeeper, sergeant-at-arms, last year's mem- bers and almost anyone else, become principal characters inside the bar, selecting good seats, and making themselves generally at home, no matter how much they may discommode the members. The clerk, if he chooses, jumps up to explain the whys and hows of his journal. .\ lobby member stalks inside the bar, and from one to the other he goes talking of the advantages of his bill. A row starts up in the SECOND COXGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN 219 secretary's room, or somewhere about the building, and away goes the honorable body to see the fun. Hon. Mr. A. gives Mr. B. a severe lecturing because he didn't vote as he agreed to. Mr. B. says Mr. A. lies, is no bet- ter than he should be and reckons he ain't much afraid of him. Mr. C. comes to the rescue and speaks in concert pitch half an hour, and says nothing; then a thirsty mem- ber moves an adjournment, and in a few min- utes the drinking saloons are well patronized. Although both bodies have about seven days more to sit only four bills have been passed. It is one continued personal and local fight — a constant attempt at bargain, sale and argu- luent. A bill to remove the capital was con- sidered in the House last night until the small hours. It was an anuising time. The historv of official corruption was renewed; how through bribery and fraud the capital was lo- cated here ; how that little arch-intriguer, T. B. Cuming, did many naughty and rascally things, how the people were opposed to the location at Omaha. Morton, member from Nebraska City, Decker from the same place, a man by name of Moore and Dr. Miller took the lead in the discussion. It was nearly all, however, for buncombe. The two-year-old commonwealth now — 1856 — begins to show rudimentary features of normal political organization and life. There is a semblance of public discussion, the basis — in theory — of present political gov- ernment. There begins to be a public, and there is a good beginning of a press. The census, taken in the fall of this year, will in- dicate a population of 10,716, and there are two very aggressive political journals, the Ne- braska City Nezvs and the Omaha Nehraskian. and one — the Advertiser of Brownville, that is industriously newsy. The homing instinct and spirit begin to modify or withstand the predatory carpet-bagger and the land pirate. But the dominant issues and the absorbing con- troversies are sectional, and they are kept alive in the main by and for the rival politi- cians. The perennial politics of this period was kept in full life, during the naturally dull sea- son between elections and the sessions of the legislature, by the regular contest over the election of delegate to Congress. The North Platte, or Omaha candidate at the second con- gressional election was Bird B. Chapman, a young man who had recently come to the ter- ritory from Elyria, Ohio, in the direct pursuit of a political career, and with the prestige of being the beneficiary of a popular impression that he was a sort of political legate or next friend of President Pierce. In the character sketches by the over-apt South Platte poli- ticians he combes to us as a mere cunning, tricky, small-bore political adventurer. In fact he was a smooth, suave, and alert politician, of just that smallish caliber which then, as now, is the most useful and likely makeup for Bird B. Chapman Second delegate to Congress from Nebraska territory achieving a term or two of congressional notoriety, and then to drop into the dead sea of normal mediocrity. While candor cannot yield to this first delegate from the North Platte more than the virtue and capacity of the average present day member from Ne- braska, it can yet compliment him as the possessor of much less vice and incapacity than he was credited with by his South Platte opponents. J. Sterling Morton — still the boy of twenty-four — was, apparently, by tacit consent, and at any rate by irresistible force and irrepressible impulse, already the speaker- E20 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA in-chief for South Platte hostihty. He was at all times charged with South Platte wrath, and which, let off never so copiously, yet, like the widow's cruse, was only thereby aug- mented. Sample vials of the Morton anti- Chapman hate, let loose by way of rejoicing at the news that the House committee on privi- leges and elections had decided in favor of Bennet, serve to illustrate in some sort the bit- terness of the sectional spirit of the time and the characteristic way in which this most unique figure in Nebraska history manifested it: We expected that the voice of the people would be heard there instead of the feeble and imbecile voice of our respected grandmother, the governor of Nebraska. . . We are re- joiced at the fact, in short we are specially and exquisitely rejoiced because the great bug-a-boo of administration influence . . . failed to frighten away the facts in the case which with a thousai d tongues related the baseness, the corruptioii and the injustice of the miserable beings who filched from Bennet the certificate [of election.] He [Chapman] was an impos- ter. He never voted the democratic ticket in his life until the fall before the last presiden- tial campaign. And then follows the epitaph: Embalmed with soft soap, chiseled in brass, sepulchered in the cottonwood coffin of public charity, rest now his rotten remains, and ever and anon popular ridicule shall giggle his re- quiem while common sense shall point to the spot as inhabited by one whom she knew not. Now, referring to the friends of the pre- maturely interred statesman who "lament for receiverships, registerships, and land-offices that are not," who have been "indefatigable in lying, surpassless in lickspittlery, without a parallel in rascality. Poor miserable devils, we pity, we lament your ignominious defeat, and the death of your golden calf. Trusting, however, that your affliction may be the means of your purification, we drop you down among the maggots and worms, where you will be at rest and at home, poor devils." Hiram P. Bennet, Chapman's opponent, was the candidate of the Nebraska City coterie, just as Chapman was of the Omaha coterie. The territorial board of canvassers consisted by law of the secretary and two territorial officers ; and the auditor, Chas. B. Smith, and the treasurer, B. P. Rankin, were called in to act with Secretary Cuming in this case. Mr. Bennet complains in his speech in the contest in the House of Representatives that all the members of the board were his political and personal enemies. Judged by the prevailing standard of duty it is not surprising that this board undertook to disregard the vote of four counties in toto with this very vague expla- nation : The board would also respectfully submit the following return of votes from Dakota, Washington, Richardson and Otoe counties upon which under the specific act which pre- scribed their powers and duties, viz., the act regulating elections approved March 6, 1855, they feel themselves incompetent to act. According to the board's finding the five counties whose returns had been accepted gave Chapman 380, and Bennet 292 votes. The returns of the four rejected counties swelled Bennet's vote to 588 and Chapman's to 575 — a majority of 13 for Bennet. There are no adequate recorded reasons why the board thus boldly undertook to annul nearly half the vote of the territory; and when living contem- poraries of those pioneer state-builders are asked for explanations they only say, with knowing shoulder shrug, "It must have been because Tom Cuming wanted it that way." In May, 1856, the House committee on elec- tions, ignoring the certificate Chapman had received from the territorial canvassers, re- jjorted that Bennet was entitled to the seat, and the committee of course counted the votes of the counties which the canvassing board had thrown out. The old question of the half- breed tract vote again arose, but the com- mittee found that the reservation was part of Nebraska and that the white settlers therein had the right to vote, notwithstanding that they had been technically excluded from the governor's census. But Alexander H. Ste- phens made an adverse minority report in favor of excluding the half-breed vote, which would leave Chapman six votes in the lead. This was a plausible excuse for the House to ignore the majority report, and to seat Chap- man by a vote of 69 to 63 ; and the Ncbraskian avers that in the final vote Congress recog- POLITICAL CONDITIONS 221 iiized the rejection of the half-breed vote by the territorial canvassers. But Mr. Bennet's indiscretion was doubt- less the real cause of his undoing. He had always been a whig with an anti-slavery lean- ing, and he made no pretense of democratic regeneration during his canvass. He was a promising and reliable young man who suited Nuckolls, the proprietary genius of Nebraska City, and so, influentially, of the South Platte, and who was also an old line whig, but a slaveholder. Bennet also suited Morton as a likely man to beat the detested "Brass" B. Chapman, as he called him. What suited Nuckolls and his two promising proteges, Morton and Bennet, for practical purposes suited Otoe county, which led the South Platte. The Brownville Advertiser, however, had from the first, for reasons of its own, been in- clined to cast its political fortunes with the North Platte element, and Nemaha county had actually given Chapman a majority of one. We even find the Advertiser contending that the minority report of the house committee shows that Chapman is entitled to his seat.- Furnas was sharply crticised by the South Platte press for this misalliance, which was charged to his land-office aspiration. Bennet's clash with I. L. Sharp in the first legislature, which was wholly to his credit, had not been forgotten by that cunning poli- tician who had diligently collected such evi- dence as he could of irregular voting in Rich- ardson county, and in person laid it before the proper committee of Congress. But after the majority of the committee had reported in his favor Bennet attended the republican national convention at Philadelphia, and sat as a vice president from the territory of Nebraska. This was too much for the more strongly pro- slavery southern members to overlook, and it was welcome ammunition for his enemies at home. The A^cbraskiaii, which Morton had lately alluded to as suiifering from pecuniary debility and the property of "B. B. Chapman and his toadies," pounces with avidity on the rich morsel Bennet had thrown to his enemies. In its issue of July 9th it charges that Bennet "figured extensively in the late Black Repub- lican convention at Philadelphia," and that, "the Nebraska City Nezvs, edited by ]\Iorton, claimed that he was a democrat and urged squatters to vote for him, and not having learned, as they since have, that Morton's highest ambition was to tell a slick lie, many good democrats voted for him." At this period the smaller frontier demo- cratic newspapers were very subservient to the dominant southern element of their party, and were noisome in their abuse of negroes and negro sympathizers. And so we find the Nebraskian speaking of the "sooty deity" be- fore which Bennet had bowed, and remarking in rather mixed metaphor that "this last step smells strongly of wool." The Omaha faction — for as yet there was no organized political party in the territory — encouraged by the seating of Chapman, pressed the suggestion it had previously made for or- ganization, and charged that sympathizers of Bennet opposed it. For Chapman to have triumphed at last was a hard blow to Morton, and instead of feigning acquiescence, as the mere politician does, and as the successful politician usually must do, while he waits for his own turn, he cut loose from restraint and attacked the democratic administration, local and general. His bitterness was increased by the fact that Chapman, in the course of his patronage purveyorship, went to Morton's home and selected for the office of United States marshal. Dr. B. P. Rankin, just the pre- tentious, windy, verbose, and not over-abste- mious jjolitician, between whom and Morton mutual dislike and hostility were inevitable. We learn something of political conditions and methods of those times as well as some- thing about an interesting pioneer journalist in this item from the Nebraska City Nezvs of February 9, 1856: B. P. Rankin and J. W. Pattison, are, we learn, candidates for the marshalship of Ne- l>raska. We do hope that Pierce will let the Rankin cup pass by us. There are several half-breed Indians whose appointment would meet with far more approbation from the people. Pattison is a young man of fine abil- ity and prepossessing appearance, and would make an excellent officer. He was almost unanimouslv endorsed bv the members of the Brownville Adz'criist-r, June 21, 1856. HISTORY OF NEBRASKA last legislature, and also b)' the governor and secretary ; the latter endorsement is rather against him. However, it was not love that made Granny and Tommy [Izard and Cum- ing] sign the letters. The News of the same date gives Governor Izard's message the following greeting under the title "De Guberner 'Proaches" : This document is characterized by that su- perabundance of sagacity, superfluity of pa- triotism and superlative degree of candor which has ever distinguished from the vulgar herd the chivalric and classic sons of Arkansas. Through its sentences one can hear the tread of a mighty intellect as it strides majestically through the labyrinthine ramifications of poli- tics, and marches along the corridors of thought ; and as he hears his soul's tongue whisper in awe, "De Guberner 'Proaches." In the same plethoric issue is a satire on political conditions, quite likely by Morton, but well disguised, in the form of a message by Governor "M. W. Lizard." It laments that most and the best of the large immigra- tion has gone into the South Platte "to swell the numbers of the factious malcontents in that section." "I intend to know no north, no south in this territory, and to use all means in my power to allay sectional jealousy. I am for the whole of Nebraska, but you know, fellow citizens, that I consider North Platte the whole of Nebraska, and Omaha the whole of North Platte ; thus qualified I can truly say that I am for the whole of Nebraska." The governor says that he is afraid of expending much money in the capital ( though he must make some show), fearing the legality of the location should be questioned and the ingenious management of Acting Governor Cuming brought to light. He does not fear President Pierce, as he is probably aware of the neces- sity of keeping the disorganizers down south in the shade by any means that can be used. "... We can not hope for another presi- dent with whom the end will justify any means to benefit Omaha and speak in favor of the Nebraska bill." The governor admits that his laborers on the capitol were non-residents, but they voted for Chapman for delegate. He fears that he didn't manage well last winter with those dreadful Indian stories, got up so that Omaha and Council Blufifs could handle the spare gold of the troops to be sent on ; they worked badly, for they scared immi- grants away from the North Platte ; and, the soldiers didn't find any Indians — as was ex- pected. The message urges the legislature to send appeals and memorials to Congress for donations so that the money may be spent for the benefit of C>maha, and the governor wants his salary increased though the fifteen hundred dollar contingent fund is already spent on his two sons. We do not wonder that on his return, after an absence of two months, Morton is con- strained — in the A^czus of May 3d — to make the following confession : We are now about to recommence our abusive proceedings in the old mild and placid style. We call our position a responsible one, one which renders us sole proprietor of more threatened lickings than we can enumerate, es- tablishes us as sole target for the remarks of the mellifluent revolver, and secures us daily gratuitous invitations to proceed to a place of perpetual caloric. The next item is headed "Calamity" : During our absence, as might have been ex- pected, the country has met with a serious calamity — in the melancholy attempt of Franklin Pierce to appoint a marshal of Ne- braska. Had Rankin been deputed to carry carrion to a bear we should have pitied the bear for having fallen into very bad society and commiserated him upon the fact that the carrion would never all reach him. Another item reads as follows : "We are convinced at the present writing that Nebraska City must be the western terminus of the Bur- lington railroad." Though this prevision did not come true literally, yet, from the writer's point of view, it was consistently prophetic. He foresaw that the Union Pacific would be- gin at or near Omaha, and in the then condi- tion of traffic and railroad building it was ra- tional to believe that this southern trunk line would connect itself with the main commer- cial point in the territory of the Missouri river south of the territory to be occupied by the Union Pacific road. Light is thrown on economic conditions at the beginning of 1856 by a statement in the Nezvs of February 9th that claims of one hundred and sixty acres within two and a half miles from Nebraska City were selling at from five hundred to eight hundred dollars. CHAPTER X The Third Legislature — The Third Congressional Campaign — Richardson Succeeds Izard — The Fourth Legislature — Florence Session — Death of Governor Cuming THE third territorial assembly convened January 5, 1857. Among the members of the council, Samuel E. Rogers of Douglas is serving his third term ; A. A. Bradford of Otoe and S. M. Kirkpatrick of Cass were members of the second council ; William Clancy and John A. Singleton were members of the first house; and Charles McDonald and A. F. Salisbury had served in the second house. Of the members of the house W. A. Finney of Nemaha had served in the second house and A. J. Hanscom of Douglas had been speaker of the first house. R. W. Furnas, a familiar name in Nebraska, is on the list of councilmen. L. L. Bo wen, of the southern or Bellevue district of Douglas county, was chosen presi- dent of the council, and L L. Gibbs of Otoe county was chosen speaker of the house with- out opposition. The South Platte was in the saddle, which meant that Douglas coimty was to be loser in the struggle against her dis- memberment to form Sarpy county, and that Omaha was to lose the capital by a clear ma- jority vote of the representatives, and would hold it only by the purely arbitrary veto of the executive. Morton's lampooning of Governor Izard's message had been without practical effect, for this year's fulmination excelled the other in grandiose verbosity. The message contrasts the disturbed condition of Kansas, "torn by internal dissension, her virgin soil overrun and desecrated by armed and hostile factions, her people murdered and pillaged by roving bands of lawless marauders, betraved by mercenary demagogues and unprincipled politicians," etc., with the peaceable aspect of Nebraska, where "the people led by the coun- cils of wisdom and moderation have succeeded in frowning down all foreign interference and in resisting the earliest encroachments of do- mestic difficulty, and have added, in their ex- ample, another bright testimonial of man's capacity for self-government to the many which already adorn the annals of the repub- lic." These rhetorical bouquets, with which the governor was showering his administra- tion, were in fact as artificial as they seem. Kansas was, by virtue of her contiguity to a slave state, the natural and the chosen battle- ground of the pro-slavery and the anti-slavery colonizers. There was bleeding enough going on in Kansas to satisfy all the requirements of both factions of the squatter sovereignty dog- ma, and so Nebraska was left in a condition of necessary peace. There was here no serious political question to fight over, and no force of any consequence to fight. In fact, no political question ever arose on the Nebraska horizon more heroic than the economic sec- tional question of the location of the capital, primarily raised and kept alive by the incon- venient barrier of the Platte river. In his chronically optimistic survey of eco- nomic conditions, which there was little to justify, the governor notes that there are more than fifteen thousand people in the territory. He finds it necessary to urge again the need of a better system of laws in place of the crude and unsatisfactory productions of the first two legislatures. He asks the legislature to urge Congress to place at once the school lands reserved by the organic act at the dis- posal of the legislature, an appeal which the Congress was for many years wisely to dis- regard. He again urges that Congress should 224 HISTOm- OF NEBRASKA M '"^/ 'oLcJ^L-c^i^ THE THIRD LEGISLATURE 99 ^0 ^< /- yfe // c /t^/r [Note — Geo. P. Tucker was a Union soldier during the Civil War and a prominent legislator irom Johnson county, Nebraska.) 226 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA be memorialized to grant lands to the "liter- ary institutions" chartered by the first assem- bly, namely : Simpson University, Nebraska City Collegiate and Preparatory Institute, and Nebraska University. "The Simpson Uni- versity," he says, "has been permanently lo- cated, and donations to a considerable amount have been received to aid in its erection. I am informed that some degree of progress has been made by the corporators of each of the others." Even at this comparatively recent date Nebraska pioneers were looking to the private or semi-private schools for the means of secondary education. They had no thought then that the state university and its coadju- tors, the high schools in every county, wholly supported by public ta.x and administered by public aulhorit}', were so soon to supersede those early objects of their deep solicitude and fond hope. The message goes contrary to the prepon- derance of public opinion at that time in urg- ing that a part fit least of the public land should be put on the market without delay. In the Adi'ertiscr of December 6, 1856, Mr. Furnas contends that the settlers are not ready to buy their lands yet, and that the sales should be put off for two years, at least ; and again in the issue of January 29, 1857, he urges that they should be put off ten years, though in the meantime those settlers who have the money should be allowed to make their en- tries. "But if the president listens to the pleadings of land sharks, and hastens the sales we believe it will be productive of untold injury to the pioneer settler and to the future growth of Nebraska territory." The message gives the information that the Omaha and Otoe Indians had been removed to their re- spective reservations during the past year. The Omahas still remain on their reservation, but the Otoes were recently removed and their reservation sold and it now forms part of Gage county. The message was a pjean to prosperity. "No citizen of Nebraska," it avers, "can look around him and contemplate the unexampled degree of prosperity which has crowned the efforts of our infancy without feelings of the profoundest gratitude and satisfaction." The go\ernor — in an oblicjue sense — emulated the part of, the elysium in Richter's comfort- ing conceit, "Heaven lies about us in our in- fancy." Under this dazzling halo the matter-of-fact territorial treasurer, W. W. Wyman, in his annual report, dated December 18, 1856, sets up a dark and dismal financial figure. He had been able to negotiate the bonds to the amount of four thousand dollars, whose issue the last legislature had authorized, only by agreeing to pay interest semi-annually at the rate of fifteen per cent per annum. Of the demands the proceeds of these bonds were cal- culated to meet, $350.45 remained unpaid with only $92 of the $4,000 on hand. The treas- urer had bound himself personally to pay the first installment of interest — $300 — on the coming first of January, so that the necessity of advancing $208 of his own money was im- pending. Only three counties of the territory — Cass, Dodge, and Nemaha — "had paid into the treasury any portion" of the territorial levy of two mills on the dollar for the year 1856, "the two wealthiest and most thickly populated counties (Douglas and Otoe) hav- ing made no payment at all during the present year." Dodge county had loyally paid her quota of the territorial tax — $20.20 — but tlii- loyalty does not appear so conspicuous when Mr. Wyman shows, as an illustration of his official woes, that after the county treasurer had also faithfully deducted his legal commis- sion — $1 — and his mileage for transferring his county's largess to the capital — $13.50 — the net balance for the territorial treasury was $5.70. We do not wonder that the treasurer lugubriously remarks that this was the only instance in which mileage was charged by a county treasurer, and suggests that in future such small sums be sent by mail. The report of the auditor, Chas. B. Smith, is of course in no Ijetter spirits. It shows the indebtedness of the territory to be $10,- 457.51, and of this $8,062.01 is represented by warrants from the beginning, July 1, 1855. to January 2, 1857. That the territorial gov- ernment had failed thus far to provide for the meager public expense in excess of that paid from the federal treasury was evidently due THE THIRD LEGISLATURE 227 in part to its own inefficiency, but in the main to the unsettled, uncertain social conditions which, it has been heretofore pointed out, were unusual or exaggerated as compared with any former beginning and early growth of our commonwealths. The work of the third session of the legis- lature was to be no better, but probably worse than that of its predecessors. The session centered on four principal objects — the re- moval of the capital, the division of Douglas county, the hatching of a new brood of wild- cat banks, and the rascally repeal of the crim- inal code. The first two were purely and spitefully sectional ; after the expenditure of the first fifty thousand dollars appropriation in building the state house at Omaha there was no level-headed reason for removing the capi- tal until the need should arise of placing it at some more convenient point in the interior. No excuse arose on that score before the re- moval was accomplished — if it did then. The division of Douglas county was based on a neighborhood feud, Bellevue — plus the sym- pathetic South Platte — against Omaha. And yet contemporaneous authority informs us that "this and the capital question are the great features of the present session." The division bill passed the council by a vote of 7 to 6, Furnas and McDonald being the only South Platte members who voted on the Omaha side ; it passed the house by a vote of 19 to 17, only two members from the South Platte, Finney of Nemaha and Sharp of Paw- nee, voting no. In the original bill — introduced by Council- man Allen — the name of the proposed county was Omaha, but Sarpy was substituted in com- mittee of the whole. In the bill introduced into the first legislature for the organization of Douglas county it was named Omaha, but on motion of Dr. M. H. Clark, and after sharp opposition by leading members of Douglas county, the change was made. Secondarily to the local and natural name — Omaha — both Douglas and Sarpy were appropriate. The mistake was recognized and corrected by al- lowing the metropolitan city of the territory and state to retain the Indian name. Restitu- tion of the natural claim or right of the name of Douglas to have been perpetuated in that of the capital of the state was only partially made in its retention as the name of the county of which Omaha is the seat of govern- ment. Through the inexorable and inevitable course of events Lincoln succeeded his great rival, Douglas, in national political leadership. But if there had been untrammeled expression of the wish of the majority through its repre- sentatives in the legislature of 1857, the name of the great democratic and Union leader would have been rightfully and most appro- priately perpetuated in that of the capital of the commonwealth of which he was the foun- der, and whose political birth was the precur- sor if not the cause of his own political death. In editorial correspondence with the Ne- braska Advertiser, January 16, 1857, R. \V. Furnas, member of the council and public printer, complains of attempts of the Omaha members of the house to interfere with expres- sion of opinion in that body in favor of the removal of the capital; and he predicts that the governor will veto the removal bill, as "he could do nothing else under the circum- stances." The governor's veto was sent to the council January 19th, and, whatever the mys- terious "circumstances" which Mr. Furnas hints were to influence his act in derogation of the will and wish of a clear popular majority, he justifies it with cogent if not unanswerable reasoning. We are led, by the absence from the veto message of much of that tedious ver- bosity and buncombe which abound in his regu- lar messages, to suspect that the greater deli- cacy and importance of this task may have brought to its execution a clearer head and more skilful hands than Governor Izard's. The message is a plausible defense of an act bear- ing on its face suspicion of sectional and per- haps other improper bias, and is a realistic pic- ture of the conditions and methods of that day. Capital Removal Appears Again. Al though the capital had been located under strong contest and a considerable amount of money expended upon the building of the new state house, factionalism and local jealousies determined that the question should not rest. The removal bill called for the location of the 228 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA capital at Douglas, Lancaster county — a purely imaginary place somewhere on the banks of Salt creek. The bill passed both house and council with proper majorities, but Governor Izard interposed a veto and the Omaha delegation was able to gather sufficient strength to prevent the passage over the veto. In the council Robert W. Furnas voted with Omaha, which prevented the necessary two- thirds majority. Finney of Nemaha was the only South Platte member of the house to vote with Omaha. The removal seemed clearly the will of the people, and, had there been untrammeled action, in all probability the name of the great democratic leader would have been perpet- uated in the name of the capital ; but through the inexorable and inevitable course of events, Abraham Lincoln succeeded his rival in na- tional leadership, and his name became per- petuated in the capital city. The Nebraska City News, and other papers, bitterly assailed Finney and Furnas and charged them with recreancy and corruption. Mr. Furnas de- fended himself and his colleague with vehe- mence. He declared that he had always fav- ored removal of the capital, but "upon an hon- est and fair plan." At the preceding session, just a year before, Mr. Finney, as chairman of the conuuittee, made a report in which he was joined by J. Sterling Morton, unequivocallv favoring removal of the capital to the same locality to which the bill he voted against in 1857 proposed to remove it. Bills chartering additional banks were passed by this legislature, Ijut were all vetoed by the governor. Two of them — for the Bank of Tekamah, and the Bank of De Soto — were passed over the veto. Miller and Bradford of the council, and Seely, Hanscom, and Holloway of the house constituted a select committee to pass on parts three and four of the code which had been re- ported by the commissioners to the last or second assembly, near its conimenceiuent, l)iU which, owing to lack of time, or of industry and care, had not been considered. Part three, relating to courts and their jurisdiction, was adopted, while part four, relating to crimes and their punishment, was again passed over without the assignment of any reason therefor. The explanation of this delinquency must be looked for in the closely related repeal of the criminal code and that part of the civil code adopted from Iowa, which measure was in- troduced in the council by Bradford as early as the 22d of January. The serious consider- ation, and perhaps even the original passage of this bill in both houses might have been ex- cused or explained on the ground that mem- bers expected that these bungled laws would be substituted by better ones during the ses- sion. But the following veto message sent by the governor on the last day of the session and the subsequent action of both houses sweep away or preclude excuse or palliation for the shameless act : Executive Office, Omaha City. To the Council: February 13, 1857. An act entitled "VVn act to repeal certain acts of the legislative assembly of Nebraska," passed at the first session of the said legis- lative assembly has been presented to me for my approval. The bill proposes to repeal all of our crim- inal laws passed at the first session of the leg- islative assembly, and all that portion of our civil code adopted from the code of Iowa. This might be well enough if the bill itself proposed a substitute or if there was even a probability that a substitute would be passed at the present session of the legislative assem- bly ; but' in the absence of both I must be al- lowed to doubt the policy of sweeping away a very large majority of the laws now on the statute book, thus leaving tis without any means to enforce the simplest civil rights with- out a resort to the common law. I therefore respectfully return the bill to the Council, the house in which it originated, for its reconsid- eration. Moreover, the repealing measure was brief, sweeping, and explicit, so that it must have been difficult for a reader or hearer of intel- ligence to miss its purport. The council promptly passed the repealing bill over the veto by a vote of 12 to 1, Dr. Miller voting the solitary no, and the house followed with a vote of 24 to 2. Mr. Furnas of the council gives an interesting but scarcely adequate ac- count of this legislative rape. He first quotes the following explanation of the Nebraskian: Early in the session of our legislative as- THE THIRD "LEGISLATURE 229 sembly, which has just closed, a bill was in- troduced in the Council by Mr. Bradford, the title of which, as we remember it, was "a bill for an act repealing certain acts of the legis- lative assembly of Nebraska, passed at the first session thereof." At that time legisla- tion was "dragging its slow and weary length along," the capitol question was not then dis- posed of, and this bill was several days reach- ing even a second reading. Our impression is that the bill was read by its title only the first, second, and third time, in the Council ; we are confident that no member of that body except its originator knew anything of the merits of the bill. It was, however, at length passed in the Council and transmitted to the House, from whence it was returned near the close of the session, and was in due time en- rolled and presented to the governor for his signature. In the governor's hands the bill was scru- tinized, and its character fully determined, which was nothing less than the repeal of all the criminal code of Nebraska and most of the civil code. Governor Izard of course could not sanction such an act as that, and on Friday last the bill was returned to the Coun- cil with his objections. Bradford winked and blinked "like a toad under a harrow" and with an appearance of candor well calculated to de- ceive, assured the Council that the governor was unnecessarily alarmed about the objects of the bill, that the repeal of our criminal code would only oblige us to have recourse to the common law, which was much better than the criminal code we had adopted. With these assurances from the dignified and truthtelling (?) judge, what did the Council do? Why they passed that bill over the governor's veto by a vote of twelve to one. Dr. Miller was the only man in that Council chamber who seemed to reflect what the consequence of his act might be. The bill had the same fate in the House, and passed by a decided majority, and to-day there are no laws in Nebraska except ferry and bank charters. We have good reason to believe that the true import of the bill was no better understood in the House than it was in the Council, hence the ease with which it was smuggled through that body. We hold the originator of such frauds responsible; and though we were at one time disposed to re- gard Mr. Bradford as an honest, conscientious man, we are now forced to the conclusion that he is the most dangerous and corrupt man there was in that body of reckless knaves. He knew the efifect of the bill he was introducing, and we now know the objects he seeks to at- tain; the principal of which, we are informed, is to enable the murderer Hargus to escape the penalty of his crime. A man who can thus recklessly and wilfully break down every bar- rier that has been raised for the protection of society, for so criminal an object as that, should never be invested with the power of a legislator ; he is almost as much to be feared as the murderer himself. We have heard Mr. Bradford, the president of the Council, and one or two other dis- tinguished ( perhaps notorious would be bet- ter) gentlemen chuckling over the passage of this infamous measure over the governor's veto, as the best thing done. We doubt not that the large majority by which it passed both Houses will be cited as a certain indication of the unpopularity of Governor Izard, and the light estimation in which he is held by the people. But if there is one act of his adminis- tration which will redound to his credit more than all others, if there is one act which will receive the approval of all virtuous men, it is the vetoing of that bill, which, by repealing all protective enactments, leaves the citizens of Nebraska a prey to lawless violence, with- out the hope of legal redress. Then follows the comment of Mr. Furnas : The above from the Nebraskian we publish in place of an article we intended to write upon the same subject. We think Mr. Robertson, however, rather sweeping in his expression, terming the whole Council a "body of knaves." He well knows — as he was one of the clerks, and present when the bill was returned for reconsideration — that its passage was only secured by a betrayal of trust reposed in Judge Bradford as a legal man — "as an honest and conscientious man" — on the part of the bal- ance of the Council. Even Dr. Miller himself stated in his place that he would vote for the bill "over the governor's veto" if the "honor- able chairman of the judiciary committee" would assure him that it only repealed, as Mr Bradford said, "conflicting portions of the criminal code." This assurance was given, with all apparent candor and honesty, and the bill passed by a vote as stated of 12 to 1. Dr. Miller fortunately voting as he did. Had Mr. Bradford secured the passage of this re- pealing bill by shrewdness, legal or parlia- mentary management, there might have been a shadow of allowance for him ; but securing its passage as he did by downright falsehood, and abuse of confidence and respect reposed in him, he deserves to be held up to the pub- lic contempt of all well wishers of this terri- tory. Such, unfortunately, are the character and the reputation of legislative bodies of the 230 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA present time that trying those of a generation ago by any liigh standard of moraHty or in- telligence would be incongruovis. And yet the act in question seems a mixture of inex- plicable and unprecedented ignorance and immorality. It is true that the members of the legislature, most of whom were young and without training or ex]ierience, would natu- rally rely upon the representation of the long- time chairriian of the committee for the final preparation of the code that the common law would take the place of the statutory criminal code on the repeal of the latter; but even be- fore the governor's explicit warning they must have suspiciously questioned themselves touching the criminal code; "If so soon 'twas to be done for. what was it begun for?" And there were capable lawyers at hand who easily might have exposed Brad- ford's charlatanry to their doubting minds. Contemporaneous explanation of Bradford's motive for bringing about the repeal of the criminal laws is obviously insufficient, though it may be correct in part. James E. Lacy had "jumped" the west eighty of a quarter sec- tion claimed by Simpson Hargus lying just west of the present cotmty court house at Nebraska City, and in an altercation over the matter Hargus killed Lacy with a shot- gun on the 23d of April, 1856. Then, accord- ing to contemporaneous explanation and belief, A. A. Bradford conceived and success- fully carried out the no less audacious than novel scheme to save his client Hargus, whose trial was pending, by repealing the criminal code. But there is some ground for a sus- picion that the principal motive of Bradford and his co-conspirators was to provide immu- nity for the culprits of wildcat banking schemes, then in the heydey of their reckless career, and perhaps more reason for thinking that Bradford himself was ignorant of the effect of the repeal. The civil procedure pre- pared by the code commission was promptlv passed on the last day of the session after the governor's veto of the repeal had been filed ; so that the territory was not left, as the veto message recites, "with no means to enforce the simplest civil rights without a resort to the common law." Hargus was indicted for manslaughter by the grand jury and tried before Judge Black, who held, in a long and elaborate opinion, that he could be pimished under the common law, and he was convicted ; but at the Decem- ber, 1858, term of the supreme court, a motion in arrest of the judgment of the district court was granted, the supreme court holding that "the statute providing for the punishment of the crime of manslaughter, which was in force at the time of the commission of the oft'ense charged, was unconditionally repealed before the trial and judgment in the said district court," and Hargus was discharged. The ad- ministrator of Lacy brought suit for dam- ages against Hargus, but the supreme court, in an opinion by Judge Wakeley, held that the repealing act took effect from its passage and repealed "absolutely and unconditionallv, by a single section, both the ci\il and the crinnnal codes of the territory." The court further held that, although "on the 13th of February, 1857, the date of the repealing act, a new civil code was adopted in place of the one repealed, containing the identical provisions above quoted," yet because this second act did not take effect until the following June it did not reach back to cover the hiatus between the repeal and its passage ; and so the civil case, too, failed. In accordance with a resolution passed by the council by a vote of 8 to 5, Bradford, Allen, and Miller were appointed a committee to investigate the official acts of Mr. Cuming, both as governor and secretary, and to report to the council at its next session. The reac- tionary or subservient spirit of the first house of representatives, which passed a bill to pre- vent free negroes from settling in the terri- tory, appeared again when Singleton intro- duced a bill of like purport at the third session. In the meantime pul)lic intelligence or a healthier moral sentiment had been growing in the territory, for the second bill received little encouragement. On the last day of the session it was indefinitely postponed in the house without division, "^ and was laid on the table bv a vote of 10 to 3 in the council.- Onlv ^ House Journal. 3d ter. sess.. p. 191. 2 Council Journal, 3d ter. sess., p. IfO. THE THIRD LEGISLATL'RE Z31 three members of the council — Bradford and Reeves of Otoe county and McDonald of Richardson and Pawnee — were possessed with that quality of economic and moral in- firmity which prompted them to stand by the even then moss-grown measure at the final test. The third legislature undertook to strength- en the revenue law, and raised the levy for territorial purposes from two mills to three mills, limited the levy for county purposes to not over six mills, and for schools between one-half of a mill and a mill and a half. Though under the law of 1856 county super- intendents of schools were authorized to lev} a tax not less than three nor more than five mills for the support of schools, yet, up to this time, the revenue for support of public schools had been confined virtually to taxes raised by the individual districts and to fines for breach of penal laws, and the proceeds of sales of water craft and of lost goods and estrays.^ The state superintendent complains in his report for the year 1856 that only two counties — Dodge and Douglas — have sent in reports, and in them the county superin- tendents had levied the maximum tax of five mills. He naively adds : I believe there are two other counties which have such school officers, viz : County super- intendents of common schools, although I am not informed of the fact from a legal source, still there are undoubtedly such officers in the counties of Washington and Cass, unless by recent death or resignation their offices have become vacant.'' This session ground out perhaps more than the usual grist of incorporations of cities and towns — Omaha appearing as the City of Omaha instead of Omaha City, in the charter of this year — of colleges and ferries. A select committee, consisting of Geo. L. Miller. S. M. Kirkpatrick, and S. E. Rogers, reported a memorial to Congress — which was adopted by both houses — in the nature of a protest against proposed excessive grants of land to certain private corporations and companies in a bill then pending in Congress to aid in the construction of a Pacific railroad. The me- morial, which is evidently in Dr. Miller's vigorous style, barring a degree of extrava- gance, is yet a true and prophetic forecast of events soon to follow. In later years protest against actual accomplishment of this proph- ecy became a familiar part of political plat- forms, national and state. The third legislature authorized the organi- zation of three new counties, namely. Cedar. L'eau-qui-court, and Sarpy, and all three were ready to vote at the ensuing general election — in the fall of 1857. L'eau-qui-court is now comprised within the boundaries of Knox county. The legislature continues to repre- sent the predatory, undomesticated spirit still dominant in the territory. This spirit neglects the duty of developing and perfecting a system of law, under which permanent domestic insti- tutions might grow, but it is enterprising in the creation of unstable banks, in bestowing innumerable special corporate privileges, and in repealing criminal laws — all, that exploita- tion and spoliation schemes of adventurers may be the more expeditiously and safely ac- complished. Mere sectional jousts engage attention in both houses while the welfare of the commonwealth suffers. On the first of February Councilman Furnas bitterly com- plains : "It is a lamentable fact that legisla- tion in which the people of the territory are interested is lost sight of amid the multitude of speculative operations for the benefit of individuals or companies, mostly, too, non- residents of the territory. .■ . The session is now within eleven days of the close, and not a bill save the one relocating the capital has passed both houses. The wheels of legislation are blocked up in the council on the bank question, and in the house on the question of dividing Douglas county." After little more than half of his regular term had expired Governor Izard left the ter- ritory, apparently not intending to return. Official record is made of this incident : "Gov- ernor Mark W. Izard left the territory of Ne- braska for Washington, Arkansas, etc., on the steamer Admiral, on the 2d day of June, 1857." William A. Richardson of Illinois had ■'' Governor's Message, House Journal, 3d ter. sess.. p. 14. -House Journal, 3d ter. sess.. p. TS. 232 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA been appointed governor in May, 1857, but declined to accept the office. The De Soto Pilot of July 11th quotes the Bellevue Gazette of June 18th as follows : "With hat in hand we announce to the people of the territory that Mark W. Izard is per- emptorily removed from the office of governor which he has so long disgraced." The Pilot then quotes a statement in the Chicago Times of July 25, 1857, that "Col. Richardson having declined the governorship of Nebraska, Gover- nor Izard will return to the territory and re- sume his duties," and then twits Gen. L. L. Bowcn for having spent two months in Wash- ington at his own expense, "pressing on the part of the people the removal of Izard, au- thorized as he was by eight members of the council of which he is the presiding officer." On the 16th of July the Nebraska Adver- tiser states that, on account of Richardson's declination, "Governor Izard has been ordered back to resume his duties, and is now at his post in Omaha, where he will undoubtedlv remain until the expiration of his term of office." It is probable that Governor Izard went to Washington with the expectation that he would be superseded, and that he came back to assume his official duties when it was found that Richardson was not willing to take his place. On the 30th of May Governor Izard issued his proclamation for the general election to be held on the first Monday in August. Five new counties were included in the legislative ap- portionment of this year : Cedar and L'eau- qui-court were placed in the Dakota repre- sentative district, Gage was included with Lancaster and Clay, and Johnson with Ne- maha, while Sarpy was awarded four repre- sentatives. The apportionment of the thirty- five members was as follows : Burt and Cum- ing, 1, Cass, Clay, Lancaster, and Gage, 4, Cedar, Dakota, and L'eau-qui-court 2, Dod:;e and Platte 1, Douglas 8, Nemaha and John- son 3, Otoe 6, Richardson and Pawnee 3. Sarpy 4, Washington 3. No changes had been made in the representation of the year before except that the four members from the south- ern district of Douglas now came from Sarpy. Those districts to which the new counties were attached received no increase of members. The interest in the election centered on the choice of delegate to Congress, but the usual sectional edge was wanting in this contest be- cause four candidates appeared in the field- — B. B. Chapman and J. M. Thayer of Omaha, Judge Fenner Ferguson and B. P. Rankin of Sarpy county. Though all of the candidates resided north of the Platte, Ferguson repre- sented more particularly the South Platte, and Chapman the North Platte faction. Chap- man, Ferguson, and Rankin were certainly democrats, but J. Sterling Morton's quick eye professed seeing the virus of republicanism working a little in General Thayer at this early period. The Bellevue Gazette of July 9, 1857, notes that "J. M. Thayer announces himself an independent candidate for Congress ; plat- form : 'The best interests of the whole terri- tory of Nebraska' "; but in 1859, the year of the actual organization of the republican party in Nebraska, and when the metamorphosis of democratic politicians into republican politi- cians first gathered courage to openly manifest itself, the Nebraska City Nezvs remarks that "the general was exceedingly wrathy because in his run for Congress two years ago we al- luded to him as a republican." The Advertiser nominated Mr. Rankin on the 18th of June, pressing his merits as "the poor man's friend," and as "a conciliator in those strifes which have rent and distracted the territory." Judge Ferguson was nominated by a delegate con- vention at Bellevue, July 14th. Chapman was bitterly assailed by the News and the Adver- tiser, personally and politically, and they charged that he had never voted in the terri- tory and was not a bona fide resident. Not many montlis before the Advertiser had been the profuse eulogist of Chapman, and now that it was recreant that smart politician did not scruple to publish a letter to himself from Mr. Furnas, editor of the Advertiser, stating that one of the official positions in the newly created land-office at Brownville would not be unacceptable to him. In the meantime Chap- man had filled the offices with other men. At the election Ferguson received 1.654 votes. Chapman 1,597, Rankin 1,304, and Thayer 1 .288. The large vote for Ferguson in Otoe RICHARDSON SUCCEEDS IZARD 223 and Sarpy counties saved him ; and while Chapman had a heavy vote in Nemaha, Thayer ran nearly even with him in Douglas and thus caused his defeat. He of course contested the election at Washington, but without suc- cess, and his political career was ended. Wil- liam W. Wyman was again elected treasurer ; Samuel h. Campbell was elected auditor ; John H. Kellom, librarian ; and Charles Grant, at- torney-general. O. O. Richardson was ill- requited for his faithful service in the first council by defeat as a candidate for attorney- general. Another prominent and worthy fig- ure in Nebraska history, George W. Doane, makes his first public appearance through election to the office of district attorney of the third district ; and two other well-known men, James G. Chapman of Douglas county and William AIcLennan of Otoe county, were elected attorneys of the first and second judi- cial districts respectively. Governor Izard left Nebraska for his home in Arkansas on the 28tli of October, 1857, having previously resigned his office. A local newspaper, taking exceptions to a fulsome eulogy of the governor by another journal on the occasion of his departure, mildly hits off his character : "We consider him a good man — an amiable and worthy citizen — but not exclusively designed for a practical executive." In 1857 James C. Mitchell, the whilom capi- tal commissioner, was publisher, and L. H. Lathrop, editor of the Florence Courier. The issue of March 12th of that year contains a scurrilous attack on Governor Izard. Mitchell no doubt knew the vulnerable spots of the governor's official character and record, and so, while the reckless severity of the accusa- tion suggests a suspicion that the governor had thwarted some of the crafty commis- sioner's political schemes, yet it is likely that they contained at least the tincture of truth. A part of the Courier's arraignment fol- lows : W'e want a man who will be governor of the whole territory, not one who (like the present incumbent) will so far pervert his mission as to set himself up as the governor of a particular city, holding the balance of the territory as mere outside dependencies, sub- servient and tributary to that particular local- ity. We want a governor with some snap to him, one who will occasionally visit the dif- ferent sections of our territory, and endeavor to make himself acquainted with its position, its resources and its wants ; not one like Mark W. Izard who will stick himself down in Omaha and confine himself to its limits month after month and year after year, idling away his time in the mere animal enjoyment of eat- ing, drinking and sleeping, to the manifest neglect of the interests of those over whom he has been sent to preside ; looked upon and pointed at by them as the very quintessence of ignorance, indolence and imbecility. Surely this was more than enough, but the article goes on to charge the governor with the downright sale of his approval or disap- proval of bills, joint resolutions, and memo- rials, including bank and ferry charters. Governor Izard interposed three notable vetoes of legislative action. His obstruction of the will of a decided majority of the legis- lature to remove the capital in 1857, tried by the general principle involved, seems unwar- ranted. Yet on the whole it may have been prudent and for the best interests of the pub- lic ; and at any rate, considering his environ- ment and his temperament, this action was a matter of course. The veto of the bank bills and of the act repealing the criminal law was in point of duty and elTect, at least, wholly to his credit. The accusation which found its way into the press, that his opposition to the bank bills was purchased by the existing banks to shut out more competition, should be regarded with consideration of the reckless charges against the public men of the terri- tory which characterized that period. The Omaha Herald of October 19, 1866, in notic- ing a statement in the Helena (Arkansas) Clarion that Governor Izard died at his resi- dence in St. Francis county on the 4th of October, 1866, remarks that, "when in Arkan- sas we heard of Governor Izard as having lost everything during the war." Richardson Succeeds Izard. William A. Richardson of Illinois succeeded to the gov- ernorship, January 12, 1858, Secretary Cum- ing acting as governor in the interim. Governor Richardson was born in Ken- tucky in 1811 ; he secured his early education 234 HISTORY OF XEI'.RASKA /V~~^i>'^^^VL^t-<^^ THE FOURTH LEGISLATURE 235 in the common schools of his county, spent three yeiirs in preparatory study, entered Cen- ter colleo;e at Danville, Kentucky, from which he later entered Transylvania University at Lexington, Kentucky. At the end of his junior year he left college to teach school, and then began the study of law, which he .prac- ticed in Illinois for some time. He was state's attorney for his district, but resigned upon his election to the state legislature. He served four months in the Black Hawk war as a volunteer. He served a term in the state senate. In 1844 he was unanimously nomi- nated and elected to the house of representa- tives and was chosen speaker. He served in the Mexican war with the rank of captain. In 1847 he was elected to Congress, and re- elected to the same position upon the expira- tion of his term. In 1856 he resigned his seat in Congress to accept the nomination for the office of governor on the democratic ticket and was defeated. The next year President Buchanan tendered him the appointment as governor of the territory of Nebraska, which appointment he declined ; but in December of 1857 the office was again offered him and accepted. He was inaugurated January 12, 1858, at Omaha. He resigned his office with- in a year and returned to Illinois where he was again elected to Congress ; he resigned his seat in the house to enter upon his duties as United States senator to fill out the unex- pired term of Stephen A. Douglas. ]. Sterling Morton and Andrew J. Popple- ton were again returned to the house, and among other members who afterward became prominent in the state were J. W. Paddock and T. M. Marquett. The contest for the office of speaker was between J. H. Decker and J. Sterling Morton — both of Otoe county — the former receiving 20, and the lat- ter 12 votes. Mr. Morton's attitude toward the capital question had been completely re- versed, and at a public meeting held at Ne- braska City, after the adjournment of the legislature, where the members from Otoe county were called upon to explain their ac- tion in the Florence aft'air, Morton boldly stated that two years before in the capital contest he had struggled to the end for re- moval ; a year later when he became a candi- date for reelection he was defeated on this record (by 20 votes), and he came to the con- clusion that his constituents cared but little about the removal, and he himself believed that it was impolitic and inexpedient to raise the question at the late session. It is quite likely that Mr. Morton had other reasons also for this change of attitude — and not unlikely some scores to settle — but this one was suffi- cient, and justified itself. The Fourth Legislature. The message of Acting Governor Cuming, delivered at the opening of the fourth session of the general assembly, was his last important official com- munication. Few public men of Nebraska have written so forcibly as Cuming wrote ; but the youthful glow and the rhetorical flavor of this message are in decided contrast with the mature, matter-of-fact expression of Gov- ernor Richardson's communications. These opening paragraphs of Governor Cuming's message illustrate the rhetorical cjuality of his writing : We are assembled to-day under the most favorable auspices. The territory of Ne- braska has, thus far, achieved all that her friends could ask. Her early organization and rapid progress have signally illustrated the safety and expansive force of the principles of the federal compact, from which naturally sprang her organic act. The imprint of her "Great Seal" has been genuine. "Popular Sovereignty" has been vin- dicated ; "Progress" verified. Peace and good order, practical vigor and manly observance of constitutional obligation have characterized the conduct of our people. No dangerous agi- tation or political heresies have been permitted to take root ; but the seeds of industry, educa- tion and law, planted at the commencement by enterprising and practical men, have yielded the legitimate fruit of a safe and efficient self- government. Under such circumstances, and inhabiting a country of such vast extent, natural beauty, and productive wealth — although lamentable dissensions have given to our sister territory a wider notoriety — we may well congratulate each other, upon our verification of the polit- ical truth, "Happy is that people whose an- nals are tranquil." We have, assuredly, no ordinary cause of gratitude to Him who rules over all things for the opportunities vouchsafed us — t'ne ad- 236 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA tj^K^ ^^tfm s- \ "^ ^ ■ /7K^< M [NoTF. — W'm. McLcnnon was a member of an early Nebraska legislature! THE FOURTH LEGISLATURE 237 vantages of geographical position on the great nattiral Hne of commerce, a foremost place in the race of territories, and the facilities of modern improvements and great enterprises to promote our advancement in every department of history and art. By continued adherence to wise and moderate councils, by earnest and real public spirit and internal harmony, im- migration will be rapidly increased, our new counties speedily populated, the great cities of the seaboard will identify with ours their com- mercial interests, and capital, once more lib- ated from financial paralysis, will find its safe and more profitable investment in the fee- simple of our fertile woodlands, prairies, and valleys. The legislature is advised that the capitol, a "spacious and imposing edifice, now nearly completed under the appropriation by the gen- eral government and through the public spirit of the city of Omaha," has cost fifty thousand dollars more than Congress had provided, and the governor recommended an appeal to that body for the amount of the deficit. He advises another memorial to Congress for the proper distribution of troops along the emi- grant line in connection with an application for grants of land for building a Pacific rail- road along the valley of the Platte: he states that arrangements for the completion of the Atlantic and Pacific telegraph from the Mis- souri river to the Pacific have been perfected ; advises a memorial to Congress for an appro- priation to build a military bridge across the Platte river; avers that the code of practice "is universally regarded by the bar as meager and defective" and that "the statutes are lim- ited, confused, and contradictory." He complains that the school law, though adequate, has been almost unheeded. Many county superintendents have failed to qualify as prescribed in sections 19 and 20, chapter 18, 2d statutes ; and the county clerks have provided no substitutes ; nor has the for- feit been collected by the prosecuting attorney as provided in section 23. Others have neglect- ed to report to the superintendent of public instruction on the 1st of November, as ordered in section 32. Thus the law has been rendered virtually a dead letter. In many, if not all the counties, no districts have been formed ; no taxes levied ; no teachers employed and no steps taken in respect to school laws. The act of Congress of 1857, providing for the selec- tion of other sections in lieu of the 16th and 22d, when occupied and improved prior to the surveys, has temporarily abridged the land fund, but it is the duty of the county superin- tendent (chap. 18, sec. 9) to examine, allot in parcels, and value the sections not thus occu- pied, as well as others after they shall have been selected. It appears that the law of 1856 providing for a general military organization had not been carried out ; for, the message informs us, while "companies exist in nearly every county their organization is very imperfect or suf- fered to decline." The governor favors the then undemocratic expedient of "a small ap- propriation" to each county from the terri- torial revenue "to encourage the development of our agricultural and productive resources." Governor Cuming's limited and faulty un- derstanding of the principles of banking, as also his clear foresight and positive opinion as to the vexed subject of the territorial banks, were expressed as follows : It may be urged that specie is again re- turning to its former channels, and that public trust will soon revive. Yet whai amount of coin will repair the injury already wrought, or afford a basis of security against human avarice, stimulated to extravagant specula- tions and unscrupulous excesses by the facil- ities afforded by an insecure banking system? The history of "profitable" banking is inev- itably the history of alternate depression, over- action, and ruinous expansion. May we not hope that the events of the year will lead to a general reform, and to the restriction of paper to the uses of commercial men? Be- lieving as I do, that the whole system of banking is insecure, even when based on state stocks and securities, where one promise to pay is made the basis of another, both perhaps equally fallacious, and being especially con- vinced that the institution of banks in this territory was impolitic, and that there are imperfections in the charters, I respectfully urge that some adequate means be taken to remedy the evil and protect our citizens in future. Many persons who have realized from such systems advantage to themselves may have heretofore seen no danger to others. But the experiment has now, at least, been fully tried, and none can be so far deluded by the transient stimulus and temporarv vigor imparted to business transactions by traffic in expanded credi: as to fail to see the necessity of additional protection of labor and of the 238 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA great agricultural and other producing inter- ests, upon which our true prosperity depends. The action of the iirst few years is apt to fix the character of the future state; and in the important respect of the financial policy to be pursued, no timidity, or indifference, or inter- ested motives should be permitted to prevent or postpone a determined effort to avert, in future, calamities such as those from which the country is just emerging. The banks now in existence in the territory are perhaps as safe as most of such institutions. Pru- dently managed in their infancy, but few of the community have suffered loss. Yet it is equally true that their profits are to be made hereafter. In the meantime gold and silver, withdrawn from eastern adventures and de- positaries, may be expected in sufficient quan- tities for the ordinary purposes of trade. Although, therefore, paper money is now so identified with the business habits of the com- munity that the prospect of its abolishment, perhaps for a long time to come, seems_ im- practicable and to many absurd, yet, within our own jurisdiction, by proper safegviards and restrictions, we may approximate such a result ; and may now provide that the full specie equivalent of all circulated bank paper shall be at all times within the reach of every citizen. The message shows from the records of the land office at Omaha that during the ten months, from February to November, 462,349 acres of land had been entered by preemption. The governor felicitates the territory on its isolation from the embroilments growing out of the imminent questions of national politics: Safe thus far from the interference of reckless agitators and the mad efforts of in- tolerant fanatics, we can furnish to the world an enviable j^roof of the legitimate eft'ect of the genius and spirit of our republican insti- tutions. No retribution can be too severe if through casuistry or local strifes or political infidelity, we prove recreant to that beautiful federative system to which we owe our exist- ence, and under which alone we can achieve true and permanent greatness. The foreboding thus expressed by this bright man was no doubt representative of the sentiment of northern democrats of that time as to the source of the impending danger. The report of the superintendent of public instruction, Mr. J- H. Kellom, sets out that the public school lands are not yet available for the purpose intended, and that "The title to them not having passed from the general government, a special act of Congress is thought by some to be necessary in order to make them ours." What follows is prophetic, as well as wholesome admonition : I f the school lands are held intact ; not sold too early, nor exchanged for others of less value, the time is not far future when this territory will possess a school fund equal in value to that of New York or Connecticut, and which will give to every son and daughter within her borders a good, practical, common school education. As the school lands are the basis of this prospective fund, every citizen in the territory should be deeply interested in their preservation ; and you, in the capacity of legislators, will not hesitate to throw around them that protection which shall preserve them for all time to come. The territorial treasurer again makes a dis- mal report showing that "only two counties. Douglas and Otoe, have paid any territorial revenue into the treasury for the year 1857." The Napoleonic scheme of doing things af- fecting the public at large is pretty sure to be equally as short-lived as it is at first effi- cient and irresistible. The capital question had logically run its course, and it was puerile politics to revive it at this time. The present location was as available as any that could be found, a large sum of money for those times had been spent upon the building. Congress would be in no mood, especially in the prevailing financial distress, to provide for a new building, and the territory itself was so desperately poor that it could not or would not meet its trifling incidental expenses. The legislature pro- ceeded in about the usual way, the usual bills had been introduced, and Bradford, inex- plicable though it seems, was placed at the head of a committee of the council to report a criminal code, and also continued as chair- man of the judiciary committee. Now that Hargus was out of limbo through his eff'ect- ive mediatorship, and the wildcat banking field had been worked to sterility, he doubt- less felt free and had the face to promulgate a bill for restoring the criminal law. At the outset the capital trouble began in the council with the introduction by Bowen of Sarpy county of a resolution providing for THE FOURTH LEGISLATURE 239 the appointment of a committee of two to investigate the condition of the capital build- ing, its cost, in whom the title rested, and what legislative action was necessary. The resolution passed with only one adverse vote, that of Dr. Aliller ; and Bowen and Rogers of Douglas were appointed on the committee. (Jn the 17th of December a resolution de- claratory of Judge Ferguson's right to a seat as delegate in Congress, and incidentally re- flecting severely on Chapman's action in con- testing it, and which passed by a vote of 8 to 5, further inflamed factional hatred. On the 6th of January Mr. Abbe of Otoe comity introduced the inevitable bill to relo- cate the capital. Councilman Furnas made a statement in the Advertiser in palliation of this annual South Platte sin. \Miile Governor Cuming stated as a legal proposition that the city of Omaha had a lien on the capitol for the amount the city had expended in its construction, yet Mr. Rogers, the Omaha member of the committee, and the city council as early as January 4th were ready to eat humble pie by giving the terri- tory full title to the property, making no claim on account of the city's large expenditure. On the 7th of January Governor Cuming sent the following message to each house : I have to inform yovir honorable bodv that I have received from Jesse Lowe, mayor of Omaha, a deed of trust to all that portion of land known and designated on the old plat of Omaha City as "Capitol Square" for the use and purposes of the capitol of the terri- tory, and the state of Nebraska when it may become such. T. B. Cumtng, Acting Governor of Nebraska. But the day after this question of title to the capitol had been set at rest by the liberal action of Omaha, a majority of both houses voted to withdraw from the seat of govern- ment and go on with the legislative session at Florence, where a relocation bill was passed. This revolutionary break-up was the outcome of years of greed, violence, and sectional folly. A committee of nine members of the mi- nority rump which remained in Omaha — four from the council and five from the house — took a large amount of ex parte testimon)', as laborious as it was inconsequential, on which they based a report. Their proceed- ings are printed in the journals of the session in question. The majority members made counter-statements in the newspapers. Though the anti-Omaha faction was guilty of the first overt act of violence, this priority was acci- dental, for the Omaha minority had undoubt- edly determined at the outset to obstruct, by force if necessary, the clear moral and legal right of the majority to pass a removal bill. The unbridled spirit of violence which pos- sessed the minority is shown by a sample of the affidavits of the majority faction, which also shows that old age secured neither respect nor imnumity from assault by young and vigorous men : S. A. Chambers, being duly sworn, testi- fied as follows : "My name is Samuel A. Chambers ; am fifty-nine years of age; was a member of the House of Representatives at the last session ; was in the House on the 7th while the House was in committee of the whole on the subject of the election of public printer ; I heard Mr. Poppleton and ]\fr. Steinberger. members from Douglas county, and Mr. Minick, from Nemaha, say that unless the capital bill was withdrawn no further business should be transacted during the session ; was out of the hall when the difficulty between the speaker and others commenced ; heard that there was a call for members ; started to go in ; found the crowd at the door so intense that it was with difticnlty I made my way within the door, and was utterly unable to get to my seat within the bar ; when I got within the door I saw a number of persons having hold of Mr. .Speaker Decker, among whom I recognized Mr. Murphy, member of the House from Douglas county, and a Mr. Kimball, resident of Omaha, and' who was not a member of the legislature. During the scuffle I saw Mr. Hanscom, a prominent citizen of Omaha and not a member of the legislature, rush toward the parties and seize the Speaker who was then torn from the stand to the floor where I could no longer see because of the crowd. Was in the House on the morning of the Sth when a motion was made to adjourn to Florence ; did not vote on the motion : after the motion carried the majority retired, and the minority immediately reorganized by elect- ing Mr. Poppleton of Douglas, speaker, and also electing other subordinate officers. I still remained in my seat directing some documents to my friends, after completing which I called 240 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA J^ll^^X^rU^ |NoTK — Jesse Lowe was a member of an early Nebraska legislature] THE FOURTH LEGISLATURE 2-n the page to take charge of them and take them to the post-office; Mr. Morton of Otoe spoke to me from his seat, saying, "You have not the franking privilege — you have no rights here." I replied I had rights and would assert them. The speaker then ordered the sergeant- at-arms to "clear the House from all refrac- tory members — take him out." Some one other of the minority added "and see that he does not take more than belongs to him." The sergeant-at-arms approached me when I re- plied, "I can go without being put out" ; he took hold of me and walked with me to the door. From the time Mr. Morton spoke to me until I left the hall there was continued cheering and stamping by the minority and lobby. As I went out I looked back and dis- covered Mr. Poppleton, the newly elected speaker, near my back with his gavel drawn over me. He afterward told me he had fol- lowed me to the door, expecting I would prove refractory ; but that he was a.shamed of his conduct. The following statement is credited to Wil- liam B. Beck, "an old and highly respected citizen of Washington county": Ed. Pioneer: Dear Sir: I see in the Ne- braskiaii a charge against you to the efifect that you had stated in a certain "extra" that knives were drawn at the time of the fracas in the last legislature. I take the liberty to state that such was the case to my own personal observation and knowledge; and I considered at that time, as I do now, that further opposition to Omaha men and measures would have been attended with serious consequences, and put in jeopardy the lives of at least a portion of that body. The legislative correspondent of the Belle- vue Gazette, in the issue of January 21, 1858, stated the case thus : I cannot but believe that the people will feel proud of this legislature for the course it has taken. When an effort was made by an vmscrupulous minority, aided by a mob, to clog the wheels of legislation, and cleave down the declared rights of the people and the majority to make their own laws, they stood up in the defense of those rights and the cause of the people. An excited mob, and an indignant and self- important accidental executive, together with the free offer of gold, could not swerve them from the path of duty and integrity. They knew that to yield would be to act the traitor to their friends, and they would prove faith- less to themselves, faithless to their constitu- ents, faithless to the country of their adoption, and faithless to the eternal principles of de- mocracy as embodied in the Declaration of our independence, and with these sentiments of right and honor in their hearts, they took their stand. An effort was made to buy some of them but failed. They stood firm to the last hour and minute, in the defense of the people and right; and if their labor is lost, and the territory remains without laws for another year, they are not responsible for the conse- quences. Five members of the council — Miller, Rog- ers, and Salisbury of Douglas ; McDonald of Richardson and Puett of Dakota — and thir- teen members of the house — Armstrong, Clayes, Murphy, Poppleton, Paddock, Stein- berger, Stewart, and Thrall of Douglas ; Cromwell of Richardson and Pawnee ; Jones of Dakota and Cedar; Morton of Otoe; Min- nick of Nemaha and Johnson ; and Van Horn of Cass county — remained in Omaha, unable to do business, being no quorum, until Janu- ary 16th, the end of the regular forty days. Presumably all the rest of the members went to Florence ; but since the validity of the acts of the Florence session was denied at the time, and was not afterward recognized, no official record of them was preserved. But the Florence seceders, having a quorum, kept busy until the expiration of the forty days, and among the acts they passed were a crimi- nal code, a homestead exemption law, a law setting off the north part of Douglas county — that is, Florence — into a separate election district, and a law for the relocation of the capital. The capital act named S. F. Nuckolls of Otoe, W. D. McCord of Cass, John Finney of Sarpy, and Elisha N. Hamilton of Wash- ington as commissioners to choose the new location, which was to be within a district six miles wide on either the north or the south side of the Platte river, and between the guide meridian — the present west boundary of Cass, Johnson, Otoe, and Pawnee counties — on the east, and the si.xth meridian — the present west boundary of Jefferson, Saline Seward, and Butler counties — on the west. The bill provided that the entire townsite should belong to the territory and for the sale of one-third of it the first year, by the com- 242 HISTORY OF XEP.RASKA I Note — John S. Bowen was a prominent citizen of Washington connty, Nebraska, formerly prolmt judge. He was a delegate to the national convention which nominated General Grant for president-] FLORENCE SESSION 243 missioners, from the proceeds of which the necessary huildings were to be constructed. There is no explanation as to how the com- missioners were to obtain title to the site which belonged to the public domain. We should be very thankful that the im- practicability of the whole scheme saved the territory, with its distinctively and exclu- sively local and western associations and tra- ditions, from the infliction of the far-fetched foreign name — specified in the act — Neapo- lis ; and we should also feel a half-hearted thankfulness that the political bias of those who finally named the capital of the state drew them half way toward their high privi- lege and plain duty in this respect. But poeti- cal and political justice would have named the capital Douglas. Florence Session. The house broke up on the 7th of January in a typical frontier row, in which trespass on the prohibitory law cut an important figure. The Omaha minority were talking against time on a minor ques- tion, in committee of the whole, and Popple- ton had the floor, when Decker, the speaker, who had been out about the town, returned, and finding that there was no quorum, inter- fered, and insisted on resuming the chair. Morton, the chairman of the committee of the whole, ruled that the point of no quorum could not be raised while a member held the floor. Afterward, Mr. Thrall of Omaha took the chair, and a message from the council was annoimced. Poppleton made the point that under the rules this message could not be re- ceived, as the council was not in session at the time ; but Decker insisted that the message should be received then and there, and at- tempted forcibly to take the chair, when Mur- phy and Paddock, Omaha members, dragged him away, and then A. J. Hanscom, a very strenuotis lobby member, rolled Decker under a table. Finally the speaker left the hall, Mor- ton was elected temporary speaker, and the house adjourned. The next morning Decker took the chair as usual, but on motion of Done- Ian of Cass county the house adjourned to meet in Florence the next day. In the coun- cil on the same morning — January 8th — • Reeves of Otoe moved an adjournment to meet at Florence on the 9th. The president, Dr. Miller, refused to entertain the motion, whereupon Reeves himself stated it, and it was carried by a vote of 8 to 2, Furnas and McDonald voting in the negative. In this miniature secession Mr. Furnas took about the same position as many southern leaders were soon to take, when, after opposing dis- memberment, they at last went out with their states. Furnas opposed secession, but went with the majority. Though the Omaha rump had the execu- tive, or federal, part of the government on its side, and by virtue of this advantage con- Froin a>i inif^iiblisltcd dasitcncijtypt; laken in 1855. Robert W. Furn.\s trolled the official records and gained its ob- ject in practical results, the majority, or se- ceders, had the best of it before the people, because, outside of Omaha, the press was on their side — with the exception of the Ne- braska City Nc-a's, now edited, nominally at least, by Milton Reynolds. The Nczvs took both sides. Through the evident influence of Morton it condemned the secession ; but it also promptly took advantage of the oppor- tunity to again urge Morton's original scheme for annexation of the South Platte to Kansas. Perhaps a more definite illustration of the gen-- eral anti-C)maha sentiment is contained in the statement of the Neivs that "eleven out of the 244 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^H^ ■ ■ ^^^^^^m ^ 1 Rnv. J(iH.\ I\Iili.i;r Tac^gart [XoTE — The Rev. J. M. Taggart was a pioneer missionary and a nu-mlier ul an early legislature] FLORENCE SESSION 245 thirteen ])apers in the territory (the two re- maining being owned by Chapman) have, week after week, since the election, expressed their preference for Ferguson" — in the con- test over the congressional election. On the 15th of January, in response to a request by J. Sterling Morton, Attorney-Gen- eral Estabrook gave a written opinion as to the validity of acts passed by the Florence legislature, in which he correctly held that th.; seat of government clearly had not been re moved from C)maha, and that therefore the only cjuestion was as to the power of the leg- islature to conduct business at any other place than the seat of government. His contentio.i for the negative was lame, and perhaps, from the nature of the case, necessarily inconclu- sive. Considering the almost unlimited in- herent powers of legislative bodies such as this — not being restrained by a constitution — and the weighty practical reasons for the adjournment to Florence and the urgent need of legislation, the Florence majority had thj stronger argument, unless it could be met by contrary adjudication by the courts. This the attorney general attempted to do with a result negatively damaging to his side of the case ; for the only authority he cited was that of the obscure territorial court of Oregon, and the decision evidently turned upon a dif- ferent point from that held to be the issue in the Nebraska case, though he quoted two of the judges as deciding, incidentally at least, that the legislature could pass valid laws onl)- at the regular seat of goveriitnent. Governor Richardson having refused to sign the acts of the Florence assembly, a con- troversy arose as to whether he had returned them to the legislature, with his objections, according to the provisions of the organic act, so as to require their passage again by a two- thirds majority. The following statement of Mr. Reeves, member of the council from Otoe county, apparently settles the question -in the negative : Editor Ne7vs{ In your paper of the loth is an article which needs a passing notice, for the purpose of "vindicating the truth of history." In the article alluded to I find the follow- iuCT lansruage : "But the governor says he distinctly refused to recognize them (the bills passed at Flor- ence, I presume) and upon the back of each document wrote as follows : 'This paper was left in my room on yesterday, Jan. 13, 1858, after I had refused to receive it. I neither veto nor approve it; but respectfully return it. " 'Jan. 14, 1858. W. A. Richardson.' " Now as I was a member of the enrolling committee of the Council I wish to state the facts in relation to the presentation of those F'lorence bills to the governor, and let the people judge how they were "received," and who is at fault that we are now sufifering the want of just and equitable laws for the pro- tection of life and property and the adminis- tration of justice. The committee on enrolled bills in the Coun- cil was composed of Mr. Allen and myself. In the House it was composed of Messrs. Tag- gart. Hail and Abbe. On the 13th of January, Mr. Taggart, Mr. Hail, and myself waited on the governor, at his room in the Hamilton House, and present- ed him all the bills passed previous to that date at Florence, except one which was presented to him by Mr. Abbe on the same day, but at a later hour. I made a memorandum of what transpired at our interview with the governor, from which the following is an extract, and will be certified to as truth by every member of the committee : "The governor was notified by Mr. Allen, immediately after our introduction to him, that we were the enrolling committees of both branches of the legislature. The bills which originated in the Council were in one bundle, and were presented to him by Mr. Allen ; and the bills which originated in the House, were in a separate bundle and were presented by Mr. Taggart. The governor took the bills from out of our hands and observed that he shoidd take no action on them. When re- minded by me that the legislature would con- sider them laws if not returned within three days, and being asked whether in that case he would file them in the secretary's office, he answered that it was a matter which re- quired consideration." After mature "consideration" the governor concluded that the papers were "left at his room after he had refused to receive them, and that he would respectfully return them." But how did he return them ? and to whom ? Certainly not to the House in which they originated nor to either House separately ; nor to both Houses jointly. They were never returned to the legislature at all, and were never before that body or either branch of it, after their presentation to the governor. 246 [[IST()RY OF NEBRASKA iC^a^^ /^ j&^^/^ [Note — James P. Peck was a ch:u-tfr member of the Omaha Medical Association] FLORENCE SESSION 247 The "respectful return" was made as fol- lows : On the night of the 14th of January, about 9 o'clock, while some half dozen members of the legislature and others were sitting around a table in the parlor of the Willett House, some reading, and others writing, Mr. How- ard, the governor's private secretary, stepped into the room and threw down a large pack- age, remarking: "Gentlemen, the governor has sent your bills back." Now with these facts before him, who can believe that the governor "refused to receive them and respectfully returned them"? As stated before, I wish the facts to go be- fore the people and let them form their own conclusions. Had the governor recognized the acts of the legislature, we would now have in force all the laws, except one men- tioned in your paper of the 6th, as being necessary for the prosperity of the country ; for such acts were among those presented to the governor. It is believed by many eminent jurists that these acts are laws; but if they are not it is no fault of the legislative branch of the government. But if it is necessary to cure all doubt that an extra session be called is it necessary that the majority will stultify themselves by mak- ing "promises" and "pledges" to the governor in advance? Is it expected that they will sur- render the rights of the people for the inesti- mable privilege of returning to Omaha to lie insulted and cheated out of their rights? I can hardly think that the governor would re- quire such promises, but if he should, I for one will never make them. I am ready to pledge myself to the people and obey their be- hests ; but I owe allegiance to no other power, I am willing to return to the capitol and labor faithfully, earnestly and peaceably for the enactment of all laws which are calcu- lated to promote the prosperity of Nebraska and the happiness of her people ; but I must be free and untrammelled, save b}' the voice of my constituents. Thus, Mr. Editor, I have answered for my- self your question, "Shall we have an extra session?" The net product of the Omaha rump of the legislature is in itself a very concise illustra- tion of how Cuming's skill in making things go and come his way had overreached itself. (Jnly two very brief general laws were passed — one abolishing the use of private seals, the other providing that hereafter the legislature should meet on the first Monday in January. Even the list of incorporations and territorial roads acts was relatively meager, and besides this, the sole accomplishment of the session was four inconsequential private acts and two joint memorials to Congress — one praying for the establishment of a daily mail service from Iowa City, Iowa, to Omaha, and the other for the "division of the present survey- ing district of Kansas and Nebraska and the erection of a new district for this territory." Our novelists are now the makers or the eJcpounders of our social philosophy; and it is a pity that the philosophy of George Eliot and Thomas Hardy, which teaches us not merely that it is better to attempt and fail than not to attempt at all, but that the virtue lies in the resolute purpose, so that often failure may even be better than accomplishment, was not then available for the consolation of the Omaha rump. The then budding "Sage of Arbor Lodge," perhaps unconsciously, gives point to this philosophy in the following in- ventory of residuary conditions, which is per- haps no less truthful than picturesque. Though Morton was not then the editor of the News, the piquant paragraph bears plainly his image and superscription : "The last legislature ad- journed in a row, left, departed this life, mis- cellaneously and in a mixed manner, and left us no laws. The governor is absent, the sec- retary deceased. . . We occasionally see the squatters in little squads, whispering among themselves in a wicked, malicious, and mischievous manner that we are 'just as well ofl' now as we ever were." While men of more of that wisdom which comes only of experience than was possessed by those who comprised this fourth legisla- ture would have avoided the foolhardy and, so far as its direct object was concerned, in- evitably futile Florence revolution, yet, as may be said of most revolutions, its results were not all evil. For it precipitated unsettled pub- lic sentiment, and revealed to the pro-Omaha minority that the determined majority must be reckoned with in some other way than bv bribery and coercion. It made both sides suf- ficiently tired of the disastrous controversy to permit an experienced, tactful, and masterful I)o!itical leader to restore orderly conditions 248 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA and supply necessary laws through a special session of the legislature. Governor Rich- ardson arrived at the capital on the 10th of January, and he not only arrived just at the right time, hut he was just the right man to arrive. He brought with him the two things needful, prestige and the impartiality of the outsider, strengthened by the insight of the astute politician. He assumed the office on the 12th of January, and the contrast of his fair and fatherly attitude with that of the youthful ardor of the aggressively sectional Cuming, whom he succeeded, was both sharp and reassuring. Furthermore, Richardson was the next friend of the great Douglas, the natural idol of the northwestern democracy who were beginning to love him the more on account of the ultra pro-slavery enemies he was making, and whom the politicians would propitiate because it was likely that he would be the next president. And so the tone of the press soon became quieter, its insistence upon the validity of the Florence laws was dropped, submission of the capital removal question to a popular vote — a squint at least toward com- promise — was advocated, and finally there was general acquiescence in the proposal of a special session. TiiE Death of Governor Cuming. The death of Thomas B. Cuming, secretary and acting governor, occurred between the Flor- ence fiasco in the early part and the special session in the latter i»rt of the year 1859, and the way was opened for the appointment of J. Sterling Morton to succeed him. With Lewis Cass at the head of the department of state at Washington and backed by his already recognized leadership, he had great advantage in his contest for the appointment. In the last days Mr. Cuming nuist have realized as the ironv of fate the probability that his arch enemy would succeed him. It is a mere mat- ter of course that these two brilliant men. of the most aggressive temperament and great political ambition, confined within the small limits of the dominant party of the territory, should have been mutually and bitterly hostile. If Cuming, by his masterful manipulation of the capital Inisiness, had l>lasted Morton's first hopes and driven him from his first home at Bellevue, Morton had perhaps repaid him in full l)y thv-'arting his hopes to become gov- ernor. The funeral of Governor Cuming at Omaha was a notable and imposing event for that period of sparse population and scanty sources of the trappings of pageantry; and he was es- pecially fortunate in his eulogist. The formal funeral oration was delivered by James M. Woolworth, April 17, 1858. Making due al- lowance for the young orator's natural Northi Platte, or Omaha, partiality or bias, he yet gave to the commonwealth, in this fine address, a very valuable sketch of the character and ca- reer of its first actual governor. Further- more, the oration is remarkable for its rhetor- ical construction, its formal and stately style, showing the great influence of the dominant classical training of those days. This feature of the address has been modified, and its al- most extravagant youthful warmth of expres- sion is wanting in the writings and addresses of the seasoned lawyer and scholar of later days, while its clean-cut diction abides as a characteristic of his style. THE ORATION Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: — The tolling bell, the meeting of the citizens called to express a city's sorrow, the solemn announcement to the court, the judge on the bench, the juror in the box, the counsel at the bar turning from the business all undone, the soldier marching with slow and measured tread, with muffled drums and colors furled, and arms reversed, the public liuildings draped in mourning, the public offices closed, business and labor all suspended, the flags at half mast, the minute guns, the lengthened process, un- whispered sympathies and sorrows, tearful eyes, sad, sad hearts, — what cause, what abundant cause, for all these tokens of public and private bereavement ! Thomas B. Cuming dead ! That form that passed and repassed before our eyes, daily, al- most hourly, that mingled among us, made one of us on the street, in the office, at the public meeeting, at the social gathering, ever present, ever welcome everywhere ; so recently erect and proud and ironbound, now prostrate, cold, dead. That countenance, set with the firm- ness of the ruler of a great country, yet vary- ing with the varying emotions which chase each other through his mind, fixed now in the changeless expression of death. That eye that DEATH OF GOVERNOR CUMING 249 beamed ever with ardor and intelligence, and anon flashed lightning from its black depths with the kindlings of brilliant intellect, closed now forever. That voice which thrilled, and swayed, and commanded the public assembly, gasped its last words, silent now. Nerveless the hand that grasped a brother's cause so g.en- erously ever ■ — • ever as you, sir, or I, and how many others can testify. High ambitions, great promises, sanguine hopes — • all shattered into dust. A people cut off from its leader, its stay, its hope. What cause, what abun- dant catise, for public and private sorrow ! Thomas B. Cuming dead ! Meet are all these signs of woe. A great "man has gone to his long home and the mourners go about the streets." Let the court be closed ; he was the noblest of all its members. Let the soldier honor his memory ; he was the most gallant of all this band. Let the public officers suspend the public business ; he was the chief and ruler of them all. Let the banker close his vaults, the merchant his ledger, and let the mechanic and the laborer lay down his tools, and let a great people assemble in this common sorrow to mingle together their tears for one whose like we shall not see again. Let the long pro- cession bear him to the capitol, lay him in the very penetralia of his country's temple ; let the priest of his church say over him the solemn office of his burial chant, over the inanimate remains the sacred requiem of the dead. Let the people gather around him once more to look on those well known features for the last time. Yes, let her — alas for her whose heart breaks beneath the burden of its sorrow — let her gaze and gaze, and as those sad, sad words, "Never again, never again," break the awful silence, let every heart melt; then let the tears flow tmchecked, unheeded in the common sorrow for the dead and sympathy for the living, and then lay him in the bosom of his own Nebraska, beloved forever ; "earth to earth, dust to dust, ashes to ashes." And meet is it that your association, sir, should consecrate an hour to his memory. He was one of its projectors and founders. He contributed of the abundance of his learning and his eloquence to its success. He was on the list of lecturers for the course just ended. Even in his last days he consulted for its pros- perity. And yet, sir, I could have wished you had found another to do this sad office to his memory ; to teach you his virtues, to recite to your lasting profit the lessons of his life and of his death. And yet what need of words? Thomas B. Cuming dead ! Perish from among men the great principle of popular sovereignty which he vindicated and estab- lished here in stormy times, among enraged men who thirsted for his blood — which he vindicated and established here, as no one else could, by his own unaided arm, by his own resolute will ; perish peace, prosperity, and progress, which by his wisdom and energy he established in the first days of the territory ; once and forever perish the achievements of her progress, the home of the settler, the ad- miration of human heroism, the love of human benefactors ; then, and not till then, let us say, Thomas B. Cuming dead! Governor Cuming was born in Genesee county, in the state of New York, on the 25th day of December, 1828. His father is the Rev. Dr. Cuming, of Grand Rapids, Michigan, an Episcopal clergyman of distinguished learning, eloquence, and piety. His mother died while he was yet a young child. He was then removed to Rochester, and placed in the family of the Rev. Dr. Penny, an uncle, at that time a distinguished Presbyterian divine, after- wards the president of Hamilton college. He was afterwards removed to the home of his father, in Michigan, under whose care he was prepared for college. In his boyhood Gover- nor Cuming enjoyed a training of the highest character. His father instilled into his young mind with all a parent's anxiety and care those habits of laborious study, of thoroughly mas- tering whatever engaged his attention, which eminently fitted him for the difficult positions to which he was destined. Especial care was had of his religious culture. Those elevated and severe doctrines which distinguished the higher school of the Episcopal church were early instilled into his young mind, and it is believed that through all the distracting scenes of his life, in the midst of the great tempta- tions to easy, often sceptical notions which be- set young and ardent minds in our day. he never ceased to revere the salutary teachings of his father and of the church. He entered the university of ^lichigan, at Ann Arbor, at a very early age. But yotuig as he was he carried with him a familiar ac- quaintance with the Latin and Greek lan- guages, a singular aptitude for their acquisi- tion, and a native fondness for letters in gen- eral ; and to these he added a devotion to study and an ambition to excel very uncommon at so early an age. He accordingly took a high standing as a scholar. In the classical and belleslettres department he had not an equal in the institution. He enjoyed also an uncom- mon flow of animal spirits. Perfect health was a blessing he enjoyed from his earliest days till his last sickness ; and in a boy, health and activity are concomitant. He mingled in all the sports of coUeee life, in all the mischief, too, and made himself notorious by them. The ?50 HISTORY OF NERRASKA name of Cuming was known in every hamlet in the state before his first year in college was over. At the age of sixteen he gradnated, carrying off the first honors of the institution. His oration is sjioken of to this day for ih.' force and eloquence which distinguished it from the platitudes usually spoken by young men on such occasions. Upon his graduation he was appointed geologist to a scientific ex- pedition sent to explore the mineral regions about Lake Superior ; a position whose im- portance is evident from the immense wealth annually derived from the copper of that country. At the breaking out of the Mexican war he was a young man averse to the drudgery of any of the professions, but full of the high hopes and aspirations of youth. The sound to arms appealed to the military passions of his nature, for his nature was that of a soldier through and through. He entered the army as a lieutenant, and served out the time of his enlistment. He always regretted that the cir- cumstances of his station prevented his ming- ling in those great conflicts which reflected such glory on American arms. After the war he found himself loose ujwn the world, without friends to whom he could go, without means, without advantages, save those he had within himself. Accidentally he found employment as a telegraph operator in Keokuk, Iowa. But it was not enough for him to feed his stomach and clothe his naked- ness. The mind of the young man must be at work. He wrote an anonymous article to the Dispatch, a paper published at that place. It arrested attention. He wrote another ; curi- osity as to who was its author was excited ; another and another appeared, and curiosity increased more and more. One person and another to whom they were at first attributed disclaiming the authorship, they were at last traced to the young telegraph operator. The ability which they displayed was not to be lost and he was immediately placed in charge of the paper. It was soon the leading paper in the state, a oower in the state, and hardlv ever was there a country paper exercising such a large influence. During his residence in Keo- kuk he married Aliss Margaret C. Murphv, whose beautiful devotion to him in all the changes and trials of life has been only equaled by the great sorrow which now crushes her. It was while in charge of the Dispatch, in 1854, and somewhat in reward for the eminent services which he had rendered to the democ- racy, that he was appointed secretarv of Ne- braska. He was at this time only twenty-five years of age. He arrived here on the Sth of October, accompanied by his accomplished bride. It is well known that very soon after Governor Burt arrived in the territory he sick- ened and died, and that Cuming thereupon be- came the acting governor. Young as he was he Ijrought to the duties of the office qualities singularly fitted to their faithful discharge. His mind was filled with the idea of a Roman governor and pro-consul in Rome's best days. A mind stern, haughty, severe, and unyielding in the policy it had marked out : resolved by its own invincible will to bend all men to that will, to bend itself to none, to be a great power in the state, and then by virtue of that policy to plant the institution of sound and stable government and order and law. To teach all men the wisdom and the power of that great central government which granted them an organization, and gradually, safely, and surely to fit them for citizenship in its great con- federacy. What a work was that for a man of twenty- five, but how nobly did Cuming do it ! Those factious jealousies and contests, so common and so bitter in new countries, rent the terri- tory into numerous and distracted parties ; and when the young governor took one step in the direction of organization he found arrayed against him the combined opposition of all parts of the territory, save this city alone. When he convened the legislative assembly here all the fury of excited passion burst upon him. Any other man would have stood ap- palled before it ; would have retreated before its threats ; would have compromised with its turbulence. To do so, however, was to give up the peaceful organization of a territory, consecrated in the midst of national excite- ment to popular sovereignty : to give up all law and all order, to give up himself, as he was, all he hoped to be. He did not waver. He issued the certificates of election to those who were elected members of the assembly. He pressed the two houses to an immediate organization, and in one week everv vexed question was settled, his opponents defeated in their disorganizing purposes, and orderly gov- ernment in the territory secured as a new ])roof of the ability and the right of the peo- ple to govern themselves. It was a triumph of his commanding will which awed opposi- tion. It was genius mastering transcendent difficulties. Governor Cuming lived to see the blessings of peace, order, law. and pros- ])erity follow his acts. It is unnecessary for me to recount in your hearing the life of our friend. It was passed in your midst. You were sharers of its joys, of its generosities, of its devotions. It was a ]3art of your own, and the thread of its nar- rative is entwined with that of vours so that DEATH OF GO\'ERXOR CUMING 251 you can not recall the [jast but you recall him. It was a life of energy, of activity, of effort for every good word and work which con- cerned this city which was his home, and this territory over which he presided. Beautiful is old age ; beautiful as the rich, mellow autumn of a bright glorious summer. The old man has done his work and he is gathering in the abundant harvest of his good services in the love of the old and the reverence of the young. He has laid olif the cares of life and waits placidly for the end; waits placidly for the beginning beyond the end. God forbid we should not call that beautiful ! But more beautiful even than that is young manhood, with strong arm and stout heart, in the face of storm, and wind, and rain, sowing the good seed of national order, prosperity, and peace ; sowing the good seed of its own fame which a whole people shall embalm in the memory of its best affections. Raise on the spot where he lies what tomb you will, his true sepulcher is in our hearts, his true epitaph is written on the tablets of our memories. The resignation of Governor Izard returned Governor Cuming to the responsibilities of the chief executive. While in their discharge the late assembly convened. For some time before he had been suffering from prostrating sick- ness, and he was little fitted to meet the vio- lent contests which attended the session. He nerved himself for the task and prepared the message. But the disease which prostrated him gave to his mind a deep coloring of sad- ness, of doubt for the future, of fear both for himself and the country. He was imable to prevent its tinge appearing in the message, and as he delivered it to the assembled houses, the deep pathos, the hopelessness of some of its passages, cast over the minds of those who loved him, even amidst the excitements of the occasion, a strange foreshadowing of a coming sorrow. The effort was too much for him, and he returned to his home to preside over the territory from his sick bed. The hopeful- ness of his nature did not at all forsake him in his painful sickness. He hoped he might be permitted to rebuild a better and a nobler self on the ruins of the old constitution ; that to the services of his coimtry he might add others still higher ; that he might yet give wider and, freer play to those affections of the heart, to those sentiments of Christian dutv and reli- gion which an anxious father had early in- stilled into his mind. But it was not to be ; all the love of friends, all the promises of his young manhood and his abundant acquisitions, all his capacities to do good, all his hopes, all his ambitions could not save him. He was cut down and withered. Peacefullv he lies in the embrace of his own Nebraska, and as fond kindred grace the hallowed spot with marble shaft or consecrated iron, with the beauty ot the flower, with its rare odor that comes to us as a sweet consolation, a loving people will turn ever and anon from the path of their pros- perity to pay their tribute of affection to the great man buried there. The character of Governor Cuming was marked by a most striking individuality. In these days, when the etiquette and customs of social life conform even the heartiest saluta- tions and coldest reserve, the dress we wear, all the manners of our life, to one standard of phase and fashion, most men lose, especially in daily intercotirse, all distinctive characteristics, become like all others, are least themselves. It was not .so with Governor Cuming. You al- ways met him. His peculiarities of phase, of manner, arising not from any desire to be sin- gular, but a natural, unconscious, yet most in- tense individuality, always impressed you. Be- sides you always felt you met a man ; a man of will, who resisted all external influences and followed the line of his own convictions and purposes. The physical formation of the man indicated the firm, well-knit, active na- ture ; every inch of him was alive and tremu- lous with the energy which poured along the nerves. His grasp was the grasp of the lion ; for its physical power first, most of all for the mighty will which directed it. This same or- ganization was indicated by the eye, which no one ever looked into and ever forgot. That deep black iris, that fervid glance and gleam indicated an organization very remarkable and seldom seen in temperate zones. It was a tor- rid eye, from which flashed out all the tremu- lous sensibilities, all the passions, and all the fire of natures born and bred near the sun. In the mental physiology of Governor Cuming imagination held a large space ; but it was not the suDtie niiagiaaLiou which delighted in beau- tiful, soft-phrase words, empty of large, strong, vigorous vision ; nor yet, even in its highest altitude, did it soar aloft in the clear but cold regions of disenchanted spirit. It was wrapped about, or rather it was at one with his sensibilities. It dwelt among and upon those visions which are l)eautiful because they are lovely, and delightful because they are creations of the heart and its affections, not of the cold, selfish mind. This was one pe- culiarity of his eloquence. It was luxuriantlv imaginative, but it was so full of sentiment, of the warm, gushing natural sentiment of the heart. No matter what the occasion, he led captive the feelings, if not the convictions of his audience. The very copiousness of his language, his appeals to numerous passions, 252 HISTORY (3F NEBRASKA the magnetic power of his figure gave him a command, sometimes an absolute tyranny over his hearers, very seldom equaled by the great- est orators. And yet I would not speak of these quali- ties to the exclusion of the more substantial. They were the leading peculiarities of his men- tal organism, and yet logic, large abilities at argimient, what the Germans call the absolute reason formed a stable and sufficient sub- stratum. He never laid hold of a subject but he mastered it. He took it in, both in its grand outlines and as a whole, and in its minute details. Its scientific nature and rela- tions were clear to him. He could speak of them, and speak of them in the formal propo- sitions of science. But when he came to speak of them to the people, when the full play of his powers moulded them into forms tangible to the popular touch, visible to the popular eye, then he brought them home to the heart by the most singular appeals of passion, of interest, of desire. I have already spoken of his early studies, of his devotion to them, of his ambitions and successes in them. He was known here, not at all as a man of books but as a man of the world, dealing with its appliances, means, ob- jects, and yet to the last he was the same ar- dent student as in early days. His acquisi- tions in one so young, whose life had been in excitement little congenial to literary habits, were astonishing. No man ever crossed the Missouri so thoroughly educated. By that intense individuality of which I have spoken, he made what he read a part of himself. His knowledge was not something outside of him ; it entered into his being ; out of it the muscles and sinews of his mind drew their vigor. It was always at command. It sounded not like some familiar words, but like himself alone, and graced and enforced every subject which he touched by its abundant illustration. His manner was reserved, especially of late years. He held almost everv one at a distance. Few penetrated into the great heart within him. But that heart was a great fountain of afifection, of sympathy, of generosity. The hard world, long contact with its selfish strug- gles and hates and jealousies, may have crusted it over with constraint, but within it was warm and true and loving as ever. In his • last sickness it came back again to the sim- plicity and freshness of ingenuous youth. He turned back to old thoughts and feelings and pursuits. The well thumbed volumes of his schoolboy days were once more brought out, and, clustering thick around them the asso- ciations of early life, which none but the scholar knows, he read again and again the lines dimmed by the tears that would come. He talked of those high and holy things which most fill a child's wondering mind, which most fill the soul looking into a world where it must be a child again. It was sad to see him then, with such capacities for good, marked for the grave ; to hear him wish for life v^'ith a strange hope; to hear him speak with deep pathos of those he loved and must leave, of himself and the past, and his resolves and his prayers ; but who could help but feel that he had come back again to the freshness of youth, that he might enter into that youth whose freshness is immortal. I am told by those who knew him in his youth that, as he lay awaiting the last mournful testimony which we have paid to him, he looked, more than he ever has since, as he did before the changes and trials of life had placed their marks upon him. Who shall say that that fair, bright, placid face was not the symbol to us of the spirit fairer, brighter, more placid above ? Light be the turf of thy tomb; Alay its verdure like emeralds be; There shoukl not be the shadow of gloom In aught tliat reminds me of thee. Young flowers and an evergreen tree May spring from the spot of thy rest, But no cypress or yew let us see. For why should we mourn for the blest? CHAPTER XI First Politicai, Conventions — Postponement of Land Sales - Resignation of Governor Richardson • Fifth Legislature — ■ T TNTIL 1858 there was no political ^^ party organization in Nebraska, and po- litical contests were all between democratic factions. Agitation in Omaha in favor of or- ganization in the latter part of 1857 was met by Morton with the contention that the time was -not yet ripe for that project. Ferguson, a sound democrat, was elected without regard to party lines. Irretrievable ruin, disgrace, and defeat would follow organization under such leaders as Chapman & Co. — "Chapman, Cuming, and Rankin" being particularly desig- nated and each distinguished by an explosive adjective. The Advertiser was of a like opin- ion. The interpretation whereof is that voting in sectional opposition the South Platte was pretty sure to win, while under the organiza- tion regime the manipulation of the Omaha politicians might prevail. But a correspondent of the Advertiser insisted that organization was necessary "to purge the party of black re- publicanism, abolitionism, and whiggism" ; whose mien, so hideous to democrats of that day, was now visible in the territory. Never- theless, a mass meeting was held in Omaha on the 8th of January, 1858. A very long plat- form was adopted, the first resolution declar- ing that "It is expedient to organize the demo- cratic party in the territory and the same is hereby organized." The resolutions further insisted that the constitution did not confer authority upon the federal government, di- rectly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several states contracted for local and internal improvements or other state purposes, and that such assumption would be unjust and inex- pedient ; that justice and sound policy forbade the federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the in- jury of another portion of our common coun- try. The convention also declared that the principles established by the national demo- cratic convention at Cincinnati were the only authoritative e.xposition of democratic doc- trine. The first attempt to hold a convention of the republican party in Nebraska illustrates the fact that the cause of republicanism in 1858 was neither strong nor of first-rate re- pute. The account of this convention, given in the Brownville Advertiser, published and edited by Robert W. Furnas, shows that the party, so soon to become almost permanently dominant in the territory and state, did not then deem it expedient to hang its banner on the outer walls : It is presumed by close observers of the movement of that party during that day (May 27) that the delegate convention proved to be a failure, at least a public one at which all parties had the privilege of attending. But one regular delegation has been in from other counties so far as outsiders have been able to learn, although more might have been present. The convention, or caucus more properly, was held in secret, refusing to admit democrats to witness the proceedings, and therefore, a lim- ited opportunity was offered to ascertain the exact number of delegates forming the con- vention. Large posters were placed in public places all over the city notifying delegates to meet at Visscher's hall, and in accordance with said notices, several democrats endeavored to gain admission but were confronted with the news that the meeting of delegates would be held at a small office in the east part of town, to which some democrats repaired for the pur- pose of witnessing the proceedings, supposing the meeting, like all such, would be public, but in attempting to enter were informed that it was entirely private. An individual opinion 254 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA y^.Jdi.^LL^^^^^ IXoTE — A. H. Gilmore was a philanthropist and builder of Auburn, Nebraska] POSTPOXEMENT OF LAND SALES 255 is that the cause of republicanism is imbecile and powerless in this territory, and cannot ac- complish many decided victories or build U], much strength in party organization except they can be permitted to steal the popular sovereignty plank of the democratic platform, which they appear determined to accomplish, if possible, for the reason that they find the great majority of their party strenuously ad- vocating the doctrine of people's rights. There are a few of the leaders here who are anxious for an organization, whilst the masses of the re])ul)licans care but little about it, for the reason that they are mostly popular sover- eignty men and can very easily slide over into the democratic ranks and be on the popular and winning side of politics. While this Omaha correspondent of the Ad- vcrtiscr must be credited with a considerable political insight, his foresight was exceedingly limited, for lie does not seem to have perceived at all the then plainly rising tide of anti-slavery sentiment, which, within two years, was to sweep over the entire Northwest. The first Nebraska platform of the party, which for forty years has been the most im- perious organization of its kind, perhaps, in the world, was not much more than a half timid protest. The democratic convention at Plattsmouth, June 3, 1858, was the first delegate political convention held in the territory. O. D. Rich- ardson of Douglas county was its temporary and permanent presiding officer. The convention resolved to adopt the doc- trine of popular sovereignty as enacted in the Kansas and Nebraska act to its fullest extent ; "that the incorporation of banks by the legis- lature, whether under the present insecure system, or by any other, is unwise, impolitic, and anti-democratic" ; and in favor of a home stead exemption law. There was only one territorial officer to be elected in 1858 — an auditor to fill a vacancy — and so no nominat- ing convention was held. Democratic tickets were nominated in Douglas and Otoe counties, and in both cases they were opposed by inde- pendent tickets. A part of each ticket was successful in Douglas county, but the first dis- tinctly party ticket nominated in Otoe county was defeated by the "peoples ticket." which, however, the News averred stripped of its false tinsel, "is nothing more or less than a black republican ticket. There is nigger in it. The long heels, thick lips, and black hide are plainly discernible. It smells bad this zvarm tvcather." While the republicans at this time felt too weak to stand alone in an election con- test, they were growing strong enough to make a formidable showing under cover in the two leading counties. Postponement of Land Sales. As excite- ment over the action — or inaction — of the legislature was gradually dying a natural death, growing opposition to proposed public land sales in September took its place. The solici- tude of the squatters was increased by a de- cision of the land commissioner, Thomas A. Hendricks, on August 2d, that failure to make payment before the day of public sale would, under the law, forfeit all rights. The press of the territory, which represented the popular sentiment, led by the Advertiser and the Nezvs. made a stout campaign against the sales. Public meetings, which passed strong protesting resolutions, were held in many of the towns and settlements, and the settlers of the Nemaha land district, at a meeting held in Brownville, August 15th, requested J. D. N. Thompson and Richard Brown, of that dis- trict, and J. Sterling Morton and Judge Charles F. Holly, of the South Platte land dis- trict, to proceed to W^ashington with Hon. James Craig (member of Congress from the adjoining district of Missouri) to procure, if possible, the postponement of the approaching sales. The Advertiser announced that Judge Charles F. Holly, Colonel H. L. Martin, and Richard Brown started from Brownville for W^ashington on their mission. These delegates presented a pathetic and dismal address to the President — dated Au- gust 23, 1858, and endorsed by Mr. Craig — which set forth that "owing to excessive rains during the summer, not only was there an en- tire failure of the wheat and oats crop, but as a consequence an accumulation of sickness heretofore unknown in that region." There- fore scarcely a dollar could be obtained from the proposed sales, and after such sales, the land being subject to private entry, all preemp- tion rights having expired, the claims, settle- 256 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Henry A. Kosters 'Alf-tJC^ (S:rcJiJLl^t^f-^' Mrs. Magdai^na Kosters ^^^^^r-^ "^ ^^^S<^^QU^ [Note — Henry A. Kosters was a pioneer of Omalia, and Perry M. Peckham a pioneer of Sarpy county. He was an early and successful orchardist.) THE FIFTH LEGISLATURE 257 ment, and improvements of bona fide settlers would be "at the mercy of the land jobbers who are now hovering around the land offices and who will speedily monopolize all the de- sired unsold lands with military land war- rants, by entire sections and townships." It took a full week for the momentous news of the postponement to reach Nebraska ; and it is worth while, as an illustration of the status of means of communication at that time, to state that this news came at once to St. Louis by telegraph, then, in four days, evi- dently "on foot," to St. Joseph, and thence by the same means to Brownville in three days. The excitement over the postponement was great. The Advertiser proclaimed it under the heaviest display of headline at its com- mand: "Glorious News" — "Let the Settlers Rejoice" — "Nebraska Saved" — "Hendricks' Decision Spoiled," etc. A great demonstra- tion took place at Brownville. The whole city was brilliantly iluminated ; nearly every window was filled with burning candles ; bonfires were kindled in the streets, and on top of the surrounding hills ; fire balls flew in every direction, minute guns were fired from early in the evening until about 8 o'clock. Honorary guns were fired for the president of the United States, Hon. Jacob Thompson, Brown, Craig, Holly, Martin ; and we hereby acknowledge the compliment paid our humble self, by honoring us with "three guns and three cheers." After which the crowd repaired to the Brownville House where they were entertained for a couple of hours by speeches from Messrs. [Thomas W.] Tipton, [Richard] Brown, [Daniel L.] McGary, [Robert W.] Furnas, [Andrew S.] Holladay, [Richard J.] Whitney, [James W.] Coleman, and [David] Siegel. At Nebraska City there was rejoicing in the same strain, and in the expression of public feeling is found, also, illustration of the time- liness of the relief: This will be joyful intelligence to many squatters, and will inure, it is believed, greatly to the benefit and prosperity of the territory. Cartloads of land warrants have been hauled into this city, and we presume have also been at Omaha and Brownville, for the purpose of locating them — securing for non-resident speculators land worth from ten to twelve dol- lars per acre at from ninety cents to one dol- lar per acre. The large amount of land which would have passed into the hands of land sharks will be reserved, for one year at least, for the settler. Both the newspapers named give credit to the ambassadors from the land district for the result, and the News turns a political and also an immigration penny by observing : "Such is the judicious care of the administration for the people now in Nebraska and who may here- after settle here." Reanimated by the postponement of the land sales the people see other rays of hope, and the press begins to find and inspire encouragement in the growth of population, shown by com- parison of the vote of 1857 and 1858, as fol- lows : Dakota county, 470-440, loss 30 ; Doug- las, 1,536-1,059, loss 477; Nemaha, 448-664, gain 216; Otoe, 876-1,090, gain 214; Richard- son, 2.52-524, gain 272; Sarpy, 513-401, loss 112. The Nezvs exultantly exclaims that "there was a falling off in Douglas county in 1858 of 477 votes. There was a gain in Otoe county of 214 votes. So much for the old rivals — rivals no more." It appears from the controversy that Nebraska City cast 865 votes, while Omaha cast but 675. Fifth Legislature. Following soon after the elections, which were held on the first Mon- day of August, Governor Richardson issued the following call for a special session of the legislature to convene September 21, 1858: Executive Department, Neb. Ter. August 14th, 1858. Whereas, great confusion and uncertainty characterize the existing laws of this territory, and whereas they are so conflicting with each other that reasonable fears are entertained that there is not that ample security to life and property that should be guaranteed to every citizen of the territory; and whereas, under this conflict of laws much unnecessary litigation must transpire; and whereas, noth- ing but speedy, judicious and efficient legisla- tive action can remove these evils, it is thus rendered necessary to convene the legislature in advance of the time fixed by law. Now, therefore, I, William A. Richardson, Govern- or of the territory of Nebraska, by virtue of the power vested in me by law, issue this my proclamation convening the legislative assem- bly on Tuesday, the twenty-first day of Sep- tember next, at the seat of government of the said territorv. 258 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA [NoTF, — A. Hall was one of the early chief justices of Nebraska territory] THE FIFTH LEGISLATURE 259 In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused to be affixed the great seal of the territory. Done at Omaha this 14th day of August, 1858. W. A. Richardson, Governor of Nebraska. By the Governor, J. S. Morton, Secretary of the Territory. The newspapers indulged in some half- serious badinage as to the location of the seat of government — whether at Omaha, or at Neapolis, where the Florence act had author- ized it to go. We hear considerable talk among the newly elect as to where the seat of government is. and where the legislation is to be done this winter. Some talk of Neapolis ; but where is it? How far from a "local habitation"? What is the route, and what is the prospect of getting pay for services rendered? . . . But a portion of the commissioners met, if we are not in error, several weeks since at Bellevue and had their bond approved by the chief justice of the territory. A great ado was made at the time by the Florence journals. The approval of the bond by Chief Justice Hall was construed into an affirmative expres- sion of opinion touching the validity of the resolutions passed by the fugitive legislature. The capitol had been removed from Omaha and was to be located at once. Since which memorable time — the approval of the bond — we have heard nothing of the new capitol. Of course we are in blissful ignorance whether it is at Neapolis or at Omaha. The fact that the Omaha stay-at-homes of the fourth session were awarded their per diem by their federal paymaster while he de- nied it to the Florence emigrants would have a strong repressing influence on any recur- ring inclination to legislative tramping. The legislature convened at Omaha according to the call, and the full membership — thirteen councilmen and thirty-five members of the house — appeared and qualified. There is no available record or any new apportionment of members of this legislature and no record of the votes of counties in de- tail. In the lists of members in the news- papers and in the journals of the council and house there is no mention of Cuming county, which was in the same district with Burt, or of Clay, Lancaster, and Gage, which belonged to the Cass district. The exact partisan division of the two houses can not be ascertained. The meta- morphosis from democracy to republicanism going on at this time was in various stages — most of the subjects being merely embryonic, while few were full-fledged. This could not be said of partisan epithets, for they came forth in prolific maturity from the democratic press, and especially from the News. This journal complained — October 30th — that the house was one hundred and eighty bills be- hind the council, and because "the house is heavily black republican, while the council has a heavy democratic majority, in fact, accord- ing to the classification of the black republi- can journal at the capital, there is not an open and avowed republican in the council." The Advertiser classes Marquett, De Puy, Daily, Stewart, the two Davises, Taffe, and Collier as republicans, and Mason as a whig. Bowen, Furnas, Reeves, and McDonald, members of the preceding or fourth council, were again elected to the fifth, and Dr. George L. Miller, who was a member of the house in the second assembly and of the council in the third, is re- turned to the fifth council. William H. Tay- lor, from Otoe county, is an energetic, aspir- ing, and noisy politician. Though a Vir- ginian he is making up to the coming repub- lican party — is perhaps more nearly a repub- lican than any other member of the council. He is called "Handbill Taylor" because, though a public lawmaker, he is, as conveni- ence or whim moves him, a law unto himself, and is prone to post bills of warning of dis- astrous physical results awaiting those who ofiend him. McDonald's seat in the council was con- tested by ]51mer S. Dundy. After holding the seat until October 7th, McDonald complains that he has not been allowed time to establish his right, and resigns ; and thus opens the way for a man who is to cut an important figure in Nebraska politics. Mr. McDonald, in speaking of this contest, explained that some democrats were inclined to desert him and that they were cajoled into doing this by Mr. Dundy who, before he was seated, pretended 260 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^Sifc-' V Elmer S. Dundy [Note — Elmer S. Dundy was a prominent pioneer in law and politics of Falls City, Nebraska] THE FIFTH LEGISLATURE 261 to be a democrat and made democratic speeches, but soon afterward acted as a thor- ough republican. George W. Doane also begins a long and useful public career. Two members of the house, Oliver P. Mason and Turner M. Mar- quett — the latter reelected — are destined to be prominent figures in the commonwealth for near forty years. Both are ambitious for political place, both will achieve it temporarily, in about equal measure, and then alike they will win their substantial success and reputa- tion in the practice of law. John TafTe, also an incipient republican, will be well known for a time as delegate to Congress and edi- torial writer, and Daily will dominate for a season as a republican leader. H. P. Bennet, speaker of the house, belonged to the first council, as we have seen, and will also have a long and prominent career in Colorado. To win distinction in the private walks of life requires ability and character of a high order, and which are rather a hindrance than a help to political preferment ; while the suc- cessful politician, though inferior in these qualities, is kept in the public eye for a season by virtue of his ofScial place. It is not a pleasing or a promising reflection that the brainiest and best men of Nebraska, who in early life took an active part in politics or as- pired to political careers, have retired — or, more frequently, have been retired — to pri- vate life to the great injury of public interests. Our successful politicians or statesmen will not be offended at this observation ; for each will consider himself that exception which goes to prove a general rule. We see the incipiency of Nebraska republi- can organization in the legislature in the house of this fifth assembly. Speaker Bennet, himself hesitatingly making ready to desert the whig Baal that was, for republican god that is or is about to be, puts Mason, who is likewise halting between these two opinions, at the head of the judiciary committee. Daily, Davis, De Puy, Stewart, and TafTe, all classed as republicans, and perhaps others who are coming into the new party fold, "too late to classify," are each put at the head of impor- tant committees. Heretofore the executive messages had been either bright, but adolescent and unripe, or grandiose and verbose. In Governor Richardson's communication to the fifth as- sembly we have the sharp contrast of maturity, brevity, and straightforward simplicity, with a strong paternal effectiveness. As Cuming and Black have produced the most brilliant, so Richardson has produced the best state papers ever submitted to this commonwealth. He first states the case for the criminal code : The only law under which crime can be pun- ished in this territory, is the common law of England. All other criminal laws have been abolished by the act of a previous legislature. The common law of England is so uncertain and doubtful in reference to every proceeding and offense, and its punishment, that every point will have to be adjudicated before even the courts could tell what the law is. Thus, while serious doubts have been en- tertained as to whether some offenses can be punished at all under that law, it has been clear that perjury, forgeries, and all offenses designated as felonies, are punishable with death ; a penalty which renders the strict ad- ministration of that law repugnant to our ideas of justice and humanity, and inapplicable to the age and country in which we live. Next to the important necessity of enacting a wholesome and judicious system of criminal laws is that of "clearly defining the jurisdic- tion and duties of justices of the peace and other officers." It appears by the auditor's report that "the total outstanding liabilities of the territory are $15,774.95. It will be seen by the treasurer's report that 'five counties only, viz : Dodge, Douglas, Cass, Otoe, and Nemaha, have paid any revenue into the ter- ritorial treasury, and the counties mentioned have not paid the full amount due of them up to this time.' " The governor in his message makes this important announcement : I issued instructions, during the summer, to the district attorneys to file information in the proper courts against each of the banks that had failed to redeem their notes, when presented for payment, with the view to have their charters forfeited. The cases are now pending, as I am informed, and undecided. While I should not have approved any bank charter that has been adopted in the territory, and while believing the principle upon which 262 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA the)' are based wrong, and the effect injurious, I had no intention to interfere with any cor- poration that had compHed with the law. On the subject of mihtary roads tlae mes- sage gives this information : "Appropriations have heretofore been made by Congress to construct two roads in the territory. One from Platte river to L'Eau-Qui-Court, the other from tlie Missouri river to Fort Kear- ney, but have proved inadequate to complete them as designed. A further appropriation is therefore necessary." The message con- gratulates the people of the territory on its From CI pholognij^h tnkcn in iS^'j cit the age of thirty- ^evcn years. Ele.\zer Wakeley Commissioned associate justice of the su- preme court of Nebraska territory, January. 1857. prosperous condition, and states that "We have enough produce to supply the wants of our own people together with those of the emigrant, and yet more for exportation to those upon whom the harvest sun has smiled less propitiously." Notice is taken of the discovery of gold at Cherry creek and of the desirability of a geological survey the better to disclose "those vast stores of mineral and coal which underly the greater portion of the territory." It then predicts that "the Pacific railroad, which thus far has only had its ex- istence in the thoughts and plans of men, will soon become a reality, having a permanent be- ing;" and the idea is reiterated that "the true route for the road and the true interests of its constructors will almost certainly lead it up the rich and beautiful valley of the great Platte." The fifth assembly was somewhat superior to any of its predecessors in its sense of duty and capacity for rational work. The improve- ment was due in part to the increasing con- sciousness of a more permanent character in the growth of population and institutions, largely also to the great influence of the gov- ernor. The list of enactments of this legislature is long and important, and comprises a criminal code, a code of procedure, a mechanics' lien law, an improved revenue law, a liquor license law, a general law giving county commission- ers power to grant licenses to operators of fer- ries, a law providing for a territorial board of agriculture, and a new apportionment of mem- bers of the legislative assembly. The civil code was copied from that of Ohio, the crim- inal code from that of New York, "as west- ernized and adopted by Illinois," and the new school law was the Ohio law, as near as could well be. The liquor license law, which super- seded the prohibitory law of the first session, was introduced in the house by Daily on the last day of the session and immediately rushed through the three readings and passage by a vote of 15 to 6. It was evidently a republi- can measure in this house, receiving the gen- eral support of the members of that party, in- cluding the leaders, Daily, Marquett, and Mason. It is a curious fact that four of the six opposition votes came from Omaha mem- bers. This apparent show of severe Puritan virtue in Omaha seems odd to a familiar, long- time acquaintance of our metropolitan town, and it should be presumed that these appar- ently prohibitory members preferred the un- licensed freedom of impotent prohibition above the restraints of a license law. The measure passed the council by a vote of 6 to 3, Dundy of Richardson, Porter of Douglas, and THE FIFTH LEGISLATURE 263 Scott of Washington county casting the nega- tive votes. Under the law, licenses were is- sued by the county clerk for not more than one year on payment, for the use of the school fund, of a sum not less than $25, nor more than $500; and reasonable restrictions were imposed upon the licensee. The act establishing a territorial board of agriculture named as members of the board Thomas Gibson, Harrison Johnson, Alfred D. Jones, Experience Estabrook, John M. Thayer, Christian Bobst, Robert W. Furnas, Jesse Cole, Samuel A. Chambers, Dr. Jerome Hoover, JNIills S. Reeves, Braud Cole, Justus C. Lincoln, Harlan Baird, Joel T. Griffin, and Edward H. Chaplin. It was the duty of the board to hold an annual meeting, "for the pur- pose of deliberating and consulting as to the wants, prospects, and conditions of the agri- cultural interests throughout the territory," and to receive reports from the subordinate county societies. On the 30th of October, 1858, the territorial board of agriculture held its first meeting at the Herndon House, Omaha, when officers were elected as follows : President, Robert W. Furnas ; secretary, Al- fred D. Jones; treasurer, John M. Thayer; board of managers, Edward H. Chaplin of Douglas, Mills S. Reeves of Otoe, Harlan Baird of Dakota, Braud Cole of Cass, Chris- tian Bobst of Pawnee county. The board de- cided to hold the first territorial fair on the 21st, 22d, and 23d of September, 1859, and the secretary was directed to "engage the services of an orator to deliver the address at the first territorial fair." The all-pervading youthful- ness of the commonwealth is illustrated by the fact that the orator selected — J. Sterling Morton — was twenty-six years old. The office of attorney-general was abolished and his powers and duties transferred to the several district attorneys. This general office was superfluous, since, under the organic act, there was an attorney-general whose salary was paid from the federal treasury. The ap- portionment act increased the members of the house from thirty-five to thirty-nine, the maxi- mum limit of the organic law. Six additional counties were included in this apportionment : Butler, Dixon, Calhoun, Greene, Hall, and Monroe, but of these only Butler, Dixon, and Hall were ever permanently organized, though Calhoun and Monroe undertook to vote once — in 1859. The organization of only two new counties. Hall and Merrick, was authorized at this session. The usual large numbers of bills for territorial roads and incorporations were passed. The salary of the auditor was raised to $800 and that of the treasurer to $400. The memorial to Congress for a geological survey recites that "it is well known that extensive coal fields underlie large portions of our fer- tile prairies," and that "gold exists at the base of the Rocky mountains to an equal extent to the placers and mines of California." An- other memorial prays Congress to place the school lands, sections 16 and 36, under con- trol of the legislature, but for leasing, not for selling. Still another memorial gives us the information that "a military or public road, beginning at L'Eau-Qui-Court, and extending southward across the territory, has been lo- cated and opened under the direction of the national government, and has become a great thoroughfare whereon military supplies may be expeditiously transported northward. It also aiifords an avenue of trade of great ad- vantage to the inhabitants of this territory and others and is now one of the prominent mail routes of the territory." But the memo- rial prays for the construction of a bridge across the Platte "at the point where said road reaches the same," for the reason that "this river constitutes an almost impassable barrier between the two great sections of our terri- tory, and on account of the great difficulty and very often imminent danger in crossing the same by means of a ferry, travel and the mails are much impeded, and at times are al- together stopped." A serious question arose early in this special session as to how it might be utilized to draw the federal expense stipend as if it were regu- lar, but the comptroller of the treasury cleared up that question in a communication to Secre- tary Morton as follows : If the convened session, which met on the 4th instant, shall adjourn at the end of forty days from the commencement of the called or extraordinary session, thus constituting the 264 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA two one continued session of that number of days, the entire per diem and mileage may be paid to the members and per diem to the of- ficers ; but if the session which convened on the 4th instant shall, of itself, continue forty days in addition to the thirteen occupied by that which was called by the governor, then you will pay the per diem and mileage of the regular or convened session only, and take no notice of the extraordinary session, leaving their compensation for the determination of Congress. iMr. Mason of the judiciary committee, to which a bill to make the special session regu- lar by changing the law of the previous session fixing the time for the convening of the regu- lar session, was referred, reported in its favor, while the majority of the committee, headed by Marquett, reported against the scheme, fearing that necessary legislation could not be passed in the regular forty days. A compromise was agreed to by which the bill was amended so that the regular session should begin on October 4th, the organization of the special session to continue through the remain- ing or regular part of the session, and Con- gress was memorialized to make an appropria- tion to cover the expense of the special portion of the sitting. A bill providing that in all suits in law and chancery there should be no trial until the sec- ond term raised a heated controversy, Rankin and Kline of the select committee, to whom the bill was referred, insisting that the finan- cial embarrassment of the people demanded such protection, while Mason and Collier con- tended that it was vicious and imconstitutional. In the council it was vigorously opposed by Doane, but it nevertheless became a law. In similar circumstances we have since seen the courts arbitrarily go much further than the provision of this act would allow, in delaying suits against creditors. A council bill and also a house bill which provided for the exemption of homesteads from execution aroused a re- markable discussion. The report of Mr. Mason of the judiciary committee of the coun- cil in favor of the bill is a sample of his well- known grandiose style. Judge Mason's singu- lar misconception at that time of an economic system which is the basis of the world's busi- ness is shown in the last paragraph of the re- port: Another great benefit, universal in its ap- plication, which would result from the passage of a liberal homestead law, would be the blow that would be given to the credit system, that most dangerous of all systems, which destroys alike all who trust to the plaudits of its ad- mirers. It seems safe to venture the opinion that in point of rhetorical inflation and floridity the report of Rankin of the house excels all other state papers recorded or otherwise. Our pres- ent day legislators might often equal it but seldom dare to on account of the ridicule of an ubiquitous and relentless press. A part of Rankin's remarkable plea follows : A homestead, in the true sense of the term, whether it be the humble cabin or the princely palace, is the center of the family circle, and the family affections with all the household goods and all sacred memories clustering around it. The very term suggests a some- thing which should be secured beyond the reach of misfortune, and its holy precincts should never be invaded by the ruthless tread of the oflicers of the law. Sheriff", spare that home ! If you tear it from the possession of the owner, and drive him with his wife and chil- dren to seek new scenes, you harden a sensi- tive heart, and strike a fatal blow at that love and pride of state which should swell the heart of every citizen. A home, with all of its endearments for every family, is the cotmtry's best guarantee of good citizenship and patriotic population. Without it we are Arabs on the plain of life, deprived of those attachments and affections which are awakened and kept warm by the thoughts of "Home, sweet Home." The shade tree planted by the father in early manhood, and protecting his children from the suns of stmimer; the murmuring brook which mirrored the smiles of infancy : the woodbine planted and trained by the mother who is no more ! Who shall give value to these, and who would not guard them from the sacrilegious touch of all invaders? The controversy in the council was over the question as to the number of acres which should comprise the protected homestead. Dr. Miller favored forty acres, Doane eighty, and Porter one hundred and sixty. There were- four votes out of nine for the largest amount. THE FIFTH IvEGISLATURE 265 and then Doane's motion for the exemption of eighty acres was carried by a vote of 7 to 3, and the bill itself was passed by a vote of 6 to 3, the nays being Donelan, Moore, and Miller. In the house there was a struggle by the mi- nority to incorporate a limitation in value' of the exemption, and Clayes and Gwyer, a spe- cial committee, in their report said : Your committee are satisfied that the pass- age of a homestead law, without limitation of value, would result to the prejudice of a large majority of the people of the territory. It would enable the debtor to live in luxury, and enjoy a life of abundance and ease, while his many creditors, the victims of fraud, would be debarred all remedy. It would prove the refuge of fraud and injustice after a suc- cessful conspiracy to obtain the fruits of hon- est labor. Upon this subject the diversity of opinion between the majority and minority proved so great, that a compromise was im- possible. Thirteen motions were made to fix the value of the exemption at as many different amounts from one dollar to ten thousand dollars. Mason wanted $150 and Daily $1,000. Votes were taken on nine of these motions and all were defeated, and then Rankin's motion to fix the exemption limitation as to value at "160 acres of land with the improvements thereon" was also defeated. The house then amended the council bill by inserting after "family homestead" the words, "every free white householder of this territory, male or female, being an owner or occupant of the premises," and passed it by a vote of IS to 13. The council refused to concur in the amend- ment. The Advertiser explained the objec- tion as follows : "An amendment was tacked on in favor of single white persons which the council refused to concur in." A majority of a conference committee recommended passage of the bill without the amendment, but Gwyer's minority report expressed the senti- ment of the majority of the house: "The imdersigned is firmly impressed with the opin- ion that a homestead bill having as its princi- pal feature a limitation value is best adapted to the wants of the people of the territory and will best subserve the interest of the creditor as well as the debtor." The house refused to recede, and the bill died from inaction. The Advertiser of November 4th says: "Messrs. Clayes, Daily, Marquett, Collier, Gwyer, Stew- art, Fleming, Steele, Steinberger, Kline, Ran- kin, and Mason, were the principal talkers, the first five being supporters of the money valua- tion clause, and the latter seven for the coun- cil bill which includes only a land limit." The Nebraska Nezvs of October 30th, under the mistaken notion that the bill had passed, fur- iously lashes the legislature for its folly. One who came to know Morton forty years later would easily discern his predilections and methods in these strictures : We understand our wise Solons and great men of integrity have passed an act which they term a homestead bill, but which is in reality meant as a plantation-saving act, and which with other acts passed by the present legislature will put a most eft'ectual estoppel upon all legal proceedings for the collection of debts. . . If our incomprehensibly wise and unfath- omably deep legislators really wanted to abolish the credit system instead of coaxing a man to run into debt, and then cheat his credi- tors out of their pay, why didn't they come out manfully and abolish all laws for the collec- tion of debts instead of sneaking about with this false appearance of legislative knowledge, judicial sagacity, and smart lawyer tricks with "stays" and "exemptions" and plantation-sav- ing acts under the name of homestead bills? . . . If our legislators expected to afford a purgative to the woefully costive and inex- pressibly tight times — if they desire to leg- islate men out of debt, they must of course be aware that they could do no such thing, how- ever much credit they expected to gain for themselves in their quack attempts in this di- rection. . . The advantages to be derived from such laws are, as we view them, small indeed, while the disadvantages and positive injury are sen- sibly felt and vividly witnessed upon the growth and prosperity of a country which enacts them. We cannot see the sense or ad- vantage in destroying our credit abroad, blast- ing our reputation, driving men of capital out of the territory and presenting an insuperable bar to the ingress of such ; we do not see sense in the practice of legislative tricks — ^ political ledgerdemain — inevitably leading to such re- sults. Though homestead and other property ex- emption laws have been validated since by the wisdom of most of the states, yet to the last 266 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^M^-/^z^ ^-. ^ [Note — Theron Nj-e was a prominent lumber and grain man and banker of Fremont, Nebraska] THE FIFTH LEGISLATURE 267 Morton never changed his opinion thus ex- pressed. This considerable attention to the first tumultuous discussion of homestead ex- emption in Nebraska seems warranted as an interesting illustration, when contrasted with the present general acquiescence in such laws, of the rapid adaptation of means to ends and of measures to environment which is common in western societies. Disgust with the Florence fiasco, the firm and eftective influence and attitude of Gov- ernor Richardson, the suspension of Morton's anti-Omaha hostility at the fourth session, and the growing general feeling that the removal of the capital at this time was impracticable, enabled Councilman Furnas to report early in the session that "the capital question is not spoken of by anyone." So great was the change, or the suspension of sentiment, that a representative — perhaps apostate — from im- placable and irreconcilable Sarpy dared to in- troduce a joint resolution and memorial to Congress praying for an appropriation of $30,- 000 for completing the capitol, and it passed the house without division. The resolution reached the council on the next to the last day of the session, where, notwithstanding that the day before a like resolution introduced in the council had been laid on the table on mo- tion of Taylor of Otoe, it was at once adopted by a vote of 6 to 3, Donelan of Cass, Furnas of Nemaha, and Taylor of Otoe voting no. But the old spirit revived on the same day, and Dundy moved reconsideration, which was car- ried, and then, adding his vote to the hostile three, the resolution escaped defeat by the nar row margin of five to four. One North Platte member was absent, while of the South Platte members three were missing — includ- ing the implacable Bowen of Sarpy. A full vote would have gone against further expendi- ture on the capitol at Omaha, and this vote in the council still pointed the way to final re- moval. The memorial recited that a former govern- or had expended the first appropriation of $50,000 on a large and elegant building, leav- ing it but partially finished; that to make it available for use the city of Omaha had spent iibout $50,000 additional in enclosing the building and finishing some of the rooms; that the building was liable to sustain in- jury unless soon finished, and that in the opinion of the memorialists, $30,000 would complete it. The legislature was not graciously inclined, apparently, toward the work of the original code commissioners, O. D. Richardson, J. L. Sharp, and J. D. N. Thompson. A bill pro- viding a specific compensation for their ser- vice passed the council but was pigeonholed in the judiciary committee by Mason, who afterward substituted for it a joint resolution, which passed both houses, referring the whole question of the allowance to the judges of the supreme court with power of final action. This legislature was as nearly immune from the wildcat bank, as from the capital-moving malady. One bill was introduced — for the incorporation of the State Bank of Nebraska — which, on account of the exposure of at- tempts at bribery by its promoters, was killed in the house where it originated. It was sought to make this new project of adventur- ers plausible by providing that real estate should be the basis of its security. On the other hand, drastic action against the going banks was attempted by a bill to annul the charters of five of them, which passed the house — 21 to 5 — ^but was indefinitely post- poned by the council. A bill to repeal the charters of all the banks was introduced in the council, but did not escape from the judi- ciary committee. Two days before the close of the session twenty-eight members met in joint session and elected R. W. Furnas public printer, and this occurrence was the occasion for the first positive outbreak of partisan politics in the territory. Rankin, whom Furnas had sup- ported in the last congressional campaign, and Daily, whom, though a republican, Furnas, still a democrat, was to support against Mor- ton in the next congressional campaign, pushed Furnas forward for printer. The organic act clearly enough gave the control of the terri- torial printing to the secretary, and at the opening of the session that ofificer laid before the legislature the correspondence of the 268 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA comptruUer of the treasury on the subject. To these Morton added a characteristicaUy expHcit statement of his own intentions : The above laws and instructions are all, I believe, which it is necessary to lay before your honorable body. They embrace all ex- penses to be incurred by the legislative assem- bly, including the public printing, both contin- gent and regular. And in this connection I may add that any necessary contingent print- ing your honorable body may desire to have executed will be promptly and cheerfully at- tended to, by notice being given at my office. Respectfully, your ob't servant, J. Sterling Morton, Sec'y. Nebraska Territory. On the 3d of March, 1859, Mr. Furnas answers alleged complaints of delay of the printing in this way: We have only to say in answer that we have not as yet received the copies of laws from which to print; and, to be frank, we do not expect we will. Had former usages, to say the least, been conformed to, justice to the public printer observed, and the interests of the people of Nebraska in the slightest de- gree consulted, the laws passed at the late ses- sion of the general assembly would before this have been printed and delivered, not only to the secretary of the territory, but to the several counties. We are told the Honorable Secretary is hav- ing the work done in Albany, New York. How true this may be, or if true, how soon we may expect copies, we are unable to say. This much we do know, however, and that is, the territory is in a deplorable condition on ac- count of the delay. Justices, lawyers and liti- gants are unable to move a peg, or if they do, grope their way in darkness and uncertainty. Complaints are universal. On the 7th of April, 1859, the Advertiser gives this notice: "Morton and Company, it is said, have received from Albany, New York, the printed laws passed at the last session of the Nebraska legislature." Furnas admitted the legality of Morton's control of the printing under the organic act, but opposed its exercise "because of precedent to the contrary." But the animus of the dis- pute and the beginning of the disorganization of the party which heretofore had held undis- puted sway in Nebraska was plain. Aside from the manifest injustice of again choosing a man who has so recently enjoyed the emoluments of the office, aside from the fact that the legislature has no more business to select a printer for the territory than they have to say who shall haul our wood or dig our potatoes, nothwithstanding that they have un- dertaken to meddle with matters that are none of their concern, notwithstanding that they have made insulting demands and encroach- ments upon another department of the govern- ment, we purpose to investigate their action to some extent and let it be generally known upon whom their choice has fallen. And first it must be remembered that in joint convention the opposition have a ma- jority in our legislature. That opposition for the most part is made up of the worst possible enemies of the democracy, and the demo- cratic organization — bolters, disaffected sore- heads, sleepy Janus-faced democrats, consist- ent in nothing but their persistent and diabol- ical opposition to the organization and suc- cess of the democratic party, at heart the blackest of black republicans but outwardly "people's men" and "people's candidates," these are the kind of men who have elected a pseudo-democrat, one of their number, and one of their leaders, territorial printer. The files of the Brownville Advertiser, the paper of which Mr. Furnas is editor and pub- lisher, for the last eight months abundantly show the deep and bitter hatred of Furnas to the administration and the party. The disorganizing conditions at work are set forth by a letter from the attorney at Washington whom the public printer had employed to take care of his interests there : I find, however, what the real difficulty is which stands in your way, and which will pre- vent any remedy for the injury you may have received by the conduct of the secretary. It is that you are an anti-Lecompton democrat, and the power and the patronage, as in Illi- nois, is given to the few, who profess to be Lecompton democrats, and in all things wor- ship at the shrine of Mr. Buchanan. There lies the real difficulty in your case, and hence I conclude that you are without a remedy. It is represented that there are but two Buchanan newspapers now printed in Nebraska, the Omaha N ebraskian being one ; and much pains has, I am confident, been taken to prejudice your case with the department, by the class of persons I have described, who are used as the instruments of persecution against all who do not admit that Mr. Buchanan "can do no wrong." I have not known such vindictive tyranny ever before practiced by any party in this RESIGNATION OF GOVERNOR RICHARDSON 269 country, as has been, and still is practiced towards the anti-Lecompton democracy of the west. It seems to be inexorable. So that, as matters now stand, nothing, in my opinion, can be done here for your benefit. But the beginning of the end of democratic supremacy in the territory lay in a bill, the first introduced in the legislature, to abolish sla- very. At this time it was a measure of repub- lican politicians rather than of republicans ; and when it was pushed forward on the last day of the session by Daily, who was little, if anything, more than an adroit politician, a motion for its indefinite postponement was lost only by a vote of 13 to 15. But the fear of going on record against the measure, which was to grow in the near future, was shown in the direct vote on its passage which was 23 to 6. Of the republican — or incipient republi- can — leaders, Mason alone voted for post- ponement, but all of them, including Briggs, Daily, Marquett, Mason, and Taffe, and sev- eral democrats also, voted with the majority for final passage of the bill. It was promptly postponed in the council, Dundy alone sus- taining it. Though this legislature was doubtless supe- rior in practical working capacity to its predecessors, yet it still clung to the idol of special and local legislation, and a large amount of its too brief time was spent in the distinctively local work of changing the loca- tion of county seats. Councilman Furnas, to whom credit should be given for taking higher than the average ground on questions of policy and principle, complains of the abuse in question : I hold the people would not require the passage of this overwhelming majority of lo- cal bills, if their members would take a correct view of the matter, and be governed by a principle that could be consistently explained before their respective constituencies. There are general ferry, road, incorporation and county seat laws, under which the people of every county can obtain their rights at home without troubling the legislature or its indi- vidual members. And yet we see the Repub- lican takes the position that the "republicans and opposition members have at all times been in favor of such legislation as the people of Nebraska require at their hands." Now this is just in keeping with what I have considered their policy and principle. In the general assembly, the opposition to special legislation is sneered at and ridiculed, and the republicans do, nearly as a body, whenever a test comes, cast their votes in favor of special legislation, and are backed up and sustained by the leading republican papers of the territory, in plain and unequiv- ocal language that need not be misunderstood. Governor Richardson took it upon himself to rebuke this practice of special legislation when he returned to the council a divorce bill, stating that while he had signed this bill in deference to the legislature, yet he held very serious doubts as to its power to grant divorces at all. The continuing bad financial condition of the territory is shown in the communica- tion of Auditor Jordan to the legislature, ask- ing for an increase of the salary of his office to $1,500 and that of the treasurer to $1,000, in which he says that their salaries are now paid in warrants worth only thirty to forty cents on the dollar. But later — December 9, 1858 — the Advertiser is able to take a more cheerful view of this heretofore chronically gloomy subject: Since the passage of the revenue law, which allows all territorial taxes to be discharged with territorial warrants, and county taxes with county warrants, and city taxes with city warrants and city scrip, there has been a rapid rise and a ready sale, especially in warrants given by the territory, and a reasonable per- centage on the others. Territorial warrants are selling here (Omaha) now at forty-five cents on the dollar, and appear difficult to ob- tain even at those figures. Capitalists are making purchases of all that can conveniently be found in the market, and consider the in- vestments as safe and calculated to yield them a handsome profit and timely return of the principal and interest. County warrants are also looking up. Resignation of Governor Richardson. The most important political event in the ter- ritory in the year 1858 was the resignation of Governor Richardson. On the 16th of August of that year he announced his intention of re- signing in the following letter : Executive Dept., N. T., Aug. 16, 1858. Hon. Lewis Cass, Secret. Dept. of State: Sir — I have the honor to inform you that on the first of January next I shall resign the office of governor of Nebraska. 270 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA I deem it my duty thus to advise you of my resignation in advance so that the president may have time to select a successor. I have the honor to enclose a copy of my proclama- tion convening the legislature in advance of the time fixed by law. The decision of the courts renders early legislation important & I have deemed it my duty to defer the resig- ntaion to that time believing that I could ac- complish more than one not familiar with the Ddw.nkr T. Bramble Early legislator and merchant of Nebraska difficulties that exist and the laws necessary to obviate those difficulties. I acknowledge with gratitude the obligation I am under to you and the president for the confidence you have resposed in me and the courtesy that has characterized your inter- course with me while holding this office. (Signed) W. A. Richardson. But the governor hastened his contemplated resignation and left the territory for good on the 5th of December, 1858. The telegraphic dispatches to the Quincy (Illinois) Daily Herald of June 5, 1857, an- nounced the appointment of Mr. Richardson as governor of Nebraska, and commenting on the event said : "We presume there is some mistake about it as we have no idea that Colonel Richardson would accept the appoint- ment." On the 7th of Julv the Herald notes that Richardson has declined the appointment. On the 10th of December, 1857, the same paper notes that the governorship of Nebraska has been again tendered to Mr. Richardson and that he will notify the president of his acceptance the next day. The Herald com- ments : "The fact that it has been tendered again, and this time accepted, we regard as an indication that there is but little if any differ- ence of opinion among the democracy of the country upon the present aspect of the Kan- sas question." At a meeting of the bar of Quincy, Decem- ber 28, 1875, on the occasion of memorial ser- vices for Colonel Richardson, General Single- ton spoke as follows : He was benevolent, kind and amiable ; brave as he was generous ; confiding as he was hon- orable. His frankness was one of the promi- nent features of his character, and one of his most valuable traits. I remember the time he was appointed governor of Nebraska, he was requested by Judge Douglas to call on President Buchanan. The position had been tendered him twice, and both times declined. I accompanied him to the presidential mansion when he was asked to accept the appointment. He stated to the president that he did not ac- cord with him upon certain questions, and for that reason could not accept. Mr. Buchanan stated that he had confidence in Col. Richardson, and begged him to accept, al- though they did not agree upon all questions. General Singleton's statement that Presi- dent Buchanan urged Richardson to take the office, notwithstanding his well-known dis- agreement with him as to the Kansas question, is confirmed by other accounts of the appoint- ment ; and it appears that Senator Douglas moved Richardson's confirmation under sus- pension of the rules of the Senate. The Quincy Herald of January 26, 1858, in notic- ing the arrival of the governor in the territory, makes the following observation : In the gubernatorial reign of the departed "excellency," Gov. Izard, it was sometimes found convenient to bamboozle the old gentle- man, and the innocent executive was fre- quently led into the commission of acts which his better judgment did not approve. There is no hope in this direction with Richardson. O. H. Downing was appointed to succeed Douglas as United States senator after the RESIGNATION OF GOVERNOR RICHARDSON 271 latter's death in 1861, and Governor Richard- son was elected to fill the unexpired term, tak- ing his seat January 30, 1863. This partial term in the Senate rounded out Richardson's important political career ; for by this time his state had become strongly republican. Though he was too thoroughly seasoned, and too brave a democrat to leave his discredited party and join the popular party, as many other democrats in his state and throughout the North did — some for selfish, and some for patriotic motives — yet, like Douglas, he declared himself on the side of the Union. There were in the North two classes of critics of the abolitionist spirit manifest in the Demo- cratic party, the implacable copperheads, whose sympathies were with the rebellious South, and those who, while condemning the attitude and the acts of the republicans which they sincerely believed to be mischievous and otherwise unwarranted, yet put the preserva- tion of the Union above all other considera- tions. Though Richardson was individualistic enough to have stood alone in this respect, the unqualified expressions of Douglas for the Union must have strongly influenced him. His resignation of the office of governor of Ne- braska illustrated his loyal cooperation with Douglas in the latter's unbending opposition to President Buchanan's sympathy with the Kansas slavery expansion policy of the south- ern faction of the Democratic party. In a letter to Mr. M. M. Bane, of Payson, Illinois, dated May 4, 1861, after stating that aggres- sive disunionists of the South were deter- mined to destroy the Democratic party and the Union and had aided in the election of Lincoln to that end, and that resolutions sub- mitted in Congress in December, 1860, for an amendment to the Constitution, taking slavery out of politics, could have be-en passed with- out dishonor to the nation or to any individ- ual, but republicans defeated them all, he said: Oliver Pekry Mason "However much we have differed in the past, there are great present duties upon which we can all agree. Whether the laws that are passed are wise or unwise, whether the gov- ernment is wisely or unwisely administered, every citizen owes as a solemn duty to obey the law, to support the constitution, to repel invasion and to defend the flag:." 272 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA O/A/r.Ji^'-MJ'/i.SoUd cn^X^ [Note — Sireno B. Colson was a pioneer banker of Fremont, Nebraska] CHAPTER XII Land Sales — Half-Breed Tract — United States Surveys — Appointment of Govern- or Black — First Territorial Fair — Chapman-Ferguson Contest — Annexation to Kansas TXT'HILK the sessions of the legislature — ' ^ what they might or might not do, and chiefly in reference to sectional questions — were still the chief topics of public interest, they were becoming less exclusively so; and in the interval between the fifth and sixth sessions, consideration of land sales, the ter- ritorial fair, state government, party organiza- tions and conventions, and the annexation of the South Platte section to Kansas afforded Ijusy and healthful diversion, and the attempt to sustain some view of these important sub- jects served to strengthen the wings of a strenuous but still fledgling press. The news- papers boomed the gold mines for the sake of the resulting advantage of the traffic thereto across the Plains, and commendation of the route starting from their town and deprecia- tion of the others by the journals respectively of Omaha, Nebraska City, and Brownville, in point of energy and glowing headlines, are the reminders if not the full prototype of the present-day yellow journalism. Sale of the Public Lands. Sale of the public lands, which had been fought off, as we have seen, by heroic spirit and effort, was now accepted without remonstrance, not be- cause it was desired by the settlers, but rather because it was regarded as inevitable. The sale was advertised to take place at Nebraska City August 1st to 29th; at Omaha, July 5th to 25th; at Dakota, July 18th, and at Brown- ville, August 8th and September 5, 1859. The sales were confined to specific townships north of the base line and east of the 6th meridian, the Sac and Fox and the half-breed reserva- tions being excepted. The Half-breed Tract. By the treaty of Prairie du Chien, July 15, 1830, what is known as the half-breed reservation, in Rich- ardson county, was set aside for the "Omaha, loway, Ottoe, Yancton, and Santee Sioux half-breeds." The reservation was surveyed as early as 1837 and 1838, and the western line was retraced in 1855. As defined by the treaty, the reservation was bounded on the east by the Missouri river, on the north by the Little Nemaha, and on the west by a line starting from a point on the Little Nemaha ten miles from its mouth, on a direct line, the stream last named being the boundary line from the ten mile point to the mouth at the Missouri river. It was later found that a mistake had been made, and a resurvey was ordered by Joseph S. Wilson, acting commissioner for Thomas A. Hendricks, and all lines of the former sur- vey were obliterated. A portion of the land included in the former survey was according- ly offered for sale, and after the territorial organization, settlers and speculators occu- pied the lands up the line of the former sur- vey. The new survey threw a considerable tract of the settled land inside the reserve. The ambitious town of Archer, the first county seat of Richardson county, was a mile inside the reserve. The white claimants of the land between the new line and the old, induced Fenner Ferguson, then delegate to Congress, to procure the passage of a bill arbitrarily adopting the old survey as the western boundary of the reserve. The motive of the champions of the bill was impugned in the House and a lively debate ensued. In the meantime, the Missouri river had cut away some twenty thousand acres. 274 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA The Appointment of Governor Black. Judge Samuel W. Black was appointed gov- ernor of the territory in February, 1859, and assumed the office on the 2d of the following May, Secretary Morton having been acting governor since the departure of Governor Richardson, December 5, 1858. The appoint- ment was gratifying to the people because the new governor was popular, but more because with the commonwealth. Indeed, compara- tively, he was an old citizen, and there had been a popular call for his appointment through the newspapers ; and there was "great rejoicing on the part of the entire press of the territory over the appointment." The Ne- braska City Neivs, "the first to raise the name of Black for governor," feels particularly jubilant and happy. "His brilliant talents, his The Iron Monument AIarking the Southeast Corner of Nebraska The above engraving is made from a recent photograph taken from a point looking north . and east, showing the Missouri river in the background and the south and west surface of the monument, with "40° N. Lat." in reUef letters on the west side and "Kansas" on the south. The figure standing by the monument is that of Mr. John Wright, staff artist of the Morton Historv. their home rule sentiment was gratified. Black's three predecessors had all been im- portations, or rather exportations from far- distant states, and though he had been sent from Pennsylvania as judge of the second judicial district in 1857, yet there was a popular feeling that he had become identified legal learning, his quick, active and sagacious intellect, his generous impulses and noble soul have endeared him to us — to the whole terri- tory." Evidently Morton was not looking over Milton Reynolds's editorial shoulder that day. For Black had a besetting sin, very common, it is true, among the politicians, and FIRST TERRITORIAL FAIR 275 even those who held the high places of that time, but in his case a serious clog to useful- ness. Later — April 16th — the News copies with great show of indignation the following animadversion of the Washington correspon- dent of the New York Tribune of March 8th : the charges against him, and is at the present time reduced to a sad condition." The raging News is soon to drive this comparatively mild- mannered newsmonger and utterer of "base and malicious lies, manufactured solely for the benefit of the black republican party," en- From photographs by John Wright, staff artist of the Morton History. east f.ace north and west view south face Three Views of the Iron Monument at the Southeast Corner of Nebraska "The opposition to the confirmation of Mr. tirely ofif the field by its own unbridled Black as governor of Nebraska was on the charges along the same line, ground that he was too intemperate. This was First Territorial Fair. The first Ne- about two months ago. Ever since that time he braska territorial fair was held at Nebraska has been in this city illustrating the truth of City, beginning Wednesday, September 21st, 276 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA /pc/c^i-^e^*^ [Note — T. N. H. Patrick was quartermaster of Nebraska volunteers, 1861. He served four terms in the Nebraska state legislature from Douglas county.] CHAPMAN FERGUSON CONTEST 277 and lasting three days. Mr. Furnas, presi- dent of the first board of agriculture, gives the following account of this important function: Last week we attended the first Territorial Agricultural and Mechanical Fair at Nebraska City. The result of this, not only the first Nebraska Territorial Fair, but the first Terri- torial Fair ever held in the United States, was most gratifying. It was a perfect success, when we take everything into consideration. The times are hard, and many at a distance felt that they could not incur the expense of attending. The regular steamboat packets were all out of order — one sunk, and the other fast on a sand bar — and going to and fro in that way cut off; we are in the midst of election excitement, and everybody think- ing and talking politics. Taking everything into consideration, we repeat, the result was all the most sanguine friends of the enterprise could expect. . . The exhibition of stock, farm products, mechanism, works of art, etc., were creditable indeed. Of course there was not that variety to be found in the county or state fair in the states. What there was, however, was un- surpassed anywhere. The attendance on the last two days especially was large — all classes were there, from the chief executive to the humblest citizen. The records show that neither the president nor the orator of the occasion was a pre- tender, but that both had experimental knowl- edge of agriculture. Mr. A. D. Jones, of the board of agriculture, in his invitation to Mor- ton to deliver the address, assures him that he is eminently qualified to edify an audience of practical agriculturists by reason of his "position as a successful agriculturist," and in the list of premiums awarded we find these entries : Blooded horses, J. S. Morton, best stallion over four years old, $4; and again, best stallion for draught over four years old, $10; and still again, best Suffolk boar, one year old, $5 ; and President Furnas is credited with three first premiums for Devon cattle. But the most notable feature of the fair was, or rather is, the address by J. Sterling Mor- ton. It was delivered, as President Furnas states in his introduction of the speaker, "from the improvised rostrum of a farm wagon, placed in the shade of this native oak tree." The address is important because it is a his- tory of the first eventful formative five years of the territory — a remarkably realistic and lucid history by an active, keen-eyed partici- pant in the events he pictures — and because it brings us for the first time face to face with a notable figure of the commonwealth. In his exaltation of the home builder the young man of twenty-seven forecasts a leading charac- teristic and channel of influence of his ma- turer manhood. The closing, or prophetic part of the address discloses the ability to "see straight and clear" and to believe accord- ingly, while others, of only ordinary vision, doubted or disbelieved. Chapman-Ferguson Contest. The regu- lar biennial contest over the election of dele- gate to Congress was decided in favor of Ferguson, February 10, 1859, by a vote in the House of Representatives of 99 to 93. As in the Bennet-Chapman contest, the elections committee had reported in favor of seating Chapman, the contestant, by a vote of 6 to 2. The majority found that the total vote of Florence, as returned by the canvassers, was 401, of which Ferguson had received 364 and Chapman 4, and that this vote should be thrown out entirely, insisting that it was greatly inflated, and that a year later it was only one-third as large — 159. Making some additional changes in minor precincts, they gave Chapman a majority of iJd. The mi- nority consented to throw out only 15 votes, which had been received at Florence after the hour for closing the polls, and, contending that only 159 votes had been counted by the canvassers for Florence, gave Ferguson 34 majority. The territorial board of canvassers had given Ferguson 1,654 and Chapman 1,597. While the final vote does not show a division along party lines, yet there was a leaning to- ward Ferguson on the part of the most pro- nounced republicans, and on the part of the leading democrats toward Chapman. The three famous Washburne brothers — Elihu of Illinois, Cadwallader of Wisconsin, and Israel of Maine — already all republicans, voted to seat Ferguson; and Israel, who, with Boyce 278 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Dr. John E. Summers, Sr. rrominent army surgeon. Medical director depart- ment of the Platte, 1874 John Taffe Member of early legislatures and president of council William D. Brown Member second territorial legislature Dr. Erastus N. Upjohn Very early settler of Bellevue, Nebraska, geon during the Civil War Army sur- ANNEXATION TO KANSAS 279 of South Carolina, signed the minority report for Ferguson, ably conducted his case on the floor of the House. The testimony of our whilom councilman and capital commissioner, James C. Mitchell, tells us of the population of Florence at that time. It was charged by Chapman that a large illegal Mormon vote had been polled, and in answer to a question as to total population and the number of Mormons, Mitchell said : "I think not less than two thousand population and not more than one hundred actual Mormons." Though the testimony was very conflicting, Mr. Wash- burne urged with great force that Chapman's part of it was ex parte and hearsay, while Ferguson's was given by actual residents and in regular form. Annex,\tion to Kansas. The year 1859 marked the culmination of sectional strife, and its last manifestation was in the attempt by the South Platte section to secede and be- come attached to Kansas. There appears to have been no mention of this project until J. Sterling Morton introduced a memorial to Congress in its favor, in the lower house of the legislature, on the 17th of January, 1856. The very boldness and originality of the im- portant movement which the memorial started would alone point to Morton as its author : To the Honorable, the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress Assembled: Your memorialists, the House of Repre- sentatives of the legislative assembly of the territory of Nebraska, desiring not only the welfare of the territory of Nebraska, but wishing harmony and quiet throughout the entire domain of our cherished government, respectfully represent to your honorable bodies that the annexation to Kansas of all that por- tion of Nebraska south of Platte river will be to the interests of this territory and to the general good of the entire Union. The great Platte river is a natural boun- dary mark, and seems as though intended by nature for the dividing line between two great states. It is almost impossible (and thus far has been perfectly so) to either ford, ferry or bridge this stream. It, therefore, separates both in identity of interests, and in fact, the portions of Nebraska lying upon opposite sides of it. Your memorialists most earnestly solicit, then, that their representations to your hon- orable bodies, though they may be ever so imperfectly set forth, may meet with due and favorable consideration. Lastly, your memorialists represent that this addition to Kansas of south Platte Ne- braska, will effectually prevent the establish- ment of slavery in either of the territories, and that it will guarantee to freedom the ter- ritory of Kansas, whose fate in regard to this great question is still undecided and doubt- ful : our interests are advanced, and the agi- JoHN Powers Johnson Surveyor of boundary line between Kansas and Nebraska lation and strife now rife throughout the Union upon the momentous query, "Shall Kansas be free?" is forever answered by an irrevocable affirmative.^ Though consideration of this movement was postponed by a vote of 20 to 5, yet the strength which it subsequently acquired shows that it was more than an audacious personal device of Morton's to alarm and harass the hated North Platte. But the pro- ject slumbered till the beginning of 1858, > House Journal, 2d ter. sess., p. 120. 280 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA when it was awakened and started with a real vigor by the shock and suggestion of the Florence legislative dismemberment. The Neivs now pressed on the movement with vigor, and the Advertiser soon became an in- dustrious second. It was charged that all the federal appropriations had gone, and would continue to go for improvements north of the Platte, and an ardent annexation correspon- dent of the Ncius aptly "dropped into poetry" to enforce his plausible argument for division : "Lands intersected by a narrow frith abhor each other — Mountains interposed make enemies of nations That had else like kindred drops been mingled into one." ^ The News ^ itself begins a vigorous edi- torial bombardment against the hateful tie that binds it to the north country. As an ultimate result of the adjournment of the twenty-nine members of the Nebraska legislature, we see other than a doubtful triumph of an arrogant majority or the tem- porary success of a faction breeding minority. We see in it the cheering sign that Nebraska is to be politically dismembered; we see in it another and overwhelming argument, as we think, in favor of the speedy, peaceful, sep- aration of South Platte Nebraska from North Platte. . . Our purpose is to deduce from the fact that another session of the legislature has been frittered away, another and important argument in favor of a quiet, peaceable sep- aration of South Platte Nebraska from North Platte. Gentlemen may cry peace, peace, but there is no peace so long as we remain in the same political organization with North Platte. Is not three years experience enough to teach every thinking, sensible man south of the Platte that fact? To leave them is the only remedy we can see. Some may say, let us stay and fight it out. But what has been the result? What do we gain by "fighting it out?" The able communication of our corre- spondent last week showed what has been the result of three years "fighting it out." We are as willing to "fight it out" as any one when there is anything to be made by it for South Platte; but we submit that the tale of the Kilkenny cat battle does not convey philosophy particularly cheering or encouraging. A bill to create a new county — Strick- land—out of parts of Otoe and Cass helped to precipitate the trouble, and the day after Morton's motion to reject it was defeated — 9 to 25, only two North Platte members sus- taining the motion- — he for the second time introduced an annexation memorial. It is characteristic of Morton that in spite of this plain provocation of the threatened dismem- berment of his county he remained in Omaha with the Douglas members when the Flor- ence secession occurred two days later. The Advertiser at first strongly opposed annexa- tion, insisting that nothing whatever would be gained by it, but on the contrary there was everything to lose, and it denounced those "who would tie us to Kansas in order to settle without doubt the slavery question." In the opinion of this journal not a hundred voters in the South Platte country favored annexa- tion. By the 2d of December, however, the Advertiser has become a positive annexation- ist : For two years past — in fact nearly ever since the organization of Nebraska and Kan- sas — there has been considerable said in Congress and out of it as to the practical operations and beneiicial results most likely to arise by annexing "South Platte" Nebraska to Kansas. . . We have opposed such a proposition for the single reason that we would thus become mixed up in the "Kansas difficulties." These difficulties being now re- moved, or settled, we are forced to admit that there are many and weighty reasons in favor of the movement. . In the first place, the Platte river is a natural boundary line ; has been, is, and al- ways will be, an almost insuperable barrier dividing the two sections of Nebraska, known as "North Platte," and "South Platte." Full one half the season it is utterly impassable. It cannot be bridged except at enormous ex- pense ; and should this be done, owing to the treacherous embankments and bed of the river, nine chances to one, the first freshet after its completion would sweep it away. Again, there has grown up a bitter sec- tional or local feeling between these two por- tions of the country, entering into almost every question that may be agitated ; which always has and always will prevent har- monious eflfort and retard the progress and = The Nebraska Netvs. Tannarv 9, 1858. 3 January 16, 1858. ANNEXATION TO KANSAS 281 development of the territory. In short, there are no interests in common at stake. And still again, while we remain as we are, we cannot reasonably expect to be admitted into the great sisterhood of states short of ten years to come. We have not the population to gain admittance.. We have not the financial ability to sustain ourselves as an independent state government. In the second place, the line as it now ex- ists between Kansas and Nebraska is really only imaginary — on paper — in passing from one to the other it cannot be found ; not even a stone or stake denotes the separating line, except perhaps some private mark of the sur- veyor known only to himself. The natural interests of the two sections spoken of are one and the same ; nature has so arranged, and it cannot be otherv/ise. By annexation we assist to swell a popu- lation sufficiently large to gain immediate ad- mission into the Union, and thus take our place in the rank as a sovereign state, with a voice, votes, and influence in our National Council. We become identified with a portion of the country possessing a world wide noto- riety. And however much we may deplore the manner of obtaining, and the cost of that notoriety, yet must admit Kansas has an ad- vertisement unprecedented ; attention has been drawn to her from, we might say, almost every portion of the known world. The Advertiser is now able to find in Nemaha, Johnson, and Clay counties a very general opinion in favor of annexation; but Samuel G. Daily, who begins to assume a po- sition of leadership in the republican party in the territory, opposes annexation : If the object was to divide Nebraska and Kansas and take all between the Platte and Kansas rivers, and make a new territory, I would have no objections. But to annex all south of the Platte to Kansas I have many objections. . . As we now stand in Ne- braska, south of the Platte has the majority, and has the controlling power in this terri- tory. According to the apportionment passed at the last session, we have one majority in the House, and in another year will have more. We can control legislation to our own benefit, and have a due share of all public improve- ments. But if annexed to Kansas it will throw us away off in the northeast corner of the territory, without number or power to ever control legislation for the benefit of this por- tion of the state or territory, and all the improvements will be taken south of us, nearer the center, and we will be outsiders — mere hangers-on — only useful to them to help pay their enormous public debt, and with- out strength to help ourselves in any way. And again, all the good lands within one hundred miles of the Missouri river, in Kan- sas, are alread)' claimed or preempted, while we have much fine land unclaimed, within ten miles of the river. The consequences will be that with their twenty million acre grants, and numerous railroad grants, that will al- most certainly be given, they will literally sweep all our good lands near the river and hold them above Congress prices, and so they can neither be claimed or entered by actual settlers, thus virtually stopping all improve- ments for years. And still again, I am opposed to it because it is a Lecompton-English-Bill-Administra- tion measure, intended to give a chance to get out of, or rather to sustain, the position taken, that no more free states shall be ad- mitted into the Union unless she has the 93- 000 in population. On the 1st of January, 1859, a mass meet- ing was held at Nebraska City for the fur- therance of annexation, and a numerous committee, of which Charles F. Holly was chairman, reported a resolution which de- clared that "the people residing south of the Platte river in Nebraska territory are nearly unanimously in favor of the incorporation of the proposed part of said territory within the boundaries of the proposed state of Kansas, and its speedy admission into the Union ; that the entire press south of the Platte (with one weak solitary exception) have proven them- selves correct exponents of the sentiments of the people, and we commend them as faithful sentinels on the watch-tower of the public weal ! Congress should immediately exercise the power reserved in the organic act of car- rying out the wishes of the people residing south of the Platte by providing for a change of the boundary line between the two territor- ies, as prayed for by this convention ; that the Platte river is a natural and almost impassable boundary while the country south in Kansas and Nebraska, now divided by an imaginary line, is perfectly similar in climate, soil and 282 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA productions, and the interests of the people are as identical as the country is naturally indivisible." These rlietorical pyrotechnics were the mere firecrackers of the resolutions ; the sky-rocket was put off later : Resolved, That Kansas, bounded on the North by the Platte river, extending west to the 100th degree of longitude, or so as to include a suitable amount of territory, would soon become one of the most important states in the great west. With a mild and genial and healthy climate, and exuberantly fertile soil, valuable rocks and minerals, sylvan groves and sparkling streams, situated on the great national highway between Europe and Asia, and if her enterprising population were pro- tected by the aegis of a constitutional govern- ment of their own choice, her march to great- ness and power would be steadily, but speedily onward and upward. On the 5th of January the delegate con- vention was held at Brownville at which Clay, Gage, Johnson, Nemaha, Otoe, and Richard- 'son • — all the South Platte counties except Cass, Saline, and Lancaster — were repre- sented. T. M. Marquett, we are told, though present, declined to act as a delegate because he had not been commissioned by the people of his county. For a man who is to run for Congress this very year and on a specific pro- fession of sympathy for South Platte interests, the question whether the voters of his section are for or against annexation must settle the question whether the principle of annexation is sound or unsound ; and so Daily becomes a member of the committee on resolutions which are to come out strong for the dismember- ment scheme, though his organ, the Adver- tiser, afterward defended him against the charge that he was an annexationist, by insist- ing that he spoke against annexation in the convention. Marquett, who was waiting to take his turn as candidate for delegate to Congress when the inevitable reaction against this temporary pro-annexation sentiment should be spent, but might be remembered injuriously in the North Platte, twice declined the invitation of the convention to take part in its proceedings. Stephen F. Nuckolls, of Otoe county, was president of the convention. and the still familiar names of Elmer S. Dundy, Robert W. Furnas, and Jefiferson B. Weston — the last even then from Gage county — were on the list of those who were to prepare an address "to the people of Kan- sas and South Platte." The memorial presented to Congress epi- tomized the resolutions passed at the conven- tion. There was dissent — though apparently weak — from this action, and "a few persons from four counties met at a private residence in Nebraska City," and adopted adverse reso- lutions. In the meantime — December 23, 1858 — Mr. Parrott of Kansas introduced a bill into the House of Representatives making the Platte river the northern boundary of that territory, but it was never reported from the committee on territories. A considerable num- ber of Kansas newspapers, among them the Leavenworth Herald and the Topeka Tribune, favored annexation. On the 2d of May a mass convention was held at Nebraska City and adopted more reso- lutions which recited, among many other things, that "the pestiferous Platte should be the northern boundary of a great agricultural and commercial state" ; that "we, the citizens of Nebraska, are invited to participate in the formation of the constitution" to be adopted by the Wyandotte convention which was to meet on the 5th of July; "that it is the in- alienable right of every people in the forma- tion of a state government preparatorj^ to admission into the Union to define the boun- daries of said state." The meeting decided that an election should be held in the several South Platte counties on the 7th of June to choose delegates to the Kansas convention, the basis of representation being "the same as it was for the lower house of the Nebraska legislature." This meeting appointed a cen- tral committee for each county to organize the election machinery in the precincts, com- posed as follows : Cass county, William 11. Spratlin, Samuel M. Kirkpatrick, Alfred H. Townsend; Gage county, Jefferson B. Wes- ton, Dr. Herman M. Reynolds, Capt. Albert Towle; Johnson county, Charles A. Goshen, ANNEXATION TO KANSAS 283 William P. Walker, William R. Spears ; Nemaha county, Robert W. Furnas, Seymour Belden, Dr. Jerome Hoover ; Otoe county, Allen A. Bradford, William E. Pardee, Wil- liam L. Boydston ; Pawnee county. Christian Bobst, H. G. Lore, Pleasant M. Rogers ; Richardson county, William P. Loan, Elmer S. Dundy, Abel D. Kirk. The Advertiser relates that, though the elections in Nemaha county "were poorly at- tended as we had every reason to expect," yet "the expression in favor of annexation was seven to one, which we think really about the feeling in the county on the subject." The Neii's says that every county south of the Platte river had elected delegates. In Otoe county there was a light vote because the opposition "played the Black Republican game of Kansas and refused to vote," yet, while 1,078 ballots were cast at the previous election on a full vote, 900 electors had signed ah annexation petition. We may assume that the sentiment of Otoe and Nemaha counties touching this weighty matter was representative of that of the whole South Platte district. Its remarkable strength and approximate unanimity should be attrib- uted to three nearly distinct sources: The bitter sectional feud, the physical impediment of the Platte river, and the prospect of much earlier admission to statehood by annexation to an already important territory than by con- tinual unnatural connection with the insig- nificant North Platte country. And then the still lingering sense of the uncertainty of the future of the little-tried Plains country, stim- ulated, too, by the ever-present sense of iso- lation, had evidently and naturally produced a feeling of dependence. The prospect of the exchange of a physically unnatural, sentimen- tally hateful, and therefore weakening union, for a union to whose completeness there was no obstacle, physical or sentimental, and which promised immediate strength and importance in a political, and also in a wider sociological sense, might well have been alluring. This re- markable annexation movement may be really understood only from this psychological view- point. The Wyandotte constitutional convention was organized by the election of James M. Winchell as president and John A. Martin, a prominent figure in our contemporary Kan- sas, as secretary. Winchell was elected by a vote of 32, to 13 for his democratic opponent, J. T. Barton. This fact suggests a reason why the convention wished, and was able to reject the proposition for the annexation of the democratic South Platte. On the 12th of July "Messrs. Nichols, Reeves, Furnas, Hew- ett. Keeling, Chambers, Taylor, Niles, Crox- ton, Bennet, Dawson, and Doane, the Ne- braska delegates, are given seats as honorary delegates with the privilege of discussing the northern boundary question. On the 15th the Nebraska delegates were heard. On the 16th it was voted by 25 to 13 that the northern boundary remain unchanged." Of the Ne- braska delegates named, Samuel A. Chambers, Robert W. Furnas, Obadiah B. Hewett, and William W. Keeling were from Nemaha county, and William H. Taylor, John H. Croxton, Jacob Dawson, and Mills S. Reeves from Otoe county. On the morning of July 1 1th "the credentials of the delegation to this body from the territory of Nebraska" were referred to the committee on credentials, and the next day Mr. Thatcher presented a me- morial from "the delegation to this convention elected by the people of that portion of Ne- braska lying south of the Platte river," and moved that it be referred to the committee on preambles and bill of rights ; but on motion of Mr. Forman it was referred to a special committee of thirteen which was appointed the next day. On the 12th the Nebraska delegates were admitted to the floor of the convention, but were not permitted to vote. On the 15th Mr. Reeves and Mr. Taylor, "the gentlemen representing southern Nebraska upon the floor," delivered addresses which occupy thirteen pages of the report of the proceedings. Tried by their home reputation and achievement, Nebraska's oral represen- tatives in the convention must have been quite moderate. Taylor had been dubbed "The Oratorical" in the legislature of 1858, and 284 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA the voice of Reeves was all but as ubiquitous. The Wyandotte correspondent of the Law- rence Republican writes as follows : "Four delegates are here from Nebraska urging the Platte river as our northern boundary. They will receive the courtesy of a seat on the floor to discuss the boundary question. I do not think the boundaries, north or south, will be altered." CouoNEt, LoRiN Miller Pioneer of Omaha On the 22d of July Mr. McDowell offered the following resolution : Resolved, That congress be memorialized to include within the limits of the state of Kansas that portion of southern Nebraska lying between the northern boundary of the territory of Kansas and the Platte river. After a debate covering pages 270 to 287 of the report, the resolution was rejected by the decisive vote of 19 to 29. The Nc-ivs was furious at the rebuff, and in letting out its feelings it lets in some light on the motives of the Kansans. After stating that, "a vast majority of citizens residing south of the Platte had been vigilant and extremely active" in the project for state gov- ernment, "so much so that strong overtures were made to our neighboring sister of Kan- sas for annexation to her soil and thus secure more speedy admission into the sisterhood of states" ; and that "the movement was strenu- ously opposed by our brethren north of the Platte, mainly, as we suppose, because it would tend to retard the march of Nebraska to state organization," this leading organ of South Platte sentiment breaks into the core of its subject: By sheer infatuation, or most likely by cor- ruption or its equivalent, political scoundrel- ism, the Kansas Constitutional Convention, largely Black Republican, has refused to ex- tend the boundaries of Kansas to the Platte river, has refused to memorialize congress on the subject, has refused to refer the proposi- tion to congress, and has virtually said to this great South Platte countrv, we don't want your valuable salt springs, your inexhaustible coal beds, your one hundred and fifty miles of river boundary, your thousands of acres of rich and fertile soil, interspersed with plea- sant groves and valleys and rich bottom lands — your rich prairies we don't want, your great geographical and central advantages we won't have. The curious may wish to know why this rich boon was refused by the Black Republican Constitutional Convention of Kan- sas. It was for this reason: Its acquisition, it was believed by these worthies, would oper- ate against their party. They_ said South Platte Nebraska was democratic, and that being added to northern Kansas, which is largely democratic, would make Kansas a democratic state, would deprive the Black Re- publican party of two United States senators, a congressman and other officers. They were dragooned into this position, too, by the re- publican party outside of Kansas. Kansas, they are determined at all hazards, shall be an abolition state. But outside appreciation of the indispen- sable value of the gift the Kansans had so lightly regarded was not wanting, for, in op- posing admission under the Wyandotte con- stitution. Senator Green of Missouri insisted that not over two-sevenths of the area of Kansas could be cultivated, though the west- ern line had been moved eastward to the 25th meridian, its present western boundary. He urged that thirty thousand square miles should be taken from southern Nebraska and an- nexed to the proposed state. "Without this ANNEXATION TO KANSAS 285 addition . . . Kansas must be weak, pue- rile, sickly, in debt, and at no time capable of sustaining herself." A sample prophecy ! At the present time "bleeding Kansas" is, figura- tively at least, bleeding in all her borders with agricultural riches. While the overwhelming defeat of the Le- compton constitution at the popular election of August 2, 1858, might well have reassured the anti-slavery party of Kansas that final suc- cess was within their reach, and determined them to avoid entangling alliances, yet the Lawrence legislature, which was controlled by free state members, a few months earlier had adopted a joint resolution and memorial to Congress, the preamble of which recites that the Platte river is the natural boundary of Kansas and ought to have been adopted at the time of the organization of the territory, and that "it is well ascertained from reliable infor- mation that such change of boundary would meet with the cordial approval of a large ma- jority of the inhabitants resident upon that portion of Nebraska in question." The reso- lution •\\as referred to the committee on terri- tories of the lower house of Congress. On the other hand a similar resolution was intro- duced in the Kansas legislature, January 27, 1858; but though the free state element pre- dominated there the measure was not pushed to adoption. The success of the Republican party in the national election of 1860, which assured the admission of Kansas under the Wyandotte, or some other free state constitu- tion, ended the annexation scheme. It seems fair to conclude that the direct cause of its failure was the refusal of the Wyandotte con- vention to follow the legislature of 1859 in its approval. And, in view of the discouraging failure of repeated attempts of the territory of Kansas to cross the Jordan which separated it from statehood, it seems probable that the refusal was due as much to fear of further complicating the passage as to the specific mo- tive which the Nezvs assigned. Though the leaders of the Nebraska movement were ready to abandon it when they felt the Wyandotte rebuff, yet, for some months after, the scheme was pressed from the Kansas side. In the early part of 1860 a number of leading demo- cratic politicians from Kansas were in Wash- ington in the interest of admission, and they proposed to extend the western boundary from the 25th meridian back to the Rocky moun- tains, and the northern line of the Platte river. "Marcus J. Parrott, Gen. Samuel C. Pomeroy, Judge W. F. M. Arny, and other republicans from Kansas, who are in Wash- ington, insist on the admission of Kansas under the Wyandotte constitution, without any alteration, that constitution being already rati- fied by two-thirds of the citizens of the terri- tory." All this points to the dual motives for Samuel G. Daily Fifth delegate to Congress from Nebraska territory opposition to the annexation project and the causes of its defeat. But sectional, or South Kaw opposition was not wanting. The fol- lowing letter written by the son and secretary of Governor Medary to annexation promoters at Nebraska City indicates that southern Kan- sas opposed annexation for reasons of its own : Lecompton, K. T., May 16, 1859. Gentlemen: — Gov. Medary is at present out of the territory, in consequence of which I take the liberty of replying partially to your communication of May 10th. I have con- sulted one or two gentlemen known to be favorable to the measure now being agitated in your section of Nebraska, and have concluded to give you the result. The measure was brought before the last legislature of this ter- 286 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ritory, and a memorial passed both houses and was transmitted to congress, as also to the governor of your territory, requesting that the southern portion of Nebraska, viz., that lying south of the Platte river, be attached to the territory of Kansas. The only opposition met with was from members living south of the counties bordering on the Kaw river, and they are still opposed from local reasons. I would suggest that you proceed to elect your delegates to the convention quietly, as it would only create an vmnecessary issue in southern Kansas at the time were it freely talked of. I speak only for myself. Gov. Medary when he arrives will reply to your letter as he may see proper. He will be in Kansas within a week. Members of the con- vention will be more free to act if they are not compelled to pledge themselves before their election. By this day's mail I send a copy of the constitutional convention act. Very respectfully, Sam a. Med.\ry, Private Secrctarv- To W. H. Taylor and M. W. Reynolds. After the annexation spirit had died down in the South Platte, newspapers of the North professed that it was now favored in that sec- tion, and the Ncbraskian as late as October 27, 1860, made these spirited remarks : The Nebraska City Press inquires the rea- son sentiment has changed north of the Platte river on the subject of annexing Southern Ne- braska to Kansas. We gave the reason in a former number of the Nebraskian. There is no community of interest between the two sec- tions of the territory ; southern Nebraska has too many turbulent agitators, "rule or ruin" men ; the people south of the Platte, if we can believe the papers of that section, all desire to be annexed to Kansas, and we "second the mo- tion." As a part of Kansas, you claimed, a year or two since, you'd have a "hotter cli- mate" — although wdiether it would then be as hot as you deserve remains an open question. It was a short cry of the South Platte coun- try from statehood through annexation to in- dependent statehood, and the latter was now urged by the leading journals. The agitation for annexation had created a general senti- ment in favor of statehood. A meeting held at Nebraska City on the 6th of August recom- mended that meetings in the interest of state- hood be held in all the counties of the territory, and that for the same purpose the governor should call a special session of the legislature at the earliest practicable time. The reasons assigned for this movement were that the ter- ritorial government had failed to give security to life and property, to secure the prompt ad- ministration of justice, to enact wholesome legislation, and had not responded with due deference to the will of the people. With statehood would come stability and confidence, resulting in investment of capital, immediate control of school lands, and grants for interna! improvements. CHAPTER XIII The Territory uxder Party Organization — The First Party Campaigns — Daily- EsTABRooK Contest — Sixth Legislature TPIE first territorial democratic ticket was nominated by the convention held at Plattsmouth, August 18, 1859. General Lea- vitt L. Bowen of Sarpy county called the con- vention to order. Mills S. Reeves of Otoe was elected temporary chairman and John W. Pat- tison, the early journalist of Omaha but at this time of Dodge county, temporary secre- tary. Silas A. Strickland of Sarpy was per- manent chairman, and x\bel D. Kirk of Rich- ardson. IMerrill H. Clark of Douglas, and John W. Pattison of Dodge were permanent secretaries. According to the report of the committee on credentials, delegates were pres- ent from all of the twenty-four counties rep- resented in the apportionment law of the preceding general assembly. The following special resolution was of- fered and adopted : Resolved, That to carry out the object set forth in resolution number five of the reso- lutions adopted by this convention, it is neces- sary that a special session of the general as- sembly of Nebraska territory be called for the purpose of authorizing the people to form a constitution preparatory to admission into the union as a state ; and we recommend to his excellency. Governor Black, to call a special session of the general assembly for that pur- pose at such time as to him may seem proper. The chief interest of the convention cen- tered in the choice of a candidate for delegate to Congress ; and though Dr. Miller had won his home county — Douglas — in a contest with Estabrook, the latter was taken up by the convention and nominated on the ninth ballot. The first territorial convention which may fairly be called republican met in the school house at Bellevue, at 11 o'clock in the fore- noon, August 24, 1859. Mr. Daily was on motion declared the unan- imous nominee of the convention, and in a speech he said that he was not a candidate of any section. Thayer and Bennet promised to support the nominee of the convention. John H. Kellom of Douglas county was nomi- nated for school commissioner, Henry W. De Puy for auditor, James Sweet for treasurer, and Oscar F. Davis for librarian. Orsamus H. Irish, who led the "peoples party" delegation from Otoe county, strongly objected to acquiescence in the Philadelphia platform, and the convention was by no means harmonious. Though manned by the leading republi- cans of the territory this convention stealthily if not sagaciously declined to denominate itself as republican, and it christened its nomina- tions the people's territorial ticket. Its dec- larations of principles werg as many-sided as its name was equivocal. It sought compre- hensively to embrace all "those citizens of Nebraska who disapprove the policy of the national government during the last six years." Its demand for a homestead law, for a Pacific railroad, and for statehood, and its denunciation of the slave trade paralleled dec- larations on the like subjects in the democratic platform, while its heroic expression of devo- tion to popular sovereignty outran that of its rival, until at the end it was emasculated by the saving clause, "subject to the regulations of Congress." In the principal counties the democrats nom- inated straight legislative and local tickets, while the opposition was called fusion or inde- pendent. The democrats elected their entire territorial ticket by a majority of about 400, and two-thirds of the members of the house of representatives. The council elected the 288 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Experience Estabrook THE FIRST PARTY CAMPAIGN 289 year before being democratic, that party was again completely in the saddle. The canvass of Daily and Estabrook was energetic. Esta- brook's advantage in education and legal and political experience was more than set of¥ by Daily's natural ability. In edge and staying power Daily was something of a diamond, but in the rough, and his forcefulness was not impeded by delicate moral scrupulousness. At the beginning of the canvass — September 10th — the Nezvs said of him : "We are only giving general circulation to a plain, unvar- nished truth when we state that Mr. D. ranks among the most illiterate of republicans," and he won the sobriquet of "Skisms" by the re- assuring statement in a speech at Nebraska City, just after his nomination, that his party, unlike the Democratic party, was united and free from "skisms" (schisms). The witty Irish editor of Dakota county observed that : "Daily is such a black republican that to call him an abolitionist rather improves his color." By accident or design Daily gained a material advantage over his opponent by his opposi- tion to annexation. When Estabrook began to make capital charges against him in the North Platte by charging that he was a mem- ber of the Brownville annexation convention and there favored the scheme, his South Platte organ retorted that on the contrary he had made a very strong speech in the con- vention against annexation, and that as a dele- gate from Nemaha county he had voted for it under instructions but also imder protest. In political contests both sides still con- tinued to depend upon illegal votes, and an important feature of every election was a race for irregular returns, with the advantage of course on the side of the democrats, who were the final judges. The territorial board of canvassers, consisting of Governor Black, Chief Justice Hall, and Leavitt L. Bowen, United States attorney for the territory, found 300 majority for Estabrook and gave him the certificate of election. But if the demo- cratic candidate had ctny advantage in this beginning his opponent could count on at least an equal advantage in the end — at the hands of the now republican House to which his appeal would lie. On the 27th of October Daily made a lengthy public demand for the certificate of election, setting forth in particular that the 292 votes of Buffalo county, all returned for Estabrook, were invalid because that county had never been organized. Daily hinted that there were fraudulent returns from properly organized counties, but conceded that under the laws the territorial canvassers could not revise returns from such counties. He knew that the elections committee of Congress would take care of that part of his case. Though there was no minority report from the com- mittee, the declaration that the report was unanimous, and that, "even Gartrell of Georgia, a democrat of the strictest sort, was compelled to join in condemning them (the election frauds) by such a report," was incor- rect. Though Mr. Gartrell, who did most of the talking for Estabrook at the hearing before the House, had voted in committee, on the evidence it had, to oust Estabrook, he com- plained that no opportunity of seeing the report was offered him until the day when it was under discussion in the House. The republicans of the House, led by Mr. Camp- bell of Pennsylvania, who represented the ma- jority of the elections committee, and Mr. Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts insisted on pushing the question to a vote on the show- ing of the committee, while the southern democrats asked for delay so that Estabrook might offer some evidence on his side. Mr. Dawes stated that Estabrook "omitted entirely to take any testimony on the subject simply because, as he says, he supposed the con- testant had made a blunder which would be fatal to his case, and that he could not have a hearing on his testimony." The committee found that Bufifalo county had not been organized and that the election was therefore invalid; that 238 of the 292 votes returned were cast, if at all, at Kearney City, situated on the south side of the Platte river, which stream was the southern boun- dary of the county as defined by the act of the legislature authorizing its organization ; and that "the proof is that there are not over eight houses and not exceeding fifteen resi- dents at Kearney City." The entire vote of 290 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Buffalo county was therefore rejected. The thirty-two votes of Calhoun county — twenty- eight for Estabrook and four for Daily — were rejected because, the county not being organized, but attached to Platte county for election purposes, those in charge of the elec- tion there should have sent returns to the clerk of Platte county ; while instead they were sent direct to the governor. The com- mittee also found that the whole voting popu- lation of the county did not exceed six. So the vote of Calhoun was thrown out. The twenty-four votes of Izard county — twenty- one for Estabrook and three for Daily — were rejected because there were no voters at all in the county. The twenty-three votes of Genoa precinct, Monroe county — all but three for Estabrook — were rejected because that pre- cinct was within the Pawnee reservation. Sixty-eight of the one hundred and twenty- eight votes of L'eau-qui-court county were rejected because the committee concluded that there were not more than sixty voters in the county. There were thus subtracted 429 from Estabrook's total of 3,100 votes, leaving him 2,671. Daily lost ten of his original 2,800 and was left with 2,790, or 119 majority. The committee on elections were no doubt technically right in finding that the attempt of Governor Black to organize Buffalo county by appointing the county officers himself was invalid ; but since it appears by their finding that there had been an informal election of the officers, it may be inferred that the wish of the committee stood in close relationship to their thought. A legally formal election on the Nebraska frontier in the '50s was about as rare and impracticable as a social function with Parisian manners in the same region. The act creating Plall county spe- cifically authorized the governor to appoint the first county officers, and Black, without authority, seems to have imitated the like ac- tion of Acting Governor JNIorton a few months before. The legislature at the last session passed an act to organize the county of Hall, and Hon. J. Sterling Morton, acting governor, has judi- ciously appointed and commissioned the fol- lowing officers for said county : Probate judge, Richard C. Barnard ; sheriff, Hermann Vas- old ; recorder, Theodore F. Nagel ; treasurer, Joshua Smith: justices of the peace, William A. Hagge, Isaac Thomas ; constables, George Schultz, Christian Menck ; county commission- ers, Frederick Hedde, Daniel B. Crocker, Hans Vieregg. The name of "Hall" was given to this county as a compliment to Chief Justice Hall. Then follows this interesting descriptive paragraph : Grand Island City is the county seat of Hall county, and is situated forty miles west of Columbus. It is the extreme western settle- ment of Nebraska and is surrounded by a thrifty, intelligent farming population. The country about it is upland bottom, very fertile, and timbered and watered. Grand Island it- self is seventy-five miles in length, and aver- ages four miles in width, being heavily tim- bered with oak, hickory, Cottonwood, and red cedar. Then comes this prophecy — in those inex- perienced times little more substantial than the stuff that dreams are made of, but which nevertheless has already all come true : Hall county is destined to be one of the richest and most thickly settled counties in Nebraska, located as it is in the fertile valley of the Platte and on the great highway between Omaha and the Pacific. And next comes the inevitable political ap- preciation : Governor Morton has been peculiarly for- tunate in the selection of his officers, and we know they give entire satisfaction, and are heartily endorsed by the people of Hall county. They are men of sterling integrity and sound democrats, and have long resided in our ter- ritory. If the names of these officers are a cri- terion, our early foreign immigrants must have been quick to appreciate the advantages of Hall county. The opposition freely charged fraud in the Daily vote, and especially in Richardson and Pawnee counties. The growing feeling on the slavery question is reflected by the contem- porary press : Our worst apprehensions, we fear, have been more than realized with regard to illegal voting in Pawnee, Richardson and the entire lower tier of counties. The delectable lead- ers of the fever-heated and blood-hot abolition- ists of Falls Citv, an interior, seven by nine DAILY-ESTABROOK CONTEST 291 town near the Kansas line in Richardson county, that supports a half dozen whisky shops, an equal number of dilapidated dwell- ing-houses and one horse taverns, boasted that they could "import" all the voters they wanted from Kansas. This is the celebrated town founded by Jim Lane, and peopled by him with a scurvy horde of rapscallions fresh from the "sands" of Chicago and the Five Points of New York, as he was on his way to the mem- orable invasion of Kansas. Is it to be won- dered that in a democratic county such a town within a stone's throw of the Kansas line, should cast for the republican candidate for congress one hundred and forty-three votes out of one hundred and seventy-two? The town could legitimately cast perhaps seventy- five votes. Every intelligent man at all conversant with politics in Richardson county knows that that county is democratic by at least two hundred majority. Yet the democratic candidate for congress gets barely thirty-nine majority. Pawnee county out of one hundred and forty- six votes gives the democratic candidate barely twenty-two votes. Does any one doubt that the Kansas abolitionists have played their high game of fraud and illegal voting ? The Dakota City Herald made a statement in regard to the Buffalo county part of the case, which, while it may have been colored by partisanship, yet throws an interesting light on the facts and conditions pertaining to the elections of that year : The Republican papers say that there were frauds perpetrated in Fort Kearney and L'Eau Qui Court county, both which places gave Estabrook a goodly number of votes ; the former yielding him 292 majority and the lat- ter 128. On the other hand it is charged that the republicans polled a large number of il- legal votes in Douglas, Richardson, Pawnee, Clay and Gage. . . The Omaha Repub- lican says that not fifty legal voters reside in the two counties of Hall and Buf- falo. Had we not known that this statement was, to say the least, incorrect, it might have passed for what it purported to be in this part of Nebraska ; but having visited Fort Kearney several times during the past three years, we know from personal knowledge that there are more than fifty legal voters there. At no time we were there was there less than three times that amount. As voters, w^hether they might be termed "legal" or not we leave others to judge. They were chiefly government teamsters, herders, employees about the fort, Majors, Russell & \\'addeirs employees, sut- lers and their clerks, trappers, traders, and a few gamblers. Last spring it would be safe to say there were three thousand voters at the fort, including those a few miles above and below. W'e know several who became dis- couraged at the report from the mines, but determined not to go back. One party went and settled on the Little Blue ; another crowd laid off a town six or eight miles below the fort. A number of others went a few miles above to fashion a city and called it after an illustrious Pole. The probability is there are a large number of persons there, and that they have daily increased since spring. While we state these as matters of fact, we do not say there were no illegal votes polled. Indeed, it would be strange if there were not, when it is charged that in the city of Omaha, in the face of the law, and despite the vigilance of the sen- tinels of both parties, a negro cast a democratic vote and ten citizens of Iowa who were just passing through the town on their way home, voted for Daily. We do say, however, that in the absence of proof to the contrary, we accept and believe the 292 majority for Estabrook to be all right. Now for L'Eau Qui Court. We never were in that county, nor any nearer to it than Dakota City, and cannot speak by author- ity. But what strikes us as strange is this fact : that county is represented to be republi- can. They elected a republican county ticket and gave Judge Taffe, a republican, a large majority over Judge Roberts, democrat, for float representative. Being of the conserva- tive kind, and not having their republican be- lief tinctured with abolitionism, they voted for Estabrook to a man. Since the election not one of these republicans has breathed a breath of "fraud," nor anyone else that we know of, nearer than the Republican office at Omaha. Daily was declared entitled to his seat with- out a roll call. May 18, 1860. It is not likely that Estabrook's blunder in not offering any contradictory testimony would have changed the result. There was a richer field for ir- regularities in his section of the territory than in Daily's, and so it would have been difficult, and probably impossible for him to overcome this natural presumption against himself be- fore a more or less prejudiced committee and house. After the certificate had been given to Estabrook by the territorial canvassers con- servative opinion was averse to a contest on this ground: "One great reason why so little has heretofore been secured for Nebraska is that she has never yet had a delegate so situ- 292 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA 1 ■|P r p 1 ^^^^^^^M^ln^Ht -^i^^^^ ■ 1 ^^^^^H # IL ^^V 1 y ^ 1 M ^ Pjj I^^^H^KP^ ^^! p ^^^^^B ^.-s=i K^ ^^-i^lHHIL..,.. --^«^- Dr. JETI/S k. CoXKIJNG, l).MAH.\ Mrs. Jknnie H.vnscom Conkling Dr. T.\mes H. Pe.vbody, Omah.\ Mrs. Jennie Yates Peabody THE SIXTH LEGISLATURE 293 ated that he could work for the territory ; he has always devoted the most of his time to watching and defending his seat." Judge Alfred Conkling, father of Roscoe Conkling, prepared Daily's protest . to the board of canvassers. He came to Omaha to practice law, but finding the methods of the profession at that time not to his liking, soon returned to New York. Roscoe Conkling was a member of the House of Representatives at this time. The Nezvs proclaims that Otoe is still the banner county, having polled fifty-three more votes than Douglas — • the next in rank — at the late election. It had taken six years of time and the work of five legislative assemblies to get the terri- torial organization into fair working order, and a serious obstacle to its progress had been bitter local sectionalism. The remaining years of the territorial existence were to be inore or less seriously distracted by sectionalism on a national scale. At first the republicans are chiefly bent on party formation and supremacy in the territory, and then, for the rest of the territorial period, will follow the passions and distractions of the war. At first the demo- cratic leaders are on the defensive, and then they bitterly attack the policy of their victors. The democrats are divided, the majority fol- lowing Douglas and jealous of the minority, led by the federal office-holders, who must needs stand more or less openly on the side of the breach between Buchanan and the hero of popular sovereignty occupied by their chief. This division doubtless accounts for the demo- cratic aid given to republicans to pass a bill prohibiting slavery and its veto by the gov- ernor. But on the whole the sixth territorial assem- bly, which convened December 5, 1859, was the tamest of all the legislative assemblies up to this time. Thomas J. Boykin of Sarpy. Thomas J. Collier of Dakota, and William A. Little of Douglas county took the seats left vacant in the council by the resignation of Leavitt L. Bowen, H. C. Crawford, and Wil- liam E. Moore, and Dr. Edmund A. Donelan of Cass county was elected president. Elmer S. Dundv of Richardson county and William H. Taylor of Otoe county were the only re- publicans in the council. The seat of Richard C. Barnard of the dis- trict of Monroe and Hall was unsuccessfully contested by Leander Gerrard. R. S. Parks applied for a seat "as member elect from the gold regions." The committee on privileges and elections reported that it was impossible to seat Mr. Parks because the maximum number of members under the organic law had already been apportioned ; but they stated that the pe- titioner represented a very important portion of the territory and a community greatly in need of legislation, and eminently deserving the consideration, attention, and favor of the house. The committee recommended that the petitioner be admitted within the bar of the house at pleasure. Of the thirty-nine members of the house twenty-five were classed as democrats ; the rest were republicans, full-born or in embryo. There was a struggle over the organization between the administration democrats, led by the governor and secretary of the territory, and the opposing faction, led by Rankin, in which the latter won. Strickland of Sarpy county, the democratic candidate, was elected speaker over Marquett of Cass, the repub- lican candidate, by a vote of 24 to 12. Names on the list of members familiar to present-day Nebraskans are George B. Lake and Andrew J. Hanscom of Douglas ; Turner M. Marquett, Samuel Maxwell, and Dr. William S. Latta of Cass; Stephen F. Nuckolls of Otoe; John Taffe of Dakota, and Eliphus H. Rogers of Dodge. Governor Black's message was devoted mainly to refuting common slanders as to the bad climate and unproductivity of the soil of the territory, and to an argument justifying its admission as a state, in the course of which he estimates the population at 50,000 to 60,000. A historical paragraph of the message is worth quoting: This territory was organized at the same time with Kansas, on the 30th day of May, 1854, and the first legislature met at Omaha, on the 16th day of January, 1855. In that body eight counties were represented. Now, at the expiration of less than five years, twenty-five counties have their representatives 294 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA John Steinhart, Piunkkk m- Otoe Col.nty JoHN Dunbar, Pioneer oV Otoe Louxty THE SIXTH LEGISLATURE 295 in the legislature, and thirty-five counties have been fully organized, or their boundaries de- fined by law. With the exception of those which lie immediately upon the Missouri river, nearly all the counties have been so laid off as to cover a surface of exactly 24 miles square. The lands in Nebraska actually surveyed amount to 8,851,758.59 acres. The surveys have been extended from the dividing line be- tween Kansas and Nebraska, on the 40th parallel, to the latitude of 42 degrees and 51 minutes, while the average depth from the Missouri river is about 140 miles. Bad conditions and not much better eco- nomic ideas are illustrated in this paragraph : It is a matter of bitter experience that the people of this territory have been made to pass through the delusive days of high times and paper prices, and the consequent dark and gloomy night of low times and no prices. We have had our full share of the financial spasms which for two years have afflicted the great body of the American people. They are grad- ually passing away, but they will never alto- gether disappear until the producing causes are removed. One chief and manifest cause so far as new states and territories are con- cerned (not the only one), is the enormous and overwhelming rate of interest which is exacted for the loan of money, for a common credit in many cases, even for the necessaries of life, or for a brief extension and forbear- ance of an existing debt. It is idle to look for relief, except in stringent and effective legislation. I am not sure that the evil can be entirely banished by law, but it is worth the trial. I therefore recommend the passage of a usury law, contrived in the best possible way to overturn the present system and practice of extravagant and ruinous rates of interest. Financial conditions are set forth as follows : According to the auditor's report, the pres- ent liabilities of the territory are $31,068.23. On the 20th of September, 1858, they amount- ed in warrants to $15,774.95. Between the 20th of September, 1858, and Novemljer 1st, 1859, in accordance with various laws, warrants were issued for $16,459.95, making the cur- rent expenses for that time appear to be the whole of that sum. But fully one-half the amount of those warrants was for liabilities incurred during the year 1857-58, making the actual current expenses for this year to be in fact only about $8,000. The revenue from taxes, due January 1st, 1859, as reported by the different counties (Pawnee county ex- cepted), amounts to $19,387.57, so that the whole debt of the territory may be set dovi^n at $n,680.66 more than the estimated re- sources of the year ending December 1st, 1859. In his recommendation as to taxation the governor hits on the idea of "the unearned increment," and wins the everlasting esteem of the present day single tax advocates : It is true that the man who labors and im- proves his own land, may be recompensed for all that he does, but still he serves, in some degree, both the government and the com- munity, in the very work that he does for him- self. Further, he adds to the value of every acre of vacant land in or near his neighbor- hood. If that land is held for mere specula- tion, is it not clear that the owner looks to the labor of others for the gains which are to fol- low the enhanced value of his estate? In re- gard to this subject I wish to be explicit and plain. It is a fact very well known that hun- dreds of thousands of acres of the best land in Nebraska are held by individuals who have never broken a single foot of sod with spade or plough. These lands, being unimproved, pay only at present a comparatively small tax. The man who lives on and improves his prop- erty, in town or country, has generally a rea- sonable amount of personal property. For the purpose of making the burdens as light as possible, where they should be light, I recom- mend that real estate shall be made the chief basis of revenue. I think it would be well if there was a special exception, to a limited ex- tent, from all taxation made in favor of the different kinds and varieties of stock and cat- tle. As, for instance, a certain number of sheep, swine, oxen, horses, cows, etc. ; the ob- ject being mainly to encourage the tax-payers of the territory to rear and keep stock, espe- cially such stock as is valuable and of the most improved description or breed. Though the criminal law of the territory had been restored, the governor complains that it is rendered ineffectual for lack of a penitentiary or other public prison, and he states that a large and enterprising gopulation in the western part of the territory, mostly in the mining region, are without the benefit of county organization, and consequently in a great measure without the protection of law. The message is a well-worded and occa- sionally eloquent address, and sustains Gov- ernor Black's reputation as a brilliant stump speaker. The last paragraph is a fine sample of this kind of oratory. No other public man 296 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of Nebraska has written so "finely" — with such rhetorical taste or oratorical effect as Governor Black wrote. Two veto messages of this session are notable, one at great length in objection to the anti-slavery bill, the other a deserved but ineffective rebuke of the now settled and vicious cvistom of granting special charter privileges to individuals, For the first time the auditor feels justified in stating in his report that the revenue law is fairly effective, and his optimism is based upon the fact that the counties now comply with the law so far as to levy the taxes ; but a year later the treasurer is compelled to com- plain that they are not paid. The territory is still living almost wholly on credit in the form of fast increasing warrants. The principal enactments of the legislature were as follows : An act providing for an election to be held the first Monday in March, 1860, to decide whether or not the people de- sired state government, and to elect delegates to a convention which should prepare a state constitution; concerning the jurisdiction of justices of the peace and procedure before them ; providing that a delegate to Congress should be elected in 1860 and every two years thereafter, and that his term of office should begin on the 4th of March next after his elec- tion ; a homestead and personal property ex- emption law. A bill prohibiting slavery in the territory was passed by both houses, but was vetoed by the governor. The legislature au- thorized the organization of the counties of Dawson, Kearney, Morton, Nuckolls, Shorter, West, and Wilson, and legalized the previous organization of Gage county. Dawson and Kearney counties continue as small parts of their originals ; Holt takes the place of West ; Morton and Wilson lay partially adjacent in the region where the Sweetwater flows into the North Platte river, now in south central Wyoming. Shorter county, whose name was changed to Lincoln in 1861, adjoined Kearney on the west; both held elections in 1860, but for some reason the board of territorial can- vassers counted out the vote of Shorter. These two counties were assigned legislative apportionment in 1861. Neither ^Morton, West, nor Wilson appears to have performed any organized function. About the usual number of special acts for incorporations and ferries and bridges were passed. Joint me- morials to Congress were adopted asking for school lands in lieu of those covered by the Indian reservations in Nemaha and Richard- son counties ; for indemnity for the cost of the Pawnee Indian campaign ; for appropriations to build a penitentiary ; to construct a military road from Nebraska City to Fort Kearney ; and for $30,000 to complete the capitol. The memorial for the capitol appropriation recites that "under a degree of mismanagement, wholly unpardonable, upon the part of the executive, Mark W. Izard," the whole appro- priation of $50,000 was expended, "and the building only just begun." The first act pro- tecting game animals in Nebraska was passed at this session. The statehood measure was generally fa- vored and party lines were not drawn in con- sidering it. Party animosity was concentrated on the anti-slavery bill, and it was as bitter between the democratic factions as between the two parties themselves. A speech on the usury bill, delivered in the house by S. F. Nuckolls, illustrates the pinched financial con- ditions of those times as well as the insight into economics of a man untrained in its prin- ciples. Mr. Nuckolls conducted a large across- the-plains freighting business besides other important enterprises. Our county of Nuck- olls was created by the sixth assembly, of which he was a member, and received his name. The death of Judge Fenner Ferguson oc- curred at his homestead farm at Bellevue, October 11, 1859. Judge Ferguson was the first chief justice of the territorial supreme court and was a resident of Michigan at the time of his appointment. He possessed fair ability, commanded general respect, and had the good will of the citizens of the territory to an unusual degree, especially for a public ofiicer of those days. He served one term as a delegate to Congress, from December, 1857. CHAPTER XIV PoLiTicAi, Conventions — Congressional Campaigns of 1860-1862 — Seventh Legisla- ture — Morton-Daily Contest — Departure of Governor Black — Appointment of Governor Saunders — Military Affairs — Eighth Legislature AT the statehood election of March 5th, 2,372 votes were cast against, and 2,094 for a state government. The main issue was so compHcated with cUques and prejudices that the vote was scarcely a true expression of pub- lic sentiment in relation thereto ; "not one-half the democratic voters participated in the elec- tion, treating the whole thing as a farce." The statehood scheme was put forward, and in the main supported by the old South Platte element, and particularly by Otoe county. Thus the heavy majority for state government came from the following counties : Cass, 303 ; Otoe, 249; Washington, 202; and Nemaha, 96; while against the proposition Douglas gave 456; Dakota, 174; and Sarpy, 226. Sarpy had by this time accepted the inevit- able, given up capital hopes, and was adjust- ing herself to her local interest, while the con- siderable influence of Daily doubtless had something to do with throwing Richardson, which gave 154 against the state proposition, out of gear with her South Platte traditions and locality. The Omaha Republican contented itself with insisting on the choice of free state — - that is, republican — delegates to the consti- tutional convention ; while the Ncbraskian, the democratic organ at the capital, stoutly as- serted that democrats would put an anti- slavery provision in the constitution. Douglas, or popular sovereignty, democrats were un- doubtedly in the majority in the territory, and they resented the insistence of Governor Black, in his recent veto of the anti-slavery bill, that the people of the territory, through the legislature, did not possess the power under the orranic act to deal with the slavery question. It was charged also that the admin- istration, or Buchanan faction, kept Douglas democrats off the delegate ticket in Douglas county. Of the fifty-two delegates to the constitutional convention the republicans chose about forty, and while, because the state proposition was defeated at the same election, there was no constitutional convention held, the democrats were left in a bad plight. Among the well-known names of the dele- gates were Alfred Conkling, Gilbert C. Monell, grandfather of Gilbert M. Hitchcock, John M. Thayer, John Taffe, Thomas L. Griffey, Oli- ver P. Mason, Thomas W. Tipton, Thomas P. Kennard, Judge Augustus Hall, Isaac Pollard, Dr. Jetus R. Conkling, and William Cleburne. The republican territorial convention for 1860 was held at Plattsmouth on the 1st of August. Daniel L. Collier of Burt county was temporary chairman and T. W. Tipton of Nemaha, temporary secretary. W. F. Lockwood of Dakota county was president of the regular organization. Samuel G. Daily was a candidate for renomination for delegate to Congress, and J. M. Thayer of Douglas, W. H. Taylor of Otoe, T. M. Marquett of Cass, and John Taffe of Dakota county were his principal opponents. At the first Thayer ran even with Daily, but the latter was nomi- nated on the tenth ballot. The resolutions reported by G. C. Monell of Douglas county endorsed the nomination of Lincoln and Ham- lin for president and vice president; declared in favor of a homestead bill, and of a bill giving the school commissioner of the terri- tory the right to lease the school lands; favored appropriations by Congress for com- pleting the capitol, for building a penitentiary 298 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^^^ ey/^r. I XoTE — Victor Vifquain was a pioneer of Saline county, Nebraska. He was a general in the Union army during the Civil War and prominent in Nebraska politics.] POLITICAL CONVENTIONS 299 at Bellevue, for building a government road from Nebraska City to Fort Kearney, for bridging the Platte at a point on the direct line of communication between Nebraska City and Omaha; declared that increased- popula- tion in the mining regions and the resulting immense travel along the Platte valley de- manded a Pacific railway ; denounced the appointment of non-residents to fill the federal offices ; and declared that the anti-slavery bill passed by the last legislature "was demanded by the continued attempt of slavery propa- gandists to establish the institution in this free territory." The demand of the address of Alfred Conkling, chairman of the reptiblican committee, for sober men in office, was not uncalled for, and is suggestive of a marked phase of social conditions of that time. The democratic convention was held at (Jmaha on the 15th of August. A. J. Hans- com of Douglas county was temporary chair- man and Mills S. Reeves of Otoe county was permanent president. J. AL Woolworth, chairman of the committee on credentials, in- corporated in his report this interesting state- ment : "Your committee find that Victor \'ifquain holds a certificate of election as a delegate to this convention from said county [Saline] and report the matter to the con- vention without recommendation." This was the first introduction of General Vifquain into the politics of the commonwealth, in which for more than forty years he was an impor- tant and interesting figure. On his admission as a delegate Air. Vifquain made a speech whose brevity was equaled only by its patri- otism, quite characteristic of the speaker. Gentlemen of the convention, and fcUozv democrats: I thank you in the name of the democrats in my own county for the resolution taken in reference to Saline county. It is not necessary for a Frenchman to promise fidelity to the stars and stripes — La- fayette's memory and the French blood spilled for the independence of this beautiful country is a guarantee of it. I swear to the demo- crats fidelity and devotion until death. On the 11th of August the Nezi's acknowl- edges a call from "Victor Vifquain, Esq., an enterprising and intelligent Frenchman who resides at Beranger on the Blue, seventy-five miles west of this city. Last fall his county polled sixteen votes, every one of which was for the entire democratic ticket." General \^ifquaiirs oath of fidelity to his party was kept during the intervening forty years "until death," without swerving so much as a hair's breadth. J. Sterling Morton was nominated for delegate to Congress on the fourth formal ballot. The other principal competi- tors for the nomination were A. J. Poppleton. S. A. Strickland, Stephen Decatur, and J. F. Kinney. Judge Eleazer Wakeley received fif- teen votes on the informal ballot, but he then immediately withdrew his name from further consideration. Judge Kinney also notified the convention that, owing to the fact that he had recently been appointed chief justice of the supreme court of Utah, he could not become a candidate; but he received fifteen votes on the last ballot. Air. Poppleton evidently transferred his strength to Alorton on the decisive ballot, and it is interesting to observe this evidence of the early friendship of these two eminent citizens of Nebraska, which lasted to the end of Poppleton's life. At the ratification meet- ing at Nebraska City, says the chronicler of the event, "Mr. Poppleton commenced with a most feeling and eloquent eulogy of the many traits of character developed in Air. Alorton — that he had known Alorton from the time they were school boys together ; and he was proud to follow so gallant and noble a leader in the present canvass." But ruinous factional strife was not wanting. "The little squad of Douglasites of this city" dominated the convention, and Alorton was thrust down the throat of Governor Black as the bitterest pill for him to be found, and then, to meet this inconsistency, they wanted to lay Alorton, also an administration office-holder, up to dry. too. In the hearing of the AIorton-Daily contest Alorton threw a ray of light on this subject : I will state in reply to the statement that Colonel Black awarded a certificate to a po- litical opponent, that in that election Colonel Black and every appointee of that adminis- tration, with one exception, sustained Daily, 300 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA /i^^i^t.^C'^ jf/^.^. [XoTE — Jonas Welch was a pioneer of Columbus, Nebraska, and prominent in local politics. He was a delegate to the national democratic convention.] CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1860 301 either by voting for him or by working for him, or by refraining from working for me. Governor Black did make two speeches for me in this way : In endorsing the Buchanan platform and the veto message prohibiting slavery in the territory, which was the burden of his speech ; at the end he also said : "I endorse Mr. Morton as the candidate of the party, although he is not such a demo- crat as I can heartily support." It was charged against Black that he did everything in his power to defeat Morton — worked, spent money, and voted against him. On the other hand it was insisted that the Douglas democrats were slighted in the con- vention and that the Buchanan-Breckenridge faction dictated its proceedings ; but the skill with which Morton steered between the fac- tional rocks and over the factional rapids was conceded. Dr. B. P. Rankin, in a speech at Nebraska City, refused to support Morton for Congress, and asserted that in the legis- lature, in 1857, Morton did all he could to kill his resolution eulogizing Douglas as the champion of popular sovereignty and called him a Douglas democrat as an epithet. Ran- kin also complained that Morton kept on draw- ing his salary of $2,000 under Buchanan while he pretended to support Douglas. Resolutions of both party conventions fa- vored internal improvements in substantially similar terms, but the democratic resolution specifically asked for a grant of land to build a Pacific railroad, having its eastern terminus at or near Fort Kearney with four branches from that point to the Missouri river, the territorial legislature to select the routes. The convention also pledged itself to demand "a grant of land to establish a university in Ne- braska, and that said university should be established in Cass county, as the most central point in the territory." The attitude of the convention toward na- tional questions was both discreet and wise. After the preamble, which vainly recited that the people of Nebraska had no voice in the election of a president and that their own in- terests demanded their energies, the conven- tion pointed to "the unprecedented degree of prosperity" to which the party of Thomas Jefferson had carried the countrv, and then frankly and unequivocally pledged the party to make Nebraska a free state. The political attitude of the two parties is now reversed, the republicans for the first time acknowl- edging and marching aggressively under their national standard, the democrats somewhat evasive of national, and emphasizing local issues. The Omaha Nebraskian, one of the two leading democratic organs of the terri- tory, had insisted, as early as January 14th of this year, that, "vmtil an all-wise Providence shall remove Nebraska four or five degrees further south slave labor cannot be profitably employed in this territory. We venture to predict that when a convention shall assemble Engraving from an old daguerreotype taken in the early '50s and now owned by Charles L. Saunders of Omaha. Alvin S.-VUNDERS War Governor of Nebraska territory Mav IS, 1861, to February 21, 1867' to frame a constitution for this state of Ne- braska not a delegate will vote for a slavery- constitution." As we have seen, this asser- tion was vindicated by the declaration in the party platform in the fall of this year; and it is significant as showing the determination of the democrats — even though it may not have reflected their independent anti-slavery feeling — to acquiesce in the prevailing senti- ment of the Northwest, before the countn' had 302 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA come to the final parting of the ways in the national election of that year. Even the democratic organ of the North Platte presented the standard-bearer and the situation in this light : Mr. Morton, the nominee, is well, and we may add, very favorably known to Nebraska. He has been identified with the interests of the territory ever since its organization, and during the last two years has acquired no little celebrity as the faithful, efficient and untiring secretary of Nebraska. Endowed with fine talents and possessed of a liberal education, with a pleasing address, and those better quali- ties of the heart that draw around him hosts of friends, none can deny his fitness for the high position assigned him by his party. Probably no man in Nebraska is so cordially hated and feared by the small coterie of ras- cals that prowl around certain localities of this territory, as J. Sterling Morton. Daily and his coadjutors are particularly bitter against him. The members of that little cabal of spoils hunters, have made sundry and sweeping charges against him, as disbursing officer of Nebraska. The democracy of Ne- braska have taken up the gauntlet thus thrown down by Daily and his toadies, and avow their confidence in the integrity of the man so grossly assailed. Mr. Morton, too. has al- ways been known as an earnest friend to ap- propriations for the various purposes men- tioned elsewhere in this paper. Daily is known to be as decidedly opposed to those appropria- tions. The issue is therefore made up, and the canvass may be regarded as begun. ^ Morton's home paper presented a picture of the man, and aimed to restrict the issues: Hon. J. Sterling Morton, democratic candi- date for delegate in congress, is a pioneer squatter, having emigrated to the territory in 1854. His interests are all here. For six years his best energies, his time and his tal- ents have been devoted to the development of the material interests and resources of Ne- braska territory. His has been the strong arm and the sturdy hand of productive industry. It is instituting no invidious comparisons to say that probably no other man in the territory has done more for the fostering and develop- ment of our agricultural resources — the im- portation of the best and choicest breeds and varieties of stock, &c., &c. . . Not only is Morton as an individual deeply interested in fostering the development of Ne- braska and hastening in of the bright future that awaits her — the platform of principles upon which he stands pledges him to use his utmost exertions as the delegate of the people of Nebraska, irrespective of party, to secure for the territory, not only all "needful appro- priations," but certain special appropriations, which it is submitted Nebraska stands greatly in need of at this present time. These need- ful appropriations are specially mentioned in the platform of principles and measures of the democratic party of Nebraska. - The republican war cry in the campaign was raised against Morton for disregarding the election of Furnas as public printer, for the alleged frauds in the frontier counties in the election of 1859, and against the adminis- tration for the veto of the homestead bill — a dangerous question in Nebraska. The re- publicans also charged that the democrats were responsible for the sale of public lands which forced many of the squatters to pay for them. It was urged that "five per cent a month is the enormous rate of interest paid by hundreds of settlers in Nebraska" for money, "which they were forced to submit to or lose their lands," that Morton petitioned for the sale of the lands, and afterward re- fused to sign a remonstrance against it ; that the enforcement of these sales at a time when settlers could not pay for their land ruined nine-tenths of them; and the bill of particu- lars specified that the books of the register of deeds of Nemaha, Richardson, and Pawnee counties showed that the enforced land sales had saddled a debt of $43,130 on Nemaha farmers secured by trust deeds on 27,340 acres and drawing interest from twenty-five to sixty per cent per annum ; on Richardson county of $25,966,11. 15,102 acres, interest as above; on Pawnee county, $16,103, 6,985 acres, nine-tenths of this drawing sixty per cent, which must be forfeited ; total $85,109.11, at an average rate of fifty per cent, making interest $42,595. To this charge the demo- crats answered, in plausible palliation, at least, that Judge Holly of Nebraska City, Richard Brown of Brownville, and James Craig of Missouri, all democrats, went to Washington at their own expense and secured the postponement of the sale of lands for a 1 Omaha Xchraskiaii, August 18, 1860. - Nebraska City .\czii$^-2^^ [Note — Henry A. Koenig was an early miller, himln-r man, and banker of Grand Island, Nebraska] MORTON-DAILY CONTEST 311 I said, in my affidavit of the 4th of March, that I copied said certificate some time in May last, after he ( Black ) had been removed from the governorship of Nebraska, and Al- vin Saunders had been appointed. I am. now quite certain that it was on the 9th of May. 1861, four days before Governor Black re- moved from the territory. But by saying that it was after he had been removed from the governorship of Nebraska, I did not mean to be understood that he was not then the governor, for I am certain he was ; I only intended to say that it was after his removal so far as the appointment of Governor Saun- ders removed him ; but he was the governor up to the time he left the territory, as Gov- ernor Saunders had not yet been qualified, nor entered upon the duties of his office — in fact, I think he arrived at Omaha on the 12th, and Black left on the 13th of May. The orig- inal of the certificate was in Governor Black's handwriting, and was not very legible, and the paper was rumpled. I put the same date in the copy as was in the original, and placed a green wafer on it that had been under the seal. Governor Black had such wafers in his possession, and used them when necessary to facilitate business, as his residence was fifty miles from Omaha City, the capital of the territory. But an imjiortant change in this facile affi- davit-maker's fortunes changed his point of view and materially alTected his memory. Mr. Richardson explained Pentland's change of attitude thus : One or two days after Morton had offered to introduce Pentland as a witness before the committee, the sitting delegate recommended the appointment of that witness as a clerk in one of the de])artments here. I ask the clerk to read the letter of the secretary of the in- terior. The clerk read as follows : Department of the Interior, "April 22, 1862. "Sir: In reply to your letter of the 21st instant, I have the honor to inform you that Mr. A. W. Pentland was appointed a tem- porary clerk in the General Land Office, the 15th March, 1862, on the recommendation of Hon. S. G. Daily, of Nebraska territory. There are no papers on file in the department in behalf of Mr. Pentland. "Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "Caleb B. Smith. "Secretary of the Interior. "Hon. W. a. Richardson, "House of Representatives." Contiiuiing, Mr. Richardson said: If you will examine the date of Pent- land's affidavit, and the appointment of Pent- land by the Secretary of the Interior, upon the recommendation of the sitting delegate, you will find that they occurred within twO' or three days of each other. Mr. Pendleton put this severe construction on Black's action : I will not inquire into the arguments which changed the opinion of the governor, nor into the motives of the change. But having seen what was done, I was not surprised to find the sworn testimony of a witness brought before the committee for cross-examination, showing that this second certificate was issued after the man had ceased to be governor of Nebraska ; that it was issued from his private residence, although dated at the executive chamber; that it was issued from Nebraska City, although dated at Omaha; that it was verified by an impression of the seal of the territory, which had been fraudulently taken from a paper on which it had originally been rightly put, in order that it might be more fraudulently put on this false and spurious certificate. . . The second certificate was issued in face of the only legal count had. I submit to gentlemen whether they ever heard that one member of a court consisting of three could, at his own residence, in his own cham- ber, of his own motion, review and reverse the decision that had been made by the whole court? And yet that is what the governor of Nebraska attempted to do in this case — no, not the governor, he had ceased to be gov- ernor then — but the gentleman who had been governor. As to the seal placed on the Daily certifi- cate Mr. Voorhees said : I hold in my hand the certificate brought here by the sitting delegate. It was before the committee. I would submit it to any sworn jury of twelve men whether it does not bear upon its face the evidence of for- gery. I will submit it to any fair-minded man in the House whether it is not a for- gery, not in the name, but a forgery in the seal. I do not ask you to take my assertion, for I have here the evidence. The paper bears upon itself the evidence that the "great seal of the territory of Nebraska has been forged and stuck on with the finger, not by the legal stamp. The paper has not the mark of the iron upon it, which constitutes the seal. Mr. Dawes himself testified to the culpa- 312 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Charles A. Speice, Columbus John Carrigan, Blair Thomas F. Hall, Omaha Manley Rogers, Fremont '4 MORTON-DAILY CONTEST 313 bility of Black in giving the second certifi- cate: I said in the House last July, . . . what I am willing to state anywhere, that after the governor of Nebraska had given one certificate to the now contestant he had no authority to give another. The hardships and injustice that Morton suffered from Black's fraud upon him were expressed by Voorhees : By an unjust, certainly by an unreflecting, vote of the House. Mr. Daily was allowed to take his seat as sitting member ; and the man who came here with his certificate — as good as yours or mine, or that of any man on this floor — was turned from the bar of the House and compelled to contest his way back to this Hall, or abandon his clear and legal right to a seat. Now, starting with a proposition of this kind, I generally find, in my transactions with men, that nothing fair follows such a beginning. That is my experience. Not the least source of Morton's mortifica- tion and hardship was the fact that the issuing of the second certificate was concealed from him until he went to take his seat at the spe- cial session of Congress in July, 1861, eight months after he had received his own cer- tificate and four months after his term of office had begun. Said Mr. Dawes : "The gentleman came here with a certificate from the governor precisely like our own, without any intimation from anybody that he was not entitled to take the seat." Following is Morton's own account of this part of the case : On the morning of the 4th of July last I arrived here to take my seat in this House. I had been duly and legally certificated a member of this House. I had no more sus- picion or thought that any other person than myself would be sworn in as delegate from Nebraska than you, ]\Ir. Speaker, had that some other person than yourself would be qualified to represent your district from the state of Pennsylvania. . . Six months or more after the canvassing board had awarded the certificate of election to me, and Governor Black had issued it ; three months after the death of Chief Justice Hall, whom the law of the territory made a member of the board of canvassers, and who had acted in that ca- pacity, and concurred in the award of the certificate to me; nearly two months after the term of my office as delegate in congress be- gan, (that is, after the 4th of March, and ostensibly on the 29th of April, 1861), Sam- uel W. Black, without notifying the district attorney, without a recount of the votes, with- out notice to me, without the authority of law or precedent, secretly, fraudulently, and per- fidiously issued a pseudo certificate to Mr. Daily, and attempted to revoke mine without notifying me. He did this because he hated, and desired to injure me. It was the ven- geance of an assassin and a coward wreaked upon one who had, by loaning him hundreds of dollars, saved himself and family from shame and mortification, saved even their fam- ily carriage from public auction at the hands of the sherifl:. Mr. Black owed me money, and he became indignant because I, after he had enjoyed for three years the use of a few hundred dollars, which he had borrowed to return in three days, pressed him for pay- ment. He owes that money yet, though I may possibly reach a part of it as follows : "sheriff's S.\LE. "J. Sterling Morton vs. "Samuel W. Black. "Notice is hereby given, that by virtue of a special execution to me directed, from the clerk of the district court of Otoe county, Ne- braska territory, against the goods, chattels, land, and tenements of Samuel W. Black, de- fendant, in favor of J. Sterling Morton, plain- tiiif, I will offer at public sale, to the highest and best bidder on Saturday, the 17th day of May, A. D. 1862, at the hour of ten o'clock, A. M., all the right, title, and interest of the said defendant in and to the following de- scribed property, to-wit : "The north, half of the northwest quarter of section thirteen; and the east half of the south half of the southwest quarter of sec- tion twelve, township seven, range nine, east; and south half of the northeast quarter of section twenty-six, town seven, range thirteen, east of sixth principal meridian, Otoe county, Nebraska territory. "Sale to take place on said day in front of the door of the room where the last term of the district court was held in Nebraska City, Otoe county, Nebraska territory. "Given under my hand, this 11th day of April, A. D. 1862. "George W. Sroat, "Sheriff of Otoe County, N'cbraska Terri- tory." It can not be that the House of Represen- tatives would become the coadjutor of an in- dividual in his pursuit of revenge, and I am 314 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA therefore confident that, could I liave been allowed time at the beginning of the extra session, I could have prevented the swearing in of Mr. Daily upon his fraudulent certifi- cate, and I might now show that Black's ava- rice and malice were jointly gratified by the issuance of the second certificate. Daily admitted that Black had requested him to say nothing about the issuance of the second certificate. "He said he was hounded liy this man Morton who had a debt against him upon which he would stop his property and prevent him from going away." But Daily stated further that after he had arrived at Washington, and doubtless filed his own certificate and had his name entered on the roll, he gave the fact out to the newspapers that he had a certificate. Daily's version of the story of obtaining the certificate is as follows : Governor Black and I, at his solicitation, not mine, went to the city of Omaha — -Gov- ernor Black's residence was at Nebraska City, fifty miles from Omaha — and there, at the seat of government. Governor Black made out this certificate to me, which I took to my at- torney, Judge Conkling, and asked him whether I should accept it or not. He ad- vised me not to accept it. I then went to my other attorney, Mr. Lapp, and asked him. He advised me to accept it, saying that it could do no harm, and perhaps it might do good. He said it was good and right in law. I therefore told Governor Black that I would accept the certificate. Governor Black took the certificate and put it into his pocket and started for home. For some reason, he got off the boat before he got home. In a day or two he came home. I went then to him and asked him for the certificate. He deliv- ered it to me, but said it was so rumpled and such a poor handwrite (being his own hand) that it should be copied, and he gave it to Pentland, his clerk, to copy it. Pentland cop- ied it, gave it to Black-, and Black took from his desk a blank seal which had been stamped, and which he had in his house at Nebraska City, and attached it to the certificate, and then gave the certificate to me. He was then still acting governor of Nebraska territory. In the discussion before the House, at a special session in May, 1862, Richardson strongly urged that a great wrong had been done Morton in allowing Daily to be seated at the last session on his fraudulent certifi- cate and that the wrong should be righted by acknowledging Morton's priiiia facie right to the seat now ; and at the regular session, in a powerful speech, Voorhees took the same ground. But Dawes, while admitting the in- validity of the certificate on which Daily had been seated in July, 1861, had no mind to yield the advantage to a hostile partisan, and insisted that the case should be decided on its merits ; and though the time for the regular notice had passed, Morton v\'as permitted to take testimony as contestant. Daily had pro- ceeded to take testimony as contestant after he had obtained the concealed certificate. Morton, however, refused to open up the case extensively at that late day, knowing that if he did so the term would expire before the decision could be reached. The case was heard in May, 1862, at the regular session. The principal efifort of Dawes on the part of Daily was to throw out 122 votes from a northern precinct of L'eau-qui-court county, which had been counted for IMorton. On this point Mr. Voorhees said: Well, the sitting delegate has held the seat here for nearly a year, as we have demon- strated, wrongly, and by an invalid title, and a ruse of that kind deceived nobody. His object was to throw open the whole question again, and prolong the controversy, and thus obtain another year's lease upon his mileage and per diem and a seat in this House, upon this paper which should be the object of the scorn and hissing of every honest man within the sound of my voice. The offer was resisted, and General Todd was not allowed to be called as a witness, except upon conditions that would inflict still further wrong. Mr. \'oorhees then read an affidavit made by Herman ^Vestermann which recited that he had emplo)'ed W. W. Waford and Jacob He,ck as witnesses on Daily's behalf to prove that the 122 votes in question were fraudu- lent, and that he had paid Waford $100 and Heck $50 for this testimony. I\Ir. Pendleton argued strongly against throwing out this vote, but Dawes insisted that it had been proved fraudulent and the recommendation of tlie committee was adopted by a vote of 69 to 48, and Morton lost his seat. It would be idle to pass positive opinions upon the charges of irregularity and fraud in MORTOX-DAILY COXTEST 315 the votes of L'eaii-qui-court, ButYalo, Paw- nee, and Richardson counties under conditions where fraud and irregularity were regular and normal. There was enough taint of fraud and irregularity in Butifalo and L'eau- c(ui-court to give color to the act of a hostile partisan House in ousting Alorton, just as there was enough fraud and irregularity shown in Pawnee and Richardson counties to have justified the House, if it had been demo- cratic instead of republican, in seating Alor- ton. It is doubtful if human skill and judg- ment, however honest, could ever have ar- rived at a true solution of this question on its merits. The only safe position to take in the case of almost any election contest in early Nebraska is that of Lord [Melbourne, who, dis- appointed in not receiving the order of the garter, promptly decided that, "There's no damned merit in it." And yet Morton's right to the seat in the first instance was based on grounds so strictly regular and so strong that to deprive him of it was clearly a gross outrage ; and the evidence adduced would not have warranted ousting him. In course of the hearing in the House there was much ex- pression of disgust because contests from Ne- braska were the regular thing, and Daily made the misstatement that every delegate election since the organization of the territory had been contested. This is not true of the first election. But the perfidy of the second cer- tificate affair is unquestionable, and, consid- ering the general character of Black, inex- plicable. Men still living, who were his friends and companions at that time, esteem him as a man of warm and generous im- pulses and a magnetic and attractive person- ality, genial and affable towards his friends but bitterly resentful against his enemies. The reply to a charge of the Nebraska City Press that the reported vote from L'eau-qui- court county was a "base, palpable, infamous fraud"; that if it was so Governor Black knew it, "and knowing it he is a perjured vil- lain for not refusing the certificate to Mor- ton," was no less unassailable than savage. By this perfidious, stealthy trick Morton lost his last opportunity to gratify a long cherished ambition to become a member of Congress; for after that republicanism and then populism became so strong" that there was no chance for a democrat as he counted democracy. And yet should it not be counted as fortunate for Morton that fate — or, what was the same thing, his lack of the gift or vice of prudent acquiescence necessary to political success — kept him out of the pitfall of politi- cal place? By force of ability and character he constantly maintained a position of great ])rominence in Nebraska, and in later years WlLLlA.M t'm ktl.UiWj Third chief justice of Nebraska territory' was a national figure, while many of his suc- cessful rivals in politics, that is, in office-get- ting, lived a brief day of notoriety and then passed into normal insignificance. Mr. Daily, like most men who ventured far upon the uncertain sea of politics at any early age, was prominent for a few years after this con- test, and then felt constrained to accept the office of deputy collector of customs at New Orleans, under the notorious ex-chief justice of Nebraska, William Pitt Kellogg, where he died in September, 1864. This Kellogg is now remembered as the famous trainer of the J. Madison \\^ellses, the Andersons, the Eliza Pinkstons, and other jugglers in the remark- 316 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA able feat of "returning" the vote of Louisiana in 1876 so that it should elect the republican presidential electors, and defeat the republi- can state ticket with 7,000 more votes than the electors ; and before he had left Nebraska the Omaha Republican had credited him with ample craftiness for this formidable feat. Dundy pursued ]\Iorton relentlessly in this campaign, as he had previously promised to do ; and while his aid was not necessary to secure the inevitable defeat of Morton, his devotion to Daily laid the foundation for his long career upon the federal bench for the ter- ritory and the state. He was the object of much contemptuous animadversion on the part of Morton's champions in the House for the anxious part he took in the contest; and while Morton on the whole controlled his tongue with skilful discretion, yet it seemed as if there was only the more venom to spare for every allusion to his relentless enemy. "Dundy," said he, "is one of the ablest jour- neymen witnesses in the world and his style, as a practical and pointed evidence-giver, ad- mirable." In another part of his statement of his case to the House, a paragraph given up to Dundy is one of the severest philippics ever spoken. Daily, while no match for Morton's cultiva- tion and brilliancy, yet conducted his part in the controversy with ability, readiness, and skill, though often provoking laughter by his unlettered manner and method. When Voor- hees flayed him for turning on his benefactor. Black, for his copperhead politics, he, in un- dertaking a retort, remarked : "It is said in the Scripture that. 'While t!ie lamp holds out to burn The vilest sinner may return.' " And when Lovejoy interjected, "I feel bound to interfere in behalf of Scripture," Dailv quickly retorted, "It is a good doctrine and ought to be there if it isn't. I have read Watts and the Bible so much together that I sometimes mistake one for the other." Mr. Loomis of Connecticut offered a reso- lution providing for the payment to I\Ir. Mor- ton of the usual compensation without mileage from July 25, 1861, to May 7. 1862 — the period covered by the second trial or contest on its merits. Mr. Frank of New York ob- jected that the custom of over-liberal allow- ance for contestants had grown into an abuse ; and Mr. McKnight of Pennsylvania said that where the delegate came from a far distant state or territory the mileage was enormous, and a contestant ought to be satisfied with it and not to expect any salary. Inquiry showed that Mr. Morton had already received from the beginning of his term, IMarch 4, 1861, to July 25, 1861, the first session, $1,180.40 as salary and $1,508 as mileage — $2,688.40 in all. After a sharp discussion the resolution passed by a vote of 61 to 58. This second allowance was about $2,300. During the de- bate over the merits of the contest Daily had accused Morton of receiving $300 more in mileage than he himself had received. It appeared that for this second session Daily had received $75 less mileage than was paid to Morton for the first session, but Rob- inson of Illinois accused Daily of deceit and misrepresentation as follows : "He has evi- dently endeavored to create the impression that he had only drawn the amount of mileage as read at the clerk's desk (for the present session). He drew for the 36th Congress $2,160 for each session. He now draws $1,433.60, which the committee on mileage has compelled him to take. At the last ses- sion he drew $2,100 mileage on his own mo- tion." In the course of the debate Daily had charged INIorton with "disloyalty," at that time a grievous accusation, and Mr. Blake of Connecticut said, "I have a communication here in which Morton's loyalty is impeached and I want the House to know it," but the House did not receive the communication. Governor Black's character and fine gen- tlemaidy qualities were highly regarded by his associates, and his part in this transaction is perhaps the old story of the compensating weakness so often associated with strongly developed emotional and sentimental quali- ties, and which often make their possessors popular and the most successful leaders of the crowd. And perhaps this gallant soldier's seemingly servile acquiescence in Buchanan's subserviency to the destructive madness of the slave oligarchv was due to an overween- DEPARTURE OF GO\"ERNOR BLACK 317 ing or exuberant sense of loyalty which, in a noble cause, inspired him to noble deeds. Governor Black left the territory May 14, 1862, for his old home, Pittsburgh, Pennsyl- vania, where he was born in 1818, and on his arrival he raised the Sixty-second regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers. On the 27th of June, 1862, he was killed in the battle at Gaines' Mill while leading his command in a desperate charge. The last letter of public import which he wrote in Nebraska illus- trates the grace and eloquence which character- ized his utterances. Thought of his tragic but glorious fate, so soon to end his career, lends peculiar interest and pathos to the clos- ing words of this letter written to friends at Nebraska City, where he had resided since coming to Nebraska, declining the invitation to a farewell banquet to be given in his honor : On the morrow I shall start to Pennsyl- vania to stand there, as here, very close to the flag that she follows. I think I shall recog- nize it as the same which has always waved, and always will wave over the heads of her strong and brave battalions. It is a goodly flag to follow, and carries a daily beauty in its folds which makes all others ugly. But for- give me — I have altogether digressed when I meant only to thank you, and say, farewell. The change of administration in the spring of 1861 was the sunrise of a long day for the republicans, and the sunset which ushered in an equally long night for the antipodal demo- cratic politicians of the territory. That Nebraska exhibited true western en- terprise and contributed her full quota in the appalling siege of Washington for the spoils of office, which was incident to the first ad- vent into power of a great party vmder our even then colossal spoils system, and had been quick to exact from President Lincoln, as early as March 26, 1861, the removal from office of so ultra-patriotic a soul as Governor Black, we have the testimony of Mr. Thomp- son, editor of the republican Plattsmouth Herald, in a letter to his paper, written from the national capital, February 25, 1861 : Cicero once said that Rome contained all the bilge-water of the ship of state. Wash- ington, at this time, seems like a vast reser- voir into which all the political sewers of the continent are emptying their filth. There are, doubtless, very many great and good men here (besides ourself) — patriots, statesmen, divines — yet, if Gen. Scott's battery of flying artillery were to open a running fire on the crowded thoroughfares of the city to-morrow, we fancy the country would be benefited rather than injured by the indiscriminate mas- sacre of the pestilential crew. . . W. H. Taylor of Nebraska City is our room-mate. Among the Nebraskans are: Webster, Pad- dock, Hitchcock and Meredith, of Omaha ; Fourth governor of Nebraska territory May 2, 1859, to ^lay 11, 1861, and associate justice of the supreme court of Nebraska in 1857 Irish, Taylor, Cavins, and one or two others of Nebraska City; Elbert of Plattsmouth; and several whose names we have forgotten, from various parts of the territory. To which the delighted Nebraska City Nc'ii's appends: "Shoot away. General Scott !" By the middle of June the deposed outs were disposing themselves as follows : Some of our readers may wish to know where and what the well abused late govern- 318 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ment officials of this territory are doing. Gov. Black is in command ofthe western division of Pennsylvania troops. He is rampant for the Union. Secretary Morton, now delegate in Con- gress, is at present raising corn, cabbage and "some pumpkins" on his farm one mile west of this city. The talented and facetious Judge Hall, chief justice, is in his grave. (Died at Bellevue. February 13, 1861.) After life's fitful fever, he sleeps well. The judge was learned in the law, and was altogether the wittiest, and rac- iest on a story of any man in the western country. Judge Wakeley is still at his post of duty. Tlie man who declared the American Union J.\MEs Wilson Coleman Soldier and early sheriff of Otoe county, Nebraska "a failure" has been appointed to succeed him, but we think will not hold court just yet. Judge Miller is still on duty. A man by the name of Milligan has been appointed in his place, we believe, Init will not be apt to officiate right away. Ex-Marshal Moore is at his home in Ken- tucky. He is too good a fellow, it seems to us, to be a secessionist, though of his exact position on the great ciuestion we are not at jjresent informed. Andy Hopkins, former register of the land office in this city, is waging a gallant fight with his vigorous pen, on Erie's shores, for the Union in its integrity. E. A. Des Londes, former receiver in the land office in this city, has an appointment in the Confederate army, and is at the city of Richmond. Rivalry between republican leaders became intense as high honors and emoluments came within reach ; and one faction, including the Omaha Republican and the Nebraska City Press and W. H. Taylor undertook to read Thayer out of the party ; but he has man- aged to outlive most of his rivals, both politi- cally and physicially. Consistency is not a high merit, but only the few distinctively original men will flout it, and only the very strong leaders of men may flout it with impu- nity. The Herald, therefore, paid a compli- ment to Thayer's superior prudence when it said : "He rides one horse and sits the animal badly." Alvin Saunders, of Mount Pleasant, Iowa, succeeded Black as governor, May 1 1th, and Algernon S. Paddock, of Washington county, Nebraska, succeeded J. Sterling Morton as secretary of the territory. May 18th. About the same time William F. Lockwood of Da- kota county and of the Elyria, Ohio, trinity — Judge E. Wakeley and Bird B. Chapman be- ing the other two — was appointed judge of the third judicial district, succeeding his for- mer fellow-townsman who had been reap- pointed shortly before the close of Buchanan's administration. The democrats being out now, raised the same cry of carpet-bag ap- pointments against the republicans which the latter had dinned in democratic ears during the whole period of their incumbency, and the disappointed republicans joined lustily in the protest. As Governor Saunders appeared to be only a boarder in the territory for some time after assuming his office, he was sarcas- tically assigned to the carpet-bag class : "Gov. Saunders, of Mt. Pleasant, Iowa, is in Ne- braska on a visit. He arrived at Omaha on last Wednesday." The outbreak of the Civil war aiifected Ne- braska as a frontier settlement, and not- withstanding that Governor Black was in daily expectation of turning over his office MILITARY AFFAIRS 319 to his successor, he felt that conditions were such as to require him to issue an order for all volunteer military companies to report forth- with — those of the First brigade to Major- General Thayer and those of the Second bri- gade to Brigadier-General Downs. It will be seen that the legislative act of 1856 was followed in this order, and that two of the generals elected by the legislature under the act were recognized as still in office, though the original attempt at organization had not been successfully prosecuted. Brigadier- General L. L. Bowen of the Second brigade, or South Platte division, had gone to Colo- rado where he was an unsuccessful candidate for the legislature in 1861. On the 30th of April, Governor Black issued a proclamation recommending the organization of military companies throughout the territory on account of "the withdrawal of United States troops from some of the forts of Nebraska and the disturbed condition of the country." These companies were not required to report to the regular military organization. The right view of the case is presented by his excellency in his proclamation. His ac- tion had. however, rather been anticipated by the people. Already there are four full com- panies organized in this city. Omaha, we be- lieve, has an equal number already organized ; and the other towns in the territory have gen- erally effected similar organizations. We trust these companies will at once be supplied with arms. We don't believe there will be anybody "hurt" if the territory is armed; but it is best to prepare for war in times of peace. . . Nebraska is abundantly able to take care of herself, with or without the pro- tection of the administration at Washington.'' But on the 28th of the following August this First Nebraska regiment, under the com- mand of Colonel John M. Thayer and Lieu- tenant-Colonel Hiram P. Downs, left Ne- braska for active service in Missouri. On the 18th Governor Saunders issued the first proclamation for the territory calling for volunteers for the Civil war as follows : Whereas, The president of the United States has issued a proclamation calling into the service of the United States an additional volunteer force of infantry cavalry to serve for a period of three years, unless sooner dis- charged; and the secretary of war having as- signed one regiment to the territory of Ne- braska, now, therefore, I, Alvin Saunders, governor of Nebraska, do issue this, procla- mation, and hereby call upon the militia of the territorv immediately to form in different companies with a view of entering the service of the United States, under the aforesaid call. Companies, when formed, will proceed to elect a captain and two lieutenants. The number of men required for each company will be made known as soon as the instruc- Nancy Jane CotEMAN Wife of James W. Coleman tions are received from the war department; but it is supposed now that it will not be less than seventy-eight men. As soon as a company has formed and has elected its officers, the captain will report the same to the adjutant general's office. Efforts are being made to trample the Stars and Stripes, the emblem of our liberties, in the dust. Traitors are in the land busily en- gaged in trying to overthrow .the government of the United States, and information has been received that the same traitors are en- deavoring to incite an invasion of our fron- tier by a savage foe. In view of these facts I invoke the aid of every lover of his coun- * Nebraska Citv Nen'S, May 11, 1861. 320 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA try and his home to come promptly forward to sustain and protect the same. Done at Omaha, this 18th day of May, A. D. 1861. Alvin Saunders. It was thought improbable that troops would be ordered from this sparsely settled, unprotected frontier for active service in the East, especially when there were thousands of men already refused by the government ; but it was deemed probable that the design was to garrison the forts from which the United States troops had been withdrawn. "This ter- ritory cannot well spare 1,000 troops, coming as they would from the productive classes, mechanics and men who work for a living." The still straitened condition of territorial af- fairs is reflected by a "military gentleman" thus : Our military organization is a most difficult question. Were there now a sudden emer- gency demanding the transportation of a few hundred men any material distance north, south or west, I do not believe that we could procure on the credit of the territory the horses, wagons, provisions and ammunition that would be necessary for the purpose, much less to supply them for many days in the field. So heavy are our taxes pressing upon the people that I do not suppose that anyone would for a moment contemplate increasing them ; while to effect anything for military purposes would be to demand a very large in- crease. We cannot anticipate our future resources. A very slight increase of our debt would prostrate our credit utterly; our territorial warrants would be worthless, and bonds could not be sold, I fear, at any price. The present harvest has just shown us that there are scarcely hands enough, even with the aid of machinery, to secure our crops. Yet if we can do anything it will be to spare the men, provided their families are supported — in other words that they are paid. . . If the U. S. Government would arm, equip, subsist and pay a proper number of men to be placed, say 300 at Fort Kearney to move along our frontier, 100 at Brownville or some point in that vicinity, and 100 up toward L'Eau Qui Court, they would constitute a sufficient guard for the present, and with an efficient organization of our militia could be re-enforced, whenever required. But the U. S. must foot the bill — -we are, I conceive, utterlv unable to do it.^ The anxieties and terrors of the Civil war for a time subdued the petty feelings and strifes of partisanship, and it was announced that "the republican and democratic central committees which recently convened at Omaha, after full consideration very wisely determined upon the inexpediency of drawing party lines this fall." There was a prevailing sentiment that there were no party questions, only the question of loyalty or disloyalty to the Union. William E. Harvey, a democrat, was elected auditor over Stephen D. Bangs, a republican, and Augustus Kountze was elected treasurer without opposition. The call to arms made many vacancies in the council, and William F. Sapp of Douglas county was elected to fill the vacancy caused by the resig- nation of John M. Thayer; C. Blanchard of Sarpy, in place of Silas A. Strickland ; John McPherson from Nemaha and Johnson, in place of Thomas W. Tipton, and Samuel M. Kirkpatrick from Cass, Dodge, and Otoe, in place of Samuel H. Elbert. The other nine members held over from the previous session. The eighth session of the general assembly opened December 2, 1861. John Taffe, re- publican, of Dakota county, was chosen presi- dent of the council, receiving seven votes, his democratic opponent, David D. Belden of Douglas, receiving four votes. Robert W. Furnas of Nemaha county was elected chief clerk. Party lines were not drawn in the choice of speaker of the house, and Alfred D. Jones of Douglas county, was chosen on the sixth ballot, receiving thirty-one votes against five for Milton W. Reynolds of Otoe and one for Barnabas Bates of Dakota. George L. Seybolt of Cass county was elected chief clerk. Among the names of other officers of the house familiar to present citizens of Ne- braska are those o'f Isham Reavis of Richard- son, enrolling clerk, and Joseph J. Imhofl: of Otoe county, fireman. Turner M. Marquett was the youngest member of the council and Robert IM. Hagaman, who, as county clerk of L'eau-qui-court county, laid the foundation for keeping J. Sterling Morton out of the Con- gress of the United States by rejecting the s Nebraska Advertiser, October 3, 1861. THE EIGHTH LEGISLATURE 321 election returns from the northern precinct of that county in 1860, was, it was said, the youngest and also the handsomest member of the house. John Taft'e of Dakota county, president of the council, and subsequently delegate to Congress, and an Omaha journal- ist, was a native of Indiana and thirty-three years of age. "While there was at least an equal amount of assembled talent ; a greater degree of sobriety and 'good looks' ; more sociability and general good feeling . . . we are constrained to assert that we witnessed at no previous session such an exhibition and exercise of downright contrariness."'' For the first time in the history of the territory the re- publicans were in the saddle in both the execu- tive and legislative departments. And such were the impetus and the inertia of the Union sentiment and the cohesive power of the pas- sions and spoils of war, that, no matter what the shortcomings or the trespasses of this war party, it could not be unhorsed for a quarter of a century to come. Governor Saunders in his message reiter- ated the oft-told tale of the providential prep- aration of the Platte valley for a railway to the Pacific, and added that "the intelligent and far-seeing telegraph company have made this discovery already, and have located their Pa- cific line and staked out the very route where they expect soon to be followed by this great highway of commerce." He states that the valuable salt springs of Saline and Lancaster counties, with the adjacent lands, have been reserved from sale by the general government, and recommends that Congress be memorial- ized to place these lands under the control of the legislature, or that Congress pass some law authorizing the springs to be worked under the control of the government. He states further that the secretary of the inte- rior has recently decided that school lands may be leased for the support of the public schools, and advises legislation to that end, in case the legislature is of the opinion that a revenue might be derived from them. It appears from the report of the auditor that the indebt- edness of the territory has now reached $50,342.98, represented by $16,000 in bonds and $34,342.98 in warrants. The governor points out that the capitol is still uncom- pleted and that neither legislative hall is ready for use, and recommends that the legis- lature ask Congress for an appropriation suf- ficient to fit the legislative halls for occupancy. The governor informs the legislature that "ex- perience has shown that an agricultural com- munity cannot prosper without a safe medium of exchange," and without stopping to eluci- date the rather remarkable economic implica- Bruno Tzchuck Pioneer of Sarpy county, secretary of state, and act- ing governor of Nebraska tion that other than agricultural communities might thrive on an unsafe medium of ex- change, he soundly advises that "nothing but gold and silver, and the paper of well-guarded and strictly specie-paying banks should be tolerated," — in an agricultural community. The auditor points out that because war- rants draw ten per cent interest and bonds only seven, many prefer the warrants ; and " Nebraska Advertiser, January 23, 1862. 322 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA [Note — J. P. Becker was an early Nebraska miller in Colfax county] THE EIGHTH LEGISLATURE yet the latter are worth only thirty-five or forty cents on the dollar. This officer re- minds the legislature that he has often urged the passing of regular appropriation bills specifying certain sums for particular pur- poses, and he again presses his recommenda- tion so as to form some check upon the issue of warrants. The legislation of this session consisted of sundry amendments to the codes and to other general laws. The other enactments com- prised the repeal of that part of the refund- ing law limiting its application to warrants presented on or before December 1, 1861 ; an act assigning the new republican judges ap- pointed by President Lincoln to the several districts — Chief Justice William Pitt Kel- logg to the first, Associate Justice Streeter to the second, and Associate Justice Lockwood to the third ; an act providing that property to the value of one hundred dollars belonging to any person who should maintain an acre of grapes in a good state of cultivation and in a single tract, should be exempt from taxation, and for an exemption of a valuation of fifty dollars for each additional acre of grapes ; an act attaching all territory lying west of the first guide meridian to the first judicial district ; an act to encourage the growth of wool : and an act to resurvey the saline lands in Lancaster county. The law to encourage the growth of sheep was as follows : "All sheep not to ex- ceed five hundred in number are hereby ex- empted from forced sale on execution and tax- ation." How this gracious concession was to be distributed among the various sheep own- ers if there should happen to be more than five hundred of the favored animals in the terri- tory is left to conjecture after the fashion of so much of the territorial legislation. The preamble of the law for the resurvey of saline lands recited that "certain lands in the south- ern portion of Lancaster county, known to be the richest saline lands perhaps in the world, have been entered at the L'nited States land office in Nebraska City by private individuals by virtue of a conspiracy with the United States surveyor," and that the general land office had recalled the patents for these lands and ordered an investigation. The counties of Buffalo, Hall, Kearney, and Lincoln were constituted a new representative district ; the territory known as Jones county was attached to Gage for the purpose of tax- ation. The name of Green county was changed to Seward, and Calhoun to Saun- ders. The first organization of Holt county was legalized and also the acts of the covmty commissioners of Platte and L'eau-qui-court in 1861. Gage and Jones counties were at- tached to the council district of Richardson and Pawnee, and that part of Polk county north of the Platte river was joined to Platte county for election, judicial, and revenue pur- poses. Two sets of resolutions favoring the prose- cution of the war for the Union were adopted by the house on motion of Reynolds, demo- crat, of Otoe county. A joint resolution was adopted recjuesting the secretary of war to station two companies of federal soldiers on the Missouri border to protect loyal citizens from depredations of "secessionists and trai- tors in Missouri, and of those residing in their own midst." During the months of January and February, 1862, great excitement was caused in the southeastern counties by lawless acts of jayhawkers. Though there was an in- clination in the North Platte section to be- little these disturbances. Governor Saunders issued the following proclamation : Whereas, It has been represented by many good and loyal citizens of this territory, that lawless bands of armed men, styling them- selves "Jayhawkers," are committing depreda- tions in the southern portion of the territory — stealing horses, robbing stores and houses, and threatening the lives of many of our citizens. Now therefore, I, Alvin Saunders, governor of the territory of Nebraska, do hereby com- mand all bands or companies of men, leagued together for the purpose aforesaid, or for other unlawful purposes, within this territory, to immediately disband and return to their homes, or at least to leave the territory ; and in case they, or any other parties are hereafter found within the limits of the territory en- gaged in acts of robbery, or in any way dis- turbing the peace of our citizens, all the pow- ers of the territory both civil and military, will be brought to bear against them, and if taken such severe punishment as justice de- 324 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA mands will be executed without fear or favor. Given under rnv hand and the great seal of the territory, at ( )niaha, this-2d day of Jan- uary, A. D. 1862. By the governor, Alvin Saunders, [l. s.] Algernon S. Paddock, Secretary of the territorv. The press was crowded with communica- tions discussing the subject, which show that the settlers were between the fires of alleged union, as well as secessionist lawbreakers. A part of one of these communications reveals the conditions : Pawnee says we are between two fires — that of secessionists and union jayhawkers ! Well, I think we can stand all such fires. We are able to put down jayhawking, and if Secesh shows his head on this side of the river, we will put him down too ... I would inform Pawnee that those self-styled union jayhawkers have deceived a great many good people. They have made them believe that they were only stealing from rebels, which is not the fact. A league of citizens was formed at Ne- braska City for protection against these marauders, and over two hundred citizens, members of the league and divided between the two political parties, signed the following oath ; I solemnly swear that I will bear true al- legiance to the United States, and support and sustain the constitution and laws thereof, that I will maintain the national sovereignty, para- mount to that of all states, county or con- federate powers, that I will discourage, dis- countenance, and forever oppose secession, rebellion and disintegration of the federal union, that I disdain and denounce all faith and fellowship with the so-called confederate armies, and pledge my honor, my property and my life to the sacred performance of this my solemn oath of allegiance to the govern- ment of the United States of America. We further pledge our lives, our property and our honor, to protect each and every member of this league in person and property, from all lawless marauders. Two alleged jayhawkers, arrested in John- son county, were brought to Nebraska City, where one was shoved under the ice of the frozen Missouri river, and the other was re- leased and then followed and shot dead. The local journal virtuously denounces these acts as murders and then \irtually upholds them in the following whimsical style : Catch a jayhawker or anybody else in the act of stealing your horse, shoot or hang him with all convenient dispatch ; but don't do it unless you are sure, beyond perad venture of a doubt; your own or the belief of any other man, is not sufficient warrant to take the life in punishment of any person, no matter how much against him public opinion or appear- ances may be. Every scoundrel has a right to his life, imtil well-known and proven facts show that he deserves to lose it. And then, if life is to be taken, let it be done openly, in daylight, by some one having authority — a committee appointed by a public meeting. Executioners so authorized, and doing such a duty, need not be troubled about their re- sponsibility — for that rests with the people — and if the people, in pursuing such a course, act dispassionately and upon direct proof, they will be able to bear the brunt of all blame. But don't let us have anv more persons — • jayhawkers, and horse-thieves included — chucked under the ice. It is murderous, un- warrantable, and very cold. But that cold-blooded tragedy was the cul- mination of the era of lawlessness, and soon after it was announced that "jayhawking is about played out in Kansas and Nebraska," General Hunter "having taken decided steps in his department." The Bellevue palliative — a memorial for a $40,000 penitentiary to be located there — was repeated. On the breaking out of the Civil war the Indians were quick to see their opportunity for_ mischief, and the legislature asked Congress to authorize the governor to raise five companies of soldiers, to be paid and equipped by the United States, for protection against "the various tribes of Indians whose propensities to molest and destroy have been increased by reason of neglect on the part of incompetent and, in instances, traitorous agents, who have heretofore had charge of them." The memorial recited that the terri- tory was without arms for defense against this danger or the means to buy them. An attempt was made at this session to pass an apportionment bill on the basis of the last vote for delegate for Congress, and later, when the result of the United States census THE EIGHTH LEGISLATURE 325 became known, on the population as therein determined ; but North Platte interests were able to defeat the measure. There was bitter complaint of the inequity of existing repre- sentation in the legislature. According to the census the North Platte section contained only 8,478 people against 18,031 in the South Platte; and by distributing the population of the frontier districts between the two sections partisans of the southern section counted 10,824 for the North Platte and 18,012 for the South Platte, a difference of 7,188. This con- troversy showed that there had been no real abatement of the sectional spirit : There is no avoiding a sectional contest for congress next fall. Let South Platte stand by her own men, and if we have a session of the legislature next winter, let the members of the same south of the Platte elect as of- ficers her own men. This is the doctrine. . Omaha is a great place, but her greatness consists in selfishness and concen- trated meanness. The territorial conventions of both political parties met at Omaha on the 20th of Septem- ber. There had been much profession on both sides of a desire to ignore partisanship in the nominations and strike a single war and union key-note; and even the nomination of the same candidate by both conventions was advo- cated. In the Republican convention there was a fierce contest for the nomination for delegate to Congress, and Mr. Daily did not succeed in winning it until the forty-fifth bal- lot. His contestants were Dr. Gilbert C. Mon- ell of Douglas county, John Taffe of Dakota county, and William H. Taylor of Otoe county. John Q. Goss, who recently died at Bellevue, where he was then living, was president of the democratic convention, and J. AL Wool- worth, chairman of the committee on resolu- tions, lived until a few years since at Omaha, where he then resided. The platform adopted by the convention is doubly interesting as in- dicative of the sentiment of the democrats in those early days of the Civil war, and as the product of a man who was to become an eminent lawyer and citizen of the state. The sentiment of the convention was de- cidedly in favor of nominating J. F. Kinney as candidate for delegate to Congress ; but A. J. Poppleton hotly opposed Kinney, charging him with recreancy to the Democratic party in retaining the office of territorial judge in Utah under the Republican administration, and that he was a non-resident. Kinney kept himself well in hand, and made a judicious speech, insisting that he had not lost his resi- dence in Nebraska, that his family were still living at Nebraska City, and that it was no offense to continue to hold the office in ques- tion, especially since he had gone to Wash- ington and offered his resignation to President Lincoln, who persistently refused to accept it. On the first regular ballot Judge Kinney re- ceived all the votes of the convention except the ten from Nemaha county, which were cast for Mr. Poppleton. We have other testimony that the resolu- tion complimentary to Colonel Thayer, which it is said in the proceedings of the convention was rejected, was in fact adopted by that bodv, and the republican convention held the same day passed a similar resolution. The contest in the convention was the old Omaha fight over again. The Douglas delegation had seceded when they found that Poppleton's nomination for delegate to Congress was im- possible, and the Nebraskian, the Omaha democratic organ, opposed Kinney, a resident of the hated Otoe county, on the ground that Daily was more satisfactory to Omaha. A. J. Hanscom, "formerly a democrat, and one of the big guns of Douglas county," was quoted as saving that he was "an Omaha man and nothing else," that he "went only for Omaha in this campaign," and supported Daily "be- cause he has pledged himself to work for Oinaha." Like the blind or the deaf, whose other senses, by reason of the defect, become the more acute, so Daily, unlettered in all other respects, was almost superfluously schooled in the devious arts of practical poli- tics. In his campaign against Morton — the original leader and consummate partisan of the South Platte — he had been able to per- suade the democratic organ of southeast Ne- braska, the Advertiser, to his support on the ostensible ground of standing for South Platte interests : and now, discerning that he 326 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Colonel George Armstrong Omaha pioneer Mrs. Julia Ewing Armstrong Wife of Colonel Armstrong ROLLIN M. RoLFE Pioneer of Otoe county Nedom B. Whitfield Pioneer of Nemaha county CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1862 327 had btcome in some sort shelf-worn in his home district, and the election returns from the leading South Platte counties confirmed the clearness of his vision, he gained an offset by cajolery of the North Platte. Specifica- tion as to Daily's new alliance with the North Platte were furnished: When we heard three weeks ago that the Pacific railroad bill, (in which a point at or near the mouth of the Platte river was named as the initial of a branch through the terri- tory), had passed the House, we said we wanted the bill to liecome a law whether we got a branch South of the Platte or not. This was upon the understanding that southern Nebraska was to have an equal chance in the selection of the route, with North Platte. . . But it seems that we are to have no show- ing at all. The two incorporators to repre- sent Nebraska in the organization of the com- pany are two of the bitterest North Platte men who could have been named — Dr. Alon- ell and A. Kountze — both of them residents and property holders in Omaha and specula- tors in the paper towns along the North Platte route to the mountains. Northern Ne- braska with 9,000 residents, ta.xable prop- erty amounting to only $3,000,000, and capac- ity for a population all told, of less than 400,000, has two incorporators ; while south-" ern Nebraska with a population of over 19,- 000, taxable property of nearly $5,000,000. and a capacity of sustaining upwards of 1,000,000 men, women and children, is to have no voice in the organization of the company. . . When "Skisms" wrote a letter, dated the 17th of September, 1860, pledging himself to procure an appropriation of land from con- gress to build a railroad west from Brownville. he did so with a view to securing the vote of Nemaha county. That letter was intended for Nemaha county circulation, and he got the vote. He made similar secret pledges in Cass and Otoe counties. Hon. William H. Taylor, and the rest of his stump-speakers, endorsed them — ■ promising all things in his name. In these three counties Daily got ma- jorities. Now what does he do ? He not only vio- lates every pledge he then made ; but his own personal vanity assuring him that he owns South Platte, by giving the "Omaha clique" the whole voice in the preliminary organiza- tion and location of the Pacific railroad con- nection through the territory. Notwithstanding that the opposition showed that Daily had not, during three sessions, ob- tained a single appropriation for public works in the territory, and had purposely, it was charged, failed to obtain an appropriation for finishing the capitol which was "going to ruin" through neglect, and the fact that W. H. Tay- lor and O. P. Mason, the two leading republi- cans of Otoe county, opposed him, his supe- rior campaigning qualities pulled him through with a majority of 136. Daily had, and doubtless deserved the reputation for being the best campaigner, among republicans at least, in the territory, and this year his strident and magnetic denunciation against "this yer slave oligarchy" was particularly eft'ective. There was the usual charge of frauds in the elections in Richardson county ; and of Falls City, home of Dundy, Daily's political man- ager, and whence he was to emerge presently, through Daily's reciprocal favor, as associate justice of the supreme court. The Nezvs said : Falls City is the headquarters of the Daily clique in the territory, and we were prepared for gross illegality, but we confess not to the extent that present reports indicate. The ninth month regiment has figured prominently in the campaign, government officers promis- ing democrats positions if they would support Daily. We doubt not at least one hundred men have been subsidized by assurances of the appointment of colonel of the regiment. But for the first time since the first elec- tion in 1854 the contest was not carried to Washington. The direct or war tax of $19,312 levied upon the territory by the federal government in 1861, modest as the sum seems in the eyes of the children of the squatters, was a cause of great solicitude to them in their still im- pecunious condition. At the urgent request of the people, preferred in various ways, Con- gress credited the territory with this tax in lieu of the usual appropriation of $20,000 for the expenses of the legislative session. There was accordingly no session in 1863, though there had been no authoritative expression of public sentiment on the subject, and members were chosen generally at the fall election. Omaha was of course loth to forego the finan- cial and other profits of a legislative session, but the Republican was the only newspaper 328 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA in the territory which did not advocate its omission. It seems odd to people of the pres- ent day that but a generation ago it was deemed a hardship or sacrifice to forego a session of the legislature, especially as in the meantime annual sessions have been generally William Hartford James Second governor of the state of Nebraska discarded by the public judgment, and even biennial meetings are by no means in high favor. William E. Harvey, democrat, was reelected auditor ; and Augustus Kountze, "a conservative republican," was elected treasurer of the territory in 1863. The N ehraskian an- nounced the candidacy of both without nom- ination by a convention. In the meantime the grim business of war had taken the place of partisan politics, largely, in the public mind. There was much solicitude and controversy as to the ability of the territory to defend itself against border ruffianism on the south and Indian depreda- tions along the whole western border, and strong opposition to sending the First regi- ment out of the territory. The resignation of Lieutenant-Colonel Downs of the First regi- ment is explained on such grounds : When the regiment was organized it was upon the distinct understanding, expressed in a letter from Mr. Secretary Cameron, that it was not to be ordered out of the territory. Many of the officers and men repaired to the rendezvous, leaving their private business un- settled. When the order came to go to Mis- souri, an order obtained mainly through the anxiety of Col. Thayer to show himself, Lieut. Col. Downs (brigadier general under the vol- unteer organization act of 1856) went with the first battalion, and he did not even have time to visit his family. Constant depredations soon vindicated this fear and protest ; and in the summer of 1864 the regiment was sent back to Nebraska for service against the Indians. CHAPTER XV Ninth Legislature — Constitutional Convention, 1864 — Political Conventions, 1864 — Tenth Legislature — Reappointment oe Governor Saunders — Poli- tics in 1865 — Eleventh Legislature — The First State Constitution THE ninth session of the legislative assem- bly began January 7, 1864. The appor- tionment remained unchanged, and it had grown outrageously inequitable and at the expense of the South Platte. The Advertiser had groaned under the inequality in 1863, and the Nezvs insisted that Governor Saunders possessed and should exercise the authority to reapportion the legislative districts. Not- withstanding that irregularity of procedure was still common, the governor, whose capital residence was in the North Platte country, would have no mind to attempt to override the apportionment made by the legislature, clearly under the exclusive power conferred by the organic act, even in so clear a case of misrepresentation. Allen of Washington county was elected president of the council, receiving nine votes against two for Marquett of Cass county : and the disposition of the legislature to avoid drawing party lines was shown in the unani- mous election of George B. Lake of Douglas county for speaker of the house. After a tribute to the soldiers, who were now first in the thought of the politician as well as the patriot, the governor's message hastens to get out of tune with the non-par- tisan votes of the territorial press and plat- forms by taking partisan credit for the passage of the homestead law : You had repeatedly memorialized congress on this suliject without avail. In fact, its suc- cess, though so just to the settler and so wise as a measure of national policy, seemed hope- less while the reins of government were held by such men as controlled the administration, preceding the inauguration of our present chief magistrate. The honor of the prompt passage of this great measure is due to Presi- dent Lincoln and his political friends in con- gress. I deem it but just that we who are so deeply interested in, and so largely benefited by the success of this measure, should obey the injunction of the sacred writer by render- ing "honor to those to whom honor is due."^ It is true that there had been opposition to homestead bills under democratic administra- tion on the part of slaveholders, jealous of the growth of the unfriendly Northwest; but others, on conservative grounds, had hesitated to at once espouse this new and radical mea- sure, and the sentiment in its favor had been of gradual growth. Today the wisdom of the law, as it has been administered, is questioned by many wise men, just as the unguarded land subsidies to railway companies have been condemned. Even the governor's high imag- inings are inspired to an unwonted loftiness of flight in contemplation of this gift of em- pire without money and without price. "What a blessing this wise and humane legis- lation will bring to many a poor but honest and industrious family !" And there is a real- ism, too, in the executive sentimentality which Zola himself might have emulated. "The very thought to such people that they can now have a tract of land that they can call their own has a soul-inspiring effect upon them and makes them feel thankful that their lots [sic] have been cast under a government that is so liberal to its people." The message takes credit and foresees great gain and glory for Nebraska on account of the passage of the Pacific railway bill. In accordance with your memorial on the 1 House Journal, 9th ter. sess., p. 12. 330 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA i/)^d/>^''J^ti^^r^^6^^ [Note — N. S. Harding was an early merchant at Nebraska City and a member of the state legislature] NINTH LEGISLATURE 331 subject, congress also passed a bill, at the first regular session after the inauguration of the present administration, providing for the con- struction of the great Pacific railway, com- mencing on the 100th meridian, within the ter- ritory of Nebraska, thence westwardly to the Pacific coast, with three branches from the place of beginning eastward to the Missouri river. One of these branch roads diverges southeasterly to the mouth of the Kansas river, in the state of Kansas, and also forming a con- nection with the Hannibal & St. Joseph rail- road at Atchison ; and the other two branches, so called, stretch across our territory — one terminating at the capital of your territory, and the other opposite Sioux City — thus forming a connection at all three points with some of the best roads of the northwest. With these magnificent works successfully prose- cuted, connecting directly with the great cities of the Atlantic and Pacific, with the advan- tages of the homestead, of a virgin and fertile soil, of exhaustless salt springs, with a cli- mate as salubrious as exists in the world — none can hesitate to predict for Nebraska gi- gantic strides in the attainment of wealth and power. - The message discloses that the indebtedness of the territory has now reached $59,893, and the auditor's report shows that it is chiefly represented by bonds to the amount of $31,- 225, and warrants, $17,869.54. The message calculates that the debt of the territory is less by $18,162.82 than it was two years before, but the result is reached by rather optimistic and original figuring. The resources counted to offset the debt consist of the uncollected levy of 1863, $17,330.23, of $4,407.76 in the hands of the treasurer — by the auditor's ac- count — and the eternal bugbear of delinquent taxes, making a total of $41,829.59, which, deducted from the debt of $59,893, leaves, by the governor's optimistic arithmetic, an in- debtedness of only $18,063.41 — or a decrease since the end of 1861 of $18,162.82, as above. Stating the problem another way, it appears that the indebtedness two years ago was $50,- 399.24, whereas now it is $59,893, an increase of $9,493.76 ; but as the amount of taxes not collected by the territorial treasurer two years before was $13,173.01 against $37,421.83 at this time, there is at least a nominal reduction as stated above. Moreover, there is a com- paratively large balance of $5,375.48 in the hands of the territorial treasurer, and, the message tells us, warrants have risen to eighty or ninety cents on the dollar, from thirty-three to forty cents two years before. Notwithstanding that there had been a rul- ing by the federal authorities that school lands might be leased, but not sold, for the benefit of the school fund, the message com- plains that still "we must rely entirely on tax- ation or voluntary subscription for the educa- tion of our youths." In brief, the most pal- pable fact in the reports of the officers is that Benj.\-\ii\' E. B. Kennedy One time mayor of Omaha poverty is still prevalent in the territory, and that partially on this account, and for the rest on account of inefficient organization, taxes cannot be collected with reasonable certainty or dispatch. The much used arguments in favor of statehood are repeated in the mes- sage, and the annual appeal for a penitentiary memorial to Congress shows its familiar face. The condition of the laws of the territory is set forth as follows : There seems to be a very general desire on the part of the citizens of the territory to have a general revision and codification of our laws, and to have all the laws that are now in force in the territory, together with all that may be passed at your session, bound in one vohnne. The present laws are made up from acts that extend through the whole of the eight sessions that have been held in the ter- - House Journal, 9tli tcr sess., p. 13. 332 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ritory. and so many amendments and altera- tions' to our laws have been made during that time that it is with difficulty that persons who are not professionally engaged in the business can find out what the existing laws are." There was another attempt at this session to devise a practicable revenue law, and agam an improvement of the election laws was at- tempted. General incorporation acts were passed, but they were not exclusive. Benja- min E. B. Kennedy of Douglas county, chair- man of the judiciary committee of the house, reported "as to the propriety of passing an act prohibiting the legislative assembly from passing any local or special laws therein enu- merated," that the organic act, "which is our constitution," recognized the right to pass special acts, and it would be impracticable to prohibit it ; and while it would be commend- able to discourage useless and unnecessary legislation, "yet it can scarcely be conceived that meritorious cases may not claim our se- rious consideration." So it was left to the state constitution to close the gates against this vicious flood of special legislation. The judiciary committee reported also that while they conceded "that great convenience would result from an adequate revision of our laws," yet, "with the debt-doomed treasury, and no guaranty that the federal government would meet the necessary expenses, your committee do not feel justified to recommend it." By the apportionment law of this session representation from the North Platte section was reduced from seven to six members in the council, and from nineteen l<_) sixteen in the house. This arrangement did not allow all the South Platte was entitled to but, though in adjusting it the old sectional interests again came into collision, the contest was less bitter and the sectional lines less sharply drawn than usual. On a full vote the North Platte had at this time a majority of one in the council and the South Platte a like majority in the house. The council forced its amendment of the ap- portionment of the members of the house on that bodv, while the house accepted from the council its apportionment bill without attempt- ing to change it; and yet the South Platte members of the council indicated their satis- faction with the apportionment for that body by voting against the amendment proposed and carried by the North Platte to limit the appli- cation of the bill to the next legislature. The laws for vhe encouragement of the growth of fruit, forest, and ornamental trees and grapes were changed so as to provide that their culti- vation should not be held to increase the value of land for revenue purposes; and the unsuc- cessful attempt to pass an act for the encour- agement of sheep-raising at the last session was carried out. Clay county was disposed of 1)V attaching its north half to Lancaster and its south half to Gage. The organization of Lan- caster was legalized and the officers chosen at the last election declared to be the legal offi- cers ; the county was detached from Cass, as to judicial purposes ; and "the county of Sew- ard and the counties westward" were attached to Lancaster for judicial purposes. Tn 1860 an act was passed authorizing the auditor of the territory to sell, for the benefit of the school fund, a large amount of cast iron which composed columns intended for the capitol, but which could not be used on account of the lack of money to carry out the original plans for the building. The sum of S97L78 was realized from the sale, but the secretary of the territory made demand on the auditor for the money, on the ground that it was part of the funds of the general govern- ment for the completion of the capitol. This legislature accordingly authorized the auditor to turn the money over to the secretary. In view of the fact that the city of Omaha had invested more in the capitol than the amount of the federal appropriation, this action was rubbing in the close dealing of the federal father with his impecunious territorial wards. There was little manifestation of partisan- ship in this legislature, though the ambitious leaders on the republican side were apt in pushing resolutions in approval of the na- tional administration. A joint resolution by Marc|uett extending thanks to the Nebraska soldiers in the field passed without opposition, and the measure enabling them to vote, also introduced by Marquett, met with general ■■' House Journal. 9tli tcr. sess., p. 20. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION, 1864 333 support ; Marquett and Little — republican and democrat — agreed in reporting it from their committee, and the vote of only one councihnan — Campbell of Otoe county — was recorded against it. ^Nlarquett also pressed a joint resolution favoring Lincoln and An- drew Johnson for nomination as president and vice president, which Mason unsuccessfully tried to sidetrack by a motion to refer to the committee on agriculture ; but it was passed by a party vote. A joint resolution approv- ing the Emancipation Proclamation and the general policy of President Lincoln's admin- istration, including especially the arming of negroes and the amnesty proclamation, passed the council by a vote of 8 to 3. and the house by 29 to 5. The memorial to Congress praying for ap- propriate legislation for the admission of the territory as a state passed the council promptly and without division, but in the thirty-five votes recorded in tlie house the opposition counted eleven, and they were about evenly divided between republicans and democrats. The attitude of the democrats toward the war at this time was indicated by a substitute offered by Kennedy of Omaha for resolutions "on the state of the Union." Mr. Kennedy's resolutions declared in favor of the vigorous ]3rosecution of the war, but also that its "only object should be to put down the wicked re- bellion," and that, "in the patriotic language of the immortal Crittenden, the war ought not to be waged on our part for any purposes of conquest or subjugation, or purposes of over- throwing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those states, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and the rights of the several states unimpaired : and as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease." This substitute was of course de- feated, but it received nine democratic votes out of the total vote of thirty-seven on the question. The extreme bitterness of feeling of certain prominent republicans of the South Platte toward the dominant D's — Daily and Dundy — was indicated by the following reso- lution introduced in the council by Oliver P. Alason of Otoe county : Whereas, A petition has been circulated for the signatures of members of the council and house of representatives requesting the Senate of the L^nited States to confirm Elmer S. Dundy as associate justice of the supreme court of the territory of Nebraska ; therefore, Resolved By the council of the territory of Nebraska, that E. S. Dundy ought not to be confirmed as associate justice of the supreme court of the territory of Nebraska. The resolution was called up the day after its introduction and laid over under the rules, but it was never pressed to a vote. In quick response to the memorial of the legislature an enabling act was passed by Con- gress and approved April 19, 1864. This act authorized the governor of the territory to order an election of members of a constitu- tional convention, the election to be held on the 6th of the following June and the con- vention on the 4th of July. The number of members of the convention was to be "the same as now constitute both branches of the legislature." Pro-state sentiment was strong enough in (Jniaha to defeat the regular ticket for dele- gates to the constitutional convention headed by Dr. Miller, and to elect a set of pro-state delegates headed by Hadley D. Johnson. But Omaha interests preferred the territorial status rather than to run risks of capital re- moval which any change would involve ; and at the election, while all the rest of the North Platte counties voted for statehood, Douglas gave eighty majority against it. All the South Platte counties voted against statehood, except Richardson, which gave 140 majority in its favor. The convention met, organized, and then, by a vote of 35 to 7, adjourned sine die. This was a remarkable reversal of the action of the legislature in adopting the joint resolutions in favor of statehood. It is to be accounted for by the fact that the real leaders of the demo- cratic party were not in the legislature, and that republicans, ambitious for the offices that might accrue to them through admission, and trusting to popular acquiescence in the desire of the national administration to profit by the 334 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^T^^^^^^^!S^|^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H B 1^^^ "' iJ^^H I Note — B. H. Fuller was a pioneer of Pawnee county, Nebraska, in which he held different county offices.] POLITICAL CONVENTIONS 335 addition of the unquestionably loyal members from Nebraska to its forces in Congress, over- looked the hostility of the people to assump- tion of the burdens of statehood. The hope of the republicans was the fear of the demo- crats, and the position of the latter was frank- ly avowed. The vote of Nebraska as a state may be counted to elect Abraham to a second term ; and besides, it is admitted there are some who suppose the territory to be republican, and in the event of its so being they begin to look forward to the good time coming when, under the aegis of a constitutional provision, negro equality shall culminate in miscegination, and numberless fat offices shall be bestowed upon the faithful leaders of the party as a reward for services, sufferings, and wear and tear of conscience in singing hallelujahs to an admin- istration the most imbecile, reckless, profligate and corrupt that has ever existed. The democ- racy will oppose the whole thing from "stem to stern." . . Our taxes are about as high as we can bear, and if we come in they must be ten fold higher. . . It will require $60,000 a year to uphold a state government. Hitherto territories have been admitted after a census has shown a sufficient population to entitle them to a representative in congress. No inquiry as to the number of people, none as to their wishes. When the Omaha Republican showed the inconsistency of the democratic organ by pointing out that its editor, Alfred H. Jack- son, had himself offered the statehood reso- lutions and memorial at the late session of the legislature, all he could say in reply was that his resolution was intended to let the people decide whether they wanted a constitutional convention or not, while the act of Congress required them to vote directly on the question of accepting or rejecting the constitution which the convention had been authorized to frame. The democratic press effectively em- phasized the objection of increased expense involved in sustaining a state government. It was argued that the present taxes were five mills on the dollar, aggregating $45,163.86; and that the state would have to raise $58,000, now annually paid by congressional appropri- ation, besides the $45,000 now raised by tax- ation. Dr. George L. Miller was president and J. Sterling Morton chairman of the committee on resolutions of the democratic territorial convention which was held at Plattsmouth, June 22, for the purpose of choosing dele- gates to the national convention, and of tak- ing action on the question of statehood. The resolutions adopted congratulated the democ- racy of Nebraska that an overwhelming ma- jority of the members of the constitutional convention stood pledged to adjourn sine die without action, thus saving an expense of $25,- 000 involved in preparing a constitution ; that it had forestalled an election (on the question of adopting the constitution) at which the "money of the administration poured out like water would have been employed upon the corruptible" ; that it had forestalled drafts for the army, and that an "iniquity has been em- phatically rebuked, which would have made 30,000 people the sovereign equal of New York, Ohio, or Illinois, in order that three electoral votes might be added to the purchase by which a corrupt administration is seeking to perpetuate its power." It was also re- solved that the authors of the resolutions have "heard with astonishment that certain federal office-holders in this territory propose to force the burden of a state government upon this people by cunningly devised oaths to be administered to the convention." While the resolutions commended "the independent and truly patriotic members of the republican, and other parties who lent us their aid to thwart these purposes of unequaled infamy, it must be remembered that the plan by which these inestimable benefits are assured to us was con- ceived, tarried forward and accomplished by the democracy of Nebraska." It will be seen that the "threatenings and slaughter" which breathe through these heroics are entirely at outs with the general negative and acquiescent mood and policy heretofore assumed by the democrats during the war, as well as with the action of the leading democratic members of the legislature touching this subject. But whatever we may think of the discretion of the resolutions, they were distinctly Morton- ian, and they show that in his youth, as al- ways after, Morton was no fool who would 336 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA [XoTE — Daukl H. WliecltT was a pioneer o{ Plattcsmoiith, Nebraska, and prominent in politics] POLITICAL CONVENTIONS 337 halt at the stumbling block of consistency. The statesman who has a mind to hesitate before consistency is already lost. Besides, how recently had Morton been for statehood with much less population than at this time. The democratic party was now in such an un- certain condition that it could win nothing but negative victories, and the republicans as- sisted it in winning this one by timid approval of the statehood proposition which amounted to less than half-heartedness. A party organ, for example, kept its ammunition in store dur- ing the whole campaign, and then after it was lost exploded it all at once in the following fashion : What have the copperheads, then, succeeded in cajoling their "republican friends" into: First, a resistance to the draft : the main argument used was "If we have a state we'll have a draft." Second, they have assisted to defeat the constitutional amendment, to pass which the vote of three members of congress from Ne- baska was necessary ; . . . which the copperheads style as one of the "president's infamous projects." Third, they have virtually said to the gov- ernment : We are mean enough to force you to support us while we know you need every dollar you can scrape to whip out the rebel- lion. The professed fear by the democrats of "cunningly devised oaths" was an insinuation that it was the plan of Secretary Paddock to administer an oath to the members of the convention which would aid them to remain in session until a constitution should be framed. The delegates to the national democratic convention, chosen by the Plattsmouth con- vention, were J. Sterling Morton, Andrew J. Poppleton, Joseph I. Early, Erastus B. Chand- ler, and John Rickley. The opposition classed all these delegates as "unadulterated Vallan- dighammers," an imputation which was ex- cused if not fully justified by the inexplicably hostile expression of the democratic press and platforms of the territory against the national administration and its war measures ; and which continued unabated from this time on until the amendments to the constitution were adopted. The republican territorial committee met February 12, 1864, and by its own act dis- banded to go into the new "union" party, and forty of the fifty-two members of the legisla- ture endorsed their action ; and afterwards six members of the old organization — Floris Van Reuth of Dakota county ; Eliphus H. Rogers, Dodge; Dr. Gilbert C. Monell, Douglas; Daniel H. Wheeler, Cass; William H. H. Waters, Otoe ; David Butler, Pawnee — met and chose themselves delegates to the Union national convention at Baltimore. The Re- publican rebelled against this action as usur- pation, and the self-appointed delegates after- ward submitted to the choice of delegates to a convention. At the meeting of the committee, held April 26th, all the members were present by person or proxy except two, and they adopted a "union" platform as follows : Resolved, That the only basis of this union organization shall be unquestioned loyalty, and unconditional support of the congress of the United States in their war measures, es- pecially in confiscating the property [of] rebels in arms, unconditional support of the procla- mations of President Lincoln, especially his emancipation proclamation, the arming of negroes, or any other constitutional measure deemed necessary by the administration to crush out this wicked rebellion, with the least cost of time, treasure and blood of loyal men. And whereas, since the adoption of this platform, the rebel authorities have practiced brutal barbarities upon our colored soldiers, we hereby affirm the duty of this government to afford white and colored soldiers equal pro- tection, and to retaliate strictly upon white rebels any barbarity practiced upon colored soldiers of the union army. A colored man once freed by this government and enlisted as a soldier in its defense, is entitled to its pro- tection in all respects as a free citizen. Adjourned, sine die. G. C. MoNKLL, Chairman. D. H. Wheeler, Secretary. The adage, "practice makes perfect" had ample opportunity for self-vindication in the making of perfect political citizens in the year 1864, which was even more than commonly a crowded hour of politics. After the legis- lature came the discussion of statehood, then the conventions relating thereto, and all the 338 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA .^^ ST^l^^^^-^^^^^l/ [Note — T. S. Clarkson was at one time postmaster of Omaha and was manager of the Trans-Mis- sissippi exposition, Omaha, Nebraska.] POLITICAL CONVENTIONS 339 time there was raging a fierce contest, espe- cially in the now confident republican, or union party, over the nominations for delegate to Congress. The principal republican aspirants were Turner M. Marquett of Cass county; Phineas W. Hitchcock, Gilbert C. Monell, and John I. Redick, of Douglas county ; Thomas W. Tipton of Nemaha county; Benjamin F. Lushbaugh of Platte county ; and Algernon S. Paddock, secretary of the territory — of whose candidacy it was irreverently said, "His claims are based upon his extreme politeness. . . The polite, polished, elegant, accom- plished, affable, courteous, pleasant, smiling, gracious A. S. Paddock." An estimate of Hitchcock by the same judge was as much more laconic, as it was less pleasant and pic- turesque — -but that was formulated after his nomination. The union convention for nominating a delegate to Congress met at Nebraska City, August 17th. Mr. Paddock came within one vote of securing the nomination on the eighth ballot, Tipton within five on the sixth ballot, and Marquett within five on the eleventh bal- lot. The N ebraskian said of Daily that "if he is no longer king he is king-maker," which should be interpreted to mean, in substance, that the unnatural allegiance to him on the part of the alien North Platte in his last des- perate campaign was remembered and paid for in the making of Hitchcock, who was nom- inated on the thirteenth regular ballot. At the democratic territorial convention held at Nebraska City, September 16th, Charles H. Brown of Omaha favored the nomination of William A. Little, of the same place, for delegate to Congress, while John B. Bennett of Otoe county presented the name of Dr. George L. Miller, also of Omaha. Mr. Brown withdrew Mr. Little's name, since, as he said, the democracy outside of Douglas county favored another man, and Dr. Miller was thereupon nominated by acclamation. Thus it appears that at this early time Mr. Brown, a man of very positive opinions, of unswerving purpose, and of dogged pertinac- ity in forwarding them and in standing against his opponents, had conceived a hostility to Dr. Miller which he cherished, with an important influence on the politics of the commonwealth, to the day of his death. In challenging Mr. Hitchcock to a series of joint debates in the canvass. Dr. Miller sought to make the most of the fact that his opponent continued to hold the federal office of United States marshal, and occupied the equivocal position of ostensible candidate of the "union" party, which was in fact the re- publican party with a pseudonym. Dr. Miller first addressed his opponent by the title of United States marshal, then as republican nominee and United States marshal, and again as nominee of the "union" party and repub- lican United States marshal. But whatever advantage accrued to the democratic candi- date by virtue of his ability, prestige, and ca- pacity for public discussion had been yielded by the unwise copperheadism, as it was effectively called, of his platform; and also by the influence of the suicidal national demo- cratic platform of that year — though it is likely that any pronounced democrat running on any platform would have been submerged in the tide of general opposition to his party which then ran strongest in the new North- west. Mr. Hitchcock received a majority of 1,087 over Dr. Miller out of a total vote of 3,885. This bitter bourbonism, which was now adopted by the democrats of the terri- tory to their certain undoing, was in part due to the influence of Vallandigham and Voor- hees on Morton, who had been admired and assisted by them in his contest with Daily in 1861. The baneful reactionary course of these eminent party leaders, which, not at all strangely, influenced the scarcely mature and impressionable young man, would have spent itself inefi^ectually against the strong individ- uality and independent judgment of his ma- ture years — now more strongly developed in the whilom pupil than in his early preceptors. The mature Morton, thirty-five years after- ward, strenuously opposed and rebuked a like wayward radicalism on the part of Voor- hees in the great struggle over the money question. The tenth session of the legislature con- vened January 5, 1865. Mr. Mason was elected temporary president 340 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of the council, receiving seven votes against six cast for B. E. B. Kennedy. This vote rep- resented the relative strength of the two parties, though Allen, classed as a republican, sometimes wabbled to the democratic side. There was no opposition to the election of Mr. Mason as permanent president : John S. Bowen was also unanimously elected chief clerk. Casper E. Yost, subsequently a promi- nent republican politician and editor, makes his appearance in politics at this session as en- rolling clerk of the council. The numl)er of representatives at this ses- !P1 r--^' "1 1 III 1 m i ^^^fe^tf^^Hl pHH| 1^1^^ - f :■ m gi 1 Hil ' ^1 I HI '^.•-- ■ ji 1 1^-'^ M m 1 W '>-\ w^MBk H^B ■ fc ii-[\iiifr1 mg Sm 1 Phine.^s Warrener Hitchcock Si.xtli delegate to Congress 1864-1866; United States Senator 1871-1877 sion was only thirty-eight, Otoe county re- turning four instead of five. Party lines were not rigidly drawn in the organization. Sam- uel M. Kirkpatrick of Cass county was elected speaker and John TalYe chief clerk — both by acclamation. The message was on the whole a plain, common sense, and useful document, but the governor's inadequacy when he drops into rhetoric in an attempt at a glowing picture of the status of the war and the progress of the Union arms creates in the reader a longing for the apt and eloquent tongue of Governor Black, ordained by nature for tasks like this, but now, alas, moldering in a gallant sol- dier's grave. The governor's sketch of the In- dian troubles of 1864 now serves as history: From facts which have come to the knowl- edge of this department, it is deemed certain that these Indian depredations and disturb- ances were the result of combined action be- tween several tribes, instigated, aided and counseled by lawless white men who hoped to share in the pltmder which would result from their robberies and massacres. It is by no means certain that these coadjutors of the savages were not the emissaries of the rebel government, prompted to their inhuman work by the hope of creating a diversion in favor of their waning cause in the south. Portions of the Sioux, Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, were evidently con- federated for the purpose of attacking the frontier settlements and emigrant trains in Ne- braska, Kansas, Colorado, and southeastern Idaho. Suddenly and almost simultaneously, without the slightest warning, ranchmen and emigrants were attacked at no less than four tlift'erent points, remote from each other, thus proving, beyond the possibility of doubt, that the ])lan had been matured and the cooperation of different tribes sectired in the work of de- struction. The necessities of the general government had caused the w^ithdrawal, from time to time, of nearly all the United States troops stationed in this territory for its defense ; so that when the outljreak commenced we possessed no ade- quate force to suppress it. The few United States volunteers within reach did their duty nobly. The Nebraska first, rendered illustri- ous by so many brilliant achievements in the south, and the second Nebraska veteran cav- alry, promptly responding to the call of the executive, moved at once to the post of dan- ger : and the militia, with equal alacrity, has- tened to the relief of their brethren on the more ex])osed frontier and the emigrants upon the plains. These efforts were crowned with sulistantial success. The feeble settlements were protected from the impending danger, the Indians, with very few exceptions, were driven from our border, and the various lines of com- munication between the Missouri river and the mountains and mining districts of the West were again opened to the traveler and emi- grant. It is to be regretted that these savages were not more severely punished so as to ef- TENTH LEGISLATURE 341 factually deter them from a repetition of their barbarities in the future. The statement of territorial finances in the message shows a slight decrease of the debt, but, owing to the chronic and considerable de- linquency of the counties a formidal)le part of the resources still consists of past due taxes. The message forcibly urged the passage of a general herd law ; but while such a measure was pushed hard in the legislature, the pastoral sentiment of the people was still so dominant that it failed of passage, though in its stead special herd laws, applying to such counties as desired them, were enacted. The message states the condition and prospects of railway building at that time as follows : It will be gratifying to you and the people of the territory to know that the work on the great Union Pacific railroad, which is to pass through the entire length of Nebraska, is pro- gressing at a very commendable rate. The work of grading, bridging and preparing the ties is progressing much more rapidly than had been anticipated by our most sanguine people. I feel fully authorized to say that unless some unforeseen misfortune attends this great enterprise more than fifty miles of road westward from Omaha will be in readi- ness for the cars before your next annual meeting. . . Another line of railroad, which is designed to connect with this route within the limits of our territory, has recently been surveyed on the south side of the Platte river. This line is designed to be an extension of the Burlington and Missouri River rail- road, and from the favorable reports made by the engineers there can scarcely be a doubt that work will soon be commenced on that line also. The governor reopened the question of state government thus : During your last session a joint resolution was passed, asking Congress to pass an act to enable the people of Nebraska to form a con- stitution preparatory to an early admission into the union as one of the independent states. Congress passed the act, but it was done near the close of the session, and there was scarcely time enough allowed between the date of the reception of the bill in the territory and the election of the members of the convention for the people to learn of its passage — certainly not enough to enable them to consider thoroughly and dispassionately the principles of the bill or the terms on which it was proposed to admit the territory into the family of states. Under these circum- stances, a large majority of the people de- cided that the members of the convention should adjourn without forming or submit- ting any constitution whatever. This deci- sion of the people, under the circumstances, was just what might have been anticipated. It, however, is no proof that when convinced that liberal terms are proposed by the general government they would not readily consent to take their place in the great family of states. It is further stated that the strongest argu- ment against a state government was that "we ought not to tax ourselves for anything which the general government is willing to pay,"' and this argument is disapproved on the ground that the general government's resources were taxed to the utmost on account of the war ex- penses. But Morton, whose sense of humor and scent for satire bubbles over in these early days, sees comedy, chiefly, in this ostensibly sober state paper : The N^czcs judges from its appearance that the impression was taken on type 21 years of age and coal tar used instead of printing ink, the paper of the texture and appearance of a superannuated shirt-tail. The printers have done ample justice to the matter printed, and the matter printed is in most perfect accord with the style of its printing. . . The next extra good thing is on "the freedmen of the war!" Alvin desires the people of Nebraska to find suitable employment for said sable citizens, and the people imanimously agree that the aforesaid charcoal images of God may be suitably employed boarding round among the abolition officials of Nebraska. In short the nigger is the biggest and whitest thing in the message. The governor had seriously suggested in the message that the legislature should under- take to find emplo}'ment for slaves recently set free. The auditor (and school commissioner) gives in his report an account of the first leas- ing of the school lands of the commonwealth: Under instructions from this office, the clerk of Sarpy county, during last year, leased a number of tracts of lands, and will probably realize, when all collected, near $200.00 for the one year. I have had numer- 342 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA [XoTE— Franklin Sweet was a memlier of the legislature from Alerrick county, Nebraska, and a cap- tain in the Union army during the Civil War.] REAPPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR SAUNDERS 343 ous applications for leases of these lands, and could I have a general law, under which the rents could be promptly collected, I ha\e no doubt that several thousand dollars could be obtained annually from that source. The legislature at this session autliorized the issue of bonds to an amount not exceed- ing $36,000 to provide payment of the militia called out by the governor's proclamation of April 11, 1864, on account of the Indian up- rising ; authorized the governor to arrange with the state of Iowa for the care of the in- sane of the territory ; amended the militia law, but still required all able-bodied men be- tween the ages of eighteen and forty-five to be enrolled; provided for the election of the auditor and treasurer biennially, instead of an- nually, after the year 1866; disconnected Buf- falo, Hall, and Merrick counties from Platte coimty, and allowed them one member of the house of representatives ; attached Saunders county to Cass for judicial, election, and reve- nue purposes ; legalized the organization of Jones county and declared its organization complete; attached all that part of Polk county north of the Platte river and west of the Loup Fork river permanently to Platte county ; and adopted memorials to Congress for an appro- priation to pay the expense of the Indian war, and for the building of a hospital for the in- sane. The legislature also graciously re- sponded to the coyly expressed hint of the niessage that a recommendation for the reap- pointment of the governor would not be offen- sive, and threw in a similar request on behalf of the secretary. This action, tending toward harmonizing and building up the republican party, was and is characteristic of the soli- darity of that organization, and was in sharp contrast to the constant and bitter strife be- tween the leaders of the democratic party through all the territorial days. In July, 1866, Congress appropriated $45,- 000 to be applied in reimbursement of expen- ditures "for the pay, equipment, and mainte- nance of territorial troops in the suppression of Indian hostilities and protection of the lives and property of citizens of the United States," in the year 1864. The allowance for troops was limited to the companies called out by the governor and placed under control- of the gen- eral commanding the troops of the United States in the territory. The claim presented by the territory "somewhat exceeded" the amount of the appropriation. In his message of May 17, 1867, Governor Butler stated that Governor Saunders had succeeded in collect- ing $28,000 on this account, and in his mes- sage of January 8, 1869, he complains that the balance is still unadjusted. Governor Saunders was reappointed in April, 1865, and served until he was super- seded by David Butler, the first governor of the state, in 1867. In the same month, Judge William Kellogg, of Peoria, Illinois, was ap- pointed chief justice of the territory in place of William Pitt Kellogg, who had been ap- pointed collector of the port of New Orleans. His party organ gave the gentleman of Louis- iana "returning board" fame the following un- equivocal send-off: "W. P. Kellogg was a very pleasant gentleman for whom we always entertained a feeling of friendship, but he neglected his duties as judge by his almost uni- form absence at term time. We are mistaken in the temper of the bar of this territory, and especially of this city, if they quietly submit to those things four years longer." It is said by contemporaneous citizens that the second Judge Kellogg resembled his predecessor in name chiefly, and though an acute politician was also a good judge. The republican territorial convention for 1865 was held at Plattsmouth, September 19th. Jefferson B. Weston of Gage county nomi- nated John Gillespie, of Nemaha county and "of the Nebraska First" regiment, for auditor, and Thomas W. Tipton of Nemaha county nominated Augustus Kountze for treasurer, and both were chosen by acclamation. The nomination of Mr. Gillespie was the first for- mal recognition of the soldier element in Ne- braska politics, which afterward became a settled practice of the republican party. The democratic territorial convention of 1865 met at Plattsmouth, September 21st. The democrats of the country were now beginning to see in Andrew Johnson's patriotism — or apostasy — a ray of hope for resurrection 344 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA from their self-interment of 1864. and Morton proceeded with alacrity to encourage the em- barrassment which was encompassing the re- publicans of the territory. At the head of the committee on resolutions, composed as to the rest, of Edward P. Child of Douglas county and John Rickley of Platte county, he re- ported the following platform, which was adopted by the convention : 1. Resolved. That the measures adopted by President Johnson for the restoration of the southern states to their rightful position in the union, and his recent public expressions on that subject are wise, safe, humane and pa- triotic, that they coincide with the time-honored theories of the democracy of the nation upon the relations of the states to the general gov- ernment, of zvhich theories the present chief executive has. in times past, been an eloquent and pozverfti! champion; that the sentiments recently expressed by him towards the people of the south are an emphatic rebuke and repu- diation of the policy, theories and public ex- pressions of the republican party on the sub- ject of the relation not only of the northern but of all the states to the federal power, and that the pretended endorsement, by the late convention of republican office-holders in this territory, of the views and measures of the president is a flat contradiction of the policy they have, until now, advocated, and deserves, therefore, to be treated with that contempt and distrust which honest men always pay to de- ceitful words which stultify those who utter them. 2. Resolved, That the qualifications of electors should hereafter, as heretofore, be regulated by each state for itself and that the attempt of the republican party to compel the southern people to admit negroes to the elec- tive franchise is as unjust and unwarrantable an interference with the reserved rights of the states as it would be to force California to permit Chinamen to vote, and that the silence on this great question of the republican office- holders in their late convention when pretend- ing to speak for their party, and when speak- ing in vague and general terms of the policy of the president towards the south, clearly shows that they are dishonest in what they do say and that they are holding their opinions upon this subject in reserve, to be suited to the un- certain developments of these shifting times. 3. Resolved, That negroes are neither by nature nor by education, entitled to political nor social equality with the white race, that we are opposed to permitting them to hold office in this territory themselves or to vote for others for office ; that we are bitterly hostile to the project of amending the Organic Act so as to permit them to vote, now sought to be secretly accomplished by republicans, and we denounce as cozvardly and deceptive, alike to friends and foes, the silence of the office- holders' convention on this most important point. 4. Resoli'cd that we deem the vote of the people, but lately taken, by which they de- clared themselves in overwhelming majorities opposed to the admission of this territory as a state into the union, as decisive of that ques- tion, and are astonished at the persistent re- newal of the effort of republican office-holders to force such a change of our condition upon us ; that in order again to test the popular opinion on that subject, which should always be determined by the people in their primary capacity, we demand that all laws hereafter enacted, whether by the legislative assembly or by congress, providing for a convention to frame a constitution, require a vote to be taken at the time of the election of delegates, whether or not a convention shall sit for that purpose. These drastic resolutions were voted upon separately, and all adopted without dissent. The declaration of the status of the negro is not much out of harmony with the present general public opinion which has been reached after forty years of painful experiment along the lines of an opposite theory, and the estab- lished practice today in every southern state is in accordance with ]\Iorton's harsh dictum. Each of the two platforms here reproduced was prepared by a young and ambitious leader of the respective parties, and whatever might be said questioning the wisdom or discretion of Morton's declaration, its virility, strength, and boldness put the other, which was prin- cipally political fishing, in conspicuous con- trast. And yet this prudent preaching of the one was to open to its author the gates of official preferment, while the vigorous but dis- cordant ingenuousness of the other would be a bar against his political success. At this dis- tance the denunciation of negro suffrage for this northern territory seems like gratuitous flying in the face of popular prejudice or sen- timent. The question never has been of prac- tical importance in Nebraska. The abuse heaped upon Morton by the republican news- POLITICS IN 1865 345 papers on account of this platform and his other similar declarations was unusual even in those days of unbridled license of the politi- cal press. And yet it would be unjust to deny to the republican leaders of that day, such as Turner M. IVTarquett, Oliver P. Mason, George B. Lake, John M. Thayer, Robert W. Furnas, and Algernon S. Paddock, most of whom were recent deserters from the democratic party, a measure at least of that philanthropic desire for the amelioration of the condition of the negro race, and belief that the ascendency of the republican party at that time was essential to the attainment of that object, and even for the preservation of the Union, which so largely actuated the rank and file of their party. But, on the other hand, it would be unjust to deny :o the democratic leaders, such as George L. Miller, J. Sterling Morton, Andrew J. Pop- pleton, Eleazer Wakeley, James M. Wool- worth, George W. Doane, Charles H. Brown, and Benjamin E. B. Kennedy, as well as their party followers, the sincere belief that radical republicanism would hurtfully enfranchise the negro and obstruct the real restoration of the Union. Furthermore, it should be said, to the everlasting credit of these veteran democrats, alive and dead, that their unswerving al- legiance to their party, through its many years of ill-repute, plainly meant to them political self-sacrifice and seclusion, while by cutting loose from their unpromising moorings and floating with the popular republican tide they would have gathered both honors and emolu- ments. Nor may we of today felicitate our- selves that the political fustian and buncombe of those early days has changed in great meas- ure, either in quality or quantity. A well- known English writer illustrates their present prevalence in a recent article entitled "Rot in English Politics": ". . . The Disraelian myth, which has changed the most un-English of all our prime ministers into an almost sac- ramental symbol of patriotism, has been worth many a legion to Lord Salisbury. The Prim- rose League is ridiculous enough, but men who want big majorities must not scorn the sim- ply ridiculous, nor do they." The democratic candidate for auditor was John S. Seaton — who, like his opponent, be- longed to the "old Nebraska First" — and for treasurer. Saint John Goodrich. The repub- lican, nominally the "union" ticket, was suc- cessful, Kountze having a majority of 852 and Gillespie of 694. With the soldier vote added Kountze had 3,495 votes and Goodrich 2,573. Bitterness to the extent of scurrility character- ized the campaign. The Advertiser in par- ticular, after Furnas left it, was mainly a mess of scurrilous epithet of which this is a scarcely adequate sample : The consequences of inviting the disfran- chised renegades of the other states to Ne- braska City, as was . done by the Nebraska City Nezvs. just after the adoption of the new constitution of Alissouri, are becoming more apparent every day in the theft, larceny and rowdyism of that city, which is alarmingly on the increase. Men have been knocked down on the streets of that city and robbed ; men, boasting of being disfranchised Missourians, perambulate the streets in bands and make it unsafe lor unarmed pedestrians. Horse steal- ing is again on the rampage. Three horses were stolen on the night of the 14th from that city; one from Julien Metcalf, which he has since recovered, and two (over which we shall shed no briny tears ) from J. Sterling Morton. This is rather a steep contribution on Morton for their assistance in "voting down the blue- coated, brass-buttoned yankees." The same organ assailed the democratic territorial platform, and Morton "a pupil of Vallandigham," as the author of it, in lan- guage which it would be rather complimentary to call billingsgate. And this illustrates the ferocity of the appeal to war passions : The so-called democracy of this county, after due consideration and discussion, have hoisted the name of Joseph I. Early as a can- didate for councilman, for the purpose of con- testing the seat of Hon. J. W. Chapman. . . Air. Early proclaimed, in a public speech at Nebraska City, last fall, that he looked upon Abraham Lincoln as a tyrant and usurper of power, and denounced the union soldiers as robbers, thieves and murderers. He also said publicly that he had assisted in the notorious Baltimore mob, and that he would yet assist in hanging Abraham Lincoln. And there was little restraint in the dis- charge of explosive epithet through the col- 346 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA [Note — H. S. Kaley was an early legislator and lawyer, Red Cloud, Nebraska] ELEVENTH LEGISLATURE 347 umns of the democratic press. A sample Mortonism from the Nezvs will suffice : "As Mr. Goodrich [democratic candidate for treasurer] has had no government contracts, owns no untaxable United States bonds, is not a distant relative of the man who killed Christ, and does not run a bank, we presume he is not as rich, though he may be quite as honest, as Mr. Kountze or any other money- lender of the Jewish persuasion in Nebraska." But in the reckless game of politics it did not matter that Mr. Kountze was, by profession, a Lutheran and a prominent member of the Lutheran church. Of the twenty-three counties voting at this election only six — Dakota, Dixon. Douglas, Otoe, Platte, and Sarpy — were democratic, all of them but Platte of the older and border counties. Otoe remains the banner demo- cratic, and Nemaha the banner republican county. The remarkable and persistent po- litical differences between these two adjoin- ing and border counties is explained by the fact that the dominating early settlers of Otoe were of the south and so of southern sympa- thy, which then involved democratic politics, while Nemaha was earlier dominated by north- ern men. This difference is further explained by a retort of the Advertiser to an assertion, attributed to Morton, in the Neit's of June Sth, that "radicalism in Nemaha county has by its intolerance and bigotry, by fierce fanat- icism and zealous hatred of democracy, driven one million dollars of Missouri capital out of the boundaries of Nemaha and into Otoe county." The reply quotes from the Nezvs of July L 1865, as follows: "The disfran- chised citizens of Missouri will unquestionably seek new homes. The over-riding of honor and equity, and the entire lack of charity ex- hiljited by the abolition rulers of the state hav- ing deprived them of all privileges of citizen- ship, they will take up their bed and go to some more hospitable region. We invite them to Nebraska." And then the Advertiser adds : "This invitation was not, and never will be endorsed by the union men of Nemaha county, and we have never heard a sound union man regret that the above invited class went to Otoe instead of this county." Five counties — Cuming, Hall, Merrick, Pawnee, and Seward — cast no democratic vote, while Lancaster with one hundred republican against eight democratic votes gave good earnest of her future political propensities. Eleventh Legislature. The eleventh legislative assembly convened January 4, 1866. The councilmen of the previous session held over with the exception of Bayne of Richard- son county, who had removed from the ter- ritory, and George Faulkner was chosen in his place at a special election. There was a stout partisan contest over the choice of a president of the council. Porter of Douglas receiving 6 votes and Chapman of Cass 6. On the fourth day of the struggle and on the thirty-eighth ballot, the democrats and two republicans voted for Oliver P. Mason, who was already temporary president, and elected him permanent president. The democrats "accorded the presidency to Mason, and elected the remainder of the officers from their party." William E. Harvey, former auditor of the territory, was chosen chief clerk, re- ceiving 1 1 votes against 1 for John S. Bowen. The house was composed of thirty-eight mem- bers. Gen. Harry H. Heath presented credentials from Kearney, Lincoln, and Saline counties, but a majority of a select committee appointed to examine them reported that he was ineli- gible, inasmuch as he held the office of briga- dier-general of volunteers in the United States army, and the report was sustained by the house by a vote of 19 to 18. So the counties named were without representation at this ses- sion. James G. Megeath of Douglas county was elected speaker, receiving 25 votes against 9 cast for George B. Lake, also of Douglas county. George May of Cass county was elected chief clerk. The members of each house were nearly evenly divided politically, but the re- publican organ at the capital scolded at con- ditions which should have resulted in a demo- cratic majority of one in each house while the "Union Republican party" was in a majority of at least 1,000 in the territory. The demo- 348 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA (Note — Charles H. Brown was a member of the constitutional convention, 1875, and prominent in early Nebraska politics.] ELEVENTH LEGISLATURE 349 cratic organ said that the democrats had a ma- jority of two in the house, and that they elected all the officers but one. The governor's message set forth the status of the Indian war as follows : It was hoped that with the close of the rebellion these troubles would cease ; but this hope has proved groundless. Emboldened by success, the savage tribes who have commit- ted these outrages upon the lives and property of emigrants, and upon the Overland Stage Line and Pacific Telegraph, have become ex- ceedingly reckless and daring in their murder- ous forays : and outrages the most atrocious and wanton in their character are of frequent occurrence. Nothing will in my judgment give us peace upon the plains but the employment of the most vigorous measures to hunt out and severely punish the authors of these outrages. And I trust and believe, from the information in my possession, that it is the purpose of the general government, early in the coming spring, to send a force against them sufficient to compel them to sue for peace, or drive them from all the great lines of travel between the IVIissouri river and the Rocky mountains. It appears from the message that, exclusive of the militia bonds to the amount of $36,000, the indebtedness of the territory was now $53,967.80 — less by $3,891.56 than that re- ported the year before. The governor con- gratulates the taxpayers on the fact that the resources to meet this indebtedness amount to $91,945.70, disregarding with naive op- timism the troublesome fact that a very large part of this handsome sum represents unavail- able delinquent taxes. The governor reports that, under an arrangement made during the year with the trustees of the Iowa hospital for the insane, nine patients had been sent there from the territory ; that, with the assistance of Benjamin E. B. Kennedy and George B. Lake, he had examined the work of Expe- rience Estabrook in revising the laws by authority of the act of the last session of the legislature and that the revision faithfully- complied with the requirements of the act. The message reported that fifty-five miles of the Union Pacific railway had been completed, that grading and bridging were finished as far as Columbus — ninety-five miles : Upon the north, congress has provided for a branch from Sioux City, and to the south of us the same just and liberal policy has en- dowed two other branches with liberal dona- tions, thus insuring their construction at an early day. One of these branches is the ex- tension of the Burlington and Alissouri River Railroad, now permanently located to run west from Plattsmouth to the 100th meridian ; the other is the extension of the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad from St. Joseph, in a northwesterly direction uniting with the main line (in the language of the bill,) at the 100th meridian "in the territory of Nebraska." The message urges the familiar arguments for state government. With the passion of the public men of that period for peroration, the governor closes his message with a highly colored congratulatory passage on the return of peace. Near the beginning of the session General Estabrook made a report on the manner in which he had done the work of revision, and afterward a joint committee, consisting of Kennedy, Allen, and Griffey, of the council, and Lake, Brown, Thorne, Crounse, and Cad- man of the house, was appointed to further consider the revision. The careful work of General Estabrook brought the statutes for the first time into practical form. The leg- islature of 1866 made such amendments and additions to the revision of General Estabrook as were needed, and the result was embodied in the revised statutes of 1866. George Fran- cis Train's Credit Foncier of America, an echo or counterpart of the famous Credit Mo- bilier, was incorporated at this session. John M. S. Williams, James H. Bowen, Augustus Kountze, George Francis Train, and George T. M. Davis, Train's father-in-law, were by the act appointed commissioners to organize the company, which was almost universal in its scope of business, but designed especially "to make advance of money and credit to rail- road and other improvement companies." Under the provision for erecting cottages con- siderable building of that kind was done by the company at Omaha and Columbus. Statehood was the most important question considered at this session. Though party lines were not strictly drawn, the republicans generally favored, and the democrats opposed 350 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA William Remington Mrs. William Rlmington (Note — William Remington was the first sheriff of Saline connty, Nebraska] ELEVENTH LEGISLATURE 351 the proposed change to state government. The opposition was led on the outside by the two most prominent democratic leaders, J. Sterling Morton, then editor of the Nezvs, and Dr. George L. Miller, who had recently started the Omaha Herald, and in the legislature by Ben- jamin E. B. Kennedy of the council and the aggressive Charles H. Brown of the house. Mr. Brown formulated the democratic oppo- sition in resolutions which he introduced in the house, and into the belly of which, Doug- las-like, he injected a stump speech: Whereas, certain official politicians have as- siduously sought, through specious arguments, to create a sentiment in favor of, and induce the people to change their simple and econom- ical form of government, which heretofore has been and now is a blessing, for one which will have many new, useless and burdensome of- fices, to be filled by persons ambitious to oc- cupy places of profit and trust, even at the ex- pense of the tax payers, and which will in its organization and operation necessarily be bur- densome and ruinous to an extent which none can foresee, and consequently involving a taxa- tion which will eat out the substance of the people ; . . . And whereas, the people of this territory but a short time ago, with almost entire unanimity, expressed their unqualified disap- proval and condemnation of any attempt to force on them the grinding taxation incident to, and schemes of politicians for, state gov- ernment, and have not since then, by ballot or otherwise, expressed a wish for increased and increasing burdens and taxation ; And whereas, personal interest and selfish considerations are strong inducements and powerful incentives for individual or com- bined action, and certain politicians have in- dustriously sought again to force state govern- ment upon the people, and compel them again, at great expense and trouble, whether they wish or not, to consider that question, and through fraud and chicanery fasten this in- cubus upon them ; And whereas, his excellency, Alvin Saun- ders, the chief executive federal officer of this territory, has with great consideration, after the rebuke given but a brief period ago by the people to political schemers for state organiza- tion, again, by plausible arguments, thrust in his annual message at this session, this repu- diated question upon the legislative assembly for its action, and has sought in an unusual manner, to force a constitution no matter "by whatever body or by whomsoever made," upon the people of this territory, without giving them even the small privilege, to say nothing of their absolute and most unqualified right to select whomsoever they might see fit to comprise that body, through whose actions they might entrust so grave and vital a ques- tion as making a constitution ; Therefore, be it resolved, as the sense of this House, that it is unwise to take any steps which will throw this question upon the people without their first having asked for its sub- mission to them. The resolutions were indefinitely postponed by a vote of 20 to 14. A joint resolution sub- mitting a constitution to the people passed the council by a vote of 7 to 6, Mason, the presi- dent, giving the casting vote. The vote did not follow party lines, though only two demo- crats, Griflfey of Dakota and Porter of Doug- las, voted aye. The resolution passed the house, 22 to 16, the four democrats from Douglas county and four of the five members from Otoe county voting nay. It is curious that a motion in the house to strike out of the proposed constitution the restriction of the suffrage to whites received only two affirmative votes, while 36 were cast against it. The constitution was not prepared by a committee of the legislature or other legally authorized persons, but was the voluntary work of the politicians who were bent on statehood. Chief Justice William Kellogg was styled "our amiable constitution maker" ; and Isaac S. Hascall, in a speech in the senate, February 20, 1867, said that the constitution was framed by nine members of the legis- lature, five of them democrats, and Judge Wil- liam A. Little, Judge William Kellogg, Hadley D. Johnson, Governor Alvin Saunders, Gen- eral Experience Estabrook, and others of Oma- ha. The Herald says that "the constitution was founded by three or four men who locked themselves up in their rooms to do their work." The Press of Nebraska City called it Kellogg and Mason's constitution and stoutly protested against the white restriction. While this ODJ HISTORY OF NEBRASKA state document of gravest importance was clandestinely and arbitrarily framed it was carried through the legislature in an indefen- sibly bold and arbitrary manner. The consti- tution did not even enter the legislature through the natural channels of the judiciary, or any other committee, but was injected by Porter of Dotiglas, that task being assigned to him, doubtless, because he was the only democrat of his delegation or of prominence who favored its submission at all. It was then referred to a special committee consisting of Bennett, Porter, and Chapman, who recom- mended it for passage, the same day, when it was at once passed, the council refusing, by a vote of 6 to 7, to hear it read the third time. The house even refused to let the important document go to a committee at all. the motion of Robertson to refer it to the committee on federal relations being defeated by 14 to 24, and two attempts to amend, made in the reg- ular session, were frustrated by Lake's insist- ent motions to table. This fundamental law of a commonwealth was not even considered in committee of the whole in either house. It was cut by outside hands, and without time for drying was railroaded on its legislative passage. Even the republican Nebraska City Press was moved to say that "a few broken down political hacks about Omaha seem deter- mined upon their mad scheme of forcing a con- stitution before the people through the legisla- ture." The records of the procedure in the legislature fall little if at all short of bearing out the strictures of the strenuously partisan Herald: The constitution . . . was rushed through the legislature in such haste that not one man in six had a moment allowed to ex- amine the instrument. . . Democrats who favored the measure and democrats and re- publicans who opposed were denied the priv- ilege of either amending or examining the constitution. Not one man in twenty in the legislature has ever read the constitution. This constitution was never printed. It was not even referred to a committee of either House. Even discussion of the stray paragraphs which members caught the sense of from the hurried reading of the clerk was denied to members under the resistless pressure brought to bear by the majority to rush it through. Air. James M. Woolworth said in an ad- dress before the territorial educational asso- ciation that the minimum price of five dollars an acre at which public school lands might be sold under the constitution was not an ade- quate protection, as he knew of several quar- ter-sections worth from fifty dollars to three hundred dollars per acre ; and he complained that under the provision lands might be sold, not to the highest but to the lowest bidder. In the same address Mr. Woolworth called at- tention to the fact that the proposed consti- tution made no proper provision for a system of public instruction or for safeguards to the public school lands and funds. He urged that it should be amended in these particulars. In a letter to the Herald. Mr. Woolworth stated that he had said in the address in question that on the question of suffrage he would vote with Dr. Monell and General Bowen, and that he was in favor of sending a proposition to amend the constitution on the suffrage question to the people, if the state should be admitted; and also that he was in favor of providing means of education for blacks as well as whites, but particularly wanted the constitu- tion amended in respect to its educational pro- visions. "If it is not attended to now," he said, "the school lands will in a very few vears be swept away. Some men will get rich and the schools will be forever poor." By the beginning of 1866 the vigorous pa- triotism or perversity of Andrew Johnson was fast stirring national politics into a condition which resembled potpourri, and the grotesque political antics of the federal ofifice-holders in particular revealed their agony of suspense. Though uncertain toward which course pru- dence pointed, yet most of them yielded to present pressure, and unconditionally "John- sonized." On the whole their attitude chiefly illustrated the overpowering influence of tem- porary advantage in determining men's allegi- ance and the choice, or even the creation, of their principles. Edward B. Taylor, editor of the Omaha Republican, and also superintend- ent of Indian affairs, rising — or sinking — to a sense of his duty to do something for the ad- ministration, commensurate with the honors THE FIRST STATE CONSTITUTION 353 and emoluments of this sonorously entitled of- fice, denounced the Morrill bill, or force law, as an attempt to force negro suffrage on the territory, as a distinct outrage on our rights as American citizens, and as being against the sentiment of nineteen-twentieths of the people. The Sumner amendment to the Colorado en- abling act requiring, as a condition precedent to admission, acceptance by the legislature of negro suiifrage was denounced as "an outrage upon the independence and rights of the peo- ple of Colorado." This was the same con- dition which was afterward imposed upon and accepted by the Nebraska legislature, on the approval of the Republican — the constitu- tion placed before the people in 1866 not hav- ing provided for negro stiiifrage. Even the Advertiser, which, since Furnas quit it, had been phenomenally radical and regular, was now standing out against negro suffrage and for Johnson's policy. But while the republicans, distracted in the doubt on which side the spoils lay, were di- vided as to the question of Johnson's policy, the democrats were so seriously divided on the question of statehood as to be unable to take advantage of the weakness of the ma- jority party. The circulation of petitions for signature, asking the legislature to frame a constitution and submit it to the people, had drawn from Morton denunciation of the pro- posed statehood as "a scheme of office-aspir- ing politicians." Dr. ^filler's attitude at this time was not so much that of opposition to statehood as it was to acqtiiring it through re- publican means and on republican conditions. He insisted that the people did not wish the legislature to form a constitution, but that they wanted a chance for a direct vote for or against state government. He argued against the statehood proposition on account of the manner in which it had been thrust upon the people, but wanted the policy of the party settled by a state convention ; and he charged that Chief Justice Kellogg and Governor Saunders were the managers of the statehood scheme. The Republican, eager in its own misery to discover as much company of a like sort as possible, declared that at first a caucu'-. of democratic members of the legislature did not oppose the state movement, but Morton cracked his whip and changed it all, and Dr. Miller had to fall in. From the circumscribed local point of view the aggressive and bitter opposition to negro suffrage by the democratic leaders — by this time most of the leading strings could be traced into the hands of Morton and Miller, to be held there for some thirtv vears to come John Gillespie Last territorial auditor and first state auditor of Nebraska, October 10, 1865, to January 10, 1873 — was inexplicable, since it had been the argument of Douglas, subscribed by his fol- lowers, that nature had fortified Nebraska against any considerable influx of negroes ; and while this policy was hurtful to the party, as offending a growing popular anti-slavery sentiment, it was wholly unnecessary "to leg- islate against the law of God," as Daniel Web- 354 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ster had unanswerably stated the case. But. on the other hand, the prevaihng pubhc senti- ment at the North just at that time, following Lincoln's expression of caution and depreca- tion, was against negro suffrage. We find the Herald, quoting a letter written by ex-Gover- nor William A. Richardson, taking strong ground against negro suffrage, and showing that Colorado, Connecticut, Minnesota, and Wisconsin had voted against it at the last elec- tions, while "at least thirty other states are in reliellion according to this test, and five or six are 'loyal.' " While the mainspring of the WiLLi.Mvi Kellogg Fourth chief justice, Nebraska territory action of the republican leaders in pressing to adoption the fifteenth amendment to the constitution, some time after, may have been the selfish motive of gaining political control of the southern states, yet its success was based upon a strong and genuine sentiment in its favor in the North, and particularly in the Northwest. So. while it may be conceded that the democratic leaders of Nebraska, in pressing anti-sufifrage as an issue, were in line with general democratic judgment and with national democratic policy, as keeping in touch with the inevitably dominant race of the South, yet it is plain that they pressed it with gratui- tous ardor and unwise bitterness as affecting local politics. But whatever the reader may think as to the wisdom or unwisdom of Dr. Miller's anti-suffrage fulminations he feels that they are couched in rhetoric of extraor- dinary freshness and force. Thus, an obser- vation by the Nebraska City Nt?ii's that the Morrill bill "provided that niggers shall vote in all the territories," and that by Sumner's amendment to the act for the admission of Colorado it will be imposed also upon the states, touches oft" this broadside from the Herald: Thus negro suft'rage is inevitable. . . It will be more manly to accept negro suffrage from congress by legal enforcement than to humiliate ourselves by its voluntary adoption as the price of admission to the union. That territory upon which congress imposes nigger voting because it has — under radical ruling — the power to do so, will become stronglv demo- cratic, but that community that voluntarily adopts it as the price of statehood will be very wofully radical ever after. We prefer living in a democratic territory where niggers vote to a residence in a radical state where they also \ote. We could perhaps put up with niggers voting if at the same time their less white friends, the radicals were defeated in the ter- ritory. But it would be almost unendurable to live in the state of Nebraska and have nig- gers and radicals vote themselves victory. . . Gentlemen can take their choice. . . W'e take nigger only when forced to it by congress and therefore are for remaining as at present a territory. The Nebraska City Press, which, though the least among the leading republican organs of the territory, merited the distinction of having been the only clear-sighted or disinter- ested one among them, in that it had not John- sonized, added to the discord by attacking the Republican for its strictures on Sumner's amendment, and clinched its denunciation with the prevalent argumentuin ad hominem, to the effect that the editor of the Republican was an unregenerate Breckenridge democrat of 1860. At the close of the legislature, the democratic organ congratulated the territory on the failure of "the radicals to make the election laws even more offensive than they were then," and ga\e two of the republican THE FIRST STATE CONSTITUTION 355 members of the house the following parting attention : The bloody orator of Otoe (Mason) goes back to his radical brethren howling his own discomfiture, and utterly disgusted with the vain exhibition he has made in the legislature of mingled malice and vanity, while Crounse of Richardson, after his performance in the investigating committee and getting behind his privilege as a member of the House to assail Mr. Morton, has demonstrated the breadth of his estimate of what constitutes a gentleman. The character of the investigation referred to is disclosed in the report of the minority of the committee made by Mr. Crounse and adopted by the house, in part as follows : Mr. Speaker: The undersigned, a minority of the committee appointed by the chair to in- vestigate charges of bribery and corruption made in relation to the passage of the joint resolution submitting a state constitution to the people of Nebraska, in submitting their re- port, would premise that, in their opinion, this investigation was instituted by that branch of this House opposed to state organization urged on by outside politicians, with a view to dam- age personal reputation and by such unfair means defeat the success of state organization if possible. As proof of this we refer to the following facts which appear in the testimony ; One J. Sterling Morton, editor of the "Ne- braska City A^czvs," a would-be leader of the democracy of the territory, and active anti- state man, before, during and since the sub- mission and passage of the joint resolution, has spent most of his time on the f^oor of this House caucusing with members, drafting bun- combe political resolutions for members to in- troduce in the House, by which its time was occupied to the exclusion of more legitimate and profitable business. The appointment of this committee would seem to have been di- rected with a view to this end ; the very chair- man, the Hon. Mr. Thorne, appears, by the evidence, to have been an instrument used by said J. Sterling Morton to introduce a reso- lution "blocked out" by him, and directed against state. The Hon. Mr. Brown, as ap- pears by the House journal, was the intro- ducer, if not the framer, of another preamble and resolution against state of a most insulting character, and which was most summarily dis- posed of by this House. . . The Hon. Mr. Robertson, of Sarpy county, it appears, was one of the instigators of this investigation. Too ambitious to put some capital into this enterprise, he came before the committee, and by his first testimony seemed willing to attach the motive of bribery and corruption to a transaction which appears, by the concurrent testimony of several other wit- nesses, to be a simple business matter. By further examination, when placed by his own testimony in the peculiar position of allowing himself to be approached two or more distinct times, with what he was pleased to term an im- proper oiTer without showing any resentment, he chose, on discovery, to state it in its true light, and by his own testimony, corroborated by that of all the other witnesses called to the same subject, it is shown that what occurred between himself and the Hon. Messrs. Mason and Bennett, of Otoe county, was purely a business transaction, and that it was not calcu- lated to influence him in his vote, nor so un- derstood by any of the parties. The last testimony taken was that of "Sir. Bennett, of the Council, who states that Mr. Morton, aforesaid, during the pendency of the question of submitting the question of the constitution to the people, approached him with a proposition signed by fifteen anti-state men, including Messrs. Tuxbury, Gilmore, Paddock, and others of the House, proposing that if state men would separate the question of state from that of election of state officers, the fifteen would go for the suspension of the rules and pledge themselves that the bill should not be defeated. At the same time Mr. Mor- ton promised to secure a like pledge from the anti-state members of the Council. Whether Mr. Morton had at the time a fee-simple in and full control over the anti-state members of both branches of the legislature, we leave for the members of this body to conclude. But it is but justice to Mr. Bennett to say that he did not entertain these propositions, but has at all times advocated state organization on principle and not a subject to be trafficked away. But the minority, in their haste to submit this report in the very short time allowed by order of this House, cannot undertake to re- view the testimony further. But enough is shown, we think, to convince this body that great efifort has been made to defeat the wish of the majority in the submission of the con- stitution to the people ; and while we can dis- cern much connected with the passage of the bill that is not strictly proper, yet we have failed to discover anything of the character of the direct bribe or so intended. Mr. Robertson we consider a gentleman be- yond the suspicion of accepting a bribe, or be- ing improperly influenced in his action as a legislator. The other gentlemen designed to 356 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Charlks H. Dietrich Governor and United States senator THE FIRST STATE CONSTITUTION 357 be affected by this inquiry are possessed of too much good sense and discretion to under- take to bribe Mr. Robertson.* The Herald undertook to place various pol- iticians as follows: "Estabrook (now a re- publican) is for nigger and against Johnson, and so is Alvin Saunders. Our amiable con- stitution-maker, Mr. William Kellogg (chief justice) is for Johnson, and so will be Pad- dock, Dundy, Hitchcock, Taylor, 'for the pres- ent,' as Gen. Heath was against negro suft'rage when he spoke his first piece in Omaha in front of the postofifice." The same aggres- sive organ at this time rejoices over Johnson's defeat of the freedman's bureau bill : and gives account of a meeting at the court house in Omaha to indorse the veto, which was ad- dressed by Hadley D. Johnson, Charles H. Brown, Isaac S. Hascall, George W. Doane. and William A. Little. The instrument pro- vided that it should be submitted to the peo- ple for their approval or rejection, June 2, 1866, and that state ofScers, judges of the su- preme court, a member of the federal House of Representatives, and members of a legisla- ture, to be convened on the fourth day of July following, should be elected on the same day. The constitution was by its own acknowledg- ment submitted in accordance with the en- abling act of 1864. At the convention of the "Union" party, held at Plattsmouth, April 12, 1866, David Butler was nominated for gov- ernor of the prospective state ; Thomas P. Kennard for secretary of state; John Gillespie for auditor ; Augustus Kountze for treasurer ; Oliver P. Mason for chief justice; and Lo- renzo Crounse and Geo. B. Lake for asso- ciate justices of the supreme court. Turner M. Marquett was nominated for member of Congress, receiving 32 votes against 15 for John I. Redick. In the contest for the nomi- nation for governor, Butler received 27 votes and Algernon S. Paddock 26. The platform was chiefly confined to a statement of the ad- vantages of state government as follows : First, it would promote the settlement of the territory ; second, it would bring the school lands under control of the people ; third, it would enable Nebraska to select lands for the various public institutions before they should be absorbed by foreign speculators and by the location of agricultural college scrip issued to other states. It was contended, also, that the question was not a party issue. The growing difficulty with Andrew Johnson had now reached the non-committal stage, and on that subject the resolutions were silent. To the politicians the question whether or not the president would continue to control the of- ficial patronage was paramount, and they waited the issue. * House Journal, 11th ter. sess., pp. 203-205. 338 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^B f^sff, «9^. ' ^k ,^;«^ L HV'^^wP ^^^^ wBk ^^ ^^^^^^ T^ * ^M ' ^-^1 ^^HB^^F M 1 ■ L ^^^I^HBj ■ /«» !&««£ J| ^ H ^ . r Hl'^'^^^iiJlA ^ ^B '---^^j^Bj m V ^^A^^iia^Hft L J Charlks Isaac I'rovvn' Mrs. Charles Isaac Brown Mr. and Mrs. Warren Saunters [Note — Mr. and Mrs. Charles Isaac Brown were early residents of Harlan connty, Nebraska. War- ren Saunders was an early settler of Cedar connty, Nebraska.] CHAPTER XVI Politics in 1866 — -Rock Bluffs Contest — Johnson and Anti-Johnson Factions - Strugglk over Statehood — Election of First State Officers — Twelfth and Last Territorial Legislature — The Negro Suffrage Condition in Congress, and IN THE First State Legislature. THE democratic convention was held at Nebraska City, April 19th. T. W. Bed- ford was its presiding officer, and J. Sterling Morton was nominated for governor ; Charles W. Sturges of Sarpy county, for secretary of state : Guy C. Barnum of Platte county, for auditor; St. John Goodrich of Douglas county, for treasurer ; William A. Little of Douglas county, for chief justice; Edward W. Thomas of Nemaha county and Benjamin E. B. Ken- nedy of Douglas county, for associate jus- tices of the su])reme court ; and Dr. John R. Brooke of Richardson county, for representa- tive in Congress. The convention adopted the following plat- form : Whereas, We regard the support of the state governments in all their rights as the most competent administration of our domes- tic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-democratical tendencies ; the preservation of the general government in its whole consti- tutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad. Therefore, Resolved, That a jealous care of the right of election by the people ; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; economy in the public expense that labor may be lightlv burdened; the honest payment of our just debts ; the sacred preservation of the public faith ; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of the person under pro- tection of the habeas corpus ; and trials by juries impartially selected are the fundamental doctrines and tenets of the democracy. Resolved. That the official action of Andrew Johnson, president of the Lmited States, in his legitimate endeavors to restore, vmder the constitution, the several states to their legal status in the American union, elicits and re- ceives the full, free and honest commendation of the democracy of Nebraska, and that we ])romise him our faithful and active support in all his efforts to sustain the constitution and laws. Resolved, That we regard the platform adopted by the radical official convention held at Plattsmouth on the 12th inst., as a direct and explicit condemnation of the wise and just policies of President Johnson ; a clear declara- tion in favor of the destructive policies of the Stevens. Sumner and Fred Douglas directory ; and that we hereby do invite the people of Nebraska to unite with the democracy and aid in verifying the historic saying of Andrew Johnson : that "This is and shall be a govern- ment of white men and for white men." Alorton was credited, or charged, with the construction of the platform; and after the republican press had heaped the matter-of- course partisan strictures and ridicule upon it, he took malicious pleasure in retorting that the preamble and first resolution were copied verbatim from the immortal Jefferson's first inaugural address. The absence of allusion to the statehood issue shows that Morton had been willing to compromise as to that ques- tion with the pro-state element of the party ; and in the campaign his opposition to state- hood was not aggressive. George Francis Train, who had a long ca- reer of remarkable vicissitude, was a pictu- resque figure in this campaign. Though his speeches were not characterized by coherency, they were wonderfully bright, droll, witty, sarcastic, and humorous, and the contrast be- tween his performance and that of the weighty and ponderous Oliver P. Mason, who followed him in a discussion at Brownville, is con- cededlv indescribalile. Train — and the audi- 360 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA OuE Anderson Pioneer of Otoe County POLITICS IN 1866 361 ences also — had immeasurable fun at the expense of Butler and Kennard, whom he engaged in joint discussion at Cuming City and Tekamah. Train strongly advocated statehood, but supported the democratic ticket. The joint discussion was the regular order in those earlier campaigns, and Morton and But- ler engaged in them all over the territory. Morton entered into a fray of this sort with all the bright alertness which characterized his public speeches to the last, but with a rough-shod vehemence that had been greatly modified in his later days. His part of the discussion is described from the opposition point of view: "Morton out-spoke himself • — ■ for vehemence, argument, wit and sarcasm, outstripped everything I have ever heard in Nebraska." Butler was no mean popular de- bater, and in reaching the sensibilities of the plain people had the advantage over Morton. His favorite exclamation, "I thank God from my heart of hearts," etc., was at least a partial foil to the merciless cut-and-thrust of his greatly superior antagonist — in ability and wit. But again Morton, by cruel fate and more cruel manipulation of the returns, just missed his prize, as the official count of the vote shows : "For the constitution 3,938 ; against the constitution, 3,838. For congress Turner M. Marquett, 4,110, Dr. John R. Brooke, 3,974; for governor, David Butler, 4,093, J. Sterling Morton, 3,984; for secretary of state. Thomas P. Kennard, 4,075, Charles W. Sturges, 3,945 ; for auditor of state, John Gillespie, 4,071, Guy C. Barnum, 3,968; for state treasurer, Augustus Kountze, 4,099, Saint John Goodrich, 3,955; for chief justice. Oliver P. Mason, 3,936, William A. Little, 4,040 ; for associate justices, George B. Lake, 4,108, Lorenzo Crounse, 4,027, Benjamin E. E. Kennedy, 3,962, Edward W. Thomas, 4,017. It will he seen that one democrat. Little, was elected by a majority of 104. The vote of the First regiment, Nebraska volunteer cavalry, was 134 for and 32 a'gainst constitution. There was a wholesale emigration of the soldiers of the First Nebraska regiment to their homes in Iowa, Missouri, and other states after having voted in Cass and other counties. They voted for Stone in Iowa the year before, and "never pretended to be citi- zens here." Mason was the only candidate on the "union" ticket who was defeated, though Crounse escaped only by the narrow margin of ten votes. While the apology for Mason's misfortune may have been colored by the pro- pitiatory exigency of his party organ, it yet throws an interesting light on two prominent politicians of that day: Mason is a tried and true union man ; he has encountered the enemy in many instances during the recent rebellion where it was con- sidered dangerous to openly denounce treason ; where traitors stood thick around him, threat- ening him with violence for his plainness of speech. And it was on this account more than any other that the terrible effort was made to defeat him for chief justice, and also that Mr. Little, the most popular democrat in the ter- ritory became his competitor. The vigor with which the "loyal" shibbo- leth was sounded in the campaign of 1866 is illustrated by the charge that Dr. Brooke, of Salem, democratic candidate for member of Congress, lamented that his son enlisted in the union instead of the rebel army. The sub- stantial ground of opposition to statehood was the dread of the still impecunious people of foregoing the paternal appropriations of the federal Congress for the support of the territorial government and undertaking the formidable responsibility of self-support under the increased expense of state government. This principal objection that a population of only 40,000, and in straitened circumstances, could not bear the burdens of state govern- ment was both strong and eft'ective ; but the objectors could not then see into the very near future when the advent of the two pioneer railway systems was to mark the real begin- ning of immigration, and such rapid rise of the commonwealth in population and impor- tance as should require the advantages and deserve the dignity of statehood. The chief stimulus to the opposition of democratic leaders was tactical. In the be- ginning of the campaign the Nebraska States- 111 mi, which stipported the democratic ticket 362 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA IXoTF — J. W. Gilbert was one of the organizers of Saline county, Nebraska, and member of th: legislature.) ROCK BLUFFS CONTEST 363 but favored statehood, urged this view of the case. We know we have the evidence to prove what we say, (and if we have not, Hon J. S. Morton has the best of proof in his own pocket), that the reason of the opposition of leading men in our party to the state movement is wholly and solely due to the fear they have that the democratic party has not the strength to elect a majority of the state legislature at the June election. We know that far from really believing anything irregular in the plan of a legislative made and submitted consti- tution that these leading men did advise, and that nearly if not all of the democratic mem- bers of the last assembly would have voted for, the constitution, then and there, if the vote on the adoption of the instrument had been sepa- rated from the election for state officers, car- rying the latter over to the October election, so that the party could have been put into good training for success at that time. Any demo- crat who is candid, who was about Omaha during the last days of the session, knows these facts and will reiterate them. While the republicans could urge with can- dor the advantages of the increased prestige and influence of statehood — and particularly the value of having three representatives in Congress entitled to vote, touching still un- settled questions concerning the Union Pacific railway — yet their chief object was the hon- ors and emoluments of congressional member- ship. It was estimated that, "counting from Hitchcock up, and from Marquett down, any ordinary observer can count at least forty persons who aspire to senatorial and still higher honors." In the spring of 1866 the Herald listed among the aspirants to the sen- ate, Kellogg, Saunders, Redick, Thayer, Pad- dock, and Tipton ; and, factionally classed, "Kellogg is for Johnson, Paddock leaning that way, Saunders against, Thayer, Redick and Tipton not well placed, Butler on both sides, and Edward B. Taylor, ring-master or big In- dian." The same journal callefl the faction which was defeated in the first senatorial contest the Taylor-Saunders-Irish party, and Judge El- mer S. Dundy, so far as his innate wariness permitted him to disclose his attitude, hung on the outer edges of this faction. The Herald at this time also refers to John I. Redick as a renegade democrat, now so radical that "he would eat the tails of African rats and thrive on the diet." To men whose lives were pent up in the desert-like aloofness from the important world those ambassadorships to Washington must have seemed dazzling prizes indeed, and they awoke the covetous ambition of the unfit and unworthy as well as of the capable, strong, and worthy. The disgraceful record of elections and election contests in the territory finds a fitting climax in the exclusion of the vote of Rock Bluffs, a precinct of Cass county. But there was still so limited a public, and, in conse- quence, such paucity of public opinion, that the selfish aspirations of a comparatively few politicians were paramount and almost unre- strained ; so that, when it was ascertained that manipulation of local election returns some- where was necessary to insure a republican majority on joint ballot in the legislature. Rock Bluffs precinct was selected as the most promising field of operation. The reports of the committees of the two houses of the leg- islature give the history of the Rock Bluffs procedure, and the deep impression of its po- litical and moral significance on the mind and conscience of the commonwealth is still unef- faced. Its immediate practical result was the choice of Crounse instead of Thomas as judge of the supreme court and the election of Thayer and Tipton as United States senators, instead of Morton and Poppleton, by a joint vote in the legislature of 21 to 29. The discerning reader will without much difficulty draw his own conclusions as to the animus and the right or the wrong of throw- ing out of the vote of Rock Bluffs precinct and of counting the soldier vote, from the reports of the committees of the first state legislature and the address to the public, written at the time by James M. Woolworth, and signed by twenty-one members of the legislature. The following is a verbatim copy of the address as published in pamphlet form : On the 19th of April, 1864, Congress passed an act authorizing the people of Nebraska to form a State government. The act provided for an election in Alav, of members of a con- 364 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA vention which should assemble on the fourth of July, and frame a constitution. This in- strument was to be presented to die people for their adoption or rejection, in October. The act did not provide for taking the sense of the people upon the fundamental question, whether or not they would become a State. But they asked it and answered it, and in this way : In the election for members of the convention, party lines were not drawn. On one side, candidates favorable to State organization were nominated ; on the other, candidates who were pledged to vote for an adjournment. sine die, as soon as the convention was or- ganized, and before it proceeded to business. The result was, two-thirds of the members elected were favorable to adjourning, and they were elected by very large majorities. For in- stance in Douglas, one of the most populous and wealthy counties in the Territory, but forty-five votes were cast for State organiza- tion. No record of the election was preserved, but we believe the majority was proportion- ately as large elsewhere as in that county. Ac- cordingly, when the convention assembled on the fourth of July, 1864, it organized by the election of its officers, and immediately there- upon adjourned, sine die. Springing the question. This emphatic ex- pression of popular will, as was generally sup- posed, laid State organization at rest. At the general election in October, 1865, it was not even suggested. In its platform, adopted at a territorial convention, for nominating candi- dates for auditor and treasurer, the Republi- can party did not mention the subject. The Democrats in a very emphatic resolution, de- clared against any movement which did not provide for taking the popular vote on that subject, divested of all other issues, and before any step was taken towards framing a consti- tution. Had it been supposed possible that the territorial legislature would draft a con- stitution, many men who succeeded in obtain- ing an election to it, would have failed to re- ceive so much as a nomination. For instance, in the delegation from Otoe county were O. P. IMason and J. B. Bennett of the Council, and J. H. Maxon of the House. These gentlemen, after the legislature assembled, showed them- selves to be very ardent friends of the scheme for that body making a State of Nebraska. And yet their county rejected their constitu- tion by a majority of over four hundred votes. So, too, the Cass delegation supported the measure, and their county gave a majority of three hundred and twenty-five against it. Not one of them could have been elected if they had been known to favor State organiza- tion. But after the election the plan was de- veloped. It was proposed now, for the first time, that the legislature should resolve itself into a convention, draft a constitution, and organize a State government. Conscious that such action was an exercise of powers con- fided to that body neither by the law nor by the peojjle, the attempt was made to obtain petitions numerously signed, praying the two houses to perform this extra service. These petitions were in large numbers sent out of the "executive ofiice," into all parts of the Territory, accompanied by letters urging the [jarties receiving them to circulate them gen- erally in their neighborhood, obtain signa- tures and return them. The measure was prosecuted with great energy. Nearly every citizen in the Territory was solicited to sign one of these petitions. \\''ith all these efforts only about six hundred names were obtained. The attempt to give the scheme the appear- ance of a popular movement was confessedly abortive, so that the petitions were never made an apology for the action of the legislature. The action of the legislature. At the open- ing of the session, a decided majority of the members of the House were opposed to the measure. Among the Republicans, many were determined in their opposition. All the fed- eral officials, Governor Saunders, Chief Jus- tice Kellogg, Secretary Paddock, Indian Su- jjerintendent Taylor, and others, made a party question of it. It was given out that no man who opposed it could expect or should receive recognition in the party. Meeting after meet- ing was held and the matter urged by all the eloquence and sophistry possible, while private conversations were converted into appeals and private bargains. One by one was won over — promises of office and of contracts and yet more tangible influences doing the work. Chief Justice Kellogg. Secretary Paddock, Mr. Ma- son and two or three others, now set them- selves to draft the constitution which this leg- islature should adopt. In the calm and undis- turbed retirement of private rooms, and under the protection, from interruption, of locks and keys, these gentlemen pursued their work. They produced an instrument suited to their purposes, which the legislature was to adopt at their discretion. Its chief merit was that it provided a cheap government. According to their estimates, its annual expenses would not exceed over twelve thousand dollars. Not a single State officer, except the judges, was to receive as much as a hod carrier's earnings. The people, it was insisted, were able to sup- port a State government, but were not willing to pay their officers respectable soldiers' pay for their services. A respectable State gov- ROCK BLUFFS CONTEST 365 ernment would, they argued, frighten the peo- ple and they would reject the constitution. A cheap government of cheap men answered the purpose designed, inasmuch as the senators in Congress are paid by the United States. On the fourth day of February, 1866, their constitution was introduced into the Council, accompanied by a joint resolution in these words : Rcsolz'cd. By the Council and House of Rep- resentatives of the Territory of Nebraska. That the foregoing constitution be submitted to the qualified electors of the Territory, for their adoption or rejection, at an election here- by authorized to be held at the time and in the manner specified in the seventh (7th) section of the schedule of said constitution, and that the returns and canvass of the votes cast at said election be made as in said section pre- scribed. The constitution was not printed for the use of either house. No amendment was permit- ted to one of its provisions. A strenuous ef- fort was made to obtain an amendment sepa- rating the election upon the adoption or re- jection of this instrument from that for State officers : but the decisive answer was, candi- dates for office under the State organization will support the constitution. The effort therefore failed. On the 8th the resolution passed the House, and on the 9th was ap- proved by the governor. In the contest proceedings in Cass county it had been stipulated that the testimony taken in the case of Cooper against Hanna should be used in the other senatorial contest and in the contest over seats in the house of representa- tives. It is said that by accident or oversight this stipulation was not placed on file, though it appears that it was at least verbally agreed to. It will be seen on reading the reports of the several committees of the legislature that they took advantage of this technical irregu- larity, and five of the six contested seats were awarded to the republicans, wholly without consideration of the facts. Probably nothing more, and certainly nothing less, should be said of this procedure than tint its audacity was worthy of a better, while ii.^ shameless inequity and downright dishonesty would have disgraced even a worse cause. The four democratic candidates for mem- bership in the house from Cass county were clearly entitled to seats, barring the technical irregularity on the part of the Rock Bluffs election officers, but against whom no fraud or intention of fraud was shown. By prin- ciple as well as by usual practice the house was in duty bound to disregard the teclmi- calities and award the seats to those candi- dates who had the majority of the fairly cast votes. If the four democrats of Cass county had been seated in the house, on joint ballot for United States senators there would have been a democratic majority of one, at least; and according to the statement of a contem- porary republican newspaper that three demo- crats contributed to the 29 votes for the re- publican candidates, the democrats would have had 28 votes and the republicans 22. Cass county had voted overwhelmingly against the state constitution, and this fact no doubt emboldened the members from that county to attempt to palliate the heinous Rock Bluff's offense and thus appease the righteous indignation of a large majority of their con- stitutents by agreeing to adjourn without ac- tion, and thus defeat the election of United States senators, which was the sole object of the session. But to the surprise of the other members of the delegation, on the roll call, Chapin and Maxwell smoothly failed to carry out their pledge. W'hen the other members of the delegation discovered the trick they changed their vote and the republican plan was consummated. But due consideration of prevailing politi- cal conditions at this time would preclude the conclusion w;hich has been generally reached, that if the votes of Rock Bluff's precinct had been counted the first two United States sena- tors from Nebraska would have been demo- crats. It is rather to be presumed that if democratic senators had been chosen the ad- mission of the territory into the Union would have been postponed till a more convenient political season. By this time the breach between the stal- wart republican majority in Congress and An- drew Johnson was complete and beyond re- pair, and the republicans of Nebraska, in the main, followed the eastern leadership. In Oc- tober, 1865, Edward B. Taylor, editor of the Omaha Republican, but also superintendent of Indian affairs, and who had given strong 366 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA H. P. Anderson Farmer and baiilccr, Dunbar, Nebraska JOHNSON AND ANTI-JOHNSON FACTIONS 367 editorial support to Johnson's policy, retired from the editorship, and he was succeeded by General Harry H. Heath, who continued the pro-Johnson policy. On the 13th of April, 1866, the Republican , announces that Saint A. D. Balcomhe has bought a half interest in the paper and will be business manager; and in this number the political policy is changed and thenceforward it is the aggressive, thick- and-thin organ of the stalwarts as against Johnson. The Advertiser does not find it necessary to change editors, but as soon as the party tide goes against Johnson the editor un- resistingly goes with it against Johnson, too. The process of fusion between Johnson re- publicans and democrats was formally com- pleted in the summer of 1866, though its course was by no means smooth. In the early fall a Johnson club was formed at Dakota City, with Thomas L. Griii'ey, the well-known democrat, as president. A meeting to form a Johnson club was held at Omaha in July, at which Judge Kellogg presided and James G. Chapman was secretary ; but, as a result of a wrangle over the articles or resolutions, the democratic leaders, including Poppleton, Mil- ler, and Woolworth, withdrew, and only eight signed the articles of the clulj. George Fran- cis Train and Judge William F. Lockwood were elected delegates to the Philadelphia fu- sion convention which undertook to organize the national union party. The democrats of the legislature had chosen Morton and Popple- ton as delegates, and the Plattsmouth conven- tion, September 11th, chose General Harry H. Heath, James R. Porter, and Colonel John Patrick. There were three sets of delegates at this convention, one headed by Morton, another by George Francis Train, and a third by Edward B. Taylor. Morton and General Harry H. Heath were appointed members of the executive committee of the new party. General Heath had succeeded Taylor as edi- tor of the Republican and had held that post as lately as February, 1866. For some rea- son Taylor's loyalty to the office-dispensing power was futile, for on the 6th of the fol- lowing November his removal from the office of superintendent of Indian affairs was an- nounced, as also that of Colonel Robert W. Furnas from his office as agent of the Omaha Indians, Captain Lewis Lowry, "a copper- head." according to the Republican, succeed- ing him. The Republican complained that Tuxbury and Reed, "two of J. Sterling Mor- ton's Vallandighammers, of the most violent kind," had been appointed as register and re- ceiver of the land office at Nebraska City, the republican incumbents having been removed. But early in the next year the Senate rejected these appointments, as also that of Thomas W. w^ ' — . \ WlLLI.\M Fr.'\NKI,IN ChAPIN Prominent in politics and early Nebraska history Bedford as register of the land office at Brownville. Charles G. Dorsey was appoint- ed register of the land office at Brownville by President Johnson in 1865. In November, 1866, the president appointed T. W. Bedford, who was a captain in the union army, in Dor- sey's place. On the 8th of February the Sen- ate refused to confirm the appointment, but Bedford obtained a writ of replevin from the district court and gained possession of the office and its contents. Public officers are often summarily ousted, but it is seldom that one is summarily injected into office as Cap- tain Bedford was. The Nebraska City Nezvs, J. Sterling Morton editor, relates how it was done : Captain Thomas \\'. Bedford was duly in- 368 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Colonel John M. Stotslnberc. Killed in action in the Philippines, April 23, 1899 JOHNSON AND ANTI-JOHNSON FACTIONS 369 augiirated as register of the United States land office on Friday, February 15th, 1867. The interesting ceremony was efficiently conducted by Deputy U. S. Marshal Dwight. Mr. Dor- sey retired with ineffable grace, and his val- edictorj' remarks are said to be quite moving. The predictions of the News, so far as Dor- sey's exit was concerned, have been verified. When Andrew Johnson concludes to appoint land officers in Nebraska he seems to pay but little regard to the personal comfort or cour- age of Mr. Dorsey. A short time before this, Bedford attempt- ed to gain possession of the books of his of- Saint Andre Durand Balcombe Pioneer Editor of Omaha fice from the old incumbent by means of a writ of replevin issued by Henry C. Lett, the well-known democrat, and then mayor of Brownville. But the nerve of the deputy sheriff who undertook to serve the writ de- serted him, and the scheme failed. After hav- ing been thrown out of the United States senatorship — which he had fairly won — by the "state" legislature at the first session in July, Morton proposed in the Ncivs the fol- lowing course: "The questions for the Ne- braska democracy to consider in relation to this matter are of vital importance. Shall we not put upon our tickets this next October election the words : 'For an enabling act and a constitutional convention. Against Thayer and Tipton. Repudiation of the Butler oli- garchy' ?" The "union" territorial convention was held at Brownville on the 6th of September, and Oliver P Mason was chosen president and Daniel H. Wheeler of Cass county and John T. Patterson of Richardson county secretaries. The principal candidates for nomination for member of Congress were Dwight J. McCann, Alvin Saunders, John Taffe, and Isham Reavis. Oliver P. Mason received twelve votes on the informal ballot, and his name was then withdrawn. On the fifth formal ballot John Taft'e of Douglas county was nomi-i nated, receiving 33 votes against 32 cast for McCann. The committee on resolutions, con- sisting of John M. Thayer, Amos J. Harding, George Vandeventer, Ebenezer E. Cunning- ham, Hiram D. Hathaway, Leander Gerrard, John Taffe, Nathan S. Porter, and William W. Washburn, reported a platform consisting of the proposed 14th amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States with the follow- ing addition : Resolved, That loyalty shall direct and con- trol the destinies of this nation. Resolved, That the soldiers of the union who have saved this nation from destruction by armed traitors, shall, in the future, as in the past, have our hearty co-operation and un- faltering support, and that we are deeply sen- sible to the fact that the people of this repub- lic can never fully discharge the debt of grati- tude which they owe to the union soldiers and sailors whose self-sacrificing patriotism and blood have preserved constitutional liberty upon this continent. Mr. Taffe in accepting the nomination de- clared that he was unswervingly opposed to the Johnson policy. Turner M. Marquett was nominated for delegate to Congress on the first ballot, receiving 39 votes against 25 for Oliver P. Mason and 1 for John Taft'e. Mr. Marquett had been chosen member of Con- gress at the provisional state election held in 370 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ^P^"^* • ^^ -'"S ■ * ^^^^H|^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Hkita ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^B r _^v ■■^^^^■^•■' IsHAM Reaves Associate justice for supreme court of Arizona, 1869-1873 TWELFTH AND LAST TERRITORL\L LEGISLATURE 371 June, but President Johnson had in the mean- time refused to approve the bill for the ad- mission of the territory as a state, passed in July. While, therefore, the delegateship was intrinsically lesser, yet it seemed at this time the surer of the two offices ; and for Mar- quett the change might be a reduction or a promotion according to one's political fore- cast. John Gillespie and Augustus Kountze were again nominated by acclamation for the offices of auditor and treasurer respectively, and Robert S. Knox for librarian, also by acclamation. The call for the democratic territorial con- vention to be held at Plattsmouth. on the 11th of September, invited all to participate "who favored the reconstruction policy of the presi- dent and complete restoration of the states to their rightful position in the union at the earliest practicable moment, and are opposed to the disunion policy of Congress." The Philadelphia national union convention had endorsed or accepted the results of the war, but, while denying the right of any state to withdraw, also denied the right of any state or convention of states to exclude any state or states from t^e union. The Omaha Herald expressed its readiness to unite with all men who agreed with the Philadelphia declarations, and was anxious to realize the best practical results through the coming Plattsmouth convention. The democrats were thus only a little less cosmopolitan and com- prehensive in their call than the republicans were in the enlarged name of their party. And so the Republican facetiously analyzes the Plattsmouth "national union" convention as composed of seven office-holders, three office-seekers, three democrats who "don't like Tipton, and two in the wrong boat." The democrats and Johnson republicans had simultaneous, but separate conventions, the first held upstairs and the second down- stairs, in the same building — and their mode of procedure exactly anticipated that of the fusion parties of Nebraska at a later date. Dr. Andrew S. Holladay, postmaster of Brownville, presided over the Johnson con- vention and Theodore H. Robertson over the democratic convention. We are told that Judge Lockwood appeared in the democratic convention and reported that the "conserva- tive" or Johnson convention "accepted im- plicitly the resolutions of this (democratic) convention, and would heartily endorse its action and nominations." The democrats nominated J. Sterling Morton for delegate to Congress, Frank Murphy for auditor, and Andrew Dellone for treasurer. The Johnson convention nominated Algernon S. Paddock for member of Congress and Robert C. Jor- Is.\.\C S. H.ASC.^LL Pioneer lawyer and legislator dan for librarian. Both conventions — or wings of a convention — endorsed the resolu- tions and address of the Philadelphia conven- tion. The Plattsmouth Democrat censured the leaders — Morton, Miller, Poppleton, and Woolworth — for bad tactics, insisting that James R. Porter of Cass county should have been nominated instead of Mr. Morton. The opposition organ styled the distinguished democratic leader as, "J. Sterling Morton, the worst copperhead and rebel Nebraska af- fords," alleged that Colonel Patrick wanted a mild union democrat like Tames R. Porter, but 372 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA William V. Allen United States senator, 1893-1899 TWELFTir AND LAST TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE i7Z Silas A. Hoi.comd Governor of Nebraska, 1S95-1899 374 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Morton, Miller, Woolworth, and Poppleton beat him and forced Morton on the ticket. Even the suavity and all-embracing friendli- ness of Secretary Paddock's deportment failed to stay the poisoned shafts of the 'ioyal" party organs. The Republican charges that. He has deserted the republican party in the time of its most severe trial, in its efforts to restore this union upon a firm basis, and al- lowed himself to be used as the standard- bearer ot the copperhead and rebel party. _ He was a professed republican a few weeks since, and rested his claims to the highest office within the gift of our people with a radical legislature upon radical assurances. He was Lorenzo Crounse Eighth governor o£ Nebraska Ijcaten. He went with unseemly haste to Washington and secured his reappointment to the secretaryship of the territory, by far the most valuable office within it. Immedi- ately upon his return he heads a movement with the expressed intention of disorganizing his old party ; and today he is a nommee on the same ticket with J. Sterling Morton, a bit- ter, uncompromising Vallandigham democrat. But if the Republican's pen was dipped in bitterness the Herald's was a fountain of gall, and even its defense was aggressive attack. As a sample Roland for an anti-Paddock Oliver the Herald notes that George B. Lake, "renegade democrat and .\frican equalizer," tries to read Paddock out of the republican party. Attacking Thayer's vanity it says, "For weeks he has been so busy bragging him- self into consequences that his activity has been tremendous." George Francis Train entered the canvass as an independent candidate for delegate, and a list of names of thirty-one Irishmen urging him to remain in the contest was published. They favored him because he had "advocated so long the cause of Irish nationality." The remark that "Mr. Train has already done and is now doing more for the future advancement of Nebraska than any other man, or set of men, has done for it since it was organized as a territory," might be taken to lend color to a previous averment that the "program of Mor- ton and Miller is Morton and Train for United States senators" ; and a later one that "Train found that, after being encouraged by Miller, ct al., he was set aside for Morton, but he an- ticipated them by becoming an independent candidate." However, the Herald's puff was limited to Pacific railway purposes. While this most picturesque personage was very ef- fective in his peculiar role, no one would have taken seriously a proposal to play him in an important political part, and if Morton and Miller put him aside once they doubtless did it twice ; for he was probably embarrassing Morton's canvass, and so in a characteristic letter he withdrew from the contest. "When men," he says, "emancipate themselves from party, when voters regain their independence, when the people of Nebraska are more anx- ious to have me for their representative than I am to represent them, when an election can be carried without purchase, perhaps I may enter the field again." We have another example of the humor of this remarkable campaign in the Herald's il- lustration of the anxiety of Kountze to be elected treasurer: "We never saw Kountze before when he could speak more than two languages. Yesterday we heard him using not less than six, including Danish, and he spoke each with equal fluency. Augustus is always very busy when there is anything pecuniary in sight." This second campaign of 1866, con- TWELFTH AND LAST TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE 375 sidering both the number and abihty of those engaged in it and the aggressiveness with which it was fought, had not been equaled by any political canvass of the territory. The formidable array of old war-horses Miller, Morton, Poppleton, and Woolworth — old relatively speaking only, for they were really colts of thirty-five years or under — were reen forced by Paddock and Lock wood, with Judge Kellogg, an astute politician, in the background. Woolworth made speeches in this campaign, but refused to become a candi- date for state senator. Marquett, Mason, TaiTe, Thayer, and Tip- ton were the most conspicuous republican orators, and they were ably reinforced by Orsamus H. Irish of Otoe and Isham Reavis of Richardson county, while Dundy "The Cautious," but of the longest head, kept more in the background, and his productive cunning in this instance presently brought him the ap- pointment to the federal district bench by President Johnson and confirmation by the clashing Senate. Other able, and perhaps fitter, but certainly less astute aspirants were dashed against either this Scylla or that Charybdis. With the exception of course of George Francis Train's speeches, the inev- itable joint discussion between Marquett and Morton — for a forensic duel was always in- sisted upon when Morton was candidate — was the striking feature of the campaign. While Marquett was no match for Morton in the positive sense, yet he was shrewd enough to appreciate, and witty enough to make the most of that disadvantage. Morton, in his usual aggressive style, consistently pressed Marquett to say whether he was for or against negro suffrage, but without effect; for suf- frage sentiment in the territory was as yet either so conservative or so timid as to have idaced the white restriction in the pending con- stitution whose acceptance republicans were urging upon Congress. Morton of course de- clared himself positively against negro suf- frage, and thereby strengthened his character but weakened his vote. He also positively en- dorsed President Johnson's policy. Morton on the stump and Miller in the press took the most aggressive ground against negro suffrage and the "disunion" conditions Congress was imposing on the return of the rebellious states to the Lhiion. The republicans had little else to do but to cry "copperhead" and charge their opponents with intent to put unrepentant rebels in the saddle in the South. And in ex- isting conditions the republicans won, almost as a matter of course. The republicans nominated the same set of candidates for both territorial and state legis- lative tickets. This was the last chance of the democratic party in Nebraska for many years ; it re- quired a generation of time for it to recover sufficiently from the disadvantages of the logic of conditions or of its own mistakes, so as to be able to make, single-handed, even a for- midable campaign ; and during that time re- publican majorities waxed rather than waned. It was also Morton's last chance ; and it was chiefly a compliment to his prowess and not out of disrespect or wanton meanness that all the bitterness and vituperation, all the old- wives' tales, all the facts and all the fiction which the greed for office could summon or invent, were focused upon him. The republi- can press even raked up the scurrilous abuse which the democratic editors of Omaha heaped on Morton in the early days when he led the factional section of the South Platte. "J. Sterling Morton has long been a mark for the venom of political hatreds. No man in this territory has been more bitterly assailed in sea.son and out of season. This has arisen in his independence of thought and action, and might have been expected." The Herald ob- served that Mr. Morton's loss by theft of two fine horses, one the favorite of his wife and children, "has brought out once more the venom and malignity which only political bloodhounds can cherish towards their op- ponents. Men and the press have openly re- joiced in his loss." But the very large vote which Morton received at home is illustrative of the fact that, in spite of his penchant for arousing enmity and opposition, those who knew him best never ceased to recognize in him great qualities which attracted them and 376 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA inspired admiration and respect. But he lacked entirely that essential quality of the successful practical politician which composes differences and placates enemies ; and he pro- ceeded upon the impracticable, uncompromis- ing presumption that "he that is not for me is against me." In the meantime the first, or provisional state legislature, which was elected in June, met on the 4th of July, proceeded to elect two United States senators, and adjourned on the 11th of the same month. But- President John- son having "pocketed" the admission bill which was passed by Congress, July 27th, the day before adjournment, it failed to become a law. Just before the passage of this bill in the Senate, Charles Sumner attempted to at- tach the same condition to it, respecting negro suffrage, which was afterward adopted; but his amendment received only five votes — those of Edmunds. Fessenden, Morgan, Po- land, and Sumner. The bill passed by a vote of 24 to 18, all these senators voting with the democrats in the negative. In this debate the leading advocates of the bill were Nye of Nevada and Wade of Ohio, and its chief op- ponents were Hendricks of Indiana, Doolittle of Wisconsin (Johnson republican), and Sum- ner of Massachusetts. Sumner's primary olj- jection to the admission measure was the suf- frage-restricting word "white" in the proposed constitution. Doolittle, Hendricks, and Sum- ner pressed the objection of fraud in the elec- tion at which the constitution was adopted, and which had caused an investigation in the legislature. Mr. Doolittle adduced the state- ment of Isaac L. Gibbs, who was speaker of the house in the legislature of 1857: The gentleman for whom I pledged my honor was a captain of one of the companies of the first Nebraska regiment, who stated to me that two of the companies of that regiment were raised in Iowa, and the soldiers of those companies voted in favor of this constitution while they were in the territory of Nebraska ; that those same soldiers voted, on a commis- sion from Iowa, for Governor Stone at Fort Kearney in Nebraska ; that subsequent to this voting they have been mustered out and have gone home to Iowa where they reside. I say that for his statement, stated to me upon his own knowledge, I do vouch for his honor as a man and a soldier. In the House, Kelly of Pennsylvania pressed Rice of Maine to yield to hijn so that he might offer an amendment similar to that of Sumner, but Rice declined on the ground that if he should entertain such an amendment "it would be the means of killing the bill." A predic- tion then that at the end of six months negro suffrage sentiment would have so grown and crystallized and that republicans would have so far recovered their wonted confidence, after the demoralizing Johnson disturbance, that the state would be admitted with Sum- ner's amendments as an accepted condition, and by a two-thirds vote over Johnson's veto, would have seemed visionary. The twelfth and last session of the terri- torial legislature convened in Omaha, January 10, 1867. The two districts comprising re- spectively Cedar, Dixon, and L'eau-qui-court, and Dakota, Cedar, Dixon, and L'eau-qui- court were not represented. Mr. Chapin of Cass county was chosen speaker of the house, receiving 23 votes against 11 cast for ]\lr. Baker of Lincoln county. The absence of Governor Saunders from the territory at this time gave Acting Governor Paddock an op- portunity to deliver the message, which in its Ijusiness aspect was creditable ; but its closing bold appeal in behalf of President Johnson's reconstruction policy stirred the now domi- nant congressional faction of the Republican ]iarty to wrath, and drew a storm of protest from the party organs. The territorial trea- surer had reported the remarkably large sum of $23,324.56 on hand, and adding to this the tax levy for 1866, not yet collected — $69,- 973.86 — the militia reimbursement appropria- tion by Congress, $45,000, and delinquent taxes, $26,983.24, and then making an esti- mated allowance for loss on delinquent taxes, $10,000, and for possible disallowance of mil- itia accounts $8,000, the acting governor op- timistically ventured to congratulate the territory on the possession of a surplus of $61,810.22 above the indebtedness of $85,- 471.44. The treasurer reported that during the current year he would have sufficient funds to redeem the outstanding warrants as well as TWELFTH AND LAST TERRITORLAL LEGISLATURE 377 the bonded debt, and recommended the pas- sage of a law compelHng holders of warrants to surrender them. Here we have perhaps the first positive manifestation that orderly administration and general solvency and thrift have been attained — in fair measure, though by very slow growth. The concurrent advent of the free home- stead and corporation land grant systems al- ready arouses jealousy and fear of abuses, and the message sounded a note of warning and alarm : AMierever the lands are subject to location under this [homestead] law, the newly made cabin of the homestead settler is found ; and it is not an extravagant estimate that another year will find one-twelfth of the population of the territory on homestead lands, and fully that proportion of our aggregate productions in the granaries of this class of our fellow- citizens. It is then pointed out that it is "a very great hardship to the enterprising settlers in the valleys of the Nemahas, the Elkhorn, and the Loup Fork that the lands surrounding their homesteads should thus be tied up from actual settlement for the benefit of a corpora- tion (the Burlington & Missouri River Co.) which contemplates the construction of a rail- road through a section of country far removed from their homes." And then to the core of the question : I do not doubt that if the evil effects of this baleful system of land grants were properly represented by you in memorials to congress some remedies for present evils might be ap- plied ; or at all events, some barriers placed against this rapid absorption of the public domain in the future by railroad monopolists and land speculators. We need every avail- able acre in this territory, not already given away by the government for the construction of railroads and agricultural colleges in other states, for our own state endownments and for the industrious poor who, from all sections of the union, and from foreign countries, are coming to secure homesteads amongst us. The governor then expresses his firm con- viction that the whole country would be bene- fited if the Union Pacific railway company would at once exchange its lands for United States bonds, at a fair price, so that they might be held exclusively for location under the homestead law. The message urged the construction of a free bridge across the Platte river, for the old, familiar reasons : The construction of a bridge over the Platte river is a much needed improvement. The crossing of this stream, always difficult, is at certain seasons of the year an utter im- possibility, and communication between two great sections of the territory is for this rea- son extremely limited. A journey to the ter- ritorial capital from some of the most popu- WlLLIAM F. SWEESY Prominent pioneer of Omaha, Nebraska lous counties south of the Platte is consid- ered quite as difficult to perform on account of the dangers and delays in crossing the Platte, as one to St. Louis — five hundred miles distant, and from the North Platte to Chicago is quite as cheerfully vmdertaken as one across the Platte into the rich grain- growing districts below it. Such an obstacle to commercial intercourse between the two sections should be immediately removed, if it is in the power of the people to do it. It is not at all strange that with such a barrier in the way of travel and commerce, the people 378 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of l)oth sections should not only lose their acti\e sympathy for and interest in each other, but that they should be easily led into mis- understandings, jealousies, rivalries, and strife. The fact that "a bridge," merely, was de- manded illustrates the still limited progress of settlement westward from the Missouri river. The message favored the admission of the territory as a state, but it reflected the con- servatism of President Johnson as to the suf- frage question, inasmuch as it "would give the I mm- l^l^?t?!^!S9|| m^ ^^W H| w-'-'' fll i'gB ^B^BbI^?'^^ <'-t.. \ ■ . . -^ E ii(fraviti u z; -'y^-o — 0-Z3 n ."t: ^ 3 5E^£ -- " S S? = o •" o ^ l^ t+H ^ c o ^ S ■/:• = 3^P =--§c2| ■^< .U 5 4jrl-^ — E £■0 rt = 0."^ "•^ ■/! ^ « ^+-' u S 5i -' T -^ ^ u j=; •" j:^ J, —^ -3 ** c ^•^.S c ^ ite fica ttle wni ■■C/3--U3 >. t^ 1/ . « -s ■:: 2.S S iver he look e pr '-. ^- ■" 1 j= ; '-J C Ji *" -^ 1- ' - 1. aero and offic W. TERRITORIAL .MILITARY HISTORY 407 about ninety miles below the junction of the forks of the Platte river, at Fort Laramie — then a fur company's post — 170 miles above the forks, and perhaps a small post higher up on the north fork. The second military post within the present Nebraska was established in July, 1847, near the center of the tract which subsequently be- came the town site of Nebraska City. It was doubtless found to be too far from any line of travel, and, there being no settlements to protect, was only occupied temporarily. The post was abandoned in May of the following year. In accordance with recommendations of General John C. Fremont, following his western explorations, Congress provided by the act of May 19, 1846, for the establishing of military posts along the Oregon route. The order issued from the war department March 30, 1849, to establish Fort Laramie, makes the following reference to the founding of Fort Kearney : To carry out the provisions of the 6th sec- tion of the Act of May 19, 1846, relative to establishing military posts on the Oregon route, and to afford protection to the numer- ous emigrants to that country and California, the first station has already been established, imder instructions of the Secretary of War of June 1, 1847, on the Platte river near Grand Island, and is known as Fort Kearney. The first garrison of this post will be one company First Dragoons and two companies Sixth In- fantry, to be designated by the commander of the department. In 1847, the war department made requisi- tion on the state of ^lissouri for a battalion of mounted volunteers, "with a view to establish military posts on the Oregon route." Hither- to it had been impracticable to comply with that act, the Mexican war "demanding all the available force in that quarter." A battalion of 477 men and officers was raised, but not in time to prosecute the objects in view that year. The season was so far advanced that the troops could not proceed farther than Table creek, on the Missouri river, about 100 miles above Fort Leavenworth — the site of old Fort Kearney and of the present Nebraska City. The commanding officer — - Lieutenant- Colonel Powell — was ordered to winter there. and as early as practicable in the ensuing spring "hasten the completion of the posts, for the establishment of which he had received special instructions from the war department." In the meantime he should punish aggressions of the Sioux and Pawnees on the peaceable bands of other tribes and the persons and prop- erty of emigrant citizens, and attend to the pay- ment of annuities to tribes in the vicinity. "The department was prevented by the de- mand for troops in Mexico, during the recent Henson Wiseman Early settler, Cedar county, Nebraska, where his family was massacred by the Indians ■ war, from effecting much in respect to the es- tablishment of military posts on the route to Oregon, required by the act of the 19th of May, 1846, beyond the selection of the first station on Platte river, near Grand Island and known as Fort Kearney." The post was for- mally established in May, 1848. As early as 1849 the garrison at Fort Kearney was used to some extent for the protection of emigrants from the then hostile Pawnees. The fort at that time is described by Stansbury, who found the famous Captain (now Colonel) Bonneville 403 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA in coiiiniand with two companies of infantry and one of dragoons : The post at present consists of a number of long low buildings, constructed principally of adobe or sundried bricks, with nearly flat roofs ; a large hospital tent ; two or three work shops enclosed by canvas walls ; storehouses constructed in the same manner ; one or two long adobe stables with roofs of brush, and tents for the accommodation of officers and men. In 1849, a regiment of mounted riflemen was detailed "to establish two more of the chain of posts along the route to that terri- Major John W. Pearman Prominent early resident of Nebraska City torv (Oregon) — one to be at or near Fort Laramie, a trading station of the American Fur Company, . . .' and the other at the trading establishment at Ft. Hall, on the head- waters of the Columbia river," near enough to the Mormon settlement at Salt Lake to draw supplies, "and at the same time sufficiently near the direct road to r)regon to afford a stopping place for parties of emigrants to rest, repair their wagons, etc." After the close of the Mexican war more at- tention was paid to the defense of the Indian country. In 1853 Fort Riley was established, and though situated on the Kansas river, near the site of the present Junction City, it is designated in the otificial report as in "Ne- braska Territory." General troubles with the Sioux Indians, and in particular the Grattan massacre, led the war department to begin an aggressive campaign against them in the following spring, the formal order for which was issued by the secretary of war, March 2, 1855, and General William S. Harney was naturally selected to command the forces. His command comprised ten companies of the Sixth in- fantry, six of which were at Jefferson barracks ; three were taken from Fort Laramie and one from Fort Kearney ; the light battery of Fourth artillery from Fort Leavenworth ; two companies of the Sec- ond infantry from Fort Riley; and four from Carlisle (Pa.) barracks; and four companies of the Second dragoons from Fort Riley. The four coinpanies of the Second infantry from Carlisle and the two companies of infantry from Fort Riley were transported by boat up the Missouri river. The rest of the troops in cjuestion were ordered to rendezvous at Fort Kearney and Fort Laramie. General Harney marched with his forces — about 1,200 in number — from Fort Laramie to the battle- field of the Blue Water; and on the 19th of October he arrived at Fort Pierrp nfter scout- ing the Brule country on the White and Cheyenne rivers. General Harney's army wintered at and in the vicinity of Fort Pierre. On the 14th of April, 1855, P. Chouteau & Co. sold the trading post called Fort Pierre, which they had established in 1832, to the United States for a military post, possession to be yielded June 1, 1855. The consideration for the transaction was $45,0(X) on the part of the United States and little more than a collection of huts in bad repair on the part of the company ; but such discrepancies were familiar incidents in the dealings of the In- dian department of the western frontier. Two steamboats were bought and six others hired to transport the first garrison and their winter stores to this fort. It was situated on the west bank of the Missouri river, opposite the site of the present capital of South Dakota, of the same name. Owing to a prolonged drouth TERRITORIAL MILITARY HISTORY 409 in that part of the country it was difficult to procure the necessary supply of hay, so that it was proposed to winter part of the horses near Council Bluffs. General Harney did not approve of Fort Pierre as a permanent post, largely because the country round about it was very barren ; and but little money was spent in its improvement. He preferred a location on the west bank of the Missouri river thirty miles above the mouth of the Niobrara ; and through his influence all that was of value and portable belonging to Fort Pierre was moved to this location, which was named Fort Ran- dall, after a colonel of the regular army. A part of the garrison of Fort Pierre was sent to the new post during the summer of 1856, and on the 16th of May, 1857, the fort was finally abandoned. During the summer of 1856 a considerable part of General Harney's command was sta- tioned at old Fort Lookout, situated about twelve miles below the big bend of the Mis- souri river. As the political organization of Nebraska was born in the throes of a desperate national contest, so likewise the ears of its very first settlers were attuned to war's alarms. Among the organic proclamations issued by Acting Governor Cuming was one calling for the or- ganization of two volunteer regiments for the reason that "dififerent tribes of Indians, within the limits of this territory, have made mani- fest their purpose to commit hostilities upon the pioneers of Nebraska; some of them open- ly threatened to root out the frontier settle- ments" ; and "some bands of said tribes have committed frequent depredations upon parties of emigrants to Utah, Oregon, and California during the past season and have threatened to renew their attacks during the coming spring." The territory was in a state of desultory war- fare with the Indians from the beginning until 1868, but hostilities were most severe in 1864 and 1867. The first regular military organ- ization was authorized by the act of the sec- ond session of the legislature, January 23, 1856. This act provided for the formation of two brigades, the first for the North Platte and the second for the South Platte section. The governor was commander-in-chief of these forces, and a major-general and two brigadier- generals were chosen at a joint session of the legislative assembly the day after the act was passed. John M. Thayer was chosen major- general ; Leavitt L. Bowen, brigadier-general of the first brigade, and Hiram P. Downs brigadier-general of the second brigade. For the Civil war the territory furnished the remarkably large quota of 3,307 men and of- ficers out of a total population of less than 30,000. These men were organized in the First regiment, Nebraska cavalry, 1,370 rank and file; the Second regiment, Nebraska cav- alry, 1,384 rank and file ; the Curtis Horse, 341 rank and file ; the Pawnee Scouts, 120 rank and file; the Omaha Scouts, 92 rank and file. The First regiment, Nebraska volunteers, was organized in June, 1861, as an infantry regi- ment ; but in November, 1863, it was changed by order of the war department to the cavalry branch of the service. The organization of the regiment was completed by the 30th of July, 1861, with John M. Thayer, colonel; and on that date the first battalion, under command of Colonel Thayer, left Omaha by steamboat and arrived at St. Joseph, Missouri, on the 1st of August and at Independence in the same state on the 3d of August, but returned to St. Joseph on the 5th. On the 15th of August the rest of the regiment joined this battalion at Pilot Knob, Missouri. The regiment went into winter quarters at Georgetown, Missouri, but during the winter saw hard service in the field. On the 11th of February, 1862, Colonel Thayer's command arrived at Fort Henry, Tennessee, and then went to Fort Donelson and arrived there on the 13th. The regiment was assigned to a brigade which was com- manded by Colonel Thayer, and it made a fine record in the attack on this fort, which re- sulted in its capture. This regiment also did splendid service in the famous battle of Shiloh, under the brigade command of Gen- eral Thayer and in the division of General Lew Wallace. The regiment did good ser- vice campaigning in Arkansas and Missouri until August 28th, when it was ordered to St. Louis. Under its new cavalry organization it was again sent to Arkansas, where it was kept in active service until January. 1864, when the 410 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA veterans of the regiment were granted fur- loughs until August 13th, and they arrived at Omaha on the 28th of January. On the 18th of August these veterans were ordered to Fort Kearney and arrived there on the 23d. By an order dated January 31, 1865, the First battalion, Nebraska veteran cavalry, was consolidated with the First Nebraska veteran cavalry, under the name of the First Nebraska cavalry. The new regiment remained in the Plains country, scouting and fighting Indians, in which service the old organization had also been engaged, until it was mustered out at Edw.^rd De Morin Early Nebraska trader, scout, and guide Omaha on the 1st of July, 1866. This regi- ment from the first did splendid service and won great praise from soldiers as well as civil- ians. On the 31st of July, 1862, Governor Saun- ders issued order No. 1, in which it was re- quired that "all male residents of the territory between the ages of twenty-one and forty-five should forthwith enroll their names in inde- pendent or militia companies of not less than thirty-five nor more than sixty-four persons each." There was much resentment shown asrainst General Lane's alleged intrusion into the terri- tory to raise recruits, under an order of the secretary of war, dated July 22, 1862, within the department of Kansas which included Ne- braska, and on the 18th of August, Governor Saunders issued a proclamation as follows : Whereas, Certain persons, representing themselves to be recruiting officers for volun- teer regiments organizing in the states of Kansas and Missouri, are striving to induce citizens of this territory to enlist in said regi- ments ; and whereas, I have been notified that officers have been detailed and will shortly ar- rive in the territory to recruit in our own regi- ment now in the field, which, together with the number necessary for our home protection, will require every volunteer that the territory can furnish : Now, therefore, I, Alvin Saunders, governor of the territory of Ne- braska, do herebv give notice to all such per- sons that they must immediately desist from their attempts to procure enlistments in this territory for regiments organized or about to be organized in any other state or territory, and I do forbid any and all citizens of the ter- ritory to enlist in any regiment, battalion, or company not expressly authorized to be raised by this department, or to go beyond the limits of this territory to so enlist in any other state or territory. On the 15th of April, 1862, Colonel Robert W. Furnas, up to that time publisher of the Advertiser at Brovvnville, left that place with Dr. .\ndrew S. Holladay and Lieutenant-Col- onel Stephen H. Wattles of Washington county for the headquarters of the First regi- ment, "Indian Home Guards," in the Indian territory of which he was colonel. Colonel Furnas was for a time acting brigadier-general of the three Indian regiments in the interior of the Indian territory and participated in several engagements. In the fall of 1862 he resigned the office of colonel of the First Indian regi- ment for the reason that, "such has been the course pursued toward the Indians for the past few months that he could no longer render them useful in the service." Colonel Furnas had "devoted nearly his whole time to military matters since the rebellion broke out" — seven months in active service in the field. It was said that "to him. perhaps, more than any other man, is southern Nebraska indebted for its military ardor, and the consequent unparal- TERRITORIAL MILITARY HISTORY 411 led number of men in the field in proportion to population," and that "he has gone to work vigorously assisting to raise the second com- pany from this section for the new cavalry regiment." On the 9th of September, 1862, Acting Gov- ernor Paddock sent the following telegram to Secretary Stanton of the war department : Powerful bands of Indians are retiring from Minnesota into the northern counties of thib territory. Settlers by hundreds are fleeing. Instant action is demanded. I can turn out a militia force, a battery of three pieces of six- pounders, and from six to ten companies of cavalry and mounted infantry. The territory is without credit or a cent of money. Authorize me by telegraph to act for the general govern- ment in providing immediate defense, and I can do all that is necessarj' with our militia if subsisted and paid by government. This communication was referred to Gen- eral Pope who was in command of the mili- tary' department — department of the Missouri — with headquarters at St. Paul. Inspector- General Elliott was sent to Omaha to nego- tiate with the governor, and the organization of the Second regiment, Nebraska cavalry-, with R. W. Furnas as colonel, followed. On the 3d of September, 1863, this regiment, under command of Colonel Furnas, bore the principal part in a sharp and successful en- gagement with about 1,000 Indians at White Stone Hill, in what is now central South Da- kota. The regiment had enlisted for nine months and was mustered out at the end of that time. In December, 1861. the Curtis Horse cavalry regiment, which included the Nebraska batta- lion commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel M. T. Patrick, was organized. Three of the com- panies of this battalion were recruited at Omaha and the other at Nebraska City. The regiment was ordered to Tennessee, but on the 14th of February crossed the river and went into camp at Fort Heiman, Kentucky. It was kept in active service until June 23, 1862, when it was assigned to the state of Iowa under the name of the Fifth Iowa cav- alry, with officers as follows : W. W. Lowe, colonel ; ]M. T. Patrick, lieutenant-colonel ; A. B. Bracket, major; William Ashton, lieuten- ant and adjutant ; Enos Lowe, surgeon; B. T. Wise, assistant surgeon ; Charles B. Smith, quartermaster. This regiment saw constant active service until the close of the war. Nebraska volunteers of the Civil war were cosmopolitan in their enlistment. "Although there is in the union army but one regiment of infantry and a few companies of cavalry that bear the name of Nebraska, yet she deserves credit for contributing as large a number of soldiers, in proportion to her inhabitants, as any state or territory in the union. There is scarcely a regiment from either Kansas, Mis- souri, Iowa, or Illinois, without more or less from Nebraska. In reading of regiments from Ohio, Indiana and other places we fre- quently find names of soldiers whose home is 'in Nebraska.' A friend writes that in the regiment he belongs to (the Kansas Eighth) there are sixty-seven Nebraska boys. In the Kansas Second there is one company almost exclusively from Nebraska. In the Fifth regiment, Missouri state militia, there is another company from Nebraska. In [Ben- jamin F.] Loan's brigade at St. Joseph, among both officers and men there are many Ne- braska boys, we know not how many, probably not less than 200. If as many have gone from other portions af the territory as from Nemaha county, there are not less than five thousand of the hardy veterans of Nebraska now fight- ing in the armies of their country." When Indian hostilities broke out in the territory in the summer of 1864 Governor Saunders called out four companies of militia and a detachment of artillery as follows : Com- pany A, Captain Thomas B. Stevenson, 53 men rank and file, mustered into service Au- gust 12, 1864, mustered out December 21, 1864; Company B, Captain Isaac Wiles, same num- ber of men, mustered in August 13, 1864, mus- tered out February 13, 1865 ; Company C, Cap- tain Alvin G. \\ hite, 57 men, mustered in Au- gust 24, 1864, mustered out Febn.iar\' 7, 1865. These companies belonged to the First regi- ment. Second brigade. The fourth company, Captain Charles F. Porter, was Company A of the First regiment. First brigade. 47 men. mustered in August 30, and mustered out No- vember 12, 1864. The detachment of artillerv 412 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA militia, under Captain Edward P. Childs, num- bered 13 men and was mustered in August 30 and mustered out November 12, 1864. In the summer of 1864 a company of Paw- nee Indians was formed under Captain Joseph McFadden. This company was known as Company A, Pawnee Scouts. On January 13, 1865, the company was increased to 95, and mustered into the service of the United States under Captain Frank J. North. On May 3, 1865, a company of Omaha Indians known as Company A, Omaha Scouts, Captain Edward R. Nash, was mustered into the service of the United States and mustered out Tuly 16, 1866. Gener.m, William vSeliiy Harnev It was estimated that during the ten years immediately preceding January 1, 1871, about 150 persons were killed, and stock and other property to the amount of more than $25,000 destroyed by hostile Indians. The comities of Platte, L'eau-qui-court, Jefiferson, Cedar, Buffalo, Seward, and Butler, besides the unorganized territory to the west, were the worst sufferers from these depreda- tions. Contemporaneous accounts of the troubles with the Indians in Nebraska which are pre- served in the territorial newspapers and in local official publications supplement the re- ports of the federal w-ar and Indian depart- ments with additional facts and illustrative descriptions. In his message to the second general assembly, December 18, 1855, Gov- ernor Izard relates that on the 30th of the pre- vious July he received an express from Fon- tenelle bringing the news that a party of citi- zens had been attacked about ten miles from the town in which men were murdered and scalped, and a woman wounded, marvelously escaping with her life. The governor had im- mediately ordered Brigadier-General Thayer to raise a volunteer force, and soon a company of forty men was mounted, armed, and equip- ped under command of Captain W. E. Moore and dispatched to Fontenelle — all within fif- teen hours from the receipt of the news of the outbreak. .\ post was established at Fonte- nelle, and small companies were stationed at Ivlkhorn City and one at Tekamah, which were kept there until the 9th of October, when it was ascertained that the Indians had retired into the interior. The Nebraska City Nezvs of July 10, 1858, reports that the Pawnee Indians — "those mis- erable aborigines" — are troublesome to trains on the Utah route, and as General Denver, In- dian commissioner, made a treaty with them the previous September for an annuity of $40,000, they ought to be paid in Nebraska City so that pledges for good behavior might be taken; and. July 2, 1859, the same journal reported that recently the Sioux made a de- scent on the Pawnee village, situated on the Platte river south of Fremont, and burnt it to the ground. The Pawnee warriors were ab- sent on their annual hunt, but some of the old men and women were killed. The Pawnees acknowledged their inferiority to their implac- able western foes by applying to the Poncas and Omahas for assistance. The same paper, July 30, 1859, notes the return to Omaha of the army that chased the Pawnees, and that, according to the Ncbraskian, the citizens gave them an enthusiastic welcome. "A more thievish, rascally set of scoundrels cannot be found . . . but this would have been TERRITORIAL MILITARY HISTORY 413 no justification for cutting them to pieces when they threw away their arms and declared they wouldn't fight." They signed a treaty for indemnity for all depredations and acceded to all demands made upon them. The Dakota City Herald of September 10, 1859, says the Indians — mainly the Brules and Ogallala Sioux — about the Niobrara river "are becom- ing too insolent and too bold for quiet to reign much longer in these parts." The Omaha Re- publican, January 4, 1860, learned from Cle- ment Lambert of Decatur that the Brule Sioux Indians had made a descent upon the Omaha village on December 21st, and carried ofif sixty- five horses. The Nebraskian of May 12, 1860, states that the Sioux on the Loup had recently attacked the Pawnees, killing five squaws, and some time before, eighteen of their horses. The Huntsman's Bcho, September 6, 1860, published at Wood River Center by Joseph E. Johnson, observes that "It seems that the de- mand of Major Gillis (Pawnee agent at Genoa) for troops to protect the Pawnees from the rapacity of the Sioux has been in- dorsed at headquarters, and already a detach- ment of horse and foot have gone over." The same paper reports a descent by thirty Chey- ennes on the Pawnee village, and that six hun- dred Sioux and Cheyennes were at Fort Kear- ney "on their way to flax out their friends the Pawnees." The Dakota City Democrat of April 20, 1861, had just learned that "the inhabitants of Niobrarah, assembled in arms and boarded the steamer Omaha, when she landed at that point, and demanded that she should go no farther up the river, but should at once steam down stream. They also stated that they would allow no boat to pass up for the purpose of removing the Fort Randall troops, as they were all the protection the frontier had. A difficulty occurred when the citizens and the steamboat men commenced on each other. Four persons are known to have been killed, and several wounded. The Omaha was obliged to turn down stream." The Nebraska City Neivs, May 2, 1861, insists that there is no danger from the Sioux and their allies if they are only let alone. Many people are afraid to travel up the valley, yet improvements are going on and stocks of goods laid in by those who are there, without fear of danger. The territorial press protested strongly against the removal of troops from the forts soon after the beginning of the Civil war. The Nebraska City Neivs, July 13, 1861, complains bitterly that the Nebraska regiment is all kept at Omaha while the agent at the C)toe reservation had requested part of it to be sent there, as the Indians were unruly. The News quotes the Brownville Advertiser as say- ing that for two weeks "our people have been Gener.^l John McCoNmE Soldier and pioneer of Omaha drawn upon extravagantly as to time, money, and rest in the exercise of such precautionary means as have been deemed indispensable for safety and quiet. The timid are becoming alarmed and are leaving. Several farmers have left prosperous farms and crops and gone back to the states." The News charges Acting Governor Paddock with sectional favortism in immediately asking the war department to send troops up the Platte valley on the report that the Sioux are making trouble there. The Nezvs of July 20, 1861, reports that several families have come in from the Nemahas and 414 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Salt creek from fear of Indians, but thinks there is no good ground for alarm. It relates that "Monsieur Vifquain" [General Victor Vifquain, who lived on the Blue seventy-five miles west] reports that 4,000 Pawnees are camped near his ranch, but that they are peace- able and show no disposition to trouble the whites. They brought their squaws and pap- pooses to the settlement for protection while they were fighting the Sioux who were be- tween them and the buiTalo ranges where they wished to hunt. The Nezvs of the same date charges that Acting Governor Paddock had quietly sent United States troops from Fort Kearney up the Platte without any authority from the war department. "Jim" Lane Prominent in the early history of Kansas and Ne- braska. A Ueutenant of John Brown The Nebraskian, July 17, 1863, reports that Colonel Sapp, just from the Pawnee agency, predicts that there will be a fight on the Re- publican river between the Sioux, who num- ber about 5,000, and the Pawnees and Omahas, who have 1,800 warriors. The same paper, June 3, 1864, refers to a letter from Grand Island dated May 24th which says : "It looks very much like war here ; 2,500 Yankton Sioux are coming down the north side of the Platte and have killed ten soldiers ; also 1,600 Ara- pahos and Cheyennes are on the south side of the river and have nearly disposed of a com- pany of Colorado volunteers"; July 31, 1863, that, owing to the exposed condition of the Nebraska frontier to Indian depredations the administration at Washington has suspended all operations under the conscription act in Ne- braska and Dakota ; and again, July 8, 1864. gives an account of the murder of two men by the Pawnees which created great alarm and excitement. Patrick Murray and his brother- in-law, Adam Smith, with a number of hands, were cutting hay three miles from the Pawnee reserve on Looking-glass creek, and ^Irs. Murray was there cooking for the partv. A band of Pawnees appeared about seven o'clock in the evening, and after cutting the horses loose, shot an old man through the head, kill- ing and scalping him, and wounded Smith with an arrow. They also wounded ]\Irs. Murray as she was extracting the arrow from Smith, and another man by the name of Grimes. Smith died afterward from his wound. The same paper, August 12, 1864, says that in the Platte valley "murder, rapine and plunder are the order of the day," and it charges that the governor is derelict in not furnishing soldiers. When Colonel Living- ston offered the services of his veteran First regiment he could get no satisfaction. A large train had been destroyed by the Indians the day before, at Plum Creek ; and it was reported that James E. Boyd's ranch, ten miles east of Fort Kearney, had been attacked. At Paw- nee ranch William Wilder's train was cor- ralled and fought the Indians from four o'clock until dark, two of the party being wounded. The same paper reports that S. G. Daily had sent a dispatch to the governor informing him that sixteen men were found on the Little Blue who had been killed by the Indians. August 17, 1864, this journal contains accounts by First Lieutenant Charles F. Porter, of the Nebraska veteran cavalrj', of attacks on ranches and trains both east and west of Kear- ney, and he complains bitterly of the utter lack of proper means of defense, and insists on "war to the knife and no prisoners." The hostile Indians comprised Arapahos and Chey- ennes, and there were perhaps Brule Sioux and Comanches among them. A correspon- dent in the same paper charges the outbreaks to the dishonest practices of the government Indian agents, whose frauds were "of the most revolting character — putting to blush the most hardened Indian trader." By October 28. 1864, the Nebraskian insists, in the interest of TERRITORIAL MILITARY HISTORY 415 trade if not of truth, that Indian troubles be- tween Omaha and Denver have been sup- pressed and that refugees may safely return. The Omaha Republican of August 12, 1864, reports that, "the recent Indian murders in the Platte valley point clearly and unmistakably to a general uprising of the savage hordes who inhabit western Nebraska and Colorado, Idaho and L'tah. Within forty-eight hours between twenty and thirty dead bodies have been found at different points west of us and we hear of numerous depredations upon stock and trains. Men have been murdered at Thirty-Two Mile Creek, Lone Tree Station and Plum Creek; the pickets at Fort Kearney have been fired upon, the train destroyed at Plum Creek was burned up and thirteen men murdered. The Indians are led on in their infernal barbarities by white men painted and disguised as savages." The Plum Creek massacre was perhaps the most atrocious of all the Indian barbarities in Nebraska. On the 9th of August Colonel Summers of the Seventh Iowa cavalry found that besides the thirteen men killed there were five men. three women, and several children missing. A hundred Indians attacked a wagon train, killing, sacking, and burning with characteristic savagerj-. On the 11th of Au- gust, 1864, Adjutant-General W. H. S. Hughes called for a regiment of six companies to be raised each side of the Platte, sixty-four men to a company ; the North Platte companies to report to Brigadier-General O. P. Hurford at Omaha, and the South Platte to report to Col- onel Oliver P. Mason at Nebraska City. On the 22d the adjutant-general called on all able bodied men in the territory, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, to enroll them- selves in the militia. The Republican of Au- gust 20, 1864, reports a condition of great ex- citement at Omaha, and states that the authori- ties ha\e ordered business places closed and parties capable of bearing arms to report for duty. "We have learned enough within the last twenty-four hours to satisfy us that the city is in peril. It is not chiefly from Indians that this peril comes." The Republican pro- fessed to believe that there was danger of at- tack from bands of white guerrillas, who were roaminE' about the countrv and incitins: and leading the Indians to attack. Two hundred head of cattle belonging to Edward Creighton had been driven off only twenty miles west of Omaha on the 22d of August and twenty families had just come in from the Elkhorn settlement. Major General Curtis had recently sent 300 of the First Nebraska veterans to Plum Creek. Ben Holladay filed an omnibus claim against the federal government for damages he had suffered by Indians while he was a transcon- tinental mail carrier. Among the affidavits which supported these claims is that of George H. Carlyle, one of the drivers on the line: On the 9th of August, 1864, I left Alkali Station for Fort Kearney. On reaching Cot- tonwood Springs I learned by telegraph that the Indians had attacked a train of eleven wagons at Plum Creek (now Lexington), killed eleven men, captured one woman, and run oft' the stock. I started down the road, and when a few hundred yards off Gillman's Station I saw the bodies of three men lying on the ground, fearfully mutilated and full of arrows. xA.t Plum Creek I saw the bodies of the eleven other men whom the Indians had murdered, and I helped to bury them. I also saw the fragments of the wagons still burning and the dead body of another man who was killed by the Indians at Smith's ranch, and the ruins of the ranch which had been burned. The tenth general assembly adopted a me- morial to Congress in January, 1865, which recited that in August, 1864, "portions of the Sioux, Cheyennes, Kiowas, Comanches, and Arapahos confederated together for the pur- pose of attacking the frontier settlements of Nebraska and the emigrant trains en route to Colorado and the gold mines." Without the slightest warning the Indians had attacked the settlements along the Little Blue river in Ne- braska, "killing men, women, and children without mercy, save in a few instances where they carried the women away captives to un- dergo a fate more terrible than death itself." They had attacked emigrant trains along the route named from forty miles eastward of Fort Kearney to the western border of the territor}', killing settlers and emigrants, and driving off stock to the number of several thousand. Four companies of militia had promptly responded to the call of the governor 416 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA and marched to the frontier, furnishing their own horses and serving as mounted infantry. One of the companies served under Major- General Curtis throughout the Indian cam- paign, while the others guarded emigrant trains and the "Great Overland Mail and Pa- cific Telegraph," and the frontier settlements. This militia was under the immediate com- mand of the commandant of the United States troops in this department. Three of the com- panies served for four months and the other for sixty days. Two of them at this time Though the people had been very impatient, thus irritated by the constant menace and actual outrages of the savages during these many years, yet so long as the more important struggle for the Union lasted, public opinion was reasonable in its demands and public sen- timent moderate in its expression. After the close of the war, however, complaint and de- nunciation were unbridled, and making due allowance for partisan bias on the part of Dr. Miller, his article in the Omaha Herald of November 10, 1865, is no doubt a fair ex- N.\TioNAL Cemetery .\t Old Fort McPhersox, five miles south of M-\x\vell ox the Uxiox P.xcific R.'\ILR0.\D had been mustered out by reason of the expira- tion of their term of enlistment and two were continued in the service. None of these sol- diers had received any pay for their services or for the service or loss of their horses. As has already been recited, an appropriation of $45,- 000 was made by the national Congress to meet the expenses of the war of 1864, and claims to the amount of $28,000 were allowed. The same assembly adopted a joint resolution of thanks for the gallant services of these militia companies. pression of popular feeling, and a not much overwrought presentment of the status of the Indian troubles at that time. The aggressive editor says that the Indian war had continued for three years, beginning in the horrible Min- nesota outbreak caused by a long series of outrages committed by the whites. "This in- famous imbecility [of Stanton's] — persistent, dogged, damnable disregard of the interests of the west — amounts to high crime, and we call upon the press and the people of Nebraska and the west to unite in arraigning the pes- TERRITORIAL MILITARY HISTORY 417 tiferous, buU-headed potentate of the war of- fice. . . Counseled by Sherman, Grant, Dodge and his subordinates to a certain mili- tary course he first assents to practice vigorous war against these Indians. The work of prep- aration is barely commenced when he coun- termands everything, cuts off supplies so as to starve a trusting soldiery, reduces the force necessary to conquering a speedy peace and at last recalls the army, thus leaving the whole overland line and thousands upon thousands of men, women, and children and millions of property exposed to the scalping knife and ravages of numerous bands who are again let loose to destroy the lives of our people and the commerce of the plains." The philippic proceeds to insist that the war had but just body of Indians, fifteen soldiers and four citi- zens were killed according to the report. The Omaha Republican of Febniary 3, 1865, gives this alarming account of conditions at that time : Not less than 3,000 Indians are on the line of the overland mail route committing every species of barbarity and atrocity which their fiendish imaginations can invent. They can capture Fort Kearney or Fort Laramie at any time they choose, and there is no power at the disposal of General Curtis or Colonel Living- ston to prevent it. They burned Valley sta- tion on Saturday and drove oft" 650 head of stock and burned 100 tons of government hay which cost $5,000. Yesterday they burned all the ranches from Valley station east to Julesburg. . . The plains from Julesburg west for more than 100 miles are red with the Engraving from. History of Wyoming by C. G. Coutant. Fort L.-\ramie in 1836 commenced, and that the white man's interests were worse oft' than they were a year ago, as the Indians were rallying again, believing that they could not be whipped. The Nebraskian of January 19, 1865, in- sists that Indian troubles are still rife notwith- standing that the governor's message had de- clared that they had "been brought to a suc- cessful termination." There is abundant evi- dence of a tendency at this time on the part of public officers and other promoters of emigra- tion and trade for the territory to disregard the safety of settlers in their reports of the attitude of the Indians. In the fight at Jules- burg on the 7th of January, 1865, between forty soldiers and some citizens and a large blood of murdered men, women and children ; ranches are in ashes ; stock all driven off — the country utterly desolate. The sober truth is a gigantic Indian war is upon us. It is as much as a man's life is worth to attempt to run the gauntlet between Omaha, Nebraska City, Atchison or Leavenworth and Denver City with a load of supplies for the mines of Col- orado. The Nebraska City News, August 16, 1867, quotes the Omaha Herald's account of a battle between an escort of the Twenty-seventh regi- ment, infantrv, commanded by Major Powell, and from 2,000 to 5.000 Indians, who attacked a train of thirty-six wagons, owned by James R. Porter of Plattsmouth, on the 2d of Au- gust, five miles from Fort Phil Kearney. The 418 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA soldiers fought within a corral of wagons and breastworks of wagon-beds and ox-yokes. After a fierce battle of three hours Major Smith with two companies of soldiers arrived, wiien the Indians gave up the fight. Sixty In- dians and five soldiers besides Lieutenant Jen- ness were killed. The same paper, September 6, 1867, gives an account of a meeting of citizens of Saline and Seward counties at Cam- den, August 31, 1867, at which a company was organized for home protection with General Victor Vifquain as captain and A. J. Walling- ford and John Blackburn, lieutenants. The meeting recommended that similar companies be raised on Turkey creek and on the North and \\'est Blue with General Vifquain &s commander of all the organizations. The resolutions adopted recite that for the last four years the Indians of the Plains had waged incessant warfare upon their neighbors, that it was the duty of every man to arm himself, and that no Indians he allowed to pass through their settlements. The Repuhlicau of January 18, 1867, notes that 8,000 troops have been ordered for ser- vice on the Plains and in the mountains, but doubts that these will suffice for a thorough chastisement of the Indians. In the massacre by the Indians near Fort Phil Kearney, in December, 1866, ninety-four soldiers and citi- zens were killed. The same paper, February 8, 1867, in noting that Captain Frank J. North of Columbus had been authorized by the war department to raise a battalion of Pawnees for service on the Plains, says that his Pawnee scouts in the last Indian troubles were known all over the Plains. The same paper. May 2>\. 1867, after reporting Indian disturbances around Fort Laramie, insists that "it can no longer be doubted that there is very great trouble out on the plains with the Indians, and tiiat the season is to be one of bloody and general Indian war." On the 10th of July, 1867, the Republican says that information had been received at military headquarters of an attack by forty-five Sioux on twenty-five of General Custer's men — • Captain Hamilton, Seventh United States cavalry — near the forks of the Republican. The Indians were driven ofif with a loss of two killed and several wounded, the loss of the defense being ona horse wounded. On the 26th of June between 500 and 600 Sioux and Cheyennes attacked forty-eight of Custer's men under Lieutenants Robbins and Cooke, Seventh cavalry, but were driven off. Two of Robbins's men were slightly hurt. On the 24th of the same month the Sioux surrounded General Custer's camp, but were driven oft" with a loss of only one man wounded. The Republican of July 17. 1867, notes a successful skirmish between a detachment of Major North's Pawnee Scouts and hostile Indians on Coon Creek, Dakota territory, in which the training and skill of the white officer w'ere successful. The Nebraska City Nck's expresses the opinion that the new policy under which all hostile tribes of Indians were to be put upon reservations and cared for and fed would be less expensive and more satisfactory than the policy of the "inefficient half-waged war such as we have been cursed with." The News credits General Thayer with having much to do in bringing about this policy. The Repub- lican of August 14, 1867, noting that the com- mission appointed under the recent act of Con- gress to treat with the hostile Indians of the Northwest will arrive in Omaha, insists that peace must be brought about, "or we shall have a war so gigantic in its proportions that peace or extermination will be the only alter- native left to the Indians." Recounting some of the difficulties under which the Union Pa- cific railway was built this paper says: "En- gineers surveying the work have been killed — men at work upon the grade have been killed — their stock has been stolen and driven oft — contractors to furnish ties have been compelled to abandon their work, and there are serious apprehensions that track laying will be tem- porarily suspended." Trade and commerce along the line had been curtailed fully one- half. "Omaha alone has suft'ered a greater loss from the Indian disturbances of the last three years than the aggregate of all the pro- duce profits of the army contractors would produce should the war continue to the end of the present generation." It is stated that two bands of Sioux — Brules and Ogallalas, Red Cloud and his followers controlling the TERRITORIAL :MnjTARY HISTORY 419 latter — are responsible for much of the trouble of the last year. The Brules, under Spotted Tail and Standing Elk, have been peaceful and will remain so. But the Chey- ennes, by far the most formidable, without the leadership of the Sioux, would be easily con- ciliated. The Sioux are adepts at thieving, but for bold and daring enterprise and hard fighting the Cheyennes are the most formid- able. The Republican of the same date gives an account of the looting of a train of cars by the Indians. They had undermined a culvert six miles from Plum Creek, thus throwing the train off the track. In the United States Senate, July 17, 1867, in speaking on the bill to establish peace with certain tribes General Thayer disputed Sena- tor Morrill's contention that the Union Pa- cific Co. had violated the treaty rights of the Indians by running through their lands. Gen- eral Thayer said : "The Union Pacific Railway has been built over lands which have been ceded, over which the Indian title has ceased. They may have got now a little beyond the ceded territory. I do not know how the fact is : but for 300 miles in Nebraska the lands have been ceded I know, and so it is in Kan- sas, as my friend from Kansas (Mr. Ross) informs me." General Thayer argued that these Indians should not be sent to Indian ter- ritory, but should be kept north where they came from and in their present homes. He said that depredations had commenced from the verv first on ceded lands. The Pawnees, Winnebagos, and even the Santee Sioux, a band which was engaged in the Alinnesota massacre, were now located on reservations in northeast Nebraska and were all friendly. He did not object to the Sioux Indians being set- tled on the northern border of Nebraska, but insisted that the policy of moving them on was not practicable ; they must be settled some- where, and there should be complete separa- tion. He said that the Indians were hostile to the building of the Union Pacific railway because it divided their buffalo range. The Republican of August 21, 1867, reports that Governor Butler is still in the vicinity of the recent outbreak, organizing a force to repel the invaders. Beatrice and Big Sandy seem to be the only parts yet menaced. The same paper contains a dispatch from Governor David Butler to his secretary, Charles H. Gere, Omaha, dated Big Sandy, August 11, 1867, as follows : "Send 100 stand arms, 50 rounds cartridges to each, to D. C. Jenkins, Brown- ville. Please send immediately. The Indians are on the war path." The same paper reports that three men were killed in the vicinity of Big Sandy on the 8th of August, thirty-five miles west of Beatrice. The Republican of September 25, 1867, contains a letter from North Platte, dated the 18th inst., saying that the peace commissioners, and the Indian chiefs, Standing Elk, Swift Bear, Pawnee Killer, Spotted Tail, Man that Walks Under the Ground, and Big Mouth are there for nego- tiations. CHAPTER XVIII Territorial Products TJUTH Bryant and Parker discerned -■-' with prophetic eye the potential agri- cultural riches of the Nebraska country. After passing through northeastern Kansas and southeastern Nebraska along the valley of the Blue, Bryant remarked that, with the exception of the single objection of want of timber, "the country appears to be the most desirable, in an agricultural point of view, of any which I have ever seen. It possesses such natural wealth and beauties, that at some future day it will be the Eden of America. When that epoch arrives, he who is so for- tunate as to be then a traveler along this route, may stand upon one of the high undu- lations, and take in at a single glance, a hun- dred, perhaps a thousand villas and cottages, with their stately parks, blooming gardens and pleasure grounds ; their white walls seen through the embowering foliage, and glittering in the sunbeams from every hilltop and slope of these magnificent plains." Even the cyni- cally inclined Kelly's prejudices were melted by the charming prospect of the country along the two Blue rivers : Knolls of gigantic dimensions, covered with fine timber in young foliage, being irregularly scattered over the plain, which was intersected with numbers of streamlets, all tributaries of the Little Blue; clumps of trees standing here and there in the different angles formed by their courses. All it required to complete its pastoral charms being the flocks and herds, and the neat but unpretending cottage of the shepherd peeping from the shady grove. But in the dimmer distance of 1835 Parker was moved to enthusiastic prophecy at sight of the fertile land between the Elkhorn and the Platte. "This amazing extent of most fertile land will not continue to be the wandering ground of a few thousand I?idians, with only a very feiv acres under cultivation. . . The herds of buffalo which once fattened upon these meadows . . . and the deer which once cropped the grass have disappeared ; and the antelopes have fled away ; and shall soli- tude reign here till the end of time? No: Here shall be heard the din of business, and the church-going bell shall sound far and wide." Mr. Parker insists that unless the In- dians are brought luider civilization and Christianity they will continue to melt away. He was not sociologist enough to see that the contact and competition with the race that should teach them the new faith and bestow the new knowledge would hasten rather than prevent their extirpation. All of the early travelers from the '30s to the '50s speak of the heavy rain-storms which they encountered all the way from the Mis- souri river to Fort Kearney. Their reports seem to corroborate the most authentic records upon this subject, that there has been no change of climate in regard to rainfall since those times. Though Father DeSniet's spiritual vision was all pervasive, yet it did not interfere with his material insight which was far keener than that of his literary contemporaries ; for this is the picture he paints of the Plains of 1851 : Between the Nebraska and the Wasecha, or Vermillion, for about four hundred miles, the forests are vast and beautiful, often inter- sected by rich prairies of turf and verdure. This contrast delights the traveler. Every time he enters the desert he cannot refrain from admiring this succession of forests and plains, this series of hills which encircle them and present such a variety of forms — here and there covered with trees and underwood of a thousand kinds, sometimes rising, bold, rugged cliffs, to the height of one or two bun- TERRITORIAL PRODUCTS 421 dred feet, and then noble plains, ascending gradually, with scattered groves, so pleasing to the sight that Art seems to have crowned the work of Nature. We wonder that we do not see farms, barns and fences. . . Nature seems to have lavished its gifts on this region; and without being a prophet, I can predict a future far unlike the past for this desert. . . . These plains, naturally so rich and verdant, seem to invite the husbandman to run the furrow, and promise an ample reward to the slightest toil. Heavy forests await the woodman — and rocks the stone-cutter. . . Broad farms, with orchards and vineyards and alive with, domestic animals and poultry, will cover these desert plains, to provide for thickconiing cities, which will rise as if by enchantment, with dome and tower, church and college, school and house, hospital and asylum. I speak here principally of the region from the mouth of the river Kansas to that of the Niobrarah or Eau qui coule, and ex- tending beyond the Black Hills, continuing along their crest to the Rocky mountains, thence it follows southwardly the already ex- isting limits of Utah, New Mexico, and Texas. This region contains several large rivers, . the principal of which are the Platte, the two rivers just named, and the head-wa- ters of the Arkansas, Osage, and Red. . . This great territory will hold an immense population, destined to form several great and flourishing states. It has already been observed that, for rea- sons pointed out, the social beginnings of Ne- braska were factitious and not a gradual growth like the settlement of the eastward states ; and for several years after the politi- cal organization of the territory the political field was cultivated with much greater as- siduity than any other. Four years after the organization of the territory, we are told. Scarcely any produce enough to support themselves. Plundreds of acres of land, en- tered and owned by men who live among us, are allowed to lie idle doing no more good to the community than when the land was owned by the native savages. . . We have now a home demand larger by far than we can possibly supply, with ready sale, good prices, and prompt pay, for everything we can produce. The further statement is made that the federal government had, during that season, shipped vast quantities of farm products from the east through Otoe county "to the different military stations west of here." In 1858 it was said that the development of farming had taken place chiefly in the last year and almost wholly in the last two years. "Previous to the last season, farmers, or those disposed to cultivate the soil, were engaged, in common with other classes, in speculating, and did not consider the tilling of the soil suffi- ciently remunerative." But "hard times came on, speculation ceased, dealing in fancy town shares and 'city' property suddenly fell below par to a ruinously poor business, and the con- sequence was that the chief, first, and best employment in Nebraska — agriculture — was resorted to, with some as a necessity, with others because it would pay better than any other kind of business." In May. 1859, Pollard & Sheldon, of the Weeping Water Falls flouring mill, were de- livering sacks of meal at Wyoming for ship- ment below ; and the encouraged editor re- marks that, "This begins to look like 'living at home and boarding at the same place.' Two 3'ears ago the citizens of this county were de- pendent upon the supplies furnished us via the Missouri river ; but now scarcely a boat departs but it is loaded to the guards with the surplus produce of the country seeking a market in the south and east." The Ne^cs ob- serves that crops in Nebraska never looked better than at this season, and in all probabil- ity there would be an immense surplus of corn ; also that there would be a large surplus of vegetables and all kinds of grain except wheat in the territory that fall. The same paper remarks that "there have never been in- jurious frosts here." Three years later an important change in the prosecution of the chief, or almost sole legitimate industry of Nebraska is noted : Until within the past year we as a territory were non-producers. We were not raising our own supplies, and many of our citizens were indebted to eastern parties for loans con- tracted during the period of speculation, on which they were paying exorbitant rates of interest ; and what little money we had in the territory continued steadily to flow to other parts in exchange for the necessary articles of consumption. Now behold the change ! 422 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA We are exporting largely of our native pro- ducts and the surplus so largely exceeds our consumption, or imports, that for the first time in four years, exchange is in our favor. The supply of exchange on New York and the east, together with that made by the shijjments of gold dust, is continually exceeding the de- mand, and the result is that in (Jmaha and Nebraska City, the princij)al places where gold dust is negotiated and sold, exchange, though nominally selling at one-half premium, is in reality a drug on the market. Money is flowing into the territory from all directions. Indian corn was established as the principal Nebraska crop long before white occupation. Lawson Sheldon Prominent resident of Cass county Coronado found the Indians cultivating this staple cereal in 1541. The Rev. Samuel Allis, the missionary, observes that the Pawnee In- dians in Neljraska, with whom he dwelt in 1835, had a good corn crop, "and as they had ])lenty to eat they enjoyed it hugely." Major Long found the Pawnees in their villages about the Loup cultivating corn with success. "Fool Robe, their chief, excused himself from feasting us, saying his squaws were all absent at the corn fields." King corn stiniul;ited the imagination of the earliest settlers; and we find a local chronicler, after noting the first load of corn for the sea- son for sale on the streets at 85 cents — "price has usually been $2.00" — exulting in the thought that supremacy in corn had gone suc- cessively from Ohio, to Indiana, to Illinois, to Missouri and to Iowa, and "now NEBRAS- KA is about to be crowned the conqueror of the conquerors." We are told that in 1860 corn, so far, was the staple production, but the experience of last season dispelled the illu- sion that the climate was not suited to wheat. Coronado in his letter to the king of Spain states that he found in the Quivera country "prunes (plums) like those of Spain and nuts and very good sweet grapes and mulberries." Wild grapes are mentioned by the earliest set- tlers as growing in the utmost profusion, and their enthusiastic expressions about the abun- dance of this fruit remind one of those of the children of Israel who had gone to spy out the unknown Canaan : "Now the time was the time of the first ripe grapes . . . and they came unto the brook of Eschol and cut down from thence a branch with one cluster of grapes and they bare it between two upon a stalT." The editor of the Arroz^' possessed to a re- markable degree that quality of imagination which imderlies appreciation, and the first number of this paper tells us that "there is the greatest profusion of wild fruits in the territory that we have ever seen in any coun- try," and then, in its own spelling, as free from the bonds of conventional usage as the society of the plains on which it is encamped, goes on to mention them: "Plums, grapes, goos- berries, strawberries, rhaspberries, currents, cherries, haws and hackberries. Many other minor varieties may be found in almost every locality, and exceedingly fine and large." The press continues to make frequent men- tion of the abundance of wild fruits, which no doubt were valued as an important part of the food supply. As late as August 13, 1859, it was said that "there are quantities of wild grapes growing along the bottoms of the Mis- souri in this vicinity, and on the island op- jwsite. Stacks of them are being gathered and pressed into wine, jell and a hundred other useful domestic purposes. Large quantities TERRITORIAL PRODUCTS 423 are being used at the hotels in drinkables, add- ing great flavor and richness to the liquid. The grape is of a superior quality, surpassing everything we have ever seen." In 1862 one of these local historians breaks out in an almost rapturous, but not overdone description of the richness of the Nemaha val- leys : The Big Aluddy across the southwest cor- ner of Nemaha county is also well timbered. The forest trees are generally burr oak, wal- nut, hackberry, ash, red and white elm, maple and mulberry. The wild plum — a rich fruit — grows everywhere in extensive thickets. Wild cherries are interspersed throughout all the groves. The woods abound with a sort of grape which has been proven by experiment to need but little cultivation to make it a use- ful luxury. Wild gooseberry bushes, bearing a fruit quite as large as the garden berry and much more palatable are very plentiful. Ras])berries fill the underbrush : and in every glade or corner of the prairies, where they are protected from the annual fires, strawberries bud, flower, and waste their luscious fruit. Game is yet plentiful. . Wild turkeys, prairie fowl, curlew, geese, ducks, sand hill cranes, pigeons, etc., are found in sufficient numbers to reward the chase of the laziest sportsman. Coyotes, wolf, catamount, wild cat, badger, otter, musk rat, mink, coon, squirrel, rabbit and beaver skins can be had at all times for the labor of shooting or trapping. Deer, elk and antelope are still within reasonable range of the Missouri river settlements. The buf- falo have been driven back from the frontier, although a trip of two or three days in the spring or fall to the plains beyond the Big Blue will bring the hunter to vast herds of them, pursuing their semi-annual migrations. Rattlesnakes, copperheads, bull-snakes, go- phers and ground-squirrels in great numbers make some of the annoyances to which the settler is subjected. As we follow the editor of the Arroiv, of excellent fancy, to the farthest frontier, at Wood River Center, we find him reveling in the same appreciation of the horticultural bounties of nature : "Rich, brown clusters of grapes — large, juicy and sweet, tho' in a state of nature. Of plums we never saw so large, or quality better, growing wild, and they seem to be abundant, we enjoyed them to a 'ful- ness." " It is noted in the same paragraph that "trees cut by beaver and numerous paths. slides, and dams are found along Wood river." An item in the Hiintsinan's Bclio is of in- terest because it advises us of the early re- sponse of Nebraska soil to the hand of the cultivator and of the whereabouts of a pioneer who was afterward to become a prominent citi- zen and governor of the state. The editor re- ports that he has received a present of the largest and finest watermelon of the season from J. E. Boyd who has "a most delightful and eligible farm seven miles above — com- fortable buildings, several hundred acres fenced and near 200 in crops, a pleasant and an agreeable lady and a pretty baby." The first legislative committee on territo- rial library was not lacking in imagination, either, judging by its report made through Councilman Samuel E. Rogers, on that part of the governor's message which related to minerals, thus : For heavy forest we do find a complete equivalent in the vast coal beds which lie em- bosomed in our beautiful territory. Enough has been ascertained already by the observa- tion and researches of the squatter citizen to satisfy the incredulous that we have coal enough for empires and to spare. This min- eral wealth has presented itself in numerous openings throughout the whole extent of the valley of the Nemaha rivers, and on either side of the Platte from its mouth to its far distant source. There is no portion of our territory yet explored by the settler which does not possess ample quarries of choice and durable building rock, from many of which samples have been taken admitting a polish approaching that of marble. We have also had credible information from residents of Burt county that extensive quarries of red marble have been found in that county which admits of a beautiful polish. Red sand-stone also exists in the same vicinity which is worked from the quarry with great facility, and which on coming in contact with the at- mosphere becomes so hard as to render it an excellent and durable building material. Gran- ite is said to exist also in the more northern counties. Trappers of intelligence assert that large specimens of almost pure copper ore, easily obtained, may be procured some seventy or eighty miles west of the more northern counties. . . Trappers have brought into settlements from near this vicinity specimens of rock-salt in samples sufficiently large, and 424 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of quality pure enough to justify the opinion that this great staple may yet be mined in ample quantities in our own territor)' without being stibjected to freight and charges incur- red in carrying this commodity from Turk's island. This quotation is not from the Arabian Nights but from the journal of the first ter- ritorial council (p. 60). The source of the early lumber supply is pointed out in an item in the Nebraska Ad- vertiser of February 26, 1857, which speaks enthusiastically of the fact that the sawmill at Brownville had "thawed out" and had begun to cut lumber faster than any other mill in Nebraska. The Advertiser advises the pro- prietors — Noel, Lake, and Emerson — that they will have to run day and night to supply the demand for lumber. Not less than fifty buildings were to be erected at Brownville during the ensuing season. The Nebraska City News notes that Lowne's shingle factory is turning out 40,000 excellent Cottonwood shingles a week. A great deal of attention was given to gold mining by the settlers of present Nebraska during the times of feverish excitement over the discoveries of that metal in the neighborhood of Denver. The Omaha Republican notes that Kountze Brothers, bankers of Omaha, had bought from the gold mines since January 1, 1860, gold dust to the amount of $4,850, and to the amount of $19,- 000 during the year. The Omaha N ebraskian reports that, not- withstanding the dry season, wheat, rye, oats, and Ijarlev are abundantly fine and heavy and seem to test the capacity of the soil for cereals. The Nebraskian was of the opinion that the Wood ri\cr country was the best wheat-grow- ing region in Nebraska and that that cereal would be a great staple there. The Nebraska City Ncius advises farmers to sow large quan- tities of wheat, as it was the best paying crop last season. There was to be a large steam mill built at Nebraska City so that farmers would no longer be annoyed and inconve- nienced in getting their grists ground. As early as August 14, 1863, the Nebraskian announces that the crop of both winter and spring wheat was very fine that year and strongly urges its increased cultivation : so that the general cultivation of this cereal which has been in actual practice only during the last few years, is a recrudescence of this early theory and practice rather than an orig- inal enterprise. The Omaha Republican an- nounces that Nebraska has become a wheat- exporting state with St. Louis the principal market. Nebraska wheat commanded a higher price by ten cents a bushel in St. Louis than the same grain from any other part of the country. The Republican confidently prophe- sies that Nebraska is destined to be a great wheat-growing region ; and the prophecy seems to be in process of fulfilment at the present time. The Nebraska City A^ezvs copies from the first number of the Democrat of Dakota City an account of great crops of corn raised in the past year in Dakota, Dixon, and Cedar coun- ties. There were over 200 improved farms in Dakota county at that time and 3,000 acres of corn. The yield generally ran up to 70. 80, 90, and 100 bushels an acre. For a climax it was noted that Alex MacCready — who after- ward became well known as a leader of the Greenback party and editor of a greenback newspaper — raised 140 bushels an acre. The chronicler doubtless assumed that due allow- ance would be made for inflation in these figures. Dixon county at that time was rais- ing much wheat which was ground at the Ponca mills. The Nebraskian of August 7, 1863, rejoices that that season was one of great crops all round, including winter and spring wheat. Corn averaged from 80 to 100 bushels an acre. The faithful chroniclers of the early press show us that there were occa- sional crop failures in those days on account of drouth, just as in these later years. For example, the Advertiser of July 12, 1860, notes that, owing to drouth the early part of the season, the straw of wheat was short. Init the head and grain were full, large, and plump. The same paper notes that "owing to the ex- tensive drouth the present season crops will fall very short of what they would have been ordinarily. Wheat fair, sod corn and po- tatoes a failure, com well worked, fair." The Nervs of August 7. 1867. states that there were TERRITORIAL PRODUCTS 425 fine crops of wheat and oats in that county that year — over 10,000 acres of wheat with an average of 26 bushels an acre. At the time of the organization of the terri- tory there was undoubtedly a general impres- sion that those parts west of a distance of forty or fifty miles from the Missouri river were not fit for successful cultivation, and there was a great deal of skepticism as to whether trees or useful crops would grow successfully on the uplands even within the narrow strip in question. But the Hiiiitsuian's Echo of April 25, 1861, overcomes the presumption and prophecy of the wiseacres by the results of actual expe- rience when it says of the Wood river valley that, "corn, wheat, oats, rye, barley, potatoes, and all sorts of vegetables and roots grow to perfection. For melons and other vines the fruit is almost spontaneous ; we never saw so sweet grown." The timber consisted of Cot- tonwood, elm, ash, hackberry, box-elder, and oak : and eighteen miles below there was a sawmill, lumber being $30 per thousand feet. There was a "one horse" grist mill at \\'ood River Center. The vast emigration going up the valley at that time demanded far more of the products of the region than the supply, and corn brought from $1.25 to $2.50 per bushel ; flour, $5 to $7 per hundred ; potatoes, $2 per bushel ; butter, 25 cents a pound, and eggs 25 cents a dozen. "We have growing apples, peaches, English gooseberries, cur- rants, raspberries and strawberries set out last year. They stood the winter well and look fine." In wild fruits there was abun- dance of the finest of plums, grapes, goose- berries, black currants, choke-cherries, and sand-cherries. In every issue during the two summers of the life of the Echo the far-seeing editor prophesied as to the future agricultural greatness of the Wood river valley. The hope, courage, and foresight of the leaders of the little band of venturesome pio- neers soon began to make themselves felt, and we find Governor Black in his optimistic "pro- motion" message of 1859 urging settlers to plant trees. The alert George Francis Train emphasizes the duty of tree planting in the Omaha Herald, and in the fall of 1867 the Nebraska City Nczi's and the Omaha Herald give a great deal of attention to this impor- tant topic. The Nebraska Advertiser, while under the editorial guidance of R. W. Furnas, kept the subject of fruit tree and shrubbery planting constantly before its readers. The editor of the Herald was so thoroughly alive to the importance of tree planting as to abrupt- ly set aside his anti-paternalism principles and prejudices while he urged the people to pe- tition Governor Saunders to call an extra ses- sion of the legislature "to lend encouragement to some well digested plan." The editor had reasons for thinking that the general govern- ment might undertake systematic tree planting in the western states. The auspicious begin- ning in the Nebraska sand-hills justifies, though somewhat tardily, the wish, the thought, and the guessing of the Herald of nearly forty years ago. Citizens of Nebraska of the present day need not be told of the industry and eloquence with which J- Sterling Morton, who was to win national fame in later years as the author of Arbor Day, and Dr. George L. Miller, through the columns of the Omaha Herald, of which he was editor, and by his own vigorous example, championed and promoted the cause of tree planting in Ne- braska. To these prominent pioneers, as well as many not so well known, the present com- monwealth owes an incalculable debt for won- derful results of their courageous faith and foresight in beauty and in more material good. There was about the same degree of appre- hension felt by the early pioneers in regard to the invasion of grasshoppers as to the recur- rence of drouth. The grasshopper scourge, while always menacing and much of the time destructive, up to the early '70s, yet proved to be a temporary incident of the wildness and uncultivated condition of the Plains. In 1857 the Advertiser complains that "grasshoppers have been mowing the prairie farms for some time." The Hiintsinan's Echo "regrets to learn that clouds of grasshoppers migrating south have for several days been doing con- siderable damage at some of the ranches above." The Omaha Republican of June 16, 1865, notes the presence of myriads of yoUng grasshoppers in the northern counties making 426 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA sad havoc with the crops. "That region has suffered from this scourge several times be- fore, and if the ravages this year are as great as they were last it is enough to depopulate the country." In 1866 the Plattsmouth Herald states that grasshoppers are making sad havoc of vegetation in Salt Creek and Weeping Water regions. The Nebraska City Nezvs says : "From almost every quarter of the country we hear complaints of the ravages of grasshoppers. Fields of corn, wheat, oats, etc., are being swept away in a single day. The gardens in the city have suffered terribly from their onslaught." By July 1st the Nezvs Gr.'vSshoi'I'KR Scene, Plattsmouth. Nebr.\sk.\, 1874 breaks out in rejoicing because, "Northward the grasshoppers take their course. Not one remains to tell the ravages done by them. The chickens since their departure are dying of starvation. They refuse to eat anything but fresh grasshoppers." The same paper ad- vises settlers to let the grass on the prairies remain imtil spring and then burn it and 40,000 millions of young grasshoppers. Prospecting for coal was carried on in the South Platte section in 1867 with a good deal of hope if not enthusiasm. The Omaha Her- ald of March 22d congratulates J. Sterling ]\Iorton on his pluck and perseverance in solv- ing the coal question. "A considerable vein is already producing coal of as pure and un- adulterated a quality as Pennsylvania ever j4aced upon the markets of the world." The Home Coal Mining Company of Neljraska City, at this time had a shaft down 100 feet on Mr. Morton's farm, and the A'ezi's of March 27th says, "Doubters ma\' sneer, but the result will show that pluck, faith, and works are always rewarded with success." Un- fortunately these optimistic coal miners were counting more upon a very vulnerable, though venerable maxim than upon scientific data. The basis of the Herald's hopes were "several large blocks" of this coal "brought from Mor- ton's mines." The qualities which failed of success in the quest for coal, however, achieved it on the same ground by adaptation to na- ture's intention and provision. The Ncn^'s of October 28, 1867, notes that the editor, J- Sterling Morton, raised that year fifty bushels of apples on ,?00 trees. As earlv as Septem- ber 19, 1861, the Advertiser pins its faith to jieaches : "They have done well in this sec- tion of Nebraska the present season. There need no longer be any doubt as to fruit of al- most all kinds being raised successfully. This is the first season that i.ieach trees have borne to any extent, but this year they have 'literally broke down' where they have grown on the ujilands. The highest and most exposed posi- tions hereabouts have produced the most abundant crops." It was nearly forty years later that exjjeriments in peach raising in southern Nebraska were carried on with suf- ficient thoroughness to justify the faith of Mr. Furnas, the editor of the Advertiser. The production of salt was the object of more faith, hope, and enthusiasm than that of coal, and proved equally illusive ; though in the earlier days, before means of transporta- tion had been established, the salt springs near the site of the present city of Lincoln were of great practical benefit. They attracted the attention and su])j)lied the wants of the earliest settlers, and as late as 1867 ])robably had more influence in estalilishing the capital of the state in their neighborhood than any other legitimate consideration. We find merchants of Nebraska City advertising in the Neics of TERRITORIAL PRODUCTS 427 April 21, 1860, that they had for sale "the best and finest article of table salt, gathered from the banks of Salt creek, forty miles di- rectly west of this city. Nature is the only evaporator used in the manufacture of this salt." The Neivs of April 2Sth relates that a sample of some thirty bushels of the very neatest and best of table salt had been brought for its inspection, and it had been "scraped up from the banks of Salt creek with a shovel. The probability is that the salt, as well as gold, silver, and coal mines of Nebraska are inexhaustible." The News of May 25, 1861, notes that a train of three wagons passed through Nebraska City to engage in the manu- facture of salt at the springs fifty miles west. The same paper says that, "A gentleman the other day brought in from Salt creek 1800 pounds of as fine salt as we have ever seen. It met with ready sale. There is a mine of wealth out there." The Nezcs of September 14, 1861, reports that there are "four salt basins of a thousand acres each — except one small one — filled with small springs that during the night ooze out their briny waters and cover the plateaus with a thick scum of salt. They ebb and flow like the tides of the ocean, dur- ing the night time covering the entire surface to the extent of thousands of acres and to a depth of several inches. By nine o'clock of an ordinarily dry day, with sunshine, the waters have sunk away, or rather evaporated, leaving a crust of salt. There are at present ten furnaces." The Advertiser reports that a number of persons from Nemaha county and Atchison county, Missouri, had been out to the salt springs in Saline and Lancaster coun- ties manufacturing salt for winter use. "They all returned with their wagons filled with the very best quality of salt. The salt manufac- tured at these springs is precisely the same as we get in small sacks called table salt. Here- after there will be but little salt brought up the river for this region of the country." The Nczcs of June 28, 1862, in a description of Salt creek valley, says that along this valley and near some of its tributaries the saline de- posits and springs are found, the first of them in township 8, and thence to township 12 they are of frequent occurrence. The more southerly are not of very great value. In township 10 of ranges 6 and 7 are found the great springs, the water of which is of suffi- cient strength and supply to make the manufac- ture profitable. The News of June 7, 1862, notes that the surveyor general of Kansas and Nebraska "is about to visit and reexamine the saline lands lying west of this city in Calhoun county." By virtue of the act of Congress of March 2, 1867, in that year Prof. F. V. Hayden made a geological survey of the state, and in his report to the secretary of the interior he stated that there was a great salt basin near the town of Lancaster, covering 400 acres, another of 200 acres between Oak creek and Salt creek and a third of like extent, called Kenosha basin, on the Little Salt, besides numerous small basins on Middle creek. The largest spring was on Salt creek, from which four gallons of salt water a minute flowed in a single stream out of sand rock. "From June to November, 1866, two companies were oper- ating in these basins, producing in that time about sixty thousand pounds of salt." The News of March 20, 1867, quotes the prediction of the Omaha Herald that, "What the Saline springs have been to New York, the Lancaster salt springs are certain to be to Ne- braska. . . Salt can be manufactured by solar evaporation at Lancaster and laid down upon the Union Pacific road at a cost of not more than eight cents per bushel. It now brings in this market $1.50 per bushel." The Herald of March 22, 1867, insists that, "The waters of Lancaster contain more of the great staple than the Syracuse water by actual meas- urement" ; and it insists that they can be evaporated by the solar method at a cost of eight cents a bushel. A vexatious question arose as to whether these salt springs were saline lands under the law and so reserved from private sale. The report of the com- missioner of the general land office for 1861 states that the notes of the' deputy surveyor in 1857 show that there was a small establish- ment for boiling the water for salt making on section 22, township 10, in that year; and that he had "discovered valuable salt springs along the bed of the creek and in sections 22, 428 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA 23, 34, and Z7 ." The secretary of the inte- rior had advised him that the delegate (pre- sumably the delegate to Congress, Mr. Daily) had informed him that there was "good reason to believe that large quantities of saline lands have been reported as ordinary lands by fraud- ulent collusion between the surveyors and speculators." On the 12th of September, 1859, John W. Prey located military land war- rants on 320 acres of these lands, which in- cluded the best of the springs, in sections 21 and 22, township 10 north of range 6 east, and the certificates were issued by Andrew Hop- kins, register of the land office at Nebraska City. Mr. Prey had obtained these warrants from J. S. Morton, who held them as agent for eastern owners. As they were worth their face for land entry but were below par in the market, there might be mutual advan- tage in this arrangement. Patents for these lands were sent to the land office, but before they were delivered the question whether the lands were open to private entry arose, and the patents were withheld by the order of the commissioner of the general land office. In the following November Prey made warranty deeds of an undivided third interest in these lands to Andrew Hopkins, Charles A. Man- ners, and J. Sterling Morton, respectively, the consideration recited in each deed being $166. The commissioner of the land oflice held that these lands were reserved as saline lands under the act of July 22, 1854. The enabling act of 1864 granted to the state of Nebraska, when it should be admitted into the Union, "all salt springs in said state not exceeding twelve in number, with six sections of land adjoining, to be selected by the governor within one year after the admission of the state." Governor Butler made a selection of most of the lands under this act in June, 1867. In his message to the legislature which convened January 7, 1869, Governor Butler made an enthusiastic statement of his belief in the great commercial value of the salt basin and said that for the purpose of promoting the early development of the salt industry he had leased one section of the salt lands claimed by the state to Anson C. Tichenor, who in turn assigned a half in- terest in the lease to the Nebraska Salt Com- pany of Chicago ; but this company was neg- lecting or refusing to develop the industry. On the 15th of February, 1869, the legislature declared this lease void, and on the same date a part of the reserve — the north half, and the north half of the south half of section 21, township 10 — was leased by the governor to Anson C. Tichenor and Jesse T. Green for a term of twenty years. For the purpose of testing the legal rights of the purchasers of the lands under Prey's entry, as against the state and its lessees, on the 24th of December, 1870, J. Sterling Morton, with several assist- ants, including Edward P. Roggen, since well known as a politician and secretary of the state of Nebraska, took possession of a build- ing upon the leased lands which had been erected by the lessees for their use while carrying on the work of salt production; but the premises were not occupied at this time. Thereupon, under the direction of James E. Philpott, attorney for the lessees, Morton and Roggen were arrested on the charge of steal- ing firewood which was piled up at the build- ing they had appropriated to their use. The alleged trespassers were brought before John H. Ames, then justice of the peace, since then a commissioner of the supreme court of Ne- braska, and Seth Robinson, attorney-general of the state, appeared to prosecute them. On Morton's agreement to desist from any further attempt to obtain possession of the disputed lands until the question of title should be legal- ly settled, the criminal (iroceedings were stopped at this stage. (Jn the 7th of January, 1871, Mr. Morton be- gan an action in the court of Lancaster county against the lessees to recover $20,000 damages for malicious prosecution and false imprison- ment, and the trial resulted in a verdict for the plaintiff for the sum of $100. which was paid into court for his benefit. On the same day on which this suit was begun Messrs. Morton, Manners, and Hopkins brought suit in ejectment against the lessees. The case was tried in the district court of Lancaster county and was decided in favor of the de- fendants. On appeal to the supreme court Justices Lorenzo Crounse and George B. Lake affirmed the decision of the district court. TERRITORIAL PRODUCTS 429 while Justice Oliver P. Mason dissented in a long and vigorous opinion, in which he held that the reservation act of 1854 did not apply to the lands in question. The plaintiffs then carried the case to the Supreme Court of the United States, where it was contested on their part by such eminent counsel as Jeremiah S. Black, Montgomery Blair, J. H. Hopkins, and Eleazer Wakeley ; and by E. Rockwood Hoar for the defendants. Judge Wakeley had been Mr. Morton's attorney from the inception of the case. The Supreme Court also decided against the plaintiffs, Judge David Davis writ- ing the opinion, in which he held that the lands in question had been reserved as saline lands by the act of Congress, and that the patents — or right to them — on which the plaintiffs re- lied for their title were void from the begin- ning. The opinion recites that, "It appears by the record that on the survey of the Ne- braska country the salines in question were noted on the field books, but those notes were not transmitted to the register's general plats, and it is argued that the failure to do this gave a right of entry." But the court held that the language of the statute was sweeping. "The executive officers had no authority to issue a patent for the lands in controversy, because they were not subject to entry having been previously reserved." It appears that before Prey located these lands with his military warrants the President of the United States had offered them for sale, and there being no bidders they were thus, so far as this record appeared, left open to private filing or entry. An article in the Nebraska City News of January 11, 1862 — A. F. Harvey editor of the paper at this time — throws light on the political contention which arose out of the filing on the lands : The meddling propensities of Wm. H. Tay- lor, member of the legislature, candidate for congress, etc., have induced him to attempt to procure the cancellation of certain entries of land in Lancaster comity, supposed to embrace the famous salt springs. The Omaha Repub- lican approvingly pats William on the back for sticking his nose into what was none of his business, and points a finger, crying "fraud" at Hon. T- Sterling Morton, Gov. Black, An- drew Hopkins esq., and the late Gen. Cal- houn, because they happen to be owners of portions of said lands. As for the fraud in the entry of the said lands, neither E. B. Taylor, nor the immacu- late Wm. H., can truthfully point to any. We have before stated, and repeat, at the time the surveys were ordered, the department had no information of the supposed existence of salt springs in Nebraska, and consequently the sur- veyors were not instructed. And, at the time the surveys were made the country was so flooded with water, that it was impossible to define any portion of it as saline lands, and the deputies could not carry out even the gen- eral instruction of the manual. The surveyor general, and the department of the interior never had, and under the circumstances, could not have, any official knowledge of the exist- ence of the saline lands. When, therefore, after the sales of 1859, the unsold lands be- came subject to private entry, these lands like others, were only known as common lands ; and if Mr. John W. Prey knew the "numbers" of them, and having the means to pay for them, did buy them and "put money in his purse" by disposing of them afterwards, he did only what any other man was entitled to do ; what Wm. H. Taylor might and would also have done had he been sharp enough. The fact that certain distinguished demo- crats — Messrs. Morton, Black, and Hopkins — were the purchasers from Mr. Prey of the most valuable of the salt lands seems to be the only reason that Taylor has had, in attempt- ing to procure the cancellation of the entries. Envy and jealousy are prominent character- istics of the gentleman, and he has taken the opportunity to display them in the most paltry form. But that he was blinded by these pas- sions he could have let well enough alone, knowing as he certainly must, if he has a soli- tary particle of common sense that the springs in the hands of private individuals, who have been preparing to invest considerable capital in working them, would be vastly more pro- ductive and of much larger benefit to the ter- ritory than they can be, by any possible means, when under the direction of government agents. The whole cancelling affair is one outrageous humbug, got up, and carried orl through spite, and the most infinitesimal meanness. In pursuance of "an act to provide for the sale and leasing of the Saline lands and the development of the Saline interests of the state of Nebraska," passed by the legislature of 1885, a contract was made with M. C. Bul- lock of Chicago, December 22d of that year. 430 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA for sinking a well to the depth of 2,000 feet for a consideration of $10,125. The plant was set by April 7, 1886, and actual work was begun on the 3d of May and continued to the last of August, 1887. At a depth of 600 feet flowing water was reached, as in the Cahn and Evans well. "This water is some different from that obtained at the government square. Both flows were found in limestone, the one at the square at 560 feet.'' The work under the first contract ceased at 2,008 feet. "No brine of sufficient strength to warrant the manufacture of salt" having been found, a supplementary contract was made to go down 400 feet further. The work stopped at a depth of 2.463 feet, "without finding any brine or indications of salt." The strongest brine was found in a stratum of sand and gravel between depths of 195 feet and 205 feet, and it tested thirty-five degrees. It was the opin- ion of B. P. Russell, the geologist in charge of the work, that the salt springs upon the basin were caused by the gradual rising of this water to the surface. At 205 feet the first hard rock was found, and the use of the dia- mond drill began. A pipe or casing, nine inches in diameter, was sunk in the first forty- nine feet of the boring, and then a seven-inch pipe was inserted in this and sunk below it down to the hard rock at 205 feet. From this point to a depth of 365 feet a bit cutting a core four inches in diameter was used ; then a bit cutting a two-inch core was substituted and used to a depth of 1 ,025 feet, where a soft stra- tum compelled the reaming of this smaller sec- tion and the sinking of a four-inch casing through the soft material until hard rock was again reached at 1,113 feet. The artesian stra- tum of water at 600 feet was a weak brine of twelve to fourteen degrees, another flowing stratum at 828 feet tested from twenty de- grees to twenty-two degrees. The geologist in charge was loth to give up the boring; for while it had "resulted in no discoveries of economic importance," yet deep boring would give us the only informa- tion of the lower formations of the state. Negative results of the experiment were of no small importance, for "we know now that there is nothing thus far to warrant the ex- penditure of money by the state for the de- velopment of these salt springs." The geologist, however, considered it a question of freight charges whether it would pay to manufacture salt from this brine of thirty-five degrees ; it would pay if a price of $1.50 a barrel could be guaranteed. In Mich- igan it was not profitable to work brine weaker than ninety-five degrees, and there the slabs and other refuse of the sawmills furnished fuel for boiling without cost. While this one-time famous salt basin yielded no important benefits to mankind, it unfortunately influenced the commissioners to unwisely plant the capital city in a semi-basin in its uncomely and otherwise injurious con- tiguity, from which, year by year, it instinct- ively shrinks toward the sightliness, salubrity, and unsalted water supply of the adjacent but originally slighted slopes. Corn and cattle, which in later years have come to be the imperial products of Nebraska, were here in prehistoric times, but the original bovine lords of the plains — • the vast herds of buftalos — have been succeeded by their finely bred cousins with which the farms and ranches, into which the plains have been trans- formed, are now stocked. Buftalos were very numerous up to the time of the advent of the Union Pacific railway. In 1835 Parker found them numerous about the forks of the Platte, but in greater number along the north fork. East of the forks he saw very few. Parkman in his trip up the Platte in 1846 complains that his party had been "four days on the Platte and no buffalo." Captain Bonneville in 1832 found many at the crossing of the Platte ; but at Chimney Rock on the north fork Irving tells us that "as far as the eye could reach the country seemed actually blackened by innumerable herds." No language, he says, could convey an adequate idea of the vast living mass thus presented to the eye. He remarked that the cows and bulls generally congregated in separate herds. In 1846 Bryant found them numerous above the forks of the Platte. "We saw large herds during our march, some of which approached us so nearly that there was danger of their mingling with our loose cattle." This traveler TERRITORIAL PRODUCTS 431 remarks that hunting these animals is ex- citing sport, their speed and endurance being such that it requires a good horse to overtake them or break them down in a fair race, and the skill and practice of a good liunter to place the ball in fata! parts. He had -known a buf- falo to be perforated with twenty balls and yet l)e able to maintain a distance between himself and his pursuer. "Experienced hunters aim to shoot them in the lungs or the spine. From the skull the ball rebounds, flattened as from a rock or a surface of iron and has usually no other effect on the animal than to increase his speed. A wound in the spine brings them to the ground instantly, and after a wound in the found bulTalos in large numbers above the confluence of the forks of the Platte, and at one time, "it would be no exaggeration to say that at least ten thousand here burst on our sight in an instant." Major Long also found these animals in vast numbers, on his return trip, in the neighborhood of the great bend on the Arkansas. In the upper Platte country he observes that, "We have frequently re- marked broad, shallow excavations in the soil of the diameter of from five to eight feet, and greatest depth from six to eighteen inches. These are of rare occurrence near the Mis- souri as far as Engineer Cantonment and in other districts where the bison is seldom seen Photo by A. E. ^Sheldon, Novemhfir, 2903. BuFF.\i,o Bull, Two Ykars Old, ..\xd Shorthorn Yearli From the Deer Park of John W. lungs their career is soon suspended from dif- ficulty of breathing. They usually sink, rather than fall, tipon their knees and haunches, and in that position remain until they are dead, rarely rolling upon their backs." Mr. Bryant remarks that the flesh of the bull is coarse, dry, and tough, but that from a young fat heifer or cow — and many of them were very fat — "is superior to our best beef." "The choice pieces of a fat cow are a strip of flesh along each side of the spine from the shoulders to the rump ; the tender-loin ; the liver ; the heart ; the tongue ; the hump-ribs ; and an in- testinal vessel or organ, commonly called by hunters the 'marrow-gut' which anatomically speaking, is the chylo-poetic duct." Major Long, on his expedition in 1819, also NG Buffalo Calves, Six Months Old Gilbert, near Friend, Nebraska at the present day." He observes that these "wallows" become more and more numerous as he goes west, "offering a considerable im- pediment to the traveler who winds his way amongst them, and are entirely destitute of grass, being covered with a deep dust." Ma- jor Long was convinced from observation that these wallows were made by the bulls dusting themselves by means of their fore feet, and that they also served as places for rolling and wallowing. Stansbury also found large herds of buft'alos west of the forks of the Platte. Kelly found these animals in immense num- bers in the same region. They were so nu- merous that he was driven to confess that the stories he had heard about them in this respect had not been exaggerated. 432 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA In 1851 Father De Smet found that "the whole space between the Missouri and the Yellowstone was covered [with buffalos] as far as the eye could reach." He observed that a young Indian lured the cows within easy gun-shot by imitating the cries of a calf, and he called back the simple creatures to their death at pleasure by repeating these cries after he had killed part of them. After leaving the valley of the Platte, "a very sensible change is perceptible in the productions of the soil ; in- stead of the former robust and vigorous vege- tation tlie plains are overgrown with a short, crisp grass ; however it is very nourishing and eagerly sought by the herds of buiTalo and countless wild animals that graze on them." It is notable that but few antelopes were found on the Nebraska plains by these earlier travelers. The Omaha Republican — August 8, 1860 — ■ notes that several hunters had just returited from Kearney bringing with them sixteen buf- falo calves which they had captured in that vicinity. At this time there were plenty of buftalos to be found between Plum Creek and Lone Tree Station, twenty miles below Fort Kearney. A great many were shot by travelers every day for mere sport, and the stench from the dead bodies was intolerable. The editor of the Hiintsiiiaii's Echo not only gives us many facts illustrative of the king- ship of the buft'alo in central Nebraska, just before the influx of white settlers which fol- lowed the building of the principal railroads, but he dresses up his information in a quaint style and tells his story with a charming naivete. On the 26th of July, 1860, he tells us that, "A few miles above, on the Platte and Wood rivers, there are numerous herds. Across the river it is said, they are coming over from the Republican in innumerable mul- titudes, and many, famishing for food or water — whilst making for the Platte for a drink, are frightened back by emigrants and travelers, yet make immediate efforts to gain the water, but are again driven back by the re- port of fire-arms ; and, we are told, many thus perish before they reach the water." On the 6th of September of the same year, this defiant note resounds from the Echo: Buffalo are again continually coming about our farm, ranch and office, bothering us by eating our vegetables, cropping the grass, bel- lowing and kicking up a dust generally ; and not being able to stand it longer we sent the boys, and Doc F. out to drive them away ; this resulted in prostrating the carcasses of two, and as dogs and wolves are scarce we have had to breakfast, dine and sup from their flesh snice our return. We shan't try to stand it, and give timely notice that the echo of fire arms will be a common thing in this neck of woods, unless these fearfully frightful looking creatures desist from peaking into our office, and dis-composing our printer. In another item of the same issue it is stated that "at Kearney it seems, they almost come into the town. The driver of the 'ex- press" from Denver, . . . was compelled to bring his team to a walking pace near Kear- ney because of the buft'alo thronging the road." .\11 through the growing season, evidently, the Ijuftalo was the parainount issue. On the 27th of September the editor continues the story : "Our garden of late has not been mo- lested by these burly creatures, and well the}- have kept their distance for we have had our gun greased and borrowed our neighbor's dog. There are still great numbers of them across the river, and we intend going over in a few days 'to make our winter's meat.' " Our editor was a clever punster and pro- fusely illustrated his fanciful game stories by resorting to that artful trick. On the same date he tells us of the abundance of other game in this phrase : Last week, upon two occasions, from our office, we witnessed the playful pranks of sev- eral antelope, and again a sprightly red fox came up near the enclosure, but cut and run when Towzer came in sight ; a nice race they had and both made time but reynard the best. A week ago three large white wolves hove in sight, and played around on the prairie at a safe distance — the same chaps, probably, that made a tender meal from a good-sized calf of ours that had been running out. The buft'alo have taken our caution and for two weeks have not troubled us, or annoyed our printer, jnitting a "period" to the sports of the "cliase" in this "section" which has no "paralle!" for game, .giving our "shooting-stick" a little rest and saving our "lead" and "caps" for the next "case:" CHAPTER XIX Territorial PrBss THE territorial press was strongl)^ charac- terized by ability and virility. The manifestation of the latter quality often de- generated into excessive roughness and some- times even boorishness, but this extravagance was a natural result of the lack of restraint by the more refined public opinion, which is wanting in new and unorganized societies. In the year following the organization of the ter- ritory, J. Sterling Morton began to impress his strong personality and remarkably aggres- sive temperament upon the Nezvs of Nebraska City, and during a period of about forty years that journal bore the marks of his incisive style, though he was either actual or nominal editor during only a part of that time. In 1865 Dr. George L. Miller began to pl^y a no less conspicuous part in the journalism of the territory through the columns of the Omaha Herald, of which he was editor for twenty- two years. Less conspicuous but yet remark- able for ability and aggressive individuality were Edward D. Webster, Edward B. Taylor, John Taft'e, and Saint A. D. Balcombe, who were from time to time editors of the Omaha Republican from 1859 on beyond the terri- torial period. Robert W. Furnas, editor of the Nebraska Advertiser at Brownville from 1856 to 1861, was an industrious purveyor of territorial news, and next to the Nebraska City News, the Advertiser exercised the great- est political influence of any newspaper in the South Platte section. Orsamus H. Irish ex- erted a large measure of leadership in the republican party through his intermittent con- nection with the People's Press of Nebraska City from 1858 to 1866. Milton W. Reynolds and Augustus F. Harvey ably edited the Ne- braska City Nezvs during a period of about four vears each under the territorial govern- ment, and Bird B. Chapman, John H. Sher- man, Theodore H. Robertson, Merrill H. Clark, and Milton W. Reynolds successively made the Omaha N ebraskian one of the most aggressive and wide-awake journals of the territorial times. The Nebraska Palladium was the first news- paper published for Nebraska, as also the first Joseph E. Johnson First Omaha editor, Arrozv, 18S4 published in Nebraska. Its first edition was printed at St. Mary, Iowa, nearly opposite Bellevue, on Saturday, July 15, 1854, though the name "Belleview" appeared in the date line and it was published as a Nebraska paper. The issue of November 15, 1854, was printed at 434 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Bellevue and its ])ul)lication was continued at that place until its suspension with the issue of April 11, 1855. During its entire career the name of Daniel E. Reed & Co. appeared as editors and puhlishers. Thomas Morton set the first type for the Palladium printed at Belle\ue, and therefore the first type ever set for a newspaper or any other purpose in Ne- braska. The first column, second page, of the first number printed in Nebraska contained a full account of that very interesting incident. The next item in the pajjer is an excuse for delay in the issue that week, which was owing to the removal from St. Mary, and the editor announces that on this account he will skip the next week's issue. While the date on the title page is November 15th, that at the head of the editorial column is Saturday, November 18th, which is probably the day when the paper was actually printed. Another item an- nounces the arrival at Bellevue, on the 13th of November, of "J- S. Morton, assistant editor of the Detroit Free Press, and lady." It is supposed that the Palladium was named after the well-known journal of Worcester, Mass. The editor, Mr. Reed, was employed in the office of the Worcester Palladium as printer's devil ; and in the third item of the first issue of the Nebraska namesake, in a plea to the governor to speedily appoint a Thanksgiving day, he says : "We were born and educated in New England, and we love our institutions, among which, is that of ap- pointing an annual THANKSGIVING DAY." Mr. Reed came to Bellevue to teach in the school of the Indian agency. He seems to have been possessed by the New England or Puritan temperament and conservatism to such a degree as to prevent his adaptation to his new western frontier environment and its so- ciety of hustlers. He preached excellent moral precepts in season and out of season, but, considering the character of the field he was cultivating, he overworked them. Not- withstanding that during the five months of the Palladiuui's existence the editor recorded in it many facts and ideas directly appertain- ing to the beginning of Nebraska, yet it is to be regretted that his somewhat excessive and morl.)id moralizing doubtless displaced many a ])recious item of information which would otherwise have been preserved. Bellevue's loss of the capital, which blasted the hopes of the ambitious and promising first town of the commonwealth, discouraged the publishers of the first paper and overstrained the moral con- fidence, and apparently broke the heart as well as the purse of the introspective editor. In the issue of April 11, 1855, he makes the fol- lowing announcement : We have against our own desire, and that of many ardent friends, made up our mind to suspend the issue of the PALLADIUM until a sufficient amount of town pride springs up in Bellevue to pay the expense of its publication. The expenses of issuing a paper are such that a large amount of advertising patronage is required for its support ; and as there has not been, and is not now, sufficient inducements of this kind, we shall wait until there is, or until some others are held forth. We hope that time will soon appear. We have been as- sured by members of the Territorial Council, that it was the design to give us the printing of one journal of that body, and that it would have done it, had we not have advocated the local politics and sectional interests of this place, with as much warmth as we felt it our duty to do in behalf of the capitalists and poli- ticians' of this place. The PEOPLE too. had the rights of enfranchisement to be contended for. We breasted the surging billows of polit- ical strife in behalf of these, and they have done what they could to sustain us, and they have our thanks. The Bellevue Association has given us twenty-four bundles of printing paper for which we have sacrificed pecuniary interests far more valuable to us — and which they are either unable, or unwilling to make good. This company now oppose us, because we refuse to descend low enough in their service to oppose other interests in this jjlace, as valuable and as righteous as their own. When they make good what we have lost in their behalf, it will be time enough to ask us to do more. We are in hopes to be able to re-issue the PALLADIL'M in due time, under better aus- pices than it has hitherto been. In the interim we intend to make the necessary preparation for this ])urpose. But that more convenient season, when the journalistic conscientiousness so much aft'ected l)y our editor should have chance for play, never came. The editor's successors long since learned that journalism is primarily a TERRITORIAL PRESS 435 private enterprise, like any other commercial business, and primarily governed or enchained by commercial ethics. The second newspaper published for, though not in, Nebraska was the Omaha Ar- rozv. The first number of this paper was dated July 28, 1854, and Joseph E. Johnson and John W. Pattison were its editors and proprietors. Between this time and Decem- ber 29, 1854, the date of the last number, the Arroiij was issued somewhat irregularly thir- teen times, and all the issues were published at Council Bluffs. This Johnson was cer- tainly the most versatile and ubiquitous, and probably the most unique figure in the history of Nebraska journalism. He was a Mormon and probably settled at Kanesville — now Council Bluffs — for that reason in 1852, where he bought the Bugle of A. W. Babbitt, who established it in 1850. The Arroiv was printed in the office of the Bugle. The bubbling poesy of the salutatory all but drowns its practical purpose. Well, strangers, friends, patrons, and the good people generally, wherever in the wide world your lot may be cast, and in whatever clime this Arrow may reach you, here we are upon Nebraska soil, seated upon the stump of an acient oak, which serves for an editorial chair, and the top of our badly abused beaver for a table, we purpose enditing a leader for the OMAHA ARROW. An elevated table- land surrounds us; the majestic Missouri just oft on our left goes sweeping its muddy course adown toward the Mexican Gulf, whilst the background of the pleasing picture is filled up with Iowa's loveliest, richest scenery. Away upon our left spreading far away in the dis- tance lies one of the loveliest sections of Ne- braska. Yon rich, rolling, wide spread and beautiful prairie dotted with timber looks lovely enough just now, as heaven's free sun- light touches off in beauty the lights and shades to be literally entitled the Eden land of the world, and inspire us with flights of fancy upon this antiquated beaver, but it won't pay. There sticks our axe in the trunk of an old oak whose branches have for years been fanned by the breezes that constantly sweeps from over the ofttimes flower dotted prairie lea, and from which we purpose making a log for our cabin and claim. Yonder comes two stalwart sons of the for- est bedecked in their native finery. They ap- proach and stand before us in our "sanctum." That dancing feather which adorns his head once decked the gaudy plumage of the moun- tain eagle. The shades of the rainbow appear on their faces. They extend the hand of friendship with the emphatic "cuggy how," (how are you friend) and knowing our busi- ness request us by signs and gesticulations to "write" in the Arrow to the great Father that the Omahas want what he has promised them, and they ask us also to write no bad about them. We promise compliance, whilst they watch the progress of our pencil back and forth over the paper. But let us proceed. What shall we say. But little. Orsamus H. Irish Omalia Indian agent and prominent Nebraska citizen of early days The ARROW'S target will be the general interest and welfare of this highly favored, new and beautiful Territory upon which we have now for the first established a regular weekly paper. Our caste is decidedly "Young American" in spirit and politics. We are in favor of anything that runs by steam or elec- tricity, and the unflinching advocates of the "sovereigns of the soil." The pioneering squatter and the imcivilized red man are our constituents and neighbors. The wolves and deers our traveling compan- ions, and the wild birds and prairie winds our musicians — more highly appreciated than all the carefully prepared concerts of earth. Sur- rounded by associations, circumstances, and scenes like these, what do you e.xpect from us, 436 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA anxious reader? Don't be disappointed if you do not always get that which is intelhgible and poHshed fro'ni our pens, (we mean those of the East and South, the pioneers understand our dialect.) Take therefore what you get with a kindly heart and no grumbling. In the sup- port of the national Democratic party, the ad- vocacy of the Pacific R. R. up the only feasi- ble route — the Platte Valley — the progress of Nebraska, and the interests of the people amongst whom we live, always count the AR- ROW flving, hitting and cutting. We'll shoulder our axe and bid you adieu until next week. The article in the next column entitled "A Night in our Sanctum" is worth quoting as an example of the fertile fancy and imagina- tion of the first Omaha editor. The Arroiv's valedictory illustrates both the vicissitudes of early territorial journalism and the characteristic quaintness of the editor's style : GOOD MORNING Well friends, it has been some time since we last met, but here we are again. Providence, and THE BAD STATE OE NAVIGATION OF THE MISSOURI RIVER has played smash with our calcula- tions and we have not been able to "come up to time" in the issue of the arrow, but expect before long to make it permanent at Omaha, or piece [place] it in hands that will do you justice and honor to themselves. In the mean- time we send you the "Bugle" in its place which contains every thing of stirring interest in Nebraska. — Each subscriber will receive his just and true nuniber of papers and in the end, will lose nothing. We are sorry for this unavoidable state of thin,o-s We had press and material pur- chased but on the account of the exhorbitant rates of freight were detained below. John W. Pattison, who afterward became prominent in Nebraska journalism and poli- tics, was associated with Mr. Johnson in the editorship of the Arrow. He was a bright young man, and probably as an inference from that fact many old settlers of that time believe that the articles of striking originality which appeared in the Arrozv were from his pen. But added to the testimony of others we have evidence in the pages of the Huntsman's Echo, which Mr. Johnson published at Wood River Center, in I860, that he was the author of the articles in question. The style of writing in the Echo is unmistakably the same as that of the peculiar articles in the Arrozv. The ready imagination, the lively sensibility to the salient features of the writer's environment, the happy conceits and the quaint simplicity of style which are illustrated in the efTusions of this untutored product of the plains would be re- markable as specialties in the most pretentious periodical of today. Even the workaday in- cidents of his bucolic life, which he enjoyed with a relish as if he and his rural world were designed especially for each other, he pictured in his naive fancy. This is the way he records the coming of the very materialistic telegraph line : WHOOP! HURRA! The poles — wire — the telegraph — the lightning! The first are up, the second stretched, the third playing upon the line be- tween St. Jo. and Omaha : and the people of Omaha are exulting in the enjoyment of direct communication with the balance of the earth, and the rest of mankind. Dispatches from everywhere generally, and any place in par- ticular, may be had by calling at the office. The poles are already planted nearly half way to this place, and in two weeks it is ex- pected that all the poles will be up as far as Kearney, seventeen miles above here, and the laying of the wire soon commenced. And soon — • Thoughts that breathe and words that burn, will glide along the wires with lightning rapid- Yesterday Messrs. Kountze and Porter called upon us whilst on their trip providing for the distribution of the balance of the poles along the route. Come on with your forked lightning! Strike for the Great Western ocean, the land of gold and glittering stones and ore. The prosy slaughter of a prosier Ijuft'alo strikes his poetic vein : FATAL CASUALTY It will be recollected, that in our last, we gave out certain cautions, and warnings, against a large class of intruders upon per- sonal property ■ — • viz : the tresspassing of herds of buifalo upon our town site, and arable lands. Unfortunately for the party concerned, no heed was given to our ominous warnings, and the result has been, the fall of another aboriginal bovine — that fell a victim of TERRITORIAL PRESS 437 curiosity. Walking leisurely to a point near our office he seemed to sniff an idea — perhaps a good one — or perhaps he took one peep for the skeleton of one of his kine, and thus in a reflective, designing or calculating mood he stopped, and from under his long shaggy lashes gazed toward us — stamped our ground, pawed up dust and earth, and then, after snuffing the breeze towered his head in a threatening mood ; we could not stand it long- er, but started Sam, who intercepted his pro- gress before he had done much damage to our garden, and banging away — The well-aimed lead pursues the certain sight ; And Death in thunder overtook his flight. The flesh being secured, our t'other half, little ones, self and the balance, have been re- galing upon roast, broil, fry and stew, ever since. This master of a delightfully natural style was, contrary to the old maxim, jack of all trades. In advertisements in the Emigrant's Guide, published at Kanesville, December 15, 1852, the versatile editor appears as "general outfitting commission merchant" ; as keeper of "Council Bluff's Mansion" ; as carrying on "wagonmaking and blacksmithing" ; as keeper of a "cabinet shop" ; and of a "bakery, con- fectionery and eating saloon." In the same paper he joins two others in certifying as an expert that the north route to California up the Platte river is best. When he became tired of Wood River Center, Mr. Johnson followed the tide of his Mormon brethren to Salt Lake City. While the Palladium and the Arrozv were shortlived, the Nczvs of Nebraska City, though it was subsequently started, is the oldest pa- per in Nebraska at the present time, and was the first that had any considerable length of life. It was first printed in Sidney, Iowa, in the fall of 1854, though with the name Ne- braska Nezvs, and Dr. Henry Bradford was its first editor. It was moved to Nebraska City, November 14, 1854, and occupied the second story of the blockhouse of old Fort Kearney, which was built in 1846. The 12th of the following April J. Sterling Morton was employed at a salary of $50 per month as edi- tor by its proprietors, the Nebraska City Town Site Company, and Thomas Morton became foreman or head of the mechanical depart- ment. Soon after he became the owner, and he continued as part or sole owner and pub- lisher until his death, August 10, 1887. J. Sterling Morton was editor from April 12, 1855, to April 13, 1856; R. Lee Barrowman from April 13 to August 15, 1856, and then Morton again to August 26, 1857; then Mil- ton W. Reynolds to October 19, 1861 ; then Augustus F. Harvey to August 25, 1865 ; then Morton to and through 1868. R. Lee Barrow- man became a part owner with Thomas ]\Ior- ton and was editor for a short time. By virtue of its location in the largest town in the territory and the ability and political prominence and activity of J. Sterling Mor- ton, its editor, the News was the leading jour- nal of the territory until the Herald and Re- publican outstripped it when Omaha, through the stimulus of the Union Pacific railroad, be- came the business metropolis. Its name was changed from the Nebraska News to the Ne- braska City Nezvs, May 15, 1858. In the great fire of May 12, 1860, the Nezvs office was totally destroyed, and the Mortons bought of Jacob Dawson the printing plant of the Wyoming Telescope, and also the mate- rial of a large printing office at Otoe City, eight miles south of Nebraska City, on the Missouri river. The Nebraska City Nezvs, now in its sixty- third year, is published by the News Pub- lishing Company, with Charles M. Hubner as editor, E. D. Marnell associate and city editor, and Otoe C. Morton, son of the late Thomas Alorton, business manager. The People's Press was started as a weekly November 25, 1858, by C. W. Sherfey. ^^'ithin a few weeks the office was sold to Orsamus H. Irish and L. L. Survey, but the latter retired soon after and Mr. Irish con- tinued as editor and proprietor, while the pub- lishers were Irish and Matthias. January 2, 1860, this partnership was dissolved. Colonel Irish continuing the publication, which was made a semi-weekly and so continued until May following when Mr. Matthias became editor. May 12, 1860, the Press office was destroyed in the big fire, and the paper was issued temporarily from the office of the 438 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Wyoming Telescope. Colonel Irish then bought a press from Dr. G. C. Monell of Omaha, and took it to Nebraska City. This press was afterward taken to Lincoln, and on it was printed the first nvmiber of the Conimotrwcalth. In June, 1860, Colonel Irish sold the pa- per to Alfred Matthias and Joseph E. La Master, and in 1861 William H. H. Waters and Royal Buck bought it. Under the man- agement of Buck and Waters the name was changed to Press and Herald. Mr. Buck withdrew in 1862, and Herald was dropped from the name. January 31, 1860, the Press was changed to a semi-weekly, and the office boasted a power press with a capacity of 800 to 1,000 impressions an hour. In 1863 the publication of the Daily Press was begun, but it was a financial failure, and soon a semi- weekly was issued instead. During the winter of 1864-1865 Dwight J. McCann and others bought the plant and organized the Press Printing Company. In 1865 William H. Mil- ler took charge of the paper as editor and publisher for the company, and conducted it until October, 1866, when it again passed into the hands of Colonel Irish. In the winter of 1866-1867 the name was changed to Nebraska City Press. In August, 1868, Colonel Irish sold an interest to S- B. Price and William H. Miller, and in the November following Col- onel Irish withdrew, and Thomas McCullough became a partner, under the name of Price, Miller & Co. In June, 1869, McCullough withdrew, followed by Price in October. Mr. Miller continued the paper until the summer of 1870, when it was temporarily suspended, for financial reasons. In the spring of 1872 its publication was resumed by John Roberts and John Reed. The latter failed in business in 1873, and Roberts sold his interest to William A. Brown, who had bought the Chronicle from W. 11. II. Waters on May 1, 1872. Mr. Brown consolidated both papers in 1874 under the name of Press and Chronicle. Later the paper was again changed to the Press, and the publisher, William A. Brown, was soon suc- ceeded by William A. Brown & Sons, and the firm became Brown Bros. April 1, 1881. The Chronicle had lieen established by W. H. H. Waters as a morning daily in 1868, and after a spirited contest with three other dailies was left the sole occupant of the field in 1870. The material used in the publication of the Chron- icle was sold to James Thorne and by him taken to Laramie, Wyoming, where it was dis- posed of in 1876. The Wyoming (Otoe county) Telescope was established by Jacob Dawson in October, 1856. Later, S. N. Jackson became asso- ciated with him, and the firm continued as Dawson & Jackson until the latter's with- drawal, July 30, 1859. In his valedictory Mr. Jackson says : "No time, since the first set- tlement of this Territory, have the different presses had more trouble to keep up than for the last year, as may be seen from the fact that out of fourteen different papers in the territory, only seven are now in existence, and we doubt if many pay their way. Of these there are two north of the Platte, and five south." Later H. A. Houston appears as pub- lisher of the Telescope, with Jacob Dawson, editor. The entire equipment of the Telescope office was sold to the Nebraska City News in the summer of 1860. In April, 1861, Dr. Fred. Renner, a pioneer republican and an abolitionist, began the pub- lication of the Nebraska Deutsche Zcitung, "in the interest of the threatened Union cause, and for the promotion of immigration." In 1867 the name was changed to Stoats Zcitung. In November, 1868, Mr. John A. Henzel be- came part owner, the style of the firm being Henzel & Renner, with Dr. Renner as editor. In 1871 Mr. Henzel withdrew, and Dr. Renner removed a part of the office to Lincoln, where he published the Stoats Zcitung for two years. In 1873 he returned to Nebraska City with his printing material and resumed the publi- cation of the Zeitung, which he continued until 1876. The Zeitung had a large circu- lation, at least 100 copies going to Germany, and it is largely due to its influence that so large a number of substantial Germans set- tled in southeastern Nebraska. In July, 1879, W. A. Brown & Sons of the Daily Press com- menced the publication of another German paper which they called the Stoats Zeitung, and two years later sold the office to Young TERRITORIAL PRESS 439 & Beutler. While Charles Young has been employed in the government printing office at Washington for a number of years, Mr. Jacob Beutler, assisted by his brother Christian, is still conducting the publication at Nebraska City as an "independent" in politics. In the year of 1859 O. G'. Nickerson of New York started a small paper in Otoe City, now Minersville, bringing the material from New York. This paper was called the Spirit of the West. It only continued a few weeks, when the material was sold to the Nezvs and removed to Nebraska City. The first number of the (Jmaha N ebraskian . the democratic organ of the capital city and the first newspaper actually published there, was issued January 17, 1855. Bird B. Chap- man, the second delegate to Congress from the territory, was the principal founder and brought the printing material used in its pub- lication from Ohio. The Nebraska Palla- dium of January 17, 1855, states that the Ne- braskian is to be started that day by "the partially defunct combination established in Ohio some months since to govern Nebraska and take her spoils," meaning Bird B. Chap- man, the second delegate to Congress from the territory, and his political coterie. John H. Sherman, J. B. Strickland, and A. W. Bab- bitt were all connected with the N ebraskian. August 29, 1855. John H. Sherman was the first editor of the Nebraskian and was suc- ceeded by G. W. Hepburn, May 21, 1856, who was followed by Theodore H. Robertson in 1857. Merrill H. Clark and Milton W. Reynol ..s were editors from 1859 to 1863, and Alfred H. Jackson from that time until June 15, 1865, when the paper was discontinued and the Herald took its place as the democratic organ. The Nebraskian was first published as a daily in September, 1860, but suspended two months later after "a pecuniary loss to ourselves of two hundred dollars." The Nebraska Nezvs of April 9, 1859, notes the recent consolidation of the Nebraskian and the Times on the 29th of March of that year under the management of Messrs. Clark & Robertson. Mr. Merrill H. Clark "is a young gentleman just from northern Michigan, of considerable means." Robertson sold his en- tire interest in the [laper in February, 1861, to- Mr. Clark. The Nebraskian of December 18, 1863, contains a statement that Merrill H. Clark and Milton W. Reynolds have sold out the daily and weekly to Alfred H. Jackson of Dakota City, and that Mr. Clark had been connected with the paper for five years and Mr. Reynolds had been in the newspaper business in Nebraska for six years. After Air. Jackson assumed control of the Nebras- kian it became negative and halting. In one issue two literally heavy editorials were printed side by side, one under the ponderous caption, "The Rebellion — shall it be suppressed ?" and the other headed, "The negro — What is to be his destiny ?" The editorial leader of February 26, 1864, about the necessity of restoring the Union under the constitution, occupied five columns in minion type. This, doubtless, had an important connection with the final sus])en- sion of the pa])er the following October. The first number of the Omaha City Times was issued June II, 1857, by William W. Wy- man. A few months later the word "City" was dropped from the name. About six months after the Times was started George W. Hepburn became editor and proprietor and James Stewart associate editor, but this arrangement lasted only a few months, when Mr. Wyman again liecame its publisher. Sep- tember 9, 1858, John W. Pattison and Wil- liam W. Wyman editors. Mr. Pattison was one of the editors of the Arrozv. the first (Jmaha paper. The Times was established to oppose the political faction led by Bird B. Chapman, but his defeat by Judge Fenner Fer- guson as a candidate for the office of delegate to Congress in 1857 and the subsequent bitter but unsuccessful contest for the seat by Air. Chapman in the House of Representatives undermined his political footing in the terri- tory, and in 1859 the Times and the Nebras- kian, Mr. Chapman's former organ, were con- solidated. While the Times was not wanting in ability, it lacked the aggressivness but also the scurrility of its principal contemporaries, and its columns were usually distinguished by dignity and decorum. A month before he began to pul)lish the Times. Mr. Wyman had been removed fronn 440 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA the office of postmaster at Omaha Ijy the Chapman infltience, and Theodore H. Rob- ertson, editor of the Nebmskiau, was ap- pointed in his place ; but early in July Mr. Wyman was reinstated. Though he specific- ally stated in the initial number of the Times that its politics was to be democratic and of the Buchanan brand, yet this statement was no doubt partly perfunctory and strategic ; and no doubt, like many other democrats of that time, his sympathy already leaned away from the strong pro-slavery attittide of the Buchanan faction of the Democratic party, and this inclination soon led him, with countless other democrats, across the republican line. And so in this postoflice controversy the dis- comfited editor of the Nebraskian attacked Mr. Wyman as a "black republican in whose veins not a single drop of democratic blood ever cotirsed, and whose whole life has been devoted to the service of our enemies." That the delegate to Congress was not able to con- trol the aiJi)ointment of the postmaster of his home city to the extent of displacing an al- leged party recreant makes the weakness of his own influence so [irominent as to obscure the charge against the incumbent which, if true, should have been quite sufficient in that heyday of the spoils system. The daily Telegraph was established at Omaha by Major Henry Z. Curtis. Its first appearance was on the morning of December 11, 1860, from the office of the Nebraskian. Major Curtis was both publisher and editor, but associated with him was W. H. Kinsman as assistant. The 'Telegraph was first pub- hshed as a single page paper of eight columns, largely devoted to advertising. It was later increased in size to a folio, and on November ■9th published the first telegraphic news given to the puiilic in Nebraska territory. Although a circulation of 500 copies was claimed, the paper did not pay, and was reduced in size Tune 11, 1S61, and August 10th following, Major Curtis disposed of the paper to Merrill H. Clark of the Nebraskian. The type on this paper was set liy the late Charles S. Goodrich and Charles W. Sherman, the latter now a resident of Dairy, Oregon. Republican jiarty sentiment liecame apjire- cialjle in Neljraska in 1858, and in that year the first steps were taken toward formal party organization, and a party organ was estab- lished for the first time in the two leading towns — Nebraska City and Omaha. The Nebraska Republican was first issued May 5, 1858, as a weekly by Edward F. Schneider and Harrison J. Brown. It was jniblished on Thursdays, and was distinctively republican in politics. It was bought by Dr. Gilbert C. Monell during the same year, and he sold it to Edward D. Webster who as- sumed control August 15, 1859, and changed the name to the Omaha Republican. Webster was a protege of Thurlow Weed, and a politi- cian of considerable ability. He subsequently became secretary to William H. Seward, sec- retary of state. September 26, 1861, Mr. Webster sold the paper to Edward B. Taylor, then register of the land office at Omaha, and his brother-in-law, Ezkiel A. McClure, both of whom had come from Ohio. Soon after the paper was reduced in size to a folio of twenty columns, and published tri-weekly ; in May, 1863, it was enlarged one column to the page, and after Thursday, January 7, 1864, was published daily, except Monday. The tri- weekly was discontinued January 28, 1864, and the issue limited to a regular daily and weekly. October 13, 1865, Edward B. Taylor and John Taffe, a.s editors, gave way to General Harry H. Heath, who supported the policy of Presi- dent Andrew Johnson. The firm name of the publishers was changed from Taylor & Mc- Clure to Heath, Taylor & Company, which continued until February, 1866, when Heath retired, and the name of the paper was changed to Omaha Daily Republican. April 13, 1866, Major St. A. D. Balcombe bought a half in- terest in the Republican and became business manager. The new firm name was Taylor, McClure & Balcombe. In July, 1866, the style of the firm was again changed to Bal- combe & Company, and the issue of July 20, 1866, announced that Mr. Taylor had sold his interest to St. A. D. Balcombe, who thence- forth was editor, publisher, and sole proprietor. From April 9, 1867, the Republican was is- sued as a morning paper. In May, 1869, Ed- ward B. Tavlor became associate editor, and TERRITORIAL PRESS 441 remained practically in charge of the editorial department until he was succeeded by John Teasdale, Jtily 10, 1870. January 21, 1871, Major Balcombe sold a half interest in the Republican to Waldo M. Potter, who suc- ceeded Teasdale as editor-in-chief. Teasdale had won his spurs as editor of. the Ohio State Jounnil in 1843, and had established the Iowa State Register at Des Moines in 1858. He was elected state printer of Iowa and was postmaster at Des Moines. In 1871 the Re- publican and the Tribune, which had been es- tablished a year before on account of the sena- torial contest between Thayer and Saunders "and succeeded in killing them both," were consolidated under the name of Tribune and Republican. Mr. Potter was succeeded as editor by Charles B. Thomas, formerly editor of the Tribune, while Balcombe became busi- ness manager, this arrangement taking effect June 11, 1871. In January, 1873, Tribune was dropped from the name. John Taffe suc- ceeded Mr. Thomas as editor in July, 1873, and was followed by George W. Frost, who later gave place to Chauncey Wiltse. In May, 1875, a stock company was organized, which took over the Republican, and St. A. D. Bal- combe was succeeded, August 18th, by Ben H. Barrows who had served as consul to Dublin. ■ Casper E. Yost became business manager, Isaac W. Miner secretary, and September 28th of that year John Taffe became editor. He was succeeded May 18, 1876, by D. C. Brooks as managing editor, with Alfred Sorenson as city editor, assisted by Frederick Nye. In 1881 the paper was bought by Yost and Nye, who in turn sold their interest in the fall of 1886 to Sterling P. Rounds, Sr., late public printer at Washington, and Cadet Taylor for a consideration of $105,000. Rounds and Tay- lor organized a stock company, with S. P. Rounds, president. Cadet Taylor, treasurer, and O. H. Rothacker as editor. December 15, 1888, Mr. Yost was appointed as receiver of the business in the interests of the stock- holders. Early in 1889 Frederick Nye and Frank B. Johnson obtained control of the Republican, and the following October it was sold to Major Jeremiah C. Wilcox, of the Evening Dispatch, the job department being retained by Nye & Johnson. But Mr. Wilcox saw and acknowledged that the culmination of the struggle for the survival of the fittest was at hand, and he suspended publication of the daily Republican. July 29, 1890, but continued to publish the weekly until the growing strength of the Bee during the latter years of the life of the Republican clearly indicated that one or the other of these journals must succumb, as there was not room for two organs of the same party in their field. They naturally became differentiated, the Republican following in the old course of the thick-and- thin party organ and corporation apologist, while the shrewder manager of the Bee saw and assiduously cultivated the now far more promising independent and anti-corporation field. While there were able men, of whom Mr. Yost was conspicuous, among the changing managers of the Republican in its declining years, yet the Bee had the great advantage of a continuous manager of remarkable tenacity of purpose and journalistic ability in the per- son of its founder, Edward Rosewater. The first home of the Republican was on the third floor of the Pioneer block, where it remained until its removal into a brick building on the corner of Thirteenth and Douglas streets in the latter part of November, 1876, the build- ing being the same one which had been the home of the Herald in its early years. Feb- ruary 18, 1867, the Republican announced that it had that day connected its caloric en- gine with its presses — "the first and only of- fice in Nebraska where presses were run other than by hand." This acquisition was for some time the subject of very frequent self-felicita- tion by the Republican and of just as frequent sarcastic gibes by the unappreciative and irreverent Herald. In the latter part of 1858 Hadley D. John- son began the publication of the Nebraska Democrat at Omaha, but he discontinued it after a short time. The Florence Courier was first issued in December, 1856. James C. Mitchell, noto- rious as capital commissioner of the first ter- ritorial legislature, was publisher and L. H. Lathrop editor. John AI. Mentzer was for a time editor of the Courier. Recognizing that 442 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Florence had lost all chances of becoming the capital of the territory, the Courier switched its hope to the favorable crossing at that place for the coming railroads, and its optimistic motto was : "We would rather be in the right place on 'Rock Bottom' than have the capital of the territory." But Florence, like Bellevue, was to learn in the dear school of experience that under the new railway dispensation cap- itals and crossings were to be made by men, with little regard for the preparation of Mother Nature. Florence still has her rock bottom, but Omaha, without that firm foun- dation, has the great railroad crossing, and by a like manipulation the capital was carried to an unprepared and most unlikely spot in the interior wilderness. Another paper known as Rock Bottom is said to have been published at Florence as early as 1854 by W. C. Jones. It was printed at Council Bluffs, Iowa. The Nebraska Daily Statesman first ap- peared at Omaha, Sunday morning, July 17, 1864, as a democratic paper, W. H. Jones and Henry L. Harvey publishers ; but only a few numbers were ever issued. The professed ob- ject of the publishers was threefold: First, "the procuring of bread and butter for their wives and babies, the ultimate provision for a daily ;uul financial independence" ; second, "to furnish the people with an exposi- tor of democratic truth" : third, "to sustain the Union, the constitution and the laws." An eflfort was made by the Harvey brothers to revive the Statesman at Nebraska City in the spring of 1866, but it proved but little more successful than the former attempt at Omaha. The Republican of August 7, 1867, notes that "Augustus F. Harvey will soon begin the publication of the Nebraska Statesman, the good-will of which has been purchased. It will sustain the action of the administration." The Statesman was revived at Lincoln the first week of July, 1868, with Augustus F. Harvey as editor and Henry L. Harvey as pub- lisher. During the Civil war Mr. Harvey had !>een characterized by his new party compan- ions as a consummate copperhead ; but the war was over, and in the business of moving the capital and surveying and manipulating its nc^\■ site, in which Mr. Harvev took an active part, party animosities were easily forgotten in the common cause of prospective profit. Still, the partnership could not be lasting, and its incongruity foretold the short life of the Statesman. In January, 1870, Augustus F. 1 larvey went to St. Louis to engage in the life insurance business, which he followed at that place until his death. In the early part of March, 1871, the Statesman was published as a daily, its primary object being to oppose the impeachment of Governor Butler. About June 1, 1873, it was merged into the State Register, with N. W. Smails as editor. The Omaha Daily Herald was established l)y Dr. George L. Miller and Daniel W. Car- penter, under the firm name of Miller & Car- penter, and its first issue was dated October 2, 1865. The Herald was at first a six-column folio, and was published in a building at the corner of Thirteenth and Douglas streets. It started out with only fifty-three actual sub- scribers, and the oiifice was equipped with a small hand press and a few cases of type. Lyman Richardson and John S. Briggs suc- ceeded Miller & Carpenter as proprietors August 5, 1868, but Dr. Miller still contiiuied as editor; and February 11, 1869, he bought the interest of Mr. Briggs, the style of the firm being changed to Miller & Richardson, which continued imtil Alarch, 1888. One of the last editors of the old Herald was Frank Morrissey, a native of Iowa of Irish descent, who died in Omaha a few years ago. He had been associate editor and became editor when the paper was sold to John A. McShane in 1888. He was succeeded by Edward L. Merritt as editor, and it was published for one year by McShane, and then passed into the control of R. A. Craig. In March, 1889, the Herald was bought by Gilbert M. Hitchcock, who, associated with Frank J. Burkley, Alfred Millard, William F. Gurley, and W. V. Rooker, began the publication of the Evening World in August, 1885. Mr. Hitchcock was editor-in-chief, Mr. Burkley business man- ager, and Mr. Rooker managing editor. After the consolidation of the Ei'ening World and the Herald under the name of the JVorld- Herald, Mr. Hitchcock continued as editor and jirincijial owner, with ^Ir. Burkley as busi- TERRITORIAL PRESS 443 ness manager. ^Nlr. Hitchcock is still (1917) owner and editor of the JVoiid-Hcrald, which ever since the consolidation has been the lead- ing democratic paper of Nebraska. The first number of the Nebraska Adver- tiser was issued at Brownville June 7, 1856, and, though Dr. John McPherson of that place furnished the press and other printing material, the paper was published by Robert W. Furnas. Dr. AlcPherson had come to Brownville in the fall of 1855, and with the purpose of establishing a newspaper there he removed the material from Tippecanoe, Ohio. Robert W. Furnas, editor, and John L. Col- happ and Chester S. Langdon, printers, arrived at Brownville with the outfit April 9, 1856. An item in the first number of the paper complains that its issue had been delayed by the deten- tion of a part of the press "an unreasonable length of time between Cincinnati and this point." Dr. McPherson sold to Robert W. Furnas a half interest in the proposed paper for Brownville townsite lots on condition that Mr. Furnas should publish it weekly at least one year, and soon after Dr. McPherson gave the other half interest in the Advertiser to Mr. Furnas, stipulating that it should be non-par- tisan and independent. This stipulation was carried out with as much consistency as is usually observed by professedly independent journals, that is, it afforded the editor a better opportunity to regard personal and local inter- ests than if it had been restrained by the bonds of party loyalty. For example, in 1860. while the democratic party was dominant in the country, the Advertiser could warmly ad- vocate the nomination of Douglas, its great western leader, for president, and at the same time support Daily, the republican candidate for delegate to Congress. By virtue of its democratic environment the . Advertiser was democratic until the democratic party went to pieces and Abraham Lincoln was nominated for president, in 1860, when it became a re- publican organ and remained so for several years. October 29, 1857, Chester S. Langdon, "who has been foreman of our office since its commencement," became associated with Mr. Furnas in the publication of the Advertiser for the reason that the attention which the latter had given "to both the mechanical and editorial departments" had overta.xed his time and talents. This partnership was dissolved April 30, 1858, Mr. Furnas becoming again sole publisher and editor. L. E. Lyanna was a co-publisher with Mr. Furnas from Novem- ber 24, 1859, to November 28, 1861, when the Advertiser and the Union, which had been started at As])inwall by Dr. Andrew S. Holla- day and John H. Maun, in May. 1861. were consolidated and Thomas R. Fisher added to the partnership of Furnas & Lyanna. May 8, 1862, Mr. Fisher formed a partnership with T. C. Hacker, and they became publishers of the Advertiser, Furnas & Fisher remaining owners. Fisher was now editor in place of Furnas, who was in the federal army. This arrangement continued until December 6, 1862, when Mr. Fisher became sole publisher and editor, and July 16, 1863, the names of Fur- nas & Fisher as proprietors were dropped from the paper. In the fall of 1863 John L. Col- happ became co-publisher and co-editor with Fisher, and they were succeeded by William H. Miller, September 8, 1864. December 22, 1864, George W. Hill & Company became publishers and John L. Colhapp editor. July 18, 1867, Robert V. Muir became a member of the firm, but Mr. Colhapp continued to be editor. November 17 of the same year Jarvis S. Church bought the interest of Hill and Muir, and the firm name of the publishers be- came Church & Colhapp. January' 23, 1868, T. C. Hacker became junior partner in the firm and business manager. January 6, 1870, the original publisher, Robert W. Furnas, bought out Church, and the firm became Fur- nas, Colhapp & Company, Mr. Furnas being editor. January 5, 1871, Church and Hacker became the publishers, Mr. Furnas retiring from the paper, and in July of the same year Church sold his interest to Major Caft'rey, and the firm became Caffrey & Hacker. January 22, 1874, Major Caffrey sold out to George W. Fairbrother, and the firm of Fairbrother & Hacker continued until December, 1881, when Fairbrother became sole proprietor. In March, 1882, the material was removed to Calvert, now Auburn, where the paper continued to be jniblished by G. W. Fairbrother & Company. 444 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA During the campaign of 1870 the Adz'crtiscr was pubHshed daily for a few months. The Nebraska Adz'crtiser, which is still puli- lished at Nemaha, Nemaha county, having passed the half century mark, is said to be the oldest continuous pulilication in Nebraska, an lionor which would belong to the Nebraska City News but for a slight break in 1870 when the News, for a time, lost its identity in the Times. The News, however, has been pub- lished in one place, while the Advertiser has had a migratory existence, but always within Nemaha county. The present publisher and editor is W. W. Sanders. The Nemaha Valley Journal was first issued at Nemaha City in the last week of November. 1857, by Seymour Belden as editor and pub- lisher. It was democratic in politics. It was removed from Nemaha City to Brownville in 1859, but did not long survive. The material was ptirchased by the publishers of the Adver- tiser, and the ofifice again removed to Nemaha City. Another attempt to publish the Nemaha Valley Journal was made in Brownville by Hill and Blackburn in 1867, but at the end of four months the material was removed to Falls City. In April, 1869, W. S. Blackburn sold a half interest in the Journal to W. S. Stretch, who became the sole owner the following fall. In March, 1870, E. E. Cunningham purchased an interest in the paper and became its editor until the spring of 1871. In June, 1872, the Journal was sold to Weaver and Fulton, but a month later Mr. Stretch resumed control, and in September, 1874, it was sold to Rich and Hamlin, and was consolidated with the Globe in 1875. The Aspinwall Journal, of which Dr. An- drew S. Holladay and John H. Maun were publishers, was removed to Brownville in 1861, and its publication continued for a few months under the name of the Journal, when the establishment passed into the hands of the publishers of the Advertiser, and the mate- rial was sold and taken to Illinois. In September, 1860, a four-column daily paper entitled the Bulletin, was issued from the Advertiser office, but proving unprofitable it was suspended in January, 1861.. In 1857 Chester S. Langdon and Goff com- menced the pul)lication of the daily Snort, which was short-lived. The first agricultural journal in Nebraska was issued as the Nebraska Farmer, by Robert W. Furnas, in January, 1860, and it was pub- lished about three years. Governor Furnas discontinued the Nebraska Farmer after 1861, or at least published it only intermittently after that date, and finally disposed of the publication to J. C. McBride of Lincoln, who in turn sold it to O. M. Druse. In 1886 Harvey E. Heath purchased the en- tire plant and soon after changed it to a semi- monthly, and in 1888 to a weekly. In 1898 the Nebraska Farmer was moved to Omaha and consolidated with the Western Stockman and Cultivator. H. F. Mcintosh was made editor with a one-third interest in the paper. In 1902 the Nebraska Farmer Co. was incor- porated with a capital stock of $30,000 fully paid up. About this time George W. Hervey Ijecame associate editor, and the following year editor-in-chief, continuing in this position un- til July 31, 1905. George W. Fairbrother and Theodore C. Hacker began the publication of the Nebraska Herald at Nemaha City, November 24, 1859, with the former as editor, later assisted by Reuel Noyes. It was a republican paper, and was continued about two years, and called it- self "the only republican paper in Nemaha county." In May, 1861, the Union was started at As- pinwall by Dr. Andrew S. Holladay and John H. Maim, but the office was removed to Brownville after the first issue, and the paper was absorbed by the Advertiser. In 1857 Martin Stowell, who had been sent to Kansas as an agent of the free state pariy, went to Peru, Neljraska, and started a small monthly ])aper. The paper was printed abroad and had no local circulation or sup- port. No copies of it have been found of late years, and its name even has been for- gotten. The Peru Times was published by the same man in 1860, as a campaign paper, l)ut noth- ing further is known of it. A few years later an effort was made to pulilish at Peru a monthly known as the Or- TERRITORIAL PRESS 445 chardist, in the interest of horticulturists and fruit growers, but only a few numbers were issued. In 1866 a campaign paper, printed in Brownville with a Peru date line, was issued for two months, but no regular newspaper succeeded in establishing a permanent home in Peru during the territorial period. The first paper in Richardson county, the Rulo JVcstern Guide, was owned by the Rulo Town and Ferry Company, and edited by Abel D. Kirk and F. M. Barrett. It first ap- peared in May, 1858, and exactly one year later was purchased by Kirk and Chas. A. Hergesheimer. The latter had served as a "devil" on the paper from the date of its first issue. It was suspended about the be- ginning of the Civil war, but was resurrected in 1864, as the Nebraska Register, and con- tinued until 1869, when it was sold to H. A. Buell. who disposed of it to Samuel Brooks. He continued it for two years, then removed it to Salem, where it was soon after discon- tinued. The Broad Axe of Falls City, owned by Major J. Edward Burbank and edited by Sewall R. Jamison, made its first appearance in November, 1858. This was the successor of a paper of the same name which had been pub- lished at Richmond, Indiana, three years be- fore, by the same men. Its motto was "Hew to the line, let the chips fall where they may" — "There is a divinity which shapes our ends, rough hew them as we will." Jamison was succeeded in November, 1860, by J. D. Irwin of Ohio, and in the summer of 1861 Mr. Bur- bank retired. The Broad Axe passed into the hands of a firm known as L. B. Prouty & Company, and was by them sold to J. J. Marvin, who changed the name to Southern Ncbraskian. The Broad Axe was resurrected in July, 1862, by the Falls City Broad Axe Company. The paper was next bought by the town lot company of Arago, and published by N. O. Pierce. About this time the plant was used by Mr. Saxe in issuing a paper printed in both German and English. Among other publishers following in rapid succession were C. L. Alather, G. A. Hill, E. L. Martin, Mettz & Sanderson, and H. A. Buell. Mettz & San- derson bought the English type of the town lot company in 1871. This material was sold to F. M. Barrett, who removed it to Falls City, where it was used in publishing the Times. After a brief existence this paper was sold to Scott & Webster, who finally sold their ma- terial to Ed. W. Howe, of the Little Globe. The Little Globe was established in 1873 by Ed. W. Howe, now publisher of the Atchi- son (Kansas) Globe. The following appeared in the prospectus: "Little, but O Lord! Prospectus of the Globe (the Little) a jour- nal of the third class, to be published every Saturday, at Falls City, Neb. The Little Globe will be intensely local and as indepen- dent as a hog on ice. . . We hope to bless this town." This announcement was signed "The meekest of men, Ed. W. Howe." After about a year the Little Globe was discontinued, but appeared again in August, 1875, with the same motto, and a short time later was con- solidated with the Nemaha Valley Journal under the title of the Globe Journal. The first paper in Plattsmouth, the Platts- mouth Jeffersonian, appeared early in 1857, published by L. D. Jeffries, assisted by J. D. Ingalls. to whom Jeffries later sold his inter- est. Turner M. Marquett was for a time its editor. The paper was soon discontinued. In 1857 Charles W. Sherfey started the Platte Valley Times at Plattsmouth, bringing the press from Burlington, Iowa. This paper was published for a short time, and then sold to Alfred H. Townsend who removed it to Pacific City, Iowa. Sherfey went to Nebraska City, where he later established the People's Press. In the latter part of 1858 Alfred H. Townsend removed the material with which he had been publishing the Platte Valley Times at Pacific City, Iowa, to Plattsmouth, where he published it under the name of the Platte Valley Herald until March, 1862, when he removed the plant to Central City, Colo- rado.. The Platte Valley Times was established at Bellevue, August 1, 1862, by Charles N. Stur- gress. The name of Henry T. Clarke ap peared as editor. It was democratic in politics and known to have been published as late as October 27, 1864. ' Elijah Giles established the Cass County 446 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Sentinel at Rock Bluffs City at the end of October, 1857. It was removed to Platts- mouth in the spring of 1859, where Giles is- sued it' for a few months, and then sold the plant to Joseph I. Early, who started the Democratic Times, which had a short life. The Sentinel was still being pulilished as late as January, 1863. In February, 1865, Hiram D. Hathaway is sued the first number of the Nebraska Herald at Plattsmouth, which he published until March, 1872. He then became associated with the Nebraska State Journal at Lincoln, and sold the Herald to John A. McMurphy, who published it for several years as a republican paper. In 1871, under the management of Hathaway, the Nebraska Herald was issued as a dail}-. The first number now to be found of the DeSoto Pilot bears date of July 11, 1857, vol. 1, no. 12. John E. Parish was then editor and proprietor, and by September 12th of the same year he had been succeeded by Zaremba Jackson. The Nebraska Pioneer was published at Cuming City, and no. 25, vol. 1, appears under date of December 24, 1857, with Lewis M. Kline as editor and publisher. The Cuming City Star. vol. 1, no. 14, ap- pears June 19, 1858, with Albert W. Merrick, publisher, and H. Nell Maguire, editor. The Washington County Sun, published at De Soto, was begtm in 1858 by Potter C. Sullivan. The Nebraska Enquirer, DeSoto, vol. 1, no. 5, under date of August 18, 1859, had for edi- tors and proprietors Albert W. Merrick and R. Winegar. In September Mr. Winegar's name was dropped, and Merrick appeared as editor and proprietor until succeeded by Hugh McNeely, April 26, 1860. A. W. Merrick again assumed control of the paper in the spring of 1861. The Pioneer and Star were jniblished at Cuming City and the Enquirer and Pilot at De Soto. Both towns were in Washington county. The Pioneer, Star, and Pilot were democratic. The Enquirer supported the republican ticket. Mr. Kline, editor of the Enquirer, was also a lawyer and mayor of Cuming City. Among the advertisements in the paper in 1857 were those of Thomas B. Cuming and John C. Turk, and of Root (Al- len) & Cozad, lawyers and real estate agents at Omaha. It is stated in the issue of Decem- ber 24, 1857, that thus far the winter had been very mild. There had been verv little frost or snow and even the little creeks were not frozen. In the Enquirer in 1859 are ad- vertisements of Thomas P. Kennard, lawyer at De Soto ; Joseph W. Paddock, dealer in boots and shoes at Omaha ; Abram Castetter, real estate and collection agent, De Soto ; and W. N. Byers & Company announce that they will publish the weekly Rocky Mountain Xci^'s, on or about the 1st of April, from some point in or near the mining (Pike's Peak) region. Advertisements of the leading magazines were commonly published in these frontier journals, and as neither the ten-cent monthlies nor any prototype of them had yet appeared, the taste for heavy reading was apparently more common then than now. The publishers of the Atlantic Monthly announce in the En- quirer that they "have commenced the publi- cation of a new magazine," and they promise a list of contributors which could not be matched today, and, furthermore, in com- petition with our ten-cent competitors, would not be much read today : Prescott, Emerson, Bryant, Longfellow, Hawthorne, Whittier, Holmes, Lowell, Motley, Edwin R. \Miipple, and Edmund Quincy ! Civilized settlement, and so substantial building, were in their childhood in Nebraska at this time, and the obtrusive newness of things must have been oppressive and dis- couraging to those of antiquarian humor. But Zaremba Jackson, editor of the Pilot, could read in the prostrate pillars of the yet uncom- pleted capitol suggestions of the Acropolis or the fragmentary architecture of the Nile. "The fi.xed gaze of the admiring beholder is only broken by a view of the fallen cokmins of the Capitol, whose scattered fragments and half- standing pedestals give it the appearance of some ancient ruins." The imposing ruins were soon after sold as scrap iron for the benefit of the territorial treasury by secretary J. Sterling Morton. TERRITORIAL PRESS 447 Tlie Nebraska Advertiser of April 28, 1859, as a retort to assumptions of superiority by the Nebraskian and the Neivs. boasts that "we have published it now near three years, during which time it has in no instance failed to ap- pear regularly on publication day, and has is- stied a half sheet but once, and that on accoimt of an accident. Can either of. "the two papers in Nebraska' say as much ? Not by a long way !"' The violence of the political partisanship of the leading territorial newspapers is amaz- ing to those familiar w'ith the usually urbane organs, merely tinted with partisanship, of the present day. The roughness of the pio- neer papers was of course characteristic of their class everywhere and largely due to the lack of restraint which is natural and peculiar to frontier societies. But this quality was ex- aggerated in the journalism of Nebraska's territorial life by two distinct sectional con- troversies, one local, the other national, but cooperative in producing strife. The North Platte and South Platte strife began over the capital question at the political beginning of the territory and did not subside until the capital question subsided, just after the com- pletion of the territorial period. The terri- torial life of Nebraska was also contempo- raneous with the most intense period of the passions stirred up by the differences which led immediately to the Civil war, which were further excited b}' the war itself, and which, in part by their own unspent force, but largely by selfish partisan design, were kept alive and preserved after its close. . . The rancor of these territorial journalists, then, is explicable, but their unbridled exhibition of it is surpris- ing by the test of discretion or expediency, re- gardless of the perhaps less appropriate stan- dard of good manners or even good morals. This stricture is especially applicable to the violent anti-administration if not positively pro-southern tone of the democratic press for several years before the Civil war, during its progress, and after its close. Such a policy would obviously ser\e to weaken and at- tenuate the party as it no doubt actually did. But these verbal aggressions of the demo- cratic leaders were more than matched by violent action on the other side. Dr. Geo. L. Miller's campaign for delegate to Congress in 1864, against P. W. Hitchcock, the republi- can candidate, was a round of mob violence in the South Platte section. There was a de- liberate attempt to break up his meeting at Nebraska City when he criticized the negro policy of the administration ; and the click of pistols was an audible response to J. Sterling Morton's insistence that the speaker* should be heard. At Salem Dr. Miller slept at the home of Dr. Brooke under a guard of shot- guns, and this experience was repeated at other places in those southern counties. He was practically mobbed at Brownville, and it was impossible for him to gain a hearing. He was warned not to go to Pawnee City as his life wotdd be in danger; and when he arrived there he was refused admission to the hotel. Many of his friends were threatened with per- sonal violence and destruction of their prop- erty if they should vote for him. Jealous op- position of the leaders of his own party in Douglas county aided in making this campaign one of extraordinary strenuousness, even for a frontier country, and put the candidates' staying qualities to the severest test. The council of the first and second assem- blies refused to appropriate money to supply the members with the territorial newspapers, but the federal government appropriated $150 for supplying territorial newspapers to each of the forty-eight members and the two chief clerks of the fifth assembly. The following resolution was adopted by the lower house of the first territorial legislature, January 18, 1855: "Resolved, that a copy of every news- paper published in the territory of Nebraska be furnished to each member of this House weekly during the session." February 15th following, J. W. Richardson of Dodge county introduced the following: "Resolved, that the chief clerk of this House be instructed to inform the editors of the 'Chronotype' and 'Palladium' that no more copies of their papers will be allowed members of this House at the Public expense, on account of the fact that they have given false reports of the pro- ceedings of this House, and have villified mem- 448 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA bers of this House and the present chief execu- tive of this territory'. " The resolution was laid over under the rules, but was taken up the same day on motion of A. J. Poppleton, and was adopted, ayes 15, nays 4. Hascall C. Purple then introduced the following : "Resolved, by the House of Representatives of Nebraska, that the 'Nebraska City News' be excluded from this House." William D. Hail of Ne- braska City moved to amend by inserting the "Nebraskian," after which both the original motion and the amendment went to the table by a vote of 11 to 9. The house of the third assembly supplied each of its members with five copies of the papers of the territory. Per- haps because they felt that they had little to spare, these early legislatures were particular in preventing and resenting attacks on their good name ; but the sixth legislature had made some progress toward the present conception and practice of free criticism of legislative bodies. CHAPTER XX Slavery in Nebraska THE complete contrast between the atti- tude of the first territorial legislature and that of the seventh toward the negro ques- tion indicates the rapid growth of anti-slavery sentiment in the Northwest after the discus- sion and passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act. As we have seen a bill "prohibiting the settle- ment of free negroes and mulattoes in the ter- ritory of Nebraska" passed the lower house of the first legislature and was favored by four of the eleven councilmen who voted on the question of its passage. At the third session a bill for the same purpose was introduced in the house by Mr. Singleton, representing Paw- nee and Richardson counties, but it was indefi- nitely postponed. A similar bill was also in- troduced in the council, and it was laid on the table, Bradford and Reeves of Otoe and AIc- Donald of Pawnee county voting against the motion. The nearer to the negro slave state of Missouri these lawmakers dwelt the farther away they wanted to keep the negro. At the sixth session Mr. Houston Nuckolls of Rich- ardson county introduced a bill of the same j)urport in the house, but on motion of Hans- com it was loaded with an amendment prohibit- ing slavery, and the enacting clause was stricken out. Mr. T. M. Marquett of the committee made a report which reflects the conservative opin- ion of many anti-slavery men at that time on the slavery question : In opposing the passage of this bill, the imdersigned does not wish to be understood as desiring to have negroes or mulattoes among us. It is n&t desirable to have them here, either as freemen or slaves. It never was intended that we should live with them. He who created us and them, alloted different portions of this earth's surface to each. Thev are among us, however, by no voluntary immi- gration, by no act of their own, but bv a vio- lation of nature's law, which, as it made them a different race, also gave them a different place on the earth to live. . . The undersigned admits that it is a great evil to have negroes or mulattoes among us. . Gentlemen cannot be in earnest in passing a bill which subjects a colored person to fine and imprisonment merely because they are so uiifortunate as to be a negro, and on Nebraska soil. To pass this bill would be to pander to the vitiated prejudices of those whose highest and holiest ambition is to per- petuate slavery, hence they have commenced the persecution of a few negroes for the sole purpose of driving them into bondage. We see, here, when a proposition is made to make the soil of Nebraska free, it is followed by one to persecute the few negroes that may be so unfortunate as to be here. It is our policy to steer clear of the negro worshiper, the negro enslaver, and the negro persecutor. There is another and a better way to get rid of this evil ; one more in accordance with the im- pulses of this enlightened age; and that is to colonize them to Africa, or some other south- ern clime, to extend to them the hand of philanthropy rather than that of tyranny. Therefore, the undersigned would recom- mend that this bill and the whole subject mat- ter be referred to the committee .on federal relations, with instructions to inquire into the expediency of memorializing congress to adopt some plan by which all the free negroes in the United States, and more especially those of our own territory may be colonized in Africa or some other southern clime. By 1858 northern anti-slavery sentiment, which had been precipitated by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in the Nebraska act, was crystallizing into form. The politicians, perceiving the opportunities of the new party, were quick to use every advantage for the promotion of its fortunes. Democrats of Ne- braska, especially, would be estopped by con- 450 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA sistency from objection to the application of. the popular sovereignty rule to the Nebraska case. And so Samuel G. Daily laid the foun- dation for his political career by introducing in the house, at the fifth session, a bill to abolish slavery, which was referred to a spe- cial committee. The majority of the commit- tee — Daily, James Stewart of Douglas, and John Taffe of Dakota — made a report whose adroitness was ec|ual to, and whose effect was perhaps enhanced by its buncombe : Your committee, to whom was referred a bill for the abolition of slavery in this terri- tory, having had the same under consideration, beg leave to make the following majority re- port: The abolition and prohibition of slavery in this territory is so clearly in accordance with the spirit of the age, and the wants of a pro- gressive and enlightened and free people, that your committee deem it time wasted to stop to prove it to a highly civilized and chris- tianized people ; were we living in the dark ages of the world's history — in a semi-civi- lized state, instead of the latter half of the nineteenth century — such a work might not be unnecessary. And that the legislature of this territory has the power legally to enact such a law. we have only to refer to the ever living principles of all free and republican govenmients, to- wit: That the people rule, acknowledging no superior dictator, making their own laws in their own way. And in no case, in all our glorious history, do we find this grand prin- ciple more fully recognized, or more clearly expressed than in our organic act, where it is declared that it is not the "intention of this act to legislate slavery into any territory or state, or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States." And it is upon this doctrine — that the people are the fountain of all power — that your committee plant themselves, wholly dis- avowing the doctrines contained in President Buchanan's message, that this territory is as much a slave territory as South Carolina or Georgia. The report was well met l)y the democratic minority, Benjamin P. Rankin of Sarpy and William C. Fleming of Richardson : The nfinority of the select committee to whom was referred the liill for an act to al)ol- ish slavery in the territory of Nebraska, have had the same under careful consideration, and respectfully ask leave to submit the following report : Your committee deeply regret the introduc- tion into this House of a bill of this character, and greatly fear that it was done at the prompting of political ambition, rather than through a sincere desire to advance the useful and legitimate legislation so loudly called for liv the wants and necessities of our people. It is unfortunate for our history as a territory that the halls of legislation have at times wit- nessed scenes of strife and angry contro- versy. Sectionalism in territorial matters has hitherto distracted our people and done much to embitter our social relations, and to de- stroy those feelings of brotherhood which should ever exist amongst the 'pioneers of a new country whose peculiar duty it is to help one another in molding and directing the des- tinies of a young empire, which we trust will be our pride and the glorious heritage of our children. The duties of a laborious and protracted session were about drawing to a close, and congratulations were general amongst the members that the records of one term at least of the Nebraska legislature would not be stained with the foot-prints of strife. We were felicitating ourselves upon the passage of criminal and civil codes, a revenue law, and other laws of a general nature which the pub- lic wants demanded. But a few days of the session still remained, and upon their labors hung the fate of the school law, a homestead law, and a license law, which were second to none in their importance and in their effect upon the well being of society. It is to be de- plored that there was a single member in this hall who would not rather consecrate his ef- forts to the passage of these laws rather than to the introduction of a measure which can have no practical eft'ect other than to sow dis- sension and discord amongst our people. Slavery does not exist in this territory in any practical form, and cannot so exist with- out affirmative legislation, recognizing the jight of property in slaves, and regulating the mode of protecting and controlling them, and of enforcing that right. The abstract right under the constitution which is claimed by some, is in fact only an inchoate right, which can have no practical importance in the ab- sence of local police regulations upon the sub- ject. In the absence then of any such legisla- tion upon the subject — in the absence of any effort on the part of any member of either Ijranch of the legislature to introduce legisla- tion for the protection of slavery the minority SLAVERY IN NEBRASKA 451 of your committee deem it not only unneces- sary but extremely unwise and unpatriotic, in the present state of the public mind, to hurl this fire-brand of strife into our peaceful ter- ritory. The page of blood which Kansas has furnished to the history of the world should have been a warning to the fell hand which has attempted to strike such a blow at our peace and quiet. The minority of your committee would therefore recommend the indefinite postpone- ment of the bill. Let the pages of our jour- nals be ever free from an allusion to the sub- ject, and Nebraska will grow old in her career of glory, and the word slavery, either for neg- ative or positive purposes, will never disgrace the fair pages of our statute book. All of which is most respectfully submitted, B. P. Rankin. Wm. C. Fleming. Both of the reports were chiefly palpable political fencing, and Daily, Tafife, and Ran- kin, if not the others of the committees, were thus training and posing for popularity in the coming congressional lists. The bill passed the house by the following vote : Ayes, Ben- net, Briggs, Collier, Davis of Cass, Davis of Washington, Daily, Dean, Doom, De Puy, Gwyer, Hall, Kline, Lee, Marquett, Mason, Norwood, Roeder, Seymour, Steele, Stewart, Tafife, Wattles, Young ; nays. Bramble, Clayes, Fleming, Ramsey, Rankin, Steinberger. The bill was indefinitely postponed in the council by the following vote : Ayes, Bowen, Craw- ford, Doane, Donelan, Furnas, Moore, Miller, Porter, Scott ; nay, Dundy. The politician in legislative bodies may habitually neglect matters of real importance to the public, but he never sleeps on a catch- penny partisan scheme. Near the beginning of the sixth session, Turner M. Marquett of Cass county introduced in the house "a bill for an act to abolish and prohibit slavery or involuntary servitude within this territory." But since the institution of slavery could not be shown to exist in the territory, it was deemed more plausible to assume that it might be established in the future, and so Hanscom's motion to strike out the word "abolish" pre- vailed by a vote of 19 to 16. The democrats in general voted no, presumably for tactical reasons. The bill now merely prohibited slavery in the territory, and in this form it passed the house by a vote of 21 to 17. This was not of course a party vote, for the house comprised 26 democrats to 13 republicans, and the council 10 democrats to 3 republicans. But republican politicians led in the project and they were followed by members of both parties. Such names, well known to present day Nebraskians, found in the affirmative list, are : Andrew J. Hanscom, George B. Lake, Dr. William S. Latta, Turner M. Marquett, Samuel Maxwell, and John Taffe. Like its predecessor of the fifth session, this bill was indefinitely postponed in the council, as follows : Ayes, Collier, Doane, Donelan, Little, Miller, Reeves, Scott; nays, Boykin, Cheever, Dundy, Furnas, Porter, Taylor. Of those voting against postponement, Boykin, Furnas, and Porter were democrats. The next day the bill was recalled from the house by vote of the council for the purpose of re- considering its postponement, but the motion to reconsider was defeated by a vote of 6 to 7, Furnas, Porter, and Reeves, democrats, vot- ing aye. Mr. Doane then offered the following as a joint resolution: Whereas, slavery does not exist in this ter- ritory, and there is no danger of its introduc- tion therein. Therefore, Be it resolved by the Council and House of Representatives of the territory of Nebraska, that we deem it inexpedient and unnecessary to waste the time of the legisla- tive assembly in enacting or to blot the pages of our statute books in publishing acts either to regulate, abolish or prohibit slavery in the territory of Nebraska. Resolved, further, That being opposed to the introduction of slavery in this territory, and asserting the exclusive power of terri- torial legislatures over the whole subject of slavery in the territories, by right of inherent sovereignty in the people to regulate their ao mestic institutions in their own way, and by virtue of the provisions of the Kansas and Ne- braska bill, this legislature is prepared in any proper and practical way to take whatever ac- tion may be necessary to prohibit or exclude slavery from this territory at any time when such legislation may become necessary. Resolved, further. That believing the agi- tation of this question at this time, by the av- tempt to legislate upon the subject of slavery in this territory, to be ill-timed, pernicious and 452 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA damaging to the fair name of our territory, the members of this legislature will ojipose all such attempts. But the council was bent on prohibiting slavery, and another joint resolution to that end was passed by a vote of 6 to 5. Doane's point of order that a similar resolution had been postponed by the council at this session was overruled by the president, and the ruling was sustained by the council, on appeal. When this resolution went to the house it was referred to a committee consisting of Turner M. Marcjuett of Cass county, George B. Lake of Douglas county, and Milton W. Reynolds of Otoe county. Marcjuett and Lake joined in the following report : Mr. Sf^cakcr: A majority of your com- mittee, to whom was referred C. B. No. 58, having had the same under consideration, would beg leave to submit the following re- port: That the bill be amended as follows : Striking out in the title the words "joint resolution" and insert "a bill for an act,"' and likewise add the following: "Section 2d. This act to take effect and be in force from and after its passage." Those amendments are to be seen on the face of the bill : they need no comments. The question, disguise it as you will, which is involved in this bill, is the great question of the age. Our entire union is divided into two great parties on this question ; one party struggles ever to uphola the principles of this bill, the other labors as earnestly for its overthrow, and we are now called to take one side or the other of this great question. The power to prohibit, in the opinion of the majority of your committee, is conferred on vis by our organic act, and, by this measure, the opportunity is given to us to test our fidel- ity to the freedom, and opposition to the ex- tension of slavery. The opponents of this measure have not a single reason to advance why this bill should not pass : they put forth, however, some ex- cuses for opposing it. They, come forth with the miserable plea that they are opposed to blotting our statute books with useless legis- lation. vSir, this is not so much a plea against this law as it is in favor of blotting our terri- tory with slavery. They say that slavery does not exist here, and that this measure is useless. This excuse will not now hold good, for a president's mes- sage has just reached us in which it is de- clared, and in this opinion he is backed with a powerful party, that men have the right to bring slaves here and to hold them as such, and that this is slave territory. We, it is true, may not be of the opinion that this doctrine is true, but, sir, if men de- clare that they have a right to make this a slave territory, shall we not prohibit them in this act, and prevent the wrong they would do us? If the friends of slavery insist that they have a right to hold slaves here, shall we tamely submit to it? If they insist on making this a slave territory, which they do, shall we not insist that it shall be forever free? With the amendments proposed, a major- ity of your committee would report the bill back to the House and earnestly recommend its passage. All of which is respectfully submitted : T. M. Marquett. GeoRGE B. Lake. The measure, amended into the form of a bill, passed the house, 19 to 17, the council concurring by a vote of 7 to 3. As a matter of course it was vetoed by Governor Black ; for in all walks of life, and notably in the devious pathway to political preferment, en- \'ironment, especially as it bears upon self-in- terest, has a more potent influence in shaping our principles and determining our beliefs than our weak moral vision is able to perceive or our weaker moral courage is willing to con- fess, and Governor Black had been appointed from President Buchanan's own state, and artfully, if not naturally, reflected the presi- dent's subserviency to the southern, pro-sla- very school of politics. The veto message of this mouthpiece of Buchanan shows the portentous width of the breach between the administration and Douglas factions of the democratic party.- The puerile technicalities employed by the gov- ernor in his attempt to prove that the organic act did not intend to invest territorial legis- latures with authority over slavery indicates his ignorance of the debates over the bill and of the specific declarations by Douglas upon that point. In a heated colloquy with Green of Missouri, who was insisting in a speech in the Senate, January 12, 1860, that the Dred ,Scott decision had denied any authority of Congress over slavery in the territories, Doug- las said : SLAVERY IN NEBRASKA 453 When the time comes for discussing it, I will show that at that period, on the very night the Kansas-Nebraska bill was passed, I stated that the sole object of the repeal of the Missouri restriction was that the people of the territory might introduce or exclude slaver}- through the territorial legislature while a ter- ritory, as well as after they became a state; and no man who heard me then, can have an excuse for not knowing that I held that the territorial legislature, in the territorial capac- ity, could do it. The record in the Globe will sustain me. . . In the House of Represen- tatives, after the Kansas-Nebraska bill was passed, the question was put to Colonel Rich- ardson, as the democratic nominee for speaker, whether he thought a territorial legislature could exclude slavery by a territorial enact- ment during its territorial existence, and he answered in writing ; and after that answer every southern member but three voted for him as sound on the territorial question. In the course of these attacks on Green, which were made with his usual terrific force, Douglas insisted that the Dred Scott decision had not decided the question as to the power of Congress to prohibit slavery in the terri- tories : I receive the Dred Scott decision as an authoritative exposition, but I deny that the point now under discussion has been decided in the Dred Scott case. There is no one fact in that case upon which it could have arisen. The lawyers engaged on each side never dreamt that it did arise in the case. . . The understanding was that when a territorial leg- islature passed an act on this subject, of which any man complained, he should be able to bring the matter before the supreme court ; and to facilitate that court in getting jurisdic- tion, we amended the bill by putting in a pe- culiar clause providing that a case affecting the title to property in slaves might be taken up to the supreme court without reference to the amount involved. That clause was in- serted in order to get this judicial question before the supreme court of the United States. How? On a territorial enactment. Nobody ever dreamt that the court was going, in a decision on any case that did not afTect that question, to decide this point without argu- ment and without notice, and preclude the rights of the people without allowing them to be heard. Whenever a territorial legisla- ture shall pass an act divesting or attempting to divest, or impairing, or prejudicing the right to slave property, and a case under that act shall be brought before the supreme court. I will abide by the decision, and help in good faith to carry it out. . . But the difference between the senator from Missouri and my- self is, that I assert that this question never arose. But suppose I am mistaken. You as- sert that the question has been decided ; I assert that it has not been. Why cannot you wait for it to come before the court regularly? If you are right, the court will decide it in the same way that you think they have already decided it. I do not believe they will ever decide that way ; but why not allow the ques- tion to come before the court on a proper case, and allow the argument of it? Let my friend from Ohio [Pugh] argue the case be- fore the court. Though the specious technicalities of the veto message sound to us now like a voice from the tomb of a buried past, yet they were well expressed, and will doubtless be read as an interesting illustration of an important phase of Nebraska's early development. It was hopeless to attempt to pass the bill over the veto, and when the question came before the council it was laid on the table on motion of Porter, one of its supporters. A newspaper synopsis of the debate on the abolition bill discloses in an interesting way the differing attitude of the two parties, and of the two factions of the democratic party, toward the slavery question. Mr. Marquett insisted that the legislature had the right and power to prohibit slavery under the organic act. In the second place he said that the ene- mies of the bill objected to it because they were opposed to cumbering the statute books with abstract questions. "I look forward to the time when the state convention meets to see the same parties raise the cry of abstrac- tion there. Why, sir, the Declaration of In- dependence was an abstraction ; the way our forefathers sectired to us the blessings we now enjoy was by declaring abstractly their rights and maintaining them ; hence it was said by Daniel Webster that the Revolution was fought on a preamble : and in the days of the Revolution men who opposed the right merely because it was an abstraction were called tories." To the objection that the bill created unnecessary agitation, he said that, "We can not injure the territory by proclaim- ing to the world that the footprints of a slave 454 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA shall never cvirse her soil. . . But, sir, it is not an abstraction ; there are slaves in this territory. I have been informed that there are no less than seven or eight at Nebraska City. I have also been informed that there are some fifteen slaves near Ft. Kearney; and from the political complexion of the people of that section, I am ready to believe it. Slav- ery does exist here, and if it is wrong to hold a thousand slaves it is wrong to hold one. If there is only one slave here then there is a necessity for this law." MiLTox W. Reynolds (Kicking Bird) Mr. Belden of Douglas county, Buchanan democrat, said that he voted to reject the bill on the day of its introduction because he be- lieved it was introduced for mischievous pur- poses. He was unwilling to enter on a cru- sade against the rights and interests of the South. What had that section of the coun- try ever done that her institutions should be continually and persistently assailed by the abolition press and party of the country? Then, again, there was no necessity for this legislation. It would do no harm to declare that the sun should go on in its accustomed course, still he had no idea that anybody woula think of introducing a bill for any such pur- pose. The country had been thrown into a constant agitation for no other jmrpose than to build up a sectional party. The speaker then read the resolution from the Philadelphia platform which declared that Congress had sovereign power over the territories, and in the exercise of that power it was their duty to prohibit slavery. 'Tf Congress has this power how can the territorial legislature have it too ?" George B. Lake, afterward judge of the supreme court of the state of Nebraska, made a very positive and forcible speech, forecast- ing his ultimate desertion of the democratic party upon the issue in question. This speech created a sensation in the house. Mr. Lake was willing to meet this question today, and was opposed to occupying much time. He was prepared to canvass the question and record his vote. He believed we had the right to exclude slavery, and was not one of those who were willing to be driven from the po- sition he had taken during the recent canvass ; therefore he said emphatically and candidly, that the people of the territories, through their legislatures, had sovereign power over this svibject. That principle was clearly de- fined in the Cincinnati platform. Mr. Bu- chanan, in his letter of acceptance, recognized it in the most emphatic terms. He then read from Mr. Buchanan's letter of acceptance: This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself, and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a territory, like those of a state, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. The democracy fought the campaign ol 1856 upon that issue. That was the issue made on every stump in all the free states of this Union. It was to this living principle alone that the democracy was indebted for its success in that struggle. "Does the gentleman believe we should have succeeded upon any other ground? This is a principle that is dear to every friend of free government. Men may change but principles never do. The president may declare, as he has since done, that 'slavery exists in all the territories of SLAVERY IN NEBRASKA 455 this Union as much as in Georgia or South Carolina,' if he pleases; but whenever he or his cabinet meets the Little Giant of the West, the language of his letter of acceptance must stare them in the face." His colleague had said that this bill was the vitalizing principle of the republican party. "That may be so. But if the democratic party in this legislattire carry out in good faith the principles promul- gated in the organic act, and are not driven to take ground against the principles advo- cated on the stump during the recent canvass, the originators of this bill will be but little benefited by its introduction." He hoped this bill would pass the house. If it did not, and if the majority took ground in opposition to its passage, the democratic party would be driven into a hopeless minority in this terri- tory. No party could stand for a single day if it took the ground his colleague had taken. The principle of popular sovereignty was so deeply implanted in the public mind that they would be satisfied with nothing short of it. If this question was of sufficient importance to require us to meet it as we had to upon every stump, and explaining, as we did, that the people had the right to exclude slavery, it seemed to him that every democrat would see the necessity of meeting this question 'promptly and deciding it by forever excluding slavery from this territory. The attitude of intelligent and leading dem- ocrats of this time toward the slavery ques- tion is well illustrated by the remarks, in this debate, of Mr. Milton W. Reynolds, for sev- eral years editor of the Nebraska City Neivs. After asserting that "the object of the bill and its introduction at this time is evidently for the purpose of creating a little stock in trade for the next election," Mr. Reynolds pro- ceeded : Slavery has no existence in this territory. The few persons, amounting to but five or si.x, held ostensibly as servants, are really in a state of willing or voluntary servitude. When their masters emigrated from Missouri to Ne- braska, they voluntarily and cheerfully accom- panied them. Their condition is by no means deplorable, and I cannot consider them as ob- jects of extraordinary commiseration or worthy of the far fetched philanthropy of gen- tlemen ever on the alert to discover objects of pity beyond the limits of their own com- munities and their own neighborhoods. The only persons alleged to be held in a state of servitude in this territory are three or four in number at Nebraska City. These three or four beloved servants are in an infinitely better condition than a majority of the white ser- vants of this very city in which is located the seat of government of the territory of Ne- braska. Theirs is a paradise compared with nine-tenths of the white servants of the north. They fare better and go better dressed, and are treated more kindly and affectionately than the hotel servants throughout the entire northern states. In behalf of these servants I protest against the passage of this bill. Llave they petitioned and prayed your honorable body to pass any such enactment? Do they desire its passage? Do you not know that it will operate most detrimentally, seriously and most prejudicially to their best interests? Driven out from their homes of quiet ease and luxury, they will be obliged to seek a bare and scanty subsistence in that cold, cheerless and already crowded charcoal district in Can- ada, or they will be transported to the cot- ton fields and rice plantations of the south. On the third trial — at the seventh session — the prohibitory measure was enacted into law. The bill was passed over the veto — in the house by 31 to 2, Downs and Porter voting nay ; and in the council by the same vote as it received on its original passage. While the democrats had cooperated with the republicans in the formality of prohibiting slavery in the territory, the leaders of the party dashed from their lips the cup of ad- vantage which would have accrued to them through this moderation, by persisting in their violent opposition to anti-slavery principles or tendencies. At the twelfth session, Augustus F. Harvey of Otoe county introduced a bill to remove distinctions on account of race and color in the school laws of Nebraska, "by providing separate schools for negro children." The following minority report discloses the ques- tion at issue : Mr. Harvey from the select committee on the bill, by unanimous consent, submitted a minority report, as follows, oti House File No. 9 — An act to remove the distinctions on ac- 456 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA count of race and color in the school laws of Nebraska. That they do not agree with the recommen- dation of the majority of the committee. The bill as referred to the committee provides for the education of colored youth. It gives them all the privileges and advantages of the com- mon school system, the means of a free educa- tion, and lays the foundation of their useful- ness to the extent of their ability as humble members of the body politic. To the propo- sition of the original bill, authorizing the boards of education to provide separate schools for colored children, the undersigned agree, and will heartily concur in any action of the House which may adopt it. But the amendment proposed by the ma- jority of the committee contemplates the ad- mission of colored children to our schools on an equal footing with white youth. This is reaching too far in advance of the age. The people of Nebraska are not yet ready to send white boys and white girls to school to sit on the same seats with negroes ; they are not yet ready to endorse in this tacit manner the dogma of miscegenation; especially are they yet far from ready to degrade their offspring to a level with so inferior a race. The undersigned do not believe the inten- tion of the majority of the committee can be carried out by the people; and we do not be- lieve that the legislative assembly should force upon the people a measure so obnoxious to their wishes and habits and the established principles of political equity. We therefore ofifer the following as a sub- stitute for the recommendation of the major- ity of the committee : Resolved, That the amendment to H. F. No. 9, viz., to strike section 2 and 3 thereof, do not pass. Aug. F. Harvby. E. P. Child. The amendments of the committee were agreed to by a vote of 19 to 13, and the bill passed 25 to 10. The bill passed the council by the following vote : Ayes, Doane. Doom, ^Majors, Neligh, Presson, Reeves, Sheldon, Stewart, Wardell ; nays. Bates, Baunier, Free- man. Following is a copy of the bill : An act to remove the distinctions on account of race and color in the school laws of Ne- braska. Section i. Be it enacted by the Council and House of Representatives of the territory of Nebraska, That the word "white" in the fourth line of section eight of chapter xlviii (forty-eight) of the revised statutes of Ne- braska, entitled schools, and found upon page 354 of the printed volume of said revision, and the proviso at the end of section 48 of same chapter as found upon page 372 of said printed volume, be and the same are hereby stricken out, and shall hereafter be of no ef- fect. Section 2. This act shall take effect and be in force from and after its passage. Secretary A. S. Paddock was acting govern- or at this time on account of the absence of Governor Saunders, and he interposed the fol- lowing veto : The Honorable, the House of Representatives: I retii.rn herewith to your honorable body, in which it originated, "an act to remove the distinctions on account of race and color in the school laws of Nebraska," without my approval. The amendments to the present school law, provided for in this act, contemplate the enu- meration of the colored youths, and the taxa- tion of colored persons in the territory for school purposes. 1 cannot think it \vas the design of the legislative assembly to accom- plish only these things by this act. I am quite sure it was intended to give the children of colored persons who are to be taxed for school purposes the privilege of education at the pub- lic expense; yet the act itself does not sanction this. You will agree with me that all who are thus taxed should be allowed their proportion of the school fund for the education of their own children. Any other rule would be op- pressive and unjust. I shall gladly unite with the legislative assembly in the enactment of a law providing for the education of the colorea youths of the territory, as well as for the tax- ation of colored persons for school purposes. Permit me, however, to suggest that better results could be expected in the education of both white and colored youths if separate schools could be provided for each. Isluch as we may regret it, we cannot close our eyes to the fact that a strong prejudice exists in the public mind against the intimate association of the youths of the two races in the same public schools, which no amount oj legislation can eradicate. It cannot be other- wise than that in populous towns, contentions will arise between the two classes which must certainlv retard the educational advancement of both! I think we should act wisely if, in chang- ing the law so that the children of this un- fortunate class of our fellow-citizens who are now excluded, are to receive education at the SLAVERY IN NEBRASKA 457 public expense, we should provide for separate schools where the number of scholars is large enough to warrant it. This should not be compulsory, but optional with the citizens of the locality specially interested. Very respectfully your obedient servant, Algernon S. Paddock. On the morning of February 14th the house directed the sergeant-at-arms to return the message to Mr. Paddock because Governor Saunders had returned to the territory on the 13th, the day of the date of the message. Ap- peal was made to Governor Saunders but he declined to interfere as follows : Omaha, Neb., Feb. 14, 1867. To the Ho)iorable, the Speaker of the House of Representatives: Sir — Your communication of this date, in which you state that "you are of the opinion, (a majority of the House agreeing), that in the case arising, in which the secretary has to- day returned certain bills as Acting Governor, that the House can receive no such communi- cations," is received. In reply, I beg leave to state that I returned to the territory on the evening of the 13th inst., but it was at too late an hour for ordi- nary business, and I therefore gave no notice of my return, to the secretary, until today, the 14th inst. I have this day assumed the duties of my office, and I can see no impropriety in the act- ing governor returning, today, the business of yesterday and prior days of the session ; but, of course, I do not assume to legally de- cide this question for the House. I have the honor to be, sir, very respect- fully. Alvin Saunders, Governor of Nebraska. The intent of the amendment plainly was to throw open the public schools to negro chil- dren ; but possibly Acting Governor Paddock was right in assuming that, though they were to be enumerated and the property of negroes was to be taxed with that purpose in view, yet, without a positive provision in the law that these children should be admitted to the schools, they would be excluded. The house evidently distrusted its act, for no attempt was made to override the veto. Illustration of the fact that republican policy had now settled de- terminedly for general negro suffrage, and of the no less determined opposition of the demo- crats, is found in the majority and minority re- ports of the select committee to whom was re- ferred that part of Acting Governor Paddock's message which disapproved of impartial suf- frage. The majority report, made by Isaac Wiles of Cass county and George Crow and William Daily of Nemaha county, was as fol- lows : We hold that the dogma of partial suffrage is a dangerous doctrine and contrary to the laws of nature and the letter and spirit of the Declaration of Independence. "We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are cre- ated equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriv- ing their just powers from the consent of the governed." Your committee is of the opinion that there should be no law prohibiting any ])ortion of our people from the exercise of the right of suffrage on account of race or color : and that the qualifications for the elective franchise should not be based on education, but patriotism, manhood, and natural intelli- gence. Entertaining these views your com- mittee cheerfully endorses the action of con- gress in so changing the organic acts of the territories that henceforth, in any territory now organized, or hereafter to be organized, there shall be no denial of the elective fran- chise, on account of race or color. The opposing minority report, presented by Steritt M. Curran of Douglas county and Au- .gustus F. Harvey of Otoe county, was as fol- lows : We hold that the dogma of impartial suf- frage is a dangerous doctrine and contrary to the laws of nature and the spirit of the Dec- laration of Independence. We hold that the right to the elective fran- chise is not a natural and inalienable preroga- tive, but is one which may be granted or taken away at the pleasure of the primary govern- ing power, that is, in a democratic form of government by the people. We hold also, that the dictation by con- gress, directing the people of any territory to confer the elective franchise upon any race or class is without warrant in the constitution of the United States, without precedent in the history of national legislation, and a gross usurpation of the most sacred rights of the people. The majority report was adopted by a vote 458 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of 23 to 9, and the minority report was de- feated by a like vote. Following is a sample Mortonisni from the News: "Sir William Daily, member from 'PrU,' as he spells it, has prepared twenty- seven bills for striking out the word white in Nebraska laws. Trouble with the apportion- ment bill alone prevented him from striking out Brown in Brownville, and inserting 'with- out distinction on account of race or color.' " The first local record of slaveholding in Ne- braska is in the Falladiniu of August 16, 1854. As the climax of a severe rebuke of critics of the popular sovereignty principle the editor as- serts that, "an Omaha squaw is the only negro owner in the territory." The Nczvs of No- vember 27, 1858, notes that on the day of the first appearance of the Press, the opposition organ, "two negro women were enticed from our worthy townsman, Stephen F. Nuckolls, by some white-livered abolitionist," and that Mr. Nuckolls had offered a reward of $200 for their apprehension and return to him. The Dakota City Herald tells of the arrest of a fugitive slave, Phillips by name, who had been at that place about a year ; but he was rescued by citizens from the Iowa side of the river. A case that well illustrates the method of search employed by pursuing parties is that of the escape of the Nuckolls slaves through Iowa, the incidents of which are still vivid in the memories of some that witnessed them. Mr. Nuckolls, of Nebraska City, Nebraska, lost two slave girls in December, 1858. He instituted search for them in Tabor, an aboli- tionist center, and did not neglect to guard the crossings of two streams in the vicinity. Silver Creek and the Nishnabotna river. As the slaves had been promptly dispatched to Chi- cago, this search availed him nothing. . A sec- ond and more thorough hunt was decided on, and the aid of a score or more fellows was secured. These men made entrance into houses by force and violence, when bravado failed to gain them admission. At one house where the remonstrance against intrusion was unusually strong the person remonstrating was struck over the head and injured for life. The outcome of the whole affair was that Mr. Nuckolls had some ten thousand dollars to pay in damages and costs, and, after all, failed to recover his slaves. The Underground Railroad ( Siebert) col- lects from the letters of the Rev. John Todd, Tabor, Iowa, which were published in the Tabor Beacon in 1890-1891, the following ac- count of the pursuit of his abducted slaves : Eliza, a slave of Stephen Nuckolls, who had escaped late in 1859, was arrested in Chicago on the 12th of November, 1860, and to escape a mob of excited negroes the United States marshal was compelled to give the woman to the city police, who lodged her in the armory for safe-keeping. C)n the 24th the same pa- per relates that Eliza had been taken from an officer of the government and sent "kiting to Canada." The Omaha Nebraskian quoted approvingly the comment of the Chicago Times and Herald on the incident: A runaway slave belonging to Hon. S. F. Nuckolls, of Nebraska City, was recently cap- tured in the city of Chicago, but almost imme- diately forcibly taken from the officers by a mob of drunken negroes and black republi- cans. In commenting on the affair, the Times and Herald of that city says : "In the presence of thousands assemljled, a mob of drunken and infuriated negroes for- cibly overrides the constituted authority of the constitution of the United States, and rescues a fugitive from the custody of the law, amid general rejoicings and midnight howls! Who can doubt henceforth the strength of the fed- eral government ? Who can question our loyalty to the constitution ? Let the south dare to talk of seceding, with this glorious evidence of our fidelity to our obligations to the law? Grand government ! Magnificent civilization ! Down with the lawless southern barbarians ! Stocks rising! Illinois banks sound! Niggers going up ! The jultilee of freedom actually come ! "Go it darkies ! Hurrah for free speech, free homes, free mobs, and free negroes. The dav of Jubilee has come !" Cyrus H. McCormick, the famous manu- facturer of reapers and mowers, was the owner of the Times and Herald at this time. In 1860 Mr. Nuckolls brought suit in the district court of the territory against Reuben S. Williams, George B. Gaston, Lester W. Piatt, and thirteen other citizens of Civil Bend. Iowa, for carrying off two of his slaves to Iowa and then to Canada in 1858. Judge Miller, overruling a demurrer, decided that in this territory, where there had been no leg- SLAVICRY IN NEBRASKA 459 islation on the subject, under the constitution and laws of the United States, an action might be entertained against parties carrying away persons owing service or labor. The Missouri-Kansas line of John Brown's "underground railroad" system for running off slaves into Canada ran through southeast Nebraska. It passed through Lawrence, Topeka, Horton, and Albany, Kansas, cross- ing the Nebraska line opposite the last named place. It then ran through Little Nemaha, Camp Creek, and Nebraska City, crossing the river here to Percival, about seven mile.s northeast, in Fremont county, Iowa ; then on to Tabor, which was a sort of rendezvous. From this place there were several roads, but all toward the northeast. In December, 1858, Brown made a raid into Missouri and led away twelve slaves over the route described, and then on to Canada and freedom. The party of fugitives passed through Nebraska City on the 11th of February, 1859, and the News — Milton W. Reynolds, editor — gives them a God-speed little less than ferocious. The headlines of the notice were: "Horse thieves and nigger stealers. Fit associates. Boon companions! C)ld John Brown of Osawa- tomie passes through Nebraska City with a troupe of Niggers and a gang of Horse- Thieves. Read ! Read ! Ye who are at- tacked with Negrophobia !" The exciting cause of this tempestuous outbreak of epithet follows : John Brown, Captain John Brown, Old John Brown of Osawatomie. the "Old John Brown" who Gerrit Smith, when leading on the cohorts of the simon-pure abolitionists in the last campaign of New York, being a little at the outs with the straight black republicans, declared had done more for the freedom of 'Kansas than the whole republican party, passed through this city late last Friday even- ing at the head of a herd of stolen niggers taken from southern ]Missouri, accompanied with a gang of horse thieves of the most des- perate character. They had a large number of stolen horses in their possession — two of \vhich were taken and are now held by the deputy sheriff of this county. There is an appropriateness and fitness in nigger stealers being associated with horse thieves that the rankest black repulilican can- not fail to appreciate. A fellow feeling makes them wondrous kind. Their practices are similar, and it is not to be wondered at that they exhibit little discrimination in the selec- tion of their chattels. If the amount of the property stolen is to regfulate the heinousness of the crime, it must be confessed the profes- sion of the horse thief is the more liberal and dignified calling. Osawatomie Brown and the notorious ]\Iontgo"mery have carried on their depredations during the last few months in a high-handed manner. Brown and his precious gang have eluded their pursuers ; they have gotten into Iowa and may now be con- sidered as safely on "tother side of Jordan." John Brown The abolitionist We clip from the Daily St. Joseph Gazette an account of their escape from Kansas : A gentleman from Atchison, upon whose statements we can place the utmost confidence, informed us late last evening, of some new outrages in Kansas. He states that Osawa- tomie Brown, with eleven runaway slaves had been surrounded by a posse of men under the U. S. marshal, in a little town called Eureka. The marshal did not deem his force sufficient to attempt a capture of Brown, and sent to Atchison City for a reinforcement. Fourteen men left this latter place on Sunday evening to join the Marshal whose whole force, count- ing the men from Atchison, numbered but 460 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA twenty-five, and with which he marched to Eureka to accomphsh his purpose. On reaching this point, however, it was discovered that Brown had about seventy-five men well armed, besides the eleven negroes, and not deeming it safe to make an attack upon him, they com- menced to retreat. One of the marshal's party named William Green lost a horse in the retreat, and three others, Dr. Hereford, Charles Deitman and Joseph Mc Vey, volun- teered to go back with him to Eureka to re- cover it. They were set upon by Brown's men when near that place and all taken prisoners, and are now in his camp. The marshal has sent to Fort Leavenworth for troops to assist him in arresting Brown, if possible, before his escape into Nebraska." But Siebert says that Brown had "a mere handful of men," and he states that, "at Hol- ton a party of pursuers two or three times as large as Brown's company was dispersed in instant and ridiculous flight and four piison ers and five horses taken. . . Under an escort of seventeen 'Topeka boys' Brown pressed rapidly on to Nebraska City." When the fugitives reached Grinnell, Iowa, they were entertained by J. B. Grinnell in his own house. The democratic territorial newspapers were from the first hostile to anti-slavery senti- ment and propaganda, and this hostility be- came bitter and almost violent when the re- publican press became aggressive against slavery. The Nebraska City News refers to the (Jmaha Republican as "our woolly neigh- bor" and "our African contemporary" ; and, under the head "Dignified and Courteous Iky- ing," in charging the Republican with the heinous offense of issuing a map of the gold regions which shows Fort Kearney as lying north of a line due west from Nebraska City while it is in fact a mile and a half south of that line, calls the Republican "an organ of the great moral and religious black republican party. It rolls up its ebony eyes from under its woolly eyebrows in pious horror, and shows a pair of white ivory teeth when we call things by their right name in our criticisms upon its party." Mr. Theodore H. Robertson, editor of the Nebraskian. in the course of a trip to the East in the spring of 1860, passed through Oberlin, Ohio, and in his paper he assailed that place as, "The plague spot of creation, the hotbed of fanaticism, the carbuncle upon (Jhio, and the black stain upon her fairest es- cutcheon, where treason is taught as a virtue and where hideous murder is regarded as no crime, where abolitionism is taught from the pulpit as more sacred than the gospel of Christ. In Oberlin, John Brown, the cruel murderer, the experienced and skillful horse- thief, is canonized as a holier person and bet- ter saint than the world ever before saw. The peculiar institution of C)berlin is nigger." The Nebraska Advertiser attacks Governor Black's veto of the slavery prohibition bill and quotes severe criticisms of the veto mes- sage by the Chicago Times, the Philadelphia Press, the P'ittsburgh Post, and the Cincinnati Enquirer. The Times said: "In his mes- sage, the governor, Hon. Samuel W. Black, furnishes the legislature with a literary and legal i)roduction which is a weak, very weak, condensation of the other Black's famous argument. . . If slavery cannot be repealed or prohibited in Nebraska by the legislature because the constitution protects and guaran- tees security to it as property, how can Gov- ernor Black as a lawyer . . . maintain that the people of Nebraska, by a state con- vention, can displace and overrule the consti- tution of the United States?" The Press said: "The e.xecutive authority of the terri- tory is vested in Colonel Samuel W. Black, of Pittsburg, who was appointed governor by Mr. Buchanan, and who, while always an ar- dent democrat, was at no very remote period, a warm advocate of the Wilmot proviso, and we believe the author of the resolution incor- porated in the platform of the democratic state convention, adopted at Pittsburgh in 1849, in favor of the Wilmot jjroviso. In the campaign of 1856, Colonel Black was an earnest chamjiion of the doctrine of popular sovereignty as then understood in our state ; and few who heard his eloquent speeches at that time, . . . when he advocated the right of the people of the territories to con- trol their 'domestic institutions,' with special reference to the slavery question, would have sujjposed that he entertained the slightest doubt about the power to decide whether sla- SLAVERY IN NEBRASKA 461 very should or should not he tolerated among them." The Press made the same point as that made by the Times, that Governor Black imitated Attorney-General Jeremiah Black's argument, and that in citing the Louisiana treaty he proved too much, because if the people of the territory could not override the treaty in the passage of laws, neither could they do so in forming constitutions. The Pittsburgh Post, published at Black's old home, and the Cincinnati Enquirer both charged him with recreancy to the principle of popular sovereignty. The People's Press of Nebraska City, in- sisted that slavery was an issue: "Democracy has made this slave territory. Li your own courts — almost within the shadow of your own homes — servile laborers are employed in places that should be open to the indepen- dent competition of the free laboring man of (3toe county." This republican organ also in- sisted that "the people have, and should exer- cise the power of sovereignty, of prohibiting slavery." The same paper said: "Leave it to the control and operation of those laws of nature upon which the democracy ask us to rely for the making of this a free state and Nebraska will inevitably be a slave state." The Press insisted that those who were able to buy or hire slaves would do so for the pur- pose of making them household servants, if nothing more. The wealthy complained that housekeepers were constantly annoyed by the overbearing and independent conduct of ser- vants. The expression was common that, "If I were sure that I would be protected in holding slaves I would buy a man and woman to work around the house; and then if they did not do as I wanted them to I would make them." In the rapid revolution and the slower evolution of our institutions and conditions, domestic service appears to remain in the same desperate status as it was when it impelled housekeepers to yearn even for domestic sla- very as a remedy. A call for a democratic meeting in Nebraska City to ratify the nom- ination of General Estabrook as delegate to Congress said : "All who believe in the sover- eignty of the people, who deny that the acts of the territorial legislature are subject to the regulations of congress, who are in favor of dedicating the free soil of Nebraska to free ^\hite men . . . are invited to be pres- ent." At a democratic meeting at Nebraska City, held for the purpose of nominating dele- gates to the constitutional convention, a reso- lution asserting the constitutional right of the territorial legislature to establish, regulate, or prohibit slavery within territorial limits was laid on the table by a vote of 26 to 15, Gover- nor Black's influence prevailing over squatter sovereignty, which was supported by Judge John F. Kinney. Stephen F. Nuckolls and Augustus F. Harvey sustained Black. A com- promise was arranged by the adoption of the national platform of 1856, the Plattsmouth platform of 1859, and a resolution to the ef- fect that Nebraska must be a free state. The county convention held subsequently could not elect delegates on account of filibustering on the part of the anti-Black men, and adjourned in confusion. Air. Reynolds, editor of the N^ezi's, said that he voted against the bill to abolish slavery when he was a member of the legislature be- cause it had no legal existence in the terri- tory, and because he was opposed to the mon- strous doctrine that the constitution had car- ried it here. "Partly for spite, but mostly to get disunion into Democratic ranks, the Re- pul>lican members of the last Nebraska Leg- islature attempted to abolish slavery in Ne- braska" ; and that was "an imaginary evil that had no sort of legal or practical existence; three or four persons only were held as slaves and these only ostensibly, by citizens of Ne- braska City." Even far-off Nebraska signalled the ap- proaching disruption of the democratic party. On the passage of the bill two of the leading democratic members explained their votes, but arrived at opposite conclusions from substan- tially the same premises. George W. Doane expressed his opinion that President Bu- chanan, in his late message, had seen fit to st^p far out of his way "to throw this agitat- ing question upon the country and upon the democratic party; and if he can stand it to 462 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA introduce this agitation, I can." Mr. Doane denounced as heresy the President's conten- tion that the people of the territories had no right to legislate upon the slavery question, and he voted for the bill to emphasize his dis- sent from that doctrine. William A. Little, who was elected judge of the supreme court at the first state election, but died before tak- ing the office, was even more fiery than his colleague, Judge Doane. in his dissent from Buchanan's opinion : If we could actually see a black cloud rising in the soutli, and should a horde of slaves be precipitated upon our fair soil today, no one would vote quicker than I, to repel such an evil from the land. But where is the danger ? Where is this dreaded African spectre that like Hamlet's ghost flits ever before the hallu- cinated vision of the supporters of this bill? Our soil is yet unstained with slavery ; we are free, and surrounded with free soil ; Iowa on the east, is free. Kansas on the south, is free, and is there danger on our northern and west- ern borders ? Sir, I too, like the gentleman from Burt, take issue with Mr. Buchanan. I believe con- gress has no power over the territories upon this question. But I shall not vote for what is now uncalled for. This bill had its origin in black republican buncombe. As a democrat, I shall not vote to honor their political caprices, and exercising common sense, I shall not vote to dispel a phantom. Sir, I vote "no" upon this l)ill. In the issue of June 30, 1860, the Nezvs re- lates that six negroes had deserted and es- caped from Alexander Majors of Nebraska City. "We can hardly think that our city is infested with such misguided philanthropists as nigger thieves and abolitionists. This dirty work is doubtless left for the nasty aboli- tionists of Civil Bend and Tabor." The re- publican commissioners of Otoe county re- turned "these negro servants or persons as property and taxed them as such." In -Vugust, 1860, nineteen "niggers" were run tlirough Nebra.ska City on the under- ground railroad and kept at a storehouse over night at Wyoming by the editor of the repub- lican paper there. As we have already seen, the census of 1860 showed that there were eighty-one negroes in Nebraska, ten of whom were recorded as slaves. The Omaha Ne- braskian of August 18, 1860, notes that the Falls City Broad Axg says that a cargo of six or more fugitive slaves passed through Salem, escorted by thirty or forty whites, armed to the teeth. The following resolutions were adopted by the democratic convention of Otoe county: "The democracy of Otoe county are in favoi of making Nebraska a free state, and we will vote for no man as a candidate to the con- vention who will not pledge himself to vote tor a clause in the constitution prohibiting slavery in the state of Nebraska." The Ne- braska City News demanded a law excluding negroes and negro laborers from the territory of Nebraska: "Cannot this be kept sacred as a home for white men — a field for white labor; or shall it be made, as Kansas is, an elysium for vagabond niggers ? Will some of our Africanized journals give us their opinion upon this question? Will the abolition sheets at Omaha, Brownville and Nebraska City state whether they are upon the side of white men or negroes? . . Do we of Nebraska want a population of niggers? Do the whites of Iowa want a population of niggers? Does anybody, except the blatant abolitionists, want the two races to intermingle, amalgamate, and die out, as all hybrids do? If yes! support ■he black republican abolitionized party now in power and you can have your desires." The same paper notes that no less than five or six "newly imported niggers," some es- caped contrabands and some free, were in the city and offering to work for six dollars a month ; and the laboring classes of the North are warned of the disastrous end of the eman- cipation schemes of the republicans which this incident indicates. The News referring to a bill just passed by the legislature striking out the word "white" from the school laws, observes : "The Ne- braska legislature has enacted that nigger chil- dren sha'l attend school with white children and upon the same benches learn the same les- sons. . . The high school building at Ne- braska City is a magnificent edifice. Our peo- ple in paying taxes for its erection and sup- SLAVERY IN NEBRASKA 463 port may console themselves with the pro; id reflection that in its broad aisles and through- out its spacious halls, their own children may mingle freely with little niggers and enjoy the luxury of the aroma arising therefrom, un- taxed." The Press had observed exultantly that "our high school building of which we are justly proud, was built on the broad prin ciple of equity and no distinction on account of color" ; whereupon the News retorted : "The attention of the Press man is called lo the fact that a distinction on account of odor may yet be made by which both himself and the genuine nigger may be excluded." 464 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA '■^^i<.£maha, or in the location of the line between C)maha and the Platte valley. In the same letter Seymour anticipates Simpson's exposure of the evasion of the real question of the heavy grades common to both routes — No. 1 and No. 3 — in his own re- port : It should be borne in mind, however, that the change in location and grades between stations 150 and 900 was not all that was specified, either in my report or the letter of Mr. Williams, as being necessary for the com- pany to do before realizing the advantages claimed for the new route by reason of the reduction of the maximum grades to 40 feet per mile in each direction. The grading, then nearly completed, be- tween Omaha and station 150 was to be used only temporarily ; and it was recommended "that for the present as little money as prac- ticable be expended in grading in the valley of Mud creek, between station 150 and the point where a line with moderate grades in both directions would naturally leave this val- ley to enter the valley of the Missouri river." The line referred to, "with moderate grades in both directions," was the route heretofore alluded to, as passing through the depression in the bluffs between Omaha and the mouth of the Papillion, and which I assumed would, as a matter of course, be adopted hereafter by the company. It was also stated in the report that the grade of 80 feet per mile, near the Elkhorn, must hereafter be reduced to 40 feet per mile, either by a slight change in the location, or by deepening the excavation and raising the em- bankment upon the present location. Simpson's concise and conscientious sum- ming up is an intensely interesting and sug- gestive contribution to the story of the Union Pacific road as it affected Nebraska. Government Director Jesse L. \\ illiams made rather more of a mess of the case than Seymour had done. He sought to reduce the west end eighty feet grade by arguing that it was not as important as it seemed, because two-thirds of the tonnage would go west, for which the heavy grade in question would be down hill. The east end grade is left to the fortune of the future: The cost of construction is considered equal — the expense of changing the first five or six miles from Omaha running down the river, to be done at a future day, to get a 40- foot grade throughout, oft-setting the esti- mated saving west of the point of divergence. It must also be stated that the full advan- tage of the lower grade on the new route will not l)e realized until the change alluded to in the last paragraph shall have been made. Without this change there is still near three miles of high grade, ascending westward from 61 to 66 feet per mile, to be overcome, miti- gated somewhat in its inconvenience by being at the beginning of the road where assistant engines can at all times be in readiness. Mr. Seymour, in his ardor to serve Durant, gratuitously undertakes to put his strenuous superior in an attitude toward the proposed change which he refuses to assume. In his letter to Simpson Seymour says : It may also be proper to state in this con- nection that Mr. T. C. Durant, vice-president. THE PIONEER RAILWAY OF NEBRASKA 479 never to my knowledge, advocated the change in location, either in or out of the board of directors. On the contrary, he seemed to be reluctantly forced into a passive assent to the change by the weight of the argument in its favor, and the judgment of the government directors, together with, the advice of Mr. Usher, then Secretary of the Interior, who happened to be in the office of the company when the matter was under discussion, and represented to the board that the President, Mr. Eincoln, would undoubtedly favor the change. The matter, however, was never submitted to Mr. Lincoln for his approval before his death, nor was it officially laid before the In- terior Department until the day fixed for the retirement of Mr. Usher as secretary. In the early part of February, 1865, the peo- ple of Omaha and Council Bluffs became greatly alarmed over indications and rumors that the terminus of the road would be changed to Bellevue, and on the 3d of Febru- ary Augustus Kountze of Omaha telegraphed Durant as follows : "Citizens here will fill all agreements in relation to right of way and do- nations except a very few, particularly if as- sured by you that change of location to Sarpy county will not prejudice the interests of Oma- ha in regard to eastern counties. Can you give such assurance?" To this Mr. Durant replied: "The line has been changed to avoid heavy grades, not with intention of interfering with terminus." But Enos Lowe and Dr. Gilbert C. Monell, as a committee representing the citizens of Omaha, in their statement to Colonel Simpson say : These high grades on which he proposes to build the line as first located are not the grades determined by Mr. Dey, and contracted for at $50,000 per mile but a maximum grade of 116 feet to the mile. The latter alternative was stated by Colonel Seymour, the consult- ing engineer, to a committee of inquiry in Council Bluffs, and also to this committee. In other words, unless Congress would com- pensate for the 9 miles of curvature he would comply with the charter and build the straight line from Omaha, but on such a grade as to render it useless. Thi§ end was to be attained, as we are also informed, by extending his 9-mile curvature to Bellevue. Buildings such as are usually erected at the terminus were to be erected twenty miles west of Omaha, near the Elkhorn river, at which place he proposed to divert the great national highway of the nation from its central connections to be a side feeder to his own schemes. Even yet wishing to reconcile this matter if possible Mr. Durant was again addressed as follows : "If the new route is made, will you go on with building at Omaha, and make this the only point of crossing the river? If so citizens of Omaha will aid you on the new line." He replied : "We will consult the interests of the road whether citizens of Omaha aid us or not. We have had enough interference. You will destroy your last chance for a connection. The line west will do you no good. I can connect the Mississippi and Missouri with the Cedar Rapids road and run to De Soto for a million dollars less than go to Omaha." Owing to some mismanagement, the freight agent of the Pacific road at Omaha had been informed that the boats loaded with iron had left St. Louis for Omaha, and to receive the freight. Llaving no notice of any change of intention, he could not receive at Bellevue or pay freight there. It was conse- quently landed at Omaha, and the construc- tion of the road is now apparently commenced here. In view of this whole procedure we can see nothing but a covert design to change the terminus for speculative purposes. Then the committee's statement proceeds : Shortly after this, however, works con- tracted for here were suspended, the prelim- inary steps taken to remove the same to Bellevue. Boats loaded with iron, on their departure from St. Louis, were ordered to land at Bellevue. Mr. Durant was again addressed and informed of our increased alarm, and assured that we would not oppose the new route if work. was resumed at once here, and we could have his promise of its performance. On the 6th of September, in a letter to Simp- son and Harbaugh, Durant replied to this aggressive attack with a bold, defensive broad- side. At the dictate of necessity, which knows no law, he undertook to wholly discredit Dey, his former engineer, and his work : "Let me ask you, who have examined the ground and have all the facts, how can a man with ordi- nary sense expect a corporation to place any reliance upon his statements, or the least con- fidence in his ability, who deliberately makes a report to his employers so utterly at variance with the facts as they actually exist, or look upon any of his opinions except with dis- trust?" He charges that Dey "was in the 480 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA employ of interested parties in Omaha, labor- ing to thwart the honest endeavors of the company to do their duty" ; and then he pro- ceeds to tangle himself up in statements quite inconsistent with the facts and concessions of Simpson's and Seymour's reports : The object as really entertained, and pub- licly avowed by the company, was, by length- ening the line about 9 miles, to change the ruling grades from 80 to 40 feet per mile be- tween Omaha and the Platte valley. The sub- ject of a change of terminus has never been discussed or even suggested in the board of directors in connection with this subject; neither has it been alluded to in the report and recommendations made by the company's engineers. The surveys that have been made since the change was decided upon by the company have demonstrated that the new route is susceptible, at a very slight compara- tive expense, of being still further improved. Whereas it is deemed entirely impracticable, except at an expense which even the promo- tion of the private purposes and interests of the property-holders and citizens of Omaha that are represented by this committee would scarcely justify, to reduce the maximum grade upon the old location very much, if any below 80 feet per mile. In this lengthy statement Durant includes copies of telegrams which he had sent from time to time during the controversy. On the 1st of June, 186.S, he telegraphs the following order to Jacob E. House, who was in charge of construction at Omaha : "3,Iake arrange- ments for temporary track from Bellevue to Junction without regard to grade, which can be changed when permanent location is made, secure place for saw-mill and Burnetizing ma- chine at Bellevue. Do no work north of junc- tion. We have no time to lose, and must commence at Bellevue as our only alternative to save enterprise." On the same day he telegraphed to Edward Creighton of Omaha : "Omaha is all right. Mr. House has my reason for making the change, which I regret as much as you do. If Secretary Harlan insists upon old location we submit, but shall build from Bellevue first and finish line on old location thereafter, if Congress does not release us from it. We shall lose business on high grades, and must cross river elsewhere ; consequently need no buildings at Omaha." On the 9th of June h-; sent to Mr. Creighton a message still more threatening: "Shall make no promises as to crossing the river. We had made our arrange- ments to build at Omaha. We have had enough interference. We shall consult the interests of the road whether the citizens aid us or not. I should recommend, however, that you do not oppose new location ; for if old line is adopted. Cedar Rapids road will cross at De Soto and Missouri & Mississippi road will connect (with) that. The only chance to pre- vent this is a reduction of grades. It will cost one million dollars more to complete the road through Iowa, via Des Moines to Council Bluffs, than to build to Cedar Rapids. Your people and papers will destroy the last chance you have, for the terminus of our road at your place will not help you if there is no road to connect east. If any more obstacles are thrown in the way, we shall make application to the President to change the terminus." In reply (June 10th) Creighton stated the C^maha ultimatum : "The people here will be satisfied with Mud creek route, if Bellevue movement is abandoned and permanent build- ings be erected here at once. Omaha must be the only point of connection with the Missouri river ; without this there will be trouble." Durant then proceeded, in a fairly propiti- atory tone, to furnish from his point of view some very interesting history of the transaction. Mr. Durant also offered as a palliative a sort of non-committal approval of Colonel Simpson's recommendation, and which was adopted as an alternative in the President's consent to the change to the ]\Iud creek route : This company has never claimed nor rep- resented that the amended location asked for embodies at the present time all the advan- tages that may be attained over the original location, as about three miles of the old line west of r)maha was embraced in the amended location on account of the work on the same having been nearly completed when the change was made, on which there is a maximum grade greater than 40 feet. They do repre- sent, however, and claim that the amended route, which is far superior with its present grade, is easily and at a very slight compara- THE PIONEER RAILWAY OF NEBRASKA 481 tive expense susceptible of being still further improved so as to embody all the advantages claimed for it, while the original can never, within any reasonable limit of expenditure, be so far reduced in grade as to make it a desirable connection for the railroad east of the Missouri river. By adopting the line recently surveyed by Mr. Ainsworth down the Missouri bottom a short distance and across to the Mud creek route, which can be done at a reasonable cost, trains going west will have only a maximum grade of 30 feet to- overcome, while coming east can use the present descending grade on the first three miles west of Omaha, thus giv- ing all the advantages of a double track. The (Jmaha Republican, in the course of a column of excited comment on the report that the company had issued orders to remove all workmen and depot buildings from Omaha to Bellevue, said : The charter of the company provides that the initial point of the road shall be fixed by the president of the United States "from some point on the western boundary of the state of Iowa," and that the line of road "shall run thence west on the most direct and practicable route to be approved by the President of the United States to the 100th meridian of west longitude." The Pfesident fixed the initial point in Iowa "opposite section 10, township 15 north of range 13, east of the 6th principal meridian, in the territory of Nebraska." This point is about one mile north of the foot of Farnham street. The Republican then relates that the com- pany proceeded to locate its line from this initial point west to the 100th meridian, and then, in accordance with the law, the secre- tary of the interior immediately withdrew the public lands fifteen miles on either side of this line from sale or preemption. Then the com- pany undertook to deflect the line so as to lengthen the distance ten miles to the Elkhorn river, but the President and secretary refused to allow this change. On the 16th of June, 1865, the Republican reports thus : "Orders were received this morning from New York to resume work in every department of the Union Pacific at Omaha. We trust we have seen an end of the game of 'fast and loose.' " In its issue of August 4, 1865, the Republican avers that the ox-bow deflection, increasing the distance nine miles in fourteen, would put $300,000 into the cofl:'ers of the company. On the 6th of September the same journal relates that P. W. Hitchcock and Joel T. Grififen, through J. M. Woolworth, their attorney, had applied to Chief Justice Kellogg, of the terri- torial supreme court, for an injunction re- straining the Union Pacific company from entering on land owned by them for the pro- posed construction of the ox-bow line, on the ground that it had already exhausted its rights by the first location. The court denied the writ, giving several evasive reasons, one of them that the company had good reason to believe that the new route had been approved by the President. It was in fact approved, conditionally, about two months later. The continuing misapprehension, misunder- standing, and misconception of the newer \\'est by the older East is illustrated by a state- ment of the New York Evening Post that the change to the ox-bow route was recommended by the engineeer of the company, "who, after exploration of the surrounding country, dis- covered a mountain pass a few miles to the southward of the first route surveyed, through which the road can be run," meaning the road over the upland prairie to the historic Mud creek, pointed out in Colonel Simpson's recom- mendation of route No. 4. In addition to the domestic embroilment about the starting point and the route of the road immediately from the river, in the latter part of 1865, the press of the territory, with- out regard to party, expressed great alarm lest the road should be entirely diverted to the Smoky Plill route, and statehood was urged for the sake of commanding political influence in Congress to further aid in averting such a calamity. In the fall of 1865 the great project was again revivified by the intervention of the .-^-mes brothers and the invention of the Credit Mobilier scheme ; and while the new men and the nev/ expedient must be credited with suc- cessfully performing the great task, they also must be held responsible for making the work- known chiefly as a grievous public scandal. The Credit Mobilier was a construction com- pany organized by and of the stockholders of the railroad company. It met two indis- 482 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA pensable conditions, namely, being a corpora- tion its members were liable only to the amount of their subscription, while before it ^vas resorted to, the gigantic work had been undertaken by the dangerous partnerships then in vogue; and its stockholders had the double chance of profiting by the construc- tion of the road as well as by the value of the road itself. The detailed story of the participation of a large number of eminent members of Congress in this Credit Mobilier speculation, and of their inability to wash their hands of the stains of the illicit manipulation of its shares distributed by Ames, may not be repeated ap- propriately on these pages, though our com- monwealth was the main theater of the Union Pacific drama of which this Credit Mobilier incident was the most dramatic episode. On the highest ground traversed by the Union Pacific road commercial sentiment has reared a gigantic shaft in recognition of Oakes Ames's lofty achievement. He is thus judged by the business standard. In the report of the Poland committee of investigation, Ames is adjudged guilty of bribery^ of his fellow members of the House of Representatives, and his expulsion is recommended ; on the records of the House his censure still stands, and it is tolerably certain that the grave opened pre- maturely to cover his own sense of disgrace. He is thus judged by the standard of public ethical sentiment. Much has been said in complete exculpation of Ames, and much also in palliation of his ofifense, but, from a proper ethical point of view, without avail. The ad- mitted circumstances of Ames's parcelling of blocks of Credit Mobilier stock among mem- bers of Congress absolutely precludes apology, and cannot be explained away. But the splendid defense of Ames, forensically speak- ing, by an eminent citizen of Nebraska, — Andrew J. Poppleton — lends peculiar inter- est for Nebraskans to this tragical episode of the building of the great highway. The scholars and orators of those early days, who were chiefly confined to the members of the legal profession, thought, studied, and spoke upon erudite themes, and their style was pat- terned after the classic masters of legal and general oratory. Since that time the universal currency or flood of literature and drama has necessarily accommodated itself to the uni- versal taste or capacity, and so seems dispro- portionately light. Edmund Burke was the topic of one of JNIr. Poppleton's public lectures, and this defense shows the influence of that master of eloquence upon his style. The defense is also pervaded with the most skilful insinuation of the martyrdom of the accused — that the extraordinary end sought involved or justified extraordinary means for its ac- complishment — which is a reminder of the pleas in behalf of Warren Hastings and Lord Clive. George Francis Train, who had been every- where, and with quick but erratic vision had seen everything, had learned of the prodigies in "promotion" performed by the Credit Mo- bilier of France, which was chartered in 1853. In 1864 Train acquired the charter of the Pennsylvania agency, and, building better than he knew along the line of consistency, had the name changed to "The Credit AIo- bilier of America." The subsequent career of the original was utterly ruinous, and its ways were as devious and scandalous as those of its namesake. .Stockholders in Durant's construction com- pany exchanged their shares for Credit Mo- bilier stock according to the amount they had paid in; and the holders of the $2,180,000 Union Pacific stock were allowed to take Cred- it Mobilier stock in exchange for it, according to the amounts paid in. The Hoxie contract, covering the 247 miles to the 100th meridian, was assigned to the Credit Mobilier, and Du- rant made a contract with one Boomer — an irresponsible though remarkably appropriate name — for the construction of .153 miles west of the 100th meridian, at $19,500 a mile to the crossing of the Platte and $20,000 a mile be- yond that point. When the Union Pacific di- rectors undertook to pay the Credit Mobilier for fifty-eight completed miles of this road, at the rate of $50,000 a mile, Durant protested against the swindle, and an injunction from a New York court finally prevented it. Then the directors made a contract with John S. M. Williams for the construction of 268 miles THE PIONEER RAILWAY OF NEBRASKA 483 westward from the 100th meridian, at the rate of $50,000 a mile, and again Durant enjoined its performance. The Hoxie contract was com- pleted to the 100th meridian by October 5, 1866, and by August 16th of the next year 188 miles more were completed, thus carrying the work within thirty-seven miles of the west boundary of Nebraska. About this time the New England faction, led by the Ames brothers, forced Durant out of the Credit Alobilier directory, and Sidney Dillon was elected its president in place of profits which the Credit Mobilier, the real builder of the Union Pacific road, realized on its work, but they were probably not less than $16,000,000 — more than twenty-five per cent ; nor, considering all the circumstances, should it be said that this profit was too large. It can only be said that if the federal government and the company had been capable, economically and morally, of properly performing their duties, there would have been a great saving of cost in money and in the good name of all concerned. En^ya-.-ing furtnshcd by /:. t. /-■ Driving the L.\st Spike .\t Promontory, M.\y 10, 1869 Durant. In August, 1867, the differences be- tween the factions were compromised, and the famous contract with Oakes Ames was made for the construction of 667 miles west of the 100th meridian, and which gave Ames the option of extending it to Salt Lake. Under this contract and a subcontract with James \\'. Davis for the remainder beyond the limit of 667 miles, the great work was completed to the meeting at Promontory, May 10, 1869. It is impracticable to ascertain accurately the To him who studies the construction of the first Pacific railway in the light of present methods of railway building, the men who put through this great enterprise seem immeas- urably extravagant if not corrupt. Those who suffered from their manipulations of the lead- ing railway properties of the West are pretty sure to call them corrupt. But to him who looks at the railway history of the country as a whole, the building of the first railway to the Pacific appears as a mere episode, to be measured by finite different standards. Such an one will, of course, regret that extravagant 484 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA and questionable methods were used, but he will not visit upon the managers of this work unqualified condemnation, as so many have done. The first rail of the Union Pacific, and so the first railway track in Nebraska, was laid at the Omaha end of the line July 10, 1865 ; and on the 22d of September the Republican reports that ten miles of track had been laid and that it was going down at the rate of a mile a day. There were on hand, also eighty miles of iron, four locomotives, thirty plat- form cars, four or five box freight cars, sev- eral passenger cars, spikes, switches, etc., "re- ceived from below." The construction of machine shops and other buildings at Omaha had been begun. This may be regarded as Ames Monument the modest first equipment of the then greatest railway enterprise of the whole world. Bridge timber already framed for the first 100 miles — l)etween Omaha and the Loup Fork — was on the ground. The grade was to be finished to Columbus in thirty days after the date last named. On the 6th of January, 1866, the three commissioners appointed by the Presi- dent of the United States, according to the act of Congress, examined and accepted the first forty miles of road. According to the contemporary newspaper account the passen- ger car used by the commissioners on their trip of investigation was constructed in Omaha and was named the "Major-General Sherman." The commissioners were Colonel J. H. Simp- son, president of the board. Major-General Samue! R. Curtis, and Major William \Miite. Notwithstanding that, on account of his er- ratic temperament, George Francis Train was kept in the background by the ])romoters and capitalists of the enterprise, yet his remarkable ingenuity, alertness, and activity commanded recognition ; and on this occasion General Curtis is reported as saying in reply to a compliment to himself that Train deserved more consideration than he did. The Herald notes that, in a recent speech in Boston, Train boasted that his friends had subscribed enough to control the company, and at an annual meeting, with his proxies, he had erased the names of fourteen of the biggest men in the country from the directory. According to a general and perhaps benefi- cent rule of comjjensation, men of unusualh strong qualities or characteristics are apt to be endowed with corresponding weaknesses, and common among them is vanity. Not infre- quently the cynically practical captain of in- dustry loves and is influenced by flattery and cajolery, and according to Dr. George L. Mil- ler's estimate and treatment of Thomas C. Durant he was not an exception to this rule. While the Republican and citizens of Omaha feared treachery on Durant's part, and openly protested and inveighed against his devious ways, the Herald did not falter in its expres- sions of faith that all things, including Du- rant, would work together for the good of (Jmaha ; but in season and out of season it fortified its faith by cajolery of the imperious arbiter of Omaha's fortunes. On the 20th of October, 1865, the Herald calls on everybody to assist "the first of living railroad men" and the "Great Manager" in getting ties for "the Great Road," and says that "fifteen mills are already at work in this section." On the 15th of June, 1866, the Herald stated that one and three-quarter miles of track were laid on the 9th inst., breaking the record, and it thereupon anoints Durant as "the Napoleon of railways." Oi: the 13th of July, 1866, the Herald notes that the "Railway King" has a freight boat, Flkhoni, built in Pittsburgh at a cost of $52,000 for the use of the Union Pacific company, which had brought the first two barges — Hero and Heroine — that ever navigated the THE PIONEER RAILWAY OF NEBRASKA 485 Missouri, laden with 3,600 bushels of coal and 900 bars of railroad iron. The barges were 25 feet beam and 125 feet long, and each could carry 200 tons in two feet of water. "The friends of the Missouri river", the Herald says, "should be grateful to Durant for having vindicated t'hese mighty waters against the slanders of their traducers." The location of the Union Pacific bridge was fixed by the President ( 1 ) because there is a rock bottom at that point from the Nebraska to the Iowa side of the river; (2) the channel has not changed there since the time of the first settlement; (3) the company wanted the extensive river front for its busi- ness with steamboats. Early in the spring of 1867 the Omaha city council appointed ( )liver P. Hurford, Alger- non S. Paddock, Augustus Kountze, Ezra Millard, and Francis Smith to go to New York and pledge $100,000 to the company towards securing the bridge at Omaha. In 1863 citizens of Omaha sought to settle — or re-settle in their own favor — the terminus question by giving right of way through the city, 500 acres of land along the river front for the company's shops, depots, and other buildings, and a gift of about 700 acres of outlying land, in consideration of an agree- ment by the company to fix the terminus at Omaha. The consideration recited in the deeds to these lands made by many citizens was as follows. "In consideration of the location of the eastern terminus of the Union Pacific railroad at Omaha City, Nebraska, within 1J4 miles of Farnam street in said city, thence running west from said point towards the Platte valley." From this time until the formal settlement of the terminus question by the Supreme Court of the United States, in 1876, there was constant perturbation and fear on the part of the people of Omaha, and a chronic state of intrigue and bickering among themselves as well as between themselves and the company. Bitter recollections of the animosities and re- criminations of that period still survive, and they will linger only to be buried in the graves of those who entertained them. It does not seem that there was ground for reasonable doubt of the intention of the act of 1862; for its very unreasonableness was consistent with that Iowa influence which, as we have seen, from the first had exploited Nebraska affairs in the interest of Council Blufifs, and less di- rectly of the whole state, and this act is per- fectly explicable in the light of preceding manipulation. Nebraska was still politically and commercially insignificant, and in this sense "without God and without hope in the world" ; while Iowa had a strong representa- tion in Congress, formidable material pro- gress to her credit, and was lined up surely and safely on the side of the dominant party. The only uncertainty lay in the Supreme Court's wide discretion of "construction" and its facility in exercising it — or as Mr. James Bryce, with at least a tincture of irony, puts it, the "breadth of view" which characterizes that body. It was not at all likely that the court would unsettle this vested interest of Courtesy of Alfred Darlow. a';^\ ,1,1;', Private car of President Linco;,n 'itf i'liifiii Pacific railroad. sent to New York to negotiate with the com- pany. Dr. George L. Miller declined to act as a member of this committee. He insisted that the citizens had not kept faith with the road and were attempting to impose upon it an unjust condition subsequent to the original agreement. But at the urgent request of mem- bers of the committee he went to New York and pleaded, no doubt effectually, with Durant and others to come to a settlement and save the bridge — which meant the' terminus of the road — to Omaha. The second document is the deed of land for depot grounds, right of way, etc., as agreed 1864, granted to the Burlington & Missouri River railroad company, a corporation or- ganized under the laws of the state of Iowa, right of way 200 feet wide and ten alternate sections of land per mile on each side of a line of railroad "from the point where it strikes the Missouri river, south of the mouth of the Platte river, to some point not further west than the 100th meridian of west longi- tude, so as to connect, by the most practicable route, with the main trunk of the Union Pacific railroad, or that part of it which runs from (Jmaha to the said 100th meridian of west longitude." 488 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Gkk\vu.i.e M. Dodge Major-geiK-ral U. S. army, member of Congress, and construction engineer I'nion Pacific railroad THE PIONEER RAILWAY OF NEBRASKA 489 When the Union Pacific company adopted the Mud creek or ox-bow route a sharp con- troversy, in the form of appeals to the secre- tary of the interior, arose between President John A. Dix of the Union Pacific and Presi- dent J. W. Brooks of the Burhngton & Mis- souri company, the latter contending that "the proposed alteration in the route of that road (the Union Pacific) brings it almost down to the line adopted by the Burlington & Missouri River R. R. Co." President Dix in- sisted that the change referred to "is all within the first 17^2 miles of the old line west from Omaha. At that distance the old and new lines unite, and the maximum deflection of the new line from the old within that dis- tance is only S'/i miles. As the line of the of line, to which the other company is now entitled." On the other hand there was strong popular opposition, led by J. Sterling Morton and Dr. George L. Miller, editor of the Omaha Her- ald, to the manner in which the Burlington company proposed to locate its lands. This con- troversy is explained by the protest of the Nebraska City Nezvs, which contains notice of the reversal by O. H. Browning, secretary of the interior, of the decision of his predecessor, James Harlan, that the com- pany might select its lands from all odd sec- tions, thus withdrawing them from market. By the new ruling the company was required to confine the selections to a limit of twenty miles on either side of its line. The Netvs E.N'GINF. Xo. 1 ON THE UxiON P.\CIF1C R.\II,RO.\D Burlington & Missouri River railroad is un- derstood to run south of the mouth of the Platte, a distance of eighteen miles from Omaha, the apprehended invasion of the ter- ritory, for which that road proposes to furnish railroad facilities, is altogether imaginary." But on the 9th of September, 1865, to quiet the matter. President Dix announced that the Union Pacific company "will waive all claim to any land to which the Burlington ii: Missouri railroad company is now entitled un- der existing acts of Congress, so far as such claim may arise from the proposed change of line. That I may not be misunderstood, I put the proposition in another form of words : that the Union Pacific railroad company will not claim any lands, by reason of the change expresses the opinion that this new decision will probably involve the location of a new initial point on the Missouri river, and "be- cause the Union Pacific railroad reaches twelve miles south of Plattsmouth (the present initial point of the Burlington) and therefore leaves no land on the north side of the present line of location, westward, to be selected by the Burlington Co. and none within twelve miles south thereof." The Omaha Herald indulges in strong congratulations over the event, as follows : It will be rememliered that Harlan decided the clause under which that land-grabbing corporation has been for years engaged in absorbing millions of acres of the choicest land in Nebraska, restricting them to selec- 490 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA tions within twenty miles of the hne, to mean that they could select without reg'ard to lim- its. Under this construction the company has been engaged for more than a year in a sys- tematic effort to absorb the choicest land in all sections of the territory. . . Mr. Brown- ing is entitled to the hearty thanks of the people of Nebraska for his action. To Hon. J. Sterling Morton, who first called the atten- tion of the Secretary of the Interior to this important subject, and subsequently pressed it before him for decision, and advocated the rights of the people in the Nczcs. and to Mr. O. F. Davis, acting register of the land office, who has sustained his views and denounced the land robbers, the public thanks are due. We understand Mr. Browning has caused or- ders to be sent to the land ofifices in Nebraska to stop these withdrawals of the land, and to nestly begun. Only about one and one-half miles of road had been graded previous to July, 1865, but before January 1, 1866, the line was completed fifty miles westward. From this time the work of construction progressed rai)idly ; 250 miles of track were laid in 1866, and during the season of 1867, 240 miles were added. Fort Sanders was passed May 8, 1868, and the following day the track was completed to Laramie. Promontory Point, Utah, was reached just one year later, and on May 10, 1869, a junction was made with the Central Pacific railroad at a point 1,085.8 miles west of Omaha, and 690 miles east of Sacra- mento. The greatest trouble with Indians was experienced in western Nebraska, but they con- Thk first Union Pacific R.^ilro.^d Bridge across the Missouri River at Omaha open them to the homestead and preemption benefits. We jjresume this will include orders to cancel the reservations heretofore made, and thus will be restored to our people mil- lions of acres of the best lands the sun ever shone upon. The secretary granted the company a re- hearing, but on the 25th of January, 1865, he afiirmed his former decision as follows : "The order then made for a restoration to market of the lands lying beyond the limit of twenty miles of the line of said road and withdrawn with reference to the claim of said company, will, if not executed, be carried at once into eft'ect." The route out of Omaha being now finally determined, the work of construction was ear- tinued to harass surveying parties and track- layers in Wyoming as well, although United States troops were constantly on guard. The first permanent bridge across the Mis- souri river, at Omaha was commenced in March 1868, and completed four years later, at a cost of $1,730,000. In 1877 this bridge was partially destroyed by a cyclone, and in 1886-1887 was entirely rebuilt and enlarged. .\ regular train service was established early in 1866, and trains were running to Bridgers Pass by October, 1868. The first conductor on the Union Pacific was Grove Watson, deceased, and the second, Augustus .\ Kgbert. The first station at Omaha was built near the present site of the smelting THE PIONEER RAILWAY OF NEBRASKA 491 works, and B. T. C. Morgan was appointed agent, January 1, 1865. By September, 1867, the great highway had become progressive enough to announce that "on and after next Sunday" all trains, passen- ger and freight, would run on Sundays the same as week days. On the 20th of May, 1868, it was announced through the Herald that passenger fare had been reduced from ten cents to seven and one-half cents a mile. By this change the fare to Cheyenne, which had been $51.50 became $38.50. .\mong the earHest local officials of the Union Pacific railroad after its formal inaugu- ration were : Webster Snyder, general super- intendent, soon followed by Samuel B. Reed, and later by C. G. Hammond; H. M. Hoxie, assistant superintendent ; J. H. Congdon, gen- eral manager; S. H. H. Clark, general freight agent ; Thomas L. Kimball, general passenger and ticket agent; T. E. Sickles, chief engi- neer ; and William Huff, master mechanic. The latter was succeeded by Robert McCon- nell, April 1, 1867. PASSENGER TARIFF OF UNION PACIFIC R R. July 16, 1866. DIST4SCE FROM DMIIA OMilA 12!^ $1 25 PIPILUON 28 K 2 86 S 1 65 KLKHORN 46 H 4 65 3 40 S 1 75 FREMOm 6]X 6 15 4 90 3 25 S 1 50 NORTH BENU 91."* 7 55 9 15 6 36 4 65 2 90 Si 45 SEEll CREK 7 90 6 25 4 50 3 00 $1 55 coinuBus SI 80 109 10 90 9 70 8 00 6 25 4 80 3 35 SILVER ORl 1 131 M 13 10 11 96 10 25 8 50 7 00 5 60 4 00 S2 25 4 46 LODE TREE 1 lb3% 15 35 14 16 12 45 10 7(1 9 20 7 80 6 20 S2 20 GRAND ISl'I m'A WOOli RIVR 190 KEARNEY | Omaha, July 16, 1866. Sam'l B. Reed, General Superintendent. 1 Joseph Nichols, History Union Pacific Railzvay. CHAPTER XXII Schools, Colleges, and Universities. CREIGHTON UNIVERSITY. The his- tory of this college may be briefly out- lined as follows: A4r. Edward Creighton, after whom the college is named, had proposed in life to form a free institution of learning, but died intestate on November 5, 1874, before making provisions for the fulfillment of his project. His wife, Mrs. Alary Lucretia Creighton, inheriting both his fortune and his noble purpose, determined to carry out her husband's wish, but did not live to behold its realization. Her death occurred on January 23, 1876. In her last will and testament, dated September 23, 1875, she made, among others, the following bequest : Item: I will and bequeath unto my said executors the further sum of one hundred thousand dollars to be by them received, held, kept, invested and reinvested in like manner, but upon the trusts nevertheless and to and for the uses, intents and purposes hereinafter expressed and declared of and concerning the same, that is to say, to purchase the site for a school in the city of Omaha, . . . and erect proper buildings thereon for a school of the class and grade of a College, expending in the ])urchase of said site and the building of said buildings, and in and about the same, not to exceeed one-half of said sum, and to invest the remainder in securities, the interest of which shall be applied to the support and maintenance : and the principal shall be kept forever inviolate. . . Acting on this bequest, the executors, Messrs. John A. Creighton, James Creighton, and Herman Kountze, purchased the present site and proceeded to erect what is now called the main building. The entire property and securities were duly conveyed by the executors to the Rt. Rev. James (3'Connor, D.D., bishop of Omaha, July 1, 1878. Under and in pursuance of "An act of the legislature of the State of Nebraska (Febru- ary 27, 1879) to provide for the incorporation of universities under certain circumstances," Rt. Rev. James O'Connor, D.D., vested the entire property and securities of Creighton College in a corporation, designating the legal title of said corporation to be Creighton Uni- versity, and appointing five members of the Society of Jesus to constitute the board of trustees. Creighton University was thus in- corporated on August 14, 1879. By deed of trust executed on December 4, 1879, the Rt. Rev. James O'Connor, D.D., conveyed all the property and' securities of Creighton College to the above-mentioned cor- ]wration, Creighton University. By this con- veyance the entire trust passed from the Rt. Hew Bishop ami his successors to Creighton University and its successors, the trust to be held and administered upon the same terms and conditions and for the same purposes, for and under which it was originally bequeathed 1)\- Mrs. Mary Lucretia Creighton. The posi- tion, therefore, of Creighton University rela- tive to Creighton College, its property, and securities, as derived from the bequest of Mrs. Creighton, is that of trustee for Creighton College. The funds invested for the support of the college had been increased from the division of the residue of the estate of Mrs. Mary Lucretia Creighton, so that when Creighton University accepted the trust, the endowment fluid amounted to about $147, .^00. The main building was begun in 1877 and completed in 1878. It is built of brick trimmed with limestone. There are three stories and a basement, with a frontage of 56 and depth of 126 feet, 'i'he facade is surmounted by a tower 110 feet high. This C(JTNER UNIVERSITY 493 building is at present devoted entirely to col- lege purposes. The library, which had only 1.000 \olumes in 1899, now contains about 17,000 volumes, among which are many works of considerable antiquity and value. It is a free library. In 1883, the scientific department of Creighton College was established and richly furnished by John A. Creighton with a com- plete chemical, physical, and astronomical out- fit. The astronomical observatory received its full development in 1S86, when the present observatory was erected on the brow of the hill north of the. college. The cost of its Mrs. M.\ry Ll'creti.\ Creighton erection was largely borne by John A. Creigh- ton and John A. McShane. In 1892 John A. Creighton signified his willingness to found the medical department of Creighton University. To carry out his idea, the board of trustees held a meetinng May 3, 1892. and unanimously resolved to establish the "John A. Creighton Medical College" as a department of the university. This action was taken in virtue of an act of the legislature, passed February 27, 1879, giving the univer- sity authorities power to "erect within and as departments of said institution, schools and colleges of the arts, sciences, and professions, as to them may seem proper." The Edward Creighton Institute, 66 by 126 feet, four stories and basement, located on Eighteenth street, opposite the city hall, is the latest addition to the university buildings. It is intended to form a permanent home for the departments of law and dentistry, which were opened in 1905. It also gives temporary ac- commodation to a school of pharmacy, now in operation. The Omaha law library is located in this building. During the last few years of his life John A. Creighton added considerably to the en- Mrs. S.\r.\h Emii.y Creighton dowment fund of the university, and in his will made substantial provision for its per- manent endowment. CoTNER University. At the annual state convention of the Nebraska Christian Mis- sionary society in 1887 a resolution was passed authorizing a committee composed of J. Z. Briscoe, E. T. Gadd, Porter Hedge, W. P. Aylsworth. G. E. Bigelow, J. B. Johnson, and W. W. West to "receive and accept proposi- tions" looking toward the incorporation of a Christian university. This committee ac- cepted donations of land aggregating 321 acres, lying northeast of Lincoln, and on Feb- ruary 14. 1888, articles of incorporation of 494 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA the Nebraska Cliristian Educational Board were filed. The construction of a suitable building was begun which was finally com- pleted in April. 1S90, and fully paid for. This structure is a handsome and entirely modern building of Milwaukee pressed brick, and overlooks the city of Lincoln from a beautiful campus of twenty acres well set to trees, about four miles northeast of the postoffice. School was opened in the fall of 1889, in a private house with William I'. Aylsworth as its acting president. In 1890 D. R. Dungan was called to the presidency and served for six years During this time the financial distress that Wii.i.iAM Princk Aylsworth came upon the country, crushing banks and business interests of all kinds, met the young institution in its first years and well-nigh ended its career. Its assets, in common with those of the business world, shrank in value, and notes accepted for the deferred payment on lots sold, the proceeds of which were used to construct and fit out the building, were de- faulted in large amounts and came back for payment. The lots had so shrunk in value that in many instances not one-tenth of the purchase price could be realized on them. A mortgage on the building, campus, and dormi- tory was given for funds to meet these de- mands. Times grew worse. Men were fail- ing in business everywhere. Courage and confidence were at the lowest ebb. It came to be practically every man for himself. The mortgage was foreclosed and the property jjassed into the hands of a trustee for the creditors. But in spite of these adverse con- ditions the school never failed to hold full year's sessions. In 1896 Mr. Dungan resigned and W. P. Aylsworth was chosen as chancel- lor. John W. Hilton, a graduate of the school, was called to be its financial agent in 1898 and sent into the field to raise a fund to redeem the property. After two years of labor and through the great generosity of the creditors in scaling down the original debt very largely, the university building, campus, and dormitory were deeded to the "Nebraska Christian University," an incorporation form- ed February 11, 1901, and representing the Disciples of Christ in Nebraska, thus secur- ing to the brotherhood of the state this handsome property, valued at over $137,000. The university has two colleges, liberal arts and medicine. It has also an academy, normal school, business school, school of eloquence, school of music, and school of art. The col- lege of liberal arts ofl:'ers four courses : Classi- cal, sacred literature, philosophical, and nor- mal philosophical. The medical college is situated in the city of Lincoln and is known as Lincoln Medical College. This school was opened September 15, 1890, in the university building, with Dr. \V. S. Latta as dean. It has a four-years course and confers the degree of M.D., its diplomas being recognized by state boards of health. Dr. Frank L. Wilmeth is the presi- dent. William P. Aylsworth, LL.D., was the chancellor of the university for about fifteen years and has been at the head of the sacred literature department from the opening day, November 1, 1889. Dr. James A. Beattie was for many years connected with the institution. The work of the school is growing steadily and its influence is widespread. Its alumni may be found in jirominent fields of labor in business. DOANE COLLEGE 495 education, and religion. Some of its gradu- : -es are in foreign fields as missionaries. At the annual meeting of the trustees • in June, 1910, Dr. W. P. Aylsworth resigned the chancellorship but retained his place and work at the head of the department of sacred liter- ature. In July of the same year the trustees elected William Oschger, A.M., pastor of the Christian church of Vincennes, Indiana, to fill the office of chancellor. Mr. Oschger continued in office until June, 1916. The trustees elected Charles Watt Erickson, M.S., of Detroit, Michigan, a graduate of Washing- ton and Jeliferson College, to fill the place made vacant by the retirement of Mr. Oschger. At the close of the college year in June, 1917, ^Ir. Erickson resigned and returned to Detroit. The trustees appointed Andrew D. Harmon. A.M., acting chancellor. At the time of his appointment he was a member of the teaching staff of the university and dean of the faculty. Cotner University is one of the institutions of higher education for which the members of the Christian church are raising an endow- ment fund of $3,500,000 in connection with $2,800,000 for missionary purposes in America and foreign lands. The "Men and Millions Movement" as it is called, is to complete its work by June 1. 1918. Cotner University's share of the $3,500,000 is $225,000. This sum, with the endowment already possessed, will make a good beginning of the large svim which a growing institution of learning needs. A fund of $10,000 for each year for three years ($30,000), in addition to the regular fees and interest on the endowment and the sums which are contributed by the churches on educational Sunday, has been raised. The addition to the funds will help to carry on the work of the university while the $225,000 becomes interest bearing. DoANK CoivLEGE. One of the distinctive characteristics of Congregationalists is to build colleges and academies. Our Pilgrim fathers landed at Plymouth in 1620, and in 1636 founded Harvard college and in 1701 Yale college. Since then, with the development of the denomination, colleges and academies have been established east and west, north and south, until today the Congregational institu- tions of learning bear noble testimony to the educational genius of the Congregational churches and stand in the very forefront in the splendid educational system of the repub- lic. It is not surprising, then, that our pioneer fathers in Nebraska at the first annual meet- ing of the Congregational churches in the territor>', held in Omaha, October 30, 1857, Resolved. That we deem it expedient to take measures to lay the foundation of a literary institution of a high order in Nebraska. Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to take into consideration the loca- tion of the literary institution. Voted, That this committee view locations, receive propositions, and, if thought expedient, call a special meeting of the association. In accordance with these instructions the Nebraska University, located at Fontenelle, February, 1855, and commonly referred to as the "Fontenelle school," was transferred to the Congregationalists, January, 1858. A tract of 112 acres was set apart for the school, al- most ideal in the lay of the land, and the early prospects of the school were bright, but subsequent disappointments many. Fontenelle had an ambition to secure the county seat and also the capital of the new state. The building of railroads and the push of settlements west and south of Fontenelle sealed its fate as a school center and as a town. Fremont secured the county seat and Fontenelle was set in another county, Lincoln was awarded its hoped-for capitol, Crete its college, and the open fields its once ambitious town. The Fontenelle school never reached a secure footing. When the state capital was located at Lincoln and the trend of immigra- tion went that way, it became evident that the Congregational college must have a more cen- tral location. The result was that the school at Fontenelle was abandoned, and a new col- lege was organized at Crete by vote of the general association, June, 1872, and was duly incorporated July 11, 1872. An academy had been located at Crete the preceding year — incorporated as Crete Academy, May 22, 1871, — and this doubtless had no little to do with the location of the new college. No name was attached to the college when it was located, but in virtue of the generous 496 HISTORY OF XEHRASKA aid, active cooperation, and splendid qualities of manhood of Thomas Doane, chief engi- neer and superintendent of the Burlington & Missouri River railroad in Nebraska, the college corporation wrote his name in the arti- cles of incorporation, and the institution was called Doane College. In classical and literary work it has for years stood among the best colleges in the land, and in scientific research and instruction Doane College has achieved splendid results considering its meager equipment. There are now in the college ten pro- fessors and twelve instructors. The chairs Presihen'T David B. Perry are mental philosophy and history, economics and ethics, ancient languages and principal of the academy, Greek and Latin, English litera- ture and history of art, German, French, and elocution, chemistry, physics and astronomy, biology, mathematics, and biblical literature. In addition to these there is a fine music school and a successful commercial depart- ment. Much attention also is given to peda- gogy, and excellent work is being done along this line, the course in pedagogy leading to a state teacher's certificate. The college has had a healthy growth from its beginning in 1872. The first year there were fifteen stu- dents and one teacher, Mr. Perry himself; the second year forty students and two teachers ; the third year sixty students and three teach- ers. It now has an annnual attendance of about 250 students. The college is governed by a self -perpetu- ating board of trustees, twenty-seven in num- ber, who serve for three years but are eligible for reelection. College graduates are invited each year to nominate one or more of their number to fill vacancies on the board, and in like manner the Congregational churches of the state have the privilege to nominate one or more trustees, the object being to keep the college in close touch with its alumni and with the churches of the state. The board shall have not less than twelve nor more than twenty-seven members, its present number, and of these not less than three-fourths shall be members in good standing in Evangelical Congregational churches. The college is broad in its sympathies, non- sectarian in its methods, charitable in its deal- ings with others, and welcomes students of other denominations, and of no church lean- ings, and seeks to bring all under the influence of higher learning, based on eternal truth. The college presents three carefully pre- jjared courses of study leading to the bacca- laureate degrees in art. literature, and science. An account of the life, work, and progress of Doane College would lose much of its spirit and meaning if it did not contain more than a passing mention of David B. Perry, A.]\I., D.D., who opened the school and was its president for almost forty years. From the day of his appointment, July 20, 1(S72, to the time of his death. May 12, 1912, he was the guiding spirit and acknowledged leader. This statement does not take away anything from the foresight of the members of the board of trustees nor from the devotion of the men and women who have graced the class rooms and dignified the platform of the institution. .\t first President Perry was apjjointed to conduct the school as a tutor, then in 1873 he was made professor of Greek and Latin and next as president in fact but not in name WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY 497 until June 21, 1881. The record of the meeting of the trustees on that day says that "Professor D. B. Perry was duly elected as the unanimous choice of the trustees for President." Thus for almost forty years he served the college as its administrative officer under the titles of tutor, professor, and president. In some respects Doane College has re- flected the Puritan and New England spirit more than any other institution of higher education in Nebraska. This has been due in a large measure to the educational conceptions and character of President Perry, to the friends with means to aid the work of the college who lived in the east, and to the men and women who have made up the faculty. Not that Doane College has not possessed the western spirit for that would be a statement not true to fact, but western modified and di- rected by the classical and cultural conception of life, education, and religion of the eastern friends and helpers. President Perry when a lad attended the high school of Worcester, Massachusetts, was a student in Yale and later a graduate in Princeton and in Union Theological Seminary. During these years and in these surroundings the seeds of in- tellectual, moral, and spiritual life were plant- ed and the plants that came from these seeds were made to bear much fruit. The founda- tions of learning, the ideals of manhood, and the devotion to religious conviction did not suffer loss by being transplanted to the valley of the Blue. His ability, training, and faith- fulness were seconded by his energy, industry, and devotion during forty years and as a re- sult we see the hopes realized and the dreams come true. As is certain to be the case, where time is given for growth and development, the outstanding qualities of the presiding per- sonality become the characteristics of the in- stitution. This general principle is nowhere more acurately illustrated by a concrete ex- ample than by the college at Crete. Generous and far-seeing friends in the East made pos- sible the growth, the buildings, the equipment, and the endowment, and these things in turn determined what President Perry purposed and planned the college should be in tone and principle, and what it should stand for and accomplish as an institution of higher educa- tion. He believed in the future of Nebraska. He had an abiding faith in the ability of the college to help the state make substantial pro- gress. He had the fullest confidence in the people among whom he lived and to whom he never failed to present the need of truth, justice, and honesty, in all relations of life, and that, in the end, right and righteousness are certain to prevail. While Dr. Perry's time, thought, and ener- gies were devoted to the college he was in no sense restricted in his interests and sympathies. He was at all times in accord with the public school system of the state, with the high schools in their development, with the other colleges in their progress, with the normal schools both public and private, and with the state university. To very few men are given the opportunity to be what Dr. Perry was in the state and to do in Nebraska what he did for so long a period as that indicated by July 21, 1872, to May 12, 1912. Wesleyan University. The Methodists of Nebraska have been in hearty sympathy with all moral reforms. They were opposed to slavery in the '50s, and loyal to the government in the '60s. They have occupied an advanced position on the temperance question, and whenever the issue has been distinctly drawn, as in the contest in 1890 for a constitutional amendment, have been unanimously arrayed against the saloon. It was not till this last period that the church found it possible to enter upon its long cherished work of Christian education. It is, however, characteristic of the church that the first enterprise of any kind pro- jected was Simpson University, as far back as 1855, for which the Methodists of the ambi- tious city of Omaha secured from the legisla- ture an act of incorporation. To furnish a financial basis for the institution the Rev. Moses F. Shinn gave fifty acres of land and T. B. Cuming, acting governor, gave twenty- five. This tract of land, lying as it does just north of Cuming street, has since become very valuable, being in the heart of a fine residence portion of the city. But a disputed title, in- 498 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Jj:i^1^;j/^^^ WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY 499 voiving- long years of litigation, made it im- possible for the Methodists of Omaha to con- summate the project, and unwise for the church to 'make it its own by conference ac- tion. A year or two after this an effort was made to establish a center of learning, includ- ing a theological school, at Oreapolis, near the mouth of the Platte river. Along with other prominent business men, John Evans, M.D., was the projector. He had a few years before helped to found what is now the great Northwestern University, the city which grew up around it being named Evanston in his honor. Ke afterwards became governor of Colorado, and was one of the principal foun- ders of the Denver University. These facts are mentioned to show that this enterprise at Oreapolis was not wholly visionary, though, being premature and started in unpropitious times, it was doomed to failure. Though after this the conference frequently received offers from ambitious localities, of lands and sub- scriptions, it was usually to found a college "or a university," and the conference wisely refused to undertake to maintain an institu- tion of that grade. So it was not till the conference which met in Lincoln in October 1879, that the Methodist church of Nebraska officially began its long deferred work of Christian education by accepting a proposi- tion from York, Neb., to establish York Semi- nary. This institution, located in a thrifty section of the state, and in a town in which there never has been a saloon, opened for work January 7, 1880, under the principal- ship of Dr. Edward Thompson. The school did splendid work under the management of Professor Thompson and also during the pres- idency of Dr. R. N. McCaig, who succeeded Professor Thompson in 1885, and in the meanwhile it was raised to the rank of a col- lege. The attendance at one time reached over two hundred. In 1884, two years after its organization, the North Nebraska Conference appointed a commission with authority to establish a con- ference seminary. The commission met in De- cember and selected Central City as the place. Dr. J. B. Maxfield was elected president, and a substantial brick building erected at a cost of $10,000. The following year the school was opened with good prospects. At the fol- lowing conference the grade was changed to that of colllege, and the name changed to Ne- braska Central College. At the end of the second year Dr. Maxfield resigned on account of failing health, and the Rev. David Mar- quette was elected to the place. He, too, af- ter a year spent principally in an effort to solve the financial problem, which had already become serious, found his health so impaired as to make it necessary to relinquish the work, and the Rev. J. W. Shenk was elected. He in turn was soon succeeded by the Rev. H. A. Crane, and he by F. W. Ware. The number of students continued to increase till at one time there were 150 in attendance, but the financial conditions constantly became worse. In 1886 the Rev. Allen Bartley and others started the town of Bartley in the southwes- tern part of the state, and within the bounds of the West Nebraska Conference, and estab- lished an institution of learning with the pre- tentious title of Mallalieu University. This was the situation of Methodist educa- tional- affairs in 1886 when Bishop Fowler came to preside over the Nebraska confer- ences. With the York and Central City school within forty miles of each other, and both financially embarrassed, and the ten- dency to increase the number of struggling schools, each conference wanting to have its own high grade institution, it seemed improb- able that either would ever be able to reach the standard of a first-class institution. The bishop suggested the appointment of a com- mission composed of five members from each conference, and three from each school, and that an effort be made to unify the educational work of the church in the state by centering its efforts on one institution of high grade for the entire state. The suggestion was adopted by all the conferences. The commission as thus constituted, together with Bishops Bow- man and Warren, who had been made mem- bers, met at St. Paul church in Lincoln, on December 15, 1886. Bishops Fowler and Foss had also been made members of the commis- sion, but were unable to attend. 500 HISTORY (IF NEBRASKA The commission addressed itself at once to the delicate and difficult task of unifying the educational system, and as a result of its de- liberation what is called the "Plan of Unifica- t'on" was adopted, involving these features: (l)That there should be but one institution of college grade in the state, the location of which should be determined by a majority vjte of the commission; (2) that all other schools should be parts of, but subordinate to the central university, and should have ])er- mission to carry their course of study as far ar. the sophomore year. By a vote of the com- mission the central university was located at Lincoln, and named the Nebraska Wes- leyan University. It was located some three miles from the main part of the city and a building costing $70,000 erected. A townsite was laid out and named University Place, which has grown into a thrifty village of nearly or quite 2,500 inhabitants. Being out- side of the city limits, it maintains a separate municipal government, excluding saloons and all other haunts of vice. It is connected with the city by two electric street car lines, with service every fifteen minutes. Dr. C. F. Creighton was the first chancel- lor, serving in that capacity for six years, when he resigned and was succeeded by Dr. Isaac Crooks. After three years he resigned, and the ]>lace was left vacant with only an acting chancellor. In March, 189S, Dr. D. W. C. Huntington was elected to the vacant chancellorship, and under his administration the school has thrown otif the burden of debt, increased its attendance of students, and starts out on a new era of prosperity, the unique "plan of unification" placing back of this one school the entire 60,000 Methodists of the state as a constituency. Though by reason of debts, adverse financial conditions, and other causes, all the other schools of Methodism in the state have suspended, the Nebraska Wes- leyan, because of its favorable location, will be able, for the present at least, to do the edu- cation work for the church l)etter than it would have been done had they continued to live and ^Vesleyan had not been. Besides the income from the sale of Nave's Topical Bilile, there is a productive endowment of nearly $250,000. The conservatory of music, named the C. C. White Memorial, cost over $50,000. In the summer of 1908 Chancellor Hunting- ton resigned and retired from active work in the educational field. William J. Davidson, A.B., B.S., T.B., D.D., of Garrett Biblical Institute, was elected chancellor and profess- or of the history and philosophy of religion. Dr. Davidson held the office and professorship for two years when he resigned and returned to Garrett Institute. Clark A. Fulnier, A.M., was appointed dean of the college of liberal arts and professor of zoology in the university in 1908. When Dr. Davidson resigned Dean Fulmer was made acting chancellor and one year from that time he was made chancellor. He was, during the years of his chancellor- ship, professor of physiology and hygiene. He continued in the office of chancellor until the summer of 1917. The trustees appointed as his successor Isaac B. Schreckengast, Ph.M.. S.T.B., D.D., acting chancellor and professor of religion. Dr. Schreckengast came to the Wesleyan as vice chancellor, treasurer for the iioard of trustees, and professor of religion in 1913. The university maintains courses of study in the college of liberal arts, in the teachers college, conservatory of music, school of expression and oratory, school of art, and the summer school. Including the attendance (luring the session in the summer the institu- tion has had for several years an enrollment of eight or nine hundred students. The fac- ulty is made up of about forty able men and women. Dean Francis A. Alabaster of the college of liberal arts. Dean Bertram E. McProud of the teachers college. Professor Charles D. Rose, Elias H Wells, William G. Bishop, Abbie C. Burns. Henry H. Bagg, Clarence A. Morrow, and ( )rlin H. V'ennor have been connected with the university for years. For a shorter time other professors and teachers have worked with equal devo- tion and earnestness. There are many evi- dences of progress. Not the least of these is the Van Fleet teachers college building which was erected in 1917 at a cost of about $50,000. The debts which were contracted several years ago have been jirovided for and BELLEVUE AND HASTINGS COLLEGES 501 the university for some time has hved witliin the income. Bellevue and Hastings Colleges. The Presbyterian church has always and every- where been the friend and advocate of thorough and liberal Christian education. Many of the most useful institutions of learning in the United States have been founded and maintained by this church. Rec- ognizing the fact that leai-ning without moral character is only a larger equipment for evil, and that good education and true religion must join hands to secure the best citizen- ship, this church has ever been diligent ac- cording to her ability to provide Christian schools of all grades for her children and youth. This governing princi]jle was clearly rec- ognized by the meii who laid the foundations of the Presbyterian church in Nebraska. At the first meeting of the synod, (Jctober, 1874, the subject was introduced by the representa- tives of the church at Hastings, and was earn- estly discussed and heartily approved. But the synod was not able at that early date to take any direct action toward establishing a denominational school. But the purpose to do so was firmly cherished in the hearts of all, and only waited the opportune time for its practical dexelopment. At the end of six years of growth in churches and financial re- sources it was believed that a beginning might be made ; and at the meeting of synod, C)ctober 16, 1880, it was determined to open such a school at Bellevue. The location was decided by the generous ofifer of Mr. Henry T. Clarke, then of Belle- vue, to give 264 acres of land adjoining Belle- vue, and to erect a building on the summit of Elk Hill, which he subsequently did at a cost of $16,000. The college was opened for students in the fall of 1883 with two professors and sixteen students. The Rev. William W. Harsha, D.D., LL.D., became the first presi- dent, taking charge in 1884, and continuing till June, 1888. The Rev.'Francis S. Blayney, Ph. D., succeeded Dr. Harsha and served one year. The Rev. David R. Kerr, Ph.D., D.D., was then chosen president, and continued in this capacity from January 2, 1890, to June, 1904, when he resigned. During all these years Dr. Kerr carried a load of an.xious responsibility which would have crushed a less courageous and determined spirit ; and to him chiefly are the college and its friends indebted for the steady enlargement of its plant and work in all directions, .\fter the resignation of Dr. Kerr, the vice ])resident, the Rev. Robert M. Stevenson, D.D., became acting jjresident tnitil the election of Guy W. W'adsworth. D.D., who entered upon his duties September 1, 1903. Rkv. Rorert Lucius Wheeler, D.D. .\ leading Preslnterian minister of Nebraska The location of the college is "beautiful for situation," commanding an extended view of river and blufifs, hills and plateau, such as can rarely be seen in any part of our country. To the one building wdiich crowned the hill when Dr. Kerr began his work there have been added five others, used for president's house and dormitories, and all well adapted to tho pur- poses of their erection. The library contains 4,500 books and 3,000 pamphlets; and 110 pa- pers, magazines, and other periodicals are regu- larly received. The laboratories are well ec|uii)ped for the work of that department. 502 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA .\tliletic fields and gjynmasium provide ample accommodations for healthful recreation. Thf: Kible is taught regularly and systematically, and ii fundamental in the whole course of in- struction. Young men's and young women's Christian associations and literary societies are maintained. It is the constant aim of the faculty to attain a high standard of instruc- tion and scholarship and at the same time to cultivate and develop the moral and spiritual side of the student life. The attendance has steadily increased till the present year, which shows an enrolment of ISO. The material resources, including lands, buildings, library, and apparatus, aggregate about $120,000. 1916, a period of two and one half years. In August, 1916, Dr. David R. Kerr returned to the presidency of the college under the urgency of the trustees and friends of the institution. The buildings of the college at this period in the history — March, 1918 — are seven; Administration and class rooms, gymnasium, president's house, and four dormitories. The library contains a little over 7000 volumes. The people of Hastings, who had taken the initiative in the matter of Christian educa- tion at the first meeting of the synod, felt that they must have an institution of their own, being so far distant from Bellevue, and 'iKLLEvTE College The successor of Dr. Kerr as president of . Bellevue College was Dr. Wadsworth, who continued in office until the summer of 1908. The college authorities elected Stephen S. Stookey, A.M., LL.D. He came to the posi- tion in the college well acquainted with the work, as he had been dean of Coe College, Iowa. He served until January 1, 1914. During his administration the Synod of Ne- braska decided that Bellevue College should be an independent institution approved by the Presbyterian church. During the same period Bellevue College gave up the charter as the University of Omaha under the expectation of being included in the new charter for the University of Omaha. Dr. Stooky retired from the presidency in the middle of the col- lege year, 1913-1914. Professor William E. Nicholl, an alumnus of the college, dean of the faculty and head of the department of educa- tion, was made acting president. Dean Nicholl served most acceptably imtil July, having so .large a territory that would natu- rally be tributary to them. Hence the Presby- tery of Kearney, covering at that time all the western portion of the state, on September 2, 1881, took steps toward organizing a presbyterial academy at Hastings. At the next meeting of the synod this action was approved, and the coming institution com- mended to the confidence and support of the churches. The first board of trustees incorporated the institution as Hastings College, May 10, 1882. and secured an initial subscription of $10,000. The educational work began September 13, 1882, and has contiiuied without interruption to the present lime. President Ringland resigned in 1895 and Professor W. N. Filson was acting president until 1896. He was succeeded by S. G. Patterson who served as president until 1902. Again Professor Filson was called on and continued in office until Tune, 1903, when E. THE OMAHA SEMINARY 503 Van Dyke Wight, D.D., became president. Dr. Wight was president for five years. When he resigned the trustees elected President A. E. Turner, LL.D., who resigned in February, 1912, to take up work in Philadelphia. In June of the same year the trustees elected R. B. Crone, Ph.B., of Iowa. President Crone came to the college and Nebraska with a reputation for good school work and with well defined educational ideas. This reputa- tion he had earned by fifteen years of earnest and successful work as superintendent of schools in the state from which he came. McCormick hall, which was completed in 1884, and Ringland hall in 1885, have been followed by Alexander hall in 1907 — a dor- mitor}' for young women — by Carnegie library and science building in 1909, and by Johnson gymnasium and domestic science hall. Hastings College has gained and holds a high place among the colleges of the country. The college has graduated 198 students with the regular bachelor's degree. There has been an increased enrollment especially during the last four years. The interest-bearing endow- ment is now more than $200,000. The plans of President Crone, the purpose of the trustees, and the efiforts of friends are to in- crease greatly the funds and equipment of the college to the end that the institution may minister to larger and larger numbers of young men and women who seek and who need college education. The Omah.\ Seminary. The plan to estab- lish a theological seminary in Omaha was in- dorsed by the General Assembly of the Pres- byterian church at a meeting held in Detroit in 1891. The seminary was incorporated in February. 1891, by representatives of the synod of Nebraska, Kansas, South Dakota, Iowa, and Missouri. The directors secured the use of the Second Presbyterian Church building in Omaha, and the work of the sem- inary was begun in September, 1891. Later, the board of directors decided that the school was too far from the city and the business and educational interests of Omaha, and a new site was sought and secured. The Cozzens House, at the corner of Ninth and Harney streets, was jnirchased by Mrs. William Thaw of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and Thomas McDougall of Cincinnati, Ohio, and presented to the seminary. In 1903 the seminary erected a $50,000 brick building on two blocks of ground lying adjacent to the Florence boule- vard and Spencer street in Omaha. This is an attractive and valuable site in North Oma- ha and is a property of which the church and' all the city can well be proud. The building is well equipped for use as a modern theo- logical seminary and annually sends forth a class of young men fitly qualified to make the world better for their part in it. Charles Vanderburgh of Minneapolis, Min- nesota, left a legacy to the seminary. The money was expended in the erection of what is known as the "Vanderburgh House." It is used as the residence of the teaching staft'. The institution stands for "The faith once delivered to the saints." The purpose of the seminary is to ground the students in the teachings of Christ and to cause them to do faithful and skilful work in the fields to which they are called. Fitness for the sacred work of the ministry and qualifications for the life and service of today are constantly kept before the students. The object of the in- stitution is set forth thus in the constitution of the Presbyterian church in the United States of America : "The object of the Seminary shall be to instruct candidates for the Gospel ministry in the knowledge of the Word of God contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, the only supreme and infallible rule of faith and life, and of the doctrine, orders and institutes of worship taught in the Scripture and summarily ex- hibited in the Constitution of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America ; to cherish in them by all the means of divine ap- pointment, the life of true godliness; to cul- tivate in them the true gifts which Christ the Head of the Church, by His Spirit, confers upon those whom He calls to the ministry ; and to impart to them, so far as may be, the various learnings by which they may be fur- nished for the work ; to the end that there may he trained up a succession of able, faith- ful and godly ministers of the Divine Word." The first facultv consisted of the Rev. 504 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA William A. llarsha, D.D., LL.D., professor of diction and polemic theology ; the Rev. Stephen Philps, D.D., professor of ecclesiasti- cal, homiletical and pastoral theology ; the Rev. John Gordon, D.D., professor of ecclesi- astical history ; the Rev. Matthew B. Lowrie, D.D., professor of New Testament literature and exegesis, and the Rev. Charles G. Ster- ling, Ph.D., professor of Hebrew, with the Rev. Thomas L. Sextion, D.D., as lecturer on home missions. The Rev. Matthew B. Lowrie, D.D., was elected president of the seminary in 1899, and was succeeded by the Rev. A. B. Mar- shall, D.D., in 1910. The faculty for the college year 1917-1918 is as follows : the Rev. Albert B. Marshall, D.D., president and professor of homiletics and pastoral theology ; the Rev. Joseph L. Lamp, Ph.D., D.D., professor emeritus of Hebrew, Old Testament literature and exe- gesis; the Rev. Frank H. Riggley, Ph.D., pro- fessor of Hebrew, Old Testament literature and exegesis ; the Rev. Daniel E. Jenkins. Ph.D., D.D., dean and professor of diction and polemic theology; the Rev. Charles .\. Mit- chell, Ph.D., D.D., professor of New Testa- ment literature and exegesis ; the Rev. Charles Herron, D.D., ])rofessor of ecclesiastical history and missions. Special lectures are given this year by Pro- fessor J. M. Coleman of Bloomington, Indi- ana, on studies in Christian socialism ; the Rev. Henry C. Mabie, D.D., of Boston, on the significance of the cross and foreign mis- sions : and the Rev. W. S. Marquis, D.D.. of Chicago, on the Presbyterian United Move- ment. Gr.\nd Isl.\nd College. Grand Island Col- lege is under the auspices of the Baptists of Nebraska. At their first state convention in 1867, with not more than half a dozen feeble churches of their faith in existence, the Ne- braska Baptists passed a resolution looking toward the establishment of an institution of learning. They wanted a school that would train recruits for the evangelization of the world ; where their young people, while pre- paring themselves for all forms of honorable service, would be educated in intelligent sym- |)athy with their denominational life and work. In 1884, an education society was formed to Dring about the establishment of a college under conditions that would augur success. This society became the delegated body of the whole denomination in the state. When the juirpose of the society to found a college be- came known, six cities competed for the lo- cation of the new school. The offer of Grand Island was considered the most substantial and desirable. The gift of this city was a campus of ten acres, two buildings, and several acres of city property, the whole gift being ap- praised at $60,000. This college property passed from the hands of the local building committee to the Nebraska Baptist Education Society, then to the American Baptist Edu- cation Society ; thence to the trustees of Grand Island College. The articles of incorporation provide that the trustees shall be twenty-one in number ; that the board of trustees shall be a self per- petuating body ; that two-thirds of the trustees must be members of regular Baptist churches; that the president of the college, also, must be a Baptist. Aside from the provisions made with reference to the denominational relations of trustees and president, there are no re- strictions made nor questions asked in regard to the denominational affiliations of teachers or students. In ( )ctober, 1892, Grand Island College opened as an academy under the presidency of Professor A. M. Wilson. Four instructors assisted the president. The first year was a disap])ointing one. It was generally expected by the denomination in the state, that the col- lege buildings would be thronged with stu- dents the opening day. The school opened with thirty-two students in attendance. The enrollment increased to fifty during the year. The American Baptist Education Society, which represented in part the generosity of John D. Rockefeller, offered $5,000 to the new college on condition that $15,000 more should be raised in Nebraska by January 1, 1894. It was stipulated that $10,000 of the total sum might be used for current expenses. ^\t the close of the school year about $6,000 of the $15,000 had been subscribed. Then the GRAND ISLAND COLLEGE 505 financial secretary resigned in discourage- ment. Otliers connected witli the college tried to complete the canvass for funds, but without success. The teachers were not paid ; they found other places for service for the year ensuing ; the president resigned ; the stu- dents scattered, not expecting to return. In 1893 Professor George Sutherland, of Ottawa University, was .called to the presi- dency and continued in this office for eighteen years. At the time of his coming the panic of 1893 was in full blast. The college owed $6,000, with some of the creditors clamoring for their money. The new president secured a new faculty ; the school was changed from an academy to a college. The college opened with forty students in attendance ; twenty-five additional students enrolled during the year. The most important thing attempted was the completion of the endowment effort. Of the $9,000 needed to complete the $15,000, $6,000 was pledged in one evening at a Baptist state convention in Lincoln. With the enthusiasm generated by this success, it was not difficult to raise the remaining $3,000. Little of the amount raised at this time could, by the terms of Mr. Rockefeller's offer, be used for cur- rent expenses. The most of it was set aside to become the nucleus of an adequate endow- ment. In scoring this success the college made the record of being the only college in the United States and Canada, working at that time under an offer of the American Baptist Education Society, that raised what it set out to raise within the stipulated time. Every other college thus working asked for an ex- tension of time. In 1896 another effort was made to increase the endowment. During the summer of 1895 the president visited many cities, in many states, and concluded that the east would again help the institution if its needs were strongly presented. At the close of his in- vestigations he called on the secretary of the Education Society and the private secretary of Mr. Rockefeller, and received from them as- surance of assistance. The college thereupon received a grant of $7,500, conditioned on its raising the supplementary sum of $17,875. To assist in securing this amount the Rev. Dr. A. S. Merrifield was employed as financial sec- retary. Dr. Merrifield was indeed an apostle of Christian education. He solicited for the college for eleven years and raised altogether, for all purposes, generally in small amounts, over $100,000. He and the president working together succeeded in raising the amount necessary to secure Mr. Rockefeller's benefac- tion together with other important gifts for current expenses and equipment. .\nother campaign for endowment was made in 1900. The amount sought was $35,000. The American Baptist Education Society, among its last gifts before going into com- mission, pledged $10,000 on condition that the supplementary sum of $25,000 should be rais- ed in Nebraska. The campaign for this sum was largely in the hands of Dr. Merrifield. Excepting the city of Grand Island he can- vassed the whole state and secured $15,000. Grand Island alone contributed $11,000. If there had been no shrinkage in the pledges made during the four campaigns, the endow- ment in 1901 would have reached $70,000. During these trying years several gentle- men of means became interested in the in- stitution, chiefly on account of its successful struggles to maintain an existence. Mr. J. \''. Hinchman of Iowa bequeathed $10,000 for endowment and instructed his executor to pay this sum to the college at his death or as soon thereafter as all the college debts were paid. To assist in paying these debts, which now amounted to $15,000, Mr. L. B. Merri- field, of Illinois, pledged $10,000. On receipt of this gift the bequest of Mr. Hinchman was secured. Struck with admiration for the in- stitution that could live and thrieve during the strenuous years between 1892 and 1901, Mr. John A. T. Hibbs, of Omaha, gave the college cash, bonds. United States certificates, and well located Lincoln lots to the amount of $15,000. The generosity of Mr. Hibbs made possible the construction of Hibbs Hall. Other men of means in Nebraska and elsewhere have made Grand Island College a beneficiary in their wills. If these wills, which are not probated, shall yield a percentage equal to those that have already been probated, the 506 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA future of the college will be very bright indeed. Up to June 6, 1911, 2,234 different students were enrolled in the institution and are credited to the following departments : col- lege, 233 ; academy, 697 ; normal, 247 ; com- mercial, 269; music, 750; art, 49. How long each of these students remained in school would be difficult to compute. Un the aver- age 117 new students enrolled each year. Ex- cluding music students, the yearly enrollment of college students has been about 175. In- cluding music students about 225 have at- tended the various departments of the col- lege. The conservatory of music attracts large numbers, but it does not seem to be vitally connected with the rest of the school and its increase does not greatlv increase the prosperity of the college. After the resignation of Dr. Sutherland on June 10, 1911, Dr. L. A. Garrison, A.M., D.D., became president. For the five years j)re\ious to his coming to Grand Island Col- lege he had been president of Central Uni- versity at Fella, Iowa. He continued with the college two years. During his ])residency the foundations of a gymnasium were laid. Dr. Garrison's successor was the Rev. G. W. Taft, D.D. He came from the pastorate of the Baptist church at Hastings to the educa- tional work of the college. He employed many of the methods of a successful pastor in his administration of the affairs of the col- lege and succeeded in making many personal friends. After three years he retired, Nov- ember 1, 1917, from the office and college. The trustees elected as his successor E. F. Jorden, D.D., Ph.D. Dr. Jorden came to the college with an enviable re]uitation as an educator and college builder. He had Ijeen president of Sioux Falls College, South Da- kota, for ten years and had done great work. His plans and leadership resulted in addition- al buildings for the institution, in a faculty of capable men and women, and in a large body of students. He is energetically devot- ing himself to Grand Island College. The friends of Dr. Jorden and the friends of the college believe a great educational work is to be accomplished. Union College. Educational work among the Seventh-day Adventists in the Mississippi valley began with the "Minnesota Conference School," at Minnneapolis, in the fall of 1888. This school was held three years in the base- ment of the Seventh-day Adventist church at the corner of Fourth avenue and Lake street. It enrolled each year over one hun- dred young men and women as students. From the first, the accommodations were too small and were otherwise unsuitable, hence a coun- cil was held at Owatonna, Minnesota, May 20, 1889, to plan for better facilities. This meeting was attended by Professor W. W. Prescott, president of Battle Creek College and educational secretary of the denomina- tion ; Pastor A. J. Breed, president of the Wisconsin conference; Pastors W. B. White and N. P. Nelson, from Dakota ; Pastors H. Grant, Allen Moon, and F. L. Mead, representing thc' Minnesota conference ; and C. C. Lewis, principal of the Minneapolis school. At this council it was recommended that the several conferences of the northwest unite in establishing and maintaining a well equijjped and centrally located school, and that a committee be appointed, consisting of two members from each conference, with power to act in the matter of building and opening such a school. The committee was called to meet again at Owatonna in July, 1889. The meeting thus appointed was not held. Before the time arrived, the idea had entirely outgrown its original form. At a meeting held at Lincoln, Nebraska, a few weeks later, a large council recommended the establishment of an educational institution of college grade which would serve all the conferences of the Mississippi valley. At the annual session of the general confer- ence held at Battle Creek, Michigan, in Octo- ber, 1889, it was decided to establish a col- lege, under the auspices of the denomination, at some point between the Mississippi river and the Rocky mountains. A committee was appointed to select a suitable location. Invitations, accompanied by promises of a substantial bonus, were received from various UNION COLLEGE 507 cities in Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, and Ne- braska. The committee spent some time in investigating these places, and considering the advantages offered. While the question ot a central location with reference to the territory from which the patronage was expected was regarded as an important one, there were other considerations also that were deemed to be weighty. The general atmosphere of the community and its attitude toward education in general are important features in deciding a question of this character. It was found that while Lincoln was comparatively a new city, it was at the front in its efiforts to ad- citizens of Lincoln and vicinity donated three hundred acres of land, three and three-fourths miles southeast of the state capitol, and the general conference association of Seventh- day Adventists gave a bond of one thousand dollars to erect, by July 1, 1911, buildings to cost not less than seventy thousand dollars. The raising of funds and the erection of the buildings were under the direction of A. R. Henry, agent and attorney-in-fact for the general conference. W. C. Sisley was the architect and superintendent of the work. Pastor J. P. Gardiner, president of the Ne- braska conference, and J. M. Morrison, one r . .<-«*■"■ _' l~ ri. 1 n^ ^ w ^ 1 ft m ^.-.^^ ,'J 0.^^' ^'Mum ^-^ UxioN College vance the well being of its citizens. Its substantial school buildings, its many and well built churches, and the fact that it was the seat of three universities already, with a prospect that this number would soon be in- creased, testified to the interest of its citizens in education and religion. These consider- ations, together with the hearty interest shown in the project by leading citizens and the offer of very substantial aid, led the commit- tee, at a meeting held at Knoxville, Iowa, June 28, 1890, to determine upon the city of Lincoln as the location of the new institution, which was afterwards named Union College. The of the first builders at College View, with others too numerous to mention, labored strenuously for the success of the enterprise. On April 10, 1890, ground was broken for the main college building, and on May 3d the first stone was laid. There were many diffi- culties in the way, but all were overcome, and the buildings were ready for dedication Sep- tember 24, 1891. On that occasion the chapel, with a seating capacity of five hundred, was filled to overflowing with citizens from Lin- coln, College View, and the surrounding coun- try. Pastor O. A. Olsen, president of the Seventh-Day Adventist general conference, 508 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA presided, and opened the exercises with prayer. Professor Wm. P. Aylsworth, of Cotner Uni- versity, conducted the scripture reading. W. S. Siley presented to the trustees the keys of the college buildings, accompanying the presentation with a history of the work of building. A. R. Henry, on the part of the trustees, received the keys and responded in an appropriate address. The chief address of the occasion was delivered by Professor W. W. Prescott, the first president of Union College. In this address he emphasized the three lead- ing features of Christian education as consist- ing of the study of God's word in the revela- tion of the Bible, the study of His works in nature, and the study of His dealings with men and nations as revealed in history. Chan- cellor James H. Canfield, of the University of Nebraska, followed with an appropriate speech of welcome, delivered in his happiest manner. The dedicatory prayer was offered by Pastor Uriah Smith, editor of the Rez'icxv and Herald. Battle Creek. Michigan, and the benediction was pronounced by Pastor W. B. White, pres- ident of the Nebraska conference. The first iioard of managers and the first faculty of Union College were as follows : Board of managers : A. R. Henry, presi- dent : W. C. Sisley, secretary ; W. B. White. 1. P. Gardiner, J. H. Morrison, A. J. Breed, W. W. Prescott. Faculty : William W. Pres- cott, president ; James W. Loughhead, prin- cipal ; Charles C. Uewis, higher English and Hebrew; E. L. Stewart, mathematics; John A. Bobbs, biblical history and literature (died the day before school opened) ; C. Walter Ir- win, Greek and Latin languages; George \. Droll, natural sciences ; Joel C. Rogers, gen- eral history ; O. A. Johnson, Scandinavian department ; Professor Severin, German de- partment ; Ida R. Rankin, preceptress ; Mrs. Cora M. Loughhead, assistant in English lan- guage; Mrs. Lydia M. Droll, assistant in Latin ; Angelia Washburn, assistant in math- ematics ; Effie M. Rankin, superintendent of domestic department; Alma J. Warren, phys- ical culture ; Lars Nelson, steward. When LTnion College was founded there were only two or three farm houses in the vicinitv, and no trees but a few locusts and cottonwoods on the campus. Now College View is a pleasant village of about seventeen hundred inhabitants, well shaded with fruit and ornamental trees. It is far enough from the city to avoid its noise and smoke and ex- citement, yet near enough to obtain its benefits. By its charter no saloon can ever be erected, nor intoxicating drinks be sold, within its limits. Electric cars run between the campus and Lincoln, thus connecting sufficiently the village with the city. The college campus consists of twenty-two acres upon elevated ground, commanding an extensive view in every direction, and over- looking the city of Lincoln. The grounds have a natural slope, thus affording perfect drainage, and are carpeted with jjlue grass and clover sod, dotted with trees, thus producing a restful and pleasing eli'ect. The main build- ing stands well forward in the midst of the campus, and is flanked by North and South halls, retiring modestly a little to the east. The main college building is NO x 140 feet, four stories in height. It is surmounted by a tower, which was furnished by the students with a two thousand pound bell. North hall is 130x68 feet, four stories in height. South hall consists of the main part, 38 feet square, with two wings, each 36x60 feet. All of these buildings are veneered with pressed brick_ and have stone ])asement and trimmings, and no pains have Ijeen sjiared to render them well ada])ted to the purpose for which they were designed. S[)ecial attention has been ])aid to the matter of heating and proper ven- tilation and to other sanitary conditions. The buildings are heated by one centrally located boiler house, a building covering about one hundred feet square, with laundry and electric light ])lant all under one roof. The class rooms of the main building are large, well lighted, and steam heated. The chapel is a beautiful room, seated with opera chairs, with accommodations for about five hundred stu- dents. In the main building, liesides chapel and class rooms, are the business office, pres- ident's office, the faculty room, laboratories, library- anfl reading room, music rooms, gvm- nasium, museum, and book store. The dor- mitory, or South ball, as it is usually called, EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN TEACHERS' SEMINARY 509 is a comfortable substantial structure, located a few rods south of the college building. The buildings are all heated with steam and lighted with electricity, and are provided with bath rooms and a perfect sewerage system, so that everythmg possible is done for the comfort and convenience of the students. Fire escapes are providing for each building, and a well- organized system of fire' protection is main- tained. The Nebraska Sanitarium stands a few rods north of the main college building. Originally, it was built as a dormitory for young men, and was called North hall ; but as academies and intermediate schools were established in the different conferences tributary to Union Col- lege, thus accommodating many of the pre- paratory students, this building was not so much needed for its original purpose, and was leased to the Nebraska Sanitarium Associa- tion in 1896, and finally sold to the same as- sociation in 1905. The entire property, as estimated by ap- praisers appointed by the state, was originally valued at $30.^,000. The college property now. since the sale of the building for sanitarium purj)oses. is valued at about $200,000. When William W. Prescott resigned the presidency Charles C. Lewis, who was pro- fessor of Hebrew and higher English, was appointed. He continued in office until the summer of 1910. WTien he resigned the trustees elected as his successor Frederick Griggs who was at the time general secretary of education for the church with headquarters in Washington, D. C. Mr. Griggs in 1914 re- tired from the college to take up again the work of secretary of the general educational board. The trustees elected Henry A. Morri- son, A.M., president. Professor Morrison was, at the time of his election to the presi- dency, a member of the faculty and head of the department of mathematics. In connec- tion with the administrative work of the col- lege I\Ir. Morrison retains the direction of the mathematical work. There has been an encouraging and substantial growth in the coL lege from year to year from the beginning of its history. The gains have been especially marked during the past four or five years. A building for the bakery business has been erected at a cost including the equipment, of $10,000. A modern dairy barn has been put up at a cost of $6,400 and a herd of especially fine cattle has been developed. For the pur- pose for which the barn was constructed it is regarded by good judges as one of the best to be found anywhere. In addition to those already mentioned, about $15,000 has been spent in repairing and improving the buildings. During the last four years there has been a gain in the number of students of about thirty- five per cent. During the lifetime of the in- stitution, which began in September, 1891, there has gone out about two hundred teachers and students as missionaries. Twenty-five of this number have gone to foreign fields with- in the last four years. The college during the last three years raised the money and paid off debts of $72,000. This effort took off a heavy burden as it placed the institution free of any debt. The president, faculty, and teachers greatly rejoice in the fact that there are no debts. And more particularly do they rejoice that this condition gives them the time and freedom to devote their thought and energy to the development of the institution. It enables them to look forward to the time when Union College shall occupy the place and possess the strength for which they have been hoping and striving from the day it was determined at Knoxville, Iowa, June 28, 1890, to establish and maintain at Lincoln, Nebraska, an insti- tution of higher education. Ev.\NGELiCAL Lutheran Teachers' Sem- inary (Normal), Seward, Nebraska. This institution was founded, 1893, by the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other states. The organization was the outcome of a demand for such a school in the west other than the one at Addison, Illi- nois. Four members of St. John's Evangelical Lutheran church of Seward. Nebraska, oft'ered twenty acres of ground and $8,000, and the college was located at this point. The donors to this fund were Herman Diers, J. F. Goehner. O. E. Bernecker, and P. Goehner. The present board of trustees is as follows : The Rev. C. H. Becker, president ; the Rev. H. Miessler, secretarv, Columbus, Nebraska ; O. 510 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA E. Bernecker, J. F. Goehner, Herman Diers, and Paul Herpolsheimer, treasurer, all of Seward, Nebraska. The members of the fac- ulty are the Rev. Prof. Weller, director ; Prof. J. A. F. Strieter ; Prof. Karl Haase, professor of music; Prof. H. B. Fehner;^the Rev. Prof. Aug. Schuelke; Prof. J. T. Link; the Rev. Prof. Paul Reuter. The growth of the school has been steady and satisfactory. From an en- rollment of fourteen the first year, the number has increased each year, until last year the number was 120. Most of these students come from Nebraska, some from Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Texas, Oklahoma, South Dako- ta, Minnesota, and Germany. The principal business of the college is the fitting of teachers for parochial schools, the course of training being about the same as in the Nebraska state normals, with the addition of religion and music. A teachers' training school is main- tained in connection with the college. The main building, lecture hall, containing six class rooms, a large (36x80 feet) assembly hall, library rooms, office, etc., is built of brick. The second building, the oldest, has a number of small and one large music room, living rooms, dormitory, lavatories, etc. A boarding hall and hospital are maintained, well equipped to care for 150 scholars. The demand for teachers is greater than the supply. Prof. George Weller, who was the first teacher of the college in 1894, is the president of the faculty. He was born January 8, 1860, in New Orleans, Louisiana. Shortly after the war was closed his parents moved to New York City and after a short time to Fort Wayne, Indiana, where the son received his training in the jjarochial school of St. Paul's Evangelical Lutheran church. At the age of fourteen years he entered Concordia college of the Missouri synod at Fort Wayne. After graduating he took a theological course at St. Louis, Missouri, in Concordia Seminary, from which he graduated in 1882 and took charge of the Lutheran church and school at Marysville, near Staplehurst, Nebraska. Here he re- mained until he was elected as first teacher of the new institution at Seward, the Lutheran Seminary. He was married in 1882 to Aliss Clara Eirich, of Nashville, Illinois. The chil- dren Ijorn to them are John, Hulda, George, Elsie, Helen, Anna, Paula, Raymond, and Al- fred. John, a graduate of the University of Nebraska, department of civil engineering, is engaged on the Panama canal. He achieved considerable fame as captain of the football team of the university in 1907. George is one 'of the teachers of St. Paul's Evangelical Lutheran parochial school at Fort Wayne, In- diana. The Rev. Carl H. Becker became president of the college board of trustees and supervisors in 1901, when he was elected president of the Nebraska district of the Missouri synod, which position he still holds. He had been vice presi- dent of the district synod since 1891 up to his election as president. The Nebraska dis- trict, one of the twenty districts of the Mis- souri synod, was organized in 1882, and elected as its first president the Rev. John Hilgendorf. Arlington Nebraska, and as sec- retary the Rev. John Meyer, Davenport, Ne- Ijraska, who is still serving in that capacity. The district synod is composed of 147 min- isters, 208 organized congregations, and 75 missions. The communicants number 23,877, and the total adherents, 42,028. There are 168 parochial schools in the district. Of these 55 are taught by parochial school teachers, the others by the ministers of the respective congregations, instructing 4,953 children. The Missouri synod has from its very beginning, in 1847, recognized the necessity of the Christian day school. As the state cannot provide it for obvious reasons, the congregations and the ])astors of this synod considered it their duty to supply what the state cannot and shall not supply accortling to Scriptures and the consti- tution. of our country. Parochial schools were taught and are taught by the clergv' of the Mis- souri synod so long as the congregation is not in position to engage a teacher for that pur- pose. Synod maintains large institutions for the exclusive purpose of furnishing well trained teachers for the parochial schools. These institutions and schools are provided for by free oft'erings and collections of the congre- gations. They are maintained not from opposi- tion to the state school. The Lutherans will- ingly pay their public school taxes as citizens YORK COLLEGE 511 who love their country and "seek the peace of the city." But they consider as most im- portant for the welfare of their children Christian education, not merely instruction in religion, but Christian training and nurture. Scripture teaches, experience verifies, and schoolmen who have grown up with and be- come renowned by their success in the state school work, testify to the fact that the edu- cation of children, not brought up in the nur- Lutheran seminary. It is the only one of its kind in Nebraska. The denomination main- tains an orphans' home at Fremont. York College. York College, York, Ne- braska, is owned and operated by the church of the United Brethren in Christ. An eduational institution was talked of as early as the conference at Grand Island, which was in 1876, but nothing was really ac- complished till 1886, when an academy was York College ture and admonition of the Lord, is morally defective. Therefore these Lutherans main- tain the Christian day school, and 93,890 children are educated in the 2,100 parochial schools of the I\Iissouri synod, which is one of the Lutheran Synods of our country laying great stress on the Christian education of chil- dren. For this reason it maintains at an an- nual expense of thousands of dollars, among others, its institution at Seward, Nebraska, the founded at Gibbon. This school was in oper- ation for four years, C. M. Brooke, J. F. Lef- ler, and F. W. Jones following each other as principal. In 1890 the institution was located at York, a full collegiate department being added. York College has grown at a rapid rate. J. George, D.D., served as president for the first four years ; W. S. Reese, D.D., for the next three years, and he was succeeded by Wm. E. Schell, A.M., D.D. M. O. McLaughlin is at 512 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA the head of the institution at the present time. Under his administration the college has rap- idly come into the front rank among the col- leges of the state. Collegiate, academy, nor- mal, pharmacy, business, music, oratory, and art departments are maintained. The college has three good buildings. The equipments are first class in every respect. It has state rec- ognition and issues all grades of state certif- icates. Its assets will reach about $135,000. The surroundings are ideal, the advantages are second to none, and the rates are exceedingly low. Many graduates have already gone forth from its halls, and are doing a good and hon- orable part in the btisiness and professional work of the great world. The enrollment of adult students for the last year was over five hundred. When Dr. Schell resigned the presidency of the college to accept the office of educational secretary for the denomination the board of trustees elected as his successor M. O. McLaughlin of Omaha. President McLaughlin was at the time of his election the minister of the United Brethren church in that city. The work in all departments of the college has continued to grow, and the repu- . tation of the institution for earnest and de- voted work has constantly increased. Presi- dent McLaughlin and those associated with him understand the demands upon the college as an institution of higher education, and they are measuring up to the demand in a masterful way. The years, as they come and go, are seeing the endowment increasing, the student body enlarging and the influence of the college extending. Nebr.\sk.\ Central Cf)LLEGE. Nebraska Central College, Central City, Nebraska, is owned, maintained, and conducted by an or- ganization of the Friends in Nebraska. The organization was made early in the year 1896. The articles of incorporation were signed Oc- tober 4, 1898. The corporate name of the or- ganization which controls the college is "The Nebraska Church and Educational Association of Friends." The purpose and scope of the or- ganization are presented in these words : "To establish and maintain at Central City, Nebraska, an educational institution for in- struction in the higher branches of learning, of such grade and character as the situation may demand and the patronage justify." The prop- erty was deeded to the Association of Friends free from obligations of all kinds. Thus the people of the church secured the property at Central City free of charges of every kind. This freedom from debt in the beginning has had much to do in determininng the financial policy of the church towards the college and, also, the policy of the institution itself. The officers and trustees of the Association of Friends were made an executive board and to this body was committed the management of the college. The doors of the institution were opened for the reception of students in Sep- tember, 1899. The college was continued un- der the management of the executive board until 1908. At this time the Nebraska Yearly Meeting of the Society of Friends was organ- ized. When this was accomplished the col- lege was placed under its care. From that date the college has represented the educational work of the Yearly Meeting. Besides the main building the college owns a boys' dor- mitory and a dormitory for girls. Besides the college courses the institution maintains an academy. Both the college and the academy are accredited to the University of Nebraska. From May, 1904, until June 1, 1917, Elie H. Parisho, Ph.B., A.M., was president. Pro- fessor Parisho resigned and the board of trustees on January 8, 1917, elected Momer J. Coppock, A.B., A.M., to the position. The institution prospered under the administration of President Parisho and the earnest, devoted work is being continued under the leadership of President Coppock. The first class was graduated in 1903, and year by year since that date the alumni have been increased. A campaign conducted by the Nebraska Yearly Meeting for funds for the college and for the church extension work was closed August 15, 1917. The net result for the college was $50,- 886.75. This is considered a good founda- tion on which to build the endowment fund. Luther College. The founding of Luther Academy at Wahoo, Nebraska, was inspired by the ideas and ideals expressed in the fol- lowing sentences : "No people that neglects the training- of the ideal side of man's nature can LUTHER COLLEGE 513 prosper. The Pilgrim Fathers of our church in the state recognized this fact, and acted ac- cordingly. As soon as a rude shanty or sod house on the plains was built they planned for a congregation and a church. In less than twenty years they were ready for the second step, an institution of higher educa- tion." So far as history makes any record, the first person to give expression to the idea that an institution of learning ought to be estab- lished was made by the Rev. J. E. Nordling. Mr. Nordling and the Rev. S. G. Larson were strolling about the part of the country where the college buildings now stand when he said to Mr. Larson ; "What a beautiful site for a school?" In the summer of 1882, the Rev. J. P. Nyquist came to the Swedish Lutheran church at Malmo. He aided in establishing Gustavus College in St. Peters, Minnesota, and was very much interested in having an in- stitution of learning of like character in Ne- braska. The need of an institution of higher learning was discussed publicly first at a mission meeting held near York, Nebraska, in November, 1882. A committee to take up the question was appointed. It consisted of the Rev. J. P. Ny- quist, C. J. E. Harterus, and E. A. Fogelstrom. After investigation and consideration of the advantages of different places the committee agreed in March, 1883, to locate the college at Wahoo. It was stipulated that $6,000 should be raised in Wahoo and $4,000 by the friends of the enterprise in the churches in Mead, Swedeburg, and Malmo. This $10,000 with the campus of ten acres where the buildings now stand, were the material beginnings of Luther College. The articles of incorpora- tion were filled March 29, 1883. Plans for the main building were accepted the first of May of that year. The corner-stone for the south wing of the building was laid July 23, 1883. The school was opened for students October 18, 1883. The roll for the first year contained the names of thirt}'-seven students. The be- ginning years were in some respects especially difficult. The Swedish churches were not many in number at that day in Nebraska and the number of persons who could contribute money to build and maintain an institution was com- paratively small. But those who had entered into this college enterprise faced the many difficulties with faith and hope, with courage and intelligence, with zeal and determination. Debts were paid, money was raised, students were found, buildings were erected, equipped, and supplied, a library was started, a reading room was arranged, and courses of study were constructed. The academy sent out the first class of graduates, nine in number, at the commence- ment. May 20, 1886. The Rev. Martin Noyd was the first president, who, with Prof. S. M. Hill, did the academic work for the first few years. As the years have come and gone new and additional courses of study and depart- ments of work have been added, the number of students has increased, the interests of the college have taken hold of the people in whose behalf the institution was established, and the circle of influence has continued to enlarge. The completion of the new building in 1903 marked an era in the history of the college and most naturally that event linked the past with the future of the institution. The dedication of the building after twenty years of life and work gave an opportunity to recount the steps that had been taken during that period. Ad- dresses were made calling up memories of the past and looking to the successes of the future. Among those who took part in the exercises were Dr. C. A. Swanson of Lindsborg, Kan- sas ; Dr. Nord, the first president of the insti- tution, and the Rev. O. J. Johnson, who was president of the college at the time of dedica- tion. The years which have followed this planting of a milestone which marks a stage in the progress in the institution have been full of hope and accomplishments. The roll of students from year to year shows a slow and at the same time a healthy and appreciable growth. The policy of the institution from the beginning has been to maintain a faculty of men and women of religious faith and character, of intellectual sight and insight, of mental ability and intelligence, of educational vision and ideals, and of moral earnestness and appreciation. These fundamental and outstanding characteristics of the college have 514 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA at no time in the history been more marked and distinctly recognized than at the present time under the presidency and leadership of the Rev. A. T. Seashore. President Seashore cultivates freedom of thought and action, guided and tempered by aspirations for the best and the highest things in life and con- duct, and inspired by the sanctions of things divine and eternal. Among the teachers who have been con- nected with the college we find Dr. S. M. Hill, who was faithful to his duties for thirty-two years. He is professor emeritus and in con- sideration of his long and devoted services re- ceives a pension. Mrs. J. H. Foldman served faithfully and endeared herself to the students by twenty-three years' continuous work. President O. J. Johnson, D.D., now president of Gustavus Adolphus College, was the admin- istrative head of Luther College for twelve years. During the last seven years the Park Association has greatly beautified the campus, giving it a very inviting appearance. The park-like appearance and conditions would be a credit to any community. At the present time the college is represented on the foreign mission fields in the continents by twenty-one persons who have been students. One who is familiar with the life and work of the college says that no one can estimate the influences for good which have l>een exerted during the thirty-four years of the history of the college. He adds that there is scarcely a corner on the earth that is not a little better because of the training men and women have received in her chapel and class-rooms. The long file of the farmers, merchants, bankers, salesmen, doc- tors, engineers, professors, teachers, artists, ministers, and missionaries is a record ot which any institution may well be proud. Luther College has been an honor to the peo- ple who have supported it, to the devoted men and women who have made up her faculty, to the city of Wahoo, and to the state of Ne- braska. University of Omaha. The college cata- logue for 1915-1916 gives the following state- ment concerning the beginning and progress of this institution of learning: "The L^ni- versity of Omaha owes its existence to a felt need for an institution of learning in Omaha. Such an institution could not well have its origin elsewhere than in the spirit of philan- throphy and devotion to civic welfare. Actu- ated by this spirit and by a conviction that the time was ripe for action, a group of rep- resentative citizens, in the early summer of 1908, organized a board of trustees and began the active promotion of the movement for the founding of a university under Christian ideals and influences but, at the same time free from ecclesiastical control. The board of trustees was incorporated on October 8th, 1908. The articles of incorporation defined the object for which the university was founded in the following terms : The object of this incorporation shall be to establish, en- dow, conduct and maintain a University for the promotion of sound learning and educa- tion, such as is usually contemplated in col- leges and universities, under such influences as will lead to the highest type of Christian character and citizenship, with the Bible as supreme authority." The university was opened for the enroll- ment of students November 14, 1909. The ground and buildings are in the city of Omaha at 3612 North Twenty-fourth street. Early in 1916 the trustees secured an option on forty acres of land as a site for the institu- tion and for new buildings. As soon as the option was secured the trus- tees began a campaign for funds with which to erect buildings. It was the purpose of the trustees to erect at first two buildings on the new site. It was planned that each building would cost about $50,000. George A. Joslin started the subscription with $25,000, and other enterprising citizens were ready to aid with equal liJierality. Before all the plans had been matured and before many steps had been taken to carry this work to a successful end the war in Europe came on and condi- tions changed. Instead of occupying the new site it was determined to contiinie the work on the campus where it was started. The groimds contain the John Jacobs gymnasium, and Joslyn hall. The gymnasium is modern and well equipped. When it is used as an BROWXELL HALL 515 auditorium aliout 1000 people can be seated. Joslyn hall houses the chapel, college offices, class rooms, laboratories, library, and art rooms. Mr. Joslyn's $25,000 was the first subscription to the building. With the fur- nishing the building cost $175,000. As soon as the war conditions will permit a campaign will be made for productive endowment. Small sums have already been- contributed for en- dowment. Also provision has already been made in the wills of some citizens to this worthy end. The Stoddard scholarship and the Spalding scholarship have become perma- nent endowments. W bile the Omaha Theo- logical Seminary has no legal or organic con- nection with the University of Omaha the two institutions work together by interchange of instruction and academic credits. The uni- versity sustains a course of study for students who expect to take the regular medical course of study and to practice the profession. There is maintained likewise a school of law. For the college years 1916-1917 the enrolment, in- cluding the students in the summer school, was 386. Among the institutions of higher education in Nebraska the University of Omaha occupies a unique position in some respects. Nearly all of its students are from the homes of Omaha people. Because of this condition some of the problems of the college are local and are to be solved by the people of the city. The university has the following depart- ments : Liberal arts and sciences, art, home economics, law, and medical preparatory. It is authorized to confer the bachelor of arts and the bachelor of science degrees, and also, the master of arts and master of science de- grees. The policy of the university has been to maintain a faculty of earnest, devoted cap- able men and women, whose lives, teachings, and influence have been pronounced for cul- ture, for scholarship, and for character. Presi- dent Daniel E. Jenkins, Ph.D., Dean Walter N. Halsey, \l.A., and Miss Selma Anderson have been with the institution from the open- ing day. Other members of the faculty for a shorter time have been equally loyal and de- voted. The growth in equipment and en- largement in every department insures a fu- ture of great usefulness. Brownell Hall. Brownell Hall, an Epis- copal boarding school for girls, was founded September 17, 1863, and is in point of con- tinuous existence the oldest school in the state. When, in 1860, the Rev. Joseph C. Talbot was consecrated bishop of the North- west, he found three parishes in Nebraska territory. One of these was at Nebraska City. On the site of old Fort Kearney, now embraced within the limits of Nebraska City, still stands the old church which awaited his ministrations. He decided to found a girls' boarding school in or near the city of Omaha. Between Omaha and Florence, about three and a half miles north of Omaha, lay Saratoga, then fraught with as many civic possibilities as its northern or southern neighbor. Numer- ous springs abounded. Why should not Saratoga become a second Saratoga Springs? In 1859 an enterprising group of men formed a company and erected (on paper) a town called Saratoga Springs. On the main street they built a hotel located at what is now Twenty- fourth street and Grand avenue. As it proved more a resort for summer than a sum- mer resort, the hotel was closed after the first season. In 1861 Bishop Talbot bought the property for $3500 for his school. As a large part of the purchase money came from Connecticut the school was named in honor of its bishop, "Brownell" Hall. The young ladies were not permitted, for fear of Indians, to visit the various springs, except in groups. The weekly Nebraskian, of Omaha, of Sep- tember 18, 1863, gives the following account of the opening of Brownell Hall : "We witnessed yesterday the opening exer- cises of Brownell Hall, the new Episcopal vSeminary, about three miles north of the city of Omaha. "The institution, we are happy to state, com- mences imder the most favorable auspices. It has an able faculty, consisting of Rev. O. C. Dake, A.M., Principal ; Miss Helen M. Lid- diard, Miss M. Louise Gillmore, assistants ; Miss Sarah J. ^liser. Music Teacher, and is we believe, upon a sound financial basis. The present buildings have thirty- four rooms and 516 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA can accommodate thirty boarders. There is every prospect that this number will be ob- tained in a few weeks." The school opened with pupils from Ne- braska City and vicinity, Bellevue, Florence, Omaha, Fontanelle, and Decatur, forty in all. Sometimes pupils came from Nebraska City by boat, and from other towns, either in private conveyances, lumber wagons, or stage coaches. Day pupils from Omaha went back and forth in an omnibus, or the "Black Maria." The Rev. O. C. Dake, rector of Trinity par- ish, in Omaha, was its first principal and rec- tor. The head teacher was Miss M. Louise Gillmore. Her young sister, Mrs. Hattie Gill- more Hough, still living in Chicago, was the first boarder. Miss Miser was the first music teacher. Miss Root the second ; Miss Helen Liddiard was matron. The first class pre- sented for confirmation consisted of Miss Ophelia Taylor, Miss Elizabeth May Davis, and Miss Elizabeth Stillman Arnold. In 1867 the Rev. Samuel Hermann, of Hartford, Con- necticut, the rector, organized a branch school for day pupils, first in the old state house, and later at "250 Dodge Street," being between Fourteenth and Fifteenth streets. The first class, consisting of Mrs. Helen In- galls Drake and Mrs. Helen Iloyt Burr, was graduated in 1868. The Omaha Herald, of July 10, 1868, says of the first commencement: A large concourse of our citizens attended the closing exercises of this popular educa- tional institute on last Friday. The proceed- ings opened with prayer, after which the opening chorus was rendered with a very har- monious and pleasing efl:'ect by the young ladies of the seminary. Next was a duet polka by the Misses Nellie Clarkson [now Mrs. Fred Davis] and Morton. Music. Mazurka, by Miss Libbie Poppleton [now Mrs. Shannon]. Song, "Something Sweet to Tell You," by little Jennie Morrison. Music, "Andes," Miss Helen Ingalls [later Mrs. Drake]. Reading of the Chimes by Miss Penfield, editress. Music, "Fra Diavola," quartet. Misses In- galls, Jordan, Poppleton and White. Reading reports and awarding of prizes. Song and duet, "In the Star Light," by the young Misses Poppleton and Sears. Music, quartet, by Misses Jordan, Ingalls and Clarkson. Bishop Talbot, having been transferred to the diocese of Indiana in 1865, the Rev. Rob- ert H. Clarkson of St. James Church, Chicago, was consecrated missionary bishop of Ne- braska and became the head of the school. Being of the opinion that the establishment of a day school in connection with the hall was advisable, and that its interests would be bet- ter subserved by removal of the institution to Omaha, it was decided to relocate. Accord- ingly, in November, 1868, Brownell Hall was incorporated. Its articles were signed by the following persons, names written large in the history of our state, and many of whose chil- dren and grand-children have been pupils of the school : Bishop Clarkson, Rev. Samuel Herman, Rev. Geo. C. Betts, R. C. Jordan, Geo. W. Doane, G. C. Monell, C. S. Chase, J. M. Woolworth, John I. Redick, Benj. Alvord, Henry W. Yates. On Monday, October 5, 1868, the school was opened in its new home on the corner of Six- teenth and Jones streets, a three-story wooden building, heated by coal stoves, lighted with coal-oil lamps, and supplied with water from a well. Here it remained until January 4, 1887. The rector resigning in February, 1869, Bishop and Mrs. Clarkson left their own com- fortable home and took under their own per- sonal supervision the conduct of the school, the bishop himself teaching and Mrs. Clark- son acting as matron and housekeeper. In 1869 Miss Elizabeth Butterfield. of Racine, Wisconsin, was retained as principal. Im- buing all about her with something of her own efficiency, nobility of character, and Christian grace, the school grew in numbers and in spiritual and educational attainment. In August, 1887, Miss Butterfield resigned and was married to the Hon. James M. Wool- worth. In 1871, Mrs. P. C. Hall, a sister of Bishop Clarkson, was principal, the Rev. George Pat- erson, secretary, and Mrs. Paterson, matron, the bishop himself being chaplain and visitor. BROWNELL HALL 517 Mrs. Hall possessed the very rare gift of in- spiring in her students a permanent interest in the subjects taught. Miss Lucinda B. Loomis, a pupil of the school, well known in Omaha and Lincoln, especially in university circles, taught for nine years. The hard times of the early seventies, the almost complete destruction of crops by grass- hoppers, the consequent inability of many stu- dents to pay their bills, would have discour- aged hearts less firm than the bishop's or Mrs. Hall's. Theirs was strength born of love and sympathy with all human kind. And if, as it is said, the voice responds most readily to the emotions, no wonder that those whom the bishop confirmed and upon whose heads he laid apostolic hands, said they could almost feel a special blessing come straight from our Heavenly Father, as they heard the bishop's wonderful voice saying, "Defend, O Lord, this Thy child with Thy Heavenly Grace ; that she may continue Thine forever; and daily in- crease in Thy Holy Spirit, more and more, until she come unto Thy everlasting kingdom. Amen." With the advent of the Rev. Robert H. Doherty. Mrs. S. H. Windsor, in 1875, and of Miss Emma Windsor, whom Dr. Doherty married, commenced a period of unprece- dented growth. Side by side they labored for twenty-two years, until 1897. Although the old building at Sixteenth and Jones streets had been added to, it became entirely inade- quate. A new building and new location were proposed. Bishop Clarkson had died in 1884, and the Rt. Rev. George Worthington suc- ceeded him. Bishop Worthington bequeathed to the Hall eighty thousand dollars for schol- arship endowment. On June 12, 1886, the corner stone of the third building was laid at Tenth and Worth- ington streets. A hymn for the occasion was written by the Rev. H. B. Burgess of Platts- mouth, a pioneer clergyman well known throughout the state. The new building, valued with its furnish- ings at $125,000, was occupied January 4, 1887. It is entirely modern, four stories in height, built of brick, with ample grounds. and very handsome. Connected with it is a gymnasium and infirmary. In 1891, under Dr. Doherty's rectorship, there were reported seventy-three boarders and fifty-nine day scholars — the high water mark in attendance up to that time. Some of Dr. Doherty's teachers remained in the school a long time. Among these were Miss W^allace, teacher of music. Miss Ethel Davenport, mathematics, Miss Kate Lyman, a Vassar graduate. In 1889, at the sugges- tion of Mrs. Windsor, an alumnae association was formed, having for its objects the promo- tion of a higher life in woman, the further- ance of the prosperity of the school, the en- couragement of girls to take advantage of the opportunities for Christian education which Brownell Hall afforded. The association has founded a scholarship fund of $3,000, the in- terest of which is used for the expenses at the Hall of a clergyman's daughter. It has pre- sented valuable additions to the library, and through its endeavors Brownell Hall has been made an accredited school to our State L'ni- versity and to women's colleges. In 1897 Dr. Doherty resigned, having in conjunction with Mrs. Doherty and Mrs. Windsor brought the school to the greatest prosperity and influence. Dr. Doherty's genial personalit)', his self-sacrificing devotion to the school, and ministrations in the remote parishes and missions of the state, will be ever held in grateful remembrance. In 1899 the Rev. Arthur L. Williams was made bishop coadjutor of Nebraska, and served until the death of Bishop Worthington in 1908. Mrs. Louise Upton of Detroit was named as principal in 1898 and after three years of efficient service was succeeded by Miss Euphan Macrae. In her regime the school prospered in point of numbers and in scholarship and, especially, a greater inter- est was awakened in college education for women. Upon Miss Macrae's resignation in 1909, Miss Edith Marsden, a college graduate, as- sumed the principalship, maintaining with an efiicient corps of teachers the honor and stand- ing of the school, whose present head is Miss Euphemia Johnson, and under whose admin- 518 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA istration the ideals, aims, and aspirations of the founders and teachers of the institution have heen constantly fostered and developed, to keep pace with the ever increasing trend of ■ education and the moral and spiritual progress of the age. The school has lived its life under four bish- ops : Talbot, Clarkson, W'orthington, and Williams, and except for their labors and those of Dr. Doherty, is almost whollv the product of women's work. State Normal School at Peru. The leg- islature which met a few weeks after Ne- braska became a state, March 1, 1867, passed the bill which authorized the State Normal School at Peru. The act was approved by the governor and became a law June 20, 1867. Like many of the schools of that day it began as a community enterprise. While the early settlers were cutting the timber fotmd on the rich lands in the valley of the Missouri, and were breaking the uplands back from the river, they were thinking and planning for the future of the community and especially for the educa- tion of their children and youth. So far as is known the earliest movement was by the ter- ritorial legislature in granting a charter in 1860 for an institution of college grade. The matter was not carried any farther at that time. The first plans after that are said to have been laid when seventeen citizens of Peru and vicinity met in a store btiilding in September, 1865, and determined to establish a school. While a building was being erected the school was conducted in the basement of a dwelling house. Dr. J. M. McKenzie, afterwards so well and so favorably known as the president of the Normal School and as state school su- perintendent, was persuaded to leave a private school at Pawnee City and take charge of the school. Among the first acts of real impor- tance which helped to determine the course of events was the purchase of the sixty acres for school purposes which are now the property of the Normal School. The grounds were bought by John Neal, Mrs. J. M. McKenzie, the Rev. ITiram Busch, and Major William Daily. The building Dr. McKenzie found and in which he and Mrs. McKenzie lived and taught, was far from ready. This did not pre- vent them from taking up the work with faith and courage, with hope and determination. It was the expectation of those who were most interested and entliusastic in the enterprise to secure aid in building the school and to gain a greater constituency in maintaining it, that it would liecome a seminary of learning under the direction of the Methodist church. The conference of the church was consulted with this in view. It was the judgment of those making up that body that the means could not be secured for such an undertaking. Colonel T. J. Majors and Alajor ^\'illiam Daily were members of the legislature. Through their leadership and the assistance of others it was agreed to take over the property and establish a State Normal School. Tlie first thought of these men was to establish at Peru the State University. The majority of the members in the legislature were controlled by the idea that the university ought to be at the capital city. When this became apparent the next thing was to take advantage of the situation and secure for the community and for the state a normal school. The effort was successful, and as already stated the act was approved June 20, 1867. The bill was both general and specific in its requirements. It provided that the Normal School should de- vote its instructions to persons who are pre- paring to teach in the ptiblic schools ; that all branches should be taught which pertain to good common school education ; that instruc- tion should be given in mechanic arts, in hus- bandry and in agricultural chemistry, in the fundamental laws of the United States, and with regard to the rights and duties of citi- zens. The bill required also that the grounds, buildings, and equipment of the Peru Semi- nary be secured by deed from the trustees to the state of Nebraska and that the grounds be devoted to the interests of the State Normal vScliool. The provision was made that the school should be under the direction of a body called the state board of education, consisting of seven members — five to be appointed by the governor, each, after the first appointments, STATE NORAIAL SCHOOLS 519 for five years, and two ex officio members — the state school superintendent and the state treasurer. The law gives the board of education full power to buy and sell and to do all other things which relate to the progress and management of the school. Some things in the act tell us how well the members of. the legislature un- derstood the enriching power of the higher studies. It says, "Lectures on chemistry, com- ]iarative anatomy, the mechanic arts, agricul- tural chemistry, and any other science or branch of literature that the board of education may direct." The bill directs that the gov- ernor shall select and set apart for the endow- ment of the Normal School twenty sections of land belonging to the state and not other- wise disposed of. The voices of history unite in saying that the Normal School has always had a capable and devoted faculty. The men and women who have presided in the class-rooms have been worthy of all praise for their scholarly attainments, for their sincere devotion, and for their worthy character. Also it is agreed that it has been peculiarly fortunate in the twelve men who in the fifty- one years have been called to the presidency. The names and periods are as follows : J. M. McKenzie, A.AL, LL.D., 1867 to 1871 ; Henry H. Straight, January, 1871, to September, 1871 : A. D. Williams, A.M., LL.D., Septem- ber, 1871. to June. 1872; General T. J. Mor- gan, A.M., Tune, 1872, to June, 1875; L. S. l"hompson, A.M., June, 1875, to June, 1877; Robert Curry, A.M., LL.D., June, 1877, to June, 1883 ; George L. Farnam, A.M.., June, 1883, to June, 1893; A. W. Norton, A.M., June, 1893, to 1896; J. A. Beattie, A.M., LL.D., June, 1896, to August, 1900; W. A. Clark, A.M., Ph.B., August, 1900, to June, 1904; J. W. Crabtree, A.M., June, 1904, to June, 1910: D. W. Hayes, A.B., A.M., June, 1910. The student body has always been made up of a superior class of young men and young women ; as a whole they have been animated with right aims and directed by true purposes. The schools and firesides of Nebraska and elsewhere as well owe much to the teachers who have gone out from the halls and asso- ciations of the Normal School at Peru. The grounds are beautiful, the buildings are good and commodious, the library and other equip- ment among the best, and the natural and ac- quired surroundings such as inspire true de- votion and honest effort. The fifty-one years of history are but a pledge and a prophecy of the good and ac- complishments of the years to come. Stati-: Normal Schooi, at Kearney. The legislature of 1903 authorized the establish- ment of the second State Normal School in Nebraska. Among the first provisions of the bill was the one which related to the location and that it should be selected by the state board of education. The act restricted the selection to a city or a town that shall be at a point west of a point not exceeding five miles east of the 98th meridian. By looking at the map of Ne- braska it will be seen that this gave the board of education the opportunity to consider places along the line across the state which is marked by Superior, Clay Center, Aurora, Fullerton, Central City, Albion, Neligh, and all other places in the state which are west of these cities. Out of the ten or more places which asked for the school and were willing to com- ply with the provisions of the act and any re- quirements the board of education might see fit to impose, Kearney was selected. The act required that the place to which the school would go must provide free of cost to the state for "the perpetual use of said school a suitable tract of land not less than twenty acres in extent," said land to be worth at least $75 per acre. The legislature appropriated $50,000 for the purpose of putting the act into eff'ect. The first building erected was the center wing of the main building. It was completed December 20, 1905. To this additions have been made. One of these is a very beautiful auditorium which was completed in May, 1917. The legislature of 1905 appropriated $15,000 for equipment and for current expenses. Su- perintendent A. O. Thomas of the schools of Kearney was elected president. Dr. Thomas and the board of education selected an able body of men and women for a faculty. The 520 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA school was opened in June, 1905. As the building was not ready for use at the time of the opening and during this summer session, use was made of the building belonging to the Kearney high school. The first regular school year began in September, 1905. The school occupied the completed parts of the building for the first part of the year. It has been said that the enrollment for the first summer ses- sion (863 different students) was the largest for the opening session of any normal school in the United States. The school has had a large field from which to draw students, and it has done everything that could be done by the president and mem- bers of the faculty to make it a worthy place in which to be in training for the profession of teaching. The library and other eqtiipment are not only adequate for the present needs, but also they are increased as rapidly as they can be used to advantage. In common with the State Normal School at Peru, Wayne, and Chadron, there is given at the close of a full four years' course above the high school the bachelor of arts degree. When Dr. Thomas left the school in the autumn of 1914, George S. Dick of the State College for Teachers in Iowa was elected president as his successor. The efficient work of the first years has been maintained by Presi- dent Dick and those associated with him. They are building worthy structure upon the foun- dation which had its beginning in June, 1905. Satte Normai, SchooIv at Wayne. The State Normal School at Wayne was organized as a private normal school in 1891 by President J. M. Pile. It was continued under his man- agement until the close of the school year, 1909-1910. It is not too much to say that the school pro.spered during the nineteen years of its history. Many young men and women look to their school days in the institution of that period and are glad they were taught and their characters formed by President and Mrs. Pile and the teachers they gathered about them. During the session of the legislatiu'e of 1909 a bill was passed appropriating $90,000, or so much thereof as might be necessary, with which to purchase the Wayne Normal College property for a State Normal School. The power to buy was vested in the state board of education. The board of education made an inspection of the buildings, grounds, and equip- ment and fixed the value and the price to be paid at $70,000. The sum of $20,000 which remained after the purchase price was paid was set aside to conduct the school from Sep- tember 1, 1910, to April 1, 191 1. The board of education elected as president U. S. Conn, who at the time was superintendent of the city schools of Columbus, Nebraska. President Conn organized a faculty of capable and de- voted men and women and the school was opened as a State Normal School in Septem- ber, 1910. From the beginning day the insti- tution has made constant and commendable progress. The property has been improved from year to year. A complete sewer and water system has been installed. The campus has been enlarged from ten to forty acres. Three modern fireproof buildings have been erected. One of these buildings is used by the library and the department of science : another contains the office of administration : and the third is used by the physical and industrial training departments. The building which contains the office of administration contains also a large assembly hall and many of the class rooms. The total amount expended by the state, not including the purchase money, is about $350,000. The country naturally trib- utary to the State Normal School at Wayne is one of the best portions of Nebraska. The school has shown appreciation of its situation and the people have taken advantage of the opportunity it has furnished. If the life and accomplishment of the years since September 1, 1910, are to be taken as a measure of that which shall be, the future is full of hope and promise. State Normai, School at Chadrox. The first work in education in addition to that fur- nished by the good school system of the city of Chadron was done by the academy which was agreed upon by an association of Congrega- tional churches in 1888. Other towns and cities in that part of the state wanted the school, as was the case when the board of edu- cation came to select a location for the State Normal School which the legislature had THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 521 authorized. But the natural advantages and the enterprise of the people were such that it went to Chadron. The academy was opened lor students in a building which the city pro- vided, in September, 1890. The first building belonging to the academy was dedicated De- cember 3, 1890, and occupied by the school the same day. This building was destroyed by fire in November, 1892, but the school went on. A dormitory for women, in which there was a dining hall for all students, was built in 1894. The principal of the academy was L. M. Oberkotter. The legislature of 1909 authorized another State Normal School, appropriating $35,000, and fixed the location within certain limits — that is, "west of the east line of the Sixth Con- gressional District and north of the 42d paral- lel of latitude in the State of Nebraska." Among the provisions enumerated by the legis- lature was that the people in the community where it is located must furnish eighty acres of land for a campus, and for such other uses as the school in its work and progress might need. The board of education began at once a build- ing and other matters relating to the school. The building erected was planned and situated so that parts could be added as they might be needed and independent buildings so placed as to give a good appearance. Mr. Joseph Sparks was elected president. At the time of his appointment he was connected with the state department of public instruction and had been the superintendent of the city schools of Aurora. He gathered about him a faculty of able men and women. The first session of the new school under the direction of the state was in the summer of 1911. President Sparks continued in office until the summer of 1916. He and those associated with him laid the foundations. They were successful in the numbers of students, in the quality of the work, and in making the school worthy of an honorable place among the institutions of like grade in the state and in that part of the countn- where it is situated. When he re- signed, the board of education elected Robert I. Elliott of Kearney. At the time of his elec- tion Mr. Elliott was a member of the faculty of the State Normal School at Kearney. Presi- dent Elliott's ability had been tested while do- ing the work of a superintendent of city schools at Wayne and Broken Bow and while holding the office of deputy state school su- perintendent. During the years which lie in between June, 1911, and the time of this writ- ing — -near the beginning of the second se- mester of the school year 1917-1918 — the school has made gratifying progress. Each year has seen the sphere of its influence en- larged. Each year has seen its equipment, its library, and its laboratories increased. The jieriod of less than seven years from the open- ing day has seen three fine buildings take their jjlace on the campus. The people in the north- west part of the state cannot fail to appreciate the fact that the board of education has been generous in appropriations and the members of the faculty have been earnest and devoted, intelligent and faithful in doing the work committed to their hands. The University of Nebraska. It is often said and it is generally accepted as true that the one controlling passion of the American people is money, money getting and money spending. The same thing is put in another form when we are told that the one outstanding fact which at once and everywhere marks the American at home and abroad is the "almighty dollar." However true these statements may be, or however distant they may be from the real life and true heart of the genuine American there is one thing even stronger in the thought and in the purpose of every intelligent, far see- ing American, and that is the desire to see the members of his household and the children of his neighbors and friends have an open door to the advantages of the primary and second- ary schools. When these two are completed he desires an unobstructed path to the best and most varied courses of study in the uni- versity. That this was the case in Nebraska to as great an extent as in any other state and to a marked degree as anywhere else is indi- cated by the action of the second state legisla- ture in establishing the University. This pas- sion for schools and education is seen to be more remarkable when we remember how young the state was in 1869, the compara- HISTORY OF NEBRASKA lively small number of people within her bor- ders, the very meager physical development of the country, the financial condition of her citi- zens, and the privations of pioneer life and conditions. The act of the legislature which established the University was approved by the governor on the 15th of February, 1869, and went into effect the same day. From that date for all these years this day, the 15th of February, has been known and observed in Universitv circles as "Charter Day." The bill contained many specifications and nearly all of them testify to the intelligent purpose and far-sightedness of the members of the legislature. Among other things the act prescribed the legal name and style by which the institution is to be known," The University of Nebraska" ; the purpose for which the University is created : the authority by which it is to be governed — "The Regents of the University of Nebraska" ; the name and number of de- partments of which the University shall con- sist ; the chairs of instruction to be estab- lished as the needs of the state increase; the campus and buildings to be located within a radius of four miles of the state house ; the governor is authorized to set apart two sec- tions of land belonging to the state as a part of the college of agriculture; the authoritv of the board of regents; the steps to be taken by those who desire to receive a diploma from the University ; the general course to be fol- lowed in organizing the institution ; that no discrimination should lie against anv person on account of "age, sex, color, or nationality" ; the way in which the funds are to be divided and used ; and the general provision for the work of the institution the legislature was call- ing into life and being. For corporate pur- poses the name of the University in law is "The Regents of the University of Nebraska." The six departments of the University in the enabling act are designated thus : A col- lege of ancient and modern literature; mathe- matics and the natural sciences; a college of agriculture; a college of law; a college of medicine ; and a college of fine arts. The act which created the university made the governor, the state school superintendent. and the chancellor ex officio members of the Ijoard of regents, and the governor the presi- dent of the board. Besides these three the board was to consist of nine members. The law of 1869 was amended from time to time, making the board to consist of six elected members. The members are chosen at the time of the general election. They are elected two at a time for a term of six years. As is often the case in vuidertakings of this kind many things are criticised and much fault is found. The passing years, however, have in a large measure justified the work of the leg- islature and the board of regents. It is to the lasting credit of the city of Lin- coln that the citizens did evervthing in their power to aid in the erection of the first build- ing and in making repairs in the foundation. The greater part of the funds which erected the first building came from the sale of lots. This sale began on June 5, 1869. It is said that 105 lots were sold the first day for about $30,000. The corner-stone of the first build- ing was laid on September, 23, 1869. After much trouble the final repairs and changes in the foundation of the building were made upon the recommendation of four architects who were called in by the board of regents. The people of Lincoln were vitally interested in all that was done. The architects made their report on June 23, 1871. To quiet the whole matter and to make the building safe beyond any question a new foundation was put under the building at a cost of $6,012. This bill was paid by the citizens of Lincoln. This was in the summer of 1877. The difficulty with the foundation was not because any one was trying to get the advan- tage of the regents, or any thing of that kind. The foundation was built out of untried ma- terial. It was in a new country where not many things had been tested. It was supposed that the sandstone when taken out and ex- ]iosed to the action of the atmosphere would harden. This in fact was true of a jiart of it but not of all. Some of it crumbled instead of hardening. The result was a wall which could not be depended upon to carry the build- ing. The fault in the foundation was not in the men who put it up. nor in the contractor,, THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 523 but because untried, untested stone was used. This is not at all strange when we remember the delay which would have been caused by an attempt to bring stone from a long distance without the railway. The University was opened for the enrol- ment of students September 6, 1871. The number enrolled at the close of the first week was about ninety. The law at that time vested in the governor the power to appoint the mem- liers of the board of regents, except the three ex officio members for which the act provided. The law provided that three should be ap- ])ointed from each judicial district. The first board of regents consisted of twelve members — nine a]:>pointed by Governor Butler ana three ex officio members. They are as follows : From the first judicial district, Robert W. Fur- nas, David R. Dungan, and John E. Elliott : from the second judicial district, Abel B. Ful- ler, the Rev. John B. Maxwell, and Champion S. Chase; from the third judicial district, Wil- liam B. Dale, F, H. Longley, and William G. < )linger. The three ex officio members were Governor David Butler, State Superintendent Samuel D. Beals, and Chancellor Allen R. Burton. At the time of the opening of the University and the inauguration of the first chancellor, the Hon. William H. James was acting govern- or and president of the board of regents. In presenting the keys to the chancellor Governor James closed a short address with these words : "You have been chosen to a high and respon- sible office, one that will be surrounded with difficulties which may require time to over- come ; and )'et I take pleasure in assuring you that the confidence which prompted your se- lection has been strengthened by our acquain- tance and association. To you belongs the duty of inaugurating our system of education; to you we entrust the enlightment of our youth — the beautifying and adorning of those most enduring monuments." In accepting the keys from the governor Chancellor Benton responded in these words : "\Vith a profound sense of the duties and re- sponsibilities to be assumed I receive from your hands those symbols of that authority which the regents have seen fit to bestow upon me. The cordial greetings of your honorable body and that of the people of the state, I re- turn with hearty thankfulness on my own be- half, and of the University faculty. It shall be our earnest endeavor to justify the confi- dence you have reposed in us while we shall continue to rely on you for your sympathy and unfailing support. Assisted then, by these skillful and experienced educators, armed with your authority and sustained by your confi- dence, and relying on the aid of Divine provi- dence, without which all our labors will be in vain, we enter hopefully on the work to which you have called us." This part of the inaugural program was fol- lowed by the more formal address in which Chancellor Benton outlined the work and policy of the institution. He concluded with these three sentences : "On this Autumn day, long to be held in memory, as the Autumn sun declines to the west, the crescent glory of a new fountain of intellectual light takes its place in the firmament of literature and science. As a ship, it begins to glide over the water, well manned, rejoicing in its bounding life, its canvas full spread, and every heart beating with joy and hope of a prosperous voyage. Speaking for the Regents, the Uni- versity, Students, and all represented in this work, I say, God bless the ship ; God bless the luiilders ; God bless the picked crew ; and not to be forgotten, God bless all the passengers." The first faculty consisted of Allen R. Ben- ton, A.M., LL.D., chancellor and professor of intellectual and moral philosophy; S. H. Manley, A.M., professor of ancient languages and literature; Henry E. Hitchcock, A.M., professor of mathematics ; O. C. Dake, profes- sor of rhetoric and English literature : Samuel Augney, A.M., professor of chemistry and natural sciences ; George E. Church, A.M.. principal of the Latin school ; and S. R. Thompson, professor of agriculture. In the beginning years only one of the six departments was opened, the college of ancient and modern literature, mathematics, and nat- ural sciences. It provided, the first year, for four courses of study — Latin, Greek, classical, and science. J. Stuart Dales from East Rochester. Ohio, who has been so long 524 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA and honorably connected as secretary of the board of regents and with the admistration of the financial affairs of the University, was graduated in 1873. He was the first person to receive a diploma and the bachelor's degree. Along with him was William H. Snell of Lin- coln, Nebraska. Mr. Snell is now in Tacoma, Washington, and is judge of the circuit court. Mr. Dales came first only because the diploma and degrees were presented in the alphabetical order of the names of the students. Independent of the money which comes to the University from appropriations by the leg- islature every two years, there are several sources from which large sums are received. By what is known as the land grant act of the United States Congress in 1862, the college of agriculture when organized in 1872 secured 90,000 acres of land. This land has been sold or leased. The college of agriculture receives the rent and the interest on certain specified work. The University came under the pro- visions of the act of Congress of 1864, and re- ceived seventy-two sections (46,080 acres) of land. The University receives the rent of the unsold part of these lands and the interest on the part sold. The rent and interest can be used for any purpose for which there may be need. The Hatch-Adams fund, as it is called, of about $30,000; the Morrell-Nelson fund of about $50,000 ; and the Smith-Lever fund of about $43,000 are sums received from the national government. The enlargement of the University began at the close of the first year, when the regents on June 25, 1872. authorized the college of agri- culture and appropriated $1,000 for equipment and improvements. From that time, as the needs of the state have appeared, there has been enlargement in all the departments of the University. The appropriations of the legislature, both for maintenance and for additional buildings, have seemed small, and yet when we remember that Nebraska in the first quarter of 1918 is only fifty-one years old, that we have com- paratively a small number of people, and that until within a few years we have not had many citizens of wealth, we can realize that on the whole the Universitv has received fair treat- ment at the hands of the representatives of the people. In 1885 the legislature appropriated $25,000 for a chemical building. In 1889 provision was made for Grant Memorial Hall, and in 1891 $37,000 was appropriated for a library building. Thus year by year buildings have been added until now there are nineteen on the city campus and at the state farm twenty- three buildings. The greater part of these are new and substantial buildings, well fitted for the purposes for which they were erected. Ten or more of these buildings have been erected by funds which arise from a special levy made by the legislature in 1913 for buildings and expansion. The University has been most fortunate in the men who have held the of^ce of chancellor. They have been men of ability and scholar- ship, of faith and courage, of honor and judg- ment, of hope and earnestness, of vision and insight, of devotion to the University and to the state, and of sympathy with the people and with the democratic spirit of Nebraska. The list is as follows : Allen R. Benton, A. M., LL.D., January 6, 1870, to June 22, 1876 ; Edmond B. Fairfield, A.M., LL.D., June 23. 1876, to 1883; Dean E. B. Hitchcock, A.M., Ph.D., acting chancellor 1883 to January 1, 1884; Irving J. Alanett, A.M., LL.D., Janu- ary 1, 1884, to June 1, 1889; Charles E. Bes- sey, A.M., Ph.D., acting chancellor January 1, 1889, to August 1, 1891 ; James H. Canfield, A.M.. LL.D., August 1, 1891, to September 1, 1895; George E. MacLean, A.M.. LL.D., September 1. 1895, to September 1. 1899; Charles E. Bessey, A.M., Ph.D., September 1, 1899, to August 1, 1900; E. Benjamin An- drews, A.M., LL.D., August 1, 1900. to Jan- uary 1, 1909; Samuel Aver>', Ph.D., LL.D., acting chancellor January 1, 1909, to ^lay 20, 1909, when he was made chancellor. The great scope and diversity of work which the University carries on are indicated by the colleges and schools which are maintained in this forty-eighth year of its activity. They are as follows : The graduate college, the col- lege of fine arts and sciences ; the teachers col- lege ; the college of engineering: the college of THE UNIVERSITY OF XEBRASK-\ 525 agriculture; the college of law; the college of medicine ; and the college of pharmacy. The graduate college includes the graduate school of education ; the college of arts and sciences includes the school of fine arts and the school of commerce; the teachers college includes a training school for those who are preparing to teach in the high schools ; the college of agriculture includes a high school of agriculture at the state farm and another at Curtis. The regents of the University have in their charge the Nebraska agricultural ex- periment station and experimental substa- tions at North Platte, \alentine, and Scotts Bluff. The regents are vested also with the disbursement of the funds which the state provides for the legislative reference bureau, the geological suney, the conservation survey, and the bureau of agricultural botany and entomology. Every year of the life and history of the University has brought to the regents and all connected with it problems peculiar to the time and the conditions. How well these prob- lems have been understood and what progress has been made in solving them are indicated in part by that which was in the first year, and that which is in the forty-eighth year of the University's life. The first year there was but one building; now, including those at the experiment stations, seven t\--eight. During the first year there were only nine members and helpers in the faculty; now, including those at the stations, nearly seven hundred. Appropriations for the first year were only a few thousand dollars ; now, they are for all purposes nearly 52.000,000. The number of students at the close of the first year was 130; now, including those at the stations and at the agricultural school, more than 5,000. CHAPTER XXIII Organizing the State Government — Removal of the Capital — Establishing Lincoln THE SESSION of the general assembly from July 4 to July 11, 1866, was the first overt act of Nebraska statehood, and from that occurrence until the first governor of the state, David Butler, formally super- seded y\lvin Saimders, the last governor ot the territory, March 27, 1867, the common- wealth Avore a mixed territorial and statehood garb. The enabling act passed by the fed- eral Congress, April 19, 1864, authorized the governor of the territor)- to proclaim an elec- tion of delegates to a constitutional convention, with such rules and regulations as he might prescribe. The election was held on the 6th of June, 1864, but since a majority of the vo- ters declared themselves against the proposi- tion for statehood, which was submitted to them at this time, the convention to form a constitution met at the designated time, July 4th, and adjourned without action. But in 1866 the territorial legislature submitted a constitu- tion which was adopted at a popular election held in accordance with a provision of the in- strument itself, on the 2d of June, 1866. By authority of the constitution, also, members of the first state legislature were elected on the same day and met on the 4th of July fol- lowing. In accordance with the supplemental enabling act, passed by Congress February 9, 1867, which imposed the condition that the legislature should formally declare that there should be no denial of the right of sufTrage on account of race or color, by the proposed state, Alvin Saunders, governor of the terri- tory, called the legislattire which had been chosen in October, 1866, to meet in special ses- sion, February 20, 1867, for the purpose of ac- cepting this condition ; but David Butler, who had been elected governor of the proposed state in Time, 1866, delivered a message to the assembly at this meeting, as if there was a real state and he was actual governor. This ses- sion began two days after the final adjourn- ment of the last session of the territorial leg- islature, and it lasted two days. Though the admission of the territory as a state was for- mally proclaimed on March 1, 1867, the terri- t(5rial governor performed the executive func- tions until he was relieved by Governor Butler, March 27th. The first official act under statehood was Turner M. Marquett's assumption of the of- fice of representative in Congress to which he had been elected, June 2, 1866, according to the terms of the constitution which was adopted by popular vote on the same day. The territorial law provided that a delegate to Congress should be chosen at the regular elec- tion held on the second Tuesday of October, 1866. On account of the hostility between President Johnson and the republican majority in Congress, it was uncertain in 1866 when the territory might become a state ; and so at the republican convention for that year it was decided that Marquett should be the candi- date at the regular fall election for delegate to Congress, and John Tafl:'e for representative in case the territory should be admitted as a state during the time in which he would be en- titled to his seat. Furthermore, the new constitution provided that returns for the election of a representa- tive in Congress should be canvassed in the same manner as those for a delegate, and the territorial law in force in 1866 required thatthe votes for delegates should be canvassed in the same manner as those for territorial officers. It seems therefore that the law pointed out that a second provisional election for repre- sentative in Congress should be held at the ORGANIZING THE STATE GOVERNMENT 527 time of the regular territorial election in Oc- tober. These explanations are pertinent, be- cause friends of Mr. Marquett have indiscreet- ly contended that he deserved great praise for not insisting, when the state was admitted so early in 1867, that he was entitled to a seat as representative for the full term of the 40th Congress by virtue of his election in June, 1866, notwithstanding his intervening accept- ance of a candidacy for the office of delegate and which at the time seemed more certain to give him a seat than to be a candidate for rep- resentative under statehood. Moreover, the enabling act provided that a representative in Congress ''may be elected on the same day a vote is taken for or against the proposed con- stitution and state government," which day was the second Tuesday in October, 1864. Therefore the election of a representative in June, 1866, was not authorized at all. In the meantime the regular election came, which the convention evidently decided was the proper time for electing a prospective repre- sentative to the 40th Congress whose term would begin March 4, 1867, whether or not such election would supersede the as yet un- recognized election of June 2, 1866. Congress might have cured the first irregularity, but by so doing' it could not have cured Marquett's bad faith if he had sought to displace Taflfe. Mr. Marquett was admitted to the house of representatives March 2, 1867, the day after Nebraska became a state. James M. Ashley, of Ohio (who moved the impeachment of An- drew Johnson), said, in making the motion for Marquett's admission, that the proclamation admitting Nebraska had been published that morning in the official organ. Ashley moved also that Marquett be paid from June 2, 1866, the day of his election. Spalding opposed on the ground that Nebraska was not a state, to which Ashley replied that having been admit- ted in the last session by the vote of Congress which was vetoed and since then having been admitted over the veto the act became effective on the 2d of June. Spalding, impatient at this logic which did not connect, said : "Make it a donation, then, and not call it the pay of a member of Congress." Ashley said also that Marquett had been elected a delegate to the incoming 40th Congress, which would give him more pay and mileage than his motion pro- posed, but the intervening admission of the state had kept him out of that. Ashley's mo- tion was defeated by a vote of 43 to 105. Dawes, of Massachusetts, moved a reconsid- eration with the view of making Marquett's term take effect December 1, 1866, the begin- ning of the session, but the motion was laid on the table, 67 to 56. On the second day of the session, and before the governor's message had been received. Senator Leach offered the following partisan, or, rather, factional resolution : Resolved, That the Senate of the Legisla- ture of the State of Nebraska heartily en- dorses the policy and acts of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in all his legit- imate and conser\'ative efforts to restore the Southern States recently in rebellion, to their legal status in the American Union, and that we pledge him our hearty and cordial support in all such efforts and against the heresies of radicalism, as advocated by Stevens and Sum- ner, whom the President himself patriotically, on the 22d day of February, A. D., 1866, de- nounced as disunionists. This endorsement of "my policy" was laid on the table by a party vote of 7 to 6. In the house, Mr. Robertson, democrat, offered a similar resolution, which was defeated by a vote of 5 to 20. Mr. Frazier then sugar- coated a friendly Johnson resolution, similar to that offered in the house, with a resolution invoking the favorable action of Congress for statehood, and it passed by a party vote of 22 to 15. Mr. Robertson, of Sarpy county, submitted a memorial to the President of the United States asking for an investigation of the al- leged official maladministration of Edward B. Taylor, superintendent of Indian affairs for the northwest, and Orsamus H. Irish, superin- tendent of Indian affairs for southern Nebras- ka ; but the house refused to adopt it by a party vote. Mr. Durant, vice president of the Union Pacaific railway company, invited the members of the legislature to go on an excursion to the end of the track — 133 miles — on Saturday July 7th. The house accepted the invitation and went : the senate declined 528 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA on the plea of pressing business, but a large part of it went too ; and, after a vain call of the house Saturday morning, there was an ad- journment until Monday. The burden of the governor's message was an argument that the territory had a right to immediate admission as a state. In 1864, when the enabling act was passed, the popula- tion was 30,000; now it was 70,000. In a few weeks the track of the Union Pacific railway would be laid 2Q0 miles west of Kear- ney. Territorial bonds were now worth ninety-seven cents on the dollar. The gov- ernor recommended the adoption of the four- teenth amendment to the constitution of the United States, and Maxwell introduced the measure in the house ; but no action was taken upon it. The second legislature, at its first and spe- cial session, February 20 and 21, 1867, per- formed no other function than to organize and formally accept the condition imposed by the federal Congress for the admission of the territory as a state. Governor Saunders (territorial governor) stated the object of the session in a message in which he said that it would have been more satisfactory to him- self, and he thought to the members, if Con- gress had referred the question to the peo- ple instead of to the legislature. On the first day of the session Mr. Doom ■of Cass county introduced a bill declaring the assent of the legislature to the condition prescribed by Congress, which was referred to a special committee composed of Doom, Hascall, and Reeves. At the afternoon ses- sion. Doom and Hascall reported in favor of the bill, and it was at once passed, before Reeves could prepare his minority report, by a vote of 7 to 3, Freeman, Reeves, and War- dell voting nay. On the next day Reeves offered his report, which the senate declined to receive. Doom moved to strike out certain passages of this report which he declared were offensive, and the motion was carried ; whereupon Reeves withdrew the report en- tirely, and Freeman, Reeves, and Wardell left the chamber in a fit of disgust, but they were afterward permitted, at the request of ]\lr. Reeves, to record their votes against the liill. J. N. H. Patrick, who had not been sworn in when the bill was passed, was ex- cluded from this arrangement. The senate bill was promptly passed in the house, under suspension of the rules, by a vote of 20 to 8, Anderson, Bates, Crawford, Dunham, Graves, Harvey, Rolfe, and Trumble voting nay. All the democratic members of the legislature but Hascall adhered to the party policy of opposing the measure. If ad- mission to statehood had been the one ques- tion at issue, their course would have been unwise ; but since the proposition involved also the question of consenting that Congress and the legislature had the power to annul by resolution a provision of the state constitu- tion, the democrats followed their plain duty, and Hascall's recreancy deserved the re- proaches it won, though it seemed to surprise no one. The third session of the general assembly, being the second session of the second legis- lature, was convened by the call of the now full-fledged governor, dated April 4, 1867, on the 16th of May of that year, for the purpose of passing such laws as the governor thTbught necessary for the new state. The most im- portant work of this session was the removal of the capital from Omaha to Lincoln, ac- complished by the passage of an act. approved June 14, 1867, which constituted the govern- or, secretary of state, and auditor a commis- sion to select a new location before July 15, 1867, within certain specified limits, as fol- lows ; the county of Seward, the south half of Butler and Saunders counties and that part of Lancaster county north of the south line of township nine, the new capital citv to be called Lincoln. A bill (S. No. 44) entitled "An act to provide for the location of the seat of government of the state of Nebraska and for the erection of public buildings there- at," was introduced in the senate, June 4th, by Mr. Presson, and its counterpart was in- troduced in the house (H. R. No. 50) by Mr. Crowe. The senate bill passed that bodv on the 10th of June; it passed the house on the 13th, and was approved by the governor on the 14th. The bill (S. No. 44) which was passed REMOVAL OF THE CAPITAL 529 originally provided that a commission consist- ing of the governor, the secretary of state, and the auditor should select, before July 15, 1867, from lands belonging to the state, with- in the counties of Lancaster, Seward, and the south half of Butler and Saunders, not less than 640 acres for a town to be named and known as "Capitol City." The commission- ers should cause the site to be surveyed and fix a minimum price on the lots of each alter- nate block, these lots to be sold at public ven- due to the highest bidder and the proceeds deposited with the state treasurer as a state building fund, out of which a capitol, "to be designed as part of a larger edifice," should be constructed at a cost not to exceed $50,000, the building to be completed before Novem- ber 1, 1868. The state university and the agricultural college, united in one institution, should be situated within the city, and a state penitentiary within or adjacent to the city. The removalists had their project firmly in hand, and the bill was pushed through with remarkably little halting or change. It v/as read the second time on the 5th of June, and on motion of Majors referred to the commit- tee of finance, ways and means, composed of Presson, Reeves, and Holden — all of the South Platte section. Hascall of Douglas county attempted to have it referred to the committee on public buildings where it really belonged, but without success, as two of the three members of this committee — Patrick and Baird — were of the North Platte. The next day Presson reported the bill back from the committee with amendments not of great importance ; June 7th the committee of the whole reported the bill for the third reading, and on the 8th it was made a special order for the 10th ; on that day Rogers's motion to extend the limits of choice to all, instead of half of the counties of Butler and Saunders was lost by a vote of 5 to 8 ; and his motion to strike out the word permanent, applying to the relocation of the capital, was defeated by a like vote. Sheldon's motion, to amend so that the location might be made anywhere within Seward county or the south half of Saunders and Butler and that portion of Lan- caster county lying north of the south line of township 9, was carried by a vote of 9 to 4, Freeman, Hascall, Patrick, and Rogers voting nay. Patrick's motion to amend section 11, so as to locate the state university and agri- cultural college at Nebraska City, was lost by a vote of 5 to 8; and the motion to locate the same institution at such place in Wash- ington county as the county commissioners might select, was defeated by a like vote. It was left to Senator Patrick, an uncom- promising democrat — called in the drastic political phrase of the day a copperhead — to move the substitution of Lincoln instead of the inexpressibly clumsy and ugly original name, Capitol City ; and the motion was car- ried without division. It was read the first time in the house on the 1 1th, the second time on the 12th. Mr. Woolworth's motion to place the state university and agricultural college at Nebraska City instead of Lincoln was defeated, 11 to 26. Griffin's motion to change the location to some place in Cass county, not particularly designated, but no more than three miles from the Missouri river, was lost by a vote of 10 to 25. The charge that there was corrupt collu- sion between the removalist members of the legislature and promoters and beneficiaries inside and outside of that body of various railway land grant schemes, was pressed with tremendous force but with little effect against removal. But the attacks along this line were effective in defeating all the land grant bills excepting that for the Air Line. Even while his home city and county were the backbone of the removal cause, Morton now began his opposition to land grants of this kind, which he persistently kept up through his life. On the day on which the successful re- moval bill was introduced in the senate, another, identical with it (H. R. No. 50), was introduced in the house ; but it was dropped after having been favorably reported from the committee on ways and means. On the 11th of June Mr. Frost of Douglas county, of the committee of ways and means, presented a minority report on this bill, in which were compressed all the objections of the anti-re- movalists. The number of commissioners was not large enough for so important a 530 HISK^RV OF NEBRASKA task, and there was danger, in particular, that the choice of a location would be too far from a railroad. "Railroads in this country are too expensive to be run in every direction, and a capital with public buildings located at any inconvenient distance from one would soon be removed." The time was too short for the selection of grounds; and, most im- portant of all the objections to the bill, it failed to submit the location to the people for approval or rejection. "The question has not been fully discussed whether the university and agricultural college should be united or should be different institutions, wholly sepa- rated in their organization. Some of the best minds prefer the one course and some the other, but no expression could be obtained during the few days of the session to elapse." There was doubtful propriety in locating all the public buildings in one place. The time was not ripe for removal of the capital. "We have the best building ever occupied by any territorial government, and consequently the best ever belonging to a new state. With a trifle spent for repairs, it will be all that would be required for years. It is located centrally so far as our thoroughfares are concerned, and much more so than the proposed site could be for many years." The same day on which these two bills were introduced, INIr. Hascall of Douglas county, introduced another ( S. No. 45) en- titled "An act to locate the Capitol, State Uni- versity, and Agricultural College." The bill provided that a commission composed of Gov- ernor Alvin Saunders and Turner M. Mar- quett should procure for the state of Nebraska an entire section of land in the valley of Salt creek within ten miles of its junction with the Platte river and at a cost of not more than $5 per acre. This land should be the site of the capitol, the state university, and the agricultural college, and reservations should also be made for buildings for an in- sane asylum, deaf and dumb institute, and for other purposes, "as the state may hereafter see fit to erect." The name of. the proposed capital was left blank in the bill. It provided that the capitol at Omaha should revert to the city of Omaha for school purposes, on payment of the cost of the site of the new city. On the 7th of June Mr. Patrick, of the com- mittee on public buildings, recommended the passage of the bill, and on the 8th yir. Pres- son, of the same committee, reported against it, holding that the location proposed in the other bill — No. 44 "will better subserve the interests of the state, in that it contem- plates a more central location for the seat of government, and fixing the same where it will enhance the value of our state lands at least three hundred per cent." On the 12th the senate, in committee of the whole, re- ported in favor of tabling the bill, and that was the end of it. The movement for the removal of the capital was almost, if not al- together, a conspiracy, and the speculative gain of the conspirators was its chief motive and impulse. If the capital commissioners were ac- quainted with the proceedings of the early territorial legislatures — and probably they were by hearsay, at least — ■ their attention had been already directed to Lancaster county and the vicinity of the salt springs as a favor- ite site of a new capital city. In the removal bill of the second legislature — 1856 — the proposed capital was to be in the immediate vicinity of the salt springs and called Chester, the name by which the principal salt basin was known. It is important to revert here to the fact that J. Sterling [Morton signed the report of the committee which favored the passage of this bill. In 1857 the capital narrowly escaped removal to a place to be called Douglas City, also in Lancaster county, but not near to the salt springs. According to a map drawn in 1856 there were two jjlaces — or rather prospective places — of that name, one situated near the point where the Burlington railroad leaves Lancaster county and enters Cass, three miles south- west of the present town of Greenwood; and the other about two miles northwest on Salt creek, near the mouth of Camp creek. These locations on the map correspond with the statement of Governor Izard in his veto of the bill : "All agree, however, that there are two towns in Lancaster county, by the name of Douglas, already made i:pon paper. To REMOVAL OF THE CAPITAL 531 which of these it is the intention of the legis- lature to remove the seat of government I am left wholly to conjecture. It might so happen and from my knowledge of the specu- lative genius of a certain class of our citizens, I think it highly probable that should the bill under consideration become a law each of these rival towns would set up a claim to the cap ital, which it might require long and tedious litigation to settle ; leaving the people of the territory in the meantime without a seat of government." A bill to remove the seat of government to the same neighborhood precipitated the riot in the next (fourth) legislature. There are extant certificates of shares in Salt City and Bedford, issued in 1856, which show that the salt basin lent the contiguous land a speculative value for townsites. Salt City was to be situated on the western border of the basin, the site comprising 640 acres. According to a prospectus contained in the certificates of shares, Bedford had hopes of becoming the county seat : "It is situated near the center of Lancaster county, contains 640 acres, or 2,200 lots, 200 of which are to be given to the county in case the county-seat is there, besides public grounds for court house, churches, and parks. The timber on Stephen's Creek and Salt Creek lies conve- nient to Bedford; and the noted Salt Spring in Lancaster county is a sure evidence that it will at no distant day be the wealthiest county in the territory." The stock of each of these townsites was divided into 200 shares, and to Daniel H. Wheeler, the prom- inent Cass county pioneer, they seemed to have more than a paper value. He paid in gold $150 for a single share of Salt City and ^100 for a share of Bedford, its rival. The suggestion or contention, often heard in recent years, that the confluence of several minor creeks was a strong secondary reason for placing the capital in the salt basin, in the expectation that the easy grades they of- fered would be a drawing invitation to con- verging railroads, must be regarded as an apologetic afterthought. The first two and ■vitalizing lines and two other distinct lines — the Chicago & Northwestern and the Rock Island — entered by the salt valley ; the two principal western lines of the Burlington sys- tem climb arduous grades to get out, and only two of the four creek -beds in question are used to any appreciable extent. Engineers of the converging systems assert that in com- parison with Alilford or Seward, for example, Lincoln is im favorably situated in this re- spect, and that to avoid the heavy grades the through freight trafific of the main lines of the Burlington should be diverted to a new track along the Blue river. The "especial advan- tage" urged by the commissioners for the site of their choosing was that it lay approxi- mately in the center of a circle with a diam- eter of 110 miles whose circumference in- tersected or passed near Omaha, Fremont, Columbus, Pawnee City, the Kansas-Ne- braska line, Nebraska City, and Plattsmouth. On the 29th of July, 1867, the commission- ers chose "Lancaster" for the site ; August 14th they made proclamation of the event, and the next day August F. Harvey and A. B. Smith began to survey the ground, which comprised 960 acres. Sale of lots at public auction, which began September 18, 1867, was characterized by questionable expedients and irregularities. It was a common practice to bid in lots and hold them for an advance without paying for them, and the commissioners in their report made the remarkable admission that they deliber- ately violated the mandate of the law thai the proceeds of the sales should be deposited in the state treasury, because they assumed that the treasurer might be as lawless as them- selves and would refuse to give up the monej for its lawful purpose^ for, being a resident of Omaha, he was personally hostile to the re- moval scheme. But whatever the sins, omissive or com- missional, of the commissioners and other founders of Lincoln, they at least exercised great courage and enterprise. The fact that the mere arbitrary and fiat beginning has so soon developed into a prosperous and most attractive city challenges admiration for the unexcelled faith, resolution, and self-denial of its pioneer citizens. Of a surety, "thy row- 532 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ers have brought thee into great waters, but has the funds raised from the sale of a section thy builders have perfected thy beauty." and a half of land, worth, three years ago, five The Brownville Advertiser of February 12, dollars an acre, to provide two other fine 1870, congratulates the state on the business buildings, and some 500 lots left for future sagacity which has produced "a state house, use." The entire sales of 1867, 1868, and ample for present purposes, completed, and 1869 brought $400,000. CHAPTER XXIV Starting the State — Scandals in the State Government — Senator Tipton Re- elected — Governor Butler's Third Election — Hitchcock United States Senator — Impeachment Proceedings THE CALL for the session of the legis- lature for providing the legal machinery necessary for operating the state organization covered thirty-one subjects of legislation, though the last was a catch-all of doubtful validity. The first fourteen specifications proposed revision or amendment of existing statutes. The eighth proposed "to abolish the distinction between actions at law and suits in equity" by supplying the omission of the last territorial revision. The eighteenth specification called for provision for the "lo- cation and disposition of such lands as are, or may be hereafter donated to the state by the general government for any purpose." The school lands had all been located except the proper sections in the half-breed Indian tract, which, it was contended, was subject to such reservation. The f)rincipal enactments of the session were as follows : The state auditor was constituted state land commissioner and he was authorized to offer for sale all school lands at an appraised value which should not be less than seven dollars an acre. The state was divided into three judicial districts, the first district comprising the counties of Rich- ardson, Nemaha, Otoe, Johnson, Pawnee, Gage, Jefferson, Saline, Fillmore, Nuckolls, and the territory west of them ; the second district comprised the counties of Cass, Sarpy, Douglas, Saunders, Lancaster, Seward, But- ler, and the territory west of them ; the third district, the counties of Washington, Dodge, Platte, Cuming, Burt, Dakota, Dixon, Cedar, L'eau qui court, Kearney, Lincoln, Merrick, Hall. Buffalo, and the counties west and north of the Platte river. The chief justice, Oliver P. Mason, was assigned to the first district. Associate Justice George B. Lake to the sec- ond, and Associate Justice Lorenzo Crounse to the third. The office of district attorney for each district was established with an an- nual salary of $1,500. The bill locating the seat of government and the public buildings thereat was passed ; a state seal was adopted ; provision was made for the transfer of suits from the territorial to the state courts ; also for the appointment of four commissioners who should select and enter the public lands donated to the state ; an apportionment act created eleven senatorial districts with thir- teen members and nineteen representative dis- tricts with thirty-nine members. Four mem- bers each were allotted to Cass, Nemaha, and Richardson counties ; five to Otoe ; six to Douglas; two each to Sarpy and Washington; one each to Dakota, Dodge, Johnson, Lan- caster, Platte, and Pawnee; one to Gage and Jefferson jointly ; one to Butler, Saunders, and Seward ; one to Kearney, Lincoln, and Saline ; one to Buffalo, Hall, and Merrick ; one to Burt and Cuming ; and one to Cedar, Dixon, and L'eau qui court. Fifteen thou- sand dollars of the fund granted by the fed- eral Congress to pay the expense of the mili- tia raised for defense against Indians was ap- propriated to pay current and contingent ex- penses of the state for the year 1867. It was provided that one term of the supreme court should be held at C)maha and one at Ne- braska City each year ; but unless the commis- sioners of Otoe county should offer the use of the court house for the term, free of charge, it should be held instead at Brownville or such other place south of the Platte "as may offer the use of court room free of charge." 534 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Distinction between actions at law and suits in ec|uity were abolished ; the revenue act was amended ; a bill was passed to locate, establish, and endow a state normal school at Peru, provided that the tract of not less than sixty acres adjacent to the town, known as the grounds of Peru Seminary and College, with all buildings, should be donated to the state; the new school to be under the direction of a board of seven members, five to be appointed by the governor, the other two to consist of the state treasurer and state superintendent of public instruction. Twenty sections of state lands were appropriated to the school as an endowment, and $3,000 was appropriated for completing the school building, procuring apparatus, and putting the school in operation. It was provided that the secretary of state should be state librarian. A drastic general registration law, under which the registrar of a precinct might exclude names from the vot- ing list for "disloyalty" and other reasons, was passed ; the general school law was re- vised ; seventy-five sections of the public lands were granted to the Northern Nebraska Air Line railroad company to aid in the construe- , tion of a road from De Soto to Fremont. Tlie act provided that the company should re- ceive twenty sections on completion of each ten miles of the road, but definition of what "completion" meant was singularly neglected. The boundary of the new county of Cheyenne was defined, and the fourteenth amendment to the federal constitution was ratified. Memorials to the federal Congress prayed that a land office might be established at Lone Tree for the convenience of the many settlers along the line of the Union Pacific railroad, and vigorously protested against the continu- ance of the Indian policy : "We represent to you the unvarnished and unpalatable truth that at no point from the northern boundary of Texas to the British Possessions can either trade or travel be prosecuted from the western settlements to the Rocky mountains without imnfinent danger to life and jjroperty." This •danger was much greater than it had been twenty-five years before. It was insisted that the policy of treating with the Indians as in- dejiendent nations was impracticable ; for "the Indians will not and the governiuent cannot respect them [the treaties] and fulfil their stipulations. The Indians of the plains are proverbially faithless." The only order to the military commander sent against the Indians ought to be to chastise them until they should sue for peace. With due allowance for the selfishness of the settlers who knew by actual experience the conditions of which they com- plained in urging this drastic policy, yet the fact that the proposed policy was soon adopted and permanently adhered to illustrates the su- periority of popular judgment to that of the few wise men in whom authority is vested by virtue of their theoretical wisdom, as also the advantage of local over absentee government. Since by the cruel but inexorable rule of social progress the superior race was predestined tp encroach upon the domain of the inferior, and forcibly dispossess it, the ultimate forci- ble subjugation of the latter was inevitable, and its inevitability should have been sooner recognized in our Indian policy. In the year 1867, the capital contest had dis- tracted and all but demoralized the common- wealth which, still wrestling with the doubts and discouragements of occupying and sub- duing the unpromising interior plains that con- stituted most of its domain and its main pro- ductive dependence, needed its utmost re- sources for the difficult industrial conquest. But the year 1868, with the capital experiment still held doubtful, with a special session of the legislature, with state elections, involving the choice of a L'nited States senator, and the presidential election as well, gave no relief from the continuous curse of politics but rather an increase of its distractions. The first important political incident of the year was the appointment of a federal district judge. Dundy had the advantage of holding the corresponding office under the territorial organization, but his application for appoint- ment for the district covering the whole state was sharply disputed, and it took a year to settle the controversy. In the early part of January it was publicly reported that Judge Lake had been appointed, and after the party organs had dutifully commended the choice, it was announced that Colonel Henry G. STARTING THE STATE 535 Worthington had been nominated. Notwith- standing that he was a carpet-bagger, having come to Nebraska but a year before, and by pohtical stages from far ofT CaHfornia, via Nevada, where he had achieved the ofifice of delegate to Congress, the Omaha Repub- lican accepted the appointment, carpet-bag and all, as a solution of a difficult problem. But the wily Dundy had won the territorial judgeship after he had apparently lost it, and he soon repeated that rather remarkable feat. The warring executive and senate agreed to a truce in Dundy's favor, and his appointment was confirmed in the early part of April. A democratic state convention was held at Nebraska City, January 8, 1868, for the pur- pose of choosing delegates to the national con- vention. The national party was divided upon the cjuestion whether the 5-20 bonds should be paid in greenbacks or in gold, as it was divided in 1896 on the silver question, though not as sharply. Not only did the Ne- braska delegates to the convention support George H. Pendleton, apostle of greenbacks, for the nomination for president, but the two most prominent leaders of the party in the state — -Dr. Geo. L. Miller and J. Sterling Morton — who left the party in 1896, on ac- count of their opposition to silver, stoutly ad- vocated the greenback theory, so far as it in- volved redemption of the bonds in that cur- rency. Though the fact that it was expressly provided bv law that the 10-40 bonds should be paid in gold while there was no such pro- vision as to the 5-20s, afforded a strong argu- ment that it was the original intention that the latter should be redeemed in the same kind of money that the capitalist holders had paid for them, namely, greenbacks, and that such payment would not involve bad faith, yet, at bottom, the question was the same in kind as the silver question of 1896. The republican state convention for 1868 was held at Nebraska City on the 29th of April. The state administration had been the object of constant merciless attack by the dem- ocratic press, and its defense was left mainly to the republican organ at the capital. It was necessary, therefore, either to repudiate the old crowd or to put on a bold front and unan- imously endorse them. The drastic alter- native was postponed, and the state of^cers were nominated by acclamation for a second term. Turner M. Marquett's home paper had urged that the nomination for member of Con- gress was due him because, though he had been elected twice, he had held the ofifice only two days, and because "he met upon the stump the great war horse of democracy — the power and eloquence of the democratic party — the acknowledged best democratic stump orator in the west, J. Sterling Morton — and he com- pletely whipped him. a thing which democrats say was never before done." But consider- able virile ability did not find favor in com- petition with smooth and comparatively color- less vote-getting qualities, and John TafYe was nominated on the first ballot by a vote of 34 to 18. At this time the civil war capital of the republican party was drawn on with- out stint, and it found characteristic expres- sion in the resolutions through the medium of General Robert R. Livingston's appropriately florid phrase. Though an anti-prohibition plank was introduced with studied apology, it was afterward summarily ejected. This in- cident shows that though the party had be- come a great business machine, politically and commercially, it showed a lingering trace of the sentimental philanthrophy on which it was founded. The second democratic convention for the year 1868 was held at Omaha on the 5th of August. Democratic and republican news- papers alike expatiated on the harmony of the respective party conventions this year. It has been heretofore pointed out that, owing to the extreme factional discord in the republican party, which had grown, mainly, out of the re- moval of the capital and the questionable methods of the pro-removal administration, a show of harmony was the alternative of re- pudiation of the administration ; and since pos- session of power and of spoils was at stake, harmony was necessary. For the democrats, harmony w^as easier. They had nothing mate- rialistic to quarrel over but unpromising pros- pects of power. At the January convention, S. H. Calhoun, a leader of the anti-Morton 536 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA "young democracy" of Otoe county, was chosen temporary chairman, permanent presi- dent, and a member of the committee on res- olutions, and Morton was unanimously chosen as a delegate to the national convention. In the convention of August 5th, Andrew J. Poppleton, a favorite of Morton and of the Omaha Herald, was nominated by acclama- tion as the candidate for Congress and thus made leader of the party for the campaign, and he sympathized with the general Pendle- ton-greenback sentiment of the party in the state. The specific declaration, in his speech to the convention, in favor of a policy which should encourage the building of railroads in the state, while in accord with a prevailing and natural public sentiment, yet, between the lines, foreshadowed a subsequent division of the party which tended to keep it in an almost inconsequential minority until it united with the professedly anti-monopoly populist party in 1894. The candidates for the state offices were also nominated by acclamation, a mode of choice with which democratic conventions became familiar through the common practice of some twenty-five years. The office seeks the man only when there is little or no chance that it will find him. The political campaign of 1868 was a tor- nado of vehement offense and defense — viru- lent epithets and violent personalities ; though the climax of this viciousness was not reached until the eve of the impeachment of the gov- ernor and auditor. It excites the wonder of their successors of the very next generation that these men of considerable parts could have played the game of politics on a plane so mean. Morton in the Nczvs and Miller in the Herald led in this unbridled oiifensive par- tisanship, partly because it was the business of the outs to attack the ins, partly because the reckless conduct of the administration of- fered so many vulneral)le points of attack, but more largely because Morton and Miller were greater masters of epithet than their still will- ing and resourceful antagonists of the Re- publican and the Couimonivcalth. The republicans won the elections by ma- jorities ranging aliove 2,000, though it is questionable whether they fairly won at all two years before. While local conditions fa- vored the democrats, the result of this con- test plainly indicated that thenceforth, owing to the prevailing republicanism of the large immigration and the great prestige and in- fluence of the national republican party, the organization in Nebraska was destined to be invincible for very many years. But the democratic party was not wanting in faults which strengthened and lengthened republican power in the state. At this time the "old soldier" shibboleth began to be an open sesame to public office at whose door it continued to knock for some twenty-five years with a persistency and suc- cess unfavorable to fair politics and good gov- ernment. The indebtedness and general pref- erence which were naturally conceded to this peculiar class, were naturally overworked and overdrawn, sometimes by themselves and con- stantly by selfish partisan demagogues at the frequent expense of due discrimination. The interval between the elections of 1868 and the meeting of the legislature in regular session January 7, 1869, was busily employed by the democratic press in continuing the bom- bardment of the state administration — and Hovernor Butler in particular — for corrup- tion, and by the administration organs in deny- ing, rather than refuting the damaging charges. The Journal, the organ at the cap- ital, was the thick-and-thin defender, and the Omaha Republican, for the time, substituted a policy of apology for its former hostility. In the latter part of this year the capital coterie of politicians began agitation for a new state constitution. The first constitution was condemned as inadequate and otherwise faulty l)ecause it limited the number of judicial dis- tricts to three for the next six years, and they were "entirely inadequate, even now" ; be- cause under its provisions the supreme court was composed of the three judges of the in- ferior judicial districts, whereas a distinct and independent supreme tribunal was necessary ; because the salaries of state officers were too low — so paltry that they degraded the state ; because the period of forty days to which ses- sions of the legislature were limited was too short for the proper transaction of business; SENATOR TIPTON REELECTED 537 and because improved provisions for the crea- tion and regulation of corporations were needed. After the third session of the legislature had adjourned it was discovered that no pro- vision had been made for the election of presi- dential electors, and on account of this over- sight it became necessary to call the fourth special session which began at Omaha, Octo- ber 27, 1868, and lasted two days. The mem- bers of this legislature were elected in Octo- ber, 1866. The beginning of the period of almost safe supremacy of the republican party in the state was indicated by the composition of the third state legislature — but the first to have a regular session and the first, also, to hold a session at Lincoln. The observation that the half dozen democratic members looked very lonesome does not impute partisan bias in the observing party organ ; for this was a familiar phenomenon of many succeeding sessions. This legislature convened in the new capitol January 7, 1869. The officers of both houses were elected unanimously. Edward B. Tay- lor of Douglas county was president of the senate, and William McLennan of Otoe, speaker of the house. The prospectively rich resources of the salt springs had lured the capital to its site and largely carried the hazardous enterprise of establishing it. The result of actual experiment in their develop- ment had already become disappointing and embarrassing to the sponsors of the capital removal scheme. The governor complained in his message that the Nebraska Salt Com- pany, of Chicago, which had acquired a half interest in Tichenor's lease of the principal springs, had failed to fulfil its obligations ; even the local demand for salt had not been supplied, and the company "has been unable at times to supply even a single bushel for home consumption, and has refused to pay its debts among our citizens." The governor urged the legislature to take such action as would promote the manufacture of salt to the greatest extent. He urged the legislature to provide compensation for the company of vol- unteers which had been organized under his advice in the fall of 1867, consisting of those settlers who had been plundered of everything and compelled to abandon their homes. He also urged the passage of a militia organiza- tion law. The most exciting procedure of this session was the choosing of a United States senator to succeed Mr. Tipton. In the first caucus, Senator Tipton commanded less than a third of the total number of votes. He was sup- ported by the eleven members from Nemaha and Richardson counties, the representative from Gage, and from one to three from the North Platte. Turner M. Marquett of Cass and D wight J- McCann of Otoe, each con- trolled the seven members from his own county and those attached to make up the dis- tricts, and in addition two to three scattering votes. Governor David Butler controlled the votes of ten to twelve members, four from back counties south of the Platte, two from Douglas, and the remainder scattering from the North Platte. Four scattering ballots from Douglas county were probably held in reserve for Phineas W. Hitchcock. At the second caucus, held Saturday evening, Janu- ary 16th, Tipton's highest vote was 15, But- ler's 12, Marquett's 11, McCann's 10. Butler and Marquett tried to tie up their forces in the hope of winning enough to elect one of them, but at the third caucus, held January 18th, the votes needed for the success of the plan began to go to Tipton, the first vote standing, Tipton 22, Marquett 15, McCann 8. The third ballot stood Tipton 27, Marquett 15, McCann 2, and the independent and re- calcitrant senator succeeded to a long term, while his carefully conforming . colleague, Thayer, was put off with a single fractional term of four years. Charles H. Brown of Douglas county, as aggressive and indepen- dent as Tipton, but without his graces of ora- tory and too harsh in his methods for a suc- cessful politician, received the complimentary- vote of the seven democratic members. The most important question of the session was that of applying the public improvement lands to encourage the building of railroads. There was a general public sentiment in favor of the general policy of subsidizing railroad companies with these lands, and the only im- 538 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA portant dispute was as to the extent of the grants and the manner in which they should be awarded. While the wisdom of the policy of subsidizing railroads or other private enter- prises with public property is open to question, and certainly it has been very often, if not gen- erally misapplied or abused, yet there were strong arguments in its favor in this case. For without railroads there could be no ap- preciable market for land or its products and so no general settlement. Locally, then, the question was one-sided ; for the settlers who had cast their fortunes with the Plains coun- try could not afTord to await the voluntary coming of the railroads. But whether, con- sidering the ample room and the undeveloped condition of states farther to the east which railroads had already reached, it was good economic policy to force the development of the trans-Missouri plains by expensive sub- sidies, is another question. So the present question is one of local speculation — whether in a particular case it will pay a local com- munity to invest a part of its property with the purpose of increasing the value of the re- mainder. In this case the state at large came within the purview of a local community. In the circumstances, therefore, the allegation that, "by common consent these lands, or the greater part of them, seem destined to be used for railroad purposes" is explicable, and it was also a correct forecast. A resolution declaratorv of the policy of the legislature, offered in the house, provided that all of the internal improvement grant, "or as much thereof as the legislature may deem proper," should be reserved for actual settle- ment, all the net proceeds of the sale of such lands to be used for aiding in the construction of railroads and for such other improvements as the legislature should deem best for the interests of the state. This policy was im- practicable because it involved the immediate sale of the land and therefore at a very low price, so that the proceeds would have amounted to but a small gratuity ; while under the policy which was adopted, of granting the lands themselves, the corporations would reckon on their prospective values which arise largely from the building of the roads in their propinquity. The measure adopted was the product of a compromise between the differing views. It provided that two thousand acres should be granteil for each mile of road that any com- pany should construct ready for rolling stock, within the state ; but ten consecutive miles of road must be built within one year from the passage of the act and before any land could be awarded. To prevent injurious compe- tition with the lands retained by the state, the railroad companies were prohibited from sell- ing their subsidy lands at less than $1.25 an acre, and to prevent "large tracts of land from being held for any considerable length of time, thereby retarding settlement and culti- vation," the companies were required to offer annually at public sale all lands which they should still hold after five years from the time they were acquired. The act contained the conservative provision that it should not re- main in force more than five years. The Union Pacific and the Burlington & Missouri companies were let into limited participation by the provision that companies which had received grants from the United States would be entitled to two thousand acres for each mile of road thereafter constructed, but only to the extent of twenty-five miles. Lingering resentment against the notorious grant of seventy-five sections of the public lands to the Northern Nebraska Air Line R. R. Co. at the session of June, 1867, was mani- fested in the vote — 12 affirmative, 23 nega- tive — on a bill offered by Brush to repeal that measure and to appropriate the lands for the construction of bridges across the Platte river .\nother important act of the session was that providing for the establishment of "The University of Nebraska." An act requiring the state treasurer "to keep constantly on hand the identical funds received by him from ar.\ source whatever," until they were paid ou^ according to law, was so inconvenient in prac- tice that it was repealed at the special session in March of the following year. Doubtless the sense of the inconvenience was manifested quite as much by those who hoped to profit by an open-door policy as by the treasurer GOVERNOR BUTLER'S THIRD ELECTION 539 himself. Disastrous experience in later years has shown that the makers of the inconvenient law did not act without prevision or reason. A law was passed prohibiting the sale of in- toxicating liquors on election day. Similar laws are now generally, in force throughout the L-nion. Five thousand dollars was appropri- ated for the compensation of Capt. John R. Brown's militia — company A, First Nebraska cavalry — "called into service against the In- dians by the governor from August 13 to November 15, 1867, and to satisfy claims of citizens who furnished to said company trans portation and quartermaster's stores." The report of the capital commissioners was ac- cepted, and Lincoln was formally declared the capital of the state. The original capitol grounds at Omaha were re-transferred to that city, "for the purpose of a high school, col- lege or other institution of learning, and for no other purpose whatever." Alvin Saunders, George W. Frost, Thomas Davis, John H. Kellom, Augustus Kountze, James M. Wool- worth, and their successors were constituted a l)oard of regents to manage and control the contemplated school. A joint resolution au- thorizing and recommending the people to vote upon the question whether there should be a constitutional convention aroused more atten- tion and caused more contention than any other enactment of the session. A bill "to regulate the passenger fare and tariff of freight on all railroads in the state" was prematurely perhaps introduced into the house by Stout. Tender nursing end in- dulgence of this class of corporations, rather than correction or restraint, was a natural public policy when expansion and develop- ment of the area of settlement was a serious, and perhaps the chief public care. But a self-seeking and powerful standpat element seized upon the opportunity afforded by this peculiar condition to project its influence far beyond a legitimate period. As a condition of admission to the union, Nebraska was required by the national Con- gress to grant the right of sulTrage to negroes. Just three years later the state was called on to give the assent needed for the adoption of the fifteenth amendment to the federal constitution which guaranteed universal right of suffrage to the black men. The motive for the first requirement was mainly philanthropic and was animated by a small number of political idealists led by Charles Sumner. The motive for the second was also partly philanthropic but very largely selfish partisan advantage. This partisan exigency or ambition demanded expedition, and of the objects of a special session of the legislature, the governor's call, issued Febru- ary 7, 1870, first specified the ratification of the amendment. The second object of the session was to provide for the erection of a penitentiary. Among the other proposed subjects of legislation were the ratification of the remarkable contract made by the governor with Isaac Cahn and John M. Evans for the development of salt manufacturing, and di- vision of the state into congressional districts. The republican state convention for 1870 was held at Lincoln on the 10th of August. John Taff'e was nominated for member of the national House of Representatives for a third and last term, on the first ballot, his principal competitor being Joseph E. Lani- aster. After a fierce contest, David Butler was nominated for governor for the third time on the ninth ballot. His principal com- petitors were Robert W. Furnas and Samuel Maxwell. Furnas received sixty-five votes on the seventh ballot — within three votes of a choice. Maxwell received his highest vote — 32 — on the informal ballot. The omission from the resolutions adopted by the convention of any reference to the state administration or state affairs was sig- nificant and in harmony with the adage that the least said about some things the better, and it was tacit approval of Mr. Chase's warning as to the impropriety of nominating Butler. The glittering-generality character of the platform was illustrative of the fact that the republican party was still resting on the prejudices and laurels of the Civil war, and had not yet grappled with economic prin- ciples or accepted the economic policy of Pennsylvania and other almost exclusively manufacturing states of the northeast. This vear a third nartv organization was 540 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA formed, composed in the main of republican dissenters and in effect chiefly an ally of the democrats. This dissenting and fusion move- ment progressed, though intermittently, until, twenty-four years later, it came into power in the state and held it for six years. At this time the mainspring of the movement was opposition to the maladministration of the re- publicans, or the Lincoln machine ; and though at the period of its greatest strength the third party espoused drastic and radical principles, maladministration of its opponents still lent it a large part of its strength. The new party adopted the same name • — the people's party — by which it was known in later years until the more distinctive and technical adaptation, "populist," displaced it. The state conven- tions of the democratic party and the new people's party were held simultaneously at Plattsmouth on the 7th of September, and their proceedings were in substantial harmony. The political canvass was violent even for an unsettled frontier society. The democrats, led by an able and unrestrained press, let slip its dogs of war more particularly at Governor Butler, and they were ably assisted by anti- Butler republican insurgents, including Sen- ator Tipton, now in open rebellion and prob- ably the cleverest campaigner in the state. Andrew J. Cropsey bearded the lion in his den and was elected state senator over his straight republican competitor. Dr. Stewart of Pawnee county, carrying his home county of Lancaster by a vote of 742 against 393. The republicans made virulent charges of crooked business transactions against Croxton, the democratic candidate for governor, but they naturally had little effect as an offset to the charges of official corruption urged against Butler. The chief and most specific of the accusations was that the governor had ap- propriated to his own use a large sum of the public school fund. In the face of unsatis- factory and often evasive denials, Mr. Crox- ton, accompanied by General Experience Es- tabrook, demanded permission to examine the books of the treasurer's office, which was re- fused. \A'hile Butler received a majority of only 2,478 votes over Croxton, Taffe, the repub- lican candidate for member of the federal house of representatives, received a majority of 4,408 votes over his opponent. Judge Lake, a much stronger candidate than Croxton. This discrepancy does not fully reflect the ef- fectiveness of the bold and relentless attacks on Butler in, and previous to, the campaign, and since he was peculiarly apt in turning obloquy into reactionary sympathy, belief in his guiit as charged must have been wide- spread. Audacity is a very effective force in a political, as well as a military campaign ; but unless it is backed by rectitude and other substantial qualities it soon deteriorates into mere hardihood, and a fall follows. Though older northern states were be- ginning to drop out of the republican ranks, a premonition of the long period of demo- cratic control of the national House of Rep- resentatives which began four years later, yet, in the dependent new community, the perquisites of power were so strong a stimu- lus and stay of popular support that to cry the republican shibboleth loudly, as the organs, and especially as the organ at the capital cried it, in alarming tone, insured victory in the most adverse circumstances. And so the republicans were able to carry off a crippled state victory and also to win a large majority of the members of the leg- islature. The sensitive and solicitous ma- chine at the capital was rudely jarred by the election of Cropsey as a senator, but its in- terests were otherwise sustained at the polls by a vote of 798 for Butler and only 318 for Croxton, and 523 in favor of a constitutional convention and only 2 against it. In the temper and condition of the ma- jority party at this time negative qualities in a candidate for office were most successful, and so in this rather perilous campaign John Taft'e easily, if not triumphantly, achieved his third, though last election as member of the national House of Representatives, against a man of decided ability and individuality. The eighth session — second regtilar ses- sion — of the state legislature convened Jan- uary 5, 1871. Ebenezer E. Cunningham of Richardson county, was president of the senate : John C. Myers of Douglas county. HITCHCOCK UNITED STATES SENATOR 541 was temporary speaker of the house; and George W. Collins of Pawnee, was elected permanent speaker, over Elam Clark of Wash- ington county, by a vote of 21 to 16. Upon the organization of the house, Mr. Doom of Otoe county, anticipated in a virtuous resolu- tion, though less sweepingly, what Governor Folk actually did at the session of the Mis- souri legislature in 1905, as follows : Resolved, That all lobby members of this legislature, who have any business to attend to at home, and all federal office-holders within the state, who are drawing salaries from the government, be granted leave of absence until the 25th day of June, 1871. That federal officers, holding office in any other state or territory, be excused from further attendance upon this legislature. This was a Hitchcock broadside against Thayer's platoon of placeholders. The showing of the state's finances in the governor's message was still unfavorable. There was a balance in the treasury, De- cember 1, 1868, of $48,526.92. The receipts from all sources, up to November 30, 1870, had been S937,414.97, and the disbursements, including $315,188.60 expended for public buildings, were $908,055.33, leaving a balance of $77,886.56 ; but current funds were want- ing, and the message complained that a large amount of warrants on the treasury remained unpaid, and they had been at a discount of ten cents to fifteen cents on the dollar much of the time during the last two years. This was owing, it was said, to the difficulty in collect- ing taxes. The assessed valuation of property in the state had increased from thirty-two million dollars in 1868, to fifty-three million in 1870. The total amount of public lands received by the state was 727,960 acres. This was exclusive of the 2,643,080 acres of com- mon school lands, of which 72,578 acres had been sold at an average price of $8.93 an acre. Of the 500,000 acres of public im- provement lands, 257,312.71 acres had been awarded to railroad companies as bonuses. During the past two years 2,382,157 acres of land had been entered — 918,081 acres as homesteads and the remainder as preemp- tions. The entries at the Lincoln land office were 877,129, and at the Beatrice office, 381,931; at the Dakota City office, 737,176 acres; and at the West Point office, 385,921. Thus the growth of the North Platte and that of the South Platte sections were nearly equal. The Union Pacific railroad company had sold 289,644.42 acres of their land grant in the state — since July 28, 1869 — and the Burlington & Missouri company, 61,303.25 acres. Lincoln lots and saline lands which had been sold at auction but not taken by the bid- ders, to the amount of $74,200, remained in the hands of the commissioners. This indi- cates either a remarkable unreliability of buy- ers or a very loose way of conducting the sales. The movement for encouraging immigra- tion had been organized under the law passed at the last special session of the legislature by the appointment of C. C. Smith of Falls City, William Bischoff of Nebraska City, and Fred Krug of Omaha, as members of the board of immigration ; and C. N. Karstein of Nebraska City, was chosen as the commis- sioner to reside in New York city. The election of a United States senator is usually the star play of a legislative ses- sion, but in that of 1871 this special feature was outshone by its more dramatic impeach- ment rival. The three principal candidates for senator were John M. Thayer, who sought reelection, Phineas W. Hitchcock, and Alvin Saunders, — all residents of Omaha. The twelve democratic members decided in caucus to vote for H^itchcock, and he owed his elec- tion to their questionable policy. Since they were too weak to conquer their greatly out- numbering enemy, they would inflict as much damage as possible by assisting one of the factions to the defeat of the "regular" candidate. Regularity was Thayer's standing and standard virtue, and he was more objection- able to the democrats than either of the other candidates because he particularly represented, and was the willing sponsor of the national administration. It was charged with truth, that Thayer's only occupation since he came to Nebraska had been office-seeking and officeholding. and 542 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA this objection yielded some advantage to those candidates who had been less persistent or less prosperous in this regard. He was "al ways a candidate for office, never a lawyer, save in name, nor a plain or ornamental farmer; he has joined his senatorial fortunes with Stout and Kennard." After his defeat he was comfortably cared for in the office of governor of the territory of Wyoming during nearly four years. General Thayer's military merit lay chief- ly in the careful execution of superior orders, supplemented by the more superficial and yet important qualities of good personal appear- ance and deportment. This disposition not to reason why, which was a virtue of the soldier, was a fault of the statesman, though it was not then rated and resented by the public as it is at the present day. This defeat ended General Thayer's important officehold- ing in Nebraska during his virile years. Ed- ward Rosewater opposed the election of Hitchcock, but his political temper was anti- thetical to Thayer's. Instead of bending to the success of the object of his opposition, he forecast his future career as the leader in Nebraska journalism by regarding the assault as the mere beginning of a war to the finish. He took counsel of the future instead of the past, and at the end of six years the now triumphant Hitchcock met his quietus — the first important victim of this nemesis of num- berless Nebraska politicians. Impeachment of Governor Butler. As soon as the senatorial question was out of the way, the legislature took up the ques- tion of impeachment of Governor Bvitler. The anti-Butler press, both democratic and republican, had crystallized the sentiment for such act before the legislature convened. On the 25th of January Edward Rosewater of- fered a resolution, requesting the governor to communicate to the house, "at the earliest moment," the name of the agent appointed, bv act of the legislature, to collect from the United States five per cent of the proceeds of the sale of public lands made before the admission of the state into the Union, the amount collected, and the amount paid the agent for his services. The governor reported that the $16,881.26 had been collected and deposited in the state treasury, and that there were no fees for the collection. It developed that the governor had used the funds for private purposes and had given the state real estate mortgages as security. The governor made a plain admis- sion of the act. The governor was suspended during the trial, and after the impeachment abdicated the office. By act of the legislature, iMarch 3, 1873, a commission composed of the governor, sec- retary of state, and the state treasurer, was authorized to liquidate and settle all claims of the state against David Butler by taking from him a warranty deed for lands in lieu and re- lease of all mortgages against him, but neither his residence nor his lands in Lancaster coun- ty should be included in the deed which in- cluded 3,400 acres lying in Gage, Jefferson, and Pawnee counties. Impeachment of Auditor Gillespie. Audi- tor Gillespie had joined the anti-Butler fac- tion and had assisted in exposing Butler's derelictions. The sobriquet "ITonest John" was bestowed upon him by the reform faction as a sort of objective contrast. This was a dangerous distinction, and the Butler parti- sans used it as a derisive epithet. As soon as the Butler proceedings were out of the way, Galey of Lancaster county offered a resolu- tion providing for a committee to investigate the letting of printing contracts in 1868. A summons was issued for Gillespie and he ap- peared before the senate with his counsel : he was allowed six days in which to prepare an answer. The anti-Butler faction prevented action by breaking the quorum, and finally by adjournment until the second Tuesday in January, 1872. CHAPTER XXV Anarchy in the Legislature — Sessions of 1871-1872 — ■ The Lunatic Asylum Burned ■ Constitutional Convention of 1871 THE ni'TLER faction in pressing the impeachment of Gillespie was only play- ing a game of tit for tat; and its organ, the State Journal, made the most of its op- portunity to take the right side of a technical f|iiestion of the contro\ersy : Tiie two houses, in the absence of a quorum, having failed to do the only thing they !iad a constitutional right to do, viz : to adjourn from day to day and dispatch the sergeant-at-arms after absentees, are dead as a doornail and can no more meet on the "2d Tuesday in January, 1872," or any other time, of their own motion, than a cow can jump over the moon. They cannot adjourn over twenty-four hours unless a Sunday inter- venes, when they can make it forty-eight. Nevertheless, the excommunicated legisla- ture, or, rather, a part of it, did reconvene on Tuesday, January 9, 1872. There were eight senators present at the opening of the session, and three of those who had been elected to fill vacancies were admitted. Only twenty- three members were present when the house was called to order. Each house could mus- ter a quorum for ordinary business, but it was easy for the senate to fall short of the two-thirds necessary to go on with the trial of the auditor. Corrupt and despotic pro- cedure, incident to the attempt to remove tlie capital, demoralized and divided the fourth territorial legislature. Sectional animosity arising out of the actual removal which large- ly justified itself by exposure of the rotten- ness of the successful capital cabal, together with unbridled, though rather small-bore, po- litical ambitions, produced a like state of an- archy at this adjourned session of 1872. The Butler faction approximately localized in the South Platte section, longing for a more com- prehensive state constitution — and with par- ticular regard to more offices and larger salaries — and unwilling to follow again the slow course of regular procedure, was bent on the remarkable scheme of reviving by leg- islative enactment the constitutional conven- tion which had surely become extinct by its own act of adjournment without day. On the second day of the session a bill au- thorizing the convention to reconvene passed the senate by a vote of 8 to 2, and on the fol- lowing day it passed the house, 21 to 9. The ne.\t day — January 12th — the senate con- curred in an amendment by the house ; on the 15th Acting Governor James vetoed the bill; on the 17th the senate passed it over the veto by a bare constitutional majority — 8 to 4 — ■ but on the 19th the house failed in its attempt by a vote of 12 to 21. The veto message set forth that in section 1, under the title "Amend- ments," the constitution provided that a ma- jority of the two houses of the legislature might call a convention to revise or change that instrument whenever they should deem it necessary, and thereupon the proposal of the joint resolution in favor of holding a con- vention passed February 15, 1869, was adopted by a meager vote at the general election in October of that year ; that by authority of the act of March 27, 1871, delegates to the con- vention were elected and convened June 13, 1871, and after fifty-eight days labor "ceased to exist" as a body by an adjournment, sine die, and were resolved back co the body of the people. The constitution prepared by this convention was rejected at an election held according to a provision in the instrument itself. Section 1 of Article 9 of the constitution, 544 HIST()RY OF NEBRASKA which the short-cut device of the legislature would have avoided, provided that if a ma- jority of both houses of the legislature should deem it necessary to call a convention to revise or change the constitution, they should recom- mend to the electors to vote for or against a convention at the next election of members of the legislature, and if a majority of the elec- tors should vote for a convention, then the legislature, at its next session, should provide for calling it. The population at that time was very unstable, and since no method had been prescribed for filling vacancies, it is probable that many districts would have been without representation at the proposed second sitting of the convention which must have oc- curred nearly a year after the delegates had been elected. Inasmuch as the method of procedure in question is incorporated in sub- stance in the present constitution, according to the contention of the revivalists of 1872, of whom the State Journal was evangelist, the convention of 1875 is a perpetual body whose powers are merely dormant and cap- able of being reinspired into action at the call of any legislature. That venerable body, thus reassembled by the omnipotent legislative fiat, might well recur to the apostrophe of St. Paul (or Alexander Pope) : "O, grave, where is thy victory!" Mr. Estabrook's contention that this was "the next legislature" which had power to call the convention and therefore had power to recall it, was merely ingenious and scarcely to be taken seriously. On the 19th a conference committee of the two houses reported a resolution to adjourn sine die on the 24th, at 1 1 o'clock p. m. The house adopted the report the same day, but a motion in the senate to concur under suspen- sion of the rules was defeated, and in the res- ular order the question lay over one day. The senate remained in fruitless session all night, but on the morning of the 20th, during a call of the house, Sheldon moved to adjourn until December 31st. Thereupon Scofield raised the point of order that no business could be transacted while the call was pending, which the president overruled. On the question, "Shall the decision of the chair stand as the judgment of the house?" there was an even division, Abbott, Cropsey, Metz, Sheldon, Thomas, and President Hascall votinge aye, and Hilton, Linch, Larsh, Sco- field, Tennant, and Tucker, no, which, it was asserted, of course defeated the affirm- ative side of the question according to the rules of the senate and all other legislative bodies. But political assemblies, especially when under factional incitement, seldom hesi- tate to live up to the venerable maxim that where there's a will, there's a way ; and with Hascall in the chair that was an easy task — as easy as it had been in former not more or less halycon days, with Hanscom presiding on the floor. On the same day, the acting gov- ernor, with good reason, construing this con- trary action as a constitutional "case of dis- agreement between the two houses in re- spect to the time of adjournment," interposed the following message : State of Nebraska, Ex. Chamber, January 20, 1872. To the Honorable the Speaker of the House of Representatives: Whereas, The House of Representatives adopted a resolution to adjourn sine die on the 24th inst., in which the senate failed to concur and adopted a resolution to adjourn until the 31st day of December, 1872: And whereas, no reasonable hope is entertained that the longer continuance in session of this legislature will result in the adoption of any measures which have for their object the pub- lic good. Now, Therefore, I. William H. James, Act- ing Governor of the State of Nebraska, under and by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution, do hereby declare this legis- lature adjourned without a day. William H. James. Having declared the senate adjourned, Has- cal dropped out, and on the evening of the 20th, Hilton was elected president pro tern. On Monday, the 22d, the senate, ignoring the action of the acting governor, took up the con- ference report in regular order and adopted it. With the exception of Kennedy of Douglas, only the old guard of the Butler faction — • Hilton, Linch, Larsh, Scofield, Tucker, and Tennant — were present. In attempting to prorogue the legislature without day, the act- ing- srovernor exceeded his constitutional au- SESSIONS OF 1871-1872 545 thority, which was as follows: "In case of disagreement between the two houses, in re- spect to the time of . adjournment, he [the governor] shall have power to adjourn the legislature to such time as he may think proper, but not beyond the regular meetings thereof." On the 22d the rump remnant of the senate also agreed to a preamble and joint resolution, declaring the office of governor vacant, and that the two houses should fill the vacancy on the 24th. When the house met at two o'clock in the afternoon of the 22d, its journal was missing, but it was found in the auditor's office with the governor's adjournment mes- sage, which had not been regularly received, "attached by some other hand than that of the clerk who made up the journal ; and it was forthwith expunged from the record." The attempted sessions of the 23d were a farce, and the meetings of both houses on the 24th expired of imbecility. On the 23d, the act- ing governor illustrated the efficiency of the vaunted "checks and balances" of our consti- tutions by shutting off the coal supply from the legislative chambers. The most important of the few enactments of the session of 1871 was a law providing for a constitutional convention which should meet on the second Tuesday in June of that year. The law provided that fifty-two delegates to the convention, one from each senate and rep- resentative district, should be chosen on the first Tuesday of May, and that the delegates and the secretaries of the convention should receive $3 a day and the same mileage that was allowed members of the legislature. A herd law was enacted which held owners of cattle, horses, mules, sheep, and swine re- sponsible for all damage done by them upon cultivated lands. In a memorial which recited that Nebraska had never received more than the 500,000 acres of public lands, given on admission as a state, while not less than one million acres had lieen given to foreign corporations and an equal amount for the endowment of agricul- tural colleges. Congress was asked to grant lands to aid in the construction of a railroad from Lincoln to Denver, and another from Brownville to Denver ; also in aid of the Omaha and Northwestern, and the Fremont, Elkhorn and Missouri Valley lines. Because, owing to the great depression in business, preemptors of lands could not pay for them. Congress was asked to extend the time of pay- ment to three years from the time of filing. Congress was petitioned also to grant 90,000 acres of land for the endowment of an agri- cultural college — 30,000 acres for each sen- ator and representative — under the act of July 2, 1862 ; to reimburse citizens of the state for losses on account of Indian depre- dations during the last eight years ; and for the removal of the national capital to the great basin of the Missouri valley. At the adjourned session of 1872 only four- teen acts, none of much importance, were passed. By one of these, Guy A. Brown was appointed a commissioner to revise and com- pile the laws of the state, a work in which he continued for many years until his death ; an act appropriated, annually, $3,000 to the state board of agriculture, and $2,000 to the state horticultural society, "for the sole purpose of advancing, developing, and making known the agricultural and horticultural capacities of the state" ; and another appropriated $4,500 out of the insane asylum fund to be used for the erection of a temporary hospital in place of that recently destroyed by fire. Thomas F. Hall, chairman of the ways and means committee, which had been directed by the house to investigate the condition of the state treasury, on the fifth of June reported the resources of the treasury as follows: tax levy of 1870, general fund, $122,500 ; general fund 1870, deiinciuent, $60,500 ; levy of 1870, sinking fmul, $26,800 ; sinking fund delin- quent, $18,000. The report estimated that there would be a shortage of $100,000 in col- lections of these nominal resources. There were S9,000 uninvested in the permanent school fund; $73,000 invested in United States, and Union Pacific bonds ; and $73,- 000 due the state from insurance companies. The liabilities of the state were as follows: general fund, $200,000 ; interest on bonds and floating indebtedness, $25,000; outstanding warrants, general fund, $130,000; building 546 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA fund, $40,000; territorial bonds belonging to school fund, $36,300; loan of university fund (to pay impeachment expenses), $16,000; to- tal $447,300, leaving a balance of indebted- ness, 219,500. The warrants were fifteen per cent below par value. By the state treasurer's report it appears that the amount received into the treasury from January 21, 1869, to January 11, 1871, was $893,268.66. This report was largely a statement of grievances. Owing to the finan- cial depression, farmers were scarcely able to realize prices for their crops exceeding the cost of production, consequently nearly all the taxes of 1869 and a large part of the levies of former years remained uncollected. "Besides this, wealthy railroad corporations, operating lines of railroad within the borders of the state, and, doubtless, fully able at any time to meet the demands upon them for taxes assessed, are delinquents, proposing, as is supposed, by the power of their wealth and influence, to override the just demands due the state for the protection afforded by law to their rights and privileges, thereby casting the whole burden of the state government uj)- on the less powerful." The year 1871 in Nebraska was one of gloomy poverty — morally and economically ; its only resource, agriculture, was as yet doubtful and undeveloped. Prices of pro- ducts which, owing to imperfect transporta- tion to long distant markets, were normally low, were ]3ressed by the impending indus- trial panic down to an unprofitable scale. As we have seen, official speculation and faction- al strife had demoralized and almost de- stroyed social order. This very bad condition was illustrated and made worse by the in- cendiary burning of the insane asylurh on the 17th of April. One inmate perished in the fire. Ten con- victs escaped from the penitentiary during the night of the conflagration, and it was charged, though without proof or probability, that they were let loose to assist in kindling it. The leading republican, but anti-administration, organ summed up the case as follows : The lunatic asylum ought to have been a substantial public building and an honor to the state. By law the expense was limited to $50,000, but the state officers took the responsi- bility of increasing it, until the amount actual- ly paid was about $150,000. The main build- ing was 72x90 feet, and five stories high, with a four story wing running northward, 42x80, making a total frontage of 170 feet. A brick structure of this size, and costing so much money, should have been something for every Nebraskan to be proud of. But this asylum did not excite emotions of that sort, beiiig so badly put together that visitors were fearful it would fall while under its roof. . . The builder of this matchless specimen of architecture was one Joseph Ward. An at- tempt was made to burn it several months ago, by placing combustibles in the roof, but failed. . . Of the grand delivery of peniten- tiary convicts, we have too few facts to justify comment. But ten convicted criminals are certainly at large. . . What a history the capital has furnished of late. The state offi- cers charged with peculating and speculat- ing — Impeachments, queerly handled — Burning of a Lunatic Asylum and Lunatics — and winding up with the quiet departure of one-third of the convicts in the Penitentiary. Surely it is about time for a constitutional Convention that will build for the state anew, and let it start again with a clear record. The chief care of the compilers of the con- stitution of 1866 was to make it a password to statehood ; and so they craftily contrived that it should resemble the territorial organic act as closely as practicable. The juilicial system for the stat ; was the exact counterpart of that of the territory; there was no change in the number of the members of the legisla- tive houses; the number of executive officers was not increased and their salaries were kept down nearly to the old beggarly level ; and against the emotional sentiment for negro en- franchisement with which the republican party was possessed, its devotees in Nebraska op- posed the ancient and reactionary restriction to white suffrage. This concession was cal- culated to weaken or subdue the opposition of the democrats who lacked the stimulus of prospective senatorships and high federal of- fices which temporarily stifled the principles and stultifiedthe philanthropic professions of the expectant republicans. But by 1869 the partisan emoluments of the change to statehood CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1871 547 had been seized and the dominant Butler fac- tion felt that its new capital, which was an outgrowth of admission, was now established, so that it might safely proceed to enlarge its powers, privileges, and emoluments through a new constitution of broader scope. The malcontents insisted that the state was "ham- pered by the want of courts, by the need of proper grades in the judiciary and by the picayunishness and general meanness that breathes throughout our organic law." Every fourth year two general elections were neces- sary because the constitution fixed the time of the state election earlier than that of the national election ; the supreme court, en banc, "sit on their own decisions" ; the code "is a conglomerated patchwork, it is neither the Ohio nor the New York code, which are rad- ically different from foundation to turret, but is a compromise between the two with a lot of loose rubbish culled from all the rest of the states thrown in." The constitution of 1871 was in the main a replica of that of Illinois which had been adopted the year before, and the long session of the convention was chiefly occupied in rather tedious discussion over proposed changes of the Illinois pattern, but very few of which were made. The spirit of the Granger movement, at that time becoming rife in the north central states, was positively and plen- tifully reflected in the Blinois constitution ; and since the principal debates in the Ne- braska convention were devoted to questions of that class they served to disclose the atti- tudes of the members toward the new and progressive doctrines and also to disseminate them among the people with the recommenda- tion or approval of many of the most in- fluential citizens and political leaders. The convention is subject only to the sec- ondary liability of an endorser for the long preaching preamble which it copied verbatim from its Illinois model. The Illinois bill of rights was also copied with few and unim- portant changes. Five sections were added — defining treason ; guaranteeing the right to a writ of error in cases of felony ; requiring the passage of property exemption laws ; estab- lishing the same rights of property for aliens as for native citizens ; and reserving to the people all rights not delegated by the consti- tution. The section regulating eminent do- main was amplified, and through the persist- ency of Mason there was added the radical provision that compensation for taking or damaging property, except in time of war or other public exigency or for roads which should be open to the public without charge, "shall in every case be without deduction for benefits to any property of the owner." In the Illinois constitution this question of dam- ages was left to be ascertained by a jury, "as shall be prescribed by law" ; and the Nebraska constitution of 1875 has only the simple pro- vision that, "the property of no person shall be taken or damaged for public use without just compensation therefor." There was no counterpart of the robust, radical democrat, Mason, in the convention of 1875. The article relating to corporations in the constitution of 1871 differs from that of the Illinois constitution only in permitting coun- ties and municipal subdivisions to make do- nations to them after a proposal to make such grants had been submitted to the electors of the district or division to be affected and ap- proved by three-fifths of those voting upon the question, and in the addition of a few precautionary restrictions. The provision of the constitution of 1871 and of its Illinois original that "the legislature from time to time shall pass laws establishing reasonable maxi- mum rates of charges for the transportation of passengers and freight on the different rail- roads in this state," was changed in the con- stitution of 1875 by substituting the merely permissive "may" for the mandatory "shall." While this change was of no practical im- portance, because there is no power except its own will which can compel a legislative body to this or that action, yet it foreshadowed the complete subserviency to the railroads which has distinguished the political history of the state. That the committee on railroad corpora- tions were willing to report the Illinois article indicates that the inspiriting influence of the Granger sentiment had reached across the Missouri ; and the thunder tones of Mason 548 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA reveal that the idea of control was clear and insistent. The bold heroics employed by the chief justice in opposing^ public donations to railroads are not improved upon by the stump speeches or in the judicial harangues of the present anti-corporation heyday, which neither cost courage nor inspire caution : There was a time when the name of king was hateful to the whole American people. When our forefathers rebelled against British tyranny they came to couple in their minds, with their dislike of oppression, an aversion to the very title under which tyrannical power had been personified. But now we hear con- stantly of railroad kings — just as if railroad kings were any less odious than political kings ! We want no kings of any kind in America — neither political kings nor railroad kings ! If the power of the great railway corporations be not curbed and repressed and lessened, and that right speedily, we fear it will be difficult to preserve the liberties of the people in oppo- sition to them. Such aggregations of capital are always naturally and inherently unfavor- able to popular instincts and rights. We do not say that the collection and concentration of capital may not sometimes be made to con- tribute to the public good, but then it should be regulated and controlled by the strong hand of law. It should also be vigilantly and always watched as liable at all tiiues to assume the character of a public enemy. Our great rail- way corporations already elect state legisla- tiTres. These legislatures make laws and ex- ercise more or less jwwer over state judges. At any election of president they may be able to turn the scales in favor of the one candidate or the other. Presidents appoint federal judges, and thus the national courts may be reached. The railway power is the most dangerous jiower existing in the country to- day : to make this fact generally realized is the first step toward efifecting the reduction of that power. Robinson skilfully argued that each case of voting aid to railroads and other partially public enterprises was one of expediency to be decided in some fair way by the people them- selves and that there was no difference in principle between taxing private property to aid in building railroads and in doing the same thing to maintain ])ul)lic highways or public schools. Now relative or conventional necessity is but another term for expediency. So if the proposition is to have any force at all strict necessity must be meant. . . A small amount of travel, a low state of commerce would not demand a railroad, while it might demand a highway. Again, travel and trade might be so low as to make even a highway unneces- sary. In the one case it would be expedient to build a railroad, in the other to build a highway. This, I think, is sufficient to show that the quality of the necessity which ought to enter into the purpose of taxation is wdiolly conventional and the question whether or not the tax ought to be levied for a given purpose, wholly a question of expediency. Where a tax is levied upon all for a purpose which is ex- clusively for the benefit of a portion of the community, that is wrong; but that case is not this case nor resembles it. There was an ostentatious anti-monopoly demonstration also in the long and heated dis- cussion over the liability of stockholders in banking corporations. The committee on banking reported the section of the constitu- tion of Illinois which provided for a liability of an amount equal to the stock held in addi- tion thereto — the provision of the present constitution of Nebraska. This convention discussed at length a proposed section pro- viding for the compulsory attendance at the jniblic schools of children between the ages of eight years and sixteen years and for es- tablishing a reform school. The usual argu- ments in favor of compulsory education were advanced by Estabrook, Lake, Manderson, Neligh, Vifquain, and Wakeley, and the fa- miliar arguments against it by Kirkpatrick, Maxwell, Newsom, and Robinson. Apparent- ly owing to the fact that the proposal for compulsory education was complicated with that for a reform school which certain mem- Ijers feared might lead to unwarranted ex- ]5ense, the section was separately submitted to the popular vote. A proposal to insert a section providing that lands granted within the state by the United vStates to railroad corporations should be sub- ject to taxation as soon as the grant became effective iirovoked an aggressive discussion in which Boyd's voice alone was heard in oppo- sition. At Judge Mason's instance, the sub- ject was referred to the judiciary committee, with Estabrook, Sprague, and W'akely added, CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1871 549 for information as to the legal power of the convention to reach the desired end. A less definite section than that jiroposed was adopted. There was a stirring discussion of Philpott's proposal to add to the section of the bill of rights which made the usual exclusive pro- vision for the grand jury system a proviso that "the grand jury system may be abolished by law in all cases." Estabrook, always pro- gressive, said, "it does seem to me that the oc- casion for the grand jury has gone," and Lake, Majors, Maxwell, Strickland, and Thomas also supported the amendment, while Campbell, Manderson, Mason, Myers, Wakeley, and Wilson opposed it. Mason, as usual, spoke to the principle involved, con- tending emphatically that the alternative method of accusation by information placed an undemocratic and dangerous power in the hands of one man. The dispute resulted in a compromise by which it was left to the courts to impanel grand juries in their discretion — substantially the provision of the Illinois con- stitution and the present constitution of Ne- braska. The convention frequently set out on an original departure from its Illinois copy but seldom got far astray. The report of the legislative committee pro- vided that the first senate under the new con- stitution should have twenty-five members and the first house of representatives, seventy-five. This precipitated a heated debate, and the number was reduced to nineteen for the sen- ate and fifty-seven- for the house. In Ijoth cases it was left to subsequent legislatures to fix the number of members, but it should not exceed thirty-three for the senate or one hundred for the house. Delegates from the western counties clamored for the larger num- ber so that they might have eft'ective represen- tation. The more conservative members in- sisted first the chambers would not accommo- date the proposed numbers and that the ex- pense of so large a body would be too great. Lake warned the convention that a feeling of opposition to the constitution throughout the state had already been engendered on ac- count of its extravagant provisions which might defeat its adoption. He pointed out that there were only two important objects in reforming the constitution, the first to create an independent supreme court and perhaps add one more judicial district, and the second to consider the question of extending county and municipal aid to railroads ; but, he com- plained, "we are getting up a constitution which will require a much larger e.xpenditure of money in order to carry out its provisions properly than is expended in many of the older states." The various petitions relating to the liquor traffic were referred to a special committee of which Oliver P. Mason was chairman. Judge Mason made a long report which was chiefly an arraignment of the traffic, and it stopped short of recommending absolute prohibition only because the committee feared that it would not be a practicable remedy for the evils which the report portrayed. "Had your committee the evidence that a prohibitory liquor law would be sustained by the vote of a majority of the legal voters of the state, they would earnestly recommend to this convention the adoption of the inhibitory principle . . . but not having this evidence before us and realizing that such a law un- sanctioned by the people might be productive of evil and not good," the committee proceed- ed to recommend an article directing the legis- lature to pass a local option law essentially the same as the measure later favored by prohibitionists and which came near being adopted at the session of 1911. The ques- tion was compromised by submitting the pro- hibition provision separately and simply au- thorizing the taxing of liquor dealers in the article on revenue and finance. The proposal to confer the right of suffrage upon women caused a rather one-sided debate in which Estabrook and Manderson argued for the affirmative in extended and able speeches. Manderson saw the early advent of the expanded suffrage in the agitation then going on in England. ". . Meetings are being held in every city and town and some of the foremost men and women of that country are advocating the measure. They are knocking at the doors of parliament, and we are told that not many months will elapse 550 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ere this [ritjhlj will be extended to woman." The fact that just such a demonstration is now stirring ICnglish politics coujjled with the fact that Wakeley's statement in the conven- tion that he wanted women to have the right to vote whenever they demanded it and fa- vored the submission of the question to them alone expresses the present common sentiment of men toward the question and indicates that there has been but little change in its status in the intervening forty years. Esta- brook stated that in the opinion of able con- stitutional lawyers the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments conferred the right to vote upon women, and he cited the recent fa- vorable expression of Jeremiah S. Black and Michael C. Kerr, leading democrats, as the basis of his belief that woman suffrage would soon be adopted as an issue of the democratic party. But neither of the national party conventions of 1908 seriously thought of fa- voring woman suffrage. The convention evaded the question by shifting it on to the people by the convenient separate submission device. The clause afTecting the ta.xation of church property was the most important provision of the constitution because it was chiefly respon- sible for its rejection by the people ; and yet it was adopted after thorough discussion and was probably just and fair. Mason precipi- tated the debate by a motion to strike the word "religious" from the section reported by the committee which classified the property usually held exempt from taxation. ,\ section reported by the committee, which provided that "the cai)ital or seat of govern- ment shall remain at the city of Lincoln," precipitated a lengthy and heated debate. Boyd moved an amendment which provided that it should remain in Lincoln until 1880 and thereafter until it should be removed by a law designating some other place to be approved by a vote of the people. Estabrook, Hascall and Myers, all of Omaha, and Kirkpatrick and Stevenson advocated the original section, while Philpott of Lancaster county. Mason, and Wakeley supported Boyd's amendment which was carried. The constitution cured the uncertainty as to when the functions of an impeached officer should cease bv provid- ing that no officer shall exercise his office after he shall have been impeached and notified therof until he shall have been acquitted. 'I'his amendment was carried into the consti- tution of 1875 though that instrument lodged the power of impeaching in both houses in- stead of the House of Representatives alone and the authority to try the impeached officers in the supreme court instead of the senate. The constitution was rejected at the elec- tion held September 19th, by a preponder- ance of 641 vote^. While some of the ob- jections urged against it were legitimate, yet they were not of sufficient importance to war- rant its repudiation ; but they were used to increase and justify the factional and sec- tional prejudices and to cover the corpora- tion hostility, which together mainly inspired the opposition. Owing to the adverse conditions in which Nebraska was first occupied by white settlers, the plea of poverty became a habitual state of mind which has long outlived the economic fact which produced it. The chief objection to statehood in 1860 and in 1866, and to the adoption of the constitutions of 1871 and 1875 was that they would be. too expensive. This now venerable obsession reduced salaries of ]>ublic officers to the level of beggary in the first constitution, to inadequacy in the two subsequent constitutions, and still keeps cer- tain of the state institutions in penny wise and pound foolish starvation. And so economy was the war cry against adoption of the con- stitution. It was objected that it was better fittetl for a state of half a million, than for one of only 175,000 people; that the salaries of executive officers were too high : that the number of members of the legislature was too large, and that their compensation was unnecessarily increased from $3 to $4 a day, and no limit was fixed to the length of the sessions. By defeating the constitution the state would save annually $17,000 in judicial and $10,000 in executive salaries ; $10,000 in extra expense of census taking; and $60,000 by avoiding a special session of the legisla- ture. At an anti-constitution public meeting held in Omaha, August 29th, the statement CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1871 551 was made that the salary provided for judges of the supreme court in the proposed consti- tution — $3,500 — was the highest of a list of salaries paid such officers in twenty-three states. Jtidge Oliver P. Mason spoke in favor of adoption at this meeting. The fact that the recently adopted consti- tion of Illinois had been drawn on freely for material by the Nebraska convention was used as an argument in favor of the approval of its work. It was said that it contained "near- ly all the wholesome reforms embodied in the new constitution of Illinois, which is ac- knowledged to be the best in the United States," and was ratified by a majority of more than 100,000 votes. Although the pro- posed constitution was bitterly assailed, on the other hand its friends were alike active, and the arguments in its favor were promul- gated with ability and industry. Printed copies of the instrument, preceded by an ad- dress which explained and moderately ex- tolled its merits, and underw-ritten by a com- mittee composed of Chas. F. Manderson. chairman ; John C. Campbell, David T. Moore, Eleazer Wakeley, Enos F. Gray, Alexander S. Stewart, and Charles A. Speice, were dis- tributed to voters. Friendly speakers and newspapers also enli\'ened the thirty days' campaign. Encouragement of railroad building had thus far been the prime article of economic and political faith in Nebraska ; and, there- fore, railroad interests would naturally be in- clined to nip in the bud the presumptuous heresy that was propagated in the regulatory provisions. Other corporation interests had reasons of their own for joining the rail- roads in opposition to adoption. But while these considerations contributed toward re- jection, it was chiefly due, no doubt, to the general public disapprobation and distrust of the political status. The spectacle of the im- peachment proceedings and the succeeding po- litical anarchy, which just then filled the public eye, were well calculated to produce a restive public disposition. While sentiment for and against the constitution was not clearly de- fined by the old Platte river sectional line, yet the vote of the North Platte section was 4,932 against and 2,068 for ; while that of the South Platte was 5,918 for and 3,695 against, and eighteen of the twenty-two North Platte counties gave majorities against, and ten of the sixteen South Platte counties for adop- tion. The vote of the four North Platte counties that favored the constitution, with the exception of Cuming, was verj' small. It is significant also that the decidedly demo- cratic counties of Dakota, Platte, and Sarpy were almost unanimous, and Dodge was strongly against the constitution. The vote on the five sections submitted sep- arately follows ; Liability of stockholders, 7,286 for, 8,580 against ; municipal aid to cor- porations, 6,690 for, 9,549 against ; compulsory education, 6,286 for, 9,958 against ; submis- sion of prohibition proposition, 6,071 for, 1,060 against ; woman suffrage, 8,502 for, 12,676 against. CHAPTER XXVI A Spfxial Session Fiasco — The Tennant Case — Right of a Negro to be a Jury- man — Validity of Admission to Statehood — Political Disruption of 1872 — The Furnas Libel Suit — The Kennard Claims — State Finance — Retirement of Tipton and Election of Paddock for United States Senator — Final Defeat of Thayer — Capital Removal — Legislature of 1875 TT DID NOT satisfy the hunger for disor- -*- der that the cup of anarchy had been filled by the performances of the adjourned session of 1872; and the enemies of the acting governor's regime set about causing an over- flow. The disturbers had won over to their side Hascall, the president of the senate, who in the temporary absence of Acting Governor James from the state, himself assumed the office of acting governor, and, on the 8th of February, hastily issued a call for the legis- lature to convene in special session, February 15th. The olijects of the session as stated in the call were to enact laws, ( 1 ) providing for the encouragement of immigration; (2) for the issuance of funding bonds to the amount of $50,000; (3) to declare the cases in which oi^ces were deemed vacant and the mode of filling them; (4) for investigation; (5) relating to common schools; (6) to cities and towns ; (7) to new counties ; (8) appro- priation of money for the general welfare; (9) for the keeping of state prisoners; (10) increasing jurisdiction of probate judges ; (11 ; correction of the journals of the last regular session of the legislature. Acting Governor James left the state Fel)- ruary 6th, to go to Washington on pnlilic business. He did not take the usual course of notifying Mr. Hascall, who, according to the constitution, would become acting governor in case of his own absence from the state, prob- ably because he was unwilling to contribute toward Hascall's authority for convening the legislature. The faction which was clamoring for a special session charged James with bad faith in violating an alleged agreement to call it, as a condition of the settlement of the ad- journment imbroglio of the January session. Whether this assertion is true or not is past finding out, and it has little or no bearing upon the question of the propriety or legality of Hascall's obtrusion. On the 13th, Acting Governor James issued a proclamation declar- ing that issued by Hascall unauthorized, null, and void, and enjoining the legislature to dis- regard it. On the 15th, seven senators — a bare quo- rum — and fifteen members of the house — • five less than a quorum — mustered at the Capitol in response to the spurious call, but they found the doors of -the chambers locked and barricaded on the inside. Twenty mem- bers of both houses — -presumably all who were whole-hearted in the enterprise — united in a petition to the acting governor, who had hastened back from Washington after a stay of only six hours, for admission to their re- spective halls. A teapot revolution followed the firm denial of the request, and emissaries of the insurgents gained access to the cham- bers by unusual and devious ways. Those who honored the call were, in the main, rep- resentative of the Lincoln cabal, and the coterie which had favored the salt subsidy and the impeachment of Gillespie. "After the room was cleared of the barricades, and the janitors had made the fires, the senate pro- ceeded to business," which consisted of the appointment of a committee to inform the THE TENNANT CASE 553 house that it was ready for business, and another to report rules. The house appointed T. B. Hartzell as sergeant-at-arms, and seven assistants, and instructed them to bring in absentee members.. On the second day the accession of Cropsey, Linch, and Tennant, with the loss of Sheldon and Smith, raised the number of senators to eight. The house re- ported twenty absent, which meant one less than a quorum present. But trickery and fraud quite commonly defeat themselves. On the 17th the senate passed a bill providing for the filling of vacancies in executive offices. But it was now easy to discern that this ill- considered scheme was a failure, and as rats desert the sinking ship, the members who came were not inclined to stay. On the 19th the opposition played its trump. On the ar- rest of Senator Tennant by the sergeant-at- arms, to compel his attendance, a writ of habeas corpus was applied for in the supreme court. At the hearing on the 21st, the testi- mony of Acting Governor James, his private secretary, and Senator Hascall was taken. In the report of the case it is stated that, "Hascall. who resided in Omaha, learning of James's absence, went at once to Lincoln, the capital, and under pretense that the document was one certifying that some person was a notary public, obtained from James's private secretary the great seal, long enough to get its impress to a paper of which the following (the proclamation) is a copy, and which was pub- lished in some of the papers of the state." Eleazer Wakeley and Mark H. Sessions, coimsel for Tennant, adopted and emphasized the theory that Hascall had not assumed the office of governor, according to the spirit and form contemplated by the constitution. He had not acted in good faith, but had clandes- tinely slipped into the governor's office and, under a false pretense, appropriated and used the seal for this single specific purpose. Judge Lake leaned to this view in his opin- ion ; but Crounse did not commit himself on that point. Both of these judges, however, contended that the executive had complete control of the proclamation up to the time when it had become finally eft'ective, and that, having recalled it, the legislature was not in legal session, had no authority to compel the attendance of members, and so its "every act is without the shadow of authority." Judge Ma- son, in his dissenting opinion, made the very strong point that the regularity of the proced- ure, preliminary to the assembling of the legis- lature, could not be questioned collaterally ; it had resulted in a session, at least de facto, of a coordinate department of the government of which the other departments were bound to take judicial notice. The chief justice also strenuously maintained that Hascall's call be- came vitalized beyond revocation the moment that it was issued. He plausibly more than hinted that the majority was governed by po- litical bias. "Courts should yield to no clamor, and shrink from no responsibility," he said. Justice Crounse protested against Mason's in- sinuations in a curt note appended to the opin- ions, in which he said that his opinion and that of Judge Lake were given hastily at the time of the hearing, while Mason had taken time for investigation before preparing his own. Decisions of questions with a political bear- ing by mere majorities in our courts, high and low, are so common, that Judge Mason's stric- tures need not excite our wonder. It seems relevant to note that the domicile of the two agreeing judges was in the North Platte, and that of the dissenter was in the South Platte. There is ground for perpetual dispute as to whether the contention of the majority or that of the minority is the better sustained by rea- son. The eiTect of the decision was at least salutary in summarily circumventing the cheap trickery of Hascall and relieving the state from another scandalous exhibition of imbe- cility. For it is not probable that a working quorum could have been kept together. The attitude of the press is as clearly explicable as the opinions of the learned judges are inde- terminate and confusing. The Lincoln organ was of course in favor of a session, and so the Tribune-Republican at Omaha was of course violently opposed to it. The Bee, just then fighting for a foothold in the Omaha journal- istic field, was against its local rival, and so supported Hascall. The episode moved the nearly republican organ in the neighboring 554 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA state to a drastic summing up of jiolitical con- ditions in Nebraska : That the state of Nebraska is blessed with the scurviest set of pohtical rascals outside of New York, no one who has noticed the course of events in that state during the past twelve months will question. The governor has been impeached and deposed, and the last session of the legislature was an illegitimate and abnor- mal affair, characterized throughout by scenes of violence and disorder that would have dis- graced the lowest bar-room brawl. And now comes Senator Hascall, president of the sen- ate, proclaiming himself acting governor in the absence of Governor James who is at present out of the state. His first act is to issue a proclamation convening the legislature on the 15th inst. . . The Omaha Tribune, in a double-leaded article, denounces this action as revolutionary, "the cheap and dirty trick of an irresponsible and unprincipled politician, an insult to the state and a dastardly game of per- sonal revenge against Gov. James." The game of politics, played upon a larger scale and by the larger men, though never fas- tidious or on a very high plane, is interesting and instructive. In this degenerate aspect, however, its petty story is told and tolerated chiefly for the incidental light it throws ujjon the evolution of the commonwealth. In February, 1872, the supreme court of the state decided that the statute confining the legal right to sit on juries to free white males was overruled by the condition to admission interposed by Congress, which declared that there should be "no denial of the elective fran- chise, or of any other right, to any person by reason of race or color." The question arose in the trial of one Brittle on a charge of bur- glary, in the district court of Douglas county, when the right of Howard W. Crossley, a negro, to sit on the jury was challenged by the defendant. Chief Justice Mason dissented from the decision of Justices Crounse and Lake. Justice Mason answered in the nega- tive his question. "Could Congress change the constitution which the people had adopted and admit the state into the Union with its funda- mental law so changed, without the consent of the people?" He contended that, "being elected by the people to legislate under the re- strictions of the constitution, the legislature was not, nor could Congress, by recognition or otherwise, constitute it. the representative of the people to overturn the law which the peo- ]jle had established for it as well as for the citizen." The "very best constitutional law- yers of the land," who were members of the Congress which imposed the condition, knew that it was without force or effect. "The peo- ple of this state never voluntarily entered the Union with a constitution amended by the erasure of the word 'white.' Congress admit- ted representatives from the state, and the ter- ritorial government was withdrawn ; and noth- ing remained for the people but to go on under the state government. Coerced in this way their action is now said to conclude them." This question "is too serious to be an- swered by a sneer. It is too profound to be solved by an appeal to partisanship. . . It has always been conceded that Congress could not prescribe a form of government to a peo- ])!e, save that it should be republican in form." In the majority opinion it was pointed out that the enabling act — of 1864 — prescribed that a convention, organized according to pro- visions of the act, should meet in July, 1864, and form a constitution which should be sub- mitted to the electors of the territory, for their ratification or rejection, in the following Oc- tober ; and that the sentiment of the people at that time being opposed to a change to state- hood, the convention "refused to make a con- stitution and adjourned sine die." Afterward, in 1866, "as is well known, the constitution was originally drafted in a lawyer's office by a few self-appointed individuals," who "impor- tuned the legislature then sitting, to submit it to a vote of the people." And then the opinion proceeds to pronounce little short of a dictum that the constitution was not fairly adopted by the popular vote on account of the throwing out of the Rock Bluff's ballots and the improj^er counting of the sol- dier vote : Suppose, then ... a criminal is put upon his trial ; and, as a defense, he offers to show that at the June election in 1866, a clear majority voted against the adoption of the constitution, notwithstanding the laoard of can- vassers have declared otherwise. . . I am satisfied that he could make a fair showing in that direction. It is said that a whole precinct VALIDITY OF ADMISSION TO STATEHOOD 555 in one county was thrown out, where the ma- jority was already against the constitution ; that, in another place, a large number of sol- diers voted in its favor, with no pretext of right so to do ; and in other respects, irregu- larities intervened which might easily over- come the declared majority of a hundred. This might well be where a vote was had under no competent authority, and where no one, for ballot-box stuffing or for false returns could be punished. Would the court allow the evidence ? The opinion held that it was clearly too late to question the validity of statehood, and so of the terms and conditions under which admis- sion to statehood had been effected. The federal constitution simply prescribed that, "new states may be admitted into the Union,' and "this is all that is said. The manner in which such states shall be fonned, or how they shall be introduced, is nowhere prescribed. It is a political question, to be settled by the peo- ple of the territory on the one side and the Congress on the other. When the fact of ad- mission is established, the courts are bound by it and cannot go behind it." It was argued that the question, how or by whom the consti- tution was formed, was of no consequence, neither was it necessary to submit it to a vote of the people. Congress had prescribed sub- mission in the original enabling act, but that act was not regarded as a standing ofifer ; so in 1867 Congress amended the constitution of- fered by the legislature, the territory accepted the amendment, the territory was then for- mally admitted under this last provision of Congress and assvmied the functions of state- hood. Justice Mason was no doubt right in his emphatic contention that Congress could not force a constitution, or any part of one, upon a prospective state, and that the condition of ad- mission which undertook to confer suffrage upon negroes was null and void. "At the time of the discussions over the Lecompton consti- tution in Kansas, by which the whole country was convulsed, it was universally supposed that the doctrine was once and forever settled, that no territory could be forced into the Union until its people had a full, fair, free opportun- ity to express their approval or disapproval of its constitution. . . Until the case of our state arose, no single instance ever occurred of Congress admitting a state without the popular approval of the constitution." The Congress which imposed this condition comprised many very able men — among them the most emi- nent leaders of the republican party — most of whom, without partisan distinction, emphati- cally expressed the opinion adopted by Justice Mason. His dissenting opinion reduced the controversy to two points : "There are but two circumstances in the whole course of this his- tory which deserve a moment's consideration — one, the vote of the people upon the constitu- tion, without which all that had gone before was of no avail ; the other the action of Con- gress. Each, in its turn, cured all irregularities which preceded it, and relieves us of the neces- sity of any inquiry in respect of everything else." Jurisprudence being very far from an exact science, as is illustrated by the not infrequent five to four decisions of our highest judicial tribunal, we may not be expected to see clearly why subsequent uses, by assumption of the functions of statehood under the color of a contract, consisting of the acceptance of at least a part of the constitution by a formal popular vote and of another alleged part of it by the legislature on the one hand, and the act of Congress and the proclamation of the presi- dent on the other, should have cured all irregu- larities except the suffrage condition or amendment. Yet when it is considered that the constitution which the people approved does not contain the suffrage condition, there appears to be at least a judicial distinction, or color of reason, which justifies Justice Mason's conclusion. But Justice Mason's second contention, that the statute excluding negroes from jury service was not inimical to the fourteenth amendment of the federal constitution, was swept away by a decision of the federal Supreme Court in 1879. The court made a distinction which left some plausibility for Justice Mason's distinc- tion that jury service was not a "right" but a public duty or burden. "We do not say that within the limits from which it is not excluded a state may not prescribe the qualifications of 556 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA jurors, and in so doing make discriminations. It may confme the selection to males, to free- holders, to citizens, to persons within certain ages, or to persons having educational qualifi- cations" ; but the aim of the fourteenth amend- ment was to prevent discrimination on account of race or color, and this was the effect of the statute of West A'irginia, as also of that of Nebraska in question. The year 1872 was distinguished by political revolt : within the republican party against a corrujit and despotic machine, commonly called Grantism ; within the democratic party against a bourbonism which kept it chained to a dead past. The movement led to the nomination of Horace Greeley for president, by a formidable rebellious faction called "Liberal Republicans" and also by the democratic party, whereby 'the latter turned its back on its traditions and on some of its principles. Dissatisfaction and dis- gust with local conditions had particularly pre- pared those Nebraska republicans who were courageous enough, to revolt even in the cause of reform for the general weal. At a mass meeting of liberal republicans, held in Nebraska City, the last week in April, Geo. W. Ambrose and John McCormick, of Omaha. Dr. Renner, of Nebraska City, and A. W. Kel- logg, of Lincoln, were chosen as delegates to the liberal republican national convention, which was held in Cincinnati. In June and July, David Butler, ex-governor ; Oliver P. Mason, chief justice of the supreme court : Thomas W. Tipton, United States senator ; Monroe L. Hayward, many years afterward a United States senator; Experience Estabrook, ex-attorney-general : and Elder John M. Young, of Lincoln, all prominent republicans, made speeches for Greeley. Hayward, Mason, and J. Sterling Morton spoke at a Greeley meeting in Nebraska City. Spectacles of like incongruity are found only in the proverbial strange bedfellowships of politics ; though all three of these men were inclined to in- dependent action. Mr. Hayward also signed the call for the liberal republican state conven- tion held this year. The prematurity of this attempted local fusion almost equaled the like attempt in the national campaign, and in such conditions sticcess in either case was not to bt expected. The signal failure of this reform movement in its national aspect greatly strengthened the regulars locally and left them in power until the successful populist revolt twenty years later. A republican convention was held at Lincoln, May 15th and 16th, for the purpose of choosing delegates to the na- tional convention. The strained formality of long lists of vice presidents and large commit- tees and tedious two-day sessions, even, with but a single simple function to perform, was still in vogue. The remarkable feature of the convention was the advocacy of popular elec- tion, not only of United States senators, one of our present-day most prominent objective reforms, but federal administrative officers in general. Acquiescence by this body in nation- al political conditions was perfunctory and a matter of course. But that devil which had so long insiiircd the local republican machine was content to recognize, monk-like, the sickness of the na- tional organization and to prescribe civil ser- vice reform : and revenue reform, also, by "ad- justment of the tariff until protection shall bear equally upon the difTerent sections of the coun- try." The republican organ at Omaha con- tinued its complaints against the northeastern sectional tariff policy, but to which the party throughout the west fell complete captive dur- ing; the following decade. The democratic convention, held at Lincoln on the 20th of June, joined the Greeley reform movement, which had been formally started at the Cincinnati convention. Notwithstanding the consistency and justification of the reform slogan, of which there was forcible local illus- tration, and the considerable license allowed in politics for strange bedfellowship, the incon- gruity between the leader and the new depart- ure following was too great to be taken se- riously. The moral efifect of this independent protest was lasting and greatly aided the log- ical leadership of Tilden to sweep the country — by the popular vote at least — four years later, and substantial victory eight years later still. Greeley and his traditions were a dish bitterer than crow for bourbons of the Mor- ton type, who were leaders of the Nebraska deniocrac\'; but their lane of defeats had been POLITICAL DISRUPTION OF 1872 557 very long, with still no sign of turning, and anything that involved a possibility of change doubtless seemed better than to further pursue the monotonously direct course to failure. In the fall there was a formal fusion of democrats and liberal republicans for the local campaign by the same methods which were employed by democrats and popidists in and after 1894. Henry C. Lett of Nemaha county, headed the fusion ticket as candidate for gov- ernor; James M. Woolworth of Douglas coun- ty, was nominated for chief justice of the supreme court ; and Jesse F. Warn.ir of Da- kota county, for member of the lower house of Congress. At the republican convention, held Sepember 4th, Robert W. Furnas was nominated for governor, and George B. Lake for chief justice of the supreme court. John TatTe was at last retired from Nebraska poli- tics by this convention, and Lorenzo Crounse, an improvement in ability and virility, was nominated for member of the national House of Rei)resentatives. in his stead. Lett, Wool- worth. Warner, Lake, and Crounse were all men of a higher average of character and ability than previous nominees for the same offices. While not nearly as bright a man as his opponent, Mr. Furnas had an advantage of military prestige and as a pioneer devotee and demonstrator of horticulture and agri- culture. It can only be said that the political canvass of 1872 was less acrimonious than its Inter predecessors. The recent shocking exposure of crookedness which had characterized the whole career of the state ought to have caused a reaction which would have assured the nomination for governor of a man above corruption or suspicion. But the relentless editor of the Omaha Herald remembered that, as a member of the third territorial legisla- ture, Furnas had been charged with receiv- ing a bribe to vote against the removal of the capital from Omaha to Douglas City, and the Herald opened its campaign with specific re- iteration of the old accusations. The fact that fear of defeat drove Furnas to boldl) meet the accuser by beginning a libel suit against the Herald at least indicates the ap- pearance, or reappearance, of a public con- science, though friends of the candidate, much shrewder than he, advised against this course as unnecessary and unwise. There were counter charges that Lett had fraudulently obtained twenty thousand acres of the state's public improvement lands for the Brownville, Fort Kearney & Pacific railroad company, of which he was president, by making a false affidavit that ten miles of the road had been constructed when rails had been laid on only seven miles, and all of the work done was of very inferior quality. Incidentally, the Omaha & Southwestern, or the Atchison & Nebraska company had been thus swindled out of a just right to these lands. John J. Gosper, republican candidate for secretary of state, was also smirched by the campaign character-painters. Because the independent or insurrectionary movement meant chiefly a "new departure," looking to the weakening or breaking of now unnecessary and only hurtful party bonds — this purpose was emphasized by Greeley — it was premature. It also unwisely sought to unite incongruous political elements. Greeley, therefore, carried only six states, all of the south. Economic conditions in Nebraska still encouraged dependence on the paternalistic republican party, and notwithstanding the de- fection of many of its influential leaders, it was successful by an increased majority of about 6,000. But the charge of bribery against Furnas was not ineffective, and he ran about 600 behind the average vote for his party ticket. The fifth legislature met in the ninth ses- sion, being the third regular session. January 9. 1873, and finally adjourned March 3, 1873. William A. Gwyer of Douglas county, was elected president of the senate, Guy C. Bar- ton of JJncoln county, the democratic candi- date, receiving only two votes. Mark H. Ses- sions of Lancaster county, was elected speaker of the house: his opponent, R. F. Steven- son of Cuming county, receiving only seven votes. Acting Governor James, who had at least successfully held on to his office with perti- nacity against the schemes and machinations of the Lincoln machine, in his retiring mes- 558 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA sage to the legislature expressed the hope that "the animosities engendered by the fierce political strifes through which we have passed in the last two years, may be buried and for- gotten." Practical encouragement to immi- gration was still urgently needed, and the message justly commended the Burlington & Missouri and the Union Pacific railroad com- panies "for their material aid in advancing this important interest." In the face of the chronic denunciation of the State University as a failure by the (Jmaha press, the message commended its purpose and progress — a needed, and, coming from the North Platte, a notable concession. Governor Furnas in his inaugural address complained that the law exempting lands planted to trees from taxation had become oppressive, causing an annual loss to the state in revenue of $200,000: he urged the revision of the constitution in the most expeditious manner possible ; recommended the develop- ment of coal and salt deposits by the state ; and insisted that the Indians should be re- moved from their reservations, and from the state. Governor Furnas was a man of hu- mane and gentle impulses, and to the Indians the persistent determination to dispossess them of their ancient domains was cruel. But this was a question of economic competition, which is in its nature relentless, and l)y its pressure within a decade three of the tribes of the weaker race were forced to go because they were the weaker race. Political turbulence, which had thus far characterized the state's career, had apparent- ly exhausted itself. No doubt the formidable beginning of dismemberment of the dominant party had also a sobering efifect ; and so the session of the legislature was not marked by so much as a single violent episode or even by any procedure of unusual importance. William F. Cody, beter known as BulTalo Bill, was the democratic candidate for mem- ber of the house from the twenty-sixth dis- trict and according to the returns of the board of canvassers of the district he was elected by a majority of 44 votes. The re- port of the committee on privileges and elec- tions disclosed that the clerk of Harlan county had neglected to transmit the returns of the election in that county to the can- vassers of Lincoln county as he was by law required to do. The committee found that by counting the votes of Harlan county, D. P. Ashburn, Cody's opponent, was elected by a majority of 42 votes. The house thereupon decided to "go behind the returns" of the canvassers and seat Ashburn. Mr. Cody did not appear to clairu the seat, and the errone- ous popular belief that he was a member of the legislature arose from the finding of the canvassers of Lincoln county who were au- thorized to canvass the returns of the seven counties comprising the district. Two resolutions were reported in the house authorizing the resubmission of the constitu- tion of 1871 with such changes as the legisla- ture might make. The majority of the com- mittee to whom they were referred recom- mended the adoption of one of them (H. R. 71 ), but Babcock's minority report, which con- tended that the proposed "revision and sub- mission of the so-called new constitution" was beyond the powers of the legislature, and recommended that the question of calling a new constitutional convention be submitted to a vote of the people at the next general elec- tion, was adopted ; and thus the foundation was laid for the convention of 1875. Erroneous information that a bill to remove the capital had passed, sent to the Omaha newspapers on the 12th, led them to expose their anti-Lincoln animus. The next morning the Herald entitled its editorial leader, "Move It, yes, move It !" and the Republican was equally vociferous. On the same day, also, over-sanguine removalists telegraphed to Senator Hitchcock at Washington, that the capital was on wheels, Lincoln was dead, and an appropriation for a postoffice was needless. A motion to indefinitely postpone this bill was lost by a vote of 14 to 22 ; but it was not diffi- cult to demoralize the removalists because they could not agree on a new location, and the bill was finally laid on the table by a vote of 25 to 11, six members from the North Platte — Bartlett and Goodman of Douglas county. May of Dodge, Nelson of Burt, Sprick of Washington, and Tzschuck of Sarpy — ^/ /-vi^t^ P()LITICAL DISRUPTION OF 1872 559 voting with the majority. The eleven who voted against the motion were all of the North Platte section, except Brown, of Cass. Two of the six members from Douglas voted for postponement. The Bcc. February 19, 187v5, declared, "that Lincoln could not remain the permanent seat of state government must be conceded on all hands.'-' It ofifered as a salve for its unwar- ranted cocksure conclusion the theory or argu- nient that the Herald had used when Omaha lost the capital, namely ; that Lincoln as a city was now a fixed fact and would not per- manently suffer from removal. Its solicitude for getting the capital away was ostensibly based on a condition, not a theory. "A most pernicious atmosphere of corruption sur- rounds our legislators whenever they assemble there." Reiterated charges by the press that the act of the legislature authorizing the construction of a state penitentiary had been corruptly vio- lated by the state prison inspectors in entering into a contract whose consideration greatly exceeded the proceeds of the lands which were appropriated to pay for the structure, and that the contractors, Stout and Jamison, had done dishonest and inferior work, forced the legislature to enter on an investigation. A. K. White, J. S. Brown, Charles L. Metz, and R. H. Wilbur of the house committee on the penitentiary made a majority report which was little more or less than a whitewash. Henry Sprick made a minority report which contended that the original act appropriating the fifty sections of pententiary land for the purpose of building a penitentiary and the amendatory act granting twenty additional sections, "commonly known as the capitol building lands," for the same purpose, clearly contemplated that the cost of the building should be limited to the proceeds of the lands, and that tiie contract made June 13, 1870, providing for an expenditure of $307,950, an amount in excess of the proceeds of the lands, violated the law. The report showed also that the builders had not complied with the specifications. A special investigating com- mittee of the house, consisting of Silas Gar- ber, M. Dunham, A. H. Babcock, L. M. Howard, and C. W. Wheeler, made an ex- tended inquiry in which many witnesses were examined. All of the members of the com- mittee excepting Wheeler joined in applying a finishing coat of whitewash to the trans- action. Mr. Wheeler's minority report re- enforced that of Mr. Sprick. He pointed out that the provision of the original act, which limited the time for the erection of the build- ing to one year, clearly showed that it was the intention of the act to limit the expendi- ture to the proceeds of the appropriation of fifty thousand acres of land. This time limit was not extended by the legislature until February 10, 1871, eight months after the excessive contract had been made. Experi- ence proved, what this unlawful contract showed on its face, that its execution would take a great many years. Mr. Wheeler con- tended that if the inspectors who executed the contract could bind the state for any amount whatever beyond the appropriation they could have so bound it to an unlim- ited amount, and that the proposed building was disproportionate to the needs and finan- cial condition of the state. In July, 1870, new plans and specifications were improperly substituted for the originals ; inferior lime was used in the walls when the specifications called for cement ; and heading courses had been omitted. The administration of our great public land trust has been distinguished by gross frauds during the last forty years, but it is only imder the administration of the late strenuous execu- tive that the honest determination and indom itable will requisite for their detection and punishment have come together. In that ear- lier heyday of fraud and profligacy it would not be expected that a legislature of Nebraska, whose paramount fealty was party fetichisni, would have the will to find the way to fraud in the sale of the penitentiary land if the vo- ciferous allegations of their perpetration were true. The Omaha newspapers led of course in these charges of fraud. The Herald alleged that lands were sold for two dollars an acre which under an honest sale would have brought from five dollars to ten dollars. The Republican was equally censorious. "It seems 560 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA to us that $307,000 was a pretty large sum for the prison inspectors to pay for a penitentiary in so young a state and so sparsely populated, and it further seems to us that $174,000 was a low price for 44,800 acres of land." The lands, it was insisted, were to pay in full for the buildings. It was never dreamed that the state would be called upon for the payment of $160,000 or any other sum. But, as a matter of course, the legislature authorized the levy of a half mill state tax for 1873 and 1874, and a mill tax for 1875 and 1876 to pay the excess which was incurred not only unlawfully but unreasonably. This tax was a grievous burden on the settlers in those years of grasshopper devastation and a still more hurtful burden for many years to come in the shape of Stout politics as well as Stout contracts. It was a grievous fault of the newspapers at that time to make extravagant and often reckless assertions as to malfeasance of public officers upon hearsay. Thus the editor of the Omaha Herald made the boldest charges against the Butler administration and in the penitentiary aiifair, yet in both cases, when summoned to testify, he as positively asserted that he did not know "a solitary fact" — ex- cept of course by hearsay. A juster public opinion today requires of newspapers an available basis of fact to justify accusations of this nature; and so the press is doing the most eiTective as well as genuine detective and reform work. Demands by the legisla- ture in the form of joint resolutions, upon the late acting governor, auditor, and super- intendent of the ipsane asylum, for funds and furniture belonging to the state, which, the resolutions alleged, had been wrongfully ap- propriated by those officers to their personal use. illustrate the continuing disgraceful public corruption, or else a mean and outrageously slanderous spirit. The legislature seconded the contention of the governor that the state should be rid of the Indians by memorializing Congress to that end, and continued the now familiar complaint of manipulation by the railway companies of their land grants in a manner unfair and oppressive to the home- steaders and preemptors. The continuing aggression of the Indiant, on the westerly settlements was set forth in a recjuest for the establishment of a military post, west of Red Willow county, by the federal government ; and the impracticability of leaving an uncivilized and unassimilable, though peaceably inclined, people in juxta- position with aggressive civilization was em- phatically set forth in a demand that the Otoe and Missouri, Omaha, and Pawnee be abso- lutely restrained from passing through the white settlements on their way to the hunt- ing grounds now beyond the frontier. The public scandals which had been con- tinuous since the organization of the state government — and especially since the re- moval of the capital to Lincoln — up to this period, were varied or signalized by periodical, explosive episodes. There was the impeach- ment of Governor Butler in 1871, the an- archical disturbances between the legislature and Governor James in 1872, and now, in 1873, another famous state trial in which Governor Furnas, though nominally plaintifif, was really defendant. Furnas foolishly began the suit but, in view of the damaging facts which it judicially established, he more fool- ishly allowed it to be brought to trial. The defendants were George L. Miller and Lyman Richardson, publishers of the Omaha Herald. and they were charged with having libelously alleged that Furnas stipulated to receive and had received $3,000 in gold, while a member of the council of the third territorial legisla- ture, in 1857, to influence his vote on the question of the removal of the capital from Omaha to Douglas City. The trial began June 19, 1873. Oliver P. Mason, Seth Robinson, and John C. Corwin were counsel for Furnas, and Eleazer Wakeley. James W. Savage, and George W. Ambrose for the defendants. Furnas voted for the removal bill when it passed the council, but on the dilatory mo- tions made by its friends who favored a test vote on the question of passing the bill over the governor's veto, he changed sides and voted with the anti-removalists. Finney, member of the house from Nemaha — the same county which Furnas represented — ■ THE FURNAS LIBFX SUIT 561 voted against the passage of the bill. These two were the only members from the South Platte section who stood against passing the bill over the veto, and, more significantly, only the vote of each was lacking in his respective house to override the veto. Benjamin P. Rankin, who had been mem- ber, of the territorial legislature and also treasurer of the territory, was a lobbyist in the legislature of 1857 and conducted nego- tiations with Furnas. At the time of the trial he lived at San Jose, California, and Oliver P. Mason took his deposition at that place. In the course of his testimony he said : "I may have told, and probably did tell, Pop- pleton and others that I had paid, or was to pay, R. W. Furnas money in consideration of his vote." He also testified that he made no oft'er or promise of money to Furnas except to compensate him for loss of profit on public printing which might be taken away from him by the majority of the legislature, which fa- vored removal of the capital, if he should vote against them. The witness "understood" that there was $3,000 deposited at Moffat's bank lo secure the vote of R. W. Furnas, but did not see it deposited or taken from the bank. The following pledge which Furnas signed -was introduced in evidence : "I hereby pledge myself to oppose any and every bill for the removal of the capital from Omaha city at the present session of the legislature of Nebraska, and for the division of Douglas county and for the change of the county seat of said county." Furnas testified that this pledge was in Rankin's handwriting, but he himself signed it. Rankin said to him. "If you will sign this pledge I will protect you in the profits of public printing." "I think since," Furnas answered, "that it was very improper for me to sign it. Other men may have reaped benefits from it, and I have had to lav under that cloud for seventeen years." He expected that citizens of Douglas county would make up the loss of the profits on his contract for the territorial printing if there should be any, and that was the admitted reason why he signed the pledge. His reason for having torn his name from the pledge was, "I did not want mv name to remain there any more." He thought there was no impropriety in this. "You are aware that was the way things were done in those days." Furnas voted in accordance with the pledge against the Douglas county division bill and so against the sentiment of his section of the territory. There were printed shares of the site of Douglas City which were promoted by McComas and Nuckolls. He took some of these shares himself, but that was before he was elected a member of the council. To Wakeley's question, "Did you know it was a fact that McComas had distributed shares to all tlie members who would go for the re- moval of the capital?" he answered no. He admitted that he heard about the charge that money had been deposited for him in the MoflFat bank the following winter. When pressed to explain why he did not go to the bank to look up such an important matter, he answered, "I don't know why I didn't." He testified that he was never in the bank, but Alfred D. Jones and James A. Jackson tes- tified that they saw him there during the session of the legislature. Furnas also denied that he received the certificate of deposit as alleged by other witnesss. David H. Moff'at, who became a very prominent banker and railroad builder, ol Denver, Colorado, was at the time of the alleged bribery teller and bookkeeper of the Bank of Nebraska at Omaha and was only eighteen years of age. He testified as follows : "There was a sum of $3,000 deposited in the bank in which I was teller, to be paid to Robert W. Furnas on the condition that he voted for the retention of the capital at Oma- ha. I issued a certificate of deposit, payable on the condition above mentioned to the order of Robert W. Funias, and delivered that cer- tificate to Benjamin P. Rankin. After the adjournment of the legislature that winter, Mr. Rankin and Robert W. Furnas came into the bank with the certificate properly endorsed and satisfied me that its conditions had been complied with, and I paid over the money. I suppose that certificate is among the papers of the Bank of Nebraska, in the possession of B. F. Allen, at Fort Des Moines, in the state 562 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of Iowa. I do not recollect whether Rankin took the package of money away from the counter, or whether Furnas did. They were both together." Q. "Do you know for whose use the package of money was received, or what was to be done with it?" A. "I under- stood it was for the use and benefit of Robert W. Furnas." Andrew J. Poppleton testified that B. P. Rankin told him, "during the canvass for dele- gate to Congress," that he got $3,000 for Fur- nas on his vote on the question of capital removal and that Furnas used the money to pay debts and buy a printing press. Theodore H. Robertson testified that he saw the certificate of deposit in iNIotifat's bank, that it was payable to Furnas or his order, on condition of the defeat of the cap- ital removal bill and the bill for the division of Douglas county at that session of the legis- lature. Witness also saw the pledge signed by Furnas with the certificate of deposit. Joshua Hanscom's testimony showed that the certificate was delivered to Rankin but was payable to Furnas, and that he saw the pledge. Experience Estabrook showed that Furnas was in favor of the removal bill until the gov- ernor vetoed it. This witness also saw the certificate in the bank in the fall of 1858 and made a copy of it. William B. Hail, member of the first five territorial legislatures, testi- fied that Furnas advocated removal in the caticuses of the legislature which were held for the consideration of that question, "up to near the time of the bill being voted on by the council." James A. Jackson testified that Rankin represented to him that a fund must be raised to prevent the removal of the capital, and $3,000 was collected. Furnas asked him if he knew what would have to be done to pre- vent removal. "About the time the bill was to come up for final action in the council," said this witness, "myself and others were no- tified to make a deposit of the fund of $3,000 raised that morning for Furnas, the plaintifif, or it would be too late. I went to the Bank of Omaha [Nebraska], of which one David Mofifat was cashier [teller], on the morning designated, and found plaintiff Furnas in waiting with Dr. Rankin. The $3,000 raised was that morning placed in the hands of Mr. Aloffat in the presence of Furnas, the plaintiiT. At the time the money was so deposited, Mr. Furnas, the plaintifif, said to me, 'My constitu- ents will go after me for this," or, 'make it mighty hot for me,' or something of that kind, and I have seen nothing of the money so deposited or any portion thereof since." The jury disagreed, but only two stood for the plaintiff, which was, of course, a damaging defeat. Furnas complained that sectional pre- judice was so strong, that he, being of the v^outh Platte section, could not have a fair trial in Douglas county, and that, through the influence of the defendants, "the court officer having principally in charge the making up and handling of the jury, there were and are, good grounds for a belief that partiality would be and was exercised for the defense and against the plaintifl:'." The defendants, on the other hand, alleged in the Herald that the jury was composed of six republicans, only four democrats, one "temperance party" and one "mixed." The principal tactics of the prosecution was to make a scapegoat of Rankin. His reputa- tion so nearly adjusted itself to the other cir- cumstances of the case as to make the theory that Rankin was the real culprit and beneficiary of the bribery fund at least very plausible. Mr. Co win contended in his argument to the jury that Rankin's testimony showed that Furnas was the victim of conspirators who divided the plunder they procured in his name. When the trial went against him, Furnas pursued the same policy by extra-ju- dicial methods. In January, 1873, in prepara- tion for the trial, he wrote to Rankin request- ing him to make a statement of the facts in relation to the charges as he remembered them, as he thought it might lead to a settle- ment of the suit without trial. Rankin's reply was evasive and of little help to Furnas, so that it became necessary to take his deposition. After the trial, Furnas made a passionate ap- peal to Rankin to write a statement exonerat- ing hiiii from the guilt which the evidence and the verdict of the trial had fastened upon him, and the response was more favorable, though THE FURNAS LIBEL SUIT 563 still equivocal. James A. Jackson and David H. Moffat wrote letters to Furnas in which they expressed a belief that he had been the innocent victim of a base conspiracy. Fur- nas was severely criticised for publishing these letters of his friend Rankin, who had admon- ished him to regard them as confidential. The testimony of David H. Moffat that he made out the certificate of deposit of the $3,000 payable to Furnas, which Furnas and Rankin afterward brought to the bank "prop- erly endorsed," and of Theodore H. Robert- son that about eighteen months afterward he saw the certificate so described in Moffat's Ijank, with the strong corroborative evidence, is very difficult to overcome or explain away , but it leaves some room for the theory that Rankin fooled Furnas with promises and ac- tually got all the money himself. But Fur- nas's own admissions leave him in a plight but little better than if he had confessed to taking the money itself. Though the Bee was only less hostile and aggressive in personal attack than the Herald, yet its estimate of Furnas's admissions seems fair and correct : "I'hat testimony needs no comment. It proves that things were 'loosely managed in those days.' It exhibits a lack of moral stamina that was properly characterized by one of the able legal councillors [counsel] of the gov- ernor as decidedly compromising. . . The admissions made by the plaintiff are, how- ever, of such a nature that we cannot compre- hend what can be gained by dragging this suit to another court or before another jury." But Furnas came to comprehend that nothing could be gained for himself by a retrial, and he dismissed the suit notwithstanding his pre- mature and too heroic declaration that he would "be further vindicated though it cost me my last dime and last breath." The un- usual temptations and vicious practices inci- dent to newly formed societies are commonly but unwisely pleaded in palliation of dishon- esty in public relations. Moreover, there were public servants in Nebraska from the begin- ning who walked uprightly. There were no general elections in the state in 1873 and so no partisan convention, but a convention of the "Grand Castle of the Order of American Farmers and Mechanics of Ne- braska" was held in Lincoln July 29 and 30, 1873. The resolutions adopted declared that while the objects of the order were to exert a general benevolent, beneficent, educational in- fluence, yet a part of its duty was to rid legis- latures and the federal Congress of monopo- lists and corruptionists and procure the pas- sage and enforcement of just laws, etc. ; that the beneficiaries of the "back and increased pay" in Congress were knowingly guilty of a gross and brazen fraud upon the nation ; that freight and passenger railroad tariffs on trunk lines were unjust and oppressive; that there should be no pooling or combinations of rail- roads ; no subsidy for railroads or other cor- porations — hotels, printing companies, and flouring mills were as much entitled to such aid as railroads ; that the members of the or- der were friends to the railroads as servants but opposed to them as masters ; and that or- ganization of all industrial classes was neces- sary. All of the state conventions of 1874 were held in Lincoln. The republican convention was in session September 2d and 3d. Charles H. Gere of Lancaster county, was temporary chairman and Nathan K. Griggs of Gage county, president. Lorenzo Crounse of Wash- ington county, was nominated by acclamation for member of Congress for a second term. Silas Garber of Webster county, was nomi- nated for governor on the first ballot ; Patrick O. Hawes of Douglas county, for contingent member of Congress; Bruno Tzschuck of Sarpy county, for secretary of state ; J. C. McBride of Colfax county, for treasurer ; George H. Roberts of Harlan county, for at- torney-general ; J. M. McKenzie of Nemaha county, for superintendent of public instruc- tion ; Nathan S. Porter of Dixon county, for state prison inspector. Two of the state offi- cers, Governor Furnas and Attorney-General Webster, were denied the customary second term — • Furnas, because of the scandals asso- ciated with his political career, and Webster, because he had not been as subservient to the ruling political powers as safety demanded, and, in particular, because with imprudent temerity he had begun suit for the state against 564 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Thomas P. Kennard to recover proceeds ot the sale of certain lots pf the capitol site which, the petition alleged, the defendant had not accounted for. The platform contained a timid recommend- ation for return to a metallic basis for money ; a milder insinuation of the monopolistic ten- dency of the national bank system ; a positive declaration against a presidential third term, aimed at signs of a movement to again nomi- nate General Grant in 1876; and positive de- nunciation of political outrages in the south- ern states and of the so-called Quaker Indian policy which had "failed to afford either bene- fits to the Indians or protection to the frontier settlers." The declaration in favor of an amendment to the federal constitution provid ing for the election by direct popular vote of the president, vice president, and all other fed- eral officers, and also of United States sena- tors, superficially regarded, seems an inex- plicable freak of radicalism ; but it should probably be accounted for on the ground that the republican party then still felt the pro- gressive impulse of youth and had not yet attained the condition of an almost reaction- ary defender of vested interests, now popu- larly known as "big business," which charac- terized it for about a quarter of a century and up to the revival of recent years. There was an ajiologetic show of protest against exces- sive railroad rates, earnest of the long innocu- ous policy of the party which was to follow. The pristine radicalism of the party broke cut also in the declaration favoring the establish- ment and operation by the federal government of a double-track railroad from the Missouri river to the Atlantic seaboard ; and in view of the burden imposed upon people and products by the still uncontrolled system of private ownership, it would perhaps be rash to stig- matize this policy of the young republican party as radical. The demand for equable taxation of railroad property was direct, and it was emphasized and particularized by the request for the passage of the bill for taxing non-patented subsidy railroad lands in the state, which had been introduced in Congress by Mr. Crounse. The convention recognized that there was by this time a positive and growing popular sentiment in favor of stricter control of the liquor traffic, by advising that the question of incorporating prohibition, local option, and license in the new constitution be submitted separately. A resolution offered by ex-Gov- ernor David Butler declaring in favor of a local option law which should empower the people of the several towns, precincts, and municipalities to decide to prohibit or regu- late the sale of intoxicating liquors, was de- feated by a vote of 47 to 181. Governor But- ler led in the debate in favor of the resolution and Edward Rosewater against it. The "People's Independent Convention" met September 8th, with about one hundred delegates in attendance. J. F. Gardner of Richardson county was temporary chairman and A. Deyo of Cass, temporary secretary. Robert R. Livingston of Cass was president and John D. Calhoun of Franklin, secretary of the permanent organization, j. F. (^lard- ner was nominated for governor ; Fred \\'eibe of Hall county, for secretary of state ; Thomp- son Bissell of Saunders county, for attorney- general ; R. H. Walker of Douglas county, for state prison inspector ; J. M. McKenzie of Nemaha county, for state superintendent of l)ublic instruction ; James W. Davis of Doug- las county, for member of Congress, and John D. Calhoun for contingent congressman. The platform declared with emphasis that all po- litical power is inherent in the people ; in fa- vor of the restoration of gold and silver as the basis of the currency and the resumption of specie jjayment "at the earliest practicable day without injury to the business interests of the country," and the maintenance of the credit of the country until the resumption of specie payment by "a system of currency based upon the credit of the nation, issued by the govern- ment directly to the people" ; opposed all com- binations and devices that tend to increase the cost of transportation beyond a fair re- muneration to the carrier ; and demanded the exercise of all constitutional powers to remedy these evils ; opposed any further land grants, subsidies to steamships, and all dona- tions of bonds to aid public enterprises : fa- vored a tariff' for revenue only ; demanded the POLITICAL CONVENTIONS OF 1874 565 election of President and L'nited States sen- ators by a direct vote of the people; favored strictest economy in all public affairs ; stated that taxes in the state were high beyond en- durance and must be reduced ; favored re- vision of homestead laws and a memorial to Congress for relief of homesteaders in the grasshopper district ; declared that interstate commerce should be regulated by Congress and that railroad pools like that of the Bur- lington and Missouri, Chicago & Northwest- ern, Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific, and Kan- sas City, St. Joe & Council Bluffs, be pro- hibited so that competition might be encour- aged. The democratic state convention was held in the opera house, September 10th. E. A. Allen of Douglas county was temporary chair- man and Frank P. Ireland of Otoe, temporary secretary. Mr. Allen was president of the permanent organization ; Samuel Cowdrey of Saline county, J. W. Pollock of Cuming, Lor- en Miller of Douglas, Dr. John Black of Cass, and Israel Loomis of Johnson, vice presi- dents ; Frank P. Ireland and F. G. Beecher of Platte county, secretaries. A committee con- sisting of J. F. Morton, Stephen H. Calhoun, Benjamin Hankins, Milton Montgomery, and James E. North reported the following plat- form which was adopted by the convention : 1st. The restoration of gold and silver as the basis of currency; resumption of specie pay- ments as soon as possible without disaster to the business interests of the country by stead- ily opposing inflation and by the payment of the national indebtedness in the money of the civilized world. 2d. Individual liberty and opposition to sumptuary or prohibition laws, free commerce, and no tariff except for reve- nue purposes. 3d. Rigid restriction of the governments, both state and national, to the legitimate domain of political power by ex- cluding therefrom all executive and legislative intermeddling with the affairs of society, whereby monopolies are fostered, privileged classes aggrandized, and individual freedom unnecessarily and oppressively restrained. 4th The right and duty of the state to protect its citizens from extortion and unjust discrim- ination by chartered monopolies. 5th. That we appreciate the beneficial influence of rail- roads in developing the resources of the coun- try, and favor liberal legislation in that direction, but only on a basis of taxation equitable in its application both to citizens and to corporations. 6th. That we believe the people are the source of all power and that their will and not the wishes of mere party demagogues should govern and form the real basis of all republican governments. The following nominations were made with- out opposition : P'or governor, Albert Tux- bury of Otoe county; secretary of state, John A. Fatherly of York county ; treasurer, Rob- ert C. Jordan of Hall county; attorney-gen- eral, Milton Montgomery of Lancaster coun- ty ; superintendent of public instruction, Eli Huber of Otoe county ; state prison inspector, R. H. Walker of Douglas county; member of Congress, James W. Savage of Douglas county. Only twenty-eight of the fifty-eight counties on the secretary's list were repre- sented. The republicans foreshadowed the facile opportunism which later came to characterize their party by making theirs the most radical of the three platforms. The money plank of the democrats shows that they had ceased to follow the greenback god of Pendletomsm, where J. Sterling Morton had led them a few years before, and it is more orthodox than the republican declaration. The independents contradicted themselves by demanding a re- turn to specie payment, but also that its way be blocked by an intermediate system of un- covered paper currency. They took what was then advanced ground in favor of the regula- tion of interstate commerce by Congress, a position which the already apparent and to be long continued devotion of the leaders of the two old parties to railroad interests prevented them from assuming ; and so their declara- tions on this subject were perfunctory gen- eralities, lacking point and specification essen- tial to real meaning. The declaration of the republicans in favor of the construction of a railroad by the federal government and poo- ular election of United States senators and federal officers was a temporary lapse or aber- 566 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ration, and misrepresented the dominant in- fluence of the party at that time. The first prohibition convention to nomi- nate a state ticket was held September 9th. It kept the middle of the road, steadfastly refusing to endorse the nominations of the other parties save one. Notably, also, the convention declared in favor of a currency convertible into gold and silver but upon a gold basis. This is the first declaration dis- tinctly favoring a gold standard ever made by a party convention in Nebraska. Besides demanding prohibition of the sale of intoxi- cating liquors, the convention called for the lowest rates of railroad transportation. But the influence of the railroad corporations was soon able to check this rising popular reform sentiment, and through the subserviency of the political leaders they were able to hold it in virtual subjection for upwards of thirty years. Though the political campaign this year was much milder than its predecessors under the state government, yet the republicans were again vigorously assailed on account of the continuiiig corruption, now centered in the Kennard-Stout ring, successors to the Butler regime. The staunch party habit of that pe- riod inevitably induced ring and boss domi- nance and graft, which in turn commanded the submission of all aspirants to place and power, irrespective of their original inclina- tion to cleanliness or corruption. The report of the Garber penitentiary investigating com- mittee was adduced to show the subserviency of the reitublican candidate for governor to the dominant ring. This report, it was charged, whitewashed "the most monstrous system of swindling that has occurred in the w-hole history of the state." That the pen- chant for personal attack still survived, ap- peared in the showing that Roberts, repub- lican candidate for attorney-general, while captain in the Nineteenth Pennsylvania cav- alry, had been dishonorably discharged in 1S64. The re]niblicans, however, published an order issued liy direction of the president "to correct the record" and to issue an hon- orable discharge. It was contended that the first order was obtained through spite. The repul)lican candidate for governor re- ceived 21,568 votes; the democratic candidate, 8,946; the people's independent candidate, 4,159; and the prohibition candidate, 1,346. The vote for the rest of the candidates did not vary much from that for the heads of the tickets, except that Roberts, candidate for at- torney-general, received only 19,797 votes, while his fusion opponent. General Montgom- ery, whose career in the Civil war left him with an empty sleeve, received 15,709. The proposal for a constitutional convention car- ried by a vote of 18,067 to 3,880. The opposi- tion was scattered irrespective of sections — Burt, Cass, Dixon, Dodge, Nemaha, Otoe, Pawnee, Platte, and Sarpy making the lar- gest relative showing. In this campaign the Omaha Bee fairly entered on its long course of peculiarly aggressive and relentless person- al political journalism which destroyed a large number of political ambitions — in most cases, however, to the public advantage. At this time, Mr. Hitchcock, United States senator, was Mr. Rosewater's principal target and his fire proved fatal. For defense the senator, striving for reelection, bought the Union. John Taffe was again editor of the Republi- can, which pursued a conservative course and so considered the Union a useless injection in- to the already overfilled field of Omaha jour- nalism. Butler, the star of the political stage, hav- ing been driven ofif, Kennard was now the principal target of the anti-graft fire. His faults, though similar to Butler's, were not tempered by the latter's virtue of open-hand- edness and natural leadership. Kennard's al- leged acquisitiveness would have done credit to the public land grafters of the present day. It was recklessly asserted that by virtue of his office of secretary of state and capital commissioner, with a salary of $600, his prof- its on the sale of Lincoln lots were half a million dollars. It was charged that Govern- or Furnas falsely denied that he had appointed Kennard state agent, under the act of the legislature of February 8, 1873, to recover what might be due the state under the pro- vision entitling it to the usual five ])er centuni for lands filed upon with military bounty war- rants and on account of the Indian reserva- THE KENNARD CLAIMS 567 tions, and also to have swamp lands given over to the state. It was vehemently insisted that Kennard was not fit for the agency and that he could not consistently undertake it if, in view of his public record, the people were suspicious of him. The charge that Furnas had secretly ap- pointed Kennard agent arose from the asser- tions that during the year 1873 he diligently prosecuted the claims of the state in Wash- ington while his contract with the state for that purpose was not executed until October 15, 1874. Mr. Kennard based his contention that under the enabling act the state was en- titled to five per cent of the aggregate value of all the Indian reservations in the state, rated at $1.25 an acre, on similar allowances made under specific acts of Congress to the states of Arkansas and Mississippi. The so- licitor of the Indian department approved the claim, the total percentage amounting to about $58,000, but the comptroller of the treasury refused to concur in the decision. After the passage of the acts authorizing the sale of the Pawnee and the Otoe and Missouri reser- vations, Kennard again presented his claim, this time asking for five per cent of the ac- tual proceeds of the sale of the lands. On the 14th of January, 1881, the commissioner of the general land office decided to allow the claim as to the Pawnee reservation, five per cent of the sales amounting to $43,807.42, and $27,043.99 was actually paid to the state ; but then the decision of the land commission- er was questioned, and no more payments were made. The first payment on account of the sale of the Pawnee lands, amounting to $6,275.47, was made direct to the state, but Governor Nance denied Mr. Kennard's application for half that sum according to the terms of his contract with the state. A bill appropriating the amount of this claim passed both houses of the legislature in 1883, but owing to the neglect of the secretary of the senate it was not presented to the proper offi- cers of that body for signature. In 1895, the legislature passed a resolution permitting Mr. Kennard to sue the state on his contract, and in a suit begun in the district court of Lan- caster county, May 29, 1897, he obtained a judgment for $13,521.99 — half of the amount the state had received on account of the Pawnee sales. But on appeal to the supreme court the judgment was re- versed on the ground that the reservation was public land and therefore it was within the provision of the act of 1873 authorizing the appointment of the agent which excepted cash sales of public lands. The supreme court of the United States refused to assume jurisdic- tion on appeal because no federal question had been pleaded in the state court, but it inci- dentally held, what Mr. Kennard's attorneys contended for in the state supreme court in a rehearing, that the reservation did not consti- tute public lands. In support of this conten- tion, they showed, conclusively, it would seem, that the reservation had been segregated from the public lands when it had been conveyed to the tribe in question, and that the United States accounted to the Indians for the pro- ceeds of the sale of the lands. By the final decision, then, of the land department, con- curred in by the dictum of the sujireme court of the United States, the state was not legally entitled to the money it received, but still holds by a characteristic quip of the law. The state then unjustly remains the beneficiary of one- half of the $27,043.99, which it is not dis- puted Mr. Kennard procured for it. The sixth legislature convened in the fourth regular session, January 7, 1875. There were only fi f teen opposition members — democrats and independents — in both houses, and the officers were chosen without party division. Nathan K. Griggs of Gage county was chosen president of the senate and Edward S. Towle speaker of the house — both unanimously. Daniel H. Wheeler of Cass county was elected secretary of the senate, receiving ten votes against three for Thomas Wolfe of Seward county. George L. Brown of Butler county was elected chief clerk of the house, receiving 27 votes against 7 for E. S. Chadwick and 4 for F. M. Dorrington. The governor's message to the legislature contains an unusual amount of information relative to the afifairs of the state. L-p to this time the state's growth and development had been obstructed by the same influence which 568 HISTORY OF NEP.RASKA usually causes and extends industrial depres- sions : namely, lack of public confidence. At last, it seemed, the conditions for great agri- cultural prosperity had come to be quite gen- erally recognized. "The crude and erroneous idea formerly prevailing as to the adaptability of our entire state to profitable cultivation, has been exploded by actual experiment. Our population has quite doubled itself within two years past, numbering now, without doubt, at least three hundred thousand souls." Thence- forth success would fatten upon itself. But the financial condition of the state gov- ernment was bad. Delinquent taxes amounted to $599,460.47. "The disbursements desig- nated for the past two years were $600,000, while the revenues were but $400,000." The trouble was ascribed largely to exemptions and evasions. The total valuation for tax- able purposes was eighty million dollars, while there was "not less than three hundred million dollars worth of property in the state which should be made to yield revenue." But the principal cause of the excessive taxation com- plained of was extravagant local expenditure and indebtedness. The aggregate local indebt- edness, as shown by statements from the sev- eral counties, was nearly $4,500,000. The gov- ernor urged that "additional restraining yjro- visions be thrown around the mode and man- ner of voting aid to the various and lumierous enterprises so frequently presented to the peo- ple." Exclusive of the two-mill tax for school purposes the state tax levy was four and one- fourth mills, and "a judiciously adjusted sys- tem of revenue could be made to reduce this one-half to three-fourths at least." But notwithstanding the inequital)le and generally defective system of taxation, state warrants were at par, and those registered had all been paid. There was no bonded indebted- ness ; but the permanent investment of the common school fund, comprising general fund warrants, $184,119.67, "and certificate of state indebtedness for a former investment under authority of law, $158,837.67, amounted to $342,957. ,34, drawing ten per cent annual in- terest." The auditor's report, December 15, 1874, showed that there were building fund warrants outstanding in the amount of $43,- 812.19, which, with accrued interest, $17,- 524.84, amounted to $61,337.03. The re- sources with which to meet these warrants were 314 Lincoln lots and 8,000 acres of saline lands. The governor stated that "these war- rants were originally issued without authority of law', for expenditures in excess of appro- Ijriations for the erection of the capitol, in- sane, and university buildings," and that they were subsequently ratified by an act of the legislature and ordered paid from the building fund. The only resources of this fund re- maining were Lincoln city lots, "their entire value not being stifficient to meet the interest alone." A bill (H. R. 206) providing for the payment of these warrants, was introduced at this session, and a committee to investigate the proposition reported that they were issued in payment of expenditures on the construction of the State University and that they were a valid claim against the state. The committee recommended, "that said warrants be paid out of the state general fund, and the state be re- imbursed from the proceeds of the university lands which should be sold for that purpose." But the bill was defeated after the third read- ing Ijy a vote of 14 to 21. The message showed that improved indus- trial conditions were reflected in the growth of the jniblic schools. According to the re- port of the superintendent of public instruc- tion for 1873 and 1874 there were 1,345 school houses in the state valued at $1,300,000, while at the close of the fiscal year 1872 there were only 538 school houses valued at $700,- 000. The number of school children at the close of 1872 was 51,123 ; at the close of 1874, 72,991. The apportionment of school money for 1871 and 1872 was about $370,000; that for 1873 and 1874 showed an increase of near- ly $100,000. The school lands were sold by county authorities and though the notes given in consideration were payable to the state, they were held by the covmties, which under- took the collection of the annual interest. The evidences of indebtedness for the sale of these lands amounted to $1,119,621.44, which, the message complained, "should yield, if promjjt- ly collected and accounted for, $111,962.14 annuallv ; whereas it has returned, under the STATE FINANCES 569 present management, but $69,309.48, showing a loss to the state in one year of $42,652.66. The governor pointed out that the law per- mitting school districts to issue bonds almost without restraint had worked disaster. "Some districts have recklessly involved themselves beyond ability to pay. . . The extravagant disposition to issue bonds has also reduced their value in the market to such an extent as to render them almost unsalable at any price." The new building for the normal school, "as far as completed, and occupied but little over a year," had cost $28,500, and 210 students were enrolled. The demand of the state for indemnity school lands in lieu of sections 16 and 36 within the Sac and Fox Indian reser- vation had been disallowed by the secretary of the interior; but further prosecution was urged, "the claim being a just and equitable one." The policy of leasing the labor of con- victs "at mere nominal and speculative rates" — ^that of the state penitentiary for "the mea- gre sum of 42 cents a day" — was severely condemned. The message gave a detailed statement of the disposition of the public lands received by the state from the public domain. Of the seventy-two sections of saline lands so do- nated, twenty had been given to the normal school at Peru, two for the model farm of the agricultural college, one-fourth of a section for the hospital for the insane, 17,511.38 acres had been sold, 12,744.10 acres were still on hand, and four and one-sixteenth sections had not yet been selected. The internal improve- ment lands had all been given to railroads. The twenty sections of public building lands had been appropriated toward the construc- tion of the state penitentiary and all but 1,- 676.56 acres of the fifty sections of peniten- tiary lands had been sold for the same pur pose. The governor stated that when he as- sumed his office (January, 1873) none of the university and agricultural college lands had been selected ; and he had caused them to be selected and confirmed. The expense of do- ing this having been paid out of the university fund, the governor recommended that the state should pay it back. The city of Lincoln originally comprised 287 blocks, containing 3,447 lots. Eight blocks had been donated for public squares and as many for railroad depots; 155 lots had been given in exchange for the townsite of Lan- caster which was included in the new city ; twelve lots were given to the State Historical Society ; forty to various church organizations and benevolent societies ; twelve to the Lincoln Steam Mill Company ; 2,913 had been sold for the aggregate price of $293,358.75. The 314 lots which had not been sold or otherwise ap- propriated were "principally in the Salt Creek bottom and of no considerable value at pres- ent." The disguised but really defensive tone of the discussion of railroad taxation and restric- tive legislation in the message shows that this now dominant issue or problem had then begun to excite serious public consideration and serves as an illustration of the attitude of the place-holders and leading politicians of the state for the next thirty years. It required a far more rugged personality — both mental and moral — than that of Furnas to resist a lasting impression by this one-sided vievv', and especially since it was framed in the alluring halo of the free pass of which he, in common with his compeers, was the lifelong beneficiary. While some lapses from the standard of pub- lic virtue with which readers have already been made acquainted destroyed the govern- or's availability for the usual second nomina- tion and for important elective office there- after, yet his innate practical interest in public affairs and, more particularly, his devotion to matters affecting the agricultural development of the state — -virtually its only resource — - almost raised him out of his otherwise native commonplaceness and kept him in the public eye and also in public office, as president or secretary of the state agricultural society, to the end of a lengthy life. The fact that Gov- ernor Furnas nearly always held political, military, or other public office and in the brief intervals was a candidate for office, was ow- ing to a mixture of weakness with strong qualities in his character. Governor Furnas states in his message significantly that he is "convinced as to the great impropriety of vesting this high power [of pardon] in any 570 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA one iiidivichial." The severe castigation he had recently received on account of his par- don of Weber doubtless had something to do with this conviction. Public disapproval of the abuse of the pardoning power by Gov- ernor John H. Mickey during his second term of office revived a demand for a distinct "par- doning board or council" which Governor Furnas recommended. It is learned from the message that "dur- ing the month of May, 1873, severe storms so damaged the capitol and insane hospital build- ings as to render their occupancy impossible, and, in fact, their permanency seriously jeop- ardized." The governor, who was then the legal custodian of public buildings, expended $5,897 in repairing the capitol and $1,307.28 in repairing the hospital. "While the senate and representative halls were in a dilapidated con- dition, and undergoing repairs," the message recites, "it was thought advisable to take out the gallery over the speaker's stand and to put up railings in both halls to separate bystanders from members' seats." Since the last session of the legislature papers 'nad been issued for the prganization of eight new counties — Furnas, Hitchcock, Holt, Keith, Phelps, Red Willow, Sherman, and Valley. Organization had been perfected in all of these counties except Holt, in whose case it appeared that the pretended application of forty-three persons claiming residence in the county, on which documents were issued April 4, 1873, and returns formally made to the secretary of state of an election said to have been held in conformity with the law, was fictitious ; in short, "the whole proceedings on the part of the individuals seeking organi- zation was a fraud." The message discussed at length the grasshopper devastation and means of aiding the sufferers. On the whole it is an unusually interesting and useful docu- ment and reflects the governor's intimate ac- quaintance with the affairs of the common- wealth, acquired through active citizenship during nearly all of its life. But the excel- lence is marred by slovenly and incorrect verbal construction. Two special features or episodes — choos- ing a United States senator and attempted re- moval of the capital — attracted more public atteiUion than any other incident or measure of the session. Senator Tipton, at least one of the brightest debaters among the members of Congress yet credited to Nebraska, had by common consent forfeited the succession by his independent progressiveness which at that period of party fetichism was an unpardonable sin. Mr. Tipton lacked the plasticity and flexibility which were essential to adapt him- self to the rigid mold in which the republican party of that day was confined. Allegiance to the party during his second term required him to be an apologist of the corruption which was called Grantisni and to sustain the coercive policy or method of reconstructing the rebel states which was soon afterwards abandoned by the Hayes administration as impracticable and inexpedient. Mr. Tipton, like his after associates in the anti-machine revolt, Schurz and Sumner, was temperamentally a remon- strant. Though, as we have seen, many of the ablest republicans of Nebraska joined him in the support of Greeley against the regular re]Hiblican candidate for the presidency in 1872, yet according to party usage this rebel- lious act barred him from reelection. Though wiser statesmanship would have foreseen and avoided the probable effect of his insurgent protest against evil practices and policies, yet he deserves credit for unusual courage and perhaps disinterestedness. He anticipated by thirty years inevitable general revolt against conditions and tendencies which under Roosevelt revolutionized the republican party, if it has not ended the two-party sys- tem. Senator Van Wyck subsequently took a like advanced position. Samples of Tipton's parliamentary oratory which he himself se- lected for his political memoirs, are character- ized by piquancy and aggressive alertness rather than depth. While his sallies won at- tention in a body which contained many able men and gained him notoriety, at least, in the country at large, yet his penchant for sarcasm and wit, not always of a high order, detracted from such strength as his speeches otherwise possessed. This is indeed the usual effect of such a course in important deliberative bodies. Yet, on the whole, Tipton must he ranked dis- RLECTION OF PADDOCK 571 tinctly above the average senator from Ne- braska, If Tipton's son-in-law, Henry M. At- kinson, could have shared with him his own excess of political astuteness, the senator would have been a more successful politician and perhaps a more useful statesman ; he would have won another election and the coun- try the benefit of his salutary insurgency. The senatorial situation was a counterpart of that of 1871, inasmuch as the republican members were in a large majority in the joint assembly of the two houses but could not unite a majority for either of the candidates; so that the opposition members — democrats and independents — dictated the choice. In 1(S71 Phineas W. Hitchcock, Alvin Saunders, and John M. Thayer were the three principal candidates. Thayer's chief, though strong claim, lay in his title to regularity ; he knew no impulse and recognized no obligation out- side the bounds of party conformity, and his first term was fractional — only four years. But these considerations were not sacred to democrats, and they threw the balance of the ballots to Hitchcock. In 1875, Thayer, Elmer S. Dundy, Algernon S. Paddock, and Oliver P. Mason were the principal candidates. But there was more independence in the political atmosphere than there had been in 1871, and the democratic members, unappreciative of Thayer's chief claims — poetical justice and regularity — irreverently chose Paddock, the low man among republican candidates. On the first joint ballot, cast January 20th, Thayer received 18 votes, Dundy 14, Paddock 8, Mason 6. Of the fourteen opposition votes — Alexander Bear was absent on sick leave — five went to candidates of their own kind — two to Henry C. Lett, and one each to Church Howe, J. Sterling Morton, and J. N. H. Pat- rick. The remaining eight were divided equal- ly between Mason and Paddock. Dundy and Thayer were the regular candidates and so in- eligible to democratic accretion. The second ballot stood, Thayer 17, Dundy 14, Paddock 8, Mason 6. Barnes, one of Dundy's supporters, voted this time for Turner M. Marquett. The third ballot stood, Dundy 15, Thayer 14, Pad- dock 9, Mason 6. The fourth ballot was cast the next day. Thayer receiving 21 votes, Dundy 19, Pad- dock 6, Mason 3. On the 22d the fifth and decisive ballot was cast as follows : Paddock 38, Thayer 11. Baker voted for Morton and Crawford for Patrick, and Bear was still ab- sent ; all the rest of the democrats and inde- pendents went to Paddock, who unexpectedly was the beneficiary of Dundy's withdrawal. Most of the democrats and independents from the first gave their support to Mason and Pad- dock, presumably because both of the latter had shown decided symptoms of democracy. They were progressive enough to recognize the need of reforms and independent enough to stand for the interests of their own section of the country against the increasing encroach- ments of their party which was dominated by eastern power and animated by eastern inter- ests. Though Paddock's election, which involved the defeat of Thayer, who never broke with the Lincoln or any other ring, meant cleaner state politics, yet the statement that Thayer "was killed by an overdose of Stout and Ken- nard administered by Drs. Balcombe and Kosewater," and that the defeat was in effect "a complete slaughter of the Stout and Ken- nard brand," was extravagant ; for the corrupt and corrupting Stout influence lasted many years more. The just complaint that the , dominant senatorial aspirants were barnacles and the hopes for a new deal were rewarded in the new choice — or rather in the defeats it involved. Dundy and Thayer were done for, and the defeat of the Hitchcock-Cunningham combination, coupled with the demand made at the time by the Republican and the Bcc for an investigation of the charges that bribery had been used in Hitchcock's election, fore- shadowed his defeat in the next contest. While the election of Paddock was scarcely a democratic victory it was a republican defeat ; but the democrats ascribed too much impor- tance to it. The ephemerally named mouth- piece of the party at the capital professed to regard this mere temporary check as a perma- nent disability. "Victory has perched on the democratic banner in Nebraska in the election of Governor A. S. Paddock as senator. The backbone of the republican party has been 572 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA broken, the rotten rings of corruption have received their death blow. . . The fight was a hard one but right has triumphed." As a consequence, Nebraska was soon to be numbered among democratic states. The influence or training of the Civil war had given the republican party a military aggressiveness and discipline and an au- dacious opportunism, and had so strongly fortified it, withal, by popular passion and prejudice and the reactionary condition of bounding industrial prosperity that, however glaring its faults, it was not seriously vulner- able. It seemed to possess the unnatural quality of Milton's angel (Satan) which "Vital in ever}' part Cannot bnt by annihilating die." E\en though overwhelmed by popular con- demnation at the national election of the fol- lowing year, it yet held the field and the spoils of partisan victory. In Nebraska this condition was emphasized. The state had but one resource — agriculture. Its growth was absolutely dependent U]>on, could only follow the extension of railroads. It fol- lowed, therefore, that the politicians of the dominant party and the railroads pooled their interests. This close ]5artnership had an eco- nomic basis and, however pernicious on the one hand, was for a time not without mate- rial advantage to the state. At any rate, the dependent people were either too worldly- wise or too morally timid to entertain any moral scruples against this arrangement which might have knocked at the closed doors of their consciences. This natural, if not de- fensible, acquiescence developed into a per- sistent habit which brought on injustice, op- pression, and great public corruption. Not until 1908 was there a convulsive and noisy reaction against these long encouraged evils which wise management on the part of the people might have largely avoided. So the hopes of the democrats were destined to be dashed. Their own leaders, moreover, led in a like direction. Mr. Paddock continued his long-time liberal inclination in the senate — manifested in his opposition to the coercive republican policy in the reconstruction of the rebellious states, and to the radical j)rotectionist policy. But his at- tempt to serve two masters, though with some vigor in behalf of his democratic allies or mak- ers, was necessarily unsatisfactory to the lat- ter, who criticised him with overdue severity. The personally ambitious democratic leaders were averse to helping republicans into place and power because they had symptoms of democracy — a policy which the minority rank and file were inclined to, partly because it gave them pleasure to displace a whole- hearted with a half-hearted republican and partially from the jjublic-spirited motive of ad- vancing in some degree western interests and progressive principles. The Herald, accord- ingly, discouraged democratic support of Pad- dock, alleging that ''he turns too many cor- ners in politics" ; that he ought to have stayed with Johnson but instead "now reposes in the bosom of Grant"; and though when the elec- tion had taken place that journal assumed credit for it as "a triumph of the democrats and conservatives" which had been won by their votes, yet after a few months of trial it disowned and denounced him for recreancy. "Elected by democratic votes as a conserva- tive and declaring himself 'in accord with the democratic party on the main issues of the (lav and time,' he secured their votes, without which he knows, and we know, his election would have been impossible." His last words to Dr. Miller (editor of the Herald) before he left for Washington were, "I am a repub- lican ; you understand that : but no caucus will control my action. You know my views." Notwithstanding his obligations and prom- ises Senator Paddock became a caucus repub- lican. But many stronger politicians and statesmen than Paddock have thus sacrificed obligation and profession on the :ltar of out- tyrannous two-party system. Under the free- dotn cf the modern logical group system there would have been an effective alliance of a'l those who stood for the imminent and vitfd (juestions of western and southern interests. As it was, the member of Congress who could not get under one or the other of the blanket mortgages which covered respectively the re- publican and the democratic party was a CAPITAL REMOVAL 573 pariah. Paddock, therefore, naturally elected slavery to his old party and therefore cut himself olT from efifective service of his sec- tion and the constituents which had created him their representative. Immediately after the senatorial election Thayer was appointed governor of Wyoming, chiefly for the purpose of removing him as far away as possible from further interference with the senatorial succession ; but in part, also, in recognition of his fixed aversion to doing anything else but hold public office. Henry M. Atkinson was propitiated with the important office of commissioner of pensions. Judge Dundy continued until his death to covet the senatorship. The routine and drudgery of his judicial place became irksome to his temperament ; but, though desiring an active political career, he was too shrewd to risk the comfortable life tenure of the judge- ship by a resignation in advance. In this campaign democratic leaders resumed their attack upon his character, and Atkinson shared with Dundy this marked but not plea- surable distinction. This second defeat of Thayer ended his im- portance as a political figure. He was taken up for the governorship ten years later when his over-ripeness, physical and mental, which increased his normal habit of conformity, made him useful to the dominating political influences. While Tipton, his colleague in the senate, was so independent that he was all Init erratic and could not be confined to the party rut. it was Thayer's natural habitat, and he never got out of it. He was mentally rather dull and his abilities in general were not of a high order, and though an imposing physical appearance of the military style and some supplemental martial gifts made him success- ful as a subordinate military commander, he lacked the alertness, breadth of view, plas- ticity, and independence essential to states- manship. \''ery luckily for himself he lived just at that time when military deportment and ambition passed for the most and, joined with the soldier's disposition not to reason why as a part of the rigid political machine, was an open sesame, also, to high civil office. Still, his military stififness in time made him iuif>opular with politicians who called him "peacocky." Popular sympathy for General Thayer on account of his rather forlorn old age, shrewdly manipulated by the selfish "system," resurrected him for the governor- ship in 1885. After serving the customary two terms in that office, he was awarded a pension of $100 a month which kept him com- fortable in his extreme old age. This closing incident of his career illustrates his utter de- pendence upon the bounty of public place. While no one opposed or begrudged this gratuity, and it was bestowed under President Cleveland's administration, characteristically hostile to special pensions of this sort, yet it was a favor due largely to political conditions. The career of General Amasa Cobb, for ex- ample, was in the main a counterpart of Gen eral Thayer's, except that at the close of the war and his long service in Congress he went to work in private business and continued at it to the end of his long life, saving only his term as justice of the supreme court. Thus, through wholesome activity, he achieved and deserved independence and competence — the chief comfort if not the main merit of a life. There was a culmination of the long gath- ering capital removal sentiment in this legis- lature, and a clear majority of its members came to Lincoln with the intention and expec- tation of carrying out that project. Even the southeastern counties were fiercely and ex- plicitly hostile to Lincoln. Otoe county, which had led in the struggle for removing the capital to Lincoln, now led in the attempt to get it away again. This hostility was due in part, no doubt, to displeasure or disgust with the Lincoln political junta, but chiefly to the ripened realization of the original economic mistake of erecting a barrier to the growth of Nebraska City which it was now apparent Lincoln was destined to be. Before the session began it was asserted that it was very well settled that the present legislature would remove it to some point in the western part of the state. Removal would cause no loss in public liuildings because "the university will fall down next year anyhow ; the capital should be donated to Lincoln — the lower part for a livery stable, the upper as a 5/4 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA block-house — the upper windows would be good port-holes. The penitentiary, after Boss Stout takes out the windows, will make a first class ruin." The new lunatic asylum, it was conceded, was a good building. The Tecum- seh Chieftain favored removal for the osten- sible reason that a location nearer the center of the state was desirable and that the building would have to be remodeled. The Nemaha Journal and the Kearney Times asserted that when the last ballot for the election of a Unit- ed States senator was taken, Mr. Griggs, presi- dent of the senate, requested occupants of the chamber, the hall of the house of representa- tives, to refrain from stamping for fear the building would collapse. The history of 1873, when the Kearney ring and the Columbus ring killed each other, was repeated in 1875. The divided rival aspirants blocked one another while the alert Lincoln partisans. Napoleon like, whipped them in de- tail — with argument and other influences less legitimate but perhaps more effective. The removalist cause was roughly, though not un- justly, sumfiied up thus : "For no good to the state is the removal advocated. The reasons for removal are that a lot of land-sharks, dead-beats and carpet-baggers, having the ex- ample of the former Lincoln before their eyes, want a new deal." Though some members required and re- ceived direct payment in lawful money as the consideration of waiving their patriotic and dutiful intention to remove the capital to a more nearly central site, many were satisfied with reciprocal sops in the shape of enact- ments favorably affecting their pockets but in a less direct way. Moudy was at least partially appeased by the grant of a state road from Kearney Junction on the Union Pacific rail- road southward to the Kansas line, to be laid out without expense to his own county of Kearney which it would centrally intersect. A gift of the unappropriated saline lands — about twelve thousand acres — to the Mid- land Pacific railway company, "for the purpose of building and extending its lines of railway from Nebraska City to Omaha, and from Brownsville to a connection at St. Joseph, Missouri, with other railroads so as to lorni a continuous line of railwa\' from Omaha to the south line of the state and thence to St. Joseph." contributed powerfully toward smothering the cry for removal, loud- est in the populous eastern border counties which were the expectant beneficiaries of the grant. An appropriation of $10,000 for es- tablishing an asylum for the blind at Nebraska City tended directly to soften the harsh ag- gressiveness of members from that particular- ly disappointed quarter. The partisans of Lin- coln naturally held a good hand of palliative cards, and they were played off with skilful finesse so as to take the most advantage of the internal rivalry of the disunited removal- ist forces. This was the last direct attempt at removal until 1911. The law providing for a constitutional convention and the provisions for relief for sufierers from the depredations of grasshoppers were most important enact- ments of the session. The convention was to be composed of sixty-nine members and to be held at the capitol on the second Tuesday — the 11th — of May, 1875. The western counties fared better in the apportionment for the convention than in the membership of the legislature. The legislature authorized the is- sue of state bonds to the amount of $50,000, to run ten years and bear ten per cent interest payable semi-annually, for the purpose of buy- ing "seed grain for distribution among the citizens of this state made destitute by the ravages of grasshoppers in the year 1874." The act authorized a tax of one-tenth of a mill on the grand assessment roll annually for the payment of the principal and interest of the bonds. The homestead exemption was ar.iended so as to restrict it to the value of $2,000. This provision has continud to the present time. The property rights of women were enlarged by adding to the continual separate holding of all that they owned at the time of mar- riage or might afterwards acquire by descent or gift, all "which she shall acquire by pur- chase or otherwise." But the school suffrage of women was restricted by an amendment which confined it to unmarried women who had reached the age of twenty-one years and owned property subject to taxation ; whereas. LEGISLATURE OF 1875 575 before the change, "every inhabitant" of a district — which included all women of the age of twenty-one — could vote at the district meetings. By an amendment to the act of 1869 which provided for organizing the university, the chancellor was left oft the board of regents which thereafter was composed of three mem- bers from each of the three judicial districts with the governor and state superintendent of public instruction as ex officio members. The office of treasurer was abolished and the state treasurer was constituted the custodian of the university funds. This act comprised a Dra- conian provision that the regents might, "by discharging professors and otherwise reducing the expenses of the university, apply the amount so saved or reduced from the expenses of 1874, in building a dormitory." An act granting block 29 of Lincoln to that city for "market purposes" some time after- ward aroused severe though unjust criticism. The block was originally devoted to the use of a state historical society but because no society competent to receive the grant had been organ- ized, it would have been included in the re- mainder of unsold lots which another act of this legislature authorized the governor, audi- tor, and secretary of state to appraise and sell at public auction, the proceeds of the sale to be turned into the public treasury, which, owing to the pinching poverty of that grasshopper period, particularly needed replenishment. The city had given up its original "market square" to the public use as a site for the postofifice, and since the commissioners named in the bill to sell all unappropriated lots were determined to include, this historical block, the members from Lancaster county properly thought that it would be wise and just to retain this block for [juhlic use as a market place in lieu of the block they had relinquished for another public purpose. This action was additionally justi- fied by the consideration that at forced sale in that period of depression the block would yield very little to the public treasury. The supreme court of the state decided that the intended grant to a historical society had lapsed by nonuser and that the state might dispose of the property at its will. A joint resolution prayed for the passage of a bill which had been introduced by Senator Hitchcock, authorizing the sale of the Fort Kearney military reservation, the proceeds to be used for the erection of an asylum for the blind ; but the act of Congress of July 24, 1876, provided for the offer of "said land to actual settlers only at a minimum price, under and in accordance with the provisions of the home- stead laws." Another memorial to Congress was the John the Baptist of the present general demand for the election of United States senators directly by the people. "Your memorialists, the legis- lature of Nebraska, would respectfully repre- sent that they express the will of the people of this state in asking for an amendment to the constitution of the United States which shall provide for the election of United States sena- tors by the whole people, and not by delegated authority." During the last decade the federal house of representatives many times expressed by fonual resolution the demand of the people of the whole country for an amendment of the constitution providing for the reform, but the senate itself persistently ignored this posi- tive popular demand until the special session of Congress in the year 1911. This remarkable lack of political efficiency is owing largely to a lethargic constitutional habit. Our political confinement for more than a century within a rigid constitution which it is very difficult, in- deed virtually impracticable, to amend, is in turn responsible for this unfortunate condition which has inculcated a pernicious popular habit of relying upon a forced construction of the constitution by our politically as well as judicially habited supreme court for the little progression in polity we have been able to achieve. The people of the several states are now quite generally recognizing and avoiding this denial of direct, concerted action, though without authority of the constitution and in violation of its spirit, by dictating to the state legislature their choice for senators. The only important effect of a joint resolu- tion which informed the president and the Congress that the legislature heartily endorsed the president and General Sheridan for assum- ing responsibility for the action of General 576 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA De Trobriaiul in driving out of the capitol certain democrats who claimed seats in the I^ouisiana legislature, but had been denied cer- tificates by the returning board, was to disclose the identity of the fifteen anti-republican mem- bers whom it drew together in opposition to the resolution. The passage by both houses of the bill which placed railroad property in a class by itself and specified a maximum rate of taxation for it, indicates the nearly com- plete control of the state government by rail- road corporations which had now been estab- lished and which continued almost uncontested until the republican revolt of 1907. An amendment by the house of the senate revenue bill providing "that no railroad shall be as- sessed at a greater amount than $10,000 per mile," was referred to a conference committee which comprised Barton, Hoyt, and Chapman of the senate, and Thurston, Crawford, and Howe of the house. The committee recom- mended "that the senate concur in said amend- ment," Chapman alone dissenting. But, re- markably and inexplicably, Governor Garber proved to be a missing link of the otherwise complete chain of procedure. He vetoed the bill, not only on account of some technical irregularity but because in his opinion it was class legislation "and repugnant alike to the letter and spirit of our laws. . . Laying aside the legal and technical objections that may be urged against this measure, it does not appear to me to be expedient. It would reduce the grand assessment roll of the state a million and a half to three million dollars. It would relieve the railroad companies of at least $75,000 in taxes and place the burden upon the people." The governor very perti- nently reminded the subservient legislative body that the people had been persuaded to vote large subsidies to the railroads largely by the argument or promise that they would be repaid by the resulting great increase of tax- able property. The relentless determination or policy of the white masters of the commonwealth to dispos- sess the Indians even of the small remnant of their original domain which they held as reser- vations was manifested in two memorials to the federal Congress. The first ureed the passage of the bill, already introduced, pro- viding for the sale of the Otoe and the Paw- nee reservations. The second memorial was a very insistent — almost truculent — protest against the action of the federal government in assuming the authority in the treaty of 1868 to grant the Sioux the privilege of hunting in that part of the state lying north of the North Platte river and recognizing it as unceded ter- ritory. The same memorial protested also against the removal of the Red Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies from Dakota to a loca- tion within the northwestern borders of Ne- braska. Investigation of ofificial malfeasance still con- tinued to be an important duty or diversion of the legislature. Because it was "reported that divers sundry' abuses are practiced in the pen- itentiary" and "barbarous and unknown pun- ishments inflicted upon convicts confined in said penitentiary and that the management of the same is inefficient," and also because "a serious revolt has recently occurred in said prison," a committe^of the house, consisting of Enyart, Folda, Baumer, Fisher, and Lucas, made an extended investigation of the affairs of the prison. The majority report of the in- vestigating committee found that cruel and unusual pimishment had been inflicted upon prisoners and barbarous and inhuman prac- tices had been resorted to in the manage- ment. The report recommended "a thorough and complete reformation in the treatment of the convicts" ; that the stocks and the bull-ring should be abolished ; that "the prisoners should not be confined on seats in one position during the Sabbath day" ; and that Noboes. deputy warden, and three of the guards "be discharged for cruel, inhuman, and barbarous conduct." Folda and Lucas made separate reports, the former recommending the removal of the war- den, Woodhurst, who had held the ofiice since December 6, 1873. Lucas minimized the abuses which the other members of the committee acknowledged and condemned. Senator Perky testified that the attempt of the senate committee to investigate the prison was stifled and that Senator Burr — of Lancaster county — was an ob- structionist. LEGISLATURE OF 1S75 577 A joint committee of the two houses for in- plans were changed in 1873 but to the pubHc vestigating the charge that the plans and speci- advantage. The reputation of the alleged of- fications had been changed after their adop- fender, W. H. B. Stout, suggests a presump- tion and that they were not filed with the prop- tion of the truth of the charges which the di- er state officer applied a rather dull coat of luted whitewash of the committee scarcely whitewash. The committee found that the overshadows. CHAPTER XXVII Constitutional Convention 1875 — Constitutions Compared — Elections of 1875- Rise of Van Wvck — Politics of 1876 THE sixty-nine members of the constitu- tional convention were elected Tuesday, April 6, 1875. While party distinctions were not strictly observed in their selec- tion, the statement that "in ever)' district of the state party has been ignored in selecting candidates for delegates to the convention" was not sustained by re- sults. It was not difficult for the two lead- ing counties — Douglas and Otoe — to agree upon an equal division of their representation, since they were politically doubtful at elec tions. The C)maha Herald approved the Bee's proposal chat seven members from Douglas county should comprise three democrats, three repulilicans, and Judge Lake, who at that time could not be accurately classified. The con- ventions of the several parties accepted the plan, but the democratic convention recom- mended Clinton Briggs instead of Judge Lake for the odd member, and the republicans adopted tlie recommendation. Two republi- caiTi and two democrats were chosen for Otoe county, and a like division was made of the two members for Dodge. Richardson county conceded one member — Franklin Martin — of her four to the democrats, and Cass did likewise in the person of her distinctively dem- ocratic war horse, Jacob Vallery, Sr. On the other hand, the safely democratic counties of Cuming, Platte, and Sarpy chose members of their political complexion. The election of Beach L Hinman, democrat, of Lincoln comity, was a concession to fitness, while that of a democratic member for Dixon, and also for Seward, was probably due to the chance of politics in those uncertain counties, ^'ork chose an independent because it was then so inclined. All the rest of the members were chosen by and of repul:)licans because they had full jjower so to choose. The con- vention comprised fifty republicans, sixteen democrats, and three independents. Of the rather small number of democrats. Brown, Boyd, Calhoun, Hinman, Martin, Munger, and Stevenson were well equipped for effective and corrective work. Abbott, Boyd, Grenell, Hin- man, Kirkpatrick, Manderson, and Maxwell assisted in a very important degree in doing the preparatory work of this convention by virtue of their service in the convention of 1871. The Omaha Bee advocated the election of the delegates by the legislature on the ground that stronger men would be chosen by this method than by popular election ; but the Herald properly opposed that plan. The peo- ple no doubt chose a convention more nearly representative of their spirit and wishes than I he legislature would have chosen, and that was more important than the mere question of ability. No representative newspaper would now suggest delegating a function of that na- ture to a legislature, because in the interim there has been a great increase of self-confi- dence among the people and a great decrease of popular confidence in legislative bodies. The convention met on the 11th of May in the hall of the house of representatives at Lin- coln and was called to order at three o'clock in the afternoon by Bruno Tszchuck, secretary of state. Alexander H. Conner of Buffalo coun- ty was temporary president and Guy A. Brown of Lancaster, temporary secretary. The com- mittee on credentials was composed of twelve members, one from each senatorial district. John L. Webster of Douglas county was chosen for permanent president ; Guy A. Brown of Lancaster, secretarv : Cassius L. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION, 1875 579 Mather of \\'ebster, assistant secretary : Phelps Paine of Seward, sergeant-at-arms ; J. W. McCabe, doorkeeper and postmaster ; and Edward Bragg, Richard Miller, and R. C. Talbot, pages. Abbott, Connor, Gere, Sterns, and Robertson were the committee on rules. A committee of twelve members — one from each senatorial district — was appointed to report the best practical mode of procedure. On the second day a committee of five on rules reported in favor of adopting the rules of the convention of 1871 with slight alterations. A committee was appointed to hear evidence in the case of the contest for membership from Franklin, Gosper, and Phelps counties. Pas- tors of the city were invited to act as chaplain in regular turn without compensation. Though a sensible public sentiment and the election as delegates of a goodly number of democrats of ability prevented domineering partisanship, yet a republican faction organ- ized tlie convention. Charles F. Manderson had a long distance eye on the seat in the United States Senate occupied by Mr. Hitch- cock, and with the alert purpose of precluding prominence of his local rival the senator put forward John E. Webster to contest against Manderson for the presidency of the conven- tion. While Webster easily won on the gen- eral vote, it was ominous for Hitchcock that his representative did not get a single vote from Douglas county where all three of these ambitious men resided. Reaction of Mander- son's defeat probably promoted somewhat his subsequent elevation to two terms of the sen- atorship, while his victorious indirect oppo- nent was put off with but one. The convention considered three plans of procedure. The first was to take the old con- stitution as a model and through the aid of a small number of the committee make such alterations and additions as seemed desirable : the second was to work upon the rejected con- stitution of 1871 in the same way : the third to proceed dc novo without any specific model. By the first two methods most of the work would have been done in committee of the whole. The last plan was adopted, chiefly be- cause the larger number of committees it in- volved humored the natural ambition of the members to take a conspicuous part in the procedure. The report of the committee of twelve on procedure was therefore rejected and that of the committee of five on rules pro- posing thirty-two committees, which should proceed to construct a new constitution, was adopted. The reasonable brevity of both the convention and the constitution indicate that the difference between the two plans of pro- cedure was not of great importance. The work of the convention was concluded on the 12th of June and the constitution was adopted by the great preponderance of 30,202 votes against 5,474 on the second Tuesday — the 12th — of October, which was also the day of the general election under the old constitu- tion. The new constitution provided that ex- ecutive officers should be chosen at the genera! election of the following year — 1876. Those who were elected in 1874 — governor, secre- tary' of state, auditor, and treasurer — filled out their regular terms, and their successors were chosen at the same time as the new offi- cers — • lieutenant-governor, superintendent of public instruction, attorney-general, and com- missioner of public lands and buildings. B\' provision of the constitution the six regents of the university, judges of the supreme, dis- trict, and county courts, and elective county and precinct officers were chosen at the first general election — October 12th. A district attorney for each of the three new judicial districts was also elected at this time, but the tenure lasted only until the expiration of the regular term of the three who had been elected under the old constitution in 1874. The nine regents of the university, elected by the legis- lature under the old constitution, were legis- lated out of office by the new, but four of them, William .Adair, Charles A. Holmes, E. M. Hungerford, and Samuel J- Tuttle, were elected on the republican ticket at the first en- suing election. Republican legislatures had chosen two democrats — Alexander Bear and James W\ Savage — as members of the pre- ceding board : but under the popular election system there was no such wholesome princi- ple, and every hoard was solidly partisan until the republicans lost control of the state in 1894. The new constitution was about two and 580 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA one-half times as long as that which it suc- ceeded ; but it varied but little in substance or length, from the rejected constitution of 1871. Judged by the original conception of Ameri- can constitutions — that they should be merely the fundamental basis of the government and of such statutory law as might be required in the course of time — the constitution of 1866 was long enough. But the popular distrust of representative bodies which has been increas- ing since that time, as evidenced by the in- creasing length of later state constitutions, by the general adoption of direct primary elec- tions, and the growing use of the initiative and referendum, was responsible for the in- corporation in the new constitution of many provisions which otherwise would have been left to legislative enactment. The latest state constitution — that of Oklahoma — illustrates the constantly growing tendency. It is as much longer than the Nebraska constitution of 1875 as the latter is longer than its prede- cessor of 1866. There is no reason for thinking that any mandate or ad\ice of the constitution touching the regulation of railroad business has had any appreciable eflect vipon the legislature which has responded only to the iiiandate of public sentiment. The legislature ought to have passed an apportionment bill at the session which just preceded the convention, thus sav- ing that body from a distinctively [(artisan task and the constitution from its incongruous and unnecessary bulk. The legislation in the con- stitution is mainly comprised in those two mea- sures. The excess in its length over the con- stitution of 1866, outside those two subjects, is in the much greater detail of the provisions for the executive, the judiciary, education, and the schedule. This minute attention to detail is. however, due to the same motive and spirit which are manifested in the legislative fea- tures. The only other important new jirinciple incorporated into the new constitution was that forbidding special legislation in a long list of specified cases and "in all other cases where a general law can be made applicable." The section containing this prohil)ition, with the exception of the provision relating to the bonding of municipalities, which is added, was copied from the constitution of 1871. The constitution of 1866 merely prohibited the pas- sage of special acts conferring corporate pow- ers and provided that "corporations may be formed under general laws." After all the lands available for such a pur- pose had been bestowed upon railroad com- panies, the new constitution provided that "lands under control of the state shall never be donated to railroad companies, private cor- porations, or individuals." While this was chiefly a response to a subjective reaction, per- haps there was expectation that the swamp lands scheme would be productive. The important incidental changes consisted in the enlargement of the legislative, executive, and judicial departments and an increase in compensation of members and officers. The offices of lieutenant-governor, state superin- tendent of public instruction, attorney -general, and commissioner of public lands and build- ings were added to the executive department. The salaries of the four executive officers un- der the constitution of 1866 were as follows : Governor, $1,000; secretary of state, $600; treasurer, $400 ; auditor, $800. Under the new constitution the salary of the governor, audi- tor, and treasurer is $2,500; all the rest of the executive officers receive $2,000, except the lieutenant-governor, whose compensation is twice that of a senator. Under the old consti- tution these officers were not prohibited from receiving fees or other perquisites, and it was expected that the treasurer's meager allowance would be swelled by interest on loans of the funds in his custody. The new constitution prohibits all state officers from appropriating any fees or perquisites to their own use. Long- continued and wanton disregard of this inhi- Ijition demoralized the civil service and caused great losses of the public funds. The number of judicial districts was in- creased from three to six, with a judge for each, and an independent supreme court with three judges was established — an increase over the old regime of three districts and six judges. The legislature was authorized to in- crease the number of judicial districts once every four years, after 1880. by a vote of two- thirds of its members. The length of the term CONSTITUTIONS COMPARED 581 of the judges of the supreme court remains the same as under the old constitution. The sal- ary of judges was increased from $2,000 to $2,500. There was no provision for county judges in the old constitution. Under the constitution of 1866 the upper house of the legislature consisted of thirteen members and the lower of thirty-nine; but after ten years from the adoption of the consti- tution — that is, in 1876 — the legislature might increase the senate to twenty-five and the house to seventy-five members. The new constitution limited the membership of the senate to thirty and of the house to eighty-four until 1880, when that of the former might be increased to thirty-three and of the latter to one hundred. The legislature raised the num- ber of both bodies to the maximum at the first opportunity — in 1881. The provision for compensation of members in the new constitu- tion was copied from its predecessor, but at the general election of 1886 an amendment was adopted which increased the per diem from three dollars to five dollars and the num- ber of days for which compensation might be received in any one session from forty days to sixty days. The amendment also limits ■ the number of days for which members may be paid during their entire term of office to one hundred. The State University was organized and, un- til 1875, governed without any constitutional paternalism ; but a provision for its govern- ment was legislated into the new constitution. This unfortunately involves an elective board of regents. Members of this important body should have special qualifications. Under the convention system these offices were often tossed as a salve to some disappointed county or individual without due regard to fitness. It is not likely that under the present direct pri- mary system the choice will be more discrimi- nating. The new constitution designated certain state officers to constitute a board of public lands and buildings and another set of such officers for a board of education. Under the old constitution the same end was reached by legislative enactment. The constitution of 1871 hit a juster range of salaries than that of 1875. The members of the legislature were to receive four dollars a day, without limitation of the number of days ; the governor three thousand dollars a year and all the remainder of the state officers two thousand dollars, except that the allow- ance for the lieutenant-governor is the same in both constitutions. It would be difficult at least to overthrow the assumption that in 1871 the superior dignity of the governor made his services worth a thousand dollars a year more than those of the other state officers ; but there seems to be no good reason for rating the gov- ernor, auditor, and treasurer five hundred dol- lars higher than the other state officers in 1875. The attorney-general, for example, is probably the hardest worked, and ought to be the ablest, of them all. But the convention of 1871 was palpably wiser than its successor in allowing a salary of thirty-five hundred dol- lars instead of twenty-five hundred for judges of the supreme court. The salaries of district judges were the same under both constitutions, but the convention of 1871 conceded that the legislature might well be entrusted with au- thority to readjust these salaries by providing that they should stand as specified in the con- stitution "only until otherwise provided bv law," while in the constitution of 1875 all sal- aries are rigidly fixed. The convention of 1875 followed that of 1871 by incorporating in the constitution that barren formalism which confines the power of introducing appropriation bills to the house of representatives. This distinction is a mere echo of a constitutional principle which was recognized in England as early as the four- teenth century. It was an acknowledgment by the crown, grounded in expediency, of the growing self-assertion and power of the com- mons represented in the lower house of par- liament. The chief and sufficient reason for the rule was that the lords, by virtue of their life tenure, were not responsible or responsive to public opinion and therefore could not just- ly be entrusted with power of taking public money. The distinction was then logical and vital, whereas in our state legislature, whose members are elected at the same time in the same manner and for the same term and from 582 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA the same class, it is an innocuous memory. In- deed, it may well be doubted whether the in- creased expense and clogging of business which flows from the mere arbitrary and ar- tificial division of this homogeneous body into two segments is oft'set by its assumed advan- tages of greater scrutiny and deliberation. This dual system is also a projection from a time when class distinctions were tmiversally recognized in political organization and other social relations. The only allusion to the location of the capital in the constitution of 1866 is a provi- sion that the first state legislature should meet at Omaha. The constitution of 1871 provided that the cajjital should remain at Lincoln until 1880, "and until otherwise provided by law designating some other place therefor, which shall be submitted to and approved by a ma- jority of the electors voting thereon." The present constitution provides that the seat of government shall not be removed or relocated without the assent of a majority of the elec- tors of the state voting thereupon at a general election or elections, imder such rules and regulations as to the number of elections and manner of voting and places to be voted for as may be prescribed by law. Of these two provisions the former was probably the safer for Lincoln. It would have been difificult for the legislature to settle upon a specific new lo- cation and in turn still more difficult to pro- cure the assent of a majority ; whereas, under the present constitution, the legislature might adopt a plan fairer in appearance by which all aspirants would be voted upon together at as many successive elections as would be neces- sary to eliminate those having the low vote, thus reaching a final contest for a majority be- tween the two highest, but only after every other had had a fair chance. While the preamble of the constitution of 1866 is not as fine in form as that of the fed- eral constitution, yet it is concise and dignified and superior to that of the constitution of 1875, which, though commendably brief, is clumsy in construction, and that of the consti- tution of 1871 is verbose sermonizing. Prob- ably the worst verbal blemish in the constitu- tion of 1875 is the utterly indefensible substi- tution of "persons" and "people" for "men" in a clause adopted from a noble passage of the Declaration of Independence. For exam- ple: "All persons are by nature free and in- dependent ;" "to secure these rights . . . governments are instituted among people" ! ]\Ir. Hascall attempted to perpetuate this van- dalism in the convention of 1871 but was suc- cessfully opposed by some of the ablest mem- bers. The committee on the bill of rights re- ported it in this bad form, and it appears to have passed without protest. Manderson gave much attention to the verbal form of this part of the constitution, and as he was a champion of the cause of suffrage for women the use of words of common, instead of masculine gender no doubt suited his purpose. The attempt to improve upon the style of the federal constitution in the preamble was no less unfortunate than that of improving the style of the Declaration of Independence. Sec- tion 24 of the bill of rights, which provides that "the right to be heard in all civil cases in the court of last resort, by appeal, error, or otherwise, shall not be denied," was a char- acteristic innovation of Maxwell, and it has caused no little expense and delay in obtain- ing justice, without compensating advantage. The first democratic convention of 1876 was held at Lincoln, April 19th. Miles Zentmeyer of Colfax county was temporary chairman and Stephen H. Calhoun of Otoe was pennanent president. George W. Ambrose of Douglas was chairman of the committee on resolutions which demanded the prosecution of plunderers of the cofifers of the nation ; declared that gold and silver were the true basis of sound money ; demanded return to specie payment "as soon as can be done without detriment to the com- mercial and industrial interests of the coun- try" ; and called on all political committees and candidates in the state to abstain from using money in state elections except in pay- ment for printing. The use of money in po- litical campaigns, they declared, was a great source of corruption in state and nation. This was a prelude to the corrupt practice acts which continuing conditions in question have been calling into existence in recent years. Dr. George L. Miller of Douglas county. Dr. Alexander Bear of Madison, Gilbert B. Sco- field of Otoe, Tobias Castor of Saline, F. A. RISE OF VAN WYCK 583 llarman of Franklin, and Charles McDonald of Lincoln, were chosen for delegates to the national convention. A motion instructing them to support Samuel J. Tilden as a candi- date for the presidency was laid upon the table, though under the leadership of Dr. Miller such instruments were unnecessary. A major- ity of the democrats of the state favored the nomination of Tilden, though there was a strong minority in opposition. The republican convention for choosing dele- gates to the national convention was held at Fremont, May 23, 1876. The spirit of prog- ress — or rebellion, for social progress in- volves rebellion — which in 1872 broke out in open revolt, was active in this convention. It was manifested in the election of Charles H. Van Wyck as temporary chairman over Amasa Cobb, the candidate of the conservatives or re- actionists, by a vote of 87 to 77 . Mr. Van W'yck's address to the convention on assuming the chair was a mild beginning of his subse- quent career of chronic insurgency. "We know well," he said, "the influences that have been at work during the last few years to the detriment of the republican party ; and we to- day witness an uprising of the people declar- ing that they have decided to take the power into their own hands. This feeling is . . . beginning to raise us into the atmosphere of political and financial honesty. The republican party must save the nation again. . ." Precisely the "insurgent" song of the present hour. The persistent inclination of this ag- gressive local leader to profess reform within the old party was an excuse, if not a justifica- tion, for the bitter assaults which the leaders of the alliance movement made upon him many years later. But in the meantime this insur- gent note, artfully and persistently repeated, sang him into the United States Senate — five years later. Two sets of delegates sought admission from Douglas county. One of them represented the interests of Senator Hitchcock and included Thomas M. Kimball, William A. Gwyer, and Isaac S. Hascall; the other represented the field of rivals and aspirants for Hitchcock's office, led by Charles F." Manderson, Alvin Saunders, Clinton Briggs, and John M. Thurs- ton. Three of these eventually realized their ambition, and the other — Briggs — was an vmsuccessful candidate in the next struggle in which Saunders was chosen to succeed Hitch- cock. Thurston's leadership, which, became more dominant than that of either of the others of the group, was then just budding; but Manderson alone was able to command a sec- ond term. The convention had no mind to engage in the factional fight over the senator- ship and so excluded both sets of Douglas county claimants. The powerful and pug- nacious opposition to Hitchcock in his own county and the preponderant strength against him in the convention foretold his defeat at the next session of the legislature. It was little more or less than a rush of the outs to oust the ins — in common political parlance, "dog eat dog." The organ at Lincoln de- nounced the disturbance, which was hurting the party, with an unwonted temerity. It was "the Omaha delegation nuisance." In a friendly leaning to the incumbent it observed that the Hitchcock delegates were "untitled gentlemen," while the hostiles were "a galaxy of judges, including the chief justice himself [Lake], an ex-governor [Saunders], and an ex -general [Manderson], with a private or tv.'o thrown in." No opposition to James G. Blaine was manifested, and a resolution in- structing the delegates to the national conven- tion to use all honorable means to procure his nomination for president was adopted unani- mously. The democratic state convention was held at Creighton Hall, Omaha, September 6, 1876. W. P. Connor of Fillmore was temporary chairman and F. J. Mead of Saunders, per- manent president. S. B. Miles of Richardson county and Milton Montgomery of Lancaster were vice presidents and Stephen H. Calhoun of Otoe was chairman of the committee or. resolutions. Endorsement of the St. Louis national platform was the main feature of the resolutions. They denounced the republican party for arming the Indians to take the lives of taxpaying white men and for protecting In- dians while leaving our white frontier without protection from them. The convention nomi- nated for governor, Paren England of Lan- 584 HISTORY ()F NEBRASKA Charles H. Gere Private secretary Governor Biitlc POLITICS OF 1876 585 caster county ; lieutenant-governor, Miles Zentnieyer of Colfax; secretary of state, Jo- seph Ritchie of Madison ; treasurer, Samuel Waugh of Saline ; auditor, G. P. Thomas of Burt ; attorney general, D. C. Ashby of Frank- lin ; superintendent of public instruction, J. M. Jones of Washington ; commissioner of public lands and buildings, Henry Grebe of Douglas ; for presidential electors, S. H. Calhoun of Otoe, St. John Goodrich of Douglas, M. C. Keith of Lincoln. The greenback party held a convention, com- posed of delegates from fifteen of the sixty counties, at Lincoln on the 26th of September. L. O. Barker was chairman and W. H. Morris of Saline county, Allen Root of Douglas, J. F. Gardner of Richardson, A. G. Wilson of Cass, Marvin Warren of Jefiferson, were the mem- bers of the committee on resolutions, and J. F. Gardner was nominated for governor. The republican state convention met at Lin- coln, September 26th. Its procedure hinged mainly on the senatorial succession, and the anti-Hitchcock faction elected Turner M. Mar- quett temporary chairman over Charles H. Gere — who, being editor of a typical party organ of the period was therefore ostensibly the friend of the incumbent — by a vote of 144^4 to 141^. There was a long wrangle over the temporary organization, two sets of delegates from four of the counties contest- ing for seats ; so that the nomination of can- didates did not begin until the third day. After the composition of the convention had been determined, Mr. Gere was chosen per- manent chairman by acclamation. Up to the opening day of the convention Crounse was looked upon as the principal candidate for the nomination for member of Congress — to succeed himself ; but he kept out of the contest with the purpose of striving for the senatorship. There was a large field of com- petitors, the first ballot yielding 88 votes for Frank Welch of Madison county, 74 for John C. Cowin of Douglas, 36 for Charles A. Holmes of Johnson, 26 for Guy C. Barton of Lincoln, 24 for Leander Gerrard of Platte, 15 for Champion S. Chase of Douglas. The nomination of Welch on the fourth ballot was another anti-Hitchcock incident. The withdrawal of Crounse was a misfortune for the state and for himself, because he was far more capable than his successor in the House and missed promotion to the Senate. Claiming that the population of the state was entitled to an additional member of the House, Thomas J. Majors of Nemaha county, was nominated as a contingent representative. By the census taken in the spring of 1876 the population was 257,749, which, though too far below the lawful ratio to win an- other seat in the House, was near enough to inspire ambitious politicians with hope that it might do so, and Majors was renominated for the contingent honor over William H. Ashby, who suffered the then great disad- vantage of having worn the losing colors in the sectional war while the race of his com- petitor was expedited by the fact that his colors had triumphed. The incumbent execu- tive officers were renominated. The nomina- tions for the offices created by the new con- stitution were, Othman A. Abbott of Hall county, for lieutenant-governor; Professor S. R. Thompson, then principal of the nor- mal school at Peru, for superintendent of public instruction; F. M. Davis of Clay county, for commissioner of public lands and buildings ; George H. Roberts of Harlan county, for attorney-general. The platform demanded that the Union Pacific railroad com- pany should make pro rata charges on the basis of its own through tariff on all business originating on connecting lines in Nebraska and without discrimination as to those lines ; and it asked the national House of Representa- tives to admit an additional member from Ne- braska on account of the "great increase of population since 1870." The convention was very stormy and very long, lasting five days. The election was merelj' perfunctor}', the republicans winning with unhealthy ease — as they continued to do with increasing unhealthy effect upon the body politic until the popu- list revolution of 1890. Welch, republican candidate for Congress, received 30,900 votes; Hollman, democrat, 17,206; Warren, greenback, 3,580; for contingent member. Majors, 31,467, Dech, 2,832. The greenback 586 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA party, though small, and its monetary theory fact that after the silver leaders at last were nnsonnd. yet represented the protesting and obliged to abandon their theory because it progressive element and was the forerunner died on their hands, they took up the green- or nucleus of the later triumphant populist back principle. The national democratic plat- uprising. The free silver propaganda was form of 1908 illustrates instinctively this "re- close kin to the greenback, and it is a curious turn of the native." CHAPTER XXVIII Blunders in Procedure — -Defeat of Hitchcock for Senator — -The Legislature of 1877 — Capital Removal — Increase in Population — Legislation and Politics, 1877-1883 — Omaha Labor Riot of 1882 ON the 1st of December, 1876, Governor Garber called the sixth legislature elect- ed under the constitution to meet in a special session at ten o'clock in the morning of the 5th of that month, and on the 5th he called for another special meeting at three o'clock in the afternoon of that day. These were the twelfth and thirteenth sessions and the eighth and ninth special sessions. The federal sta- tute at that time required the electors to meet and cast their votes on the first Wednesday in December of the year in which they were appointed ; but the state statute provided that the vote for representatives in Congress should be canvassed by the legislature in joint session and that the vote for presidential elec- tors should be canvassed in the same manner. The legislature convened in regular session in January, 1877, too late to canvass the electoral vote : hence the necessity of a special session for that function. The democrats attempted to obtain an in- junction against the session, in the district court of Douglas county, and James R. Doolittle of Wisconsin and Abram S. Hewitt and John Morrissey of New York, came to Omaha to aid in this enterprise. But the judge, James W. Savage, dismissed the suit for want of equity. The democrats, with the exception of Enyart, Munn, and Tomlin of Otoe county, refused to attend the session ; but the seven republican senators and twenty- fi\e members of the house — five more than a quorum — were present, and the joint as- sembly proceeded to canvass the returns over the objections of Church Howe, which showed that under the law as it stood the canvass of the vote for presidential electors could be made only at the regular session in January, 1877. After the electors had been chosen, the eli- gibility of one of them — Amasa Cobb — was in doubt, and the afternoon session was called to provide against that danger. It proceeded to do so by again electing Cobb under the provision of the federal constitu- tion that "each state shall appoint (electors) in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct." Senator James C. Crawford formally objected to the proceeding for three reasons : ( 1 ) that the joint convention has no knowledge of any vacancy in the office of elector, and so no power to fill it; (2) that the laws of Nebraska, which have never been repealed, require the election of electors by the people on the 7th of November; (.3) that the joint resolution under which it is proposed to appoint an elector is void because it was not read at large on three separate days and does not repeal the existing law providing for the choosing of electors. This expensive and otherwise troublesome incident arose from the second blunder of its kind by the legislature. Governor Butler had been obliged to call a special session of the legislature just before the election of 1868 because no provision had been made for the election of presidential electors. The act passed at that session provided that the votes cast for the candidates for the office of elec- tor should be canvassed in the same manner as for candidates for the office of Representa- tive in Congress, which, according to the re- vised statutes of 1866, still in force, was to 588 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA be done by the governor, the secretary of state, and the auditor, within sixteen days after the election. This left ample time for the electors to meet for the purpose of cast- ing their votes on the first Wednesday in De- cember, according to the act of Congress. But the act of the legislature of 1869 govern- ing elections — which, with the act of 1868 providing for the choice of electors, was in- corporated in the revision of 1873 — provided that votes cast for candidates for repre- sentative in Congress should be canvassed by the legislature which, under the constitu- tion of 1866 and that of 1875, did not meet in regular session until the January following the general elections ; and the provision of the act of 1868 that the votes cast for candidates for the electoral college should be canvassed in the same manner as those for members of Congress remained unchanged ; hence the hurried call for the extra session to canvass the vote in December, 1876. After Amasa Cobb had been chosen as an elector in the regular way it was discovered that no "person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be ap- pointed an elector," and that the fact that General Cobb was disbursing officer of the treasury de])artnient in the matter of the con- struction of the court house and j)ostoffice at Lincoln probably made him ineligible. A comedy of errors seemetl to monopolize the stage. The democrats did their utmost to turn the comedy into tragedy by applying for an order in the district court of Douglas county restraining the republican electors from meeting and casting their votes on the 6th day of December, on the ground that the votes cast for them at the election had not been legally canvassed. It seems, however, that the irregidarity of 1876 was not as flagrant as that of 1872, for there was an attempt to regularize it ; but we are told that "four years ago the secretary of state and the acting governor, James, set the precedent of interpreting the new law as not making any change in the old way of can- vassing the electoral vote, and opened the re- turns on the day required by act of Congress and canvassed them under the old provision," and that "the clause in the law holding that the vote for electors shall be canvassed in the same manner as the vote for congressman, meant as the vote for congressman was can- vassed at that time." The seventh legislatttre convened in the fourteenth session and the fifth regular ses- sion, January 2d, and finally adjourned February 15, 1877. George F. Blanchard, republican, of Dodge county, was elected tem- porary president of the senate, receiving 19 votes to 9 for Church Howe of Nemaha county. Albinus Nance of Polk county was elected speaker of the house, his principal competitor being Dr. Alexander Bear of Madison county. The principal event of the session was, of course, the election of a senator of the United States. As the popular preference for candidates for this office is now e.xpressed at primary elections in most of the states, the formal election is merely perfunctory, a saving of much time and distraction over the old method. On the first joint ballot, Phineas W. Hitchcock, the incumbent, received 27 votes; .'\lvin Saunders, 14; Clinton Briggs, 12; Ivorenzo Crounse, 12; George B. Lake, 3; Charles F. Manderson, 4 ; Theron Nye, 3. The opposition cast 25 votes for James \V. Savage, democrat. On the first ballot taken the next day — January 18th — Saunders re- ceived 45 votes ; Hitchcock, 36 ; Savage, 26. ( )n a second ballot, taken after a brief ad- journment, Saunders was elected, receiving the entire republican support and of ten in- dependents — 88 in all. Only one LTnited States senator from Ne- braska — Manderson — has gained two full terms. Tipton had a desperate struggle for reelection after his very short initial term of two years, and all the rest have been put out after one term. The charges that Thayer had lieen ])Ut off with only a fractional term by l)ri1)ery were kept ali\'e during the service of his successful competitor and probably caused his defeat. Mr. Hitchcock evidently attrib- uted liis misfortune to the bribery accusation. In the sensational campaign thirty-two re- puljlican newspapers actively opposed Hitch- cock's reelection, twenty-si.x were neutral, and LEGISLATURE OF 1877 589 only thirteen positively supported him. At that period no one poHtically unfriendly to railroads could attain an important political office, and probably no one not positively friendly to them ever did. But there seemed to be enough truth in the complaint that Hitchcock was over-friendly to them, even in that heydey of loyalty — largely pass-in- spired — to make it an eiifective aid to the bribery scandal and the inevitable disappoint- ed office seekers. Charged with these poisons and driven home by the restless and relentless Rosewater, the sting of the Bee was destruc- tive. Another formidable attempt to remove the capital from Lincoln — the last until 1911 — was centered in the house. On the final vote the bill received 36 affirmative, and 37 negative votes. Twenty-three of the thirty-six sup- porters of the measure were from the North Platte section. Of the eight members from Douglas county, three voted aye. three nay, two not voting. When "Jack" MacColl, in- troducer of the bill, was a candidate for gov- ernor in 1896, this incident had apparently not been quite forgotten. A report of the secretary of state upon the census showed that increase in the population of Nebraska from 1855 to 1860 was 542 per cent ; from 1860 to 1870, 327 per cent ; from 1870 to 1876, 109 per cent. An exhibit ac- companying the report gave the population in 1874 as 223,657; in 1875, 246.280; in 1876, 257,747. The enumeration from which these aggregates were compiled was made by pre- cinct assessors under the law of 1869, and it is therefore unlikely that they are reliable ; but they at least served as basis for compari- son. According to the federal census the population was 452.402 in 1880. The consti- tution of 1875 provides for an enumeration every ten years, beginning in 1885. The direc- tion was complied with that year and the population was found to be 740,645, but it has been disregarded ever since. The laws passed at this session were not as numerous nor as important as those of sub- sequent sessions. The so-called Granger cases, originating in Illinois. Iowa, and ^^'is- consin, which established the principle that railroad rates could be controlled by legisla- tion, were decided this year but not in time to stimulate legislation along that line. The only acts affecting railroads passed at this session were an amendment strengthening the law of 1876 making railroads liable for the value of stock killed in transit ; another re- quiring railroad companies to keep stock cars clean ; and another making taxes on the road- bed, right of way, depots, sidetracks, ties, and rails a perpetual lien thereon, and declaring such property personal for the purpose of tax- ation and collection of the tax. A bill (H. R. 77) to fix the liability of common carriers re- ceiving property for transportation was in- definitely postponed in committee of the whole; House Roll 254, to require railroads in Nebraska to "pro rate" with one another, was safely buried in the commitee on rail- roads of which Loren Clark, whom the Omaha Bee afterward made famous or in- famous by its attacks upon him for corpora- tion subserviency, was chairman. This com- mittee recommended the indefinite postpone- ment of a house resolution directing the com- mittee to inquire into the expediency of regu- lating freight and passenger rates, for the reason, as stated, that the committee was in- formed that the senate was about to report a bill of that nature. Such a bill was intro- duced into the senate, where it was indefinitely postponed in committe of the whole by a vote of 18 to 8. The most important bills passed at the ses- sion were as follows : An act prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors within three miles of a place where any religious society was as- sembled for religious worship in a field or woodland ; providing that the principal and interest of the grasshopper bonds of 1875 should be paid out of the state sinking fund : repealing the act of 1875 creating a state board of immigration ; regulating the manner of proposing amendments to the constitution and submitting them to electors ; providing for township organization ; creating a com- mission for three members to revise the gen- eral laws of the state ; authorizing the super- x'isors of each road district and supervisors to be appointed b\' mayors of cities to require 590 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA each able-bodied male resident between the ages of sixteen and sixty years to perform two days' labor, at such time and place and in such manner as should be deemed most eiiflcient in the destruction of grasshoppers. If it should appear that two days' labor would be insufficient, the supervisors might require a greater number of days, not exceeding ten. No compensation was provided for such work, and any person refusing to perform it was liable to a fine of $10 with costs of suit. Further enactments were, for estab- lishing the board of public lands and build- ings and defining its duties ; offering a bounty of $1 for every wolf, wildcat, and coyote killed, to be paid by warrants drawn by the auditor upon the state treasurer. A joint resolution was passed requesting members of Congress from Nebraska to attempt to pro- cure such legislation as would provide for the appropriation of the proceeds of the sale of public lands in the several states devastated by grasshoppers to be used in payment of bounties for their destruction. A preamble and joint resolution was passed which recited that the state had materially suffered from frequent and continued invasions of hostile Indians for the past twelve years and asking that the control of Indian affairs be trans- ferred to the war department for more efficient and economical administration. An- other joint resolution recited that the federal census of Nebraska taken in 1870 failed to show the actual number of people in the state ; that there had been a rapid increase of population since that time, that the state census of 1875 showed a sufficient population to entitle the state to two members of Con- gress, and asking that an additional member be awarded. A joint resolution was passed reciting, "That the records of the impeach- ment and removal from office of David But- ler, late governor, be and the same are hereby expunged from the Journals of the Senate and House of Representatives of the 8th ses- sion of the legislature of Nebraska." J. Sterling Morton and Dr. George L. Mil- ler worked together in politics during the greater part of their long political activity : but during the decade of 1880-1890 and until the new leader, Bryan, with his new, or, rather, more vitalized, doctrines conveniently but superficially called Bryanism, arose in the early part of the next decade, when they made common cause against him, they were the leaders of two mutually hostile factions of the democratic party. Their differences were mainly due to the overweening ambition for leadership and the domineering personal tem- I^er or temperament of both, though Miller was inclined to Randall protectionism while Mor- ton was a radical free trader, and their rail- road affiliations were not always identical. Morton, moreover, after his recovery from his greenback lapse, grew more "sound" on the money question than Miller. As early as 1877 a quarrel between them was noticed, os- tensibly over a puff' in the Herald of Dan. Voorhees, whom Governor "Blue Jeans" Williams had recently appointed to succeed Oliver P. Morton, deceased, as United States senator. Morton pointed out that the Herald had formerly called the budding statesman a wind-bag and other impolite names which Miller always freely drew for editorial use from his full-stocked vocabulary. Morton himself had been alike impolite to "the tall sycamore of the Wabash," who was too much bent on "doing something for silver," but stuck to it while Miller took it back. The republican state convention for 1877 was held at Lincoln, October 10th. It was called to order by Charles H. Gere, chairman of the state committee; James W. Dawes of Saline, was temporary and permanent chair- man, George L. Brown of Butler, temporary secretary, and Daniel H. Wheeler of Cass, permanent secretary. George B. Lake of Douglas county, was nominated for chief justice of the supreme court on the second formal ballot. The convention, for some rea- son not apparent, did not want a platform, and the usual motion for the appointment of a committee on resolutions was defeated by a vote of 119 to 131. James W. Dawes was pitted against Edward Rosewater for member at large of the state committee and was vic- torious by a vote of 171 to 82. This inci- dent was indicative of the relative standpat and insurgent strength in the party. Self- LEGISLATION AND POLITICS, 1877-1883 591 contained and subservient reactionaries did not dream, much less see, that eventually they must bow to their ascendant Nemesis whom they now contumeliously spurned. Rosewater was to have his day, and a great day it would be. A delegate from Douglas county ofifered a resolution of sympathy with the laboring classes for their manly defense of their rights "during the recent attempt of capital to op- press labor." It was supported by Rosewater, opposed by Gere, and tabled by the convention of course. The standpat mouthpiece char- acterized it as "Rosewater's communistic resolution" and declared that the Douglas delegation was composed chiefly, if not entire- ly, of men who bolted the organization last fall, their chief object being to destroy Judge Briggs, "a man who for a time had got in bad company." On the 26th of October E. A. Allen, chair- man, and S. F. Burtch, secretary of the demo- cratic state committee, issued a statement that as "only a judge of the supreme court and two regents of the university were to be nomi- nated," they deemed it inexpedient to hold a .state convention. The committee had unani- mously passed a resolution urging the State Bar Association to nominate a candidate for the judgeship; but the association having de- clined to act on its suggestion, the committee urged all democratic county organizations to put the name of John D. Howe upon their tickets and support him at the polls. As a matter of course the lawyers, who were usually ambitious politicians and perforce, perhaps, members of the dominant party, could not afford to listen to a proposal to divide official honors and emoluments with the minority party so long as their own party was strong enough to safely monopolize them. Even recent repeated attempts, stimulated t.)y the present comparatively strong and growing in- dependence of partisanship, have failed to unhorse the pernicious custom of the partisan choice of judicial officers which was so firmly seated in those inauspicious times. Judge Lake had flirted too much with vari- ous parties to be wholly acceptable to the stal- v\'art republicanism of that day ; and so the State Journal was willing to quote from the free lance Lincoln Globe a severe stricture upon his candidacy. There was much com- plaint, the Globe declared, about Lake's nom- ination. Ten years of incumbency was enough and many wanted a new man. Besides, Briggs had probably missed the nomination by a mis- count in the convention and Lake's managers would not consent to a recount. He was not a man of decided ability, falling below Gantt in that respect, and his written opinions fell below the standard, "contributing for him his full share of much bad law confessedly con- tained in the Nebraska reports." This was the opinion of "the able members of the bar." While on the bench he had been a constant can- didate for the United States senatorship and for a seat in the lower house of Congress ; and in 1868, failing to get the nomination of the republican party, he accepted one from its political opponents and ran against the regular republican candidate, John Taffe. in the mean- time "remaining upon the bench against all precedent, so as to be sure of an office in any case." The Globe thought that the bar association would nominate Briggs or Wakeley. Lake received 25,569 votes against 15,639 cast for Howe, his democratic opponent. That palpable republican dissatisfaction with Lake's nomination should not have been man- ifested in a greater defection in his support at the polls is explained by the unquestioning party loyalty which would still accept or tol- erate argument of this sort : "Politically the republicans of Lancaster county should vin- dicate the honor of the old flag. . . Repub- licans of Lancaster county, stand by your guns and vote straight as you shot, and let the cry of 'bloody shirt' dismay those only who got their shirts crimsoned in the ranks of disloy- alty and secession." .More directly vital to the interests of the party organs, there would be no danger of annoying inquiry into fat public printing subsidies or other public matters of jiractical import, so 'ong as public attention could be diverted by such inspiring appeals to a paramount patriotism. A large element of the republican party at this time favored the restoration of free coin- age of silver. The State Journal, which led in the movement, ardently supported the 592 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Blaiul Ijill — vvliich had passed the House — "restoring the old dollar of 412^ grains as zin unconditional legal tender for debts, public and private," and insisted that it must pass the Senate without amendment. This was the same radical principle which all the leading republican newspapers of the state, including the Journal, violently asailed William J. Bry- an for promulgating about tifteen years later. On the 12th and 16th of January, 1878, mass meetings were held in Lincoln in the interest of free coinage. Harvey W. Hardy was presi- dent of the meetings and Allen W. Field sec- retary. Lorenzo W. Billingsley offered a set of drastic resolutions about the crime of '73, for restoring free silver coinage and declaring that if President Hayes should veto the Bland bill our representatives in Congress ought to endeavor to pass it over the veto. Turner M. Marquett, Oliver P. Mason, Charles H. Gere, S. B. Galey, John L. McConnel, John B. Wright, and President Hardy, all republicans, and comj^rising most of the party leaders of the capital city, favored the resolutions. Only Nathan S. Harwood and Genio M. Lambert- son opposed and favored a gold standard. Harwood advocated a resolution in favor of the coinage of silver dollars equal in value to gold dollars ; and he opposed the Bland bill be- cause it was not honorable to pay debts in de- preciated money. In reply to the assertions of the resolutions and the other speakers that the silver dollar was fraudulently demonetized in 1873, he pointed out that the provision for its coinage had long been obsolete when it was formally dropped from the statutes. John I. Redick of Omaha, who in a few years won a reputation for changeful opportunism — not always or necessarily an unwise or discredit- able tendency — was for the resolutions, of course. An amendment declaring for the re- peal of the specie resumption act, presented by C. H. Gould and pressed by L. C. Pace, was defeated, it would seem inconsistently. Harwood and Lambertson were among the earliest and most positive advocates of the gold standard in the great struggle for free coinage of silver which began about 1890. The republican state convention for 1878 was held at Lincoln, r)ctober 1st. It was called to order by James W. Dawes, chairman of the state committee, and Monroe L. Hay- ward of (jtoe county was temporary and per- manent chairman. There were contesting dele- gations from Custer, Douglas, Franklin, Gos- per, Lincoln, and Madison counties. Amasa Cobb, who had been appointed to fill the va- cancy caused by the death of Daniel Gantt, May 29, 1878, was nominated for judge of the supreme court by acclamation ; and Ed- ward K. Valentine was nominated for mem- ber of Congress on the fourth formal ballot. The informal ballot gave Lorenzo Crounse 110 votes; Valentine, 90; Oliver P. Mason, 25 ; and other scattering support ; the third formal, Crounse, 125; Valentine, 131 ; George F. Blanchard, 36 ; Joseph C. McBride, 6 ; Ma- son 1. Thomas J. Majors was nominated for the short term, to fill the vacancy left by the death of Mr. Welch in September. Albinus Nance of Polk county was nominated for gov- ernor on the third formal ballot. The plat- form declared that "elections shall be free in the south" ; with some deference to Presi- dent Hayes's inclination ; squinted toward re- form of the civil service; denounced a gratui- tous assumption that damages inflicted on the property of southern states by the war might be paid from the national treasury ; declared that the ample power of Congress must be exerted to guard against extortions of corpor- ate capital ; saw signs of reviving business ; in- sisted that the greenback should be made as good as honest coin ; approved the Bland bill for coining standard silver dollars and restor- ing their legal tender character, but declared that coinage should be free and that the thirtv million trade dollars then in circulation shoukl be made legal tender ; denounced the recent attempt of democrats to steal the presidency ; protested against a proposition to withdraw public lands west of the one hundredth meri- dian from homestead, preemption, and timber culture ; demanded that, as soon as practicable. Indians now within our border should be re- moved to the territory set apart for their use. Edward Rosewater characteristically con- vulsed the convention by introducing a resolu- tion which declared that the recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United States tha LEGISLATION AND POLITICS, 1877-1883 593 the Union Pacific bridge across the Missouri river was a part of the main Hue of the road impHed that the special bridge toll of ten dol- lars for each car of freight and fifty cents for each passenger was contrary to the spirit of the charter granted by the United States to the Union Pacific company, was unjust and oppressive, and that the question should be clearly defined by an act of Congress and the bridge rate reduced to that charged on the rest of the line. The resolution was hotly op- posed, John M. Thurston leading the attack, and S. B. Galey and W. H. Ashby assisting. James Laird, William J. Connell, and others supported it. But Nebraska politics was not yet ripe for definite, much less drastic, anti- corporation declaration such as this, and the resolution was defeated by a vote of 127 to 84. Charles O. Whedon, following his pen- chant for sardonically marrying incongruities, offered an amendment as follows : "Resolved, that it is an outrage for the ferry companies at Plattsmouth, Nebraska City, and Brown- ville to charge $10 per car for transferring cars across the Missouri river." This was added to the Rosewater resolution as an amendment and fell with it. As reported in the Daily State Journal, October 4th, Mr. Whedon "argued that the Union Pacific rail- road had a right to fix the amount of the toll exactly as much as a man has a right to fix the price of a bushel of potatoes he has for sale." The radical change of attitude toward the relation of transportation companies and the state is illustrated by the fact that in the year 1911 Mr. Whedon is an "insurgent" or "La FoUette republican" ; which means that he holds to the right and duty of the public, through commissions or legislatures, to abso- lutely fix railroad rates. The irrelevancy of the Whedon resolution lay in the fact that the Union Pacific railroad was largely a giant creature of the people who, therefore, par- ticipated in its management through the agency of the federal government, while the ferries in question were at that time regarded as simply private concerns. The democratic state convention was held at Lincoln, September 25th. A majority of the convention was chiefly bent on efifecting fusion with the greenback party and of emu- lating the republican devotion to unstable money. A majority of the committee on reso- lutions, comprising Frank P. Ireland, James C. Crawford, James E. North, George E. Pritchett, James R. Gilkeson, and A. J. Smith, reported a conservative plank in favor of car- rying out the resumption act and of a cur- rency convertible into coin at the will of the holder. Their platform included, almost of course, a declaration against the protective tariff. The two dissenters — James G. Me- geath and Nat. W. Smails — offered a minor- ity plank demanding the postponement of re- sumption until the needs of the country admit it, the restoration of silver to the position it occupied before it was fraudulently demone- tized, the abolition of the national bank sys- tem, and the substitution of greenbacks for the bank notes, opposing any further sale of bonds for resumption purposes and insisting that the public debt should be paid according to the original contract. This report was adopted in preference to that of the majority by a vote of 69 to 53. The platform also denounced republicans for defrauding the nation of a president justly elected, and be- cause they had "squandered the public lands, robbed the school funds, wasted the public money in rotten contracts for rotten public buildings, and levied a tax of half a million dollars a year for ten years to enrich favorites and feed imbeciles in office." It declared for "the liberty of individuals unvexed by sump- tuary laws" and "against any and all pro- tective tariffs." The convention nominated candidates as follows : For member of Con- gress, long term, J. W. Davis ; short term. Dr. Alexander Bear; governor, W. H. Webster of Merrick county; lieutenant-governor, F. J. Mead : secretary of state, Benjamin Palmer- ton ; auditor, E. H. Benton ; treasurer, S. H. Cummins ; superintendent of public instruc- tion. S. L. Barrett ; attorney-general, Stephen H. Calhoun ; superintendent of public lands and buildings, Joseph McCreedy ; judge of the supreme court, John D. Howe. Dr. George L. Miller was named in the conven- tion for governor and J. Sterling Morton for member of Congress, but it was inclined to a 594 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA new deal, and the monetary principles of these two veterans had become rather too hard to yield to greenback fusion. A state greenback convention held at Lin- coln on the 14th of August nominated a ticket of which the candidates for member of Con- gress, auditor, treasurer, attorney-general, commissioner of public lands and buildings, and judge of the supreme court were the same as those of the democrats. There was no es- sential difiference between the democratic and greenback money planks, and the only appre- ciable difference in the republican plank was its friendliness to national bank currency as well as greenbacks and a demand for the con- vertibility of greenbacks into coin ; but the virtue of the demand for a coin basis was re- pudiated by the radical demand for unlimited free coinage of debased silver. The fusion of democrats and greenbackers was effective enough to alarm the dominant party and did not fall far short of defeating it. Cobb, candidate for judge of the supreme court, received 28,956 votes against 23,191 cast for Howe. Nance, republican candidate for governor, received 29,469 votes while the opposition divided its support, giving Web- ster, democrat, 13,473, and Todd, greenback, 9,475. All of the other opposition candidates for state offices received the fusion vote. Val- entine, republican candidate for member of Congress, received 28,341 votes; Davis, demo- crat and greenback, 21,752; Dr. Alexander Bear, national, 110. The eighth legislature convened in the fif- teenth session and the sixth regular session, January 7th, and finally adjourned February 25, 1879. The senate comprised eighteen re- ])ublicans, five democrats, two greenbackers, and five nationals. The democrats w-ere Charles H. Brown and C. V. Gallagher of Douglas county, D. T. Hayden of Otoe, Lewis Ley of Stanton, (^leorge A. Stone of Richardson ; the greenbackers, P. W. Birk- hauser of Richardson, J. H. Grimm of Sa- line ; the nationals, William B. Beck of Burt, T. A. Buimell of Saunders, John A. Cuff'y of Washington, J. A. AIcMeans of Jefferson, O. P. Sullenberger of Dixon. Of the fifty-five members of the house thirty-six were repub- licans, nine democarts, six greenbackers, two independent republicans ; not designated, two. Charles P. Mathewson, republican, of Madi- son county, was elected speaker. Among the enactments of this legislature was a provision that "all impeachments of state ofificers shall be tried before the supreme court." except that judges of the supreme court should be tried by all the district judges. Nance county was formed. Us territory com- prising the Pawnee reservation. Saline lands described as follows were set apart for the use of a Nebraska hospital for the insane: n. e. 34 sec. 4, t. 9 n., r. 6 east 6 p. m. ; s. w. 34 sec. 34, t. 10, r. 6. The excess of the state moneys on hand over $100,000 was to be in- vested in United States four per cent bonds. The sum of $100,000 was appropriated out of the sinking fund to pay off that amount of the state funding bonds. A fish commission was created to consist of three members whose term of- office should be three years. No sal- ary was provided for the commissioners, but their expenses should be paid to an amount not exceeding $500. A bounty of $2 was pro- vided for the taking of wolves, wildcats, and coyotes whenever any county should vote to give such bounty. By the law of 1877 $1 was to be paid by the state for each animal killed. By the law of 1879, $7,500 was provided for payment of bounties under the law of 1877. The contract for leasing convict labor at the state penitentiary to W. H. B. Stout, made September 22, 1877, was extended six years from C)ctober 1, 1883. Under the conditions of this law Stout was to build for the state 240 stone cells before October 1, 1883. He was to receive forty-five cents a day for each convict for the first three years of his lease, and forty cents a day for the second three years. .\11 that part of the ( )maha and Win- nebago reservation not included in Cuming or Burt counties was attached to Dakota county for judicial and revenue purposes. It was provided that counties must pay $3.33 an acre for six rows of trees planted along half section or north section lines east and west and cared for not less than five years. A gen- eral election law provided that one judge of the supreme court and two regents of the LEGISLATION AND POLITICS, 1877-1883 595 university should be elected in 1879 and every two years thereafter, for a term of six years. Judges of district courts should be elected in 1879 and every four years thereafter; state officers and members of Congress, in 1880 and every two years thereafter ; county offi- cers, in 1879 and every two years thereafter; one county commissioner in 1879 and one an- nually thereafter. At the general election immediately preceding the expiration of the term of a LTnited States senator, electors might express by ballot their preference for his successor. It was provided that county treasurers should be eligible to office for only two consecutive terms. The sum of $75,000 was provided for building the west wing of a new capitol. The sum of $10,000 was appro- priated for establishing and maintaining a re- form school at Kearney, provided that the city should donate to the state a site for the same comprising not less than 320 acres. Memorials and joint resolutions were passed asking Congress to extend the provisions of the acts of 1850 and 1855, relative to swamp and overflowed lands, to Nebraska and other new states ; to transfer the Indian bureau to the war department, "believing it will give greater protection to our exposed settlers," and be less expensive ; to place the Santee Sioux Indians on the old Ponca reserve re- cently vacated by the Spotted Tail band, only six miles distant from the lands held by the Santee in Knox county, which were seized by the interior department after being settled upon and cultivated by citizens of that county. A memorial set forth that incursions of hos- tile Indians east of Fort Robinson had re- cently resulted in the loss of several lives and much damage to property ; and senators and representatives from Nebraska were asked to urge upon the war department the establish- ment of a military post in that part of the state. Congress was asked to repeal that part of section 640, revised statutes of the United States, 1873-1874, under which railroad cor- porations operating within the state removed cases between such corporations and citizens from state to federal courts. Application was made for indemnity for school land sections in the Otoe and Pawnee reservations. The mem- bers of Congress from Nebraska were asked to oppose the payment of southern war claims. The attorney-general of the state was instruct- ed to proceed by suit or otherwise to collect moneys loaned out of the permanent school fund in 1870 and 1871 and to report to the next legislature the condition of each case. In his message Governor Garber reported as outstanding ten per cent, ten years grass- hopper bonds of 1875 to the amount of $50,- 000 and eight per cent funding bonds of April, 1877, to the amount of $549,267.35. Of these bonds $123,000 had been sold to the highest bidder at $1.07, and the balance was invested in the permanent school fund. The governor reported that "for some time past the outer walls of the capitol have been considered un- safe. Last October architects were em- ployed to examine the building, and they pronounced the north wall in danger of fall- ing." It was rebuilt at a cost of $777.98. The time was not far distant when a new building must be erected. The governor recommended that citizens of Lincoln should be reimbursed for their expense in replacing the foundation of the university, but this just request was ignored. The commission appointed under the law of 1877 to revise the statutes of the state re- ported to the legislature of 1879 that they had prepared a new school law, a new revenue law, and a new railroad law. According to a statement made by John H. Ames, a member of the commission, the legislature, fearing that a comprehensive report might not be up- held by the courts, adopted only a small part of the work. The legislature of 1877 not comprehending the magnitude of the work involved expected a full report of it the fol- lowing fall. The members of the committee worked two years, each receiving compensa- tion of only $1,500. The republican state convention for 1879 was held at Omaha October 1st. The conven- tion was called to order by James W. Dawes. chairman of the state committee. Monroe L. Hayward of C)toe county was temporary and permanent chairman. Amasa Cobb of Lan- caster county was nominated for judge of the supreme court by acclamation. In present- 596 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ing- his r.ame John A I. Thurston said tliat Hayward's friends had pressed his candidacy for the office against his wishes. John L. Carson of Nemaha county and Joseph W. Gannett of Douglas, were nominated for re- gents of the State University. Charles H. Gere was a strong competitor of these nomi- nees. William M. Robertson of Madison county was chairman of the committee on resolutions. The platform omitted reference to silver and congratulated the country on the successful resumption of specie payment, in- sisting that its credit and promises must be kept as good as gold. A ruby "bloody shirt" plank was inserted. There must be no con- cessions to unrepentant rebels, and fear of the treasonable utterances of rebel brigadiers in Congress was expressed, and protection of votes in the South was demanded. There were pleasing signs of returning prosperity — which had been waited for since 1873. The greenback convention was held in Lin- coln October 2d. Allen Root of Douglas county was chairman of the convention and L. C. Pace of Lancaster county was an active member. John Saxon of Jefferson county was nominated for judge of the supreme court, and Thomas Gibson of Douglas and J. H. Woodward of Seward, for regents of the State University. Delegates were present from fifteen counties. Captain W. H. Ashby of Gage county, at one time or another an ardent member of every one of the parties, was chanticleer of this convention. The democratic state convention, held in Lincoln, September 9th, nominated Eleazer Wakeley of Omaha, for judge of the supreme court and Alexander Bear of Madison coun- ty and Andrew J. Sawyer of Lancaster, for regents of the LTniversity. Stephen H. Cal- houn of Nebraska City was chairman of the committee on resolutions, which complained that the republican administration made treat- ies with the Indians only to violate them, thus turning the enraged savages loose on unpro- tected settlers. They denounced, also, the re- publican policy of keeping a standing army to intimidate voters in the South. The plat- form lacked specific declarations as to state affairs. The Daily State Democrat — Sep- tember 12th, approved the policy of leaving a declaration on the money question to the next national convention — not a sound precept. The democratic convention for electing dele- gates to the national convention was held at Columbus, April 1, 1880. Dr. George L. Mil- ler still adhered to the fortunes of Samuel J. Tilden and strongly favored his remoination. (leneral Victor Vifquain, editor of the Dailx State Democrat, was opposed to this course and had a strong following. At the Lancaster county convention, held March 30th, to choose delegates to the state convention, the support- ers of Tilden were defeated. It was estimated that about three-quarters of the delegates at Columbus favored the Miller-Tilden combina- tion. The 257 votes in the convention were divided among the leading aspirants for dele- gates to the national convention as follows : J. Sterling Morton, 211 ; Dr. George L. Miller, 200; J. W. Pollock, 188: James E. North, 157; F. A. Harmon, 127; Richard S. Molony, 131, and they were declared to be the choice of the convention. From motives of policy, instructions for Tilden were not forced, as J. Sterling Morton and some others of the delegates were not primarily for him. The fact that a special train for carrying delegates to this convention left Lincoln at 8 o'clock in the morning, March 31st, and ran to the ter- minus of the Lincoln & Northwestern rail- road, from which passengers were taken in carriages the remainder of the distance to Columbus — eight miles — illustrates the in- complete condition of the capital city's rail- way connection at this time. The republican convention for electing dele- gates to the national convention was held at Columbus, May 19, 1880. There was a very heated controversy in the convention between the Blaine and Grant factions, which in the election for delegates divided, nearly two- thirds being against Grant. Though the preponderating sentiment prob- ably favored Blaine and was certainly decid- edly anti-Grant, the convention formally re- fused to instruct delegates to support the favorite. Though the progressive and reac- tionary cleavage between the two factions was not uniform, yet the Blaine partisans as a rule LEGISLATION AND POLITICS, 1877-1883 597 represented a progressive element — as will appear by an inspection of the names of the candidates. Senator Paddock was, quite strangely, for Grant. When Garfield became president there was rather a petty controversy between Senator Paddock and Senator Saun- ders along this line. Saunders supported Gar- field in the row with Conkling over the New York appointments and thereby won an ad- vantage over Paddock in Nebraska appoint- ments. When, however, Saunders procured the appointment of St. A. D. Balconibe for United States marshal. Paddock retaliated by defeating his confirmation. The republican state convention was held at Lincoln, September 1st. Charles A. Holmes of Johnson county was temporary and perma- nent chairman. George W. Collins of Paw- nee, John M. Thurston of Douglas, and James Laird of Adams, were nominated for presi- dential electors. Edward K. Valentine of Cuming was nominated for Congress by accla- mation, and Thomas J. Majors of Nemaha, was nominated for contingent member of Congress. All of the state officers excepting the auditor, commissioner of public lands and buildings, and superintendent of public in- struction, were renominated by acclamation. The commissioner and the superintendent of public instruction were dropped because they had been in the customary two terms, and Leidtke, the auditor, was defeated on account of charges against him for retaining insurance fees. John \\'allichs was nominated in his place, A. G. Kendall for commissioner, and \\'. W. W. Jones for superintendent of public instruction. James W. Dawes was retained as chairman of the state committee. The jjlat- form declared that national sovereignty is the fundamental principle upon which the per- petuitv of the nation rests ; that the princijile of home rule as enunciated by the democratic party was but the cautious expression of the Calhoun doctrine of state's rights ; denounced the seizure of the polls by democratic officers in Alabama ; congratulated the state in its gen- eral prosperity and rapid increase of popula- tion and wealth ; pledged the party to the support of such legislation by Congress and the state legislature as might be necessary to effect a correction of the abuses and prevent extortion and discrimination in charges by railroad corporations ; and appealed to war democrats to join with republicans "in defense of national integrity and the nation's purse." There was an incipient recognition of the now rather obtrusive railroad issue but expressed onlv in glittering generahties. The alarmist part of the declaration was still depended upon as a blind to real home issues. William McAllister of Platte county innocently intro- duced a set of resolutions favoring an expres- sion of the preference of voters for candidates for the office of United States senator, in ac- cordance with the provisions of the constitu- tion and the law of 1879 applicable thereto. The resolution was laid on the table by a vote of 294 to 77. The democratic state convention was held at Hastings, September 29, 1880. Frank P. Ire- land of Otoe county was elected temporary chairman and Nat. W. Smails of Dodge, tem- porary secretary. The temporary organiza- tion was made permanent. James E. Boyd of Douglas county, Victor Vifquain of Saline, and Beach I. Hinman of Lincoln, were chosen as candidates for presidential electors, Boyd receiving 219 votes ; Vifquain, 180 ; Hinman, 133. Robert R. I,ivingston of Cass county was nominated for member of Congress and Thomas W. Tipton of Nemaha, for governor, receiving 190 votes against 40 for Robert A. Battv, of Adams. Stephen H. Calhoun of ' )toe was nominated for heutenant-governor ; Dr. George W-. Johnston of Fillmore, for sec- retary of state ; D. C. Patterson of Wayne, for auditor; Frank Folda of Colfax, for treasur- er; E. H. Andrus of Buffalo, for commis- sioner of public lands and buildings ; Dr. Alexander Bear of Madison, for superinten- dent of public instruction ; and George E. Prichett of Douglas, for attorney-generaL In the mutations of local factions which peculiarly affected the two most prominent democratic leaders. Dr. George L. Miller was left at home this time but J. Sterling Morton was promi- nent in the convention. Charles PI. Brown and James Creighton of r)maha, vigorously opposed the nomination of Tipton for govern- or because he was not a full-fledged demo- 598 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA crat, but the}- were overwhelmingly overruled. At the election of 1880 Valentine, repub- lican candidate for member of Congress, re- ceived 52,647 votes ; James E. North, demo- cratic candidate, 23,634; Allen Root, green- back. 4,059. For governor, Nance, republi- can, received 55,237 ; Tipton, democrat or fusion, 28,167; O. T. B. Williams, greenback, 3,898. Thomas J. Majors, candidate for con- tingent member of Congress, had no opposi- tion and received 52,985. The republican candidates for district attorney in all of the six districts were elected. It was a republi- can clean sweep of about two to one. The ninth legislature convened in the six- teenth session and the seventh regular session January 4, 1881, and finally adjourned Febru- ary 26th, the fortieth day of the session. By a provision of the new constitution the house of representatives comprised eighty- four mem- bers and the senate thirty until the year 1880, when the legislature was authorized to fix the number, which should not exceed one hundred in the house and thirty-three in the senate. The senate comprised twenty-seven republi- cans and three democrats, the latter being John D. Howe and George W. Doane of Doug- las county and Thomas Graham of Seward. Edmund C. Cams, lieutenant-governor, was president of the senate, and John B. Dins- more of Clay, temporary president. The members of the house comprised seventy-five republicans, eight democrats, and one inde- pendent. H. H. Shedd, of Saunders county, was speaker. The legislature at this session adopted the maximum number for each house. The struggle for the United States senator- ship, though significant, was not sanguinary like the last against Hitchcock ; but it was like the last in having the field, including the Bee. against the incumbent. While Beatrice was Senator Paddock's actual or nominal resi- dence, he was for business and political pur- poses regarded as the son of Omaha, and so as a Union Pacific rather than a Burlington man ; Van Wyck, according to his territorial location, was counted pro-Burlington. Not- withstanding that the Burlington had become more important and politically stronger since the last senatorial election when the Journal favored Hitchcock, yet its interest and habit lay in the support of the powers that were. so it mildly upheld Paddock. Evidently the South Platte organ did not then apprehend what an anti-monopoly archangel was being entertained unawares in Van Wyck. The first joint ballot yielded Paddock, 39; Archi- bald J. Weaver of Richardson county, 15; Van Wyck, 13 ; Judge Elmer S. Dundy of Richardson, 12; Oliver P. Mason of Lancas- ter, 9; George W. Post of York, 8; John F. Kinney of Otoe, democrat, 8. There was no material change in the result of the ballots until the seventeenth, by which Van Wyck was elected with 68 votes. Paddock holding 36, Kinney 4, and 4 going to Governor Albinus Nance. The total membership of the legisla- ture was 114 — the senate containing 30 mem- bers, the house 84 — -and 112 voted, so that 57 were necessary to a choice. Sixty-three of Van Wyck's supporters were republicans, so he was not dependent for success upon the four democrats and one independent who voted for him on the last ballot. Franse of Cuming and Lehman of Platte voted for Paddock on the last ballot. The contest being the usual Nebraska spectacle of the field against the incumbent, Van Wyck, par- tially because he was the most positive politi- cal figure of the field, and partially because he was in closest touch with the incipient in- surgency of the time, was the most practicable instrument for the main operation. Besides, Burlington politics had the advantage of LTnion Pacific in its more homespun quality. This was victory number two for the Bee. Van Wyck brought ripe political experience to his highest office. He was a member of the House of Representatives from the tenth dis- trict of New York in the 35th, 36th, 40th, and 41st congresses — from 1859 to 1863, and from 1869 to 1871. He came to Nebraska in 1874 and settled in Otoe county as a putative fanner. He at once plunged into politics in the new field, and was a member of the con- stitutional convention of 1875, and of the state senates of 1877 and 1879. He did not long survive his political end, dying at Wash- ington October 24, 1895. He was at least the most conspicuous, and one of the most useful LEGISLATION AND LOLITICS, 1877-1883 599 of all Nebraska's federal senators, and, up to that time, in practical statesmanship the ablest. As his term progressed he became obtrusively aggressive on behalf of tariff re- form and corporation control. While he could not make much practical impression on the stone wall which capitalism in Congress then presented against assaults on its preroga- tive, yet he effectually stirred up an aggres- sive antimonopoly temper, especially in his adopted state. Of course, in the circum- stances, opprobious epithet was the principal weapon used against him, demagogue being the common name and "Crazy Horse" the less polite specific one. But what moving appeal to the masses is not demagogic? De- mand governs supply in politics as in all or- dinary business ; and until intelligent think- ing, sincerity, and hoiiesty have spread apace demagogy will be an important attribute of statesmanship. The Gladstones, McKinleys, Roosevelts, Bryans. La Follettes are master- ful leaders chiefly because they are masters of the art of demagogic appeal, though they may be more sincere and especially more chaste and gentlemanly about it than was Van Wyck. For he was uncomely in every aspect. His body was ill-proportioned, his movements awkward, his voice raucous, his smile disen- chanting ; yet unusual physical and mental force, a firm grasp of the vital issue and aggressive courage in its presentation were perhaps advantageously manifested through those unlovely media to the peculiar con- stituency he must aft'ect. In short, his prin- ciples, arguments, and methods anticipated those of our present "progressive" leaders ; and since he persistently and consistently pre- sented them, and at first out of season, the charge of insincerity or demagogy is secon- dary if not inconsequential. That Van Wyck and Rosewater were wise in preferring to achieve reform through the overhauled ma- chinery of the old party rather than risk it to a necessarily very crude new machine, at least cannot be disproved. A considerate view of political cause and effect discloses that, whatever his insincerity and inconsis- tency, on the whole. Van Wyck deserved well of his Nebraska constituency. An appropriation of $1,000 was made to furnish a block of Nebraska stone to be placed in the Washington monument at the city of Washington, the stone to bear a coat of arms of the state and such other inscrip- tions as the board of public lands and build- ings might consider appropriate. Extension of time to September 1, 1882, for the con- struction of the west wing of the capitol was granted. One hundred thousand dollars was appropriated for building the east wing, and an option for furnishing plans and specifica- tions at one and one-half per cent of the contract price was given to William H. Wil- cox, architect of the west wing. The Slocumb act was perhaps a more pro- gressive and effective license law than any that had preceded it. The legislature of 1877 appropriated $10,000 to be expended on a re- vision of the general laws of the state, and John H. Ames of Lincoln, Alexander H. Conner of Kearney, and Stephen H. Calhoun of Nebraska City, were appointed commis- sioners to do the work. The time allowed for completing the revision — to January 1, 1878 — was too short. They began the work May 15, 1877, and reported it to the legisla- ture of 1879. The task of revising the license law was allotted to Mr. Ames, so that he was the author of the Slocumb act which was passed substantially as he drafted it. The most important departures from preceding laws of its class consisted in giving licensing boards discretionary power to grant license "if deemed expedient," thus explicitly recog- nizing and establishing the local option prin- ciple, and the increase of the license fee which tended to greatly reduce the number of sa- loons. The Slocumb law required a minimum fee of $300 except for cities with a population of over ten thousand in which the minimum is $1,000; whereas the old law required a minimum fee of $25 and a maximum of $500 except for incorporated cities and towns which might require an additional sum of not more than $1,000. By the Slocumb law there is no restraint as to the maximum amount of the fee which is left to the option of the several municipalities. Under the high mini- mum license it has been impracticable to es- 600 HISTORY OF XEP3RASKA tablish saloons outside of incorporated towns where they are under direct pohce surveil- lance. The hi^h degree of adaptability of the law is illustrated by the fact that no impor- tant changes were ever made in it. In 1897 a law was passed giving incorporated villages and towns the right to direct popular local option. The only important addition to the Slocumb law is the act of the legislature of 1909 limiting the open hours of saloons from seven o'clock in the morning until eight o'clock in the evening. The republican state convention for 1881 met at Lincoln, October 5th. It was called to order by James W. Dawes, chairman of the state committee. George H. Thummel of Hall county, was temporary and permanent chairman, and Datus C. Brooks, editor of the Omaha Republican, was chairman of the plat- form committee. Samuel Maxwell was nom- inated for judge of the supreme court on the first ballot, receiving 253'/ votes, against my. for C. J. Dilworth, 39 for O. B. Hewitt, and 15 for Uriah Bruner. L. B. Fifield and Isaac Powers were nominated for regents of the State University, and James W. Dawes was chosen for chairman of the state com- mittee, receiving 275 votes against 136 cast for Charles O. Whedon. Though this was the off year in national politics the platform wholly ignored state questions but eulogized Garfield and Arthur. The democratic state convention for 1881 was held at Omaha, October 13th. William H. Munger of Dodge county was nominated for judge of the supreme court, and S. D. Brass of Adams and Dr. Alexander Bear of Madison for regents of the State University. The platform declared for free trade, honest money, economical and efficient administra- tion of state and national affairs, and for the amendment of the so-called Slocumb law or else its unconditional repeal. The ninth legislature convened in the tenth special session May 2, 1882. It finally ad- journed May 24th, the thirteenth day. Governor Nance, in his message to the legis- lature, stated that the session had been called for the purpose of apportioning the state into three congressional districts ; to amend the act of March 1, 1881, regulating the duties and powers of cities of the first class; to as- sign the county of Custer to some judicial district ; to amend the law entitled "Cities of the second class and villages" ; to provide for the payment of expenses incurred in suppress- ing the recent riots at Omaha and protecting the citizens of the state from domestic vio- lence ; to give the assent of the state to the provisions of the act of Congress to extend the northern boundary of the state of Ne- braska; to provide for the expense of the sjiecial session. There was legislation upon all of these propositions. The governor said that the act of Congress approved February 25, 1882, authorized the election of two additional representatives in Congress, to which the state was entitled under the census of 18.80. He recited that on the 9th day of March he was officially notified by Mayor James E. Boyd, of Omaha, that a formidable riot was in progress in that city and he was requested by the mayor to fur- nish a military force to protect the people of ( jmaha from mob violence, the civil authorities being powerless. On the same day he re- ceived a telegram signed jointly by the mayor and sheriff of Douglas county alleging that the civil authorities were powerless to pro- tect peaceful laborers and that United States troops were absolutely necessary to restore order. Another despatch of the same purport was signed by a large number of business men of (Jmaha, Thereupon the governor at once placed the Nebraska National Guards under orders to be held in readiness for duty, and he made a formal rec|uisition upon the president of the United States for troops to aid in sup- pressing domestic violence. The president re- sponded to the requisition of the governor and, on the morning of the 11th of March, a force of United States troops and state militia, numbering about 600 men, reached Omaha and were placed under the mayor's or- ders. On the arrival of the troops, laborers who had been compelled by an infuriated mob to abandon work, resumed it. "The rioters were overawed by the unexpected display of military force but were not subdued. For several days their riotous demonstrations con- OMAHA LABOR RIOT OF 1882 601 tinned and the troops, both state and national, were subjected to every form of insnlt and abuse. The final restoration without great loss of life was largely due to the forebearance of the soldiers under the most exasperating circumstances. Gradually the violence of the mob subsided and the troops, being no longer required, were withdrawn." The governor highly commended the soldierly conduct of the Nebraska National Guard which was under the command of General L. W. Colby. Moore of York offered a resolution declaring that it was dangerous to the peace and wel- fare of the state to establish the precedent of making appropriations to pay the expense of calling out troops without making careful inquiries as to its necessity and instructing the committee on ways and means to make careful inquiry as to the cause of the late labor riot in Omaha and the necessity of calling out troops to establish peace. The resolution was adopted. The committee on claims, to whom the resolution was referred. reported that the riot was of a dangerous character and required military interference. A communication from Mayor Boyd stated that in his opinion 500 policemen could not have protected men at their work and the result showed that 500 militia could scarcely more than maintain their ground, and unless the regular federal troops had been present there would have been a bloody collision be- tween the rioters and the militia. In a com- munication to the committee, Governor Nance said that the mob had driven laboring men from their work on the Burlington & Missouri railroad grounds, severely injuring some of them, and laborers at the smelting works had been compelled to join the rioters. Many business men in the city were terrorized by threats of a boycott, and the city was in sub- jection to the will of the mob. The governor insisted that it was necessary to employ mili- tary force to stop lawless proceedings and to enforce the right of every individual to work. The trouble centered in a strike for better wages by laborers on a large grading enter- prise in the grounds of the Burlington & Mis- souri railroad company at Omaha, but it sym- pathetically extended to other industries. All reasonably conducted attempts to improve labor conditions by methods of this kind are now regarded as legitimate, the vexatious question turning on the distinction between fair and unfair methods. It is significant that the Omaha papers excepting the Bee, the Lincoln Journal, and the state government were distinctly biased in favor of the rail- road company, the Bee alone giving the other side a hearing. That the labor side was prob- ably guilty of improper violence is another phase of this very grave and perplexing ques- tion. The committee of the house appointed at the regular session to investigate charges of bribery and corruption, found that in regard to the charge against J. C. Roberts, member of the house from Butler county, there was a conflict of testimony, Lieutenant-Governor Cams testifying that during the sixteenth session, Roberts, who was chairman of the house committee on railroads, made demand upon him [Cams] for the sum of $5,000 to procure his [Roberts's] influence upon the sub- ject of railroad legislation. Roberts, on the other hand, testified that Cams, approached him and offered him $5,000 if he would use his influence as a member of the house to as- sist the railroad companies. The testimony of both men was partially corroborated, but the committee was unable to decide which of the two was telling the truth. The committee said that if the allegation of Cams was true, then Roberts was guilty of a criminal offense against the laws of the state, and that if the allegation of Roberts was true then Cams had been guilty of gross impropriety in neglect- ing to report the whole transaction to the house, at the time of its occurrence and there- fore deserved the censure of the house. The testimony adduced was voluminous and tended to incriminate both the accused men as well as others incidentally. Franse of Cum- ing county, offered a resolution declaring that the charges against Roberts were not sus- tained. McShane of Douglas offered a sub- stitute as follows : Whereas, From said testimony it appears that Honorable E. C. Cams, Lieutenant Gover- nor of the state of Nebraska, acted in the ca- 602 HISTORY OF NEI'.RASKA pacity of hearer of a proposition between the high contracting parties ; and, Whereas, Said J. C. Roberts, according to his own testimony, did not indignantly resent the said proposition and report to the house ; therefore be it Resolved, That the said Hon. E. C. Cams, Lieutenant Governor of Nebraska, and Hon. J. C. Roberts, member of the House of Repre- sentatives, have merited the solemn censure of this House. McShane's substitute was lost by a bare ma- jority of 31 to 32. After many dilatory mo- tions had been disposed of the report of the committee as amended by Franse, finding that the charges were not sustained, was agreed to. CHAPTER XXIX Political History 1882-1890 — The Period of Mainly Unsuccessful Attempts to Pro- cuRE Reform Legislation Culminating in the Populist Revolution — First Rail- road Commission — Three Cent Passenger Rate AN anti-prohibition convention was held at Omaha, September 11, 1882. James Creighton of Omaha was president of the convention and C. A. Baldwin of Omaha, Peter Carberg of Lincoln, James Donnelly of Ashland, Gus Kirkow of Fremont, James E. North of Columbus, constituted the committee on resolutions. Letters were read from General Charles F. Mander- son and J. Sterling Morton expressing sym- pathy with the objects of the convention. A set of the old time, perfunctory resolutions were adopted, including a declaration that, "We will not support any man for any office who will not satisfactorily pledge himself to oppose any and all attempts to force upon the people a prohibitory law." A greenback convention was held in Lin- coln, September 7, 1882. Levi Todd of Cass county was chairman. The platform declared that class legislation had exempted from tax- ation a large amount of the wealth of the county in the hands of the rich ; denounced national b mks, including the well worn com- plaint th;.t t'ley drew double interest under the law ; aemanded that the government should issue all money, and that it should all be legal tender ; that freight tariffs should be regulated by law ; denounced the appropria- tion of public lands to ]irivate corporations : declared that all important offices should be filled by direct vote of the people; for equal pay for equal labor for both sexes ; con- demned the action of the last legislature for preventing the people from expressing them- selves on the temperance question. L. C. Pace was chosen chairman of the central com- mittee. A committee of thirty-five was ap- pointed to meet at Hastings September 27th. This committee conferred with the antimo- nopolist state convention, and the two par- ties united on a ticket and a platform. E. P. Ingersoll of Johnson county, president of the State Farmers' Alliance, was nominated for governor ; D. B. Reynolds of Hamilton, for lieutenant-governor; Thomas J. Kirtley of Franklin, for secretary of state ; Phelps D. Sturdevant of FiHmore, for state treasurer ; John Beatty of Wheeler, for auditor ; John Bamd of Buffalo, for attorney-general ; J. J. Points of Douglas, superintendent of public instruction; Charles H. Madeley of Adams, commissioner of public lands and buildings ; Thomas Bell of Otoe, regent. Dr. S. V. Moore of York county, and Moses K. Turner of Platte, were nominated for members of Congress in the second and third districts re- spectively. Jay Burrows and Edward Rose- water were members of the resoltuions com- mittee. The Omaha Bee of September 29th was de- fiant against the corporation control of the republican party. The republican state convention for 1882 was held at Omaha, September 20th. Nathan K. Griggs of Gage county was temporary and permanent chairman and Charles H. Gere was chairman of the committee on resolutions. The platform indulged only in glittering gen- eralities, covering nothing specifically. On the first ballot to nominate a governor, James W. Dawes of Saline county received 121 votes; George W. E. Dorsey, 108; Samuel J. Alex- ander, 88 ; John B. Dinsmore, 48 ; Henry T. Clark, 22; W. J. Irwin. 18; Champion S. Cliase, 9; Milton T- Hull, 5. Dawes was 604 HISTORY OF NEP.RASKA nominated in a break-up on the third bal- lot, and Charles H. Gere for regent of the University. CTeorge W. E. Dorsey was chosen chairman of the state committee. There was an open break at this time against Senator Van Wyck by the regulars, includ- ing the State Journal. The prohibition con- vention met at Lincoln, September 13, 1882. Ex-Senator Thomas \V. Tipton was a mem- ber of the committee on resolutions. They declared in favor of the submission of a pro- hibition amendment and against voting for any candidate of either party who did not favor it. The democratic state convention for 1882 was held at Omaha, September 14th. J. Sterling Morton was nominated for governor ; Jesse F. Warner for lieutenant-governor ; Charles J. Bowlby, secretary of state ; Phelps D. Sturdevant, treasurer ; James C. Craw- ford, attorney-general ; Henry Grebe, com- missioner of public lands and buildings ; C. A. Speice, superintendent of public instruc- tion : John M. Burks, regent of the State Uni- versity. The platform denounced the issue of free passes to public officers and demanded legislation against it, and denounced railroad interference with political conventions. The republican ticket was successful again as a matter of course. Dawes received 43,495 votes against 28,562 for J. Sterling Morton, although the latter ran al)out 2,000 votes ahead of the general ticket. Ingersoll, the antimonopoly candidate, received 16,991 votes, and Phelps D. Sturdevant, candidate for treas- urer on the democratic and antimonopoly tickets, was elected, receiving 46,132 votes against 42,021 for Loren Clark, his republi- can opponent. It seems probable that a gen- erally successful combination of progressives, such as that of 1894, might have been made, though perhaps the ( )maha Bee's aggressive opposition to Clark caused his defeat. Suc- cessful insurgency then would have hastened reform and avoided the revolutionary radi- calism caused by inconsistent delay. The woman suffrage amendment was defeated by a large majority, the vote being 25,756 for and 50,693 against. In the first congressional district, Archibald J. Weaver, republican, re- ceived 17,022 votes; lohn I. Redick. demo- crat, 12,690 ; Gilbert, antimonopolist, 3,707. In the second district, James Laird, republican, received 12,983; S. V. Moore, antimonopolist, 10,012; Harman, democrat, 3,060. In the third district, Edward K. Val- entine, republican, 11,284; Moses K. Turner, antimonopolist, 7,342; William H. Munger, democrat, 9,932. The tenth legislature convened in the eigh- teenth session and the eighth regular session, January 2, 1883, and finally adjourned Feb- ruary 26th, the forty-second day. Alfred N. Agee, lieutenant-governor, was president of the senate, and Alexander H. Conner of Buf- falo county was temporary president. George M. Humphrey of Pawnee county was speaker of the house of representatives. The senate comprised fifteen republicans, eleven demo- crats, five antimonoplists, one greenback, one republican-antimonopolist. The house com- prised nftv-two republicans, twenty-nine dem- ocrats, eleven antimonopolists, four republi- can-antimonopolists, one independent republi- can, two independents, one greenback-antimo- nopolist. This remarkable variation illustrat- ed a somewhat blind rebellion against the old party allegiance which was to assume effective form seven years later. On the first joint ballot for United States senator Charles F. Manderson received 6 votes; Alvin Saunders, 14; Alexander H. Conner, 6; J. Sterling Morton, 16; Joseph H. Millard, 13; John AI. Thayer, 11; John C. Cowin, 10; j. H. Stickel, 9; Charles H. Brown, 7 ; James W. Savage, 5 ; James E. Boyd, 5. Cowin and Millard each command- ed one of the two republican votes of Doug- las county. Charles F. Manderson was elected on the seventeenth ballot, receiving 75 votes against 17 cast for James E. Boyd, democrat ; 14 for J. Sterling Morton, demo- crat ; 5 for Charles II Brown, democrat ; 20 for J. H. Stickel, antimonopolist. Stickel — of Thayer county — received all antimonop- oly, greenback, and independent votes except fivt. The democrats who ought then to hav-e been making hay, as the antimonopoly or pro- gressive sun was just beginning to shine, by developing a consistent and persistent pro- gressive policy, blind to the signs of the times. POLITICAL HISTORY, 1882-1890 605 gave their principal support to two strong. Init ultra-conservative or reactionary men — J. Sterling Alorton and James E. Boyd ; and so permitted or forced the over-radical and un- stable populists a few years later to reap the ripened progressive harvest which they them- selves might have garnered. On the repub- lican side Douglas county had the call from the first. In the seventeen successive assaults its four strongest aspirants killed off one an- other so that the weakest took the prize. In sixteen ballots Cowin, Millard, Saunders, and Thayer held remarkably uniform and nearly equal support, Millard slightly leading and Cowin slightly at the rear. Eight was Man- derson's favorite figure and highest, until in- creased to ten on the next to the last ballot. In point of deportment, at least, he was the fittest among the republican rivals and at least their peer in ability. As to the political prin- ciples and social temperament, he was precise- ly antipodal to the rising spirit of democracy which already presented an almost formidable front and an ominous menace to the dominant bourbonism of both of the old parties. While Stickel was not the equal of his principal op- ponents in ability, he was either more consci- entious or more sociall}' sympathetic, or both, than any of them. Strong leaders are more often prompted by and led into progressive social movements than they are initiators of them. Inasmuch as the east and west wings of the Capitol were completed, the legislature author- ized the board of public lands and buildings to take bids for razing and removing the old capitol from the grounds. The construction of the main part of the new capitol, according to plans already submitted by William H. Wil- cox, at a cost not exceeding $450,000, was authorized. The State Historical Society was recognized "as a state institution" and $500 was appropriated .for its maintenance. The counties of Brown, Cherry, Custer, Hayes, Wheeler, Sioux, and Loup were constituted. All voted in 1884, except Hayes, which fol- lowed in 1885. The old Ponca reserve — be- tween the Niobrara and Missouri rivers west to the extension of the line between range 8 and range 9, west — was added to Knox coun- ty, the act to take effect when the president should declare the Indian title extinguished and the voters of the county should accept the addition. An act was passed authorizing counties to adopt township organization by a majority vote. The number of judicial dis- tricts was increased from six — the number fixed by the constitution and not to be changed before 1880 — to ten. The old third district, comprising Douglas, Sarpy, Washington, and Burt counties, was not changed. Five hun- dred dollars was appropriated toward erecting the monument to Abraham Lincoln at Spring- field, Illinois, in place of the appropriation of 1869, which had not been drawn against be- cause the monument was not yet completed. The sum of $13,640.50 was appropriated to reimburse the Nebraska City National bank on account of a judgment "unjustly collected" by the state for a sum of money received by Acting Governor William H. James in behalf of the state and converted to his own use. Here the legislature arbitrarily and doubtless improperly overruled the court : now a com- mon complaint is heard against the courts for overruling the legislatures, state and national. A grant of three thousand dollars was made to John W. Pearman for "military services," presumably in campaigning against Indians as a major in the Second regiment, Nebraska cavalry, in 1862. The appropriation was to be paid from a balance of $7,077.55 remain- ing of the amount paid to the state by the United States for expenses incurred in re- pelling Indian hostilities. The sum of $6,824.14 was appropriated toward the ex- pense of prosecuting "I. P. Olive and others for murder, and William Lee for assault with intent to murder, and Tip Larue, John Kin- ney, and Henry Hargraves for murder." Joint resolutions were passed to amend section 4, article 3, of the constitution so as to fix the salary of each member of the legislature at $300 for the full term of two years in place of $3 a day, and increasing the length of the session from forty to sixty days ; also to amend section 1, article 5, so as to provide for an elective board of railway commissioners ; asking members of Congress from Nebraska to procure the passage of bills abolishing all 606 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA tolls on railroad bridges across the Missouri river, so that products might reach consumers as cheaply as possible ; demanding such action by heads of departments or legislation by Con- gress as would compel railroad companies to take out patents on land grants so that they might be taxed ; demanding settlement of the "Kneeval's Land Claims" against patentee settlers. The claims arose through a grant to the St. Joseph & Denver railroad company and many had been rejected. Congress was urged to repeal the duty on barbed wire for fencing and the material from which it was made. The request passed the house by a vote of 65 to 2 — and the two were farmers. The vote in the senate for free trade was 28 to 2. That these two farmers and the other two direct dependents upon farming in Ne- braska should have voted to continue the en- forced payment by the people of Nebraska of an enormous gratuity to the manufacturers of this necessity of Nebraska life, will now seem strange to almost all Nebraskans alike, who have come to resent the payment of such ))Ounties to any manufacturer whatever. Governor Nance, in his message, made the statement that the railroad commission system had been adopted in about twenty states. He referred especially to the progress in regula- tion of railroads in the states of Illinois and Iowa. It apiieared from the report of the commissioners of Illinois for 1881 that "the right to fix reasonable maximum rates for the transporta:tion of freight and passengers by railroads, either by direct statutes or by offi- cers created by law, is no longer seriously questioned." But these hints, even, were in- congruous and premature. A bill to create a board of railroad commis- sioners passed the house by a vote of 62 to 31. The senate refused to take it from the general file by a vote of 12 to 12. The act pro- vided that three of the executive officers of the state should be commissioners, but they should employ secretaries to do the actual work. The commissioners were authorized to fix maximum freight rates. Lyman H. Tower, a democrat and banker at Hastings, made a minority report which included all the now familiar archaisms against the constitutional- ity of the bill. Four bills jirohibiting the use of free railroad passes were introduced in the senate and two in the house. Four of these six bills sought to confine the prohibition to officeholders. Five bills for the regulation of rates were introduced into the senate and four- teen into the house. One of these was aimed at sleeping car rates. In addition, a bill de- fining the liabilities of common carriers, three memorials to Congress affecting railroads, and one to Colorado and another to Kansas, seeking cooperation in procuring railroad re- form, were introduced. All this heroic en- deavor resulted in the passage of only three memorials to Congress. According to the message, the bids for the east wing of the capitol were submitted July 12, 1881, as follows: Butler and Krone, $98,- 490; Robert D. Silver, $86,400; W. H. B. Stout, $96,800. The total cost of the west wing was $83,178.81; of the east wing, $108,247.92. That the contract was let to Stout — in July, 1881 — though far from the lowest bidder, was a matter of course and is explicable only on the ground of corrupt po- litical preference. The west wing was begun in 1879 and finished by the close of 1881. The east wing was accepted by the board of public lands and buildings, December 1, 1882. The republican state convention for 1883 was held at Lincoln September 26th. Church Llowe was both temporary and permanent chairman. Manoah B. Reese was nominated for judge of the supreme court on the ninth ballot ; Francis G. Hamer was his principal op- ponent. Hascall of Douglas county an- nounced at the beginning of the balloting that Lake was not a candidate for renomination unless it should occur that the convention could not agree upon any of the candidates who had been presented. This string of Lake's pulled out mischief for Hamer. On the first ballot Reese had 83 votes, Hamer 97, Edwin F .Warren, of Nebraska City, 79. The third ballot gave Hamer 121, Reese, 92, War- ren, 80: the sixth, Hamer 142j/, Reese, 103 K' ; Warren, 103. On the ninth ballot, it being apparent that Lake had absorbed Warren's strength, Hamer turned the delegates of his own county to Reese, whereupon a stampede POLITICAL HISTORY, 1882-1890 607 followed and Reese's nomination was made unanimous. Milton J. Hull of Clay covmty and John T. Mallaieu of Buffalo, were nom- inated for regents of the University for the long term, and for the short term, Jesse M. Hiatt of Harlan county and Edward P. Holmes of Pierce, in place of Isaac Powers and L. B. Fifield, who had resigned. The platform favored a constitutional amendment providing for a railroad and tele- graph commission without stating the method of choosing it; demanded that all railroad land grants not strictly earned be forfeited ; de- clared that public lands must not be monopo- lized for cattle ranges, but left open for set- tlers ; for a tariff so adjusted as to favor and protect domestic industries and encourage im- migration of laborers to perform the services we need on our own soil, paying tribute to our own government, rather than the importation of products of labor that is tributary to a for- eign and perhaps hostile government. This tariff plank probably stands unique among creations of its kind. George W. E. Dorsey was continued as chairman of the state com- mittee. The democratic convention for 1883 was held at Omaha August 29th. James W. Sav- age was nominated for judge of the supreme court; James M. Woolworth of Douglas and E. R. Daniels of Madison, regents for the long term. The platform was characteristically J. Sterling Morton's. It declared that all tariff taxes except to support the government "ought to be utterly abolished" ; approved the regulation of the sale of intoxicating drinks in the interest of good order, "but the prohi- bition of the manufacture and sale of such drinks within the state is contrary to the fun- damental rights of the individual and to the fundamental principles of social and moral conduct." Such interference would be neu- tralized by interstate commerce sanctioned by the United States constitution. The platform declared further: "Democrats of Nebraska denounce all railroads within the state which elect or attempt to elect, influence or attempt to influence delegates to political conventions, members of the legislature and senators or members of Congress. . . We assert the right of the legislature to control the railroads but we deny the right of railroads to control the legislature. We demand the enactment of a law which shall, under severe penalties, forbid the issuance of passes or free trans- portation of any kind whatsoever by any rail- road in Nebraska to any person holding either an elective or appointive office or any other of- ficial position under the constitution or laws." It commended Sturdevant, the dem- ocratic treasurer, for voting to let the capitol contract to the lowest instead of the highest bidder and condemned letting it to Stout, be- cause his leased convict labor competed with free, honest labor. The bid of Robert D. Sil- ver, a responsible builder, was $41,187.25 under Stout's. Judge Savage, with the support of the dem- ocrats and antimonopolists and of the Omaha Bee, received 47,795 votes against 52,305 cast for Reese. The republican regents were elect- ed by far larger majorities. The first republican convention of 1884, held at Lincoln May 1st, was called to order by George W. E. Dorsey, chairman of the state committee, and Edward K. Valentine of Cuming county was temporary chairman and Ray Nye of Dodge, temporary secretary. The temporary organization was made permanent. John M. Thurston of Douglas county ; Nathan S. Harwood, Lancaster; John Jensen, Fill- more ; George A. Brooks, Knox, were elected delegates at large to the national convention — Thurston by acclamation. George W. Post of York county was chairman of the platform committee. The resolutions declared for a tariff so adjusted as to encourage home in- dustries without being burdensome to the peo- ple and denounced attempts of the democratic house of representatives to make indiscrimi- nate reductions. The resolutions were char- acteristically lacking in specific statement and state questions were ignored. A motion to declare a preference for James G. Blaine as a candidate for president was tabled by a vote of 220 to 207. The Omaha Republican was the only prominent newspaper in the state that stood for Blaine instructions. The democratic convention for choosing delegates to the national convention of 1884 608 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA was held at Lincoln May 22d. John AlcMani- gal ot Lancaster county called the convention to order, but, in the great confusion which arose in choosing between Miles Zentmeyer of Colfax county and Beach L Hinman of Lin- coln county, for temporary chairman of the convention, McManigal lost control and An- drew J. Poppleton of Omaha was obliged to mount a chair in the midst of the assembly and restore order. Zentmeyer represented the Miller-Boyd faction and Hinman the Morton faction. McManigal decided that Zentmeyer was elected by the first vote, taken viva voce. Hinman was elected by a vote of 182 to 96. Poppleton was chairman of the committee on resolutions which demanded vigorous frugal- ity in every department of the government, a tariflf limited to the production of necessary revenues and to bear upon articles of luxury and prevent unequal burdens upon labor; and they declared that a fundamental change in the policy of federal administration was im- perative. If united, the party would reelect Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks. The platform ignored state issues. The four delegates at large were elected by the follow- ing vote: James E. Boyd, 259; J. Sterling Morton, 241; W. H. Munger, 179; Tobias Castor, 141. James E. North received 103 votes and George W. Johnston, 114. Dele- gates from the first district elected George P. Marvin and John A. Creighton as delegates to the national convention ; second district, Robert A. Batty, A. J. Rittenhouse ; third dis- trict, Patrick Fahy, John G. Higgiiis. There was sharp division between the two factions, Morton's home delegates — from Otoe coun- ty — refusing to vote for Boyd and Boyd re- turning the compliment. The majority of the delegates were hostile to Morton, as they were again in 1888, when they shut him out from his usual place as a member of the platform committee in the national convention. The republican state convention was held at Omaha August 27th, with Charles H. Gere chairman. There was opposition, amounting to "revolt," to the renomination of Dawes for governor, but it was easily overcome before the convention met — illustrating incidentally the prime advantage for boss rule of the con- vention over its successor, the primary election plan. The platform declared that "we recog- nize as a prime necessity for the unification of our party in Nebraska ... a statute regulating our railroads according to a fixed principle" ; and it pointed with satisfaction to "efl^orts of our party" during the last meeting of the legislature to accomplish this result. This, however, was typical bourbon procrasti- nation which, like French bourbonism before, waited until the inevitable reform came through the shock of inevitable political revo- lution. The platform commended the eflforts of senators and representatives in Congress from Nebraska to secure immediate issue of patents to lands earned by railroads in the state under the national land grants, with the intent that they should be subject to taxation. There was no declaration about money. The democratic state convention was held at C)maha, September 11th, James E. Boyd, chair- man. The convention united with the antimo- nopolist party in the distribution of the offices, candidates for secretary of state, attorney-gen- eral, treasurer, and two presidential electors being conceded to the democrats and the rest to their partners. J. Sterling Morton was for the third lime nominated for governor. This unequal yoking together of factions, to each other so notoriously unbelievers, returned to plague Morton when he assailed democratic and populist fusion "on principle" in 1894. Dawes received 72,835 votes ; Morton, 57,- 634 ; James G. Miller, prohibition, 3,075. The republican candidates for the offices of district attorney were elected in all of the ten judicial districts. Among all the monopolies the re- publican party monopoly was still supreme. The legislative amendment to the constitution was approved by a vote of 51,959 to 17,766. The executive amendment — for establishing a railroad commission — was defeated by a vote of 22.297 to 44,488. The contrast between the treatment of these two amendments illus- trates the still backward state of interest and intelligence touching the railroad question. The proposition for a railroad commission was at least equally as important as that to extend the session of the legislature. Both amend- ments lacked a constitutional majority. The POLITICAL HISTORY, 1882-1890 609 republican candidates for presidential electors received 76,912 votes ; the democratic candi- dates, 54,391 ; prohibition, 2,889. The progressive forces united in all of the three congressional districts and by nominat- ing progressive men gained a moral victory. In the first district Weaver, republican, held his place only by the slender margin of 22,644 votes over 21,669 for Charles H. Brown of Omaha. In the second district James Laird's prestige was crippled and the standard ma- jority alarmingly reduced by John H. Stickel's great vote of 17,650 to 21,182 for Laird; and in the third district George W. E. Dorsey was maimed for life by the vote of 20,671 cast for William Neville of North Platte, to 25,985 for himself. The eleventh legislature convened in the ninth regular session January 6, 1885. It finally adjourned March 5th, the forty-third day of the session. Lieutenant-Governor Shedd was president of the senate and Church Howe temporary president. The senate com- prised twenty-five republicans and eight demo- crats ; the house of representatives, seventy- nine republicans, twenty democrats, and one independent — William A. Poynter, after- ward governor of the state. Allen W. Field of Lancaster county was speaker of this body. The governor's message disclosed that the in- debtedness of the state was $499,267.35 — $449,267.35 in the form of funding bonds due April 1, 1897, and $50,000 in grasshopper re- lief bonds due March 1, 1885. It appears from the message that the number of students at the State University during the last term was 282 — at the newly established college of medicine, 54 ; that a contract had been let to W. H. B. Stout for the erection of the main building of the capitol for the consideration of $439,187.25; that a draft for $500, repre- senting the appropriation by the last legisla- ture toward the Lincoln monument fund, had been sent to Springfield ; that in September, 1883, $11,746.67 was received on account of the five per cent sale of federal lands in Ne- braska ; in June, 1884, $17,495.95, five per cent of the proceeds of the sale of the Pawnee reservation ; in November, 1884, $485 on ac- count of expenses incurred in suppressing In- dian hostilities. In September, 1882, $6,- 275.89 had been received from Pawnee sales, making a total of $23,770.42. A bill passed both houses of the legislature of 1883 appro- priating a half of the sum of $6,275.89 to Thomas P. Kennard, as a fee for collecting the same under an alleged agreement with Governor Furnas ; but it failed to become a law because the officers of the two houses neglected to sign it. The republican state convention for 1885 was held in Lincoln October 14th. Lorenzo Crounse pressed the election of John M. Thayer for temporary chairman of the con- vention ; but Thayer insisted that he did not desire the office, and Monroe L. Hayward of Otoe county was chosen over him by a vote of 318 to 143. Hayward was retained as per- manent chairman. Amasa Cobb was renomi- nated for judge of the supreme court without opposition and Charles H. Gere of Lancaster and Leavitt Burnham of Douglas, were nomi- nated for regents of the University by accla- mation. James L. Caldwell of Lancaster was chairman of the committee on resolutions, which were devoted to national questions, ex- cept the single declaration that if the act of the last legislature creating a railroad com- mission with advisory powers for regulation should be found inadequate, then the party stood pledged to sufficiently amend it. A resolution for a prohibition amendment which was innocently introduced was "rejected by an overwhelming vote." A resolution declar- ing that the tarift" on imports ought to be re- duced, temerariously introduced by Dominic G. Courtney, "was voted down enthusiasti- cally," in the State Journal's parlance. The democratic convention was held in Lin- coln October 15th. In the struggle between the Morton and Miller factions, now become chronic and acute, Albert W. Crites of Cass county and of the Miller clan, was elected chairman over Alfred W. Hazlett of Gage, by a vote of 230 to 148. Thomas O'Day of An- telope county introduced a resolution declar- ing that every democrat had a right to apply for an office and the state committee had no right to dictate or control federal appoint- ments. This was intended as a knock-out for 610 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Morton, who was chairman of the state com- mittee and who had been accused of using his official influence in procuring offices for his friends. But Morton executed a great coup by himself seconding the resolution. The republican state convention for 1886 was held at Lincoln September 29th. James Laird of Adams county was temporary chair- man and Archibald J. Weaver of Richardson, permanent chairman. On the informal ballot for governor, John M. Thayer received 306 votes; H. T. Clarke, 123; J. B. Dinsmore, Z7 \ Leander Gerrard, 27; John H. MacColl, 47; Thomas Appleget, 13. After this ballot John M. Thurston withdrew the name of Clarke, and Thayer was nominated by acclamation. There had been a general movement in favor of Thayer's nomination, partially due to the sympathy and the friendship of the old sol- dier element and in part due to the partiality of the corporations for Thayer, who was known to be at least innocuous. The platform avoided state issues and was a studied and specious condemnation of the democratic national administration. A mi- nority report by Charles H. Van Wyck, con- demning the state railroad commission and demanding its abolition, was rejected by a ma- jority of over a hundred and fifty. A resolu- tion condemning the commission, offered by Edward Rosewater, was safely referred to the committee of which Charles H. Gere was chairman. The then usual plank in praise of Irish home rule, Gladstone, and Pamell was inserted in the platform. A resolution favor- ing the submission to the people of an amend- ment to the constitution prohibiting the manu- facture, sale, or importation of spirituous, malt, or vinous liquors was adopted, after a very hot debate, by a vote of 341 to 189. The democratic convention was held at Hastings October 7th. It was called to order by James E. North, chairman of the state committee. General Milton M. Montgomery of Lancaster county was temporary chairman and Frank Martin of Richardson, permanent chairman. The convention was completely in the hands of the Boyd-Miller faction. G. E. Pritchett of Douglas county was chairman of the committee on resolutions which denounced prohibition and sumptuary laws ; insisted that the next legislature should pass laws abolish- ing the present oppressive freight rates and unjust discrimination, and that . Congress should give the interstate commerce commis- sion such power as to "relieve the people of the agricultural states from the thralldom of railroad monopoly." The expression of sym- pathy for Gladstone, Parnell, and the Irish people in the struggle for home rule which was to be inserted in many subsequent plat f onus of both parties was begun in this one. James E. North, of Columlnis, was nominated for governor by acclamation. There was a fac- tional fight in the convention over the manner of choosing a state committee and a mild obeisance to the Cleveland admonition against offensive partisanship in a letter sent by Stephen H. Calhoun. He had been appointed collector of internal revenue, and so, out of respect to the president's views, he had re- frained from attending the convention. The twelfth legislature met in the tenth regular session January 4, 1887, and finally adjourned March 31st, the sixty-second day of the session. The senate comprised twenty- five republicans and eight democrats; the house, seventy-one republicans, twenty-eight democrats, and one independent. George D. Meiklejohn of Nance county was elected temporary president of the senate and N. V. Harlan of York was speaker of the house. Governor Dawes stated in his message that the $50,000 relief bonds which matured March 1, 1885, had been paid from the sink- ing fund, leaving a state indebtedness of $449,267.35 in the form of twenty-year eight per cent bonds maturing April 1, 1897, and incurred before the restriction of the indebt- edness to $100,000 in the constitution of 1875. One hundred thousand dollars of the original amount of these bonds had been paid. The assessed value of the state in 1885 was $133,- 418,699.83, an increase of $9,802,812.98 since 1884. In 1886 it had increased to $143.- 932,570.51. The rate of taxation for state purposes for 1885 was seven and twenty-nine fortieths mills and in 1886 seven and five- eighths mills on each dollar of valuation. A census was provided for in the act of Febru- POLITICAL HISTORY, 1882-1890 611 ary 9, 1885, which appropriated the sum of $50,000 therefor. The work had been done under the superintendency of George B. Lane, the total cost being $39,774.35, of which the federal government paid $34,759.12 for prompt and accurate reports, leaving $5,015.23 as the actual cost to the state. There is irony in the statement of the governor that, "The original returns of enumeration and other original reports have been deposited for safe keeping in the office of the secretary of state as required by law." These reports were sub- sequently burned by carelessness or otherwise, so that there is no record of their important data available except fragmentary statements in the newspapers. The legislature authorized a recount of the vote on the legislative amendment to the con- stitution which resulted in counting it in. The counties of Arthur, Grant, McPherson, and Thomas were constituted. The act providing a charter for metropolitan cities, meaning Omaha, flouted the important principle of home rule by giving to the governor the ap- pointment of four members of the fire and police board, the mayor being the fifth mem- ber, ex officio. The "Nebraska Industrial Home" was authorized, the government to be under trustees of the "Woman's Associate Charities of the State of Nebraska," and $15,- 000 was appropriated for the site and build- ings. A "Bureau of Labor, Census and In- dustrial Statistics" was established, the com- missioner to receive a salary of $1,500 a year. "An Asylum for the Incurable Insane of Ne- braska" was established at Hastings on con- dition that not less than 160 acres of land should be donated for the purpose ; and $75,- 000 was appropriated for buildings. "The Nebraska State Board of Pharmacy" was es- tablished to consist of the attorney-general, secretary of state, auditor, treasurer, and com- missioner of public lands and buildings. The office of the state inspector of oils was estab- lished, carrying a salary of $2,000. The act of 1885 fixing classified passenger rates at three cents, three and one-half cents, and four cents per mile was amended by es- tablishing a general rate of three cents a mile. This was an important manifestation of a vital public opinion touching railroad legislation. An act was passed abolishing the board of railroad commissioners and establishing a "board of transportation." The Hatch bill, a law of Congress which appropriated $15,000 a year for carrying on experiment stations, was accepted on behalf of the State Univer- sity ; and the organization of the university battalion was styled "University Cadets." The republican state convention for 1887 was held at Lincoln October 5th. Luther W. Osbom of Washington county was tempo- rary chairman and George D. Meiklejohn of Nance county, permanent chairman. Judge Oliver P. Mason, in his characteristic vein, presented Samuel Maxwell for judge of the supreme court and he was nominated on the first ballot. Dr. B. B. Davis of Red Willow county and Dr. George Roberts of Knox, were nominated for regents of the University. H. C. Andrews of Buffalo county was chairman of the committee on resolutions. The plat- form expressed confidence in the existing board of transportation, but favored an elect- ive commission. It declared that it was gross- ly unjust that Nebraska should pay higher rates of transportation than Iowa, Minnesota, and Dakota. There were no other declara- tions on state questions. The usual approval of the struggle for Irish home rule was ex- pressed and Omaha was favored for the next republican national convention. A resolution introduced by Oliver P. Mason declaring that if the state supreme court should decide that the legislature had not conferred upon the board of transportation power to fix maximum freight charges the governor ought to call a special session for the purpose of doing so was debated fiercely until daylight when it was defeated by a vote of 280 to 244. A pro- hibition submission resolution was rejected also. The democratic convention was held at Omaha October 11th. Miles Zentmeyer of Colfax county was temporary and permanent chairman. Thomas O'Day of Antelope coun- ty was nominated for judge of the supreme court and Fred L. Harris of Valley and J. M. Slicker of Hitchcock, regents of the Univer- sity. The platform approved Cleveland's ad- 612 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ministration ; made a somewhat hazy declara- tion in favor of tariff reform ; called for strin- gent legislation against railroad discrimina- tion, demanding that "higher rates for freight and passengers must not be tolerated in Ne- braska than are charged in other states simi- larly situated." As in the republican plat- form, there was a sympathetic declaration for Gladstone, Parnell, and Irish home rule. The last prison contract bill passed by the legisla- ture was condemned, as also Governor Thayer for signing it. The platfonn was drafted by O'Day of the committee and George E. Pritchett of Omaha. The republican ticket was successful at the election. Maxwell re- ceived 86,725 votes; O'Day, 56,548; Joseph W. Edgerton, labor candidate, 2,653 ; E. S. Abbott, prohibitionist, 7,359. Republican candidates in the twelve judicial districts were all successful except two in the third — George W. Doane and Eleazer Wakeley, democrats, being elected. The republican state convention for 1888 was held at Lincoln August 23d. Judge Aaron Wall of Sherman county was elected tempo- rary chairman, receiving 395 votes against 273 cast for A. E. Cady of Howard county. The temporary organization was made per- manent. Governor Thayer was renominated without opposition, and a resolution favoring the submission of a prohibition amendment to the constitution was carried by a vote of 378 to 197. Lucius D. Richards of Dodge county succeeded Meiklejohn as chairman of the state committee. The declarations of the plat- form were almost all devoted to national ques- tions, among them a denunciation of capital organized in trusts — but it professed to ap- prove the acts of the railway commission and promised to carry out the correction of all evils. The repeated approval of the railroad commission by republicans was self-stultify- ing because the general want of public confi- dence which was soon to result in its aboli- tion was all along apparent. The democratic national administration was denounced "for its effort to destroy the bimetallic system of currency and restore the single gold standard for the sole benefit of importers and money lenders." The democratic convention was held at Lin- coln August 29th. Matt Miller of Butler county was temporary and permanent chair- man. John A. McShane was nominated for governor by acclamation and was pressed into acceptance much against his own wishes. A large element of the convention preferred that he should become a candidate for Congress again. Andrew J. Sawyer of Lancaster county was chairman of the committee on resolutions. The platform declared that the state was overrun by a band of Pinkerton de- tectives who intimidated peaceful citizens ; that republicans were responsible for this abuse and laws preventing it were demanded. The Mills tariff bill was approved, and Laird and Dorsey, members of Congress, were de- nounced for voting against free lumber and free salt. The regular Parnell and Gladstone plank was inserted. In the Herald's phrase, "The anti-prohibition plank elicited a roar of approval that made several republican audi- tors perceptibly shiver." The platform de- manded reform of railroad rates ; attacked the republican creature known as a "trust" ; fa- vored an elective railroad commission and arbitration of labor disputes. In the cam- paign the Omaha Herald made the most of the temporary lapse of the republicans to pro- hibition. It declared that "there are twenty- five thousand people in Nebraska driven here by the prohibition which threw a pall over the prosperity of Iowa. There are five thousand of these people in Omaha alone." These were of the thriftiest and most law-abiding class. "In the hope of catching the prohibition vote the republicans of Nebraska have consented to the exact course which was the initial step in Iowa. . . They think there is no danger that a sumptuary law will result, but there is." The vote for republican candidates for presi- dential electors was about 108,000 ; for demo- cratic candidates about 80,500. John M. Thayer, republican candidate for governor, re- ceived 103,983 ; John A. McShane. democrat. 85,420; George E. Bigelow, prohibitionist, 9,511; and David Butler, labor candidate, 3,941. The thirteenth legislature met in the elev- enth regular session January 1, 1889, and POLITICAL HISTORY, 1882-1890 613 finally adjourned March 30th, the sixty- seventh day. The senate contained twenty- seven republicans and six democrats. Politics was nominally clean-cut in this legislature, there being no hybrid factions ; but it was the result of a calm which preceded the storm soon to break. A diminishing number of democrats was ominous of the real alignment of 1890. George D. Meiklejohn, lieutenant- governor, was president of the senate, and Church Howe, temporary president. The house contained seventy-nine republicans, twenty democrats, and one union laborite. John C. Watson of Otoe county was speaker. Governor Thayer, in his message, alluded to the opposition, expressed by Attorney-Gen- eral Leese in his report, to the passage of the pending bill in Congress to extend the time for the payment of the debt of the Union Pa- cific railroad to the United States. The only fair method was to declare the company in- solvent and sell the road, and the state of Ne- braska should control it. The governor of course opposed this view in a long argument. He recommended the adoption of a constitu- tional amendment for an elective railroad com- mission, declaring that rates in Nebraska must be no higher than in Kansas, Iowa, and other states, and that the commission should have full power over the question of rates. He had appointed two democrats and two republicans as members of the Omaha fire and police com- mission. A great hue and cry had been raised against them by bad elements and the city, council but they had given the city the best force and police government it had ever had. The supreme court had sustained the law. The counties of Box Butte, Grant, Perkins, Rock, and Thomas had been organized dur- ing the last two years. Banner, Deuel, Scott's Bluff, and Kimball would complete their or- ganization by January 15th. The reactionary spirit of this legislature as well as the omi- nous fact that there was a strong minority in it determined upon effective railroad legisla- tion, is illustrated by the tone of a resolution offered by Senator Isaac M. Raymond and its fate at the hands of the senate. Laws were passed constituting Hooker and Thurston counties ; changing the liquor license law so as to give the board of fire and police commissioners of cities of the metropolitan class and an excise board in cities of the first class — more than 25,000 and less than 80,000 — power to grant licenses instead of "corpor- ate authorities" imder the old law ; interpolat- ing section 20, chapter 50, making the posses- sion of liquors without license a presumption that they are kept to be sold against the law ; and section 21 providing that at a hearing the magistrate might order the destruction of the liquors. Section 22 provided that after the defendant should be acquitted on a hearing the liquor should be returned to him, but if found guilty he should pay a fine and costs and a reasonable attorney's fee. Other laws were to compel trains to stop at crossings ; for a bounty of one cent a pound for sugar manufactured in the state from beets, sor- ghum, or other sugar canes or plants grown within the state ; taxing sleeping and dining cars used within the state but not owned by corporations within the state; appropriating $5,000 for beautifying the capitol grounds, to be expended under a landscape gardener ; con- stituting the first Monday in September a holi- day known as "Labor Day." Three amend- ments to the constitution were submitted ; one providing for the prohibition of the manufac- ture and sale of intoxicating liquor, another to increase the number of judges of the supreme court from three to five, and the third fixing the salary of the judges at $3,500 and of dis- trict judges at $3,000. Senate File 9, submit- ting an amendment providing for an elective board of railroad commissioners, and Senate File 238, for an appointed board, were merged, the merger — S. F. 238 — providing for three commissioners to be appointed by the govern- or and confirmed by the senate, for a term of two years. It passed the senate by a vote of 28 to 1, but it got no farther than the second reading in the house, where it was indefinitely postponed with all senate files on the last day of the session. The prohibition amendment was as follows : "The manufacture, sale and keeping for sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage are for- ever prohibited in this state, and the legisla- ture shall provide by law for the enforcement 614 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA of this provision." It passed the senate by a vote of 21 to 11, and the house by 60 to 38. Thus democrats were solidly on the negative side and republicans were seriously divided — which portended defeat. Cady offered an ad- ditional proposition as follows : "The manu- facture and sale and keeping for sale of in- toxicating liquors as a beverage shall be li- censed and regulated by law." This was car- ried by a vote of 58 to 40; and in the senate by 23 to 10: substantially the same members who had voted for the original proposition sustaining it. Whichever part of the dual amendment might be adopted would be section 27, article I of the constitution. Charles F. Manderson was elected United States senator on the first separate ballot, re- ceiving 76 votes in the house against 21 for John A. McShane and one for J. Sterling Morton ; and 27 in the senate against 6 for McShane. The republican convention for 1889 was held at Hastings October 8th. J. W. Bixler of Lincoln county was temporary and per- manent chairman. The question whether in- structions of a county convention that its delegates should fill vacancies should overrule a proxy — shutting out Patrick O. Hawes of Douglas — raised pandemonium in which Bixler collapsed. Church Howe taking his place. T. L,. Norval of Seward county was nominated for judge of the supreme court over Manoah B. Reese by a vote of 545 to 269. Charles H. Morrill of Polk and J. L. H. Knight of Custer, were nominated for regents of the University. Lucius D. Rich- ards was retained as chairman of the state committee. The platform contained no ref- erence to state issues and was composed of glittering generalities referring to corporations. The democratic convention was held at Omaha October 15th. Andrew J. Poppleton was temporary and permanent chairman. John H. Ames of Lancaster county was nominated for judge of the supreme court and W. S. McKenna of Adams and E. W. Hess of Platte, for regents. Dr. Luther J. Abbott of Fremont unjustly attacked Senator Manderson for drawing a pension and yet being able to get a nice insurance policy from a leading com- pany. J. Sterling Morton was chairman of the platform committee and William J. Bryan was also a member of it. The resolutions de- nounced the protective policy of the republican party as hostile to the interests of a purely agricultural commonwealth ; protested against appropriations to irrigate desert lands, there being already enough arable land to glut the home market for nearly all farm products ; de- nounced the sugar bounty law of the last ses- sion of the legislature; declared that there should be no substitution of land or money for private corporations and declared that a well regulated license law was the best solution of the liquor question. A union labor convention endorsed John H. Ames, democratic candidate, for judge of the supreme court, and nominated William Blakely and Omer M. Kem for regents of the Univer- sity. CHAPTER XXX The Populist Revolution — The Strangled State Election Contest oe 1890-1891 — De- feat OF THE Prohibition Amendment — Political Conventions and Elections, 1890 to 1892 — Legislatures of 1891 and 1893 — Election of William V. Allen, Populist, for United States Senator- — ^ Impeachment of State Officers THE populist revolution broke out with great force in 1890. The Alliance, a weekly paper published in Lincoln and the organ of the new movement, printed a mani- festo signed by J. M. Thompson, secretary of the State Alliance, and also signed by the sec- retary of the State Assembly of the Knights of Labor, urging preliminary arrangements for the calling of a convention and for fixing the ratio of representation. On the 28th of June, 1890, John H. Powers, president, and J. M. Thompson, secretary, and Jay Burrows, chairman of the state executive committee, issued a statement that "originally a call was issued by the Alliance men of several counties for a distinctively Alliance convention. This not being thought in ac- cordance with the constitution and it being feared that such a convention might disrupt the Alliance, its promoters thought it best to withdraw their call, and a declaration of prin- ciples and petition for the People's Indepen- dent convention was sent out." The new manifesto stated that "while the state Alliance is not a political party, its objects are political reform." It stated that the Alliance had 70,- 000 members in Nebraska, and that 20,000 men had pledged themselves to support the ticket. The Alliance of July 12th pointed out that the Omaha Republican had suddenly flopped to prohibition ; so that between that organ and the Bee, which was violently opposed to pro- hibition, voters might be caught coming and going. The railroads were straining every nerve to make prohibition the main issue to divert attention from themselves. In th e same issue was published a set of typical reso- lutions adopted fjy the South Platte Alliance. They demanded the immediate restoration of silver to its legal tender function and its free and unlimited coinage ; government ownership of railroads to be operated at actual cost for the benefit of the people; endorsed the pro- posal of Senator Stanford to loan money on real estate at one per cent or two per cent per annum ; declared that the government should issue paper money direct to the people ; pledged themselves to support for any legislative or congressional office only members of their order and whose record showed them faithful to the cause of labor; demanded that trans- portation rates be immediately reduced to cor- respond with lov/a rates ; favored the adop- tion of the Australian ballot and the pro- HTbitTon a mendment ; and declared that under the existing license system farmers were taxed to support the cities. This last com- plaint was loudly repeated in the county op- tion campaign of 1910; but it could not bear logical analysis. The people's independent congressional con- vention for the third district was made up of one delegate for every twenty members or major fraction of the Alliance, Knights of Labor assemblies, trades unions, and labor clubs, every organization or sub-organization of such classes being entitled to at least one delegate. The call for the Lancaster county convention specified the representation from 616 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA every precinct, but it had been calculated on the strength of the farmers', trades, and labor organizations. The president and secretary of the Beulah Alliance stated that J. F. Dietz, an extensive dealer in lumber, had tried to stop Alliance agents at Clarks from buying it at wholesale rates and he appealed to the Ne- braska Lumber Dealers' Association for pro- tection. The independent convention of Fill- more county declared that license moneys should go to counties instead of cities or towns ; that all property should be assessed at its full value and that the mortgage or note indebtedness should be subtracted from the (assessed value. The Alliance of July 26th ad- vised, as a matter of policy, against inserting a prohibition plank in the state platform ; and ! thus earl}- the imperious and doughty, but ' faithful editor — Burrows — was obliged to I castigate Craddock for recreancy in making a ! row about unfair apportionment in the call for the convention, though he had joined Burrows in signing it. The people's independent state convention met at Lincoln July 29, 1890. It was called to order by John H. Powers of Hitchcock county, president of the State Farmers' Alliance. Allen Root of Douglas county was temporary and permanent chairman, and Charles M. May- bern,' of Pawnee was temporary and perma- nent secretary of the convention. John H. Powers was nominated for governor ; Wilham H. Dech of Saunders, lieutenant-governor; Charles M. Mayberry, Pawnee, secretary of state; Jacob V. Wolfe, Lancaster, treasurer; Joseph W. Edgerton, Douglas, attorney-gen- eral ; John Batie, Wheeler, auditor ; W. F. Wright, Nemaha, commissioner of public lands and buildings ; A. D'Allemand, Furnas, super- intendent of public instruction. Charles H. Van Wyck was the principal competitor of Powers for the governorship, receiving 390 votes to 474 for Powers. At the close of the state convention Van Wyck was nominated unanimously for candidate for Congress in the first district, but he declined the secondary honor. The platform declared that our financial system should be reformed by the restoration of silver to its old time place in our currency and its free and unlimited coinage on an equality with gold, and by increasing money circulation until it reaches the sum of $50 per capita. All paper issues necessary to se- cure that amount should be made by the gov- ernment alone and be full legal tender. Land monopolies should be stopped either by limi- tation of ownership or graduated taxation. Public ownership and operation of railroads and telegraphs and the reduction of freight rates in Nebraska to the Iowa level ; reform of the tariff; eight hours a day for labor ex- cept in agriculture, and the Australian ballot were demanded. The temperance question was jiidiciously dodged in accordance with the admonition of the, party organ, which held that it was not a practicable issue at that time. Prompted partly by fear of the populist up- rising and partly by an independent reform spirit, a group of republicans assembled at the Capital Hotel in Lincoln on the 27th of March to consider ways and means of action. A committee, consisting of Daniel M. Nettle- ton of Clay county, Charles K. Keckley of York, William Leese (attorney-general) of Lancaster, J. R. Sutherland of Burt, and J. R. Ballard of Fillmore, reported an address which asseverated that "the time has come when an earnest protest should be made against the domination of corporate power in the repub- lican party" and, in support of this bold avowal, that in the convention of 1889 "the railroad managers, by the aid of 286 proxies, made good their threat and defeated Judge Reese for renomination as a judge of the su- preme court, and the treasurer of the Bur- lington & Missouri railroad company and the railroad attorneys, division superintendents, roadmasters and section bosses, by passes and other means, induced many county delegations to violate the instructions of their county con- ventions in favor of Judge Reese" ; that "a part of the earnings of the railroads are being used to subsidize the public press" ; and that there were many more outrages of the sort well known to the people of the state. The ad- dress called a mass convention to meet in Lin- coln on the 20th of May. The convention duly assembled and seventy republicans signed a test of good faith. THE POPULIST REVOLUTION 617 The resolutions adopted by the convention viewed "with alarm the intense discontent among republican voters of the state, chiefly due to the mischievous and demoralizing inter- ference of corporations," and demanded that they should go out of politics ; denounced rail- road passes distributed for political purposes as a species of bribery and demanded their prohibition under severe penalties ; demanded the enactment of a maximum railroad rate bill, inasmuch as the state board of transportation had failed to exercise the authority vested in it ; the national convention of 1888 having pledged the republican party to a reduction of import duties, "as republicans we request our delegates in congress to oppose the McKinley bill in its present form." The last resolution provided for a committee of fifteen to draft an address and to urge the republican state com- mittee to fix the date of the state convention not later than July 8th and from which prox- ies should be excluded. The call for the con- vention yielded to the anti-proxy demand, but conserved its dignity by fixing the date of the convention at July 23d, thus disregarding the letter but yielding to the spirit of the specific demand for an early convention. Mr. Rich- ards, chairman of the state committee, was also to be the convention's nominee for gov- ernor. In the meantime the insurgent com- mittee of fifteen had attended a meeting of the regular state committee where differences were formally adjusted. On the 24th of May Governor Thayer cre- ated great consternation in the republican party and general disapproval by issuing a call for an extra session of the legislature to con- vene on the 5th of June. The objects of the session were to pass a maximum railroad rate law and abolish the board of transportation, to adopt the Australian ballot, and to consider and give expression in favor of an increase in the volume of currency and of the free coin- age of silver. It was rather vociferously al- leged in some quarters that this surprising coup was due to Church Howe's cunning and his influence over the governor exercised with some ulterior personal motive. But the blame — for the move was generally condemned — was probably placed at Howe's door because, on general principles, that was at least an ap- propriate or natural place for it. The gov- ernor had shown symptoms of senility before he was fixed upon for his office, and it is not improbable that this condition was an impor- tant, if not the governing test of eligibility ap- plied by the astute party managers. The prev- alent political disquietude excited in him a childlike desire to make a master stroke; and it would be a natural impulse or part of the game to keep his project a secret until it was suddenly sprung. As a sensation-monger the call must have fully met the governor's fond- est expectations ; but a prompt and positive outburst of public disapproval, and especially from men and interests whom he could not disregard, obscured his brilliant rocket in its upward flight and forced from him a recall before the end of a week which brought it down truly like a stick. The miscarriage did not, however, change the governor's status ; for the public saw that he had merely slipped his leading strings. The question was deri- sively asked by the opposition why the legisla- ture, which so lately had conspicuously refused to enact the proposed laws in a regular ses- sion, could be expected to pass them in a spe- cial session. The governor chose to assign as reasons for his act of revocation, which was issued May 31st, that many members had be- come disqualified and that several vacancies had actually occurred which, according to the statute, would have to be filled by special elec- tions before a special session could be lawfully held. The Omaha Republican insisted that the party could not properly be blamed for the governor's "exhibition of puerility," and more than hinted that he had not given the real reasons for the recall which ought not to have been issued. The Bee feared that the governor had made a very serious mistake ; but it commended his wisdom in rectifying the mistake, alleging that public sentiment was "overwhelmingly opposed to an extra session." It declared that "the jubilation exhibited by the leading democratic organ over the prospect of a costly legislative fizzle and its frantic ef- fort to counteract the sentiment in favor of revocation was in itself a very tangible reason for the governor's action." This journal did 618 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA not oppose the proposal of the call that the leg- islature should urge Congress to provide more money and for free coinage of silver or for the enactment of a maximum freight rate law, but it contended that, confronted with full local and national tickets and three amend- ments to the constitution, voters ought not to be further puzzled by a new imported ballot. The republican state convention was held at Lincoln July 23d. Lucius D. Richards of Dodge county was nominated for governor on the third formal ballot, receiving 447 votes against 219 for John H. MacColl of Dawson county, and 143 for Dr. Samuel D. Mercer of Douglas. On the informal ballot John M. Thayer received 139 votes; Manoah B. Reese, 29; Thomas J. Majors, 41; Samuel D. Mer- cer, 47. Charles E. Magoon of Lancaster county was chairman of the committee on reso- lutions. The railroad plank in demanding a reduction of freight and passenger rates to correspond with rates now prevailing in ad- jacent states in the Mississippi valley, thereby virtuallv repudiating its innocuous commis- sion policy, indicated an awakening to real conditions in the old party. But it preserved its fatuous bourbonism in the tabling, by a vote of 486 to 330. of a resolution declaring that the state board of transportation had ig- nored the just demands of the people for re- lief from extortion and demanding their cen- sure. The old party did leap forward to de- mand the Australian ballot and the abolition of free passes by proper legislation. On the monev question it incHned its ear to a rapidly growing popular sentiment in the state rather than to sound, long-run financial principles by demanding that efforts to fully remonetize silver should be continued tmtil it was put upon a perfect equality with gold as a money metal. The tariff plank was inane. A vital- ized offering by Edward Rosewater, which de- manded a free list, including lumber, sugar, wool, woolen goods in common use, salt, coal, and iron was, according to the report of the State Journal, "overwhelmingly rejected. "_5^ resolution favoring the prohibition amend- ment, the .submission of which the preceding convention had favored, was sidetracked in the committee. In the complication of issues it may not be doginatically asserted that this timid hesitancy was fatal to the fortunes of Mr. Richards in the election ; but it is prob- ably true. Though, according to opposing newspapers, including the Bee. he was "a rail- road man," he was of larger parts than the average governor of Nebraska. The democratic convention was held at Omaha August 14th, and William G. Hastings of Saline county was its temporary and per- manent chairman. James E. Boyd was nom- inated for governor on the first ballot, receiv- ing 440 votes to 109 for John E. Shervin of Dodge county, a strong "Morton man." The platform was mainly devoted to national ques- tions. It declared for free coinage of silver on its former footing with gold ; against sump- tuary legislation — but inconsistently ap- proved high license ; taunted the republicans for dodging the prohibition issue in its late convention after having brought about its sub- mission ; declared for the election of United States senators by the people and for the Australian ballot ; and denounced the mainte- nance of a state militia and demanded its abolition. The campaign was signalized and, needless to say, enlivened by the nomination of William J. Bryan for member of Congress in the first district. The congressional convention was held at Lincoln July ^Oth and Mr. Bryan was nominated on the first formal ballot, receiving 137 votes to 21 for M. V. Gannon of Douglas county. Mr. Bryan's platform declared for the "free coinage of silver on equal terms with gold," and for the election of United States senators by the people. Gilbert L. Laws was elbowed out of the nomination for the long term in the second district, owing largely if not mainly to the persistent opposition of the Omaha Bee, which was an ardent supporter of Harlan of York. The Bee strenuously ap- pealed to Nebraska farmers to keep out of the independent movement, which it declared was only a conspiracy of ambitious politicians against the old party. In its issue of October 20, 1890, it published an impassioned letter from General Van Wyck, addressed to George W'. Blake, chairman, and C. H. Pirtle, secre- tary of the people's independent state commit- STATE ELECTION, 1890 619 tee. They had sent out a letter saying that "it having- been evident that Mr. Van Wyck has turned squarely against the independent movement, we recommend that he be not in- vited to address independent meetings nor given any opportunity to use his unfriendly in- fluence." In his reply, General Van Wyck at- tacked Burrows as a malicious dictator and charged that a shameful gerrymander had been made in the southwest counties in the interest of Powers and the rest of the cabal. He also pointed out that he himself was the first to de- clare for independent action by the Alliance and that Burrows was driven into it only after the people had held county and congressional conventions. In its next issue the Bee de- fends and applauds Van Wyck. Owing to the "state of his health, the demands of of- ficial duties and the condition of his private alTairs" Senator Paddock was unable to per- sonally participate in the campaign, but con- fined his activities to correspondence. His pronunciamento was especially untimely — ■ characteristically slipshod and evasive. The virgin campaign of the populists dis- closed a fresh phase of American political temperament. It was a composite of Hugo's pictures of the French Revolution and a wes- tern religious revival. The popular emotion more nearly approached obsession than it had theretofore seemed possible for the American temperament to permit it to do. The public meetings, while less sanguinary, were in tem- per reminders of those of the great Revolution. "These unequal events, seriously threatening all benefits at once, outburst of mad progress, boundless and unintelligible improvement." There was among them a French, rather than an American comradery. "They no longer said gentleman and lady, but citizen and citizeness." The sudden attitude of scornful irreverence toward the old "God and Moral- ity" party, till then held sacred, was startling. "They danced in ruined cloisters with church lamps on the altar . . . ; they tilled the public gardens ; they ploughed up the gardens of the Tuileries. . . Playing cards too were in a state of revolution. Kings were replaced by genii; Queens by the Goddess of Liberty; Knaves by Equality personified ; and aces by characters representing law." To express and stimulate their spirit the French populists had "liberty caps" ; the American, a "liberty build- ing." Their great political gatherings had the air and ardor of old-time camp meetings. Their favorite orators spoke with religious unction, sometimes supplemented by the lay- ing on of hands. At a Wymore mass meeting in September there were ten hundred and fif- teen teams in line "by actual count," and nine thousand people ; at Hastings the same week, sixteen hundred teams and twelve thousand people. A demonstration in Lincoln, the enemy's country, in crowds and pageantry rivaled a circus parade and in enthusiasm a Bryan homecoming. Though the temper of the movement was overheated and the public speeches were more or less irrational and visionary, yet, as a whole and in general, it was not ill-tempered ; it knew what it wanted and went to the mark ; and within twenty years its demands — ■ except as to the money policy — were substantially complied with so far as the forms of law could grant them. Relative to conditions, the populist revolution was as fruit- ful as its French prototvpe. The Bee's efforts in the campaign were de- voted more to defeating the prohibition amend- ment than to any other question. The elections were all but a clean sweep against the republi- cans, democrats and populists dividing the re- sults of the victory. Boyd, democratic candi- date for governor, received 71,331 votes: Powers, people's independent, 70,187; Rich- ards, republican, 68,878 ; B. L. Paine, prohibi- tionist, 3,676. The rest of the republican state ticket was successful by small majorities, rang- ing from 3,000 to 4,000. The republican can- didates were defeated in every congressional district. The vote in the first district was, Bryan, democrat. 32,376; William J. Connell, republican, 25,663 ; Allen Root, people's inde- pendent, 13,066 ; E. H. Chapman, prohibition- ist, 1,670. In the second district William A. McKeighan, democrat and independent, 36,- 104; N. V. Harlan, republican, 21,776; and L. B. Palmer, prohibitionist, 1,220. In the third district, Omer M. Kem, 31,831 ; George W. E. Dorsey, republican, 25,440; William H. 620 HISTORY OF NEl'RASKA Thompson, democrat, 22,353 ; VV. L. Pierce, prohibitionist, 961. It was generally charged and believed that the vote of Douglas county was corruptly swollen to insure the defeat of the prohibition amendment. Comparison of votes cast at the election of 1890 with those for two years pre- ceding and two years following seems to sus- tain the belief. In 1888 the total vote cast for state officers was 202,855, of which Douglas county cast 10.6 per cent. In 1889 the total vote was 169,733, Douglas county casting 7.5 per cent. In 1890 the total vote was 214,072, of which Douglas cast 12.2 per cent. In 1891 the total vote was 156,080; Douglas county, 11.8 per cent. In 1892 the total vote was 197,- 473 ; Douglas county, 11.2 per cent. The total vote cast in 1890 was 8.4 per cent in excess of the total vote in 1892. The vote cast in Doug- las county in 1890 was 17.5 per cent in excess of the vote of the county in 1892. The vote on the prohibition amendment for the whole state was 82,292 for and 111,728 against. The vote of Douglas county was 1,555 for and 23,918 against. The fourteenth legislature convened in the twelfth regular session on the 6th of January, 1891, and finally adjourned April 4th, the sev- enty-first day. The senate comprised eighteen independents, eight democrats, and seven re- publicans, the independents having a majority of three. In the house there were fifty-four independents, twenty-five democrats, and twenty-one republicans, yielding the inde- pendents a clear majority of eight. Samuel M. Elder, independent, of Clay county, was elected speaker, receiving 54 votes to 25 cast for Frank E. White, democrat, of Cass coun- ty, and 20 for J. O. Cramb, republican, of Jefferson county. The independents took all the offices of both houses for themselves. On the request of the joint convention for the opinion of the attorney-general as to the legal power of the convention to proceed to open, publish, and canvass the election re- turns, that officer expressed the belief that it would be better for the legislature to submit to the order of the supreme court until a bet- ter remedy could be obtained ; that the court has stated as law that the first duty of the legislature is to open, publish, and canvass the returns ; and that the speaker is the pre- siding officer. To the Cjuery of Senator Ste- vens as to whether tlie supreme court had de- cided that the speaker of the house is the pre- siding officer at this time, the attorney-gen- eral replied: "I understand that it is the judg- ment of the Supreme Court that no other officer is recognized — that the speaker of the House is the presiding officer." Whereupon the con- vention took a recess until half past two o'clock in the afternoon. On reassembling the secretary of the senate read a communication from the attorney-general in which he said that his former statement that the supreme court had decided that the speaker of the house should preside at the joint session was Ijased upon misinformation and that the court had not passed upon that question. Where- upon the returns of the election were brought by the secretary of state and delivered to the speaker. The lieutenant-governor insisting ui)on presiding over the proceedings. Senator Stevens offered a formal protest declaring that the assumption of the lieutenant-governor was in violation of section 67, chapter 26, of the compiled statutes of Nebraska for 1887. The speaker then canvassed the returns from the several counties and after delivering them to the secretary, declared as follows : : By virtue of my position as speaker of the House of Representatives of the state of Ne- braska and in accordance with a resolution of this joint convention I have opened the returns of the general election held on the 4th day of November, 1890, within and for the state of Nebraska and to me directed and now publish and declare that James E. Boyd for governor; T. J. Majors for lieutenant governor ; John C. Allen, for secretary of state ; T. H. Benton for auditor of public accounts ; J. E. Hill for treasurer ; C H. Hastings for attorney gener- al : A. R. Humphrey for commissioner of pub- lic lands and buildings ; A. K. Goudy for superintendent of public instruction ; W. J. Bryan for congressman from the first district ; W. A. McKeighan for congressman from the second district; O. M. Kem for congressman from the tliird district, all having received the highest numl)cr of votes cast were duly elect- ed. On the 26th of January the senate passed a resolution, by a \ote of 23 to 8, recognizing STATE ELECTION CONTEST 621 James E. Boyd as governor and asking for the appointment of a committee of two to wait upon him and ascertain whether he had a mes- sage to deliver and to appoint a time to hear it and asking that the house appoint a similar committee. On the 28th the house, by a vote of 52 to 42, tabled a resolution to appoint a committee to act with the senate committee, on the ground that Boyd was not rightfully governor ; but, after further consideration, on the 4th of Feb- ruary it agreed to such an arrangement by a vote of 55 to 42, and February 6th was fixed upon for the function. An arrangement to hear the outgoing governor's customary fare- well message was easily made, because, at the time, he was content to be called ex-governor, while there was stout rebellion against recog- nizing Boyd. The attempt of the supreme court to coerce or interfere with the action of a coordinate body in commanding the legislature to canvass the votes was probably usurpation, as Shra- der's resolution characterized it. The persis- tent attempt of Meiklejohn to preside over the joint convention united specious bravado with usurpation which due courage and ability on the part of the speaker might have prevented and properly rebuked. The result of this un- warrantable interference on the part of the court and president of the senate did a great injustice to the independent contestants, as there was certainly good ground for a very general belief that an investigation of the elec- tion in Douglas county would have seated them. It is at least doubtful that the decision that a resolution fixing a day for hearing the con- test required executive signature was sound : and the consideration that an affirmative inter- pretation handed over to a party to the con- test power to block it by refusing to sign the resolution it seems should have constrained the court to give the reasonable side, in ef- fect, the benefit of the doubt. But courts elected on partisan tickets naturally respond to party exigencies. In the first instance, the feeling of the court, for obvious reasons, pre- ferred the democratic Boyd to the populist Powers ; and so it had the courage of its feel- ings and Boyd went up. In the second in- stance, the court preferred the republican Thayer to the democratic Boyd and again it had the courage of its feelings and Boyd was down — until the federal Supreme Court, too remote for small partisanship, picked him up again. The plain moral is that in pure politi- cal procedure like this the court should be kept out altogether, as in all states with mod- ern constitutions. While the independents were disconcerted, they were not deterred by the interference of the court ; and so on the 30th of January the house, by a vote of 74 to 18, passed a concur- rent resolution designating February 17th as the day for hearing the contest ; but the fine and final work was done in the senate when, on the 11th of February, it was rejected, 11 to 14, three independent senators — Collins of Gage, Turner of Saline, and Thayer of Loup — being the recreants. Even though in parti- san war it was fair for democratic and re- publican members to deny the contestants a hearing of their cause, which it might be diffi- cult to maintain, yet the independents who voted to deny that constitutional right clearly deserved the accusations of treachery and cor- ruption which their fellow partisans heaped upon them. The testimony taken had at least colorably sustained the independent charges of fraud at the elections. Mr. Powers issued a dignified remonstrance against the denial of the forms of justice. "Every citizen has a sacred right to be heard before the judicial tribunal provided for his relief. . . The secretary of state said that James E. Bovd received 1,114 more votes than I did. I have proved that over 2,000 persons were bribed in Douglas county to vote for Boyd, and that over 1,300 of them voted in Omaha." Whether a trial of the cause would have sustained this contention or changed the practical result may always remain an open question, but that there was a scandalous miscarriage of justice in de- nying the trial there can be no doubt. The Farmers' Alliance naturally emptied most of its vials of wrath on the three recreant inde- pendents ; Rarely does it happen when the interests of the corporations and the money power are 622 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA pitted against the interests of the people that traitors are not found to betray the latter. The Judas who took the thirty pieces of silver and by kisses betrayed the Savior of mankind — betrayed the divine man who by his teachings has always stood by the great plain people — has found his vile counterpart throughout all the ages. He has been here in Lincoln through the contest. He had three doubles in the Sen- ate. . . We dislike to defile our pages with their names. Collins made a weak attempt to justify his course, but it placed him in a worse plight than Turner's silence left him ; and Taylor shirked the ordeal altogether by flight. The full force of conventional cunning and all the arts of scared capitalism were turned against the all but untutored populists. The World- Herald openly, and the Bcc really were for Boyd, while the State Journal, if not warmly for Thayer, was hotly against the populists. Of the larger dailies, the Lincoln Daily Call alone battled for a fair and square deal. For effect the independents were constantly called prohibitionists by their allied op- ponents. On the 6th of February Governor Boyd de- livered a business-like message to the legisla- ture. He counseled acceptance of the decision of the people against prohibition of the liquor traffic and gave cautionary advice as to rail- road legislation. "The people," he said, "ap- pear to regard the present board of transpor- tation as having accomplished little or nothing in their behalf. Their interests might, and doubtless would, be better subserved by the creation of such a commission as exists in the neighboring state of Iowa. Your right to es- tablish maximum tariff rates is not denied. Such legislation, however, is deemed to rest on delicate ground, because of the vast diver- sity of commodities and the many peculiar and distinguishing features which enter into the carrying trade. The present board of transportation has the right to establish rea- sonable maximum rates though it has never exercised its authority. If your honorable body, however, should decide to take this matter in hand, I would respectfully suggest that your work in that direction be confined to a limited number of commodities in carload lots such as coal, grain, live stock, lumber and others." He recommended the passage of an Aus- tralian ballot law and strongly argued that presidential electors should be chosen by con- gressional districts. Deprecating the fact that a proposed amendment to the constitution to provide for two more judges of the supreme court had been defeated, he advised calling a convention for a general revision of the con- stitution. The governor congratulated the people over the fact that peace with the Indians had been restored, after the ill-starred Wounded Knee campaign, without the loss of a man killed in battle. It had not been his intention to recall the Nebraska National Guards until the In- dians had been disarmed, and he had sent a telegram to that effect to Brigadier-General Colby January 13th ; but it was received after Major-General Miles had informed Colby that he could safely withdraw his troops and he had already ordered the Nebraska National Guards to their homes. The legislature promptly repealed the sugar bounty law of 1889, the measure passing the house by a vote of 78 to 16 and the senate by 25 to 6. The nays in the house comprised five democrats, eight republicans, and three independents ; in the senate, one democrat and five republicans, thus the repeal was mainly a party measure. Boyd county was constituted out of unorganized territory. The most im- portant measure of the session, probably, was the Australian ballot act which both of the old parties also had promised. The bill was introduced by W. F. Porter of Merrick county, as house roll 141. It passed the house by a vote of 80 to 20 and in the senate it re- ceived 32 ayes and no nays. Of the 20 nays in the house thirteen were independents, four tlemocrats, and three republicans. Fifteen of these were farmers. Congressional districts were apportioned, the number being raised from three to six on account of the increase in population as shown by the census of 1890. Judicial districts were increased from twelve to fifteen. An act was passed requiring that railroad stations .should be given the same names as towns in which they are situated. LEGISLATURE OF 1891 623 The state board of health was established, consisting of the governor, attorney-general, and superintendent of public instruction ; and the act provided that the board should have four physicians as secretaries to assist and ad- vise it. A "Girls' Industrial School for Juve- nile Delinquents" was established at Geneva, on condition that forty acres of land should be donated therefor : and an appropriation was made of $40,000 for the erection of build- ings and maintenance. The sum of $100,000 was appropriated from the state treasury "for the immediate relief of the drouth stricken counties of the state of Nebraska." A "relief commission" was created by the same act, con- sisting of Samuel AI. Elder, Luther P. Lud- den, R. R. Greer, Louis Meyer, George W. Martin, John Fitzgerald, Andrew J. Sawyer, Charles W. Mosher, J. W. Hartley, W. N. Nason. The act provided that county com- missioners, county clerks, and sheriffs should distribute supplies furnished by the relief commission. Bonds to the amount of $100,- 000, to run five years at four per cent interest, were authorized ; and the governor was em- powered to appoint, with the consent of the senate, a "board of relief" of nine members, who should sell the bonds and deposit the pro- ceeds in the state treasury for the use of the relief commission. A tax of one-eighth of a mill was levied, for the interest and principal of the relief bonds. County boards were au- thorized to use the surplus general funds of the county to buy food, fuel, seed grain, and food for teams and sell them to the needy families at cost, taking promissory notes run- ning three years with interest payable an- nually. County boards were also authorized to issue bonds, not to exceed in amount three per cent of the assessed valuation of the county or $20,000 in the aggregate, for providing seed and feeding teams for raising crops in 1891. This authority required a majority vote, and the bonds were to be payable in ten years and draw interest at a rate not over seven per cent. A depository law which was destined to cause much loss and trouble was passed. It autho- rized state and county treasurers to deposit current funds in state or national banks, three per cent interest to be paid therefor on daily balances. Personal bonds approved by the governor, secretary of state, and attorney-gen- eral were required. It was bad policy on general principles to loan public money upon personal bonds, but the conjunction of drouth and panic illustrated this truth in an unex- pected and harmful manner. The sum of $50,000 was appropriated for an exhibit at the World's Columbian Exposition, and the gov- ernor was authorized to appoint six commis- sioners, two from each congressional district and two of them from each of three par- ties, with compensation of $5 a day for actual time devoted to duties, and traveling expenses. The sum of $24,000 was appropriated to pay the militia and its maintenance, and $13,200 for railroad transportation on account of the Wounded Knee Indian campaign. The sum of $300 was allowed to each executive officer for attorney's fees in the election contest, Majors getting $125 for witness and sheriiT's fees also ; to John H. Powers $300 for at- torney fees and $250 for witness and sheriff's fees; to Boyd $100 and Dech $125 for wit- ness and sheriff's fees ; and from $250 to $350 each to eleven notaries public and lesser sums to two others ; also $5,000 for reporting and transcribing testimony. It was left to the so-called revolutionary populist movement to respond in a material or practical way to the long continued popular demand for railroad legislation ; and, notwith- standing the doubtful propriety of reform by this necessarily somewhat crude method, the measure at least deserves that credit. The Newberry bill (H. R. 12), so called because it was introduced by Representative Newberry, was passed in the house by a vote of 78 to 17 and in the senate by 23 to 7. Boyd belonged to the class, distinctive at the time, known as railroad men ; so that his veto of the bill was not a surprise but, on the contrary, was expected. Notwithstanding that the bill was necessarily crude in form and that it might be unfair to the railroads, yet it was the deliberate response to the explicit demand of the majority party represented in the legis- lature, and also to the republican platform. The veto, therefore, was in derogation of the spirit of modern representative government. 624 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA and it was rightfully resented as such. Ac- cordingly it was an act of political suicide on the part of the governor, and it emasculated his party besides. Disapproval of the veto was so strong that J. Sterling Morton, in spite of his fixed opposition to legislation of that sort, could, as he did, publicly denounce it, as bad oarty policy, at once thereby getting re- venge out of his political enemy and gaining such popular approval as to be unanimously nominated as Boyd's successor. The republican convention for 1891 was held at Lincoln September 24th. George H. Thum- mel of Hall county was temporary and perma- nent chairman. Alfred M. Post of Platte county was nominated for judge of the su- preme court on the fourth formal ballot, re- ceiving 294 votes to 135 for M. B. Reese, 126 for Amasa Cobb, the incumbent of the office, and 17 for Judge William H. Morris of Sa- line county. The platform was devoted espe- cially to national questions. It approved the silver coinage law of the administration "by which the entire product of the silver mines of the United States is added to the currency of the people," but denounced the democratic doctrine of free and unlimited coinage, and it repeated the usual generalities about railroad control. John L. Webster of Douglas county was chairman of the committee on resolutions and Charles H. Gere was also a member of the committee. H. B. Shumway of Dixon county and C. H. Marple of Douglas were nominated for regents of the University. The democratic convention was held at Grand Island September 17th. Frank P. Ire- land was president of the convention. Judge Jeliferson H. Broady was nominated for judge of the supreme court and F. A. Brogan and S. F. Henniger for regents of the University — all by acclamation. Judge Broady resolutely declined to accept the nomination, and the democratic organization favored giving the support of the party to Edgerton, the people's party candidate. The platform condemned the state board of transportation for "refusing in the face of overwhelming demands to fix reasonable freight rates and give the people relief from exorbitant transportation charges" and declared in favor of a constitutional amendment providing for three elective rail- road commissioners. It declared for a tariff for revenue limited to the necessities of the government economically administered and tlie election of United States senators by popu- lar vote. It favored "a law establishing rea- sonable maximum freight rates." The friends of Governor Boyd in the convention wished to endorse his recent veto of the Newberry maximum freight bill, notwithstanding that it had been denounced by nearly all the demo- cratic newspapers of the state; but, largely through Bryan's influence, the question was left without action. The World-Herald, which disapproved the veto, sharply and just- ly criticised the convention for dodging the issue. The first sharp contest between the gold democrats and Mr. Bryan and his follow- ing upon the money question occurred at this convention. He proposed a plank advocating the free and unlimited coinage of silver; but most of the Lancaster delegates stood stoutly against the proposal, and a compromise was agreed upon to strike out "and unlimited" so that the plank read: "We favor the free coinage of silver." The people's independent convention was held at Hastings August 18, 1891, seventy- eight counties being represented by over six hundred delegates. William A. Poynter, then a state senator from Boone county, was chair- man, and C. H. Pirtle secretary of the conven- tion. Joseph W. Edgerton was nominated for judge of the supreme court, without opposi- tion, and A. D'Allemand of Furnas, and E. A. Hadley of Greeley, for regents of the Univer- sity. The platform contained the now recog- nized orthodox planks of the populist faith — • all money to be issued by the government ; abolition of national bank currency ; free and unlimited coinage of silver; no alien owner- ship of land ; graduated taxation of incomes ; government ownership of all means of public communication and transportation ; election of president, vice president, and United States senators directly by the people. It denounced the veto of the maximum freight rate bill and expressed sympathy for laborers in their ef- forts to enforce the eight-hour law. .\fter a ■iirulent campaign in which the IVorld-Hcrald POLITICAL CONVENTIONS, 1892 625 insisted that the judicial contest was a sharply defined railroad issue and, in particular, in- dulged in violent personal attacks upon Judge Post, he was elected, receiving 76,447 votes against 72,311 cast for Edgerton. If the inde- pendents had nominated a stronger lawyer than Edgerton fusion would have been suc- cessful. Mrs. Ida M. Bittenbender, the pro- hibition candidate, received 7,322 votes. The national convention of the jjeople's in- dependent party for 1892 was held at Omaha July 2d. The republican state convention to elect delegates to the national convention was held at Kearney April 27, 1892. Bradner D. Slaughter of Nance county was temporary and penuanent chairman. John L. Webster of Douglas, Edward D. Webster of Hitch- cock — who was a delegate from Nebraska to the national republican convention of 1860 — Lucius D. Richards of Dodge, and Amasa Cobb of Lancaster, were elected delegates at large. A motion that Edward Rosewater be made national committeeman was carried after a spectacular fight. Opposition raised in the convention to choosing John L. Web- ster as a delegate, on account of doubt of his fealty to President Harrison, compelled him to come before the convention and spell the name of the president in staccato fashion. The platform endorsed the McKinley bill, Blaine's reciprocity scheme, and Senator Pad- dock for reelection. The delegates were in- structed to support President Harrison for re- nomination. The first democratic convention for 1892 was held at Omaha April 13th and 14th. It was one of the most exciting and spectacular political conventions ever held in the state. By this time Mr. Bryan had become character- istically positive and aggressive in the advo- cacy of the free coinage of silver, while a majority of the democrats were loyal to Cleve- land and approved his conservatism with reference to the silver question. At the Lan- caster county convention, held for the pur- pose of choosing delegates to the state conven- tion, there was a very heated contest between the Cleveland democrats and the followers of Mr. Bryan. The former were in the major- ity but, being vmwilling to deal too harshly with so promising and popular an acquisition to the party as Mr. Bryan had become, and, moreover, not appreciating at that time the length to which his audacity might hurl itself, they magnanimously put him upon the delega- tion. Robert A. Batty of Adams county was chairman of the convention. The first contro- versy was between the Boyd and anti-Boyd factions for representation. At the county convention of Douglas county there had been a breakup, and a double set of delegates asked for admission to the state convention. Charles ' )ffut and Charles Ogden were the leaders of the Boyd faction and Euclid Martin, Timothy ]. Mahoney, and Michael V. Gannon of the anti-Boyd faction. The contest resulted in the seating of Boyd's friends. The Lancaster delegation elected Andrew J. Sawyer, a gold democrat, as its representative upon the com- mittee on resolutions ; but the convention added Bryan as a member at large of the com- mittee. The platform as reported by the com- mittee merely emphatically endorsed the na- tional platform of 1884, saying nothing spe- cific about the money question. Mr. Bryan in a minority report introduced the additional resolution that, "We declare ourselves in favor of the free coinage of silver." Half an hour was allowed each side for dis- cussing the minority silver plank. Bryan's friends conceded all the time to him for the aifirmative, and the negative time was divided between Robert A. Batty of Adams county, Nathan S. Harwood, Andrew J. Sawyer, and Albert Watkins of Lancaster, Charles Ofifut of Douglas, and Judge James C. Crawford of Cuming. Immediately after the temporary organization was made permanent (by general consent as the writer remembers for the move was not strictly in order) Albert Wat- kins offered a resolution favoring Cleveland. As the Cleveland resolution was read, "it was wildly cheered and unanimously passed." As first offered the resolution contained instruc- tions for Cleveland ; but, on hearing a goodly number of objections to that part of it, the mover promptly withdrew it and the remain- der was adopted without opposition and with great enthusiasm. Mr. Bryan's speech upon 626 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA his silver plank was the first taste that a gen- eral assemblage of the democrats of the state had of his magnetic eloquence ; and, though at the beginning the convention was over- whelmingly for Cleveland, after he disclosed the fact, which he had theretofore kept secret, that he favored Horace E. Boies of Iowa, for president, it seemed as if the convention was almost willing to follow him. This part of the proceedings was very exciting. Mr. Oftut, who was a dramatic Kentuckian, while speaking on the stage against the resolution, turned around and facing Mr. Bryan, who sat near, thinking to surely catch him in an incon- sistency, demanded, "You are for Cleveland, are you not ?" But Bryan promptly and unex- pectedly answered loudly enough to be heard by the audience and with the utmost dra- matic fervor, "I am for Horace E. Boies." The free silver part of the convention was very boisterous and unwilling to give the anti- silver speakers a hearing. After the first roll call the chairman announced that Bryan's amendment was defeated by 237 to 267. And then ! it was like the hot chamber of hell. Men climbed over the tables and yelled in angry denunciation. . . And that con- vention went mad — absolutely insane. Men could not do things crazy enough. Batty was hooted at and sworn at. Bryan tried to soothe things. It was impossible. . . Governor Boyd and three reliable gentlemen on the stage had kept tab. . . At last in the sheol of noise it was decided to take another vote. The recount was taken amid much excitement, and Chairman Batty finally announced its re- sult — 229 yes ; 247 no ! . . . The major- ity report was then adopted. In the midst of the collective brainstorm Bryan's livid face, compressed lips, and defiant eyes were a vivid reminder of Edwin Booth in his most dramatic moments. In after years Bryan could not have repeated that remark- able theatrical role because only the impetu- ous abandon and daring, the freshness and fire of youth, unhampered by knowledge and unrestrained by experience could accomplish, or would imdertake it. The master actor had been nurtured in the low tariff or free trade school, and his speeches on the tariff question at that time were inimitably apt and taking; but he had given little attention to the deeper and more difficult principles of money, so that his sympathy and his ambition fell easy cap- tive to the superficial shibboleth, "free silver." That great turbulent body of men, representa- tives of the state's sufferings, hopes and fears, was of course less schooled than the ambitious leader, and a majority of them, perhaps, were ready to give him the benefit of every doubt. It was from the first apparent to the maturely thoughtful that this captivating issue was destined to be short-lived, and it was dis- credited by the sober second thought of the people. F.conomic privation was an inevitable, if not legitimate source and stimulus of its strength in Nebraska. On the eve of winter in 1890 there were from 1,500 to 2,000 families in destitute condition in the western part of the state, and soulless rail- roads were hauling coal to them without com- pensation. It was even argued that the al- leged gross election frauds of that year should be condoned lest investigation might delay relief by the legislature. "What does our legislature mean by this unseemly wrangle when 20,000 of our citizens are now starv- ing?" This was not the temper to learn to labor and to wait before venturing, for pos- siljle immediate relief, to dislocate a vast na- tional financial system. Under the influence of the Miller-Boyd faction President Cleve- land had made the mistake of going to J. Sterling Morton's home town to select a reve- nue collector — in the person of Morton's im- memorial political and personal enemy, Ste- phen H. Calhoun. It was the opinion of the most acute politi- cians upon the Nebraska delegation to the na- tional con\ention that but for the aggressive fight made against Bryan in the Lancaster county convention and which was carried on in the state convention, the enemies of Cleve- land would have defeated him. It will be re- membered that the delegation from his own state was aggressively against him and with- out the sixteen delegates from Nebraska he could not have sustained his strength long enough to obtain a two-thirds vote under the rule of the national convention. The people's independent convention was POLITICAL CONVENTIONS, 1892 627 held at Bohannan's Hall, in Lincoln, June 30th. Jacob V. Wolf of Lancaster county was temporary and permanent chairman. All of the counties except ten participated in the con- vention with a representation of 722 delegates. The welcome return of Van Wyck to favor and the passing of Burrows was the principal incident of the proceedings. Though the name of the late imperious leader was present- ed as a candidate for delegate at large it was passed with apparently unanimous tacit assent, while Van Wyck received almost as many votes as John H. Powers, the high man. The independents proudly pointed out that where- as sixteen delegates to the republican national convention comprised seven lawyers, six bankers, and not one farmer, their own delega- tion of thirty-two contained twenty-four farm- ers, three lawyers, and three editors. The republican state convention for 1892 was held at Lincoln August 4th and 5th. John R. Hayes of Madison county was temporary chairman and A. E. Cady of Howard county, permanent chairman. Samuel D. Mercer of Douglas, chairman of the state committee, called the convention to order. Church Howe seconded the nomination of his immemorial political rival, Thomas J. Majors, for govern- or. On the first ballot, he received 344 votes ; Lorenzo Crounse, 376; A. E. Cady, 82. On the second day Crounse was nominated on the fifth ballot, receiving 446 votes to 327 for Majors. The platform declared in favor of an elective railroad commission, empowered to fix local freight and passenger rates, and for postal telegraph and savings banks, besides approving the national platform. The state convention of the people's inde- pendent party was held at Kearney August 4th. The platform demanded reduction of freight rates to the Iowa level ; declared against the restoration of the sugar bounty, and that all obligations payable in money should be payable in money authorized by the United States government — stipulations to the contrary notwithstanding: favored a con- stitutional amendment authorizing the loan of the school fund to citizens on first mortgage real estate security at an interest rate of not more than five per cent ; the settling of labor differences by arbitration, and equal pay for equal work to both men and women ; de- nounced convict labor; demanded the election of president, vice president, and United States senators by direct vote of the people; de- nounced the state militia as an expensive orna- ment. A plank in favor of woman suffrage was laid on the table. Charles H. Van Wyck was nominated for governor on the first bal- lot, receiving 552 votes to 147 for Williami Leese and six for William A. Poynter. John H. Powers, the first candidate of the party for governor, refused to be a candidate for the office before the convention and also re- fused to take the nomination for state auditor. With a fickleness characteristic of politics the convention showed a continuing reaction against the late "Dictator Burrows" and in favor of Van Wyck. The democratic state convention was held at Lincoln August 30th. Matthew W. Ger- ing of Cass county was temporary chairman and William H. Thompson of Hall, perma- nent chairman. A reaction of sentiment against Governor Boyd had taken place, due largely to his veto of the Newberry maximum freight rate bill. Even Morton himself, re- garded as an ultra conservative on the ques- tion of railroad legislation, thought it expe- dient to publicly denounce the veto. In the convention there was a decided sentiment in favor of Morton's coming back — ^explicable largely by the feeling in the party and espe- cially on the part of the Morton faction of it, that Cleveland would be reelected and that to strengthen Morton's leadership would be of material aid in the resulting division of fed- eral spoils ; and so the old leader of many campaigns and as many defeats was enthusi- astically nominated by acclamation. The name of Samuel N. Wolbach of Hall county was presented to the convention by Constantine V. Gallagher of Omaha, and Frank P. Ireland of Otoe was also named, but both withdrew. Charles H. Brown of Omaha, a bitter oppo- nent of Miller and Boyd, presented Morton's name to the convention. All three of the candidates for governor made aggressive speaking campaigns, Crounse and Van Wyck engaging in joint discussions 628 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA all over the state. Toward the end of the campaign Morton displeased many of his old time friends by directing most of his energies to lampooning Van Wyck, thus apparently playing the role of tail to Croimse's kite. The nomination of Crounse was a recognition by republicans of the serious antimonopoly in- roads into their party, this present help in time of need having been long and consistently op- posed to the aggression of railroads. Though, measured by present standards, Crounse was a conservative, yet his appreciably progressive attitude toward the paramount railroad ques- tion and Van Wyck's radical advocacy of free silver coinage gave the Bee sufficient excuse for abandoning its old ally. It went so far as to charge him with degeneracy because in the joint debate with Crounse at Beatrice he de- clared that the republican Congress of 1873, in abrogating free coinage of silver, benefited the "shylocks of Europe" at the expense of the "toilers" of the United States. Crounse was elected by a vote of 78,426 ; Van Wyck receiving 68, 617; Morton, 44,195 ; C. E. Bent- ley, prohibitionist, 6,235. On account of his aggressive hostility to Van Wyck, the anti- monopolist candidate, Morton's vote was about 2,500 behind the average of his ticket. The republicans lost three of the congressional dis- tricts. William J. Bryan, democrat, was elected over Allen W. Field, republican, in the first district : William A. McKeighan, people's independent and democrat, over William E. Andrews, in the fifth district; and Omer M. Kem. people's independent, over James White- head, republican, in the sixth district. By ra- tional cooperation among those voters who stood substantially upon the same ground all of the republicans would have been defeated. Americans, long inured to the two-party habit, are slowly — but surely — learning to vote for present issues regardless of past names. The fifteenth legislature met in the twenty- third session and the thirteenth regular ses- sion January 3, 1893, and finally adjourned April 8th, the sixty-eighth day. The senate comprised fourteen republicans, thirteen in- dependents, and six democrats : the house forty-eight republicans, forty independents, and twelve democrats. The republicans of the senate took the honorary office by electing Erasmus M. Correll of Thayer county, tempo- rary president, and the democrats and inde- pendents evenly divided the substantial spoils Three democrats, Babcock of Douglas, Mattes of C)toe, and North of Platte, voted with the republicans, making Correll's total 17. Two democrats, McCarthy of Howard, and Thom- sen of Dodge, voted with the independents for William Dysart of Nuckolls county. Hale of Madison, democrat, voted for Mattes. There were three ballots to choose the officer in question, on three successive days. J. A. Sheridan, independent, of Red Willow county, was elected temporary speaker over Church Howe by a vote of 51 to 48. J. N. Gaftin, in- dependent, of Saunders, was elected speaker over Jensen, republican, of Fillmore, by a vote of 53 to 47. The independents took the chief clerkship, also, for Eric Johnson. They allowed the democrats six minor places. For eight days beyond his term, pending the revolutionary proceedings of the legislature of 1891 over the contested election case. Govern- or Thayer held to the executive office at the capitol which, under his orders, was guarded by armed militia. After the canvass of the returns, on the 9th of January, 1891, he ap- plied to the supreme court for a writ of quo ■zvan-anto to oust Boyd. On granting leave on the 13th, the court intimated to Thayer that in the meantime he had better yield the office to Boyd, whom the legislature had recognized as governor, and on that hint on the 15th Thayer complied with an order of the commissioner of public lands and buildings to vacate the execu- tive office, whereupon Governor Boyd took possession of it. On the 5th of May the court entered a judgment of ouster against Boyd, on the ground that he was not a citizen of the United States and was therefore ineligible, and Thayer was reinstated. It appeared at the trial that Governor Boyd's father, who had come to Ohio from Ireland, took out his first naturalization papers in 1890, after the governor had arrived at legal age. The attainment of citizenship by the father, therefore, did not apply to the son, and the supreme court of the state decided that his LEGISLATURE OF 1893 629 election was invalid ; but an appeal was taken to the Supreme Court of the United States which decided, February I, 1892, that when Nebraska was admitted as a state, Boyd was a resident and therefore became a citizen by adoption. Justice Maxwell had dissented from the decision of the state court on this ground. On the 6th of February, John L. Webster, Thayer's attorney, sent him a letter which convincingly assured him that he had been actuated by the highest patriotic motives in holding over until it had been established that his prospective successor was constitutionally eligible to fill his official shoes, and that he might now, with safety to the commonwealth, relinquish the post he had so faithfully and conscientiously guarded. In turn, the hold- over governor wrote a letter to Boyd recount- ing the information he had received and pro- posing to relinquish the office on the following day; whereupon Boyd again became governor on the 8th of February, 1892. During nine months of his administration there had been a saving in expenses at the hos- pital for insane of $15,637.48 over expenses of the previous nine months, a difference of nearly twenty per cent. He claimed a large saving for other state institutions and that they could be conducted on an expenditure of sixty-six per cent of the prevailing expenses, exclusive of salaries. He recommended an investigation of all the state institutions. The sum of $38,000 had been expended in the Wounded Knee affair — in January, 1891, and a bill for reimbursing the state for this ex- penditure had passed the Senate of the United States and was pending in the House. A year after the vote of the Newberry freight rate bill he had queried members of the legislature to find out whether they would pass such a reasonable measure as he had recommended in his first message if he should call a special session of the legislature; but he found them still radical, from his point of view. The present board of transportation, he said, had the same right to fix and regulate rates of freight as the Iowa commission, but seldom if ever exercised it. If the board were directly responsible to the people there would be bet- ter results. He recommended a choice of presidential electors, except two at large, by the people. Michigan had adopted that plan and the Supreme Court of the United States had sustained it. According to the report of the relief commission, aid had been given in about ten counties and to approximately 8,000 families, averaging five in number, and during four to six weeks. Already $30,000 of the $50,000 appropriated on account of the world's fair at Chicago had been expended — $16,- 332.43 for the building — and he recommend- ed an appropriation of $50,000 more. By the act of Congress of March 2, 1891 (Stat. 26, p. 822), all direct taxes levied by the United States under the act of August 15, 1861 [Stat. 12, p. 294), were to be refunded. It appeared from this refunding act that only one tax had been levied, the aggregate for all the states and territories being $20,000,000, and Nebraska's quota thereof, $19,312. The usual allowance of $20,000 for the expenses of the legislative session of 1863 had been off- set against the tax and no session was held. Governor Crounse delivered his inaugural message January 13, 1893. He found the state enjoying a prosperity rarely equalled in its his- tory. Crops had been bountiful and prices in the main fairly satisfactory. There had been good crops in the former drouth stricken dis- tricts. Like his predecessor he made a strong appeal for economy in expenditures. Appro- priations for state institutions should be cut to the minimum. The other recommendation was for a firm but wise control of railroads. "Your authority to control these railroads is undisputed, and you will stop short of your duty if you fail ta do so, if occasion demands it." He remarked that nearly 70,000 votes had been cast for a ticket resting on a platform which declared that the roads were by unjust rates taking millions of dollars from the peo- ple annually. Another Newberry bill (H. R. 33), classify- ing freight and fixing maximum charges was passed at this session, and the board of trans- portation was authorized and directed to re- duce its rates on any class or commodity and to revise classification but not so as to increase rates. Railroad companies might bring suit in the supreme court to show that the rates 630 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA were unjust and the court might order the board of transportation to pennit the roads to raise rates in amounts fixed by said board but not higher than those charged by any road on January 1, 1893. The bill passed the house, 63 to 30, the nays all republican but three — Leidigh and Sinclair of Otoe, and Withnell of Douglas, democrats. All the members from Douglas and Lancaster voted no except Rick- etts of Douglas, who was absent. A phe- nomenally strong if not complete control of public sentiment by the railroads in the two large cities of the state seems to be indicated by this vote, which was typical up to this time. The bill passed the senate 18 to 14. The nays comprised three democrats — • Babcock of Douglas, Mattes of Otoe, North of Platte. The other eleven were republicans. The in- dependent members voted solidly in the af- firmative. Clarke of Douglas and Everett of Dodge, republicans ; and Hale of Madison, McCarty of Howard, and Thomsen of Dodge, democrats, voted aye. A bill (H. R. 138) was passed authorizing the supreme court to appoint three commis- sioners to assist the court under such rules as it should adopt. Their term of office was fixed at three years and no two of them should be members of the same political party. It was enacted that the professors of botany, geology, chemistry, and entomology, in the State Uni- versity, should be called state botanist, state geologist, etc. The sum of $35,000 was ap- propriated for the expense of a commissioner- general and employees for the World's Colum- bian Exposition with authority for the gov- ernor to appoint the comnpssioner-general at a salary of $2,000; combinations for fixing prices on commodities were prohibited ; the bringing of persons or associations into the state for police work was prohibited and every undersheriff or deputy was required to be a resident of the state. This much mooted law, directed against the Pinkerton system, which is still in force, passed the house by a vote of 72 to 1, Van Duyn, republican, of Saline county, voting nay. It passed the senate 19 to 12. There was an exciting contest over the sena- torial election, W illiam V^. Allen, independent. being chosen on the twenty-eighth day of the session and by the eighteenth joint ballot, re- ceiving 70 votes to 59 for Algernon S. Pad- dock. All of the 53 independents and all of the 18 democrats, except Farrell, who did not vote, supported Allen on the successful bal- lot. All of Paddock's supporters were repub- licans. Kyner of Douglas voted for Paul Vandervoort ; Ricketts of Douglas, for Crounse, and Clarke of Douglas did not vote. Allen received only one vote on the fourteenth ballot and one on the fifteenth. On the six- teenth he received 65 and the same number again on the seventeenth. Paddock had 32 votes to begin with and for thirteen ballots his strength varied from 20, the lowest, to 33, the highest. His nearly full republican support on the last ballot was merely a compliment to incumbency, the die of defeat having already been cast by the opposition compromise on Allen. On the fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth ballots John M. Thurston re- ceived 61 votes, within one of the total repub- lican strength and within three of victory. John H. Powers, candidate for governor on the independent ticket of 1890, received the full independent vote on most of the ballots up to the thirteenth, when for three ballots it was given to William L. Greene of Buffalo county. Powers had 1 additional vote on four ballots and Greene 3 — 56 in all — on one ballot. The highest votes received by other prominent candidates were, J. Sterling Morton, 6 ; James E. Boyd, 5 ; William J. Bryan, 8 ; Thomas J. Majors, 13. The disclosures of the impeachment pro- ceedings and kindred prosecutions showed that republicans would have chosen the wiser as well as the better part if they had volun- tarily undertaken their own neglected house cleaning instead of waiting for it to be forced upon them by their enemies. The Bee's in- surgency in the next state campaign was vir- tually an acknowledgment of this mistake. A resolution was passed to employ three lawyers, one of each political party, to be chosen by the members of the several parties in the house. The republicans selected Stephen B. Pound; the independents, William L. Greene ; the democrats, Eleazer Wakeley. Judge Wake- IMPEACHMENT OF STATE OFFICERS 631 ley declined to serve, and George W. Doane was appointed in his place. Barry, indepen- dent, of Greeley county ; Van Housen, demo- crat, Colfax ; Lockner, republican, Douglas, were appointed a committee on impeachments. A resolution for the impeachment of John C. Allen, secretary of state; Augustus R. Hum- phrey, commissioner of public lands and build- ings ; George H. Hastings, attorney -general, and John E. Hill, treasurer, passed the house unanimously. A resolution that articles of impeachment against the executive officers above named for misdemeanor in office be prepared and pre- sented to t!ie supreme court was passed by a vote of 127 to 4. Those voting nay were Cooley, republican, of Cass county ; Kyner, republican, Douglas; North, democrat, Platte; and Rhea, republican, Seward; the articles against Hastings were adopted by a vote of 95 to 24 ; against Humphrey, 92 to 5 ; against Allen, 87 to 4 ; against Hill, 95 to 9. Barry, independent ; Colton, republican ; and Casper, democrat, were appointed a committee to em- ploy attorneys and prosecute the impeachment. The articles of impeachment against the four executive officers named, who constituted the board of public lands and buildings, were con- fined to charges of fraud which had been per- petrated at the state penitentiary and at the hospital for the insane at Lincoln. Article 1st, against George H. Hastings, attorney-gen- eral, for example, recited that at the twenty- second session of the legislature $40,000 had been appropriated for the construction of a cell house at the penitentiarv'. The first speci- fication alleged that Charles W. Mosher con- trolled the labor and service of the convicts in the penitcntiar)^ under a contract with the state and during the year 1891 and until Feb- ruary 1, 1892, he ernployed William H. Dor- gan as his foreman and superintendent to take charge of said convicts ; that the board of pub- lic lands and buildings, well knowing that said Dorgan was the agent of Mosher, employed him as the agent and superintendent of the state to superintend on its behalf the construc- tion of said cell house ; that Dorgan in render- ing his accounts from time to time to the state board of public lands and buildings for the labor of said convicts charged the state with the sum of $1 a day for each convict whereas, in the contracts made by Dorgan in behalf of Mosher to individuals, firms, or corporations, he let the said convict labor at the rate of forty cents a day and that the board of public lands and buildings should have procured said labor for the construction of the cell house at the same rate of forty cents. Specification 2d charged that the board of public lands and buildings from time to time paid over to Dor- gan as the agent of the state large sums of money in advance of his procurement of ma- terial or expenditure of labor for which the money was to be paid. Specification 4th, charged Dorgan with having expended a part of said funds of the state for material which was not needed or used in the construction of the cell house. Specification 1st of article 3, charged that the board of public lands and buildings let the contract for a supply of coal required for the use of the hospital for the in- sane at Lincoln, for the quarter commencing April 1, 1890, to the firm of Betts, Weaver & Company; that said fimi furnished under the contract for the month of April, 1890, coal to the amount o.f 336,000 pounds and no more, but rendered an account for 438,000 pounds and that the board of public lands and build- ings approved the fraudulent account. Speci- fications 2d and 3d, made similar allegations of startling discrepancies between the amounts allowed to the same firm and the amounts actually furnished. Specification 4th, charged that in the month of July, 1890, the White- breast Coal Company of Lincoln actually fur- nished to the hospital for the insane 250,000 pounds of coal and no more, but made an ac- count for 720,000 pounds, which the board al- lowed. There was a general investigation of the administration of the state institutions in re- sponse to charges of corruption and misman- agement. A committee of eight, four from the house and four from the senate, and com- prising members of all political parties, re- ported unanimously that the death of Powell, a convict at the penitentiary, ''was the direct and proximate result of cruel and inhuman punishment inflicted upon him." The com- 632 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA mittee found from the evidence that "the pun- ishment in vogue in the Nebraska state peni- tentiary for many years has been inhuman, barbarous and cruel in many cases," and gave revolting details in illustration of this charge. A committee of seven members of the house, comprising three independents, two demo- crats, and two republicans, was appointed to investigate the administration of the peniten- tiary. The committee's unanimous report found gross corruption and mismanagement. A committee of the house, consisting of G. A. Felton and Austin Reiley, independents, and C. D. Casper, democrat, found a still worse state corruption, if possible, in the administration of the hospital for the insane at I^incoln. The committee of the house to whom the penitentiary contract between the state and William H. Dorgan and Charles W. Mosher was referred, requested the opinion of William Leese, attorney-general, as to its validity, and they were informed by that officer that the act of 1879, which undertook to extend the contract with W. H. B. Stout, and that of 1887, to extend the contract to Mosher, assig- nee of Stout, were both invalid. Thereupon the committee reported unanimously that in its opinion the contract was null and void and recommended that the state take charge of the plant, prison, and grounds. The house adopted the report. A motion of Jensen of Fillmore county, that this action of the house be referred to the senate with the request that that body should concur was also adopted : but the senate appears to have smothered the report. The house committee appointed to investigate the management of the permanent school fund reported that "the state has lost large sums of money in the form of interest which would have accrued to the temporary school fund, the exact amount of which has not been computed by your committee." The committee recommended that action be brought against Hill, ex-state treasurer, to recover the money so lost. This report was signed by two of committee, the third member refusing to concur. Steven and Casper, of the committee "to investigate the charges of improper use of or offers of money to influence the votes of mem- fers of the legislature in the matter of the election of United States senators," reported that oft'ers of money were made to eight mem- bers for the alleged purpose of so influencing their votes, and in the opinion of the commit- tee the offers were made with corrupt intent. McKesson of Lancaster county made a mi- r.ority report in which he said that Krick and Soderman, members of the house, were guilty of soliciting corrupt offers of money for their votes ; that W. A. Dungan, sergeant-at-arms, was guilty of making false statements as to the corruption of members and 'ought to be re- moved from his office ; and that R. B. Thomp- ■■^on, "who iniblushing tells of offers made by him, is deserving of the contempt of his fel- lowmen, and I only regret that suitable pun- ishment cannot be meted out to him." Goss of Douglas and Gerdes of Richardson, of the committee to investigate charges that money had been used in relation to insurance legislation, found that corrupt influence of members had been attempted, but unsuccess- fully. The committee appointed to investi- gate the bill presented by Shilling Brothers for merchandise furnished to the state of Ne- I;raska found that the firm had made a gross overcharge and recommended that the sum of $1,870.88 be allowed for the bill instead of $2,314.48, the amount claimed. The committee to investigate charges of the improper admin- istration of the institute for feeble-minded youth at Beatrice was able to make a report that was relatively unique, inasmuch as it gave Superintendent A. T. Armstrong of the insti- tute, a clean score for his management. Four of the accused men were indicted under the charge of corrupt dealing with the hospital for the insane. Nova Z. Snell had been elected county attorney of Lancaster county in 1890 on the democratic and inde- pendent ticket and the prosecutions were begun under his adiministration. In the meantime, at the beginning of 1893, he was succeeded by William H. Woodward ; but Governor Crounse appointed Mr. Snell and the law firm of Reese & Gilkeson — Judge M. B. Reese and J. R. ( nlkeson — to assist in the prosecution of this class of cases. Gorham F. Betts was con- IMPEACHMENT OF STATE OFFICERS 633 victed and sentenced to two years in the peni- tentiary. He escaped, however, with a few months in the Lancaster county jail because the county attorney failed to make out in due time a bill of exceptions on the appeal of the case to the supreme court. The other per- sons indicted were tried and were acquitted, although the evidence against them was nearly the same as that upon which Betts was con- victed. The special attorneys for the state complained that the county attorney ham- pered them in the trial of these cases and that they were unable to procure proper jurymen. It happened that the Betts & Weaver business had been sold before Betts was tried, and their successors in the business furnished yard sheets which showed conclusively that car loads of coal which had been charged to the asylum and paid for were really run into the private yard of Betts & Weaver and sold as their private property. The impeachment case against John E. Hill, ex-treasurer, and Thomas H. Benton, ex- auditor, was dismissed on the ground that the defendants had retired from ofifice in January, 1893, the power of impeachment conferred by the constitution upon the legislature extend- ing only to civil officers of the state and could not be exercised after such officers had become private persons. The case against Attorney- General Leese was dismissed on the same ground, and also upon the ground that the managers of the impeachment had, without constitutional authority, changed the articles which had been presented by the legislature. The case against George H. Hastings, attor- ney-general, John C. Allen, secretary of state, and Augustus R. Humphrey, commissioner of public lands and buildings, was also decided rather upon a technicality than upon the gen- eral facts. Two of the judges, Norval and Post, held that where an official act for which an officer is impeached results from a mere error of judgment or oni^ission of duty with- out the element of fraudj^it is not impeachable although it may be highly prejudicial to the interests of the state. Impeachment, the ma- jority of the court held, is essentially a crim- inal prosecution, hence the guilt of the accused must be established beyond a reasonable doubt. Justice Maxwell dissented from the decision of the majority, holding that the duties of the members of the board of public lands and buildings in passing upon the accounts in ques- tion were not judicial. He held that, the rule of the majority in this case would have pro- tected the notorious Boss Tweed from prose- cution. Judge Maxwell also observed that Dr. W. M. Knapp, superintendent of the asylum, tes- tified that he did not believe the amount of coal charged had been delivered, and yet he ap- proved vouchers for the full amount. Judge Post, while agreeing with Judge Nor- val in the theory which protected the defend- ants from prosecution, was unsparing in his denunciation of the transactions which were the subject of the impeachment. He said in reference to the coal bills at the asylum : "The overcharge for the first three months of the respondents' term of office which the legisla- ture failed to detect was 2,020,000 pounds, while for the remaining nine months, accord- ing to the specification, it is less than twice that amount. It is not contended that negli- gence of the legislature, however gross, would excuse the wilful disregard of duty by the re- spondents. . ." He said again : "It appears further that Dorgan, the superintendent, rendered a bill for their (convicts') labor at $1 per day during all of said time (when they were laid off.) He attempts to justify his action by reference to a custom to charge subcontractors for the labor of convicts from the time of their assignment unless sick or disabled. This explanation merely proves the wisdom of the scriptural saying that one cannot serve two masters. Dorgan was appointed to employ laborers by the day and to make time contracts for labor." George W. Doane of Omaha, Stephen B. Pound of Lincoln, William L. Greene of Kear- ney, and Genio M. Lambertson of Lincoln, were counsel for the state in the impeachment proceedings. CHAPTER XXXI The Populist Probation — Return of the Republican Prodigal ■ Populism — A Period of Party Rotation His Conversion to THE DEMOCRATIC convention for 1893 was held at Lincoln October 4th. Euclid Martin, chairman of the state committee, named T. J. Mahoney for temporary chair- man, and he appointed Carroll S. Montgomery as temporary secretary. The temporary or- ganization was made permanent. Under the ver)'- vigorous management of Tobias Castor. Nebraska member of the national democratic committee, the convention was composed of a compact majority of Cleveland, or gold, demo- crats. But William J. Bryan, then possessing unbounded faith in his personal influence, made almost as spectacular a fight to gain con- trol as he made in the famous convention of 1892. He began the struggle by moving that Joseph E. Ong of Fillmore county be substi- tuted for Mahoney as chairman, urging that Judge Ong represented principles directly an- tagonistic to those of Mahoney. The motion was lost by a vote of 390 to 106. Mr. Ma- honey's speech to the convention was in a conciliatory strain and expressed a personally friendly feeling toward Bryan. On a second test of strength, the motion by Bryan was de- feated, 335 to 146. A motion by Falloon of Richardson county, that Bryan be made a member of the resolutions committee, on be- half of free silver, was defeated by 373 to 122. Constantine J. Smythe, Edward P. Smith, and C. V. Gallagher of Omaha, pro- tested against the solid unit vote of the 103 delegates from Omaha, but without avail. Bryan closed the unequal controversy in a notably impassioned and defiant speech. "If I am right," he said, "and so help me God, I believe I am, it matters not whether you en- dorse me or not. If I am right, I am right, and time will tell if I am right. If you rep- resent the democratic party in saying you are for the gold standard of Wall street, I want to tell you that if the democratic party rati- fies your action, I will go out and serve my party and my God under some other name than as a democrat. The democratic party was founded by Thomas Jefferson as the party of the masses. For twenty years the demo- cratic party has denounced the demonetization of silver. If you want to get down on your knees and apologize for what you have said you will go without me." The clarion tone of the keynote "right" as it rang emphasized from Bryan's lips will never be forgotten by his hearers. Though Bryan's impassioned proclamation that the free silver dogma was right and the gold standard wrong and that time would prove it, was dramatically fine and effective, yet, considering that within a few years "the gold standard of Wall street" was adopted, not only in this country, but through- out the civilized world, it but illustrated the remark of Froude — extravagant, of course, as most epigram is — that "great orators have always been proved wrong." The republican state convention was held at Lincoln October 5th. It was called to order by Addison E. Cady, chairman of the state com- mittee, and George H. Thummel of Hall county was temporary and permanent chairman. On the first formal ballot Samuel Maxwell received the highest number of votes cast for candidates for judge of the supreme court — ^380 out of a total of 927. He ran no higher than this on subsequent ballots. T. O. C. Harrison of Hall county was nominated on the fourth formal ballot with 664 votes. Monroe L. Hayward, Joseph E. Cobbey, Elisha A. Calkins, Othman A, Abbott, I. E. Frick, and ?>lanoah B. Reese THE POPULIST PROBATION 635 developed some strength during the balloting. Benjamin S. Baker of Douglas county was chairman of the committee on resolutions, which denounced the democratic House of Representatives for repealing federal election laws; favored the coinage of both gold and silver as standard money, under such legisla- tion as would maintain parity of values; de- nounced the independent party for attempt- ing to array the West and South against the North and East; denounced Hoke Smith, sec- retary of the interior, for cutting of? pensions of disabled soldiers. The people's independent convention was held in Lincoln September 5th, and William A. Poynter of Boone county was temporary chairman, and •Walter F. Dale of Harlan, per- manent chairman. Silas A. Holcomb of Cus- ter was nominated for judge of the supreme court on the first formal ballot. John F. Ragan of Adams and J. E. Bush of Gage were his leading competitors. Samuel Maxwell re- ceived 19 votes on the informal ballot. E. L. Heath of Sherman county, and A. A. Mon- roe of Douglas, were nominated for regents of the State University. Professor W. A. Jones of Adams county was chairman of the committee on resolutions which reaffirmed the national platform adopted at Omaha, July 4, 1892; called on Congress to pass a law "for the free coinage of silver with that of gold with a ratio of 16 to 1"; denounced republi- can and democratic leaders "who are attempt- ing to demonetize silver, thereby placing the business of the country on a gold basis" ; com- mended McKeighan and Kem, populist mem- bers of Congress, for opposing the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman silver act; declared that railroad, telegraph, and telephone lines should be owned and controlled by the government ; denounced political or- ganizations, secret or open, based on religious prejudice ; alleged that while republicans claimed that the state was free from debt, there were warrants outstanding in the sum of $700,000 drawing interest at seven per cent; denounced state officers for approving the bond of Charles W. Mosher, president of the failed Capital National Bank, in such form that the state was swindled out of $236,- 000; demanded the enforcement of the New- berry freight law and the prosecution of those under indictment for asylum and penitentiary steals. At the ensuing elections the candidates for the office of judge of the supreme court re- ceived votes as follows: T. O. C. Harrison, republican, 72,032 ; Silas A. Holcomb, people's independent, 65,666 ; Frank Irvine, gold demo- crat, 37,545 ; Ada M. Bittenbender, prohibi- tion, 6,357. The republican candidates for regents of the State University were, of course, elected. The republican convention for 1894 was held at Omaha August 22d; it was called to order by Bradner D. Slaughter, chairman of the state committee, who named Captain C. E. Adams of Nuckolls county for temporary chairman ; and the temporary organization was made permanent. On the informal ballot for a candidate for the governorship, Thomas J. Majors of Nemaha county received 493J/2 votes and John H. MacColl of Dawson, 434i^. The sixty votes of Lancaster went to Majors and the 108 of Douglas to MacColl ; and in a general way the support of the respective can- didates was divided by the North Platte and South Platte line. Lorenzo Crounse of Wash- ington county received a complimentary vote of 32, and Addison E. Cady of Howard, 6. The first formal ballot stood, 552>4 for Majors and 401 J^ for MacColl. Both of the leading candidates represented the reactionary and so-called railroad element — Burlington and Union Pacific respectively ; and neither was available, because there was a real upris- ing in the party against the old order, which the wheel horses, with obtuse obstinacy, failed to recognize, playing bravado instead of level judgment. This reckless reactionism was manifested by the nomination of Majors against the well-known and old-standing hos- tility and opposition of the domineering, but also progressive antimonopoly editor of the Bee. Anticipating this theatrical gauntlet- throwing, Mr. Rosewater had prepared a bomb — a letter resigning his membership in the republican national committee — which he 636 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA defiantly threw into the convention. The scathing arraignment contained in this letter was incessantly pressed by the relentless Bee and echoed by the opposition press throughout the campaign The long undisturbed exercise of power by men singly or in parties surely induces mental and moral obtuseness or atrophy. And so re- publican leaders could not read the plain les- son of the defeat of "Tom" Majors, but the next time blindly bucked the line with "Jack" MacColl — not perceiving that these gentle- men of the old school had had their day in Ne- braska. In each instance they put these staled players into the power of the repudiated Rose- water who, perforce, proceeded to put them out of the game. These were the last of the old line plunges but one — the disastrous suc- cess behind Dietrich in 1900. The people's independent convention was held at Grand Island August 24th. William L. Greene of Buffalo county, the most silvery tongued of all the populists of Nebraska, was temporary and permanent chairman. Silas A. Holcomb of Custer county was nominated for the office of governor on the first ballot, receiving 4375-^ votes to 2943--2 for James N. Gaffin of Saunders county. The resolutions endorsed the Omaha national platform ; they demanded the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 ; municipal own- ership of public works; liberal pensions for soldiers and sailors ; national laws for the en- couragement of irrigation ; compulsory arbi- tration of labor disputes ; a new maximum freight rate law or enforcement of the existing law ; the immediate relief of sufferers from the drouth ; and they denounced as treason the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sher- man silver ."ict. The convention was large and confident. The committee on credentials re- ported that 747 of the entire list of 751 dele- gates were actually present. The democratic convention for 1894 was held in C)maha September 26th and was called to order by Euclid Martin, chairman of the state committee, who named Matt Miller of Butler county for temporary chairman W. S. Shoemaker of Douglas county, moved to sub- stitute Edward P. vSmith of that county. Mil- ler, thereupon, said that he had been sent to the convention instructed for 16 to 1 free silver and Robert A. Batty of Adams county was in the same predicament. IMiller with- drew and Smith was elected chairman, unani- mously. Even the conservative Samuel W. Wolbach of Hall county yielded to the be- witching panacea and corrected a statement by William H. Thompson that he, Wolbach, was against 16 to 1. Thompson, who for a lime assumed a conservative attitude toward the money question, was now for Bryan's radical regime. Willis D. Oldham of Buf- falo was permanent chairman of the conven- tion. William J. Bryan was nominated unani- mously for United States senati)r, and a reso- lution for the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the consent of any nation on earth, and declarations for a tarift' for revenue only, the election of United States senators by the peo- ple, and a constitutional convention to ratify the amendment, were adopted. Upon the nomination of Holcomb, about fifty delegates bolted from the convention, assembled in an- other hall and elected Dan W. Cooke of Gage county, chairman. Among the bolters were George P. Marvin, editor of the Democrat at Beatrice, George W. West of Polk county. Judge James C. Crawford of Cuming, De- forest P. Rolfe of Otoe, John A. McShane and Euclid Martin of Douglas, and John D. Carson of Fillmore. The bolters nominated John A. McShane for governor; John D. Car- son for Heutenant-governor ; Deforest P. Rolfe of Otoe, for secretary of state; Otto Bauman of Cuming, for auditor ; Luke Bridenthal of Gage, for treasurer ; John H. Ames of Lan- caster, for attorney-general ; Jacob Bigler of Chase, for commissioner of public lands and buildings; and Milton Doolittle of Holt, for superintendent of public instruction. Mc- Shane declined the nomination for governor and Phelps D. Sturdevant of Fillmore was substituted and Rodney E. Dunpliy of Seward was substituted for Carson. The platform en- dorsed the administration of President Cleve- land and approved the national platform of THE POPULIST PROBATION 637 1892, especially the money plank and Cleve- land's interpretation of it. There were two principal reasons why Bryan overcame the majority of the last year against him and came into full power. The convention of 1893 was composed largely of expectant aspirants to federal offices under the new democratic administration ; and while the few who in the meantime had been chosen re- mained loyal to their ostensible principles, the easy or natural tendency of the time to flock to the silver standard was stimulated, in the case of the many who were left, by disappoint- ment or revenge. The second powerful factor which worked to Bryan's advantage was the increasing hard times. Free silver was a siren note to sing to people in those pinching con- ditions, and, falling from his silvery tongue, was to the many irresistibly seductive. On the 28th of August, 1894, the World-Herald made the important announcement that from September 1st William J. Bryan would be its editor-in-chief. Mr. Gilbert M. Hitchcock made the statement that the general manage- ment of the paper would continue in his hands, but that "its editorial policy will be mapped out by Mr. Bryan from time to time along the line of his well known political convictions." This event insured the permanency of the fu- sion policy of the democratic party. The campaign was desperately fought on both sides. As we have seen in the foregoing pages, fusion of the democrats with insurgent republicans had often been attempted but with- out successful results. This year, however, for the first time, these diverse elements had a leader in William J. Bryan peculiarly adapted to getting and holding them together and es- pecially for making the most of the misdoings and misfortunes of the party in power. Per- sistent bad crops, for which it was not respon- sible, could be played against it more ef- fectually, even, than the persistent bad admin- istration for which it was responsible. The majority had been so long and so successfully taught that general economic prosperity, so natural and inevitable that the worst govern- ment seemed inconsequential, were due to the party which had continually been in power. that it was quite consistently held responsible for the pinching adversity. And then the re- publicans had been so long accustomed to political success under vicious corporation leadership and government that they were very slow to comprehend or care for the ominously increasing demands for reform. Majors, the republican candidate for gov- ernor, was emphatically a politician of the school which naturally arose and flourished after the Civil war — a blend of the "old sol- dier" and the railroad servant. His army rec- ord had been good in the South and on the Plains in the Indian war of 1864; he was a good neighbor, with a large local following; and throughout the state one of "the boys." But the Bee on the republican side and the democratic and populist press on the other side so aggressively exposed his now misfit virtues that his respectable opponent, whose merits were mainly negative, was victorious by a vote of 97,815 to 94,113 for his putatively popular antagonist. William J. Bryan made a campaign for a vote of preference for the office of United States senator; but John M. Thurston, his re- publican opponent, refused to enter the con- test in that manner. Brj'an received 80,472 votes, Thurston 1,866, and C. E. Bentley, the prohibitionist candidate, 25,594. The oppo- sition candidates for seats in the lower house of Congress received heavy support, but only one of the six, Omer M. Kem of the sixth district, was elected. Though fusion had been successfully accomplished for the head of the state ticket, it failed in detail, as illus- trated by the disorderly factionism in the sec- ond, third, and fourth Congress districts, which insured, if it was not wholly responsible for republican success. The legislature promptly restored the sugar bounty which its predecessor had repealed. The revived act provided for a bounty of five- eighths of a cent a pound for sugar manufac- tured from beets, sorghmn, or other sugar yielding canes grown in Nebraska, on condi- tion that the product should contain ninety per cent crystallized sugar and that the manu- facturer should have paid as much as $5 a 638 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ton to the producer for them. Three-eighths of a cent additional was yielded to factories established after the passage of the act. Re- publicans were more obtuse than the populists in thus persistently pressing this gratuity upon the despotic, insatiable, and faithless sugar trust — or else they were incorrigible. The attorney-general, state auditor, and state treas- urer were constituted a state banking board with power to appoint a secretary at $1,500 a year. The legislature appropriated $50,000 for the relief of persons who were in want on account of dry weather and hot winds, the ex- isting commission of nine members to control the distribution of this fund. The sum of $200,000 was appropriated for supplying seed and food for teams during the spring of 1895. Another act authorized the county boards of the several counties to issue bonds for an amount not exceeding $50,000 for seed and food for teams. Still another authorized county boards to use surplus general funds and county bridge and road funds for the same purpose. Another act authorized the loaning of sinking funds and other surplus funds of counties and townships for supplying seed and food for teams, for which notes should be taken running not less than twelve months nor longer thfiji twenty-four, with annual interest at the rate of seven per cent, one per cent of which should go to the county treasurer for the expense of transacting the business. County commissioners were also authorized to use any surplus in any precinct bond fund for seed and feed for teams.. The sugar bounty bill was vetoed by Governor Holcomb and passed over the veto by a vote of sixty-eight to twenty-three in the house and twenty-five to five in the senate. Those vot- ing nay in the senate were Bauer, Campbell, Dale, Sprecher, Stewart, all populists ; but two populists voted aye. In the house five demo- crats and eighteen populists voted nay and none of either party aye. As might have been expected in the reactionary political condi- tions, there was no constructive or progressive legislation in this session. Encouraged by their success of 1895, but unwisely forgetting their reverses of the years before, the republicans nominated for the head of their ticket, John H. MacColl of Dawson county, widely reputed as a railroad man of the old school and substantially a replica of the Majors nomination of 1894. The popu- lists and regidar democrats renominated Gov- ernor Holcomb and the handful of gold demo- crats, with fatuous persistency, nominated Robert S. Bibb of Gage county. The Omaha Bee again opposed the republican candidate and threw its influence in favor of Holcomb, who was elected by a vote of 116,415 against 94,723 for MacColl, 3,557 for Bibb, 5,060 for Joel Warner, prohibitionist, and 913 for Rich- ard A. Hawley, nationalist. In the congres- sional contests the fusonists came back over- whelmingly. There was formal fusion of democrats and independents in all the districts, and the republican candidates were successful in only two of them. In the first district Strode was reelected over Jefferson H. Broady by a slender margin of 17,356 to 17,113; and in the second district, Mercer also was re- elected, receiving 14,861 votes to 13,286 for Edward R. Duffie; in the third district Sam- uel Maxwell defeated Ross L. Hammond by 23,487 to 18,633; in the fourth, William F. Stark defeated Eugene J. Hainer by 20,515 to 18,844; in the fifth, Roderick D. Sutherland defeated William E. Andrews by 18,332 to 15,621 ; in the sixth, William L. Greene de- feated Addison E. Cady by 19,378 to 14,841. On the average the all-round ability of the re- publican and fusionist candidates was nearly equal, but the republicans had the advantage of measurably greater stability. All the other fusion candidates of the state ticket were elected by majorities somewhat less than Gov- ernor Holcomb's lead. The seventeenth legislature met in the fifth- teenth regular session, January 5, 1897, and finally adjourned April 9th, the seventy- fourth day. The senate comprised seventeen inde- pendents, seven democrats, seven republicans and two silver republicans ; the house, forty- nine independents, twenty-eight republicans, twenty-one democrats and two silver republi- cans. Frank T. Ransom, silver republican, of Douglas county, was elected temporary THE POPULIST PROBATION 639 president of the senate and James N. Gaffin, independent, of Saunders county, was elected speaker of the house, receiving 68 votes against 29 for George L. Rouse, republican, of Hall county. Frank D. Eager, independent, was elected chief clerk. There were scandalous charges of bribery at the Douglas county elec- tions, and, after an investigation, John JefT- coat, democrat, was seated in the senate in place of J. H. Evans, republican, by a vote of 17 to 13. There were ineffectual attempts by this legislature to get hold of the key to the coming reform revolution by passing a law prohibiting the issue and use of free railroad passes. House roll 40, a sweeping prohibition ; house roll 336, which applied only to office- holders ; house roll 418, applying to delegates to political conventions, were all indefinitely postponed. A bill limiting passenger fare on railroads to two cents a mile (H. R. 419) met the same fate. The most notable measure of the session was an act providing for the regu- lation of stock yards and fixing the charges thereof. This tardy victory was proof and product of the improvement of this legislature over its predecessors, both as to mind and morals ; for theretofore all measures of this kind had been defeated by fair means or foul. But in the gauntlet of the court it was turned into a barren victory. Judge Smith McPher- son, of the southern district of Iowa, presid- ing in the circuit court of the United States for the district of Nebraska, decided that the act was invalid on account of its defective title. At the election of 1897, John J. Sullivan, fusionist, defeated Alfred M. Post, republi- can, both of Platte county, for judge of the supreme court by a vote of 102,828 to 89,009. Charles W. Kaley and John N. Dry den, re- publican candidates for the office of regent of the University, were defeated by E. Von Forell and George F. Kenower, fusionists. In 1898 the republicans of Nebraska for the first time declared definitively in favor of the modern money standard : "We are in favor of the maintenance of the present gold standard and unalterably opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of silver." This declaration was time- ly, because it contributed toward reassuring and calming the skeptical and unsettled state of the public mind. Such an avowal, made two years, or one year, before, in the full of the perturbation, would have. had more moral merit, because it would have cost something — courage and perhaps temporary disadvantage. Only the new craft challenges the gale with full sail. The republican party had then so long fed on power that its only thought was to trim to conserve it. In this emergency, what- ever merit lay in merely being good ballast, it deserved. A few years later Attila Roosevelt, scourge of standpatism, perceived that the bal- last stage was counted as the Past, and led on again with sails. William H. Thompson, chairman of the resolutions committee of the democratic con- vention of the same year, fatuously declared that the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 ought to be kept for the paramount issue of 1900. In the same convention, Con- stantine J. Smythe, attorney-general, said in a speech that Judge Charles L. Hall of the dis- trict court of Lancaster county, where Eugene Moore, state auditor, had been prosecuted on the charge of converting to his own use in- surance fees to the amount of $23,208.05, said he was guilty; that Judge Cornish of the same court, also said Moore was guilty ; and that Judge Sullivan of the supreme court, said he was guilty; but the other two judges, Norval and Harrison, said that he was not guilty and two were stronger than one. Moore agreed to certain facts before Judge Albert J. Cornish, of the district court of Lancaster county, who thereupon found him guilty and sentenced him to the state penitentiary for a term of eight years. On appeal, the judgment of Judge Cornish was reversed by the supreme court on the technical ground that Moore had not the legal authority to collect the insurance fees for the misappropriation of which he had been convicted. The court held that the insurance companies, by mistake, paid the fees to the auditor when they should have been paid to the treasurer. This was not the first case in which official embezzlers had escaped justice through sheer technicality of the supreme court. Such lapses of justice are now boldly 640 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA characterized by the press and the pubHc in general. Judge SiiIHvan, in his dissenting opinion, cited a case tried before Judge David J. Brewer — afterwards a judge of the United States Supreme Court • — in which he shattered a similar defence by apparently common sense logic. "But we hold that when one assumes to act as agent for another, he may not, when challenged for those acts, deny his agency; that he is estopped, not merely as against his assumed principal, but also as against the state ; that one who is agent enough to receive money is agent enough to be punished for em- bezzling it." The state also brought a civil suit in the district court of Lancaster county to recover those fees from Moore. The case was tried before Judge Charles L. Hall and judgment was rendered against Moore, but the supreme court reversed it on the same ground as that on which it had reversed the criminal case. In 1898 William A. Poynter, fusionist, was elected governor over Monroe L. Hayward, republican, by a vote of 95,703 to 92,982, and the rest of the fitsion candidates for state of- fices were elected by majorities about the same as Poynter's majority. Republicans carried the first and second congressional districts and the fusionists the other four. The republicans came back into power in the legislature of 1899, having twenty-one mem- bers of the senate against twelve fusionists, and fift)'-two members of the house against forty-eight fusionists ; two of them, however, were unseated during the session. Adolph R. Talbot of Lancaster county was temporary president of the senate and Paul H. Clark of Lancaster, speaker of the house. Hayward was rewarded for his sacrifice in the campaign of 1898 by election for United States senator, but died before taking his seat. The choice of Hayward was simply a republican recourse to respectability in lieu of, or as a sop to reform, which the party was not yet prepared directly to endorse. Hayward had been a competent and thrifty business lawyer with a dignified leaning toward politics, but lacking real equip- ment for statesmanship and the instinct and the impulse for reform which are now essen- tia! to the acceptable statesman. While he was not notoriously and essentially a railroad at- torney, like Thurston, for example, yet he was regarded as the local attorney, with the impli- cation of next friend, of the Burlington com- pany. Indeed, it would have been difficult to find, at that time, a virile politician who was not a railroad politician. Hayward had never evinced sympathy with reform aspirations. He was, therefore, as much out of joint with the times as Dietrich and Millard. Governor Holcomb, in his farewell message, said that Nebraska had furnished for the war with Spain three regiments of infantry of max- imum strength — 1 ,326 men — and one troop of cavalry. He drew rather a lugubrious pic- ture of the western part of the state on ac- count of the successive years of drouth. His financial statement showed that at the begin- ning of 1894 there were funding bonds out- standing to the amount of $449,267.35 ; grass- hopper relief bonds, $100,000; general fund warrants, $577,825.75. At the close of 1896 there was $468,267.35 in bonds: $1,936,273.47 in warrants, a total of $2,404,540.82. In No- vember, 1898, there was $153,267.35 in bonds and $1,571,684.01 in warrants, a total of $2,- 724,951.36. This condition showed shameful mismanagement and violation of the constitu- tion. The legislature of 1899 amended the non- compulsory primary election law ; passed the first corrupt practices act ; created a food com- mission under the fiction imposed by the in- adequate constitution constituting the gov- ernor the commissioner but authorizing him to appoint a deputy to do the work at a salary of $1,500 a year; established a soldiers' and sail- ors' home at Milford and appropriated $2,000 for the relief of sick and wounded soldiers of the First regiment, Nebraska infantry, in the Philippine Islands, and a like sum for the Third regiment then in Cuba. In a fierce struggle for control of the dele- gation from Lancaster county to the republican state convention of 1900 David E. Thompson successfully opposed most of th( leaders of the party in Lincoln, including Charit IT. Gere, editor of the State Journal. .Mien W. Field, RETURN (JF THE REPUBLICAN PRODIGAL 641 Frank M. Hall, Genio M. Lambertson, Robert E. Moore, and Charles O. Whedon. The county convention passed a resolution favor- ing Thompson as a candidate for United States senator. The sudden and forceful advent of Mr. Thompson into politics and his starting of the Lincoln Daily Star — in 1902 — had the salutary effect of driving the Journal from its nearly lifelong standpatism into measure- able progression ; a very timely change for the Journal, withal, inasmuch as it was borne to greater prosperity on the incoming tide of re- publican insurgency while the Star was left on the flats of receded standpatism. At the presidential election of 1900, electors for William McKinley, republican, carried the state against those for William J. Bryan, democrat, by a majority of about 8,000. The prohibition candidates received about 3,600 votes; the middle-road populists, about 1,100, and the socialists about 800. Governor Poyn- ter was defeated as a candidate to succeed him- self by Charles H. Dietrich of Adams county, by a vote of 113,018, to 113,879; John S. Robinson of the third congressional district, William L. Stark of the fourth, Ashton C. Shallenberger of the fifth, and William Neville of the sixth, all fusionists, were elected mem- bers of the federal House of Representatives ; Elmer J. Burkett and David H. Mercer, re- publicans, were elected in the first and second districts. In the senate of the legislature of 1901 there were nineteen republicans, twelve fusionists, and two democrats ; in the house of represen- tatives, fifty-three republicans, thirty-four fusionists, ten democrats and three populists. The acts of this session were prolific of boards and commissions. The exciting episode or more accurately, the principal business of the session, was the election of Governor Charles H. Dietrich, and Joseph H. Millard of Omaha for United States senators. The contest con- tinued from January 15th to March 28th, in- clusive, the election occurring on the fifty- fourth ballot, the successful candidates re- ceiving all of the seventy republican votes. David E. Thompson of Lancaster county, afterwarcfambassador from the United States to Mexico, was apparently the most formid- able candidate through the greater part of the contest. March 20th, his vote rose from a range of about 36 to 56, after an alleged cau- cus. He reached his highest vote, 59 — six short of success — • March 22d and March 26th, and withdrew March 2Sth. Though un- able to gain the prize himself, he had strength enough to dictate the election of the two suc- cessful candidates. William V. Allen, incum- bent, started in with 57 votes, as a candidate to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Senator Hayward ; and W. H. Thompson, candidate for the full term, received 58 votes. On the second ballot, Gilbert M. Hitchcock had 57 votes, Allen 57. Allen received a high vote all through the contest but his highest was the same as Thompson's -^59 — lacking six of election. On the last ballot Allen had 58 votes. W. H. Thompson, 52, Hitchcock, 8. Edward Rosewater received from 14 to 16 votes most of the time ; and from the forty- seventh to the fifty-third ballots from 29 to 32, the last being his highest number. Dietrich was chosen for Hayward's unexpired term. It was strenuously alleged that David E. Thompson at a critical time during the contest made a bargain with the fusionists for enough votes to secure his election. The alleged for- mal agreement to that end was published in the newspapers, and many affidavits and less for- mal assertions were made by members of the legislature that they knew that the signature of Mr. Thompson to the compact was genuine. While this alleged agreement did violence to the code of party fealty then in vogue, yet such of the concessions as were not innocuous and therefore inconsequential were creditably pro- gressive. The two new senators were entirely antipathetic to the reform spirit which had at last filtered through the bourbonism which had encrusted the state since its beginning. During the year 1901 both of the old parties began to comprehend that the demand for re- form legislation and especially for the aboli- tion of railroad passes was in earnest if not in a revolutionarv temper. In the democratic convention of that year the resolutions com- mittee refused to report a declaration against 642 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA the use of railroad passes by officeholders, of- ferred by Edgar Howard of Platte county, but when he included newspaper passes the bob- tail concession to reform was accepted. The republicans dodged this issue but right- eously faced another more pressing. Joseph S. Hartley, state treasurer, 1893-1897, embez- zled $555,790.66 of the state funds, for which he was sentenced to twenty years in the peni- tentiary and a fine of $303,768.90. Ezra P. Savage, lieutenant-governor, having succeeded Governor Dietrich when he became United States senator, paroled Hartley for sixty days. The republican state convention, August 28, 1901, by a vote of 998 to 165, demanded the recall of the parole which would have expired September 13th. Savage contended in the con- vention that Bartley, if let alone, would restore the amount for whose loss he was responsible, estimated at $325,000 ; and Charles O. Whedon pleaded, in palliation, that when Bartley went out of office he left to his successor $1,042,000 and added large sums afterward, some on the day of his arrest. The convention hissed the delegates from Lancaster county when they voted against the resolution. Edward Rose- water and Addison E. Cady spoke strongly for it. Nevertheless, on the 21st of the following December, Savage commuted Hartley's sen- tence to five years, seven months, and eight days, thereby stirring up hot public indigna- tion. There was and remains strong suspicion that over thirty thousand dollars was spent to procure this pardon. It is circumstantially related that Governor Poynter was corruptly approached for the same purpose. Governor Mickey declared in his annual message of 1907 that, "the people were robbed of this immense sum which had been exacted from them, to run the government, in limes of financial distress." The liability of Hartley's bondsmen and others involved in his transactions was safely lost in the mazes of the court. The easy sailing for the rejniblicans contin- ued in 1904. Governor Mickey was reelected governor, receiving 111,711 votes to 102,568 cast for George W. Berge, fusionist. The re- publican convention this year made an initia- tive step toward the voluntary submission of the choice of United States senators to the people, which was formally adopted by the so-called Oregon pledge law enacted by the legislature of 1909. Mr. Hurkett's election was unanimously recommended by the conven- tion of the year in question. This was the high tide year of republicanism. The opposi- tion could not claim a single member of the senate elected that year, and in the house there were ninety-one rejuiblican members to nine fusionists. Of the forlorn band of fusionists two came from Richardson county, one from Platte, two from Butler, one from Polk, one from Holt, one from Custer and Logan. W. H. Jennings of Thayer was temporary presi- dent of the senate and George L. Rouse of Hall, speaker of the house. Theretofore con- servative if not reactionist, the old party was fast catching the revolutionary reform spirit from President Roosevelt ; and for the first time, in Nebraska, it set about resolutely to pass vital reform legislation, or to try to do so ; but efTective regeneration could not be as- similated at a single sitting, and so the real work was postponed to the following session of 1907. In their convention — September 14, 1905 — republicans declared in favor of primary elections for all public offices and that, "We believe that the giving of free transporta- tion upon railways is detrimental to the inter- ests of the people and recommend that a law be enacted by the legislature of this state to prohibit it." George L. Sheldon's positive stand for those reform measures brought him the governorship the next year. The demo- crats, at their convention, September 20th, also first definitively committed themselves to the vital reform measures. They declared in favor of a general primary election system, of the initiative and referendum, and demanded that members of the legislature and judges must give up all railroad passes. Judge \Villiam G. Hastings, whom the convention nominated for judge of the supreme court, introduced a reso- lution demanding the passing of a law making it a criminal oifense to give or accept free transportation e.xcept in case of bona fide em- ployees and genuine cases of charity, and it passed with one negative vote — that of Glo- CONVERSION TO POPULISM 643 ver of Hamilton county, who thought the in- hibition an infringement on individual rights. This declaration — Mr. Bryan's contribution — was passed without dissent : "We denounce the acceptance of the Rockefeller gift by the regents of the university, and demand the with- drawal and the return to Mr. Rockefeller of any money that may have been received from him." But public opinion remained too sor- did to appreciate or appraise the moral value of this sentiment. The money — $66,000 — was accepted and the building stands as a moiuiment to the still lurking Machiavellianism of public moral sentiment, namely, that the end justifies the means. Perhaps the Univer- sity, in its great need for better housing, has been a material gainer by accepting this gift from funds which the people, owners and sponsors of the institution, hotly declared had been taken from them by the most piratical and unlawful methods. The least that can be said about this bewildering puzzle in ethics is that thousands of the staunchest friends and enforced supporters of the University have been stung to the quick by this, as it seems to them, venal lapse from common moral prin- ciple and will go on believing that the Univer- sity is a loser by such methods in both the ma- terial and spiritual aspect. There were only fifty delegates from twenty- three counties in the populist convention this )'ear, and the democrats conceded them only one candidate — for regent — • upon the state ticket. Charles B. Letton, republican, was elected judge of the supreme court over his fusion competitor, William G. Hastings, by a vote of 96,167 to 72,949, and the two repub- lican candidates for regent of the University were elected by approximately the same ma- jority. The contrast between what was said and what was not said by the republican conven- tion of 1904 and its declarations of thr; next year are comical if taken seriously at all. In 1904 the vital state questions were not refer- red to, while the convention sorrowed over the loss of "another gifted and beloved leader. Senator Marcus A. Hanna" ; and it recom- mended John L. Webster, who continues to pride himself on his arch-standpatism, as a candidate for vice president. A florid puft for the insurgent President Roosevelt added variety to the peculiar mixture. The culmi- nation and positive expression of anti-pass sen- timent in 1905 precipitated an epidemic of re- form hysteria among the politicians. The more susceptible of the state officials vied with one another, not only in giving up the until now cherished tokens of railroad favor but in doing it in the most ostentatious manner. Those of us who had witnessed the periodical religious revivals in our earlier country settlements were struck with the similarity of the emotional manifestation. In the height of the excitement in those revival meetings, women would not infrequently tear brooches from their breasts and rings from their ears and disdainfully throw them upon the floor — usually, however, to be restored on the restoration of nonnal temper. But the sacrifices of the religious neophytes were at least sincere. The new awakening naturally culminated — at a convention held in Lincoln, August 22, 1906 — in the nomination by the republicans of George L. Sheldon of Cass county, for governor on the second ballot, the several standpat aspirants receiving but slender sup- port. The declarations of the platform were consistent with the well known views of the candidate and were direct and unequivocal. They censured the Burlington & Missouri and Union Pacific railroads for having refused to accept the valuation of their property by the state board of equalization ; demanded that the next legislature should enact a direct pri- mary law for the nomination of all state, county, and district officers, including United States senators and members of the lower house of the federal Congress, favoring in the meantime the nomination of United States sen- ators by state conventions : demanded an amendment of the federal constitution pro- viding for the popular election of United States senators; demanded the passage of a stringent anti-pass law by the next legislature ; favored and approved the proposed amend- ment for an elective railroad commission and declared that if it should not be adopted at the 644 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA election the legislature must pass laws to give the state the same advantages as Congress had already given the nation under the "railroad rate bill" ; declared in favor of the taxation of railroad property within cities and villages the same as other property for municipal purposes ; and favored the passage of an equitable com- pensation act for employees of corporations. The convention praised the fight by state of- ficers against conspiring trusts — the net re- sult of which was to promote Attorney-Gen- eral Norris Brown to a United States senator- ship. The dramatic feature of this convention was the appearance and defeat of Edward Rose- water for the United States senatorshij) to which he had long aspired. On the first bal- lot the vote was 401 for Norris Brown of Buf- falo : 273^/2 for Rosewater. The remaining 1535-j were divided among four other candi- dates, 463/4 going to Joseph H. Millard, the outgoing senator. Rrown was nominated on the si.xth ballot with 433 votes against 291 J/ for Rosewater. Air. Rosewater's highest vote was 3063;<^ — on the fifth ballot. The whilom doughty editor's speech at the close of the con- test impressed the listeners as a premonitory farewell. He died suddenly in the Bcc build- ing August 30th, but a week and a day after the curtain had been drawn in the convention over his political aspirations. Air. Rosewater may fairly be called the Joseph Pulitzer of Ne- braska journalism, though the New Yorker was distinguished by genius in his profession where the Nebraskan was limited to great tal- ent. They were alike in the characteristics of independence, progressiveness, and relentless pursuit of their journalistic quarry, to slight extent respecters of persons. While the Bee did very effective constructive work in the building of Nebraska, its most important field of influence, perhaps, was unhorsing political grafters and exposing administrative corrup- tion and other abuses. To have established a dominant newspaper, such as the Bee, upon original and persistent insurgency, anticipated full thirty years, was a great achievement. The democratic convention nominated Ash- ton C. Shallenberger of Harlan countv for governor upon the first ballot, George W. Berge of Lancaster county being his principal competitor. The resolutions adopted by the convention promised that if the democrats should get into power they would enact a stringent anti-pass law ; taunted republicans upon their neglect to enforce the law of 1897 which in effect prohibited the issue of railroad passes to officeholders and delegates to con- ventions ; denounced the last republican legis- lature for defeating the anti-pass law ; and de- clared themselves in favor of enacting a maxi- mum two-cent passenger bill. The discriminating public, however, was in- clined to look backwards a few years to the neglect of the fusionists themselves, when they were in power, to keep their positive and implied pledges for reform. Now that the republicans had manifested complete conver- sion to a progressive program, they reaped the advantage of their normal majority in the state. Sheldon, for governor, received 97,- 858 votes to 84,885 cast for Ashton C. Shallen- berger, democrat, who was the nominee of the people's independent party as well as of his own. Harry T. Sutton, prohibitionist, re- ceived 5.106 votes, and Elisha Taylor, socialist, 2,999. The preferential vote for candidates for the United States senatorship was taken in earnest this year, Norris Brown, republican, receiving 98,374 votes to 83,851 for William H. Thompson, his democratic opponent. The republican candidates for member of Congress were successful in five of the six districts ; Gil- bert M. Hitchcock of the second district being the only successful fusion aspirant. Ernest AI. Pollard was elected in the first district, J. F. Boyd in the third, Edmund H. Hinshaw in the fourth, George W. Norris in the fifth, and Aloses P. Kinkaid in the sixth. The proposed amendment providing for an elective railway commission was carried by the overwhelming vote of 147,472 to 8,896, and three republi- can railroad commissioners were chosen at the same election. The republican candidates for membership of the legislature were also overwhelmingly successful. The senate contained twenty- eight republicans, three people's independent PARTY ROTATION 645 and two democrats ; the house, sixty-nine re- publicans, twenty-six people's independent and five democrats. The legislature kept the plat- form pledges of the party with remarkable fidelity. Among the progressive laws which it enacted are a railroad employers' liability act ; a general primary election law ; an act revising the pure food law ; an anti-lobbying law : a sweeping anti-pass law ; a law fixing two cents as the maximum rate for passenger travel ; a law providing for the issue of rail- road mileage books and a terminal railroad taxation law. This unique body in its reform enthusiasm kept the pledge of the democrats also in the passage of the most radical, if not the most important measure of the session, the two-cent rate bill. The liquor question, which had been almost dormant, politically, for many years, was probably precipitated by an act prohibiting brewers from holding any interest in saloons. It passed the senate by a vote of 25 to 4 and the house by 67 to 21. The two-cent passen- ger rate bill passed the house without opposi- tion, receiving 90 affirmative votes, and the senate by 27 to 4. Burns of Lancaster countV; Glover of Custer, Gould of Greeley, and Hanna of Cherry, all republicans, were the four opponents of this measure. A bill was also passed making a flat reduction of fifteen, per cent in freight rates. Both the passenger and freight enactments are still in force al- though their validity is being tested in the courts. The first general primary election in the state was held September 3, 1907. At this election Manoah B. Reese, republican, of Lan- caster county, was nominated for judge of the supreme court, receiving 30,111 votes against 22,757 cast for his competitor, Samuel H. Sedgwick of York county. George L. Loomis of Dodge county received the democratic and people's independent nomination for the judge- ship. The republicans elected their ticket, which included, also, a railroad commissioner and two regents of the University. Judge Reese received 102,387 votes ; Judge Loomis, 77,981. Under the new primary act state con- ventions of the several parties were author- ized to be held in Lincoln, on the fourth Tues- day of September of each year, for the pur- pose of adopting platforms and for conducting the business of the party organizations. These conventions were first held Septetnber 24. 1907. The democratic convention of 1908 for choosing delegates to the national convention instructed the delegates to vote for the nomi- nation of William J. Bryan for president ; and the people's independent convention was a side-show in this respect. The republican con- vention was friendly to the nomination of Taft but the delegates were not instructed. At the election of 1908 there was a friendly feeling toward the candidacy of Mr. Bryan and he carried the state, receiving a very complimen- tary majority. The maximum vote for demo- cratic electors was 131,099; for republican electors, 126,997. The highest vote for a pro- hilaition candidate was 5,179; for a socialist candidate, 3,524. Three influences contributed to the election of Shallenberger over Sheldon and by a larger majority than that received by I\Ir. Bryan The state ticket was the beneficiary of the friendliness toward the home candidate for the presidency ; Governor Shallenberger was an exceedingly virile and taking campaigner, greatly excelling his competitor in this re- spect ; and the liquor interests apparently fa- vored somewhat the democratic state ticket. Shallenberger received 132,960 votes against 125,976 for Sheldon; and W. H. Cowgill. democrat, was elected railroad commissioner over J. A. Williams, the republican incumbent ; John A. JMaguire, democratic candidate for member of Congress in the first district, de- feated Ernest M. Pollard, the republican in- cumbent : Gilbert M. Hitchcock, democrat, was reelected in the second district ; James F. Latta, democrat, was elected in the third dis- trict. The republican candidates were suc- cessful in the other three districts, though in the fourth district, C. F. Gilbert, democrat, w^as defeated by Hinshaw, the republican incum- bent, by the narrow margin of 21,819 to 22,674 and F. W. Ashton was defeated by George W. Norris in the fifth district by the still narrower margin of 20,627 to 20.649. The two amend- 646 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ments to the constitution increasing the num- ber of judges of the supreme court from three to seven and their salaries from $2,500 to $4,500 ; and enlarging the field for the invest- ment of state educational funds so as to include registered school district bonds of this state and "such other securities as the legislature may from time to time direct," were both adopted — the first by 214,218 to 16,271; the second by 213,000 to 14,395. The 'democrats also controlled the legislature : having nineteen members of the senate against thirteen repub- licans and one people's independent, and sixty- five members of the house against thirty-one republicans, two people's independents, and two fusionists. Though the republicans appar- ently left the democrats nothing to conquer in the world of reform they discovered and ap- propriated several important measures. The twenty-third legislature met in the thirty-first session, the twenty-first regular session, Janu- ary 5, 1909, and finally adjourned April 1st of that year — the sixty-fifth day. George W. Tibbets, democrat, of Adams county, was elected temporary president of the senate, and Charles W. Pool, democrat, of Johnson county, speaker of the house. The most notable enactment of the session was that requiring all saloons in the state to be closed from eight o'clock in the evening un- til seven in the morning. This was the first amendment of great importance to the Slocumb license law, which had been in force ever since 1881 ; and it broke like a thunderbolt upon the saloon interests. It grew out of a compara- tively unimportant and innocent bill (S. F. 283), introduced by Senator Wiltse, republi- can, which merely required the closing of sa- loons on primary election days. Other notable enactments of the session were a bank guaranty law, patterned after that which had become notorious in Oklahoma ; a corporation occupation tax ; an amendment of the closed primary law permitting voters to re- ceive and cast ballots at the primary elections without requiring from them any declaration as to their party affiliations, past, present, or future, commonly known as the open primary ; a fire commission, a suiiplement to fire insur- ance ; a law providing that judicial and edu- cational officers should be elected without any partisan distinction. Unfortunately the su- preme court found it necessary to annul this very desirable measure because of a technical defect in its form. As has already been shown, the people had found the way to vir- tually choose United States senators by their own popular vote, but this legislature put the new departure into better form by passing what is known as the Oregon pledge law, which per- mits candidates at the primaries for member- ship in the legislature to pledge the public that in case they shall be elected they will vote for that candidate for the United States senator- ship who receives the highest vote for that of- fice at the general election next preceding the election by the legislature. In the campaign of 1910 all normal calcu- lations were upset by the injection of the pro- hibition question and the invasion of the demo- cratic ticket by large numbers of republicans through the opportunity ofl^ered by the open primary law which had been passed at the late session of the legislature. While Governor Shallenberger had incurred the bitter hostility of the extreme liquor interests by signing the eight o'clock closing law and, naturally, in the circumstances, had not recouped from the strong partisans of prohibition or county op- tion, yet his administration had been so virile and his personality in general so taking, that his renomination and reelection were gen- erally conceded by politicians. But the ag- gressive pro-saloon republicans, to the num- ber of about 15,000, voted for James C. Dahl- man, the democratic mayor of Omaha, and he was nominated over Shallenberger by the nar- row margin of 27,591 to 27,287. If the gov- ernor had stood firmly on his well-known op- position to county ojition, be would have been renominated. His announcement to the democratic convention that he would sign a county option bill, if one should be passed, was bad politics as well as bad statesmanship. Chester H. Aldrich, a radical partisan of county option, was nominated by the republi- cans. At the same primary Elmer J. Burkett was nominated by the republicans to succeed PARTY ROTATION 647 himself as United States senator, and Gilbert M. Hitchcock of Douglas county, was nom- inated by the democrats. The conventions of the democratic and re- publican parties for 1910, held according to the primary election law on the 26th of July, were unusually exciting, the temporary per- turbation of the democrats amounting to tur- bulence. Their convention was held at Grand Island, and W. J. Bryan started the trouble by an aggressive advocacy of a county option plank as follows : "We favor county option as the best method of dealing with the liquor question." The extreme or Dahlman element ofifered the following plank : "We favor lo- cal option as now provided by law but are op- posed to county option." The Bryan plank was rejected by the overwhelming vote of 647 to 198 and the Dahlman plank by 638 to 202. The plank proposed by the majority of the resolutions committee was adopted without division : "We oppose county option and making any other plan of dealing with the liquor traffic a question of party creed. We favor strict enforcement of the present law, and any change therein should be made only by direct vote. W^e do not believe that good government and good morals are best sub- served by dividing the people into hostile camps on strictly moral questions." This was a palpable evasion of a question upon which the public mind had sharply divided, and it was verbose at that. A plank endorsing the eight o'clock closing law was adopted by a vote of 710 to 163. Bryan invited another defeat by seeking to amend a motion by Gil- bert M. Hitchcock providing that amendments to the platform should only be considered through the media of majority or minority reports. The proposed amendment was de- feated by 465 to 394. This was the first de- feat that Mr. Bryan had suffered in a demo- cratic convention in Nebraska since his spec- tacular fight against the gold democrats in the convention of 1893. Republicans saw in wooing the increasing prohibition sentiment the only opportunity of defeating Governor Shallenberger, whose re- nomination was expected as a matter of course; and so at their convention, held in Lincoln, they adopted a county option plank. The minority of the resolutions committee, led by John L. Webster of Omaha, sought to evade the issue by declaring that a question within the purview of the police power had no place in a political platform, but the flat declaration for county option was preferred to this compromise by a vote of 558 to 276. This convention was thoroughly insurgent in spirit and action. Even the long scorned "populistic" initiative and referendum, though rejected by the resolutions committee, was taken up by the convention and adopted by the decisive vote of 524 to 289. A resolution offered from the floor by Congressman George W. Norris, denouncing Cannonism and ap- proving the insurgent movement in and out of Congress, was also carried by a decisive ma- jority. Thus democrats and republicans vied with one another in espousing radically pro- gressive measures while each party was sharp- ly divided on the prohibition question. There was much bad logic wasted in both conventions in attempting to differentiate pro- hibition, which for the time was called county option, as a moral question. Mr. Bryan, es- pecially, emphasized this contention in a spe- cious declaration that the question being moral was therefore one of right or wrong and there- fore he must be for prohibition because that was right and nobody could afford to be wrong. Many thoughful and disinterested people regard the question of license or pro- hibition as one of expediency to be decided upon one's best judgment as to which plan would more satisfactorily deal with the ad- mitted evils of the liquor traffice. The op- pression of the trusts and of the beneficiaries of the tariff is no less immoral than the evils growing out of the liquor traffic ; and, by a like facile assumption that they are moral is- sues, they, too, might be taken out of their proper arena of politics. Mr. Bryan declared that "The people of Lincoln are so well - pleased with having closed its saloons that they will not be terri- fied into opening them again by threats of the removal of the state capital." Nevertheless, 648 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA within a few months, the people of Lincohi, confronted by a removalist legislature, were so terrified at the menace, that the procurement of liquor was facilitated to the uttermost, and on the very heels of the terror — which abated only with final adjournment of the leg- islature — they voted saloons in again by a decisive majority. The result of the election indicated a pre- ponderance of public opinion in the state against prohibition — particularly spreading prohibition through the medium of county op- tion in contradistinction to the usual plan of municipal option. The attitude of James C. Dahlman toward the liquor question was so fantastically unmoral as to make him an un- available candidate, and his defeat was there- fore inevitable. Aldrich, republican county optionist, received 123,070 votes ; Dahlman, 107,760. The rest of the republican state ticket was also elected, though by much smal- ler majorities than that of Aldrich. Charles W. Pool, democratic candidate for secretary of state, for example, received 111,137 votes against 111,229 cast for his competitor, Addi- son Wait, (nlbert M. Hitchcock, democratic candidate for United States senator, received 122,517 votes against 102,861 cast for Burk- ett, republican. The democrats gained both houses of the legislature, having fifty-four members of the house to forty-five republicans and one peojjle's independent ; and nineteen senators against fourteen republican. The republicans, in the circumstances, had every- thing to gain, temporarily, and nothing to lose by risking their chances upon the throw of the ]5rohibition die. Mr. Bryan won noth- ing in the contest except the defeat of Dahl- man, his long time friend and party lieuten- ant ; and since there was no increasing menace of the saloon interests, while on the contrary they had received in the shaj)e of the eight o'clock closing law in the very last legislature, their most damaging blow since the passage of the Slocumb law in 1881, there was no plausible call for a sudden or radical change of attitude toward them. It seems that ]\Ir. Bryan's sudden hostility may be attributed to complex impulses : to a mistake in local politi- cal diagnosis ; to resentment against the liquor interests which he thought had opposed his candidacy in 1908 and whom he hoped, by a virtual alliance with the republicans, to pun- ish by the infliction of county option — near prohibition ; and to a feeling that his relations toward the democratic party would now per- mit him to pursue a natural temperamental bent or predilection. Air. Bryan is, preeminently, an evangelist. His greatest work, in the political, and the more extended sociological field, has been done in the role of an exhorter of the religiously moral type. It is likely, therefore, that he has long felt that the saloon as an institution is fundamentally a wrong which ought to be out- lawed as a matter of course. So long as he was the titular leader, or strove to be the real leader of a great national party, it would have been disastrous, alike to himself and the party, for him to espouse prohibition. So long as that relationship endured true statesmanship forbade such a course on his part. Had his personal bent become paramount in 1910, as against party leadership, or did he believe that national party success lay in prohil)ition? ^^'hile for many years Dahlman hatl been very useful to Bryan, his own influence and patron- age had given this favorite the principal basis for his political distinction and the prestige which put him into the important office of mayor of (Jmaha. Kepul)lican enthusiasm for the paramount "moral" issue of county option was so rushing and so gushing that it spent its force within a single year, and liy discreetly drop])ing it the backslid converts were able to win a norma! victory at the election of 1911. The twenty-fourth legislature met in the thirty-second session — the twentv-second regular session — January 3, 1911, and finally adjourned April 6th of that year — the sixty- seventh day. The house of representatives comprised fifty-five democrats and populists and forty-five republicans. Only one mem- ber, Frank Dolezal of Saunders county, regis- tered as "people's independent," but seven registered as democrats and independents — a distinction now without an appreciable differ- ence. There were forty-seven "admitted" democrats in that body. John Kuhl, demo- crat, of Pierce county, was speaker. The sen- PARTY ROTATION 649 ate comprised nineteen democrats and four- teen republicans. John H. Morehead of Richardson county, democrat, was temporary president. In point of economy the pubHc is a great gainer by the present method of virtually choosing United States senators at the polls, leaving to the legislature the formal constitu- tional duty of ratifying the popular choice. In the senate all of the democrats and all of the republicans but one voted for Gilbert M. Hitchcock according to the decsion of the ])eople at the general election of 1910. In the house the vote was not so nearly unanimous, though Hitchcock received 87 votes to 10 cast for Elmer J. Burkett, his republican oppo- nent at the election. Two questions, the one largely growing out of the other, excited and kept up a lively interest during this session until they were settled. A county option license bill ( H. R. 392) was defeated in the house by a vote of 50 to 48 — not a consti- tutional majority. The fifty affirmative votes were cast by forty republicans and ten demo- crats : the forty-eight negative votes by forty- two democrats, one people's independent, five republicans. A similar bill introduced in the senate (S. F. 118) was defeated by the close vote of 16 to 17. Of the sixteen senators voting aye thirteen were republican and three were democrats. All those voting nay were democrats except one — Bartling, of Otoe county. The great activity of republican leaders in Lancaster county in favor of county option, coupled with the fact that Lincoln had voted to abolish saloons, aroused the hostility throughout the state of the positive partisans of the saloons, and the people of various lo- calities took advantage of this animosity to build up a formidable sentiment in favor of removing the capital from Lincoln. A bill (H. R. 246) providing for the removal of the capital was ordered to be engrossed for third reading in committee of the whole, but it failed of final passage in the house by a vote of 38 to 58. Another bill of the same nature (H. R. 382) was amended in the committee of the whole so as to provide that any city or village might become an aspirant for the capi- tal at an election to remove it, under regula- tions prescribed by the bill. This change de feated the scheme of the removalists whose hope was based upon first carrying a simple proposition to remove the capital, thus exclud- ing Lincoln from the resulting contest between the aspirants. A motion to not concur in the report of the committee of the whole was de- feated by a vote of 18 to 58. The bill was abandoned at this stage, thus ending what in the earlier part of the session appeared to be a formidable movement. This legislature was also fairly entitled to be called progressive, as shown by a consid- erable number of enactments along lines of modern growth. After a long contest stock yards were placed under the control of the state railway commission with power to regu- late the service and charges of all kinds, a notable advance along the line of corporation control. A bill was passed authorizing all cities with a population of 5,000 or upwards to adopt the commission plan of government. The form prescribed is similar to the so-called Des Moines plan. This plan is not the best of its class, but a proposed amendment to the constitution permitting municipalities with a population of 5,000 to make their own char- ters will give a proper opportunity for the adoption of the most approved forms. One of the most important acts of the session was the passage of a joint resolution submitting an amendment to the constitution giving the people power to enact laws directly and to re- ject objectionable acts of the legislature. The rules under which the power may be invoked are calculated to check the excessive and in- considerate use of the initiative and referen- dum which has resulted in other states where the principle has been adopted. In the election of 1910 Chester H. Aldrich was elected governor over James Dahlman. Mr. Aldrich had been a member of the fa- mous legislative session of 1907 and identified with many reform measures, but the demo- crats had a majority in both houses of the legislature of 1911. Mr. Aldrich was there- fore restrained from placing a progressive re- publican program before the people. How- ever, the session was distinguished by two 650 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA bills in particular ; one, as mentioned on the preceding page, placed the stockyards under the control of the railway commission. This was largely due to the fine brand of gen- eralship displayed by Senator J. A. Ollis of Valley county. The senate was closely di- vided on the "wet" and "dry" issue; Senator Ollis, with two or three "dry" democratic colleagues, joined the "dry" republicans and succeeded in gaining some control in the sen- ate. The second measure of unusual impor- tance was a one-mill levy for the extension of the University which, through a period of suc- cessful years, had outgrown its quarters and progressive extension became important. The question of the removal of the University from the city to the farm campus was sub- mitted to the people through a referendum and lost. In the campaign of 1912 the republican party was badly shattered by the stand of Theodore Roosevelt against the regular party nominee of the Chicago convention. Mr. Roosevelt had been instrumental in securing the election of William Howard Taft to the presiraska, opened Sep- tember 2, 33 miles ; Nemaha to Salem, Ne- braska, opened December 20, 18 miles ; Kene- saw to Holdrege, Nebraska, opened Novem- ber 15, 40 miles. In 1883 the C, B. & Q. purchased the stock of the Hannibal & St. Joseph railroad com- pany and took possession of the road on May 1, 1883. At that date the mileage was: Han- nibal to St. Joseph, opened February 15, 1859, 206 miles ; Quincy to Palmyra, Missouri, opened April 1, 1860, 13 miles; Cameron to Missouri river, opposite Kansas City, opened November 30, 1867, 54 miles ; Kansas City bridge, opened July 3, 1869. The H. & St. j. R. R. Co. was incorporated February 16, 1847, and after the usual financial difficulties and reverses finally secured aid from the state in land and bonds and was completed as above. The bonds issued by the state were repaid by the company. In 1884 branches and extensions were built : Chester to Hebron, Nebraska, opened January 3, 12 miles ; De \\' itt to Tobias, Ne- braska, opened May 1, 24 miles; Holdrege to Oxford, Nebraska, opened August 4, 20 miles ; Aurora to Grand Island, Nebraska, opened June 8, 18 miles ; Odell, Nebraska, to Con- cordia, Kansas, opened August 24, 70 miles. The Chicago, Burlington & Kansas City railway was extended from Sumner to Bo- gard, 21 miles, opened October 17, 1884. In 1885 branches and extensions were built : Fontanelle to Cumberland, Iowa, opened Au- gust 5, 20 miles ; Holdrege to Elwood, Ne- braska, opened August 12, 28 miles ; Repub- lican, Nebraska, to Oberlin, Kansas, opened October 12, 78 miles. The Chicago, Burlington & Kansas City railway was extended from Bogard to Carroll- ton, Missouri, 7 miles, opened June 23, 1885, and the St. Joseph & Des Moines railroad, 49 miles, was changed from narrow, to standard gauge and leased to the C, B. & Q. In 1886 branches and extensions were built: Galesburg to Rio, Illinois, opened October 31, 12 miles ; Tobias to Holdrege, Nebraska, opened December 26, 113 miles; Elwood to Curtis, Nebraska, opened October 6, 44 miles ; Fairmont to Hebron, Nebraska, opened De- cember 6, 33 miles ; Edgar to Superior, Ne- braska, opened August 4, 26 miles ; Grand Island to Anselmo, Nebraska, opened Septem- ber 13, 101 miles: Aurora to Hastings, Ne- braska, opened September 13, 28 miles. In 1887 branches and extensions were built : ( )maha to Ashland, Nebraska, opened Janu- arv 3, 25 miles ; Anselmo to Whitman, Ne- braska, opened May 30, 99 miles; Curtis, Ne- braska, to Cheyenne, Wyoming, opened De- HISTORY OF RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION 681 cember 11, 263 miles; Central City to Greeley, Nebraska, opened August 15, 44 miles; Gree- ley to Burwell, Nebraska, opened December 15, 41 miles; Palmer to Arcadia, Nebraska, opened October 31, 54 miles; Ashland to Schuyler, Nebraska, opened October 24, 51 miles ; Orleans, Nebraska, to Blakeman, Kan- sas, opened November 13, 95 miles. In 1887 the C, B. & Q. purchased the se- curities of the Denver, Utah & Pacific rail- road company, a narrow gauge road from Denver to Lyons, Colorado, with two short branches, aggregating about 49 miles of road, which had l)een built from 1881 to 1885. It was, however, operated independently and was not inckided in the mileage of the C, B. & Q. until 1889, when it was changed to standard gauge. In 1888 branches and extensions were built : Streator to Walnut, Illinois, opened June 1, 59 miles ; Whitman to Alliance, Nebraska opened February 3, 69 miles ; Greeley Center to Ericson, Nebraska, opened May 7, 19 miles ; Blakeman to St. Francis, Kansas, opened July 8, 39 miles. In 1889 branches and extensions were Ijuilt ; Alliance, Nebraska, to Cambria, Wyoming, opened December 1, 162 miles; Culbertson to Beverly, Nebraska, opened November 1, 10 miles ; Denver to Lyons, Colorado, changed to standard gauge and leased to C, B. & O. September 1, 1889, 41 miles. In 1890 branches and extensions were built : Newcastle to Merino, Wyoming, opened Au- gust 5, 30 miles ; Edgemont to Hill City, South Dakota, opened Novemlier 4, 60 miles. In 1890 the C, B. & Q. began an extension of the St. Louis, Keokuk & Northwestern railroad from old Monroe, on the main line to St. Peters, to St. Louis. This extension was 48 miles in length and included a double track steel bridge across the Missouri river at Bellefontaine Bluffs. It was opened on March 4, 1894. In 1890 the C, B. & Q. purchased the stock of the Chicago, Burlington & Northern railroad company, which had been built in 1885 and 1886 from Oregon, Illinois, to St. Paul, Minnesota, and from Fulton to Savan- na, Illinois. The mileage owned is : Oregon, Illinois, to St. Paul, 332 miles ; Fulton to Sa- vanna, Illinois, 17 miles; Galena Junction to Galena, Illinois, 4 miles ; and also short branches to Dubuque, Iowa, and Winona, Minnesota, aggregating 2 miles. In 1891 branches and extensions were built: Beverly to Palisade, Nebraska, opened December 22, 8 miles ; Merino to Gillette, Wyoming, opened August 12, 48 miles ; Hill City to Deadwood, South Dakota, opened January- 28, 46 miles ; Minnekata to Hot Springs, South Dakota, opened July 3, 13 miles. In 1892 the Chicago & Iowa railroad, which had for some years been controlled by the C, B. & Q. through its ownership of the C. & I. securities, was under date of January 1, 1892, leased to the C, B. & Q. The road was from Aurora to Forreston, Illinois, and from Flag Center to Rockford, Illinois, 23 miles. In 1892 branches and extensions were built : Palisade to Imperial, Nebraska, opened Au- rust 15, 31 miles ; Gillette to Sheridan, Wyom- ing, opened November 26, 101 miles. In 1893 branches and extensions were built : Englewood to Spearfish, South Dakota, opened December 11, 32 miles; Sheridan to Alger,. Wyoming, opened July 14, 7 miles. In 1894 an extension was built from Alger, Wyoming, to Billings, Montana, opened Oc- tober 28, 122 miles. Under date of May 1, 1896, the C, B. & Q. leased the Humeston & Shenandoah railroad from Van Wert to Shenandoah, Iowa, 112 miles, which had heretofore been owned jointly by the C, B., & Q. and \\'abash com- panies. In 1899 branches and extensions were built : Grant City to Albany, Missouri, opened No- vember 6, 20 miles ; Arcadia to Sargent, Ne- braska, opened October 31, 19 miles. In 1899 the C. B. & Q. purchased all the securities of the Keokuk & Western railroad company and took possession of the propertv on May 1, 1899. The road extended from Alexandria, I^Iissouri, to \'an \\'ert, Iowa, 143 miles, completed in 1880. and from Des Aloines, Iowa, to Cainsville. Missouri, 110 miles, completed in 1884. In 1899 the C, B. & Q. purchased the se- 682 HISTORY OF NEHRASKA curities of the Chicago, Fort Madison & Des Moines railroad and took possession of the road on November 1, 1899. The road is from Fort Madison to Des Moines, Iowa, 71 miles. In 1900 branches and extensions were built : iMliance. Nebraska, to Guernsey, Wyoming, opened June 11, 131 miles; Northport, Ne- braska, to Brush, Colorado, opened September 16, 113 miles; Hill City to Keystone, South Dakota, opened February 25, 9 miles. About twenty miles of this is leased from and used jointly with the Union Pacific. In 1906 a line was built from Ashton to Laketon or South Sioux City (107 miles), and in 1907 the line from Laketon to O'Neill, Ne- barska, was purchased. In 1909 a branch, 7 miles long, was built from Lincoln to Cobb Junction, Nebraska. The Chicago & Northwestern Lines. The Siou.x City & Pacific railroad company was organized August 1, 1864, in Iowa. The Northern Nebraska Air Line was organized June 7, 1867. The Sioux City & Pacific ac- (|uired the Northern Nebraska Air Line by consolidation September 15, 1868. It was built from California Junction, in Iowa, to the Missouri river and from the Missouri river near Blair, Nebraska, to Fremont, completed in February, 1869. Its Iowa organization re- ceived a small grant of lands through act of Congress, of July, 1864. It maintained a steamboat ferry at Blair in summer, aiul gen- erally, in extreme cold weather, a track on the ice across the Missouri river in winter, to the time of the comjiletion of the present Missouri X'alley & Blair railway and bridge, August 9, 1882. The Fremont, Flkhorn & Missouri \'alley railway company was organized January 20, 1869. This company never had any land grant. It commenced construction at Fre- mont, after the completion of the Sioux City & Pacific to that point in 1869. It was ex- tended in that year to Maple Creek, Nel)raska, ten miles north of Fremont. In ,1870 it was completed to West Point and in 1871 to Wis- ner, and there rested till 1879, when it was extended fifty-eight miles to (Jakdale, and in 1880 to Neligh ; also from Norfolk Junction to I'lain\iew. In 1881 the branch was ex- tended from Plainview to Creighton, ten miles, and the main line in the same year was extended from Neligh to Long Pine, about ninety-eight miles. In 1882 it was further extended from Long Pine to Thacher, fifty miles, and again in 1883 from Thacher to Valentine, six miles. The line to the military post of Niobrara, three and one-half miles north of Valentine, was con- structed and occujjied in the fall and winter of 1880-1881. At Valentine the Fremont, Elkhorn & Ivlis- souri Valley railroad rested till 1885, during which time, or before it commenced building again, the road was sold to the Chicago & North\,-estern railway company, and its fu- ture extensions were under the direction and ownership of that corporation. In 1885 it was extended to Chadron, and from Chadron to Buffalo Gap, South Dakota; in 1886 from Buffalo Gap to Rapid City, South Dakota. In September, 1886, another branch was com- pleted and opened from Fremont to Wahoo, and on October 25, 1886, the same branch was completed and opened to Lincoln. Another line was com])leted and opened De- cember 6, 1886, from Scribner to Lindsay. The next year, 1887, this line was extended through Boone, Stanton, and Madison coun- ties, to ( )akdale, the then county seat of Ante- lojie county. There it intersected and con- nected with the main line. That line was com- pleted June 13,' 1887. November 21, 1887, the Black' 11 ills line was completed and opened from Rapid City to Whitewood, South Dakota. In the same year, December 18, 1887, another line, having been constructed, was opened from Arlington to Irvington and to South Omaha, also to a junction with the C, St. P., M. & O. railway into Omaha. The same year anothfr line was built from the Fremont- Lincoln line on the west side of the Platte river to Linwood and extended from Lin- wood to (^leneva. In 1888 this line was ex- tended from Geneva to Superior and the Kan- sas state line. It was opened September 6, 1888. In 1888 the branch now known as the "Niobrara line" was extended from Creieh- HISTORY OF RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION 683 ton to Verdigris, opened September 4th. In 1S90 a line was built from Buffalo Gap to Hot Springs, South Dakota, and one from White- wood to Deadwood, both opened December 29, 1890. In 1891 extensions into Deadwood were made, also, to Bald Mountain, some twenty or thirty miles of narrow gauge moun- tain line. In 1886 another line was constructed from the main line in Dawes county, from a point called Dakota Junction, to the Wyoming state line, and extended thence, under the name of the Wyoming Central railroad company, from the state line to Douglas, Wyoming, opened September 1st. November 21, 1887, the Wyoming Central was completed and opened from Douglas to Glen Rock, and in 1S88 from Glen Rock to Casper, Wyoming. In 1901-1902 the Fremont, Elkhorn «& Missouri Valley com- pany built a line from Deadwood to Lead, standard (and by a third rail, narrow) gauge road. In 1901 and 1902 it constructed an ex- tension of the "Niobrara line" from Verdigris to Niobrara, on the Missouri river, near the mouth of the Niobrara river, into Boyd county, thence following the course of the Ponca creek northwesterly through Boyd county to the South Dakota line, and into Gregory county to Bonesteel. Missouri Pacific Lines. The roads operated at present under that name in the state of Nebraska were originally constructed by the Missouri Pacific railway company of Ne- braska. The line extending from the south- ern boundary of the state to Papillion was completed July 1, 1882; Sarpy county exten- sion of the iMissouri Pacific railway, extend- ing from Papillion Junction to the Sarpy county line, completed December 1, 1886; Omaha Belt railway, from Sarpy county line to Omaha, completed December 1. 1886; Lincoln branch of the Missouri Pacific railway, from Lincoln Junction, near Weeping Water, to Lincoln, completed August 25, 1886; Ne- braska .Southern railway, Auburn Junction to Nebraska City, completed August 28, 1887 ; Nebraska City extension of the Missouri Pa- cific railway, Nebraska City to Weeping Water Tunction. completed August 28, 1887; Crete branch of the Missouri Pacific railway, ex- tending from Talmage to Crete, completed November 1, 1888. The Kansas City North- western line only extends practically from Simimerfield to Virginia, within the state of Nebraska, and that portion of the Pacific railway in Nebraska between Superior and Prosser is all there is of that railroad in Ne- braska. The Missouri Pacific railway in Nebraska was constructed under the direction of Mr. Jay Gould and Mr. H. M. Hoxie, president and vice president, respectively, of the parent corporation, the Missouri Pacific railway com- pany, the former residing in New York city and the latter at St. Louis, Missouri. The first officers of the Pacific railway in Nebraska were: A. S. Everest president, Atchison, Kansas ; F. P. Bonnell, vice presi- dent, Superior, Nebraska ; P. S. Williams, sec- retary, Superior, Nebraska ; C. E. Adams, treasurer, Superior, Nebraska. This road was constructed under the direction of Mr. Jay Gould, president, and Mr. S. H. H. Clarke, vice president of the Missouri Pacific railway company. Rock Island Lines. On July 13, 1892, the Chicago Rock Island & Pacific railway was extended from the Missouri river to Lincoln, a distance of ■ 57 miles ; the same year or the next, the line was completed from Lincoln to Belleville, Kansas, to connect with the main line to Denver, about 70 miles in Nebraska ; the branch from Fairbury to Nelson is 51 miles, making a total of 178 miles. The Midland Pacific Railroad Lines. Mr. Thomas J. Ryan, who has been a conductor on the Midland line between Lincoln and Ne- braska City continuously since 1873. contri- butes the following ; It was intended to build the road [Midland Pacific] from Nebraska City to Grand Island, but the original company built it only as far as Seward and graded as far as York, when, in the year 1877, it was bought by the Burling- ton & Missouri company. The officers of the road in the early seventfes were ; B. F. Smith, president ; J. N. Converse, vice president and general superintendent ; J. H. Wheeler, secre- tary and treasurer; N. B. Kendall, chief en- gineer ; N. K. Fleming, general freight and 684 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA ticket agent ; M. A. Showers, trainmaster and assistant superintendent; J. P. Taylor, road- master. The lirst engine arrived opposite Ne- braska City in December, 1S69, and was trans- ferred across the Missouri river on a flat boat. In process of loading, it got away on the in- cline from the river bank and ran over the boat and plunged into the river beyond, leaving but a few inches above water. It was necessary to construct a pair of shears above the engine to raise it and pull it back on the boat. In a few days this was done and the engine was safely brought to the west side of the river, a channel for the boat's passage having been cut through the ice. A track was laid from the landing as far as South Table creek, a double line of rope was attached to the en- gine and a number of citizens of Nebraska City pulled it off of the boat and up the track to a point opposite the place where the starch works now stand. The first flat cars were hauled across the river, the car trucks being drawn by oxen on the ice and the car bodies, loaded on heavy timber wagons, were drawn by oxen also. Track laying began in January, 1870, and reached Dunbar that year. Grad- ing, however, was continued on the line west of Dunbar: and in January, 1871, track lay- ing was resinned. The road was finished to Lincoln the following April. About the year 1872 the same company began to build what was known as the Brownville, Ft. Kearney & Pacific railroad. This road was graded nearly to Tecumseh, and ten miles of track laid, but this was all taken up except about two miles which extended up the river from Brown- ville. In the year 1874 a road was built from this track to Nebraska City, and trains were run to Brownville in March, 1875. The company did a fairly good business for a year or two before it sold the road to the Burlington. UNION P.\CIFIC R.^ILRO.-\n Statement showing mileage of the Union Pacific railroad within the state of Nebraska and year completed and placed in operation 1^2 Main Second Third and Total all o-oS FROM TO Fourth Main Track Track Tracks Tracks Maii 1 •c Link ! 1 1 1872 Iowa-Nebraska State Line function Switch (Omaha) 1.52 1866 Junction Switch (Omaha) Summit 1.35 1908 Summit Lane 11.61 1866 Lane |M. P. 270 (Brady Island) 246.48 1867 M. P. 270 (Brady Island) INeb.-Colo. State Line 99.96 1867jCo!o.-Neb. State Line IXeb.-Wyo. State Line 93.56 1866! Initial Point Spur 3.95 1887[ Iowa-Nebraska State LinejTenth Street, Omaha 0.65 18841 Tenth Street, Omaha Summit 2.22 19081 Summit |Lane 11.61 1906 Lane |Vallev 11.25 1907 Valley jSanberg 15.52 19081 Sanberg i Benton 33.41 1900; Benton 1 Columbus 7.89 19101 Columbus Loup River Br. 1.91 19091 Loup River Bridge Silver Creek 15.60 19071 Silver Creek Lockwood 1 38.46 19001 Lockwood lAlda 1 13.73 1907! Alda . JBuda 1 29.79 19001 Bnda [Watson's Ranch ! 10.07 1910! Watson's Ranch Lexington ! 29.85 19111 Lexington Yards 1 0.27 1S091 Lexington IMarke! ! 5.81 19!0!Markel jVroman ! 23.69 1909iVroman |Bradv Island 1 7.24 HISTORY OF RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION 685 ilc •ss-i Main Second Thirdand Total all O-^S FROM TO Fourth Main Track Track Tracks Tracks 1910 Brady Island Keith 13.281 1909 Keith East End North Platte Bridge 7.40 1910 West End No. Platte Br. jO'Fallons 18.23 1911 O'Fallons Neb.-Colo. State Line 62.59 1908 Omaha Summit 4.14 Total, 458.43 360.47 4.14 823.04 Bra> ICHES Old Line — Siiiiunit to Lane 1866 Summit Lane 20.56 1884! At Summit 1.06 18861 Summit M. P. 5.93 (Stock Yards) 1.91 1890IM. P. 5.93 (Stock Yards) 1 Gilmore 3.86 i Beatrice and Manhattan Branch es 1877 [Valley Lincoln .58.10 1884 Lincoln Beatrice 38.40 1881 1 Beatrice Nebraska Kansas State Line 24.90 18811 Blue Spr ngs Spur 0.67 Stroinsbtirq Branch 1877 Valparaiso David City 24.48 1S78 David City West Line Butler County 13.70 1879 West Line Butler County Stromsburg 15.12 1906 Stromsburg Central City 21.98 Norfolk Branch 18791 Columbus i Norfolk *50.37 1 Albion Branch 18801 Oconee -Albion 34.54 Cedar Rapids Branch 1883 [Genoa Fullerton 14.60 1884|Fullerton Cedar Rapids 15.95 1902! Cedar Rapids Spalding 13.87 Ord Branch 1880 Grand Island St. Paul 22.23 1882 St. Paul North Loup 26.63 1886 North Loup Ord 11.91 1882 (Scotia Spur) Scotia Jet. Scotia 1.37 ! Loup Citv Branch 1885 [St. Paul Sherman County Line 20.16 1886|ShermanCo. Line 1 Loup City 19.24 1 Pleasanton Branch 1887[Boelus Nantasket 9.53 18Q0INantasket Pleasanton 12.53 19051 Pleasantc i y.i Yards .03 1 1 Kearney Branch i 1 1 1890 'Kearney 1 Callaway 1 65.74 686 HISTORY OF NECR.\SK.\ i'sg FROM TO Main Track Second Track Third and Fourth Tracks Total all Main Tracks 19001 North Platte Branch 1907 O'Fallons 19081 Lutherville ]909IOshkosh 1911 Northport Callaway Yard.s Lutherville Oshkosh Xorthport Gering .05 62.10 8.28 44.50 30.64 I Total, 682.18 6.831 689.01 I Total Main Line and Branches. |1140.61| 367.301 4.14J 1512.05 *IncliKle.s 0.37 of a mile owned jointly with C, St. P., M. & O. Ry. at Norfolk, Neb. Final Indian Hostilities. The reports of the secretaries of the interior, the commis- sioners of Indian affairs, and Indian agents on one hand, and of the secretaries of war and the military officers stationed on the western plains, on the other, afford a comprehensive and reliable history of the war with the In- dians, which continued, with occasional cessa- tion, throughout our state period, until the In- dians had become adjusted and adapted to the reservation system. The report of the secre- tary of the interior for 1874 indulges in rather premature felicitation over the evident success of the policy of inducing or compelling the roaming tribes to settle on reservations. Though the severest fighting occurred after- ward, hostilities were almost ended by the cam- paign of 1876-1877, in which the annihilation of General Custer's command of five com- panies occurred, on the Little Bighorn river, June 25, 1876. The number killed was 259 ; wounded, 53. Llostilities finally died out with the year 1879. The policy of dividing jurisdiction over the Indians between the dejjartment of war and the department of the interior was at least un- fortunate. The constant clash between these departments caused much scandal and tended to irritate the Indians and encourage their hos- tility. In his report to General Grant, com- mander-in-chief, dated January 25, 1867, ^la- jor-General John Pojie, who was commander of the department of the Missouri, 1866-1867, severely criticised this arrangement. The building of the I'acitic and other western rail- roads meant to the Indians the invasion and subsecjuent occujjation of their domain, and naturally incited a spirit of fierce hostility and resistance. General \\ illiam T. Sherman, writing to the secretary of war, from Fort McPherson, Ne- braska, June 17, ■1867, doubted the belief of General J. B. Sanborn, one of the six commis- sioners appointed in February of that year to investigate Indian conditions, that peace could be brought about. He said : "My opinion is that if fifty Indians are allowed to remain be- tween the Arkansas and the Platte we will have to guard every stage' station, every train, and all railroad working parties. In other words, fifty hostile Indians will checkmate 3,000 soldiers. Rather get them out as soon as possible, and it makes little difference whether they be coaxed out by Indian com- missioners or killed." General Sidly, also one of the commissioners, wrote to the commis- sioner of Indian aft'airs, June 22, 1867, that a large number of the Indians west of the Mis- souri river were still hostile. "It is as hard for an ignorant wild Indian as it is for an edu- cated, cultivated white man to remain quietly at home starving to death, having no means of hunting, being obliged to kill his horses to keep himself and children alive, and at the s;inie time not allowed to purchase arms and ammimition to kill small game with, while he is visited daily by Indians from the hostile camp trying to induce him to join them, and sees by their warring with impunity on the whites, they have more horses and mules than they want, and plenty to eat, and procure all the arms and ammunition they want." His FINAL INDIAN HOSTILITIES 687 remedy was to provide for the needs of the peaceable Indians and vigorously jjunish the hostiles. In the Omaha Hei-ald (\veei. 149, 152. 169 '-- ,. Burt county, see Conntx Burtch. S. F., 305 Rush. T. E.. 635 Butler. Governor David. 88. I'll. 419. 428. 526. 536, 537, 540, 542, 587, 612, 689 Butler. General W. O.. 143. 158 Butterfield Mail Comnanv. 81 Byers. VV. N., 149. 446 Cabanne, J. P.. 55, 57. 60 Cadman, John, 90 Cadv, A. E., 612, 627, 634, 63S, 642 Caffrev. Major. 443 Caldwell, T. L., 609 Calhoun, John, surveyor-general, 188 Calhoun, S. H.. 582, 583, 585, 596, 597, 610 California. 65. 78. 83. 115. 116. 118 Calkins. E. A.. 634 Camp Clarke. 14, 73 Camp Floyd, 83 Canitol building. 171. 172. 207. 237, 239, 595, 605, 606, 609 Caoitol controversy. 143. 154. 159. 162. 163. 174. 186. 213. 227, 332 Capitol grounds, 613 Caoitol. location of, 154, 155, 171, 212. 213, 241 Capitol removal, ?''.7, 529, 559. 587. 5SS Capitol removal bills, see Bills Capitol sqiiare. Omaha. 239 Carberg, Peter, 603 Carlisle, Alexander, 91 Carlisle, Tames, 91 Carlvle, G. H.. 415 Carpenter. D. W., 442 Carpet-bag svstem. 152 Carrigan, John, 312 Carson, J. D.. 636 Carson. J. L.. 596 Carson, Kit, 50. 86 Carson City. 83 Cams. E. C. 598 Case. M. B.. 203 Casper. C. D.. 632 Cass County Sentinel, 446 Cass, Lewis, 154 Cassell,_J. N.. 368 Castetter, .Abram. 446 Castor. Tobias. 582. 60S. 634 Census, 110, 160, 201, 219, 307, 585, 589, 590, 610, 611 Chambers, S. A., 283 Chandler. E- B., 337 ,Chapin, W, F., 367 Chapman, B. B., 168. 199. 219, 433. 439 Chapman, E. H.. 619 Chase. C. S., 585, 605 Chase, S. P.. 115 Cherry county, see Cottnty Cherry Creek, 94 Cheyenne Indians, see Indians Chicago and Northwestern railroad. 88, 95, 381. 682 Chicago and Rock Island railroad. 145 Childs, Captain E. P., 412 Chimney Rock, 65, 71, 72, 74, 75, 430 Chinn, C. B.. 203 Chippewas. the. see Indians Christian Science. 693, 696, 700 Chronicle, The, 438 Church, J. S., 443 Cisco, J. J., 473 Cities, incorporation of. 231 Citizenship, 195 Civil service, 592 Civil war, 81, 100, 106, 129, 145. 318, 411 Claims clubs, 171, 189, 191 Claim laws. 189 Clancv, William, 154 Clark,' E. H.. 384 Clark, H. T., 73, 445, 501, 603, 610 Clark, Loren, 589. 604 Clark, P. H., 640 Clark, Mrs. Phoebe, 385 Clark. S. H. n.. 491 Clark, Judge William, 109 Climate, 4, 13. 14 Clowry, R. C, 93 Coal. 426 Cobb. Amasa, 583. 58". 588. 592. 595. 624. 625 Cobbev. J. E-. 634 Codv.'W. F.. S3. 558 Colby, General L. W., 601 Coleman, J. W., 318 Coleman, Nancv lane, 319 Colhapp, I. L.,' 443 College View. 508 Collegiate Institute, 193 Collins, G. W., 541, 597 Colorado, 94, 98, 122, 392 Colson. S. B., 272 Columbia, District of. 116. 1-15 Columbia river. 46, 64, 75, 76 Columbus, 88, 93 Columbus Ferry Company. 93 Comanches. see Indians Commission government. 649 Common carriers, liahi'ity (if. 6' 6 Commonwealth, the. 438 Concord coaches. 81 Congdon. J. H., 491 Congressional campaigns of 1860-1862. 297 Conkling. Tudee -Mfred. 293 Conkling. Dr. J. R.. 292 Conkling, Mrs. Jennie Ilanscom, 292 Conkling. Roscoe, 293 Connell, W. T.. 593. 619 Conner, A. H.. 578. 604 Connor. General P. E.. 94. 583 Conseri'otii-e, the. 62 Constitution, the. 100. 104. 105. 108. 329. 351. 352. 526, 579, 580 Constitutional amendments, 37S. 645. 646 Conventions. .Anti-prohibition. 603 Constitutional convention. 282. 284. 329. 333, 526. 547. 558. 578 Democratic conventions. 133. 255. 299, 335, 337, 343, 344, 359. 582. 593. 596. 597. 600. 604, 607, 612. 614, 618, 624, 625, 627, 634, 644. 645 Farmers and Mechanics convention of protest. 563 Grasshopper convention. 671 Greenback convention. 594. 603 Tabor convention. 614 People's independent party for 1892, 615, 616, 624, 625, 626, 627. 635, 636 Philadelnhia national convention, 371 Prohibition convention, 604 Reoublican conventions, 253, 287, 297, 343, 583, 590, 595, 600, 603, 606, 607, 609, 610, 611. 612, 614, 618, 624. 625, 627, 634, 635, 543, 6-15 Territorial union, 369 Whig state convention, 114 Converse, J. A., 683 Cook, Captain, 129 Cooke, D. W., 636 Cooley, T, M,, 100 Cooper, J. F., 1, 2, 4 Corn area, 660 Cornish, A. J.. 639 Coronado. 26, 38, 39, 422 Correll, E- M.. 628 Cottongin, invention of. 113 Cotner University. 493 Cottonwood Springs. 84, 92 Council Bluffs, 35, 75. 84. 87. 92, 93, 96, 128, 142, 395, 405 Council Bluffs and St. Joseph railrtiad. 94 Counties, boundaries of, 211 Counties, names of, 211 Counties, new, 231 Counties, organization of. 16Z, 381 County officers, 209 Counties, Albemarle county, 98 Arthur county, 611 Banner county, 613 Box Butte county, 613 Brown county, 605 Buffalo county, 94. 290 Cherry county. 605 Custer county, 605 Deuel county, 613 Grant county, 611, 613 Hall county, 290 Hayes county, 605 Hooker county, 613 Jefferson county. 65 Kimball county. 613 Knox county, 605 Loup county, 605 Perkins county, 613 Rock county. 613 Sarpy county, 128 Scott's Bluff county, 613. 664 Sioux county, 605 Thomas county, 611, 613 Thurston county, 613 Wheeler county, 605 County commissioner system, 207, 209 County option, 647, 649 County superintendents. Zil Courier-Journal, 389 Court House Rock, 67. 69, 70, 74, 75 Courtney, D. G.. 609 Courts, territorial, 200 Cow island, 49 Cowgill. W. H.. 645 Cowin. J. C. 585. 604. 605 Cox. J. D., 690 Craig, Tames, 255 Craig. R. A., 442 Cramb, T. O.. 620 Crawford. J. C, 587, 593, 604, 625, 636 Credit Mobilier speculation, 349, 474, 482, 483 Creighton, C. H.. 597 Creighton, Edward, 84. 93. 93. 415. 492 Creighton. J. A.. 493. 608 Creighton. James. 603 Creighton. Mary Lucretia. 492. 493 Creighton. Sarah Emily. 493 Creighton University, 492 Crites, A. W., 609 ' Crooks, Ramsey, 46 Crounse. Lorenzo. 361. 371, 428, 585, 588. 609. 627, 630, 635 Crow Dog. 36 Croxton. J. H., 283 Cuffy. J. A., 594 Cnltiz'ator, The. 444 Culver. E. E., 692 Culver, J. H., 692 Cuming, T. B.. 87, 150. 153. 157. ir6. 183. 186. 223. 247. 248. 446 Cuming City Star, 446 Cunningham. E. E.. 444, 540 Cummins, S. H., 593 Currencv. 624 Curtis, Major, H. Z., 440 Curtis, Colonel. S. R., 129, 193, 465 Custer, General, 686, 689 Cutler's Park, 140 Dahlman-. T. C. 646 648. 649 Daily, S. G.. 281, 285. 303. 314. 327. 45'0 Daily press. 438 INDEX 715 Daily St. Joseph Ga:ctte, 459, 460 Daily Slalc Democrat. 596 Dailv State Journal, 593 Daily Telegraph, 440 Dakota City. 96 Dakota City Herald, _'9 Dakotas. the, 132, 123. 392 Dalano. Columhus. 385 Dale. VV. F., 635 D'Allemand. A.. 616. 624 Daniels, E. R., 607 Davis, Alexander, 149 Davis, Dr. B. B.. 611 Davis, David, 429 Davis, F. M., 585 Davis, Garrett, 382 Davis, G. T. JM., 349 Davis, T. W., 593 Davis, Tefferson, 116. 400 Davis, O. F., 287, 490 Dawts. H. L.. 308. 385 Dawes. T. VV., 590, 592, 595. 597, 603. 604, 608, 610 Dawson. Jacob, 283 Decatur, Stephen, 59, 161, 169. 180. 198 Dech. \V. H.. 616 Decker. J. H., 163, 235 Declaration of Independence. 98, 100 Dcmorat of Dakota City, 424 Democrat of Omaha, 441 Democratic partv, 114. 130. 2H, 2?>7, 344. 375. 594. 642 Democratic Times, 446 DeMorin. Edward. 410 DePny. H. W., 287 DeSmet, P. J., 75. 76. 86. 87. 398. 420. 432 DeSoto Pilot, 232, 446 Detroit Free Press, 434 Deutsche Zeitung, 438 DeWitt, Major F. J.. 30 Dey. P. A., 474, 477 Dietrich, Governor C. H., 641, 642 Dietz, J. F., 616 Dillon, Sidney, 467 Dinsmore, J. 'B,, 598, 603, 610 Dix. T. .\., 473, 475 Doane, G. W.. 233. 261. 598. 612. 631. 633 Doane. Thomas. 496 Doane College, 495 Dodge bill, fee Bills Dodge, General G. M.. 62, 488 l>odge. Colonel Henry, 50, 130 Dodge. N. P., 148, 208 Dolezal, Frank, 648 Donahue. Patrick, 203 Donnellv, Tames, 603 Doolittle, j. R., 376, 382, 587 Doolittle, Milton, 636 Dorgan, W. H., 631. 632 Dorsey, C. G., 367 Dorsey, G. W. E., 603. 604, 607, 609, 619 Douglas, S. A., 112, 116, 129, 135, 235, 467 Downs, O. H.. 149 Dow-ns, Lieutenant-Colonel H. P., 169, 210, 319 Downing, O. H., 270 _„ Doyle. E. R., 155, 167 t*^ Dovle, James, 146 Dred Scott case, 100, 126, 453 Drips, Andrew, 60 Drouths. 671 Druse. O. M., 444 Dry farming, 664 Drvden, J, N., 639 DujRe. E. R., 638 Dunbar, John, 294 Dundv, Elmer, 259, 260, 534, 571 Dungin, W. A.. 406. 632 Durant. Dr. T. C. 88, 467. 472, 473 Dysart, William. 628 Dyson, Josepli, 168, 188 Eager, F. D.. 639. 69t Early. T. I.. 337, 345, 446 Edgerton, J. W., 612, S16. 624 Education, compulsorv, 548 Egbert, A. A., 490 Eight-hour law, 616, 624 Eight-o'clock closing law, 646, 647 Elder. S. M.. 620. 623 Election precincts. 143. 154. 157 Elections. 143. 167. 187. 304, 363, 578. 585, 588, 639, 649. 650 Electoral vote, 587. 588 Elkhorn and Missouri X'allev railway, 682 Elkhorn ferry, 92 Elkhorn river, 76, 92, 93. 140 Elkhorn valley. 402 Elliot. General, 411 Ely, Rosalie L.. 394 Emigrants, 93, 140, 437 Enactments, legislative, 187, 262, 296, 594 England, Paren, 583 Environment, physical, 1 Equal pay for both sexes. 603, 627 Estabrook, Attorney-General, 156, 245 Estabrook, Experience, 151, l^i, 349, 544, 549 Evangelical Lutiieran Teachers' Sem- inary (normal), 509 Evans, John, 201, 499 Evans, J. H., 639 Evening Dispatch, 441 Expeditions, 2, 24, 37, 46, 48. 50. 60. 61. 64. 431 Explorers and explorations. 24, 46 Fahy, Patrick, 608 Fair, First territorial, 263, 273, 275, 277 Fairbrother, G. VV., 443, 444 Falls of North Ivtate institutions. 631 State Normal Schools, Chadron, 520 Kearney, 519 Peru, 518 Wayne, 520 State officers, 359, 580 State organization, 533, 534 State Register, 442 State University, see L'nizersity of ,\'c- braska Statehood question. 296. 297. 331. 349, 351, 359, 361, 363 Statutes, 349 Steam wagon line, 96 Steele City, 75 Steinhart, John 294 Stephens, A. H., 220 Stevens. Thaddeus. 385 Stevenson, T. B.. 411 Stewart. John, 439 Stickel, T. H., 604. 605. 609 Stock yards. 649, 652, 653. 655 Stoddard, Captain Amos, 109 Stone, G. A.. 594 Stone age material, 8 Stotsenburg, J. M., 691 Stout, W. H. B.. 594. 606. 607. 609, 632 Stowell. Martin. 444 Streeter, J. E-, 380 Streeter, Rienzi, 380 Stretch, W. S., 444 Strickland, S. A., 161, 191 Strickland, J. B., 439 Strode, J. B., 638 Stuart, David, 47 Stuart, Robert, 47, 48 Sturdevant, P. D., 603. 604, 607, 636 Sturger, C. W.. 359. 361 Suffrage qualifications. 112. 457 Sugar beets, 658 Sugar bounty law, 613, 614. 622. 627, 637, 638 , Sullenberger, O. P., 594 Sullivan, T. I., 639 Sullivan, P. "C. 203. 446 Sully. General .Mfred. 404 Summers. Dr. J., Sr., 277 Sumner. Charles. 376. 382 Supreme court, 579, 581, 613 Sutherland, George, 505 Sutherland, T. R.. 616 Sutherland, R. D., 638 Sutton, ,-\. L.. 650 Sutton. H. T., 644 Sweesy, W. F., 377 Sweet, Franklin, 342 Sweetwater, 75 Swezev, G. D., 13 Sydenham, M. H.. 84 Symmer, F. W., 155 ■Taffe, John. 278, 369, 433, 440. 441. 539, 566, 591 Taft, William Howard, 650 Tafte, W. F., 645 Taggart, J. M., 244 Talbot, A. R.. 640 Talbot. R. C. 579 Tallyrand. 99. 101. 103 Taney, Chief Justice, 108 Tariff, 607. 609, 612, 616, 618. 624 Taxes. 188. 327, 335, 610, 613 Taylor, Bayard, 79 Taylor, E. B.. 433. 440. 527. 537 Taylor, Elisha. 644 Taylor, John, 112, 141 Taylor, T. P.. 684 Taylor. W. H., 259, 283 Tekamah, 196 Telegraph company. Missouri & West- ern. 84. 93 Telegraph, government ownership of, 616. 624 - Territorial agricultural and mechanic:;! fair, see Fair, first territorial Territorial assemblv. officers of, 376 Territorial debt, 331 Territorial fair, see Fair, first territorial Territorial legislature. 381 Territorial library. 423 Territorial organization. 147 "20 HISTORY OF NEBRASKA Territorial scliool commissioner, 297 _;,Thanksgiving day, 155, 198, 434 ?*rhirty-two mile creek. 415 Thomas, A. O., 519, 650 Thomas, C. B., 441 Thomas, E. W., 359 Thomas county, see Cotattv Thompson, B, B.. 180 Thompson, D. E., 640, 641 Thomjison, Edward, 499 Thompson, J. D. N., 205, 255 Thompson, J. M., 615 Thompson, R. B., 632 Thompson, S. R., 13, 585 Thompson, W. H., 620, 627, 636, 639, 644 Thorne, James, 438 aw. Mrs. William, 503 Thayer, General T. M.. 88. 190. 210. ■, 319. 403. 409. 419. 541. 571. 573. 604. 613, 617. 618. 628. 629 Thummel, G. H., 624, 634 Thurber, H. P., 210 Thurston. J. M., 583, 593, 597, 607, 630, 637 Thurston county, see Coitntv Tibbets, G. W.. 646 Tibbies. T. H., 402 Tibbies, Vosette La Flesche, 402 Tichenor, A. C, 428 Tilden. S. J., 583, 608 Times, 445 Tipton. T. W., 88. 339. 378. 537. 597, 604 Toadstool park. 6 Todd. Levi. 603 Tolls. 606 Tower, L. H., 606 Towns, naming of, 196 Townsend, A. 11.. 445 Townshiji organization. 605 Tracy, E. H., 691 Traders, early. 24 Trading post, old, 86 Train, G. F.. 88. 349. 359, 465. 472. 473 Transcontinental railway. 85 Trans-Mississippi exposition. 675 Transportation, board of. 611 Travel and transportation, early. 62 Treaty of 1783. 394 Trees and tree i)lanting. 16, 425. 672 Trumbull. Lyman. 382 Tucker, G. P., 225 Tucker, Nancy T., 224 Turk, J. C. 446 Turner, M. K.. 603, 604 Turtle Hill, 96 Tuttle. S. }.. 579 Tzschuck. Tlruno, 321, 563. 578 Uliei-Er, Joseph, 380 Underground railroad, 458 Union College, 506, 507 Union Pacific railroad, 62, 81, 82, 87, 88, 95, 129, 182, 198. 349, 377. 378. 465. 473, 480, 481, 485, 491, 527, 613. 684, 686 Union republican party, 337, 347, 361 U. S. senators, popular election of, 618, 624, 627, 632 » U. S. surveys. 171. 188. 273 University of Nebrnsk.T. 495. 521. 524. 538. 579, 581, 609. 611. 630, 650, 664 University of Omaha, 514 Upjohn, Dr. E. N., 277 Utah, 76, 90, 118, 122, 125, 392 Valentine, E. K., 592. 597, 604. 607 Vallandigham, C. L., 308 Vallery. Jacob. Sr.. 578 Vandervoort. Paul, 630 Vanderburgh. Judge Henry, 109 A^andeventes. George. 369 \'an Reulh. Floris, ii7 Van \'liet. Captain Stuart, 401 Van Wvck, C. H., 578, 583. 598. 604, 610, 616, 619, 627 \'erniillion, 67 Vifquain, Victor, 298, 299, 418, 597. 692 Vincennes, 109 Virginia. 98. 104, 112 \^olcano in Nebraska, 44 Von Forell, E-, 639 Voorhees, U. W., 308, 309, 311, 314. 590 Wade. B. F.. 382 Wait, .-\ddison. 648 Wakeley. Eleazer, 262, 318, 429, 596, 612, 630 Walford, W. W.. 314 Walker. William. 124. 126 Wall. Aaron. 612 Wallace. General Lew, 409 Wallichs. John. 597 Wallingford. A. J.. 418 Wantossa, the steamer, 92 Warbonnet canyon, 3 Warner, T. F.. 604 Warren. E. F.. 606 Warren, Marvin. 585 Washburn. William. 369 Washington College. 211 Washington County Sitiiy 446 Washington monument, 599 Waterman, Herman, 314 Waters, W. H. H.. 337. 438 Watkins. Albert. 77. 625 Watson, Grove, 490 Watson, J. C, 613 Watterson, Henrv, 389 Wattles, G. W.. 676 Wattles, S. H.. 410 Waugh, Samuel. 585 Weather bureau. 13 Weaver. A. 7., 604. 610 Webster. Daniel, 114, 116, 124. 125 Webster, E. D., 433, 625 Webster, J. L., 578, 624, 625, 629, 643. 647 Webster. W. H.. 593 Wecklv Republican, Omaha. 93, 96. 374, 690 Weeping Water, 10 Welch, Frank, 585 Welch, James, 300 Wellington, 72 . Wells Fargo S: Co.. 88 Wesleyan University, 497 West, G. W., 636 West Indies. 105 Western Bugle. 129 Western Stage Comprny. 82. 94 M'esfer'y Stockntnn, 444 Westport. 64 Wharton. Captain, W, H., 400 Wharton, Major, 396 Wheat area, 660 Wiudon, C. 0., 593, 641, 642 W iKcler, D. H., 336 Wliceler. T. H.. 683 WlRckr. R. L.. 501 Wheeler county, see Couiily White. Captain A. G., 411 VNfhite, F. E.. 620 White. Major, J. D.. 189 Whitefield, N. B., 326 Whitehead, James, 628 W lutman, Marcus, 76 Whitmore. Frank, 653 Whitniore, William, 653 Whitted, R. B., 149, 190 Whitworth, Lord, 101 Wilcox, T. C, 441 Wilcox, W. H., 605 Wild Cat mountain, 75 Wilder, William. 414 W'iles. Captain Isaac. 411 Wilkinson. General James. 44, 109, 110 Williams, T. A.. 645 Williams. T. L., 193, 476 Williams, T. M. S.. 349 Williams. R. S., 458 Wilmot Proviso, 116, 123 Wilson, A. G., 585 Wilson. J. S.. 273 Wilson. Woodrow. 650 Wiltse. Senator. 646 Wind river. 64 \\''ineRar. R.. 446 A\'imiehagos. see Indians Wisconsin. 118. 120, 123, 137 Wise. B. T., 411 Wiseman, Henson. 407 W.,lhach, S. N., 627, 636 Wolfe. T. v.. 616. 627 Woman" suffrage. 549, 574, 604, 627 Woman's associate charities, 611 Wood. J. M., 175 Wood River Center, 94 Woodruff. Wilford. 140 Woodston. S. H., 80 Woodward. T. H , 596 Woodward, W. H., 632 Woolworth, T. M., 87, 154, 192. 248. 252, 352, 389, 557, 607 World-Herald, see Omaha World-Herald Wright, John, 71, 77, 274 Wrieht, William, 149 Wright, W. F., 616 Wyandotte, Otoe county. 126. 142 Wveth, Cantain Nathaniel T.. 50. 64 Wyman. W. W.. 226 Wyoming, 98, 137, 392 Wyoming Telescope, 437, 438 Yates, Richard, 473 'S'cllowstone river, 76 Yellowstone, the steamer, 85 York College, 511 York Seminary. 499 Yost. C. E.. 340. 441 Young. Biigham, 139, 141. 4111. 473 A'oung, Charles. 439 ■S'oung. Harriet P. W.. 140 Young. L. D., 140 Zentmeyer. Miles. 582, 585, 60S, 611 /m