Author. ^Y*0^ o o 2: o Title Imprint. 16 — 47S72-2 aro ^^^ LETTER T> ' OVERNOR PEIRPOINT TO HIS EXCELLENCY THIE I=^I^ESIIDEI> " I at once decided to disapprove all of Buck's permits for the future, that he is too slippery for this department. That he be at liberty to sell out at his leisure, and should have permission to return to Baltimore and indulge his trading propensities in a safe field. I shall follow the same course with Peter Whitehurst. Respectfully submitted, EDWARD A. WILD, Brig. Gen. Commanding.'^ " General Wild's action approved. (Signed,) BENJ. F. BUTLER." This is a paper of grave import, and contains grave charges. After all these endorsements were made, the paper was sent to Buck by General Butler. There is evidently a bad feeling in General Wild's mind towards Buck and White- hurst. They know of no reason for it, except it grew out of a transaction connected with General Wild's celebrated raid into North Carolina and Princess Ann county. It was this : While near where Captain Caffee lives. General Wild came to the house owned by a man by the name of White, who was a captain in the confederate service. General Wild ar- rested Mrs. White, the wife, as a hostage for something, I don't know what. She was in a delicate situation. Her 37 daughter, a young girl of about nineteen years of age, stepped forward and said, " General, you cannot take my mother, take me." He took the daughter and set fire to the house, and burnt everything in it, with all the nick nacksof an expectant mother. In two days afterward Mrs. White was confined, the daughter was taken a prisoner. They had not proceeded far until they came to Colonel Mix, of New York, with his regiment. The Colonel and his men, seeing the young girl in possession of the colored troops, in- terfered, and declared they were sent to protect persons and property, and were going to rescue the girl. The men and officers in both commands became highly excited, and were about coming into conflict, when the girl stepped forward and said: " Men, don't shed blood on my account; they have not mistreated me ; my honor is untarnished ; I am here in place of my mother." The angry blood cooled, the girl was carried to Norfolk, and kept there in the second story of General Wild's headquarters some three weeks, her mother, in the meantime, lying at the point of death; and by the efibrts of Captain Caftee, aided by Buck and White- hurst, the girl was released, I think through General Butler. This interference may have been their sin, which cast them from favor. Captain Caflfee is an old sea captain, resides in Princess Ann county, is a man of substance and energy, and has relations by blood and marriage in the confederate army, but who has not? I cannot learn that Caffee is a guerrilla, or ever has been one. He is back and forward frequently, I understand, at Norfolk, and if Cafitee is a guerrilla, as de- clared by General Wild, he, having the command, certainly ought to arrest him and try him as such. General Wild declares in this endorsement that these goods (in the schooner) "in eflfect were to go beyond our lines." How does he know this ? He broadly asserts it ; yet he kept them for ten days before he tried the parties, and they were acquitted in his own court, by his own judge, on the testimony of the clerk in the provost marshal's oflice. Cafl:ee and his men were good enough to trust by the quartermas- ter to bring a large amount of lumber across the bar, when great dispatch was required to prevent loss. If sufliciently faithful to work for the Government where, if they did not work, it would incur great loss, why object to their having a little salt, sugar, and coffee ? These same men, headed by Caftee, have saved for the Government, since that time, above half a million dollars' worth of property from vessels wrecked on the same coast 38 where these goods were destined. And yet this Caffee and his men are denounced as guerrillas. General Wild charges that " in page third, line third, this relates to large quantities of junk that Buck had to export, containing brass, copper, &c., stolen from Navy, &c." lie says he retained all these things until the question of theft was settled. Is not that question settled ? Were not they summoned before Judge Stackpole, and kept there seven days, and General Wild notified of the fact that they were not guilty, but proved themselves innocent? But Peter Whitehurst denied and confessed a half dozen times the same thing in that many minutes. He learned that Buck's acquisitiveness was larger than his loyalty, and his partner in Baltimore was a rebel ; and finally, in his last endorsement, he gives him the privilege to sell out at his leisure and return to Baltimore, and made same order as to Peter Wliitehurst. Kow, gentlemen, without repetition, I refer you to the record. General Wild says shifting permits is inadmissible. Yet he advises it in the case of the wood permit, where a Boston friend profited four hundred per cent, by it. Com- ment is unnecessary. Peter H. Whitehurst is a native of Virginia, a man of high character, and as loyal a man as lives. The firm to which he belongs has paid more than three thousand dollars for the "support of the poor and the Union cause, since our troops occupied K'orfolk. Charles Whitehurst is a member of the loyal Virginia Senate, a Christian gentleman, and as pure a man, I think, as I ever met. Buck stands as high, I am informed, as an honorable merchant, as any in Baltimore ; his loyalty un- doubted. Denison, Buck's partner in Baltimore, was a secessionist in April, 1861. In June he joined one of the Union aid associations in Baltimore. In July, 1863, when Lee invaded Maryland, six months' volunteers were called for. Young Creamer was a clerk in some institution in which Denison was a director. After Creamer left, Den- ison moved that his company vote him fifty dollars bounty, and keep his place open for him until he returned. This is the class of men stricken down and all the avenues of trade shut up to them, charged with theft, after the General knew they had been acquitted, notified to sell their goods to some other person who would make the speculation by transportation, I suppose. Is this right ; is it just, that these men, two of them living 39 in 'N'orfolk, with large families to support, and who have lost largely by the rebellion, should thus be blasted by the caprice of a commanding general ? Peter Whitehurst had a slave named Charles, worth fifteen hundred dollars before the war. Charles remained with him until the order came to enlist colored men. Whitehurst went to Charles, al- though Charles was not free, and told him, " Charles, you now have a chance to fight for the freedom of your race. Go and join a colored regiment and show yourself a man." Charles 'said : " Master, I want to stay with you." " No,'' said Peter, "your country needs you more than I do, go." He went, and is now a soldier, and Peter has never made any demand for service or bounty. This is a Virginia Union man. YELLOW PINE AND SHIP KNEES, It is reported that one party from Boston has a permit from General Bntler to cut all the yellow pine and ship knees in his district. This is a large operation and may amount to millions. They have commenced cutting all the timber from some farms below Norfolk on the Bay, sawing it into lumber and wood. These farms belong to resident secession- ists who reside on their land, who have not taken up arms, nor are their lands liable to confiscation ; and they have taken the oath under General Butler's order with the promise of protection. The timber is all cut down, land marks des- troyed, and the farms rendered valueless, to a great extent, for want of timber. I have no objection, where the Gov- ernment needs lumber, and timber is on land liable to confiscation, to its being cut and used. Nor would it have been very objectionable that wdien a man owns timber, and is a rebel, and has not taken the oath, to take his timber for Government purposes. But when a man has taken the oath with a promise of protection, the Government is bound to protect him. THE NEW REGIME. This is the title of a new daily newspaper, published in Norfolk under the auspices of General Butler. New Regime means new government, or order of things. Newspaper enterprises generally depend on private capital and enter- prise. Bnt the Neio Regime had two printing establishments, engines, presses, and type seized, belonging to men who 40 had taken the oath. A restaurant keeper was turned out of the house he occupied because it was needed for military purposes — the quartermaster was required to detail hands from Government shops to repair engines and do carpenters' work to the amount of seven hundred and seventeen dollars and forty-five cents, which was charged to the United States Government, and Mr. Chase will have the money to provide to pay, to repair the engines and do carpenter work, to get ready for editing the New Megime. Then Captain Clark, one of General Butler's staif, was detailed with a civilian from Boston to edit the paper. Sixty printers — soldiers from the army — were detailed and sent to the office, thirty of them were chosen and now are acting as type setters, printers, and engaged in various ways in getting out the paper, and receiving their pay and rations from the United States Goverment; one of the editors paid as an officer. Suppose these printers to be all veterans, and if they are not veterans will have to take their place in the field. The Gov- ernment, State and Federal, are paying now, seven hundred dollars bounty, besides clothing. The Neio Regime stands as to cost to the country per an- num, about thus : For bounty to 30 soldiers, at $T00 -—_ |21,000 00 Pay, clothing, and subsistence of 30 soldiers, at $30 9,000 00 Cost of repairs to engines and carpenter work-- T17 46 Pay of Captain Clarke, about 1,800 00 32,517 45 Captain Clark is on detached duty, and is entitled to commutation for rent, fuel, light, and rooms. The editor's business notice is as follows : " The job print- ing department of this office is the most complete in Virginia, and as all our presses are run by steam power, we can afl:brd to execute all kinds of work at the lowest possible price. Send orders to No. 33, Market street, corner of Commerce." Kept up as the New Regime is by the Federal Government, at the tune of $32,000 per annum, wearing out the engines, press, and type of men who had taken the oath under promise of protoction, it would be supposed that they could do work cheaply. "But there is no need of these soldiers now." For that I cannot say. On the night of the 21st of March, the rebels came within eight miles of Norfolk and destroyed a considerable amount of Government property, 41 and on the night of the 23d, they were within four miles of Norfolk. Rebels are running the lines almost daily. The printer soldier cannot attend to keeping guard or protecting property, were they to do so, this Boston gentleman could not do his work so cheaply. The object of this newspaper is to create a sink to absorb as much as possible of the jnwost marshal's fund by way of advertisements. Nearly three fourths of it is tilled with military orders as advertisements. Also, to prove that the civil government of Virginia should be abolished in General Butler's department and military rule substituted. I called the attention of the Secretary of War to some of the usur- pations at Norfolk. Among other things, to the one per cent, on merchandise that was shipped into the department. The Neiu Regime takes up the gauntlet, and in his issue of the 7th of March, he devotes nearly three columns to prove that the civil government ought to be abolished and military substituted in General Butler's department. Defending the one per cent, charge, he denounces the opposition to it as the " howl from a semi-loyal government'" It is exceedingly oiFensive to those who have imperiled all, and are still doing all in their power to advance the great cause of the country, to be denounced by a mere parasite as semi-loyal. No man's name appears as editor of the paper. There are two daily newspapers in Norfolk and Ports- mouth with a capacity to do all the printing required by the department. THE MARKETS. They have undertaken to regulate the price of articles sold in market. I here give the military order containing the bill of prices : " Headquarters Norfolk and Portsmouth, Norfolk, Va., February 11, 1864. Special Order, No. 30. The following are established as the maximum prices at which the articles enumerated below may be sold in the markets, shops, stalls, or other places at Norfolk or Portsmouth. Any person who shall be convicted of selling at higher rates will be pun- ished according to the discretion of the provost marshal, and his produce shall be forfeited. The only currency will be that permitted by the Government of the United States. • 42 First quality bacon, per lb $0 16 Second quality bacon 12j Hams per lb 17 Shoulders, per lb 12J Fresh beef, per lb Fresh sirloin steak, per lb 15 Fresh round steak, per lb 1£ Fresh roasting pieces, per lb 15 Fresh coarse pieces, per lb 8 Lard, per lb 18 Butter, per lb 35 to 45 Eggs, per dozen •■ . 30 For all kinds of poultry dressed 13 Meal, per lb 2i Sweet potatoes, per peck 30 Beans, per quart 15 Spots, live, per dozen 30 Spots, salt, per dozen 15 Turkeys and geese, apiece, alive 1 00 Oysters, per quart 15 Oysters, shell, per bushel 50 Lynn Haven, per bushel 75 Cabbage, large, per head 15 Cabbage, small, per head 3 to 8 Roast pigs SOcts. to 1 00 First quality mutton, per lb ■ 15 Second quality mutton per lb 12^ Bread, four ounces per loaf 5 Croakers and drum head fish, per lb 5 Blue and drum fish, per lb 10 Sheepshead fish, per lb 10 Spanish mackerel, per lb 10 Wood, pine, per cord 3 50 Wood, hard, per cord 4 50 Coal, per ton 11 00 Apples, per barrel 5 00 All groceries not mentioned above, ten per cent, above Baltimore prices. The above prices will be altered from time to time as the change of season and state of market may require. By command of Brig. Gen. E. A. Wild : GEORGE H. JOHNSON, Capt and Asst. Adj. Gen. All conversant with the prices paid in the Eastern mar- kets for similar articles will at once observe that the prices here established is far below the price of any other market. Groceries ten per cent, on Baltimore prices — they paid, when this bill was established, five per cent, to United States Government, one per cent, to General Butler, and at least two and one half per cent, freight, cooperage, &c., making, eight and one half per cent. — one and one half per cent, is left for profit. 43 I herewith give a letter from a Princess Anne county far- mer as the best commentary on the market prices: "Princess Anne County, Virginia, 3Iarch 22, 1864. Sir: We think the farmers in the vicinity of Norfolk are very unjustly imposed upon by having the prices fixed upon our market produce by the military authorities. In the first place, we have to pay higher for our seeds and fertilizers than ever before, say thirty-three percent., and in addition to that we have to pay five per cent, in Baltimore and one per cent, at Old Point on all the seeds and imple- ments we bring from Baltimore. Labor is higher, and we have suffered from depredations committed by a class of roving whites and blacks, who have stolen our fowl, pota- toes, and even some of the horses. Now, to be compelled to take such prices as some military men may dictate, and those prices not more than one half of what is paid in Balti- more, it cannot be claimed as a military necessity. We have to pay the grocers and dry goods men such prices as they may see fit to ask us. Now, why select the farmers and compel them to sell at fixed prices ? If the pay of the mili- tary who have brought their families here will not support them, let them ask the Government for increase of pay, and not rob the poor farmer. An ever loyal farmer, JNO. NEWTON. . To Gov. PiERPoiNT, Alexandria, Ya." I do not know Mr. Newton, but this is only one of numerous letters I have received on this and similar sub- jects. This all proves one of tvvo things, either the incapacity of the officers who undertake to regulate this subject, or a de- termination to have the articles produced in market for less than their value. It is immaterial to me to w^iich cause it is attributable. CASE OF CHAS. W. BUTTS. Mr. Butts is a lawyer in the city of Norfolk. Gen. Wild made an order confiscating the estate of a man in Ports- mouth by the name of Williams. Williams was a rebel, but took the oath under the promise of protection. He heard 44 before he took the oath that the military, with some Boston friends, coveted his dwelling house and handsome furni- ture. Shortly after taking the oath, an order was made confiscating his property. Williams then (being in delicate health) sent his certificate of having taken the oath pre- scribed by Gen. Butler, claiming his protection, to General "Wild, who kept the certificate and endorsed on the back of it " oath revoked," and ordered the officers in whose pos- session the books kept for the purpose of recording names, dates, and residence of persons taking the oath, and in which Williams's name was recorded, to erase from them all evi- dence of Williams's having taken the oath, which was done. Williams, with his wife and children, were turned out of their own house into the streets of Portsmouth, on the 22d of March last, during the prevalence of one of the most ter- rible snow storms I ever witnessed. Butts, not in a professional capacity, but as an act of mere justice, wrote the following letter to Attorney General Bates at Washington, accompanied by a copy of Gen. Wild's order of confiscation : " Norfolk, Virginia. " Hon. Edward Bates, Attorney General, Washington, D. C: Sir : I have felt it my duty on several occasions to com- municate certain facts to you, but have desisted from writ- ing, knowing that your present duties are so onerous that you have but little time to look after such matters. But when a brigadier general of the army takes the civil law in his own hands, and orders real estate to be confiscated without legal cause, totally disregarding the laws of the country as this man Wild has, I feel constrained to write. General Wild, as you are aware, is the military commander of the respective cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, who, in my opinion, (and I have had considerable military experience,) is not a fit and proper person to be provost marshal over white people. What I wish to complain of is the following order: [Copy.] Provost Marshal's Office, Portsmouth, Virginia, March 9, 1864. " Mr. John Williams, Portsmouth, Virginia : "By order of Brigadier General Wild, your entire estate is confiscated to the use of the United States Government. 45 You will furnish the bearer, Corporal Prime, of this office, a list of houses and tenements now in your possession, and vacate the premises you now occupy on or before the 19th of March. DA^. MESSINGER, Provost Marshal. Mr. Williams resides in Portsmouth with his family, and has taken the oath of allegiance under the President's proc- lamation. If consistent with your views, or duties, you will greatly oblige by giving this letter your attention as soon as possible. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, G. W. BUTTS." Judge Bates endorsed the letter and sent it to the Secre- tary of War. He endorsed it and sent it to General Butler. General Butler endorsed it and sent it to General Wild. Wild sent for Butts, asked him if he wrote the letter. Butts said he did; handed Butts a copy to read; and after read- ing asked liim if it was a correct copy. Butts told him it was. Then Butts was shortly afterwards handed an order banishing him from the department. He went to General Butler and complained ; asked Butler to rescind it. Among other things Butler told him he was in trouble with him, (General Butler,) and took from a pigeon hole a letter which Butts had written to the President, informing him of the dollar charge on persons going in and out of General Butler's department, which the President had referred to General Butler, and told Butts he was a dangerous man ; he would not interfere with General Wild's order. So Butts had to leave, and at this writing is an exile from the home of his adoption and professional business, sitting in my office. Who is Butts? He is a native of New Jersey, a republi- can in politics ; the first political speech he ever made was advocating Mr. Lincoln's election. He was the second man volunteered in his county in the three months' service; was among the first who crossed from Washington to Alexandria when the lamented Ellsworth fell in this city. He served as a private; was in the IsTew Jersey reserve corps com- manded by General Runyon at the time of the battle of Bull Run. When his term was out he returned home. He raised thirty men at once and joined Colonel Harlan's independent regiment, now the 11th Pennsylvania cavalry, and was com- missioned 1st lieutenant, and served with distinction on the 46 Peninsula between James and York Rivers. Butts has many certificates of which any young man ought to be proud, for acts of daring and gallantry on the field. I will quote the endorsement of Colonel Spear, the gallant com- mander of his regiment, on his request to resign. " Headquarters 11th Pennsylvania Cavalry, (Kear Portsmouth, Virginia,) October 4, 1863. "Approved and recommended. I am fully aware of the reasons which compel this applicant to oflter his resignation. I have known him to take the field when he was more fitted to be in bed, and was prompted to do so by pure energetic motives. He has on many occasions distinguished himself in action; brave, cool and determined as an oflicer, urbane, polite and gentlemanly as a citizen. I shall deeply deplore his loss to my regiment. (Signed,) SAMUEL P. SPEAR, Colonel llth Pennsylvania Cavalry." Major General Peck and Brigadier General R. S. Fofcter, both gave him high testimonials for acts of bravery and personal daring in the execution of orders under their im- mediate commands. Butts resigned on account of ill health ; had contracted ague and fever in the low lands of Virginia. He commenced the practice of law in Norfolk. With his young and chivalrous spirit he saw what he knew was wrong. He represented it as a citizen to his Government. For that he was exiled. GENERAL BUTLER'S MILITARY ADMINISTRATION IN THE FIELD. Since General Butler has been so vigilant in trying to impress the public mind, that the civil government was inefficient at Norfolk, it may not be amiss to advert to his administration of military afl'airs in the field in that vicinity. The first movement was to send about one hundred men to Smithfield, on James River, in the face of the enemy, with no mode of retreat, and only to be supported by gunboats going up a creek that is little more than a quagmire at low tide. The result was the loss of the whole "command, and the destruction of a gunboat which got aground. The next was General Wild,s notable raid into North Car- olina and Princess Anne county. I never want to see the 47 history of that raid until the war is over. The taking of Miss White a prisoner is only one of the occurrences. The next was the projected raid on Richmond, for the lib- eration of the Union prisoners. The failure was much re- gretted. It was attributed to the desertion of a Union sol- dier, who carried the news to Richmond, and gave them time to rally and defeat the project. And the public have been amused and satisfied with this story, and General But- ler lauded to the heavens for the conception of the noble idea. He insulted the Navy by attributing to the officers unfaithfulness, and imprisoned a lady thirteen days, keeping her on bread and water, to force her to tell what naval officer had told her of the contemplated expedition to Richmond, when she knew nothing about it. Of all of this the public was duly notified through the press. But is it not strange how the soldier who deserted knew anything about the ob- jects of the army, so as to give the information so long be- forehand ? It is said of General Harrison, when he com- manded at Fort Meigs, in the winter of 1812, that there was a report of the approaching enemy, and some young man asked him wluit he was going to do, in case the enemy were at a certain point. The General replied that if he thought his shirt knew his thoughts, he would burn it. I heard this when I was very young, and it impressed me. I was im- pressed when I heard the story of the deserter. I asked the first four or five men I met from Norfolk if it was known there publicly before the expedition started that it was going. Every one of them replied that they knew it for from six to ten days before it started. The troops that were going, the object, route, and all about it. It was told by his own offi- cers. General Butler knew to whom he had confided his plans. Why did he not strike there for the person who re- vealed the secret? I think it very likely that the news of the raid was communicated from Norfolk to Richmond, and it was suggested in the letter, " publish that you got this news from a Union soldier who deserted." But it was known at Williamsburg, and talked of among the soldiers for at least six days before the expedition started. Yet cen- sure is heaped on everybody, to keep observation from Gen- eral Batler and his confidential advisers. The last military exploit I heard of, was a raid into North Carolina and the capture of two lighter loads of corn and meal, with some contrabands, and the selling of the corn at public auction, and the proceeds of sale went into the ipro- vosi marshal's fund. 48 With all the ridicule of General Butler, aud the sneers of his New Regime, at the civil government of JSTorfolk and Portsmouth, it will stand out in bold relief as effective, when compared with General Butler's military operations in the field in that section. The last I heard from the provost court, they were very desirous of trying a case of habeas corpus to determine the custody of two children, between a husband and wife who had separated. WHAT BECOMES OF THE PROVOST MARSHAL'S FUND. I rtight answer this question by repeating the question, what does become of it? Perhaps this is about as satisfac- tory an answer as the country will ever get. It does not go into the Treasury of the United States, nor do I suppose it relieves it of any of its burdens. It is esti- mated by those who have prettj good opportunity of know- ing, that there has been collected since General Butler went to Old Point last fall, from two to three hundred thousand dollars into this fund. There has been a system of excess- ive fines introduced for one supposed offense and another, varying from fifty to five thousand dollars. In addition to this mode, property, captured and confiscated, all goes into the iwovost marshaVs fund, with tax on goods shipped into and out of the district, tax on oysters aud dogs, clearances of vessels, &c., &c. Some repairs are being made on the streets. This is done by convicts, soldiers and citizens in penitentiary uniform, with Government teams to do the hauling, superintended by a contractor. He may be paid for all that is done. Adver- tisements in the New Begime, and it is said there are about forty detectives there, all under pay, perhaps, to keep down the fund. But as to its disposition, all is conjecture. One thing is certain, there is great interest taken in enlarging the fund. One man got a permit to bring in three thousand dollars' worth of goods, and paid thirty dollars. His wife was taken ill, and remained sick for some time. He could not leave home, aud when she got well he had to decline his enterprise. He called to get his money hack, but was re- fused. Buck & Whitehurst got a permit last fall to briug in thirty thousand dollars' worth of some kind of goods, but the permit was delayed so long that the season passed for the sale of the article ; they only brought in ten thousand 49 dollars' worth. They called for their two hundred dollars paid on the permit they did not use, and were also prohib- ited from shipping anything more ; but they could not get back their two hundred dollars. The Government would refund under such circumstances. In this succinct statement I have only given a few cases. I don't know that they are the worst cases. An elaborate history might be written of the acts there, all interesting in detail, and tending to illustrate more fully the existence of systematic abuse of military power. I am informed that the same system prevails perhaps to a greater extent in North Carolina than in Virginia, because there is less re- straint there. Civil government seems to check it a little — hence the anxiety to break it up, in order that they may have a clear field. It is strange to me that such a system should have grown up whereby military commanders collect tens and hundreds of thousands of dollars into this post or provost marshal's fund which is held by men who give no bonds. ISTone of it goes into the United States Treasury, but little of it to relieve the Treasury of its burdens, and mach of it expended for objects in no way connected with the suppression of the rebellion. This, to my mind, is a subject which needs attention. THE EFFECT OF ALL THIS ON THE PUBLIC MIND. On going to Norfolk about the 20th of March last, I was humiliated. At Old Point and Norfolk, I met men, who, six months ago, stood erect and talked like freemen, who were proud of their country, and that they were American citizens. But now the hand of oppression is upon them, they look dejected and disheartened. When they spoke to me of their troubles, it was far from the presence of any one, and then in an undertone. "When they came into my room to talk with me, they would look around the room to assure themselves that there was no spy concealed, and see that the doors were closely shut. The Union papers have been regretting that the Union cause for some time past has been on the decline in North Carolina. It is true. The wail of the oppressed there under General Butler's rule has gone out through the old North State and hushed the clamor of her liberty-loving people for the blessings of freedom they expected to enjoy under the old stars and stripes. And these oppressions now form the principal staple for the rebel 4 50 Governor Vance in his canvass for re-election, to persuade the people to be reconciled to Jeff. Davis's despotism. In October last I felt hopeful and bouyant at the prospect of returning loyalty, and the disposition of the people to sustain the restored government. General Foster was in command of the department. I found him a gentleman and a soldier, earnest in his profession and desire to do right. General Barnes was placed in command of the two cities. He was from Massachusetts, an educated, earnest soldier, and all you would expect in a Massachusetts gentleman. Massachusetts, God bless her ! I love her people. In Vir- ginia's darkest day, in 1861, while the committee of safety was guiding, to a certain extent, the destiny of the loyal people of the State, the lightning of heaven brought us the happy dispatch from Governor Andrews that Massachu- setts would let the loyal men of Virginia have two thousand muskets to be used in the defense of liberty in the State. A messenger was immediately dispatched for the arms. They came, and immediately on the reorganization of the State, I placed them in the hands of the men, where they did good service. The sending of the arms gave great moral strength to the Union cause and to Union hearts, and I say again, I love Massachusetts. It it is an old adage, " that there are few mothers with many children but there are not some black sheep among them." Massachusetts has hers, and it is them I am after. But I was speaking of General Barnes. He took great interest in the civil affairs of this section. General Lockwood was doing the same in Accomac and JSTorthampton. The civil oflicers began to feel assured that they were going to be sustained, were taking courage, and civil affairs began to move off" smoothly. But General Lockwood and General Barnes did not suit Gen- eral Butler, and they were removed from his department. Before General Butler went there, the Union men were bouyant with the hope of seeing their section settled and repopulated by people from the ISTorth. They welcomed Northern men among them. But now dejection, despon- dency and bitterness is seen where hope then existed, and deep sectional hostility is beginning to manifest itself. Oh ! it is a bitter, hitter contemplation, to see so glorious a cause as the Union cause thus stricken and wounded in the house of its friends. My heart is sick, sick at the contemplation. But there is consolation in knowing that the abuses only exist in this city and the district of Virginia and North Carolina, and that you, gentlemen, form a tribunal to whom we can 51 appeal, which is too high and too pure to refuse adequate relief. THE REMEDY. I am asked is it too late to remedy the evil and restore the cause ? I answer, no. The remedy is indicated by the inspired prophet in his declaration that " righteousness ex- alteth the nation, and sin is a reproach to any people." Then the remedy is in doing right. This is the easiest mat- ter in the world. Sin is a reproach, that is, doing wrong, and it always brings trouble. Rebels will never be fully punished in this world. Many universities have abandoned their favorite dogma of a universal heaven since this war commenced. They see plainl}^ that there can be no ade- quate punishment on earth for those who have brought the calamities of this terrible war on the country. If fifty men in Virginia had done six years ago what tift}'' thousand have done in the last three years, they all would have been hung. But the Government thinks it not wise to undertake to kill everybody who has turned traitor. I think that is right. When Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, with the two hundred and fifty princes rebelled against Moses, the earth opened and they were swallowed up ; a consuming flame came out and killed the two hundred and fifty princes, and the people who were led away by them fled to the side of Moses and were not hurt. Perhaps we have an example in this, that it is right to extend amnesty to all but the leaders in rebellion. It is certainly the prerogative of the Government to fix the terms of amnesty to rebels. If the Government had de- clared they should all be killed, and had killed as fast as we got to them, it would be difficult to prove that it was not a just act. Perhaps the liberation of their slaves, which was the root of the rebellion, with confiscation, will be pun- ishment enough. But the President, for wise purposes, de- termined that all who would return to allegiance, from the grade of colonel and under, and take the oath he prescribed, should be pardoned and restored to all their rights of irrop- erty, unless it had been sold under the laws punishing traitors. But if confiscations had commenced and not pros- ecuted to sale, the proceedings are to be dismissed upon the rebels taking the oath. The fullest and amplest protection is oftered. General Butler has ordered all in his military district to take the oatii with the solemn pledge of protec- tion ; the nation is bound to guarantee it. It is right to 52 guarantee it after it is made. The Government, through the President, has prescribed the terms by which the rebel is to be protected. He conforms to the requisi- tion, the terms must be kept on our part. A great Gov- ernment like the United States cannot aflbrd to do wrong. ]N"ow, it is right to redress all the wrongs General Butler has committed in his district as far as possible. It is right to return the gas works to the proper owners, with a fair charge for the repairs, and an account for the profits and especially return the thirteen hundred dolhirs which were in the safe. It is right to return to Mrs. Tatem her silver cake baskets ; to return to the proper owners the silver taken from the house of Mr. Bilisolly, and also the wine and brandy taken from his house, and if it cannot be returned to punish those who have put it out of the power of the Government to do right. It is right to return to Daniels & Zantzinger the fifteen thousand dollars taken from them, and to reimburse Hodgins for violently turning him out of his house, and those who occupy the house should pay the money ; and to require the speculators to reimburse the farmers whose land they have stripped of timber, if these farmers have taken the oath and have not violated it. Wil- liams and all the other parties that have been turned out of their houses should have their property restored to them, where they have taken the oath and not violated it. This done, and there is no fair man living but will say it is right that it should be done ; this would be that kind of righteous- ness which exalteth a nation. The news of its being or- dered would thrill the hearts of the Union men in rebeldom. It would be grateful to every loyal heart in the nation, and its news would create a little jubilee in those desponding hearts in this section. Loyalty would.prevail, and blessings would be poured out of grateful hearts upon the Govern- ment, where secret curses and imprecations now are being indulged in ; and as General Grant goes south this spring, hundreds of thousands will flock around his banner and kiss the old flag, conscious that no wrong will be sufifered where it floats. It will disarm hundreds of thousands of their stubbornness, and save the lives of thousands of Union soldiers. I am satisfied that these oppressions have done more to unite the rebels in the south and retard Union sen- timent there, though confined to a narrow compass as they are, than any thing that has occurred since the rebellion has commenced, and if not corrected their warning voice will go into the south, and General Grant as he goes forward this 53 summer, with his noble comrades, will have a hard road to travel. The natural condition of men is under civil government. The military is an organized artificial force to aid the civil law to assert its power when resisted by force. It is right that the civil discharge all the duties assigned it by society; if resisted, the military removes the resistance; when that is done it has performed its function. "Whenever it attempts to discharge civil duties it is wrong, and begets discord. It is right for the officers to attend to the duties assigned them by the rules of war; to drill and discipline the soldiers; to prepare him for etfective duty; to look after his health, and, as far as possible, to preserve his morals; to lead him in battle, and in all things to set him a good example. War is expensive, both in money and life, hence it should be short. I think there can be no controversy about these propositions being right in theory ; and their practicable application is this. If the military will drive all the rebel army out of the State I will reorganize every county in the State in less than six months, with loyal officers to execute the civil laws. If they will remove all the soldiers from the limits of the city of Alexandria, Norfolk and Portsmouth, except what may be necessary to guard the public stores, and pick up straggling soldiers that come into the cities, I will ensure the good government of all three of the cities through the civil government, and save the Federal Government at least thirty thousand dollars per annum by way of pay to military brigadiers and their staffs, and superfluous bands of music, for which the civil government will not charge one cent. I submit, in all earnestness, that the city of Norfolk, for in- stance, with fifteen hundred women congregated there "who are no better than they ought to be," is not the place for soldiers or officers, who are expected to do efficient work in the field. In the city is not the place for the officer or sol- dier to defend the city. Philadelphia and Washington are defended and protected by the Army of the Potomac. Nor- folk and Alexandria should be protected by the army out- side of the cities, and there is no sort of military necessity for a military governor being in either city — a battalion with a field officer as commandant of the post is all that is neces- sary. It will greatly relieve the complication of matters at Nor- folk to open the port, and appoint an honest collector. He could attend to the business with half the cost to the Govern- ment and much more benefit to all concerned. This would 54 geatly diminish the stock of goods kept on hand in those cities. This must be evident to any person who has ob- served the practical workings of the present system. A merchant now applies at Norfolk for a permit to ship goods into the city; he gets it signed there; he then sends it to "Washington for approval ; it is then sent to the custom house at Baltimore. This is done in a week; sometimes two or three weeks transpire; hence, a merchant to avoid trouble of permit, gets large supplies; and lest he should run out, replenishes soon; keeping on hand a large surplus; but open the ports, dispense with the permits, and he can send to Baltimore and get a return in 48 hours at furthest. Their cargoes with their invoices would be subject to in- spection by custom house officers. The same regulations would still have to be kept up as to blockade runners. But I would dispense with much of that force by hanging or shooting all the blockade runners caught. These rascals have no claim upon their lives when they put the country to millions of expense to watch them, besides a large num- ber of soldiers exposed to premature disease. In all such cases, when fairly detected, they should be hung. I think they are worse than spies. They combine the spy and the thief. The loyal people of Norfolk and Portsmouth paid near $25,000 of internal revenue last year; I do not know how much this. Many of them, however, have paid large amounts of internal revenue for licenses that have not been permitted to use them ; others commenced using and were closed up by the caprice of military commanders, and to make way for those who are in the same trade as monopolists. This is a reproach. I submit these suggestions with great deference. But the subjects I have embraced are so deeply interesting to the people I represent, that did I not call them to j^our at- tention I should be grossly criminal. I have been just as close to this war, ever since it com- menced, as I could without much danger of being hurt, and have observed as closely as I could all the time. I think I understand the subject about which I am writing, and I am satisfied that if the military rule had been practiced in West Virginia as it was in Alexandria for the last eighteen months, and in Norfolk for the last five months, that instead of the vast majority of loyal Union men that are there now sustaining the Government with men and money, and happiness and prosperity around them, there would have been a vast ma- 55 jority of copperheads and secessionists, and civil govern- ment could not have been sustained. Regiments that now fill the Union army would have been in the secession army. I mean precisely what I say. The question has been asked me, I am satisfied, a thousand times, " Does the President and Congress know of the op- pression practiced on us ?" They say, "We have great confidence in the President's honesty and the purity of Con- gress, and they will redress our wrongs." I have an abiding confidence, gentlemen, in your justice. I was born in Virginia. I desire to live in Virginia when this rebellion is subdued. I hope to see the old flag shortly unfurled in every county in the State, and the people ac- knowledging its majesty, and acknowledging with uplifted hands, the Constitution it represents to be the supreme law of the land. I never expect to have the love and sympathy of the rebels ; but by the grace of God, by doing right, I intend to command their respect. My ardent desire and sincere prayer is, that this rebellion may be speedily crushed, that freedom may be enjoyed, not only in the State, but in all the broad limits of the nation, and that when the impar- tial historian comes to make up the record, he may be able truthfully to publish, that in accomplishing this great result the Government never sanctioned a wrong that was done to any man, however humble. I LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 623 089 6