Class. Book. lib 1 1 I coos AN ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCH BY LEO J, FRACHTENBERG EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OPEIOE 1914 coos AN ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCH BY LEO J. FRACHTENBERG EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) I WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFEIOE 1914 D, OF D, TB 14 1914 4$ /, #\ coos BY LEO J. ERACHTEKBERG 297 CONTENTS Page Introduction 303 § 1. Distribution and history 305 §§2-14. Phonology 306 §2. Vowels 306 § 3. Consonants 306 § 4. Sound groupings 307 § 5. Accent 309 §§ 6-14. Phoneticlaws 310 §6. Introductory 310 §§ 7-11. Vocalic processes 310 § 7. Vocalic harmony 310 § 8. Consonantization of i- and u- diphthongs 312 §9. Contraction 313 § 10. Hiatus 314 § 11. Processes due to change from terminal to medial position 315 §§ 12-14. Consonantic processes 316 § 12. Types of consonantic processes 316 § 13. Consonantic euphony 316 § 14. Simplification of doubled consonants 317 § 15. Grammatical processes 317 § 16. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 318 §§ 17-95. Morphology 319 §§ 17-24. Prefixes 319 § 17. The articles Ie and hs 319 § 18. The personal pronouns 321 § 19. Inchoative ga- 322 §20. Privative k'Ja- 323 § 21. Adverbial n- 323 § 22. Locative x- 323 § 23. Discriminative x- 324 § 24. Modal and instrumental x- 325 §§25-80. Suffixes 326 § 25. General remarks 326 §§ 26-55. Verbal suffixes 328 §§26-27. Transitive suffixes 328 §26. Transitive -t, -ts 328 § 27. Causative -lyat 331 §§28-31. Intransitive suffixes 332 §28. Intransitive -aai 332 §29. Reciprocal -meV 332 299 300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 §§ 17-95. Morphology — Continued Page §§ 25-80. Suffixes— Continued §§ 26-55. Verbal suffixes — Continued §§ 28-31. Intransitive suffixes — Continued § 30. Suffixes defining the subject -qEm, -xEm; -u; -em 332 § 31. Neutral -I, -e* 334 §§ 32-35. Semi-temporal suffixes 335 § 32. Inchoative -Iwe 335 § 33. Frequentatives -e hva(t) -&*wa(t) 336 § 34. Frequentative causative -ae iwat 337 § 35. Transitionals -lye, -nts, -u 338 §§36-43. Modal suffixes 1. 340 §36. Modal -tc 340 § 37. Distributives -rwM, -ni; -am; -ay am; -waq 341 §§38-42. The passive voice 343 § 38. Present passive -u 343 § 39. Past passive -ayu, -e h/u, -lyu 344 §40. Passive -lyeqEm 344 § 41 . Causative passive -eet, -et; -lyEm 345 § 42. The passive participle -ayau 347 §43. The imperative 347 §§44-45. Verbalizing suffixes 349 §44. Auxiliary -e (-a) 349 §45. Verbal -em .' 349 §§46-50. Pronominal suffixes : 350 § 46. Transitive subject and object pronouns 350 § 47. Transitive verbs in -aya 352 § 48. Subject and object pronouns of verbs in -aya 354 § 49. Transitive verbs in -a 354 § 50. Verbs in -anaya with direct and indirect object pronoun . 355 §§51-54. Plural formations 356 § 51. General remarks 356 §52. Eeflexive plural -u 357 § 53. Causative passive plural -lyEm : 358 § 54. Direct plural object -Hex 358 § 55. Miscellaneous suffixes - 359 §§ 56-80. Nominal suffixes 360 § § 56-65. General nominalizing suffixes 360 §56. Nominal -is 360 § 57. Nouns of quality in -es, -tEs, -enis 361 § 58. Nouns of location in -Em 362 § 59. Verbal abstract -dwas, -ne iwas 362 § 60. Verbal nouns in -onis, -si 363 § 61. Nouns of quantity in -in 364 § 62. Nouns of agency in -ayawa, -eyawe, -lyawa 364 § 63. Nominalizing suffix indicating place, -is 365 § 64. Nominalizing suffix indicating locality, -ume 365 § 65. Terms of relationship in -ate (-ate) 365 § 66. Suffixes -ex, -lyEX, vyetEx 367 §§67-70. Adverbial suffixes 367 §67. Local and modal -eke, -itc 367 § 68. Local suffix, indicating motion, -etc 369 §69. Local -ewitc 370 §70. Instrumental -Etc 370 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES 301 §§ 17-95. Morphology — Continued Page §§ 25-80. Suffixes— Continued §§ 56-80. Nominal suffixes — Continued § 71. Superlative -eyim 371 § 72. Distributive -ini 371 § 73. Interrogative -u 372 §§ 74-77. Numeral suffixes 372 § 74. Ordinal 4s 372 § 75. Multiplicative -en 373 § 76. Ordinal-multiplicative -entcis 373 § 77. Distributive -hina 374 §§ 78-79. Plural formations 374 § 78. Irregular plurals 374 § 79. Plural of terms of relationship, -lyas 375 § 80. Minor suffixes 375 §§ 81-83. Reduplication 377 § 81. Introductory 377 § 82. Initial reduplication 377 § 83. Final reduplication _ 380 §§ 84-85. Phonetic changes 382 § 84. Vocalic changes 382 § 85. Consonantic changes 383 §§ 86-95. Syntactic particles 383 §86. Introductory 383 §87. Temporal particles 383 § 88, Particles denoting degrees of certainty and knowledge 385 § 89. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas.. 389 § 90. Particles denoting emotional states 3S9 § 91. Particles denoting the conditional 391 § 92. Exhortative particles 392 § 93. Particles denoting emphasis 393 § 94. Restrictive particles 394 § 95. The interrogative particle l 394 §§ 96-100. The pronoun 395 § 96. The independent personal pronouns 395 §§ 97-98. The possessive pronouns 396 § 97. The sign of possession, ii 396 § 98. The possessive pronouns proper 398 § 99. The reflexive pronouns 400 § 100. The demonstrative pronouns 400 §§ 101-102. The numeral 403 § 101. The cardinals 403 § 102. The decimal system 404 §§ 103-106. The adverb 404 § 103. Introductory 404 § 104. Local adverbs and phrases 405 § 105. Temporal adverbs 405 § 106. Modal adverbs .. 406 §§ 107-112. Particles 407 § 107. Introductory 407 § 108. Pronominal particles 407 § 109. Numeral particles 409 § 110. Conjunctions 409 § 111. Interjections 410 § 112. Miscellaneous particles 410 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Page § 113. Thestem itse'ts 411 § 114. Verbs as adjectives 412 § 115. Nouns as qualifiers 412 § 116. Vocabulary 412 § 117. Structure of sentences 414 § 118. Idiomatic expressions 415 Texts 419 INTRODUCTION The material on which this account of the Coos language is based was collected at the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the summer of 1909. I obtained nineteen complete myths and other texts with inter- linear translations, and linguistic material consisting chiefly of forms, phrases, and sentences. 1 have also had at my disposal a number of texts and grammatical notes collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, during the summer of 1903, which were of great assistance on many points. This material was obtained chiefly from James Buchanan and Frank Drew, both of whom proved to be intelligent and reliable informants. To the former especially I am indebted for the complete and rich collection of myths and texts, while the latter was my chief source of information on points of grammar and lexicography. Frank Drew's untiring efforts and almost perfect command of English made him a very valuable interpreter, in spite of the fact that this advantage was offset in a great many cases by his knowledge of the Hanis and Miluk dialects of the Coos, and by his inability to draw a dividing-line between the two dialects. Hence his information was very often con- tradictory, and showed many discrepancies; but, on the whole, he was found trustworthy and reliable. In conclusion I wish to express my deep gratitude to my teacher, Professor Franz Boas, for the many valuable suggestions made in connection with this work, and for the keen and unceasing interest which he has taken in me during the many years of our acquaintance. It was at his suggestion that this work was undertaken; and its com- pletion is due mainly to the efforts and encouragement received from him. He it was who first imbued me with an enthusiasm for the primitive languages of the North American continent, and the debt which I owe him in this and in a great many other respects will be of everlasting duration. Columbia University, April, 1910. 303 coos By Leo J. Frachtenberg § 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY The Kusan stock embraces a number of closely related dialects that were spoken by the people inhabiting (until 1857) Coos bay and the region along the Coos river. Their neighbors were Siuslauan, 1 Kalapuyan, and Athapascan tribes. On the north they came in con- tact with the Umpqua 1 Indians, on the east they bordered on the Kalapuya, while on the south they were contiguous to the Rogue river tribes, especially the Coquelle. 2 In 1857, when the Rogue river war broke out, the United States Government, acting in self-defence, removed the Coos Indians to Port Umpqua. Four years later they were again transferred to the Yahatc reservation, where they remained until 1876. On the 26th day of April, 1876, Yahatc was thrown open to white settlers, and the Indians of that reservation were asked to move to Siletz; but the Coos Indians, tired of the tutelage of the United States Indian agents, refused to conform with the order, and emigrated in a body to the mouth of the Siuslaw river, where the majority of them are still living. Of the two principal dialects, Hanis and Miluk, 3 the latter is now practically extinct; while the former is still spoken by about thirty individuals, whose number is steadily decreasing. As far as can be judged from the scanty notes on Miluk collected by Mr. St. Clair in 1903, this dialect exhibits only in a most general way the character- istic traits of the Kusan stock. Otherwise it is vastly different from Hanis in etymological and even lexicographical respects. The name "Coos" is of native origin. It is derived from the redu- plicated stem hu'kwis south, which appears very often in phrases like xkukwVsume from where south is, JcusEml'tdto southwards, etc. i Erroneously classified by Powell as part of the Yakonan family. My recent investigations show Siuslaw to form an independent linguistic group consisting of two distinct dialects,— Lower Umpqua and Siuslaw. A grammatical sketch of the former dialect will be found in this volume. 2 An Athapascan tribe li ving on the upper course of the Coquelle river. 3 Spoken on the lower part of the Coquelle river, and commonly called Lower Coquelle. 3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 20 305 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The Coos call their own language ha'rtis Lle'yis the hanis tongue. The present work deals with this dialect only, as sufficient material could not be obtained for the purpose of writing a grammar of the Miluk dialect. Texts of myths and tales were collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, and by the author of the present sketch, and were published by Colum- bia University. 1 All references accompanying examples refer to page and line of that publication. PHONOLOGY (§§ 2-14) § 2. Vowels The phonetic system of Coos is rich and fully developed. Clusters of consonants occur very frequently, but are void of difficult compli- cations. The vowels show a high degree of variability, and occur in short and long quantities. The obscure vowel e is very frequent, and seems to be related to short e and a. Resonance vowels occur very often, and are indicated in this work by superior vowels. The diphthongs are quite variable. Long e is not a pure vowel, but glides from e to 1; it can hardly be distinguished from long £, to which it seems to be closely related. In the same manner long o glides from o to u, and was heard often as a long u- vowel. The following may be said to be the Coos system of vowels and diphthongs: Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs E a e i i o u u w, y ai, a u , e u a a e 1 o u e l o n Short e is pronounced like e in the English word helmet, while the umlauted a corresponds to the open e- vowel in German wahlen. It very often occurs as the umlauted form of long a. % represents the short y- vowel so commonly found in the Slavic languages; while 4 indicates exceedingly short, almost obscure u. o can not occur after the palatal surd k and fortis h!. § 3. Consonants The conson antic system of Coos is characterized by the prevalence of the sounds of the h and I series, by the frequent occurrence of 1 Coos Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 1. §§ 2-3 : £ _ _ _ _ _ _ xx> boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 307 aspiration, by the abundance of long (double) consonants I, m, n, and y, and by the semi-vocalic treatment of the nasals m, n, and of the lateral sounds (indicated in this sketch by a circle under the consonant). Surds and sonants were not always pronounced distinctly, especially in the alveolar series. No aspirated consonants were found besides the aspirated f and k\ The fortis is pronounced with moderate air- pressure and glottal and nasal closure. The system of consonants may be represented as follows: Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal Velar (g f) q q! y, x Palatal g, g(w) k, k(w) &/, h! (w) - - Anterior palatal g' k' Tc'l x' Alveolar d t, £ t! s, c n, n Affricative {$&$)* dj &» ^c ts!, to/ - - Labial b jp j?f - m 9 m Lateral l l l! 1,1,1 - Glottal stop Aspiration.- y,y h w The glottal stop, when not inherent in the stem, may occur inde- pendently only before Z, m, n, and w. It always disappears before velar and palatal sounds. The aspiration is always accompanied by a stricture corresponding to the quality of the vowel preceding it. After a, 0, and u (and u diphthongs) it is of a guttural character; while when following wat side la u M'toHs she put them down by side she put them down 60.4 • 60.4 Tc /ink' !irie v wat Jie p'&Lla'ye ux k'/int they two try it 7.4 he was trying the weight 78.18 This suffix appears sometimes as -Iwat. For an explanation of this seeming irregularity, see § 2. ux kwiskwi'wat they two are nskwl'wat hanL I will inform informing him 20.25 him 74.4 nxLll'wat I am hitting him xlUs he hit her with a club with a club 64.28 Instead of an initial reduplication, the verbal stem very often appears with a reduplication of the final consonant, denoting continuity and distribution of action (see § 83). nt! E clcl , wat I am shoving it t/cits he shoved it 32.24 (back and forth) iljyictcatci'wat they are warm- pV debts tet he warmed himself ing (themselves singly) 32.8 J 33 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 337 tci tsix'ix'i'wat there he was holding him (for a long time) 104.15, 16 (tsiv here 24.4) -o u wa(t) exercises the same function as -e { vjat. The only differ- ence between the two suffixes is, that -o u wat is added to the verbs already amplified by the transitive suffixes -t or -is, while -l l wat can be suffixed only to the stem. tso ux tkvnLtso u ' wot now they two tkvjlLe 1 ' watheio\\owshim22.2 follow him 9.9 tcle'etc hit! E tso u 'wat Tie pEn- hi'yet! he came ashore 32.5 Lo'wai ashore it brought a whale 88.22, 23 tci halqtso w 'wat there she is bring- he'laq he arrived 22.22 ing it to him 72. 8 aqalqsito u 'wat he is frightening a'lqas fear 66.4 him frequently 100.24 In a few cases -o u wat is suffixed to the verbal stem. ltislo u 'wat Ie te { z/td he recognizes this (here) land 30.28 k!werti'ya u nwilo u 'wat food I am looking for 54.4 ntsxau'wat hanL I will kill him 26.22 The suffixation of -o u wat instead of -e l wat in these instances may have been caused by the law of euphony, as these stems end in a w-diphthong. Thus, the stem of tsxa/u'wat is tsxa u -, as shown by the form tsxawl'yat (36.21) he laid him down, consisting of the stem tsxa u - and the causative suffix -iyat. Whenever the pronouns expressing both subject and object are suffixed to verbs ending in -o u wat, this suffix changes to -d u wit (see § 11). tfhu u m%stsdwita'm% hanL I will marry you 184.6 nhalqtso u 'vAtu he brought me frequently § 34. Frequentative Causative -aehvat . There can be little doubt that the -etwat in -ae l wat is identical with the frequentative suffix -efwat, discussed on p. 336. Owing to the fact that a number of verbal stems ending in a take the suffix -l l wat^ there is a good deal of confusion between these two suffixes. xd a p la u laa'e l wat water car- la he went 22.18 ried them away 46.16, 17 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2— 12= 22 § 34 338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 %c sLjfia r l ir wat you two are hid- ux sLnl'yat they two hide him ing him 24.11 24.9 la u tclicila'ehvat he (on) that tc/i'dl mat 7.3 (they) are sitting usually (literally, they caused it to be a mat) 38.3 Compare, on the other hand, xqa'wax ux kwina'e i wat from Jcwma- to look above they two are looking at it 6.9 § 35. Transitionals -lye, -nts, -u -tye indicates a transitional stage, — a change from one state into another, that has already taken place. It is suffixed mostly to nouns and particles, although frequently it is found added to verbs. It may best be rendered by it became, it got, it turned out to be, or by the passive voice. Stems ending in a vowel other than i insert an h between the final vowel and the suffix (see § 10), while stems ending in -i contract this vowel with the following -i of the suffix into a long I (see § 9) . When suffixed to a stem that has an a- vowel, it changes into -aya (see § 7). dEmste'tc ux Lhirvpl'ye they two came through a prairie (liter- ally, through a prairie they two went through, it got) 112.1 (LM/riap he went through 22.11) ~kw%na!l i watl , ye he began to look at him lin kwine'weLi'ye we became poor 28.21 tdiml'ye c E it got summer, indeed (tslim summer 162.20) 30.20 a'yu %'x'lye surely it was a canoe (ix' canoe 44.20) 126.10 y%xe'n qaliml'ye one morning (literally, once morning it got) 20.4 U he'fiye they became rich 84.17 nhai'naholya I became active {nhai'na I am active) qa u wahafya in the evening (literally, whenever evening it got) (qa u 'wa evening 50.26) 82.7 siLTi&Mye le'ux mi'laq joined le'ux rmllaq siL'ne, 1 their (dual) together became their two ar- arrows joined together are rows 13.4 13.7 U lid'hlHl'ye they were drawn il ha' k/ u ti they are (being) drawn up 30.1 up tso oil xwandjl'ye now surely it was that way (literally, that way it turned out to be) 8.2 nnehl'ye la u Id I became the owner of that thing (literally, me it became [to whom] that belongs) §35 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 339 go u sl'ye la u tsxau'wat all (of them) he killed 68.9 a'yu cil In dlHi'ye surely, indeed, nothing it turned out to be tso la u U Jcwaa'nlyahafya now they came to know it 92.14 When suffixed to the negative particle In, or to the contracted forms of In + the personal pronouns (see § 9), it forms new particles, I'nlye, ril'ye, enlye, etc., which were always rendered by no longek, i no LONGEK, THOU NO LONGER, etc. il I'nlye kwaafnlya they no longer know it 50.18, 19 nl'ye nxa'nis I am no longer sick eriiye hanL dl { l you will no longer (be) something 104.1 It appears as a suffix to the stem he'nl-, forming a compound he'niye A while, long time. he'riihen tl'wixEm many times it coiled 88.1 {-en multiplicative suffix [see § 75]). he'niye ux we'ldnl a long time they two fought (together) 132.8 m he'niye xd'nis la a! la not very long sick (was) his child 42.17, 18 It takes the place of the inchoative suffix -Iwe (see § 32) in verbs not expressing a transitive, active idea, or not transitiv 4 ized by the transi- tive suffix -e'nl. (See also § 19.) qamill'ye (he) commenced to swim 30.3 ux qayuwatl'ye they two commenced to travel 12.6 -nts conveys an active transitional idea. The difference between this suffix and -lye lies in the fact that the change indicated by the latter came about without any apparent active cause; while -nts expresses a change from one state into another, that presupposes a subject of the action. It is hence best rendered by to change one into. ntd r m%Lnts nte't I into an old td'miL old man 22.7 man change myself dl'lolntsgEm lal to'm%L he is dl'lol a young man 22. 11 making himself young that old man 22.7 Ie hl ir me u la'mah' tsi la u yixa'- yixe'ntce together, one by one ntcnts (of) the children the 64.8, 9 bones only she gathered up (literally, she changed into one) 60.3 §35 340 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 -u indicates a change from one state into another, that has not yet been completed. It is often preceded by the transitive -t. he'mistu Ie yixa'wEX getting big- hem' is big 14.5 ger is the house 34. 14 na' a ntu Ie ma multiplying are na a nt many 44.18 the people 12.4 %c tElta'mUtu JianL you two will da' mil (strong) man 14.7 get strong 120.17, 18 qai'cu it is getting small qaic small, a chunk 128.29 MODAL SUFFIXES (§§ 36-43) § 36. Modal -tc This suffix appears in four different forms, as -itc, -utc, -tc, and -eetc. 1 -tic is added to verbal stems ending in a consonant, except m, w, and any of the laterals; -utc is suffixed to stems ending in vowels; -tc is suffixed to stems ending in laterals; and -eetc, to stems ending in m or n. This suffix is always added to the bare stem. There can be little doubt that this suffix is identical with the adverbial suffix -tc (see § 25); the more so, as it implies, to a great extent, an adverbially modal idea. The Coos expresses by its means our participial ideas. The verb taking this suffix is usually preceded by the discriminative and modal prefix x- (see §§ 23, 24). qawilal'we xha'h'itc (he) commences to look around crawling (literally, in the manner of crawling; hak- to crawl) 32.10 tylal'yat Kex ni'x'itc I commenced to touch it (literally, I com- menced in the manner of touching) ts E xa u 'tc U dowa'ya to kill they want him 66.22 m lE'yl xkwi'naHc it does not look good (literally, not good as to the manner of looking) 34.18 tya'wits Kex tci'cLtc I finished splitting {jitdcLe 1 'wat I am split- ting it) tya'wits Kex heme! etc I stopped bringing it out {nhaml'yat I brought it out) qai'nis wine' etc L E an into the water wading out she goes (literally, she goes down into the water in the manner of wading; nwi'nat I am wading out) 58.2 § 36 1 [This is obviously the adverbial -tc, and might have been discussed with §§ 67-70.— Ed.] BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 341 This suffix is often used in certain phrases to express abstract ideas. Thus, for instance, the Coos will express our sentence i am get- ting HUNGRY by I AM GOING INTO HUNGER. (See § 118.) legate nla I am getting hungry {nlqa I am hungry) pL/itc nla I am gettiDg heavy § 37. Distributives -net, -nl; -ant; -ay am; -tvaq "Tte 1 , -nl, indicate distribution of an intransitive action. They are suffixed to intransitive verbs. Related to this suffix is the distributive Anl (§ 72). kat ' E'mis tkwlilnl 1 Ie dji'nlt five (winds) following each other (they) keep on com- ing (singly) 52.17 tsEL'ne, 1 ux ti'k'ine side by side they two were standing 62. 22 le'ux mi'laq sIl'tiI 1 their (dual) arrows are joined together (literally, one after the other) 13.7 kla'yenl he'ux xwi'lux u ux l !e' x ' simt against each other with their two heads resting they two go to bed 72. 11 pokwi'lne* Ldwaka'tfwat op- posite one another (they) were sitting 120.4, 5 hitco'riihl'ye u men were as- sembled people, came to- gether people 46.1 tkwlL -to follow t8EL-.(%) sIl- to join together k/ay- (?) pukul- across hitc-0) -am is suffixed to stems expressing transitive ideas. It is often accompanied by duplication of the final stem-consonant (see § 83). il tsa'k'ina'nl they help one tsak'in- to help another (mutually) il L/x'ina'ni they examine Llx'Vn- to examine one another il tsak u kwa'nl they continually ntskwits 1 speared him spear one another il tqartLLafnl they mutually tqa'nLts he struck it 28.1 strike one another § 37 342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BtJLL. 40 il k!wanx u xd'm they mutualty cut one another's hair hlwa'nxat he cut his hair This suffix often changes the quality of the vowel of the stem to which it is suffixed (see § 7). ha'yat he gambled 66.15 a'yu il qaheydrii'we surely they began to gamble 66.25 U tsxewd'nl they kill one another ux weHarii they two fight 106.13 tsxau'wat he killed (them) 68.9 wil- to fight When suffixed to intransitive verbs or to verbs expressing motion, it denotes an idea that may best be rendered by back and forth, to and fro, up and down, etc. It is hardly necessary to dwell upon the close relationship that exists between the idea of mutu- ality and the idea expressed by these phrases. tso'no kwil E ld'm Ie 'baltl'mis kwil- to roll both ways is rolling the ocean 6.2 qai'nts la u yaq E qd'nl away from the shore they run con- tinually 36.18, 19 Mm sqaiLLd'nl l E wd'wa there is going back and forth (through his fingers) the little girl 108.21 rpL/eHcUcd'nl I keep on going out and coming in ^stdwaq E qd'rvi I keep on rising and sitting down tlyetafnl Ie wVnqas hu ur m%lc' continually looking for some supply was the Spider-Old-Woman 60.12 -al/am is suffixed to intransitive verbs and to adjectives only. Its exact function is obscure. With verbs, it invariably denotes an action performed by more than one subject; while when suffixed to adjectives, it seems to convey the idea of the English suffix -ish. Most likely it has a distributive character, which the informant, not well versed in the English language, could not bring out. yu'xwa, hu u ma'k'e djind'yam Ic'Uo'wit two women coming (towards him) he saw 126.13, 14 a'yu hwi'yal U lad' yarn surely now they were walking (singly) 32.7 §37 yeq he runs away 182.27 sqaiLe l 'was the space between two fingers Lie 1 to he went out 20.4 sto'waq he stood up 20.7 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 343 tsoH x' Lima' yarn xa a 'pEtc he washed it with luke-warm water 120.9, 10 xqaa'yam whitish, gray (literally , white here and there; xqa's white) -waq. 1 am not quite sure whether this suffix really expresses dis- tribution. All attempts to explain it have proved unsuccessful. It is suffixed to verbal stems, and may be preceded by the suffix -em (see § 45). The best explanation that may be offered is that it implies a continual action performed by more than one subject, although instances have been found where the action was performed by a single subject. tso U qanatcanl'waq now they make fun (of one another) {qa'natc joke) 50.12 yuwe' hl ir me alicanl'waq whenever children played (together?) 70.19 cima'ewaq Ie cl't/a dragging (them singly?) was the pet 88.7 Compare also the nouns SLtsa'waq a whale (?) 28.7 qaleta'waq feriy-men 140.15 The Passive Voice (§§ 38-42) § 38. Present Passive -u. This suffix expresses the present tense of the passive voice. It is suffixed directly to the verbal stem with initial reduplication (see § 82). aso' tcl tEtl'klu Ie tcfi'lE again tl'h!vyits he shut (the door) 74.6 there is shut the door 74.27 go u s qantc la u qEqai'cu Id w%'- qaic a piece 128.29 tin in all directions that is being clubbed his blood 10.5, 6 x'i'x'intu Ie tc/wal is being x'intl'yat he runs with it 42.5 taken away quickly the fire 42.5 cecu'lu le'il yixa'wEx fire is cul- to burn being set to their house 58.11, 12 By adding to this suffix the transitional -lye (see § 35), the past pas- sive is obtained. The initial I of -lye is contracted with the -u into a long u (see § 9). qEqaicii'ye la iluwe fx tds it was beaten to pieces, her heart 76.8 ma jpEjAUu' ye the person was torn to pieces 48.16 (pils- to crush) §38 344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 39. Past Passive -ayu, -§iyu, -lyu These suffixes are added directly to the verbal stem, which is inva- riably reduplicated. Stems ending in w, I, m, and n, immediately pre- ceding these suffixes, appear with a glottal stop, no matter whether the stop is inherent in the stem or not (see §§ 81-82). ma qEsqa'yu the person was sqa'ts he seized it 68.8 seized 10.4 U aiai £, wayu they were killed aiwit he killed them all 68.11 58.8 qaxLll'yu he was struck 96.14 xlUs he hit her 64.29 tsoh'ix'tl 'yulEmix' 'so 'wIw'Iec nx'ti'ts I slide it down now was slid down the lucky- stake 94.3 kwilkwe e 'leyu Ie hata'yims nhwiWyat I roll it down a'lEG was rolled down the money stake 92,11 a'yio hwiLkwa! yu surely it was nLkwa'at I cut it off cut off 76.15 yExy%xentce s ne if yu it was gath- yixa! ntcyits she gathered up 60.3 ered up 84.16 he?nhe £ ?ne i/ yu it was brought heml'yat she took it out 62.23 out § 40. Passive -lyeqEm This suffix is composed of the transitional -lye (see § 35) and the generic -qEin (see § 30). It serves a triple purpose, according to the manner in which it is suffixed to the verbal stem. (1) When suffixed to the bare stem, it expresses a verbal conception of a continued character, which may best be rendered by the passive voice. This rendering is due largely to the fact that the -%^-element of the suffix predominates in these cases. lo ux t- to watch kwina- to see wil- to look for tqanLts he strikes it 28.1 § 39-40 lowttl' yeqEm he is watched 40.26 Un Jcwma'yeqEm hariL we shall be seen 30.23, 24 go u s qantc will' yeqEm everywhere she is looked for 56.1, 2 t E qanm f yeqEm xwa'lwalyEtc she is continually struck with a knife 80.5 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 345 The verbal stem is often reduplicated in order to bring out more clearly the passive idea and the idea of continuation (see § 82). lo u - to buy % la u Ld u Lb u wl r yeqEm le'il wix'i'Vis when that was being bought their food 88.13, 14 mintc- to ask mitcmintcl'yeqEm xtci'tcu ye £ ilu- we'Hels he is being asked con- tinually, "What do you think about it?" 70.9 lo u x- to club . ni'Jc'mEtc Ld u xLd u xwi f yeqEm with sticks she is being struck con- tinually 80.6 (2) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t (see § 26), it denotes an intransitive action, of which the person spoken of is the object. Hence it was sometimes rendered by the reflexive. i ux Lldjltl'yeqErn when they two are fighting 122.25 tso sovAtl'yeqEm Tie qd'yis now it is changing, the weather tso lowUl'yeqEm now he took care of himself 66.3 (3) When preceded by the verbal suffix -em (see § 45), it denotes a continued action, the subject of which is not intimately known to the speaker. ha'tcit! story 20.1 wandj hdtctlemfyeqEm that way they are telling the story 44. 14, 15 skw- to inform, to tell la u shweyenl'yeqEm Ie tc/wdl they are talking about the fire 38.5, 6 § 4:1. Causative Passive -eet, -et; -lyEm -eet expresses the passive voice of causative concepts. It is suf- fixed to the verbal stem. The object that is caused to perform the action is always in the singular. The suffix -lyEin is used for plural objects (see § 53). This suffix may best be rendered by to be caused to. When suffixed to stems with a- vowels, it changes to -aat (see § 7). qa'wax Lle'et le'ux e'k u Lcitc high up was their (dual) father (literally, was caused to be high up; z/a- to be in an upright position) 22.1 Jc'ele'Lisltc SLne'et Ke dl'lol in a corner hidden was the young man (literally, was caused to be hidden; slu- to hide) 24.12 qafyisEtc ts E ne'et Ie hfd to the sky was stretched out the rope (tsn- to stretch) 28.20 § 41 346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 xaya'm La k 'Uo'wit tana' at old dog-salmon only he saw washed ashore (pEnLd'wai ta'ntan whale came ashore) 130.3 a'yu tclUe'et tE tclwal surely it was burning, that fire (literally, was caused to burn; ntcttli'yat I kindle the lire) 38.8 Llnowa'at nlc'i' loHs Ie teli'lE open I found the door (literally, caused to be open I found the door; L. f nd u - to open) x'ne'et he is on top (nx'ini'yat I put it on top) 10.1 nla' at I was carried away (literally, caused to go; nla I go) In certain instances this passive causative idea is not so apparent, owing, perhaps, to the fact that the verbal stem can not be analyzed. a'yu Lfle'et surely he kept his eyes shut 17.3 wandj Ldwe'et telinne'itc that way it is eaten among us 130.11 i'nlEx hewe'et Ldwa'hats alone it was supposed she lived 60.10,11 -et. This suffix is always preceded by the transitive -t or -ts. Under the influence of the ^-vowels of the stem, it changes to -at (see § 7). go u s dl { l lai' x 'tset everything was started (literally, caused to go [start]; nla I go) 12.7 xaap JiE'mtset water was laid bare 42.8 yuwe' q E to u 'tset he'lahwetc whenever it got caught on a limb (lit- erally, was caused to hang on a limb) 46.24 tsa'yuxwitc pi'lstat to pieces (the tree) was smashed (literally, was caused to smash to pieces) 124.14 he { hats L/no u 'tat Ie tc/i'lE suddenly came open a door (literally, was caused to open [itself]) 62.5 tele' etc sto u 'qtset hat to'miL ashore was put that old man (literally, caused to stand [up] on the shore) 32.4, 5 In certain cases the passive idea is hardly recognizable. g'i'mtset it commenced to rain 42.9 e £ ha'k u tat you were left 62.20 qa'lyeq ha'ltsat salmon came into the river 34.13 Lay Eta' t he became hungry 32.9 Lowi'tat she ran (literally, was Ldwa'hai Ie dl'lol was running caused to run [?]) 56.9 the young man 78.27 la u hanL ux c E a'lctet these two xwandj c E a'lcit Iex Uoxqai'n shall work 68.26 that way doctors him the medicine-man (literally, works on him) 128.16, 17 §41 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 347 § 42. The Past Participle -aya* The past participle is formed by means of the suffix -aya u added directly to the transitive or intransitive stems. tc!pa'ya u k/d braided ropes ntc/pat 1 braid it 44.22 lta'ya u a a painted face 10.3 nlti'ts I paint it g/e'le tcicLa'yd u k/ u M' It (with) ntcl'cLt I split it split pitch-wood she lighted them 84.1 xa' a pEtc L E anlEtc!la'ya u into tc/lis dry 166.2 the water go down the dried (salmon) 36.18 hemisa'ya u enlarged he' mis big 50.17 § 43. The Imperative The imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by means of suffixes added directly to the verbal stem, or, more frequently, following the transitive suffixes. Intransitive verbs, with the exception of a few stems indicating motion or ideas like to hear, to listen, have no special suffixes. The imperative of such verbs is brought out by the (prefixed) pronouns of the second persons singular, dual or plural. xle'itc e £ L!ats with it speak! 16.5 eH E qa wake up! 68.18 cine £ Ld u q you (pi.) get up ! 30.19 efali'cani you play ! 60.21 The following are the imperative suffixes in Coos : -e. It follows the transitive suffixes -t 9 -ts, and expresses, beside the imperative idea, the presence of the object of the verb. The causative verbs in -vyat, and f requentatives in -etwat and -o u wat, lose their final (transitive) -t when followed by the imperative suffix. It very often changes the broad a-vowels of the stem into e- vowels (see § 7). klwi'ntE shoot it 13.3 cin sitsV-'ntE Ie wi'nqas hu u 'm%k' you go and see the Old-Spider- Woman ! 64.12, 13 te l ic qfmi'tsE this you two eat! 120.16 %c hemi'yE you two bring him out! (literally, cause him to come out!) 24.10 §§ 42-43 348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tqa'lis sun 24.4 [BULL. 40 cine £ tqah'yE you wake up ! 122.4 tci cm Llel'yE ten k'e'la there you put this my hand ! 80.19 fcwin ze tsxe'wE let us quickly kill him! 68.3 sqaiLto u 'wE stick it in a crack! te l l lo u 'we this you must eat ! lo ni'citc xa a p ha u 'wE in it a little water have! 68.17, 18 Llal'yat she put it 72.11 ntsxwu'wat I kill him 26.22 nsqaiLto u 'wat 1 stick it into a crack Ldwet'wat she is eating it 24.5, 6 ic ha u we ir wat you two have him 128.9 -en expresses, besides the imperative, the absence of the object of the action. tdhitsen you must hit ! Lowen eat! 28.26 g'l'lcwa qai'nas ic tfatltsan a little closer to the fire you two dance! 82.19 -Ex, -Eq, suffixed to a few stems, expressing motion, or ideas like to HEAR, TO CLOSE ONE'S EYES, etc. e e h!a!yExteinVsl listen, O grandson! 114.7 tsix'L tc!o uf wEx here you must lie down! 126.20, 21 lUe'x l shut your eyes! 16.9 tin la' ex you (pi.) go! 30.23 JiamlL Ihe'tEq (you) may take a rest! -%t suffixed to verbs that are transitivized by means of the transitive suffix -ay a (see § 47). la'tsli e s pMk' go and get your grandfather! 28.19 lo u 'HU yeHet watch yourself! 74.3 In dowafU don't desire it! ux tatsafya they two went to get him 20.14, 15 lo ux to!ya he watches it 92.3 dowa! y a he wants it 92.12 -Em expresses, besides the direct object, the indirect object of the first person. It is hence suffixed to verbal stems expressing ideas like to give, to make. It is highly probable that this suffix may be an abbreviated form of the pronominal -a?ni (see § 46). §43 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 349 p E si'k' a'tsEm a cup give me! 68.17 tsa'yux u JcwafxaL e £ ha u ' x tsEm a small bow make me! 60.14, 15 mUxa'nEm l u'ma lunch make me, you must, O grandmother! (mi'lax lunch) 114.5 -Eis. This suffix expresses a command involving the second person as the actor, and the first person as the object of the action. From a purely morphological standpoint, it is a modified form of the pronominal suffix -ais (see § 46) . ten nqatqai'L yixuxwriis by this my belt you hold me! 54.12 tci Icle'%s teka'Hsl there take me, O granddaughter! 80.14 Compare e e tsaJc'%nta'is hanL you shall help me 80.16 In addition to these suffixes, the Coos language very often empha- sizes the imperative idea by means of the particle l (see § 92) . VERBALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 44-45) § 44. Auxiliary -e (-a) This suffix exercises the function of our auxiliary verb to be. The noun to which it is suffixed invariably takes the adverbial prefix n- with (see § 21). The phrase thus obtained expresses the idea to have. This suffix is always changed to -a whenever added to a stem having an a- vowel (see § 7) . nt! E d r ta u we Ie mi'laq flint points have the arrows (literally, with flint points [are] the arrows; t! E d'ta u flint point) 62.27 nwi'tine la h u M'yeq bloody are his excrements (vA'tin blood) 20.6, 7 nk u mofxa Ie ci'tla horns had the pet (literally, with horns was the pet; k u ma'x' horn) 88.7, 8 na a ntma tc!pa'ya u nhlafha many people have braided ropes (liter- ally, braided with ropes [are]; kla rope) 46.8, 9 It very often transforms nouns into intransitive verbs without the aid of the prefix n-. In such cases the -a form of this suffix is mostly used. xbafltidj la u Tclwisi'sa from the west it blew (klwafsis wind) 52.4. 5 nkwaati'sa I dream (Jcwaa'tis a dream) x&'yH&tc la u xll'sa clear around him (he put) slime (xlls slime) 128.18 § 45. Verbal -enl This suffix expresses the idea to do, to make something. It is usually suffixed to nouns and to verbal stems that do not imply an §§44-45 350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 " active, transitive action. This suffix is changed to -anl whenever added to stems having an a-vowel (see § 7). npLpdwise' 'm I am making a hat (pzpa'wis hat) tyybxa! WExenl I am making a house (ybxa'wEx house) iikwa! xaLarii I am making a bow (Jcwa'xciL bow) e £ lEqa u wiya f tarii you tell a story (lEqa u wiyaf tas story) 38.13, 14 nhatcitle'ni I tell a story {ha'tcit! story) wandj tcinehe'nl that way he is thinking (tcin[e]- to think) 40.14, 15 tsi Tc u be Kewese'nl merely perhaps you two are lying (he'wes a lie) 28.13, 14 U alVcanl they play {cl'Iec toy) 30.25 qawenise'nl I'nuwl he got mad very much 98.28 U yd' lam they were saying 76.17; tE ha'nis yd' la ma those (who) talk Coos (literally, those lid'nis [Coos] talker-people) 50.3 xwdndje'nl that way she was doing it (xwandj that way [modal]) 164.6 PRONOMINAL SOTEIXES (§§ 46-50) § 46. Transitive Subject and Object Pronouns The Coos pronouns expressing both subject and object of a transi- tive verb are, morphologically speaking, suffixes added to verbal stems, or to stems that have been verbalized by means of some transi- tive suffix. The transitive suffixes may, however, be omitted, as the mere addition of these pronominal suffixes is sufficient to transform an intransitive stem into a transitive verb. These suffixes occur in four different forms, expressing the first, second, and third person as subject, and the first and second persons as object, of the action, regardless of number. First person subject — second person object (sing., dual, plural) -ami Second person subject — first person object (sing., dual, plural) -ais Third person subject -££, -ll Third person object — first, second, third person subject, no suffix. Since these suffixes are frequently preceded by the emphatic or abbreviated forms of the personal pronouns (see §§ 18, 96), the pho- netic unit expressing the combined pronouns may be said to consist of the following elements: (1) Personal pronoun for the subject. (2) Personal pronoun for the object. §46 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 351 (3) Verbal stem. (4) Suffixed form of the combined pronoun. The following peculiarities in the manner of expressing the transi- tive subject and object pronouns are noteworthy: (1) The forms having the third persons as object indicate the subject by the pronouns n for the first persons, £ for the second (see § 18), regardless of number. (2) The form expressing the second singular subject and the first singular object uses for its pronominal prefix the second singular tf. (3) All other forms indicate the object by prefixing the personal pronouns according to number. (4) The pronominal prefixes expressing the subject occur in singular form regardless of the actual number that is to be indicated (see § 96). The following is a complete table showing the formation of the combined pronouns for the different persons: I, We Two, We Thou, Ye Two, Ye He, They Two, They Me Thee Him e 5 -ais n- u &- u n-il e s -U e £ - -ami n Us (Incl) (Dual) Us (Excl) (Dual) You (Dual) Them (Dual) ic- - ami uxn — is-u xwin-u ic-u ux- - is-il xwin-il ic-il ux- xwin-dis fate* — Us You Them lin-dis lin-u cin -u il lin -il cin -il il - ctn-dmt iln — ile 1 -- The personal pronouns are usually omitted for singular subjects. They always occur, however, when the subject is dual or plural. ntfxkan wandj eHHta'rra I that way told you 17.2 e £ muxtitsa 'mi I (want to) feel of you 72.10 eHaa'mti I take you along Qfd'hUs I hit it 64.5 eFtd'hits you hit it 20.19 to' hits he hit him (or it) 20.19 fito'hitsu me he hit eHo'hUsu thee he hit cin kwina'il you he sees xwin efpiita'mi hariL we two thee will take home 126.19, 20 lin eFsits^ntd'mi we thee (came to) see 130.19, 20 §46 352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The personal pronouns for the objective third persons dual and plural always precede the subjective pronouns. ux tytd'hits them two I hit U eHd'hits them you hit The suffixes for the combined pronouns are added either directly to the bare verbal stem or to the verb amplified by the transitive -t and -ts. This double system of adding the suffixes for the combined pro- nouns to the verb serves as a means of differentiating the duration of the action indicated by the verb. The bare verbal stem amplified by the pronominal suffixes denotes an action that has been performed more than once, or that has not yet been completed; while the verbs to which the pronominal suffixes are added after the transitive suffixes indicate actions that have been performed only once, or that are com- pleted. The same purpose is served by the double forms of the com- bined pronoun having the third person as its subject. The suffix -ll is always added to the verbal stem; while -u is suffixed to the stem, in addition to the transitive suffixes. It must be understood, however, that this interpretation of the double system of adding the combined pronominal suffixes does not apply to each individual case. Verbs with the pronominal suffixes added to the bare stem are frequently employed to denote past, completed actions, and vice versa. nE'xkan e £ w%lafmi I am look- e E w%Luw%ta'mi I have looked ing for you for you e £ wiwina!m% I am cheating tfwtfntsa'mi I have cheated you you e s lc!wina%s you were shooting e £ k!w%nta'%s you took a shot at me at me e £ sqa'is you were seizing me e e sqatsa!is you seized me tylclwi'nil he was shooting at nklwi'ntu he shot at me me The imperative transitive pronouns have been described in § 43. They are -Em to me, sis me. § 47. Transitive Verbs in -ay a Language in general has a number of verbal ideas, which, strictly speaking, do not imply any actions on the part of the subject; or de- note actions, that, while intransitive, may be performed for the benefit of or in connection with a certain given object. Verbs like to know, to UNDERSTAND, TO DESIRE, TO BELIEVE, TO WATCH, TO BE AFRAID, etc., §47 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 353 express ideas that are not real actions, but which may be used as such in connection with some object. Thus, I may know him, understand THEM, DESIRE IT, BELIEVE HER, WATCH MYSELF, etc. On the other hand, verbs like to go, to run away, etc., express intransitive actions that may be performed in connection with a given object. Thus it is possible to go to him, to run away from me, etc. Coos treats the stems expressing such ideas as intransitive verbs, which do not take any of the transitive suffixes; but since these intransitive verbs may, without the aid of any additional grammatical device, become transitive, and imply the existence of an object (which is usually that of the third person) , there is a special suffix -dya which indicates the (mental) process described above. This suffix, always added to the bare verbal stem, denotes an intransitive action that has become transitive by being used in connection with the third person object. It may therefore be called the "pronominal suffix," ex- pressing, besides the subject, the third person object of an intransi- tive verb. uxalqsd'ya they two are afraid a'lqas fear 66.4 of it 7.5 tydowd'ya I want her 70.6 t&x'tl' do'wa wu'txe ti'ye pu'yatc here wants to come back thy uncle 122.15 nEqd'ya he ran away from it nEq he ran away 100.16 42.4 tyx'naHd'ya I am riding (a x'ne'et he is on top 10.1 horse) Lqa'ya Iex swal believed it the Lq- to believe grizzly bear 94.25 mitsisi'ya she knows it 60.1 mi'tsis wise 132.6 In kwaa'nlya (they) did not kwadn- to know know it 86.12 latsd'ya he went after it 94.7 la he went 22.18 lb ux td r ya he watched it 94.6 lo ux t- to watch U Ld u kwd f ya h.E L/td they e e Ld u k u you sit down! 38.22 occupy the country 44.21 The plurality of the object is expressed by the affixed numerical particle hEma all (§ 109), or by the separate suffix -Uex (§ 54). nlo ux td'ya hE'ma I watch them all The imperative of this form has the suffix -It (see § 43). 3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 23 § 47 354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY § 48. Subject and Object Pronouns of Verbs in -aya [BULL. 40 The corresponding suffixes for the above discussed verbs, express- ing, besides the object, also the subject of the first, second, or third person, are etymologically related to the suffixes treated on p. 351. They appear, however, in such changed form, that they require separate discussion. These forms are — I, We Two, We Thou, Ye Two, Ye He, They Two, They Me Thee Him etc. e^-yExtdmi e e -yExtdis n-yExtu e s -yExtu They are suffixed directly to the verbal stem. e £ dowa'yExta'm% thee I want eHoHlyExtafmi of thee I take care eHoHiyExta'is you take care of me 86.20 nkwee' nlyExtu me he knows e e ddwd'yExtu thee he wants The etymolog}^ of the first element in these suffixes (-yExt-). is quite obscure. It may be suggested that -yEx- is the adjectival suffix (see § 66), and ~t the transitive (see § 26), although we are no longer able to understand, the psychological principles underlying this peculiar formation. § 49. Transitive Verbs in -a This suffix is preceded by the transitive suffixes. Its function is varied. It may have expressed originally the indirect object; but verbal ideas requiring both a direct and an indirect object are very few in number in the Coos language, and the functional scope of this suffix is much wider now, permitting its use for other purposes. Thus it is very frequently suffixed to transitive verbs where the object of the action is actually expressed, and not merely understood; and it is often, but not as a rule, used as a suffix denoting pluralit}^ of the object. The most plausible suggestion that can be offered in explanation of this suffix is that it may denote an action performed upon an object that possesses another object. At any rate, there can be no doubt that the predominating function of this suffix is that of a special characterization of the pronominal object. .§§48-49 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 355 rpmilxa'na I made lunch for mi'lax lunch 28.15 him a'tsa he gave it to him 28.7 dts- to give tetc c E alcta f tExa clothes he made for (his child) 108.5 kwind'vjas sl' x 't E tsa smoke he scented 22.23 hwa'xciL ha u ' x tsa Ie temi'sndtc a bow she made for her grandson 112.25, 26 d'yu L/ha'tsa la tetc surely (he) put on his clothes 28.23 kd a s yi'xe* pE'nLta Ie tsi'yEn nearly he tore off one handle 30.4 pii'ta Ie ma ai'wit he took to his house the people (pi.) whom he killed 112.11 ehoutxal'ta Wye u'mdc ux wutxai'yat la pka'katc he pkd~k' you (should) take brought home his grand- home, thy grandmother father 70.2 them two (and) grandfather 68.26 il ni'l E xtsa at them I looked ni'lxats I looked at him nsqa'tsa Ie quwai's I seized iisqats Ie quwai's I seized the the boards board lk!wa yixu'xwa fern roots she Mini y%xuxwe l 'wat there he had 64.14, 15 was holding it 64.3, 4 Compare, on the other hand, tclwa'letc tfci'tsa into the fire tchvd'letc tfctts into the fire he shoved it (no object is he shoved it 32.24 actually expressed here) 32.26 or yu'xwa wutxai'yat Ke tco'xtcox two he brought home the rabbits pokwi'lne 1 ti'lqats opposite each other he set (them) down 112.12 § 50. Verbs in -andya with Direct and Indirect Object Pronoun This suffix is composed of two suffixes, -erii (see § 45) and -aya (see § 47). The broad a- vowel of the second suffix effects the retro- gressive assimilation of the -enl into -ani, and the final vowel of -enl coalesces with the initial of -aya into a long a (see § 7). It may best be rendered b}^ to do, to make something out of something. nlcwaxaLana'ya 1 am making a bow out of it {kwa'xaL bow) tyyixawExana! ya I build houses out of it {yixa'wEx house) la u hlweniyawana'ya Ie qa'lyeq he is making a supply out of the salmon (k/we'niya u supply) 34.24 §50 356 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 yanzawe dlH e £ qa u wenisa'ndya whenever something you will get mad at (qa u wen%se f rii he got mad) 16.4 la u hcmL eH'nuwana'ya at that thing you shall pull Qfnuwl very) 72.2 U wa'lwalana! ya they (would) make knives out of it (wa'lwal knife) 136.14, 15 " The a- vowels of this suffix very often change the e- vowels of the stem to which they are suffixed into an a (see § 7). xafnana'ya he made him feel sorry for it (xa'nis sick) 42.18 typLpafwisana'ya I made a hat out of it (pLpa'wis hat) Whenever suffixed to reduplicated stems, this suffix is changed to -onaya. aqa'lqsona'ya la a! la he became afraid of his child {a'lqas fear) 28.24, 25 mUsma'tsona'ya Iex dl'lol he became acquainted with him, the young man (mi'tsis wise) 116.1 qai x 'qa'ydna'ya he became afraid of it {nqdyaHs I am frightened [I fear]) 42.3 PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 51-54) § 51. General Remarks The question of plurality, as exhibited in the verbs, is, compara- tively speaking, a complicated matter. The chief difficulty arises from the fact that Coos accords a different treatment to transitive and intransitive verbs, and that the phenomena connected with plural formation are by no means of a uniform character. As in most other American languages, the Coos intransitive verbs express plurality of subject, while stems expressing transitive concepts distinguish between actions relating to a singular object and those relating to plural objects. As a rule, plurality of the subject of verbal ideas is not indicated. One and the same stem is used in the singular and plural alike. There are, however, a few verbal concepts that express such a plurality by means of different stems. While this question ought to be more property treated under the heading " Vocabulary," it may neverthe- less be found useful to give here a few examples of such different stems. §51 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 357 Singular Plural Usem 26.20 ne'tsi 74.1 to do yixu'me 10.3 yuwl'tU, yuwat- 12.6 to travel tsxu 28.12 ha'yati 58.19, 20 to lie qa'qd40.2 tsi'msimt 74.1 to sleep xneP't- 74.30 xwailt- 22.17 to fly, to jump lEqa u 'ws 42.18 anu [see § 7]) 162.25 ciHec toy 92.10 ma he'laq td ali'canu people came there (in order) to play 90.26 -am occurs very rarely, and seems to denote the absence of the object of an action. qlmits he eats it 32.9 hats hanL e £ q/a'mtsa?/i just will you eat 42.23, 24 lo u - to eat 17.2 la u tsix' he Ld'wiyam she usually here eats 24.4, 5 Nominal Suffixes (§§ 56-80) GENERAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 56-65) § 56. Nominal -is This suffix may be said to have a general nominalizing function. It is found suffixed to a great number of stems, and expresses general nominal ideas, including many of our adjectival terms. For a discus- sion of its etymological nature, see General Remarks, § 25. ha'wl he grew up 64.12 ha' wis ready 5.4 sto u q he stood 20.4 stowa'qwis wall 90.18. . L/ats he spoke 16.2 L/e'yis language 16.1 %luwe'Hc%s heart 5.3 k'ele'ms corner 58.13 wix'i'Ms food 14.7 k'%na'w%s laziness 34.17 hele'y%s salmon-roe 34.27 (k'i'nwis lazy) hu u 'm%s woman 24. 6 hwaye'is ridge, mountain 22. 13 baltl'mis ocean 6.2 hwa'sis ball 38.19 pi'lik'is anus 40.7 hwl'nts feather 26.21 po u ' lewis slave klwa'sis wind 22.11 pLpafwis hat 136.14 qa'yis day, sky, world 6.1 tama'lis custom, fashion 19.8 qai'nis mouth of river 58.1 tqa/Us sun 24.2 q E ma'tis fish-basket 36.7 s%k'e' x 'h%s shield 28.7 xala'wis heat 24.9 tshwa' x L%s fir-tree 9.2 la' x iAs mud 52.10 tce e ne f nis edge 22.15 Itce'is ocean beach 7.11 g'ilo'mis breakers 8.1 Lva'lis sand beach 58.1 §56 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 361 he' mis large 14.5 hu'wts poor 42.5 pL/is heavy mi'tsis wise 132.6 t E qa ir L%s solid 7.6 te/M'tts sweet 32.27 tdlis dry 166.2 k'i'nwis lazy kafE'mis five 5.4 x'i'hois deep xa'lwis hot 24.6 a?a'ms sick 42.18 Le'mis raw 32.23 § 57. Nouns of Quality in -JEs, -tEs; -enis -Es, -tEs. This suffix changes adjectives (or adverbs) into abstract nouns. No explanation can be given for the phonetic difference be- tween the two suffixes. he' mis big 14.5 na a nt much, many 50.13 i}qai'na I am cold he'nlye a while 38.15 hethe'te rich 26.2 paa- to fill 15.7 e'hentc far 26.23 qaL long hlle'es black 162.13 qat below 36.11 hats kwa x'nek' hemi' stEs Jie x'dwd'yas the snake was just as big as a hair (literally, just like a hair [is] the size [of] the snake) 86.2 In kwee'nlyem Itse'ts he'il na a 'ntEs no one knew how many they were (literally, not knew they how [was] their quantity) 78.2 xqaine'ES kd a s tsxau'wat cold nearly killed him 32.7 ta u henl'yeES nyixu'me (for) such length of time I travel 26.9 hethe'teES wealth la u paa' wes hE xd a p the water reached its full mark (literally, goes its fullness [of] the water) 44.19 ehe'ntcES distance 52.16 qa'LtES length klle'estEs black color qa'tES, the lower part, half 16.10 -enis transforms adjectives expressing sensations and emotions into abstract nouns. dnlqa you are hungry 70.12 qa u 'net he got angry 32.25 te* xwin a'ya laqe'nis these we two died from hunger (literally, these we two [are] hunger-dead) 36.13, 14 qa u we'nis anger, wrath 16.4 §57 362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 58. Nouns of Location in -JEm, This suffix expresses the abstract conception of a local idea. It is suffixed to adverbs only, and is (with one exception) preceded by the adverbial suffix -tc. It may best be rendered by the part of, the side OF. lexa'tca kwVnait looked 62.6 inside he I' la before, first 56.9 lexa'tcEm hariL nqa'qal in the inside (part of my eye) will I sleep 40.2 Tie yixd'wEx l-Exa'tcEm of the house the inside (part) yiqantce'witc backwards 32.13 jpEnLd'wai yiqa 'ntcE?n djl a whale behind it was coming 88.22 U fc'ilo'wit ila'hatcEm d/l they saw it in front coming 88.5 le'wi u lla'liatcEm dowa'ya Id eq- uate he liked his mother best (literally, it is [as] his first[-ness] he likes his mother) 120.19, 20 xwandj yd'lanl Ie ma qa'tEm tila'qai that way are talking the people (who on the) lower part (of the river) live 66.12 gat below 36.11 § 59. Verbal Abstract -awas, -neiwas -awas changes the verb into a noun. It expresses the abstract concept of a verbal idea. If the verb expresses an active, transi- tive idea, it is suffixed to the bare stem, while in intransitive verbs it is preceded by the intransitive suffix -em (see p. 349). In such cases the final vowel of the transitive suffix disappears, and the #-vowel of -awas effects the retrogressive assimilation of the stem-vowels and suffix- vowels (see § 7). c E a'lctet he is working 22.26 LowP'wat she is eating 24. 5, 6 ifyLlhats I put it on is ali'cam we two play 38.11 Jqe dead 42.19 ha'yat he gambled 66.15 5 58-59 i la u a'wi c E alcta'was when he quit (the) work 34.6, 7 a'wi 'a Ldwa'was she finished (her) food 24.13 la l! aha' was her clothes 110.3 alicana'was l%n ha ux ts a game we (should) arrange 90.14 aqana'was funeral hay ana/ was Indian game boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES' — COOS 363 In one instance this suffix has been changed to -clwcll. qa'yaHs he is scared 126.1 In yu dl l l qayaiva'waL hardly any- thing can scare him (literally, not very something scaring [to him] 40.24; qayawd'waz a thing that scares) -ne l was* Composed of the distributive -nl l (see § 37) and the nominal -awas. Hence it expresses an abstract concept that has a distributive character. haqtsa! nlaxane if was Ldwa'Jcats she was sitting between his teeth (lit- erally, his teeth in the [mutual] between [-ness]) 102.18 sowe'l laxanei'was between the fingers 108.21 sqaiLrie 1 ' ivas the space between the fingers, a crack (sqai' L E xEm it was sticking in a crack 62. 8) § 60. Verbal Nouns in -onts, -si -onis. This suffix indicates that something has become the object of a certain action. It may best be rendered by what became the object of. Either it is suffixed to the verbal stem directly, or it is preceded by the transitive suffixes -t, -ts (see § 26). U yd'lanl they are talking 90. 16 la u U yaalto'nis they begin to talk about it (literally, this they [have as their] object of speech) 76.22 nk'i'tits I cut it h'itUso'ms lahxla she commenced to cut her foot (literally, object of cutting her foot [became] 80.21) lo u - to eat 17.2 la u Ldu'nis i ha'k'Uc la u yixu'me this became his food while he walked crawling (literally, that object of eating [it became] while crawling that one trav- eled) 32.11 a'tsa he gave it to him 34.10 atso'nis gift 188.26 -st is used in the formation of nouns from verbal stems. The best rendering that can be given for this suffix is the ruins, the rem- nants of. § 60 364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ai'wit he killed them 68. 11 is ai'witsl Ue we two (are the) rem- nants of the slaughter 62.18 x'pi it burned down 58.12 qawilal'we Ie yixa/wEx nx'pb'tsi she commenced to look around (of) the house the debris 58.18, 19 It is very likely that the following example may belong here: k'itsi'mis, k'itsima' m%s half Tie Jc'Usi 'misi oA'vAt half of them 32.11 he killed (literally, the remain- ing half he killed) 112.10 § 61. Nouns of Quantity in -in This suffix occurs in a few instances only. It is added to stems expressing adjectival ideas, and may be translated by piece, portion. tca'yux u small 42.6 I'k'l tca'yuxwm a'tsa (to) both a small portion he gave 120.17 qaic small 128.29 qaim'nis ux yu' wi yu in a small place they two are stopping 6.3 e'hentc far 26.23 na'yim ehentcEsV neHc djVnlt be- cause quite far apart it keeps comiug (literally, because dis- tance-portion-modality, [they] are coming [singly]) 52.18 § 62. Nouns of Agency in -ayawa, -eyawe, -iyawa These suffixes indicate the performer of an action. The -eyawe form is added to stems with e- vowels (see § 7). Since the informant was frequently at a loss how to express in English the idea conveyed by this suffix, he invariably translated it by to go and (perform the action in question). fa'lats he dances tallya'wa a dancer Lfx'Vnt he examined it 32.23 Lfx'inlya'wa examiner ni'h'in wood 102.2 ml' Lan nnik'ineya' 'we permit me to get some wood (literally, let me wood-gett-er be) 102. 1 mi'laq arrow 12.10 is milaqayafwe we two go and get arrows (literally, [we two are] arrow-makers) 160.6, 7 lo u - to eat 17.2 ^Ldwlya'wa I am an eater tyte'Htis Ldwlyctwa I go in and eat 168.2, 3 §§ 61-62 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS § 63. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place, -ts It is never suffixed to verbal stems. qa'ntcu where? 94.25 365 WIex medicine tsa'yux u small 20. 5 qaic small 128.29 ic xqantcu'wis from where are you two ? (literally, your two selves' whence place) 126.14 xvrin l E lxeyawe r wis we two have been after medicine (literally, our two selves' medicine-makers place) 126.15 tsayuxwi 'nis enl'h'exEm Ie lHoL on a small place is sticking out the land 44.26 qaiei'nis ilx yv! wt yu on (some) small place they two are stopping 6.3 64. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Locality, -urne , . is. It is added to nominal (or It signifies where the adverbial) stems only. ku u s south tse'tix' over here xwi'lux u head 30.14 xhukwi'sume hi' yet! he came ashore on the south side (literally, from where south is, he came ashore) tseti'x'ume lo he v/ he u ha u 'wE here on this side make a knot! (liter- ally, where this is, on it, a knot make) 92.7, 8 xwiluxu 'me where the head is 146.26 § 65. Terms of Relationship in -ate {-ate) Terms of relationship appear with the suffix -ate or -ate (see § T), except in the vocative case, where the stem alone is used. A few nouns exhibit in the vocative case an entirely different stem, while others occur in the vocative form only. The phenomenon so characteristic of many American and other languages, whereby the different sexes use separate terms for the purpose of denoting corresponding degrees of relationship, is not found in Coos. This may in part be due to the fact that the language does not differentiate in any respect whatsoever between the two sexes, and that grammatical gender is a concept entirely unknown to the Coos mind. On the other hand, Coos has one trait in common §§ 63-6S 366 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 with some of the languages of the neighboring tribes, namely, in so far as two different stems are used to denote the same degree of relationship by marriage. One is employed as long as the inter- mediary person is living, while the second is used after the death of that person. The following table shows the nouns expressing the different degrees of relationship: English Coos Vocative case Father e'kuL&tc k.'o'la.' Mother e?natc nl'k'.al Son (?) Lowa! Daughter kwayd'eite kwd'ya! Older brother ha' Late h&Li! Younger brother miLkwl'yatc ma'Lik! Older sister heni'kunatc he'nikwi! Younger sister kwlya'xLtc kwe'eh! Grandfather pka'katc pka'k'J Grandmother uma'catc, u'mac u'ma! Grandson teml'snatc, temi'sin temi'si! (sing.) tema'mls! (pi.) Granddaughter tek- itsi'natc teka'xtsi! Paternal uncle pu'yatc, pits pl'sl! Maternal uncle ax'i'axatc axa'x'! Paternal aunt d'tatc a'atl Maternal aunt xukwi'natc kwa'kwl! Father-in-law mitcL'tsinatc ya'k:' (?) Mother-in-law qali'ksatc kwa'lik! Son-in-law mi'nkatc (?) Daughter-in-law mElu e natc l (?) Brother-in-law ha'lik! hal! Sister-in-law kwl'hatc kwl'hai! Relative, by marriage, after xa'yusL&tc (?) death of person whose mar- riage established the relation- ship. Nephew (son of sister) tewi'tatc ten! Nephew (son of brother) (?) kvnne'w'uJ (?) nexleu' (?) Niece (daughter of sister) upxana'catc (?) Niece (daughter of brother) (?) pEkwl'nLl! Alsea maHun. Besides the above-enumerated terms of kinship, there are two stems that are used as such, although they do not, strictly speaking, denote any degree of relationship. One of these is the term sla'atc (vocative sla), employed by the Coos in addressing a male member of the tribe, and even a stranger; and the other is xwll, used in the same way in addressing females. § 65 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 367 In one instance the term kwe'nez is employed to denote sister, without mentioning the rank of her birth. All attempts to obtain the corresponding term for brother have proved unsuccessful. § 66. SUFFIXES -ex, -iyisto, -lyetEoc These three suffixes, occurring in a few instances only, seem to express the idea pertaining to. They are suffixed to nominal and to adverbial stems. heHdj north yi'qantc behind z/an- qa'lu winter (?) 162.20 qa'xan- up 14.1 qa'yis sky 6.1 Ie la'mak' lala u ts bildjl'yEx the bones those (are) the Umpqua Indians (literally, the Northern Indians) 50.5, 6 yiqa 'ntcimex ma the last genera- tion 9.6 L/a'riex qa'lyeq new salmon 36.25 qa'lex old 38.18 qaxam'yetEX ma from above the people 150.5 oayisa'yEx ma the sky-people ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES (§§ 67-70) § 67. Local and Modal -eHc, -Itc This suffix indicates rest, and was rendered by in, at, on, under. It is added to nouns and (very rarely) to verbs. For the parallel occurrence of -eHc and -itc, see § 2. (See note to § 36.) yixa/vjEx house 22.25 Llta country 30.28 he' wilts road 138.17 q u wai's board 52.11 xd°p water 6.9 %x' canoe 44.20 Jcwi'leL sweat- ho use 62.25 yixafvjExeHc Ldwa'lcats in the house he is sitting yEai' Llta'Uc iiitse'ts in another country I stay 26.8, 9 hewi'ltsitc stb u q on the road he stood 36.16 i la u quwai'sltc tcildle'et while she under the board was 58.25 xa a 'pitc (1)1 n mi'le in the water it was swimming 88.21 osi'l i'x'ltc ux tclowl'yat in the middle (of the) canpe they two laid him down 126.23 hvile'LeHc tsxu lot to'mtL in the sweat-house lay that old man 28.11, 12 U 06-67 368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 tila'qai (many) live 36.11 hi'nl Ldwa'kats Ie til Ie ma xqat tila'qayltc there lived the kins- men (among) the people (who) below lived 60.11 By prefixing to the noun the local prefix x- (see § 22), and by suffixing to it the suffix -eHc, -lie, the idea from is expressed. qa'yis sky 6.1 xqa'yisltc he'laq from the sky he came z/ta country 30.28 xyEai' zltd'ltc from another coun- try 26.6 pqai' back 82.13 xyu'xwa ma z/d x k'ine if wat xpqai'- hltc two men were supporting him from the back 40.9 When preceded by the discriminative x- (see § 23), this suffix assumes a modal significance, exercising the same function as the English adverbial suffix -ly or the word like. nmd'henet it is populated 12.4 hats hwa xmahe'ntltc stb'waq just like a person he stood up 114.23, 24 xmahe'ntltc k'ild'ivit Ie ma like persons she saw the beings (look) 54.18 a'yu sure enough 7.4 go u s dlH In xa'yuwlte tsxau'wat he killed a little of everything (literally, [of] everything not enough-ly he killed) 64.19, 20 qa'lyeq salmon 34.14 xqa'lyeqeHc U Jctoina'elwat as salmon they look upon it 130.14 xta'nuxwltc Ldwa'kats sideways he was sitting 38.10 yixe 1 ' one 5.5 xyi'xeHc do! mil xyl'xeHc he'il hu u ma'k'e each man has one wife (literally, one [modal] man, one [modal] their wives) 48.5 The prefix may sometimes be omitted, as shown by the following examples: qantc where 8.8 yi'TiwanL qantcl'tc ten la perhaps shall which way this I go 100.18 qaic small 128.29 qai'dte ha u U yu'wilt into small pieces they divided it 130.26 tsa'yux u small 20.5 isa'yuxwltcpi'lstat to pieces it was smashed 124.14 §67 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 369 Owing to its modal significance, this suffix expresses the idea of our collective numerals in twos, in threes, when added to the cardi- nal numerals. go u s qa'ntcltc xyuxwa' heHc U la everywhere in pairs they went 48.8 xyipsE 1 'rieHc in threes (yi'psEn three) § 68. Local Suffix, Indicating Motion, -etc The suffix -etc indicates motion, action, and maybe rendered by at, IN, THROUGH, ON, INTO. tcicl'mU spruce-tree 20.5 dE'msit prairie 22.12 yixa'wEx house 22.25 tclwal fire 38.8 a face 10.3 zlai'yat Ie tsa'yux u tcici' miletc he put it on the small spruce-tree 20.8 Ie'y% dEmste'tc l hi' nap a good prairie through he goes 22.11 yixafwExetc la into the house he went 28.10, 11 yixd'wExetc dj% to the house he came tdwd'letc tlcits into the fire he shoved it 32.24 Jcwina'^wat a'hetc he is looking at (his) face When suffixed to a stem with an «-vowel, the suffix is changed to -ate (see § 7). xa a p water 6.9 lHo! ground 0.7 t E lc!wil xa a 'jjatc into the water he dove 26.27 rJ.ta'atc leml'yat on the ground he put it 64.1 In some cases it may be suffixed to verbs. iAla'qai (many) live 36.11 stb u q he stands 20.4 ali'canl (they) play 94.8 3045°— Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 24 tel he'laq Ie ma tila'qayetc there he arrived, where the people were living 36.12, 13 tso Ie ma qal sto u ' qetc he'laq now to the person (that) below stood he came 92, 4, 5 he'laq Ie ma alicanl'waqatc he came to the people (that) were playing 98, 14, 15 370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 69. Local -ewitc The local suffix -ewitc is rendered by towards be { ldj north e'qatce aside 26.20 yVqantc behind gaits inside 140.24 yixa'wEX house 22.25 bUdje'witc qai'cit to the north he scattered 48.24 eqatce'wUc kwilkwe £ le if yu to one side he was rolled 94.19,20 yiqantce' witc ilx backwards he looked 32.13 qai'tsowUc il te'Hits (inside) they entered 22.29 yixawExe'witc nla towards the house I am going § 70. Instrumental -Etc It expresses our ideas with, against. When suffixed to a stem with an #-vowel, it is pronounced more like -ate; while, if suffixed to a stem with an e- vowel, it invariably sounded like -etc. When the instrumental idea with is to be expressed, the stem to which this suffix is added is very often preceded by the prefix x- (see § 24). ma'luk u paint %x' canoe 44.20 tc/Utcf hammer 26.26 mix'so'wl 1 lucky 20.14 qleTe pitch 82.23 ml'k'e basket 28.27 qa'yis sky 6.1 tqa'lis sun 24.2 tctt'lE door 62.5 §§69-70 ma'lukwEtc lta'ya u la a red paint with was painted his face 10.2, 3 ma xix'E'tc yixu'me people in canoes travel (literally, with ca- noes) 90.3 tqanLts tcIi'ltdEtc Ie Tcw%'la u he struck with a hammer the ice 28.1,2 hata'yims mix'so'wEtc afficanl u men lucky money with they are playing 94.27 q/ele'yEtc la u pa a ts with pitch it was full 74.25 xmik'e'Eto toioi'tiniye in a basket he was dropped down (literally, with a basket) 28.9,10 qd'yisEtc tshwl against the sky it struck 22.4 tqa'ttsEtc pana 'qtsxEm in the sun he is warming himself 32.8 x'ne' x 't%ts tc/ile'TiEtc she jumped against the door 76.2 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 371 In the following instance the suffix is changed, without any apparent cause, to -yEtc. wa'lwal knife 78.11 t E qanLl'yeqEm xwa'lwalyEtc they hit her with a knife 80. 5 In another instance it occurs as -aHc. go u s dV-l tsaya! nehaHc nLlpe'ne dlH with all kinds of small birds 46.2 When suffixed to the article or to the personal pronouns, this suffix is changed to 4tc. Ie it 5.1 xle'itc ux k'/int with it they two try it 7.4 n'ne I 50.25 nne'itc Jie'laq with (or to) me he came tfne thou 15.7 ye^ne'itc with, to thee 18.11 xa he 15.10 hexa'itc with, to her 86.3 xvnn we two hexwinne'itc with, to us two 24.3 § 71. SUPERLATIVE -eyint This suffix indicates great quantity or quality. It corresponds to our superlative. tsa'yux u small 20.5 Jie tsayuxwe'yim a'la the smallest child he' mis big 14.5 Jie liemise'yim yixa'wEX the big- gest house It is added mostly to terms of relationship that denote either a younger or an elder member of the family. In such cases it implies that the member spoken of is the younger (or elder) in a family con- sisting of more than two members of the same degree of kinship. heni'h u ndtc elder sister wandj L/ats Tie henihuntce 'yim (out of two) 50.8 that way spoke the eldest sister 126.16 § 72. DISTRIBUTIVE -inl -int is suffixed to nouns of relationship onty, and expresses a degree of mutual kinship. It is etymologically related to the verbal dis- tributives -net, -anl (see §§ 25, 37). sla'atc cousin 42.21 fax sla'tcinl they two were mutual cousins 42.15 hdfLdtc elder brother 72.27 lin haLtd'nl we are brothers mu- tually miLkwl'yatc younger brother ltat K E'mis U miLkwi'tcim five they 72.1 (are) brothers (mutually) 90.8 §§71-72 372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 73. INTERROGATIVE -u It is added only to the particles tcitc, qantc, mi' late, dl% wit, Uc, to the adverb ni'&tc, and to the stem Itse'ts (see pp. 406, 407, 408, 411). tch'tcu xa'lal u men what are they doing? 92.18 xtcl'tcu tEn xafnis how is it that I am sick? la u qa'ntcu la that one where did he go? 94.25 mi'lateu hanL e £ wu'txe when will you return? 28.3,4 dl p lu he tE e £ wilo u 'wat what usually are you looking for ? 54. 3 dlHtce'tvu hanL tEis k'/int with what shall we two try it? 7.1, 2 {di i ltce , tcu=dVl + -tc+-Etc + -u (see §§ 108, 25, 70, 11) xwi'tu tsPx'ti'yat who did it? I'tcu e t dowa!ya e'xkan which one do you want? 50.17 U ni'ctcu how many are they ? (literally, [are] they a few ?) itse'tsu hemi'stEs tl'ye yixa'wEx how big is your house? (literally, how [the] largeness [size] of your house ?) NUMERAL SUFFIXES (§§ 74-77) § 74. Ordinal -is The ordinal numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals (see § 101) the suffix -is. The first two numerals are irregular, especially the ordinal for one. The adverbial stem lla ahead, the temporal adverb yuwint before, or the same adverb with the adjectival ending -lyEx, are used in lieu of the missing regular ordinal numeral for one. The ordinal for two is formed by adding the suffix -is to the adverb aSO AGAIN. I' la, yuwi'nt, yuwi'ntiyEx first aso'wis second yipsE'nis third heci}' lis fourth kat K E r mists fifth he 1 xa I'la Lowi'tat she first ran (literally, ahead) 56.9 len yuwi'nt hu u 'mis my first wife (literally, my wife [whom 1 had] before) len aso'wis hu u 'mis my second wife Compare also helrrii'Ms next day {he'lml to-morrow 162.9) 6.7 Of an obscure composition is the indefinite ordinal tsl'wis the last. Its first component can not be explained, while the ending is plainly the ordinal suffix -is. tso cku tsl'wis now (this) must (have been) the last one 120.1 §§ 73-74 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — COOS 373 § 75. Multiplicative -en The multiplicative numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals the suffix -en times. 1. yixe'n 6. ylxe^wieqen 2. tso u xe'n 7. yuxvial 'wieqen 3. ytpsE'nen 8. yixe^ahalen 4. hecL tf Len 9. yuxwa' ahalen 5. kafE'misen 10, Leplqa'nien The numeral for twice is irregular. It seems to be composed of the conjunction tso now, of the inclusive personal pronoun ux, and of the multiplicative suffix -en. yixe'n sLa'qa la once bathing she went 84.24 tso u xe'n hanL nwu'txe in two days will I return (literally, twice) 28.4 kafE'misen qa'xantc x'ne' x 'tits five times upwards (they) jumped 76.4 tso k u kwa mctce'n qalirmfye then, perhaps, in a few days . . . (literally, now, perhaps, it seems, a few times, morning it got) 56.21 To this group belongs also the indefinite weste'n so many times, formed from the stem wes so many. Ms weste'n tsix' ta Ms western yEai' L/ta'Uc nltse'ts I stay here just as long as in the other country (literally, also so many times here, and also so many times in another country, I stay) 26.8, 9 § 76. Ordinal-Multiplicative -entcis The ordinal-multiplicative numerals, expressed in English by at the first time, at the second time, are formed by means of the compound suffix -entcis. This suffix consists of the multiplicative -en (see above), of the modal -to (see § 36), and of the ordinal suffix -is (see § 74). xyixe 1 ' vneqe' ntcis lIIHg la iluioe'Hcis at the sixth time went out her heart 76.6, 7 xkatf e' mise' ntcis at the fifth time The ordinal suffix -is may be omitted, as shown in the following example: hecL 1 ' Lento qaliml'ye la u laata'ya la sla'atc on the fourth day he went to his cousin (literally, four times [at] morning it got . . . ) 42.20, 21 SS 75-76 374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 77. Distributive -hifla Distributive numerals in the sense of one each, one apiece, are formed by adding to the cardinal numerals the suffix -hina (see General Remarks, pp. 326, 327). The first two numerals, yixe { and yuxwa, change their final vowels into a before adding the suffix. This change may be due to purely phonetic causes (see § 7). The numeral for three, yi'psEn, drops its final n before taking the suffix. yixahi'na one each yUxwaM'na two each yipsEhi'na three each heci^LM'na four each Jcaf EmisMfna five each go u s yixahi'na il nhu u ma'Jc'e Ie wi'nqas u hi 1 ' me all of the Spider's children have wives each (literally, all, one apiece, they with wives [are], the Spider's children) 58.9 yixahi'na he' is mi'laq we two have one arrow apiece • PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 78-79) § 78. Irregular Plurals The majority of nominal stems have the same forms in singular and plural. There are, however, a number of nouns and adjectives that show in the plural a formation which is distinct from the singular form. This formation is based upon two grammatical processes, suffixation and phonetic change, and may be said to be of a petrified character. It is impossible to describe, or even suggest, the pro- cesses that may have taken place in this formation; hence no attempt will be made to discuss them in detail. The following is a list of nominal stems that occur in two distinct forms, — one for the singular, and the other for the plural: Singular Plural a'la 10.8 hV'me 20.3 child hu u 'mis 24.6 hu u ma f fre 20.3 woman to'm%L 20.2 tEmd'Le 24.1 old man da' mil 14.7 ti'mill 56.18 man ma 10.1 men 24.22 human being Jc'nes Jc'ene'yese 30.16 hunchback tsa'yux u 20.5 tsaya'ne 48.7 small tce'xet tce'nixet 46.19 short qaL kaLE'mka 134.25 tall aiA'maq 112.27 am'maqa 44. 20 big ^ Ld"~ TO eat; -am (§ 65). 2*maha- to watch; -eiwat frequentative (§ 33). "Definite article (§17). K he'cLiL four; -entcls ordinal multiplicative (§ 76). 8i la- to go; -t transitive (§ 26); -dya non-active object pronoun (§47). 82 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§ 18). **tcine- to think, -eni verbal (§ § 45, 10). 8£o«- to eat; -eiwat frequentative (§§ 33,8). "Syntactic particle (§87). 12 L.'peq- to be in aem-pits; -aeiwat frequentative causative (§ 34); see also reduplication (§83), w»- instrumental (§24); Ie article (§17); -Etc instrumental (§70). ut'al- to dance; -ts transitive (§ 26). is Plural formation (§78). iHc.'icil mat; -aeiwat frequentative causative (§34). Hpictc- to be warm: -I neutral intransitive (§31). ™q!m- to eat; -ts transitive (§26). wyii veky (§ 106); he customarily (§87); see also §9. WLtLl- to scoop out; -lyat causative (§§ 27, 2). 21 Modal adverb (§106). 22 Possessive pronoun 3d person plural (§ 98). sslom- to eat; -dwas verbal abstract (§§ 59, 8). **skw- TO talk about; -em verbal (§ 45); -iyeqsm passive (§§ 40,9). 25 Article (§17). 36x- modal (§ 24) ; tcltc manner (§ 112); -u interrogative (§73). "Syntactic particle (§91). 28 Personal pronoun 1st person plural (§18). boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 423 ^ata'ya?" 29 - go toit?"— A'yu 21 tor Surelv Tci 30 hariL 31 tin 28 la." Tso 8 'There shall we go." Now it 6 he'Iaq. A'yu 21 tclila'at 32 Surely to burn it is caused there thev arrived. ft 6 la. they went. ii 6 when they te /x tits. 33 entered. tci 30 1e 25 there the sla! Is 40 cousin! We two XpEkwfltcume 44 From the opposite side Hats 8 y iqax 34 Just right away ma ha'lqait. 37 person (he) came to. k'ilo'wit 35 1e 25 (he) saw it the Xta'nuxwltc 38 Sideways a'yu 21 tci 30 surely there tE that fire, there xa^p. Lowa'kats 36 water. Sat Lowa'kats. 36 u Ta1 39 (he) was sitting. ' ' Halloo, ali'cani 41 play hanE." 31 shall." Lowa'kats. 36 (he) sat. Hats 8 Just Tso 8 Now kwa 42 as if in 4 not he'mye, 45 (after) a while Qaniya'ta 47 Stranger e £48 hen'ne u49 sla thou my cousin Mtc 50 cantE?" 51 (surprise) (?) " : E £48 lEqa u wiya'tanr Thou story tell L." £ must. "Ma 34 cku 42 "But it must be hen thou klayahaVwat. 43 (he) hears it. tso 8 flxats. 46 now (he) ooked at him. Wandj 21 Llats. 52 Thus (he) spoke. nila'hatcEm 55 at priority la ye £56 ha u 'we." 57 Tso 8 qats 34 goes thy growth." Now, however, Tso* Now I pi. ndian cradle. aso'° 9 again Te 2 That there ta s te' x tits. 33 (he) entered. 'Halloo, ye £ ne u56 pi 4 Indian cradle thy qa'lex 61 ; (is) old; and te i2 this here la u2 that one ni'klwa 31 used (to be) Lle^c. He'mye 45 e'he qano'tca. 58 (he) went Awhile (he) was outside, out. gone sla! Anta 39 te i2 ni'klwa 31 ye £ ne u56 cousin!" Look this used (to be) thy here Lla'nex. 60 Te 2 hen'ne u49 pPl la u2 (is) new. That my Indian that there cradle one y e c ne u56 ngu'h^ £ a s te 12 ni'klwa 31 thy shinny-club, and this used (to be) here 2 Ha- to go; -t transitive (§ 26); -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47). 3° Local adverb (§104). « Syntactic particle (§ 87). ®tc:il- to burn; -eet causative passive (§§ 41,7). ™text- to enteb; -ts transitive (§ 26). 34 Syntactic particle (§89). Mk'ttdu- to see; -t transitive (§§ 26,8). 86 lo«/;«-to sit; -ts transitive (§§ 26,11). ®helq- to arrive; -t transitive (§§ 26,7,11). ™x- modal (§ 24); tanuxu- side; -Itc modal (§§ 67,8). sainterjection (§111). 40 Personal pronoun inclusive, dual (§18). * l alEc toy; -eni verbal (§§ 45,7). "Syntactic particle (§88). Kk.'ayaha- to hear; -eiwat frequentative (§ 33). «x- locative (§ 22); pEkw'd- opposite; -te adverbial (§§ 25,104); -ume nominalizing (§ 64). KfienT- a while; -lye transitional (§§ 35,9) . *Hlx- to look; -Is transitive (§ 26). vqanhja'ta belonging to a diffebent tbibe, a stranger. <8 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§18). < fj Possessive pronoun 1st person singular (§ 98). ^Syntactic particle (§90). m Can not be analyzed. ml.'o- to speak; -ts transitive (§ 26). niBqavwtyatas story (compare lEqauwE to pie) ; eni verbal (§§ 45,7). -'Syntactic particle (§ 92). "«- adverbial (§ 21); lla before (§ 104); -te adverbial (§§ 25,103,10,7): -Em adverbial abstract (§ 58). ' ,; Possessive pronoun 2d person singular (§§ 18, 98) . vhau- to grow; -e (§80); see also §§ 8, 118. Mqano- outside; -te adverbial (§§ 25,104); -a directive (§ .V)). ^Temporal adverb (§ 105). ML.'an- new; -ex adjectival (§ 66). ftqal- old (compare qalu winter); -tx adjectival (§ 06). £24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 hen'ne u49 na u 'hm, ta 8 my shinny-club, and te i2 this here nfklwa 31 hen'ne u49 kwa'sis. 62 used (to be) °my ball. ni'klwa 31 used (to be) Lla'nex 60 New (is) ye'ne L thy y e £ ne u 56 kwa'sis, 62 ta 8 ball, and te i2 hen'ne u49 kwa'sis.' this my ball, here Tei 30 hito u tsa'tExa. 63 There (he) put them down for him. Tei 30 il 65 e £48 Lo u k u . There surely thou sit down. Kwa 42 kwe 42 yu As if perhaps very thy 21 A'yu 21 Surely k'ilo'wit. 35 (he) saw it. te i2 this here kwa'sis. 62 Qa'lex 61 ball. Old (is) l 54 sla." must cousin." (be) cill'ye 64 sla. indeed cousin it is m 4 a'yu 21 not surely "A'yu 21 "Surely IS 4 We two alfcanl 41 hanL." 31 Tso 5 play shall." Now a'yu 21 ux bb surely they two haiti / tEme u . 6 ' gamble together. "Yi'kwanL 68 "Perhaps shall dMtCE'tC 89 something ten 70 that I i 8 when that one xtcitc 75 in the manner Ll'tEta 72 1e 25 puts (his) hands the behind (his) back (one of) yux 27 wi'yetc if would a piece of abalone shell 77 with 55 na nrxqa players?" nxwa'lxwal 76 in eye Llaqa Vwat, 71 point my finger at him frequently, Tcine'henl. 73 "Yi'kiiL 74 (He) is thinking. " Perhaps would be n 77 x'Llowa'eHvat? 78 I cause it to be inside? Lexa'tcEm 79 hanL 31 Inside, the part shall n" qa'qal. Cin 80 L^k'ina'is 81 hariL, 31 yanL 27 °I sleep. You support you— me shall, if shall. n 77 Ll'tEta." 72 I put (my hands) behind (my) back." A'yu 21 yiqa'x 34 wandj. 21 Surely LltE'ta. 72 just Wandj 21 Ll&'xEm. 82 Thus talking, condition. Tso* Now that way. Wandj 21 Tit 83 1e 25 ma'nat. Thus (he) told the crowd, it to a'yu 21 Llaqa'e'wat, 71 f 8 la u2 surely (he) points (the) finger when that at him, frequently one A'yu 21 yuxwa /109 ma Llo^-m^'wat, 84 Tcl'tcu 85 c E86 dPi 9 puts (his) Surely two persons support him steadily. How sur- thinge hands behind prise (his) back. itsem. 87 Xya'bas 88 yapti'tsa 89 la 90 pi'uVis, 91 la 90 ye'es, la 90 tcul, la 90 happened. Maggots ate up his anus, his face, his nose, his 62 kwds- ? ; -is nominal (§56). 63 hltou- TO put down; -ts transitive (§26); -tea; direct object pronoun plural (§54); -a indirect object pronoun (§49; see also § 7). 64 ctl syntactic particle (§90); -lye transitional (§35). es Syntactic particle (§ 88). 66 Personal pronoun 3d person dual (§18). &hai- to gamble; -t transitive (§ 26); -t transitive (§ 26); -meu reciprocal (§ 29; see also § 4). Myiku syntactic particle (§ 88); hanL shall (§§ 87, 8, 9). ^dlH something (§ 108); -tc adverbial (§ 25); -Etc instrumental (§ 70). 70 Personal pronoun 1st person singular (§§ 18, 98). ^L.'aqa- to point at; -eiwat frequentative (§ 33). 72 h!tEta to put one's hand behind the back (during a game). lutein- to think; -enl verbal (§§ 45, 10). ™ ylku perhaps (§88); uh would be (§§ 91, 9). 75 x- modal (§ 24) ; telle particle (§ 112). 76%- adverbial (§ 21); xwalxwal eye (§§ 83, 116). 77 Personal pronoun 1st person singular (§ 18) . itx-L.'ou- to be inside (§ 54); -ae mat frequentative causative (§§ 34, 8). ^lexatc inside (§ 104); -Em adverbial abstract (§ 58). 80 Personal pronoun 2d person plural (§ 18) . ^L.'oxk-in- to steady, to support; -dis transitive, subject and object pronoun thou-me (§ 46). 82 Lid- to talk; -xEm generic suffix (§ 30). *Htt- to say to; -t transitive (§26). **L.'dxk-in- to support; -eiwat frequentative (§ 33). 8 5 telte particle (§ 112); -u interrogative (§73). 86 Syntactic particle denoting surprise (§ 90). wits- to do, to be (§ 113); -em suffix defining the subject (§ 30). 88 a;- discriminative (§23); yabas maggot. wyab- maggot; -t transitive (§ 26); -ts transitive (§§ 26, 25); -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). 9 " Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§98). sipilik'- anus; -is nominal (§56). 21 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 425 k^a'nas. His 8 Inlhenf ye-Es 92 xya'bas 88 qlmits. 18 La" 2 In 4 la u 2 ears. Also (in) no time inaggots ate him. That not that one thing i'lxats. 46 Hats 8 yi'qa 34 tci 30 Lowa'kats. 36 Xyuxwa' 93 ma (at) looked. Just continually there (he) sat. Two per- sons Llo^-me^wat 84 xpqai'hltc. 94 Wi'yax x-Llowa'^wat 78 Ian 95 support him steadily from (the) back. Abalone shell (he) caused to be his in inside xwa'lxwal. Lexa'tcEm 79 qa'qal. La u 2 qats 34 kwa 42 a'yu eye. Inside, the part (he) slept That one just as if surely kwi'nait. 96 Hitc 50 wi'yax 1e 25 x'Lll'ye 97 Ian 95 xwa'lxwal. Hats 8 looked at it. Surprise abalone it inside it is his in eye. Just shell la'mak* Lowa'kats. 36 Asi'L 30 la u 98 x'iluwfye" Iex 100 ya'bas, i 8 bones sitting. Halfway goes its growth (of) the maggots, when la u 2 xya'bas 88 Lowe 1 ' wat. 10 Itse'ts 101 yiku 65 il 65 la u 2 henl'y eEs 92 that the maggots eat him continually. May be surely he for some time one hi' nl 30 Lowa'kats. 36 Tso 8 wandj 21 tcine'henl. 73 "YikwanL 68 dFltcE'tc M there (he) sat. Now thus thinking. "Perhaps shall something with tEn 70 Llaqa'eVat?" 71 Hats 8 kwanL 102 In 4 yu 21 dFl 9 qaya u 'wlye, 103 that I point my finger ajt Just as if not very something scared, him frequently?" shall he becomes yuL 27 xle'itc 13 n 77 Llaqa'e'wat." 71 Wandj 21 tcine'henl. 73 Yi'qa 34 In 4 if would with it °I point my fingers at Thus thinking. Still not with him frequently." flxats 46 1e 25 ya'bas; ma 34 ii 65 hats 8 la'niak' slL'ne 1 . 104 Yi'qa 34 In 4 (he) looked the maggots; how- surely just bones joined Still not at ever together. i'lxats. 46 "CFn 105 k-elle^wat. 106 Cin 80 sqats hanL 31 tE 2 tclwfll, yanL 27 (he) looked "You not forget it. You grab shall that fire, if shall at it. there iin 28 tqats. 107 La u2 his 8 tE 2 xa a p cin 80 x'intl'ta 10S hanL." 31 we win (game). That one also that water you cause it to run shall." there Wandj 21 Lla'xEm. 82 Yixe 1 ' 109 ma wandj 21 Lla'xEin. 82 "Ns'xkan 110 That way talking, One person that way talking, "I condition. condition. hanL 31 la u2 n 77 x'intl'yat 111 tE 2 xa a p.— Te i2 la u2 e £48 x'inti'yat 111 hanL 31 shall (be) the °I run, cause it that water-— This the you to run, cause it shall one there here one win negation (§ 112) ; I abbreviated form of diU (§ 108); henlye \ while; -es noun of quality (§57). 9 3 x- discriminative (§23); yti'xwil two (§ 101). 94 x- FROM (§22); pqai back; -Uc local suffix (§§67, 10). *>la possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98); n- adverbial (§ 21). x kwlna- to look; -t transitive (§26). w X'Ll- to be inside (§ 54); -lye transitional (§ 35). 98 Sign of possession (§97). "x-ilu- deep; -lye nominal suffix (§§80,8). loo Ie article (§ 17); x- discriminative (§ 23). ioi See § 113. I 02 kwa as if (§ 88); ham shall (§§ 87, 9). 103 qayau- to be afraid; -lye transitional (§§35, 8). i° 4 «7l- to join; -net distributive (§37). i* cm personal pronoun, 2d person plural (§ 96); In not (see § 9.). loe/c-ei- to forget; -cheat frequentative (§33); see § 83. ™tq- to win; -ts transitive (§20). v*x-Ent- to run; -iyat causative (§ 27); -a indirect object pronoun (§§ 49, 11). i<» Cardinal numeral (§ 101). no Personal pronoun 1st person singular (§ 96). ni x-Ent- to run; -lyit causative (§ 27). 426 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 tE 2 tclwal." Tso 8 xwandj^Plt. 83 "Kwl'yal 112 halt! 113 e £ ne 114 he 11 that fire." Now thus (he) told "Now now thou custom- there it to arily him. L!tE r ta." 72 Wandj 21 !^. 83 "Yi'kwani^dPltcE'te^tEn 70 Llaqa'eVat?" 71 put (thy) Thus (he) told "Perhaps shall something tins point the finger at hands behind it to with here I him continually?" (thy) back." him. u Hats 8 In 4 yu 21 di 1 ! 9 yti 21 qayawa'waL. 115 Lo 116 l 117 ul 27 1e>I, "Just not very some- very scaring. That neces- would good, thing thing sarily be yuL 27 x*owa'yasEtc 118 n 77 Llaqa^wat." 71 KMatcIha'yims 119 la u2 if snake with I point (my) finger at Without dying down that one should him continually." (the fire) tc lila' at. 120 Tso 8 a/yu 21 x'owa'yasEtc 118 Lla'qat. 121 Lowiti'yeqEm. 122 to burn, it is Now surely snake with (he) pointed (He) is watching caused. (the) finger himself. at him. X'owa'yas ban 123 dji'letc xa'Fmats. 124 Hats 125 kwa 42 xtcitc 7 Snake his at thighs wraps around. Just looks like something Itsem. 87 Ma 34 ai'wa 126 in 4 k'ilo'wit. 35 Han 123 we'hel la u2 happened How- still not (he) sees it. His to waist that ever one he'Iaq 1e 25 x'dwa'yas. Han 123 ye'es la u2 kwa 42 1'nuwlt. 127 arrived the snake. His to mouth that one as if threatens (to go). AkVnak* 128 he'Uta hex 129 x'owa'yas. Hats 8 han 130 kwa 42 Sticks out (the) tongue the snake. Just will as if han 123 tcul la u2 te' x tits 33 1e 25 x'owa'yas. Qai x, qa'y6na'ya, 131 i 8 his in nose that one enter the snake. Afraid, (it) made him, when la u2 klld'wit. 35 Si'xits 132 e^qatce. 133 N Eqa'ya. 134 Lixana'yem 135 that (he) saw it. (He) shook it one side to. (He) ran away Throw (indefinite) one off from it. (People shout at him) ye'es. X'i'x'intu 136 1e 25 tclwal. He^kwaln 137 xhu'wis 138 ma mouth. (It) is being taken the fire. Very poor person away quickly (is) la u2 x'inti'yat 111 1e 25 tclwal. He^yu 139 xtca/y ux u 138 ma la u2 the (to) run, causes the fire. Very small person the one (he is) one 112 Temporal adverb (§ 105). us Temporal adverb (§ 105). " 4 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§96). usqayau- to fear; -awaL nominal suffix (§59). us Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100) . i" Syntactic particle (§92). iwx-owdyas snake; -Etc instrumental (§ 70). " 9 A;-/a- privative (§20); tc.'ha- to extinguish; -ayims nominal (§ 80). votcHl- to burn; -aat passive causative (§§ 41, 7). i 21 L/aga- to point at with one's finger; -t transitive (§26). 122 louxt- to watch; -iyeqEin passive (§§ 40, 3, 11). 123 hd possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98) ; n- adverbial (§ 21). wxalm- to wrap around; -ts transitive (§26). i* 5 Conjunction (§ 110). 126 Temporal adverb (§ 105). wiinuiol very, modal adverb (§106); -t transitive (§26). wak'ank-- TO stick out (§4). 129 hE article (§17); x- discriminative (§23). i3o Syntactic particle (§87). wqayau- to scare; -anaya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 3, 82). 132 six-- to shake off; -ts transitive (§26). 133 Local adverb (§§ 104, 103, 55). MnEq to run away; -ay a non-active object pronoun (§47). issL/xcm- to throw; -aya (§ 47); -em suffix defining the subject (§§ 30, 9). wx-Ent- to run; -u present passive (§§ 38, 82). is? Syntactic particle (§93). 138 x- discriminative (§23). «9 he syntactic particle (§93); yu very, modal adverb (§ 106). boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 427 tlkwi'tsa 140 1e 25 xa a p. Xplye'etc 141 L°wa'hait 142 hE 25 men. 143 kicks it the water. In the manner of run the people. going home K u ha'nasatc 144 ha u2 lExalxa'yu 145 hE 25 tclwal. Nle'hi 146 la u 98 Ear in that one was put in the fire. With it goes his x'na'at. 147 Le 25 xa a p ha'kwal 148 hE'mtset, 149 i 8 la u2 tlkwi'tsa. 140 quickness The water as if (to) lay bare, when that kicked it. (he runs). caused, it was, one Mandj 150 hats 8 gi'mtset 151 lE'tsix'. 152 K u niene'iletc 153 iJxa'na 154 Already Just (to) rain caused right here. Brush into (he) threw it, it was 1e 25 tclwal. Klwe'hetc 155 la u2 Llxant. 156 Hats 8 Llxant, 1 ' 56 the fire. Willow into that threw it. Just (he) threw it, one mandj 150 Ikwi'Iitu. 157 Tso 8 aso /15 ° il 6 wu'txe tsiVti. 158 already to blaze, it begins. Now again they returned here. Xtemi'towetc 159 IeiI 160 ntclwa'ie. 161 Xtemi'towetc 159 towe 162 From that time on they with fire are. From that time on usually g'i'mit. 183 La u2 xwandj 21 towe 162 g'i'mlt. 163 Xwandj 21 La 164 (it) rains. That (is) thus (the usually (it) rains. That way only manner how) kwee'niyem. 165 Tso 8 tci 30 a'wixEm. 166 know it (indefinite). Now there end, condition. [Translation] The earth was full of people. All kinds of people lived in a mixed -up fashion. They had no fire or water. Whenever they wanted to eat, they would put the food under their arms (in order to heat it). They would dance with it, or the old people would sit on it. And when the food became warm, then they would eat it. When- ever salmon came ashore, they used tib scoop it out. ™°t.'kw- TO kick; -ts transitive (§ 26).; -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). '« x- modal (§ 24); plx-- to go home; -eetc modal (§ 36; also § 3). WLowahai- to kun; -t transitive (§ 26). J« Plural formation (§ 78). ivfo'lia'nas ear; -etc local (§§ 68, 7). v-'lax- to be inside (singular object); -ayu past passive (§§39, 83, 54). i«n- adverbial (§ 21); -Ie article (§17); -I instrumental (§§80, 10). "7 see § 118. J«8 Syntactic particle (§88). i* 9 hEm- to lay open; -ts transitive (§ 26); -et causative passive (§ 41). i5o Temporal adverb (§ 105). i^giin-TO rain; -ts transitive (§ 26); -et causative passive (§ 41). »«2b article (§ 17); tsix' here, local adverb (§ 104). iw kwnene'il brush; -etc local (§68). llA L.'xan- to throw; -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). wk.'wche- willow; -etc local (§§ 68, 9). ^L.'san- to throw; -t transitive (§ 26). wikwil- TO blaze; -t transitive; -u transitional (§§ 35, 114). its Local adverb (§104). j59 X . from, locative (§ 22); temltowetc (see § 106). ie" Ie article (§ 17); il personal pronoun 3d person plural (§ 96). ifi'n- with, instrumental (§ 21); tclwal fire; -c auxiliary (§ 44). 162 See §87. JMylm- to rain; -t transitional (§§ 26, 114). 164 Syntactic particle (§94). is'fcwaan-TOKNOW; -aya non-active object pronoun (§47); -I'm suffix defining the subject (§§ 30, 7). maw- to finish, to end; -xEm generic (§ 30). 428 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 In this manner they had hardly any food. They were all the time talking about fire. "How would it be if we should go after fire?-' — "Let us go." They went. When they arrived, they found the fire burning; and one of them saw the water. The chief of the people (to whom they came) was sitting indoors. He was sitting sidewa}~s. 14 Halloo, cousin!" said the earth-chief. "Let us gamble (for the fire and water)!" The sky-chief acted as if he did not hear. The earth- chief sat down opposite him. After a short time the sky-chief looked up and said, "You belong to a different tribe, so in what way are you my cousin? You must tell a story." But the earth-chief answered, "You are older than I," and he went out. After a while he came back and said, "Halloo, cousin! Look! this here is your Indian cra- dle. 1 Your Indian cradle 1 is new, while mine is old. And this here is your shinny-club, 2 while that there is my shinny-club. 2 This is your ball, 2 and that one is my ball. 2 Your ball 2 is new, but mine is old. Is it not so ?" Then he put all these things before him. The sky- chief looked at them, and said, "Indeed, it i's so, O cousin! Sit down here, we will gamble." They began to play. The earth-chief thought to himself, "With what shall I point my finger at the player who puts his hand behind his back ? Suppose I put a piece of abalone shell into my eye ? I will sleep in the inside part of my eye." Then he said to his followers, "You shall support me when I put my hands behind my back;" and what he demanded was done. Then he pointed his finger at him (the sky-chief) when he put his hand behind his back. Two men were supporting him. Thus things happened. Maggots began to eat up his (the skj^-chief's) anus, his face, his nose, his ears. Soon the maggots ate him up; but he did not notice it. He kept on sitting there. Two men were still sup- porting him from the back. He had an abalone shell in his eye, and was sleeping in that inside part. Now it seemed as if the sky-chief were looking at it. To his surprise, he saw an abalone shell in the other man's eye. By this time only bones had remained of him, for i '"Cradle" or "bed" is a piece of canvas (in former days tanned hide) spread on the ground and stretched by means of pegs or nails, before which the player participating in the so-called "game of guessing " was squatting, while mixing the sticks in his hands, which were held behind his back. Upon receiving the guessing-signal from a player of the opposite side, the sticks were thrown on the "cradle,'' usually one by one, while the marked stick was laid bare. 2 The informant was mistaken in the use of these terms. " Club ' ' and ' ' ball " are used in a game of shinny, while the game played by the two chiefs was the favorite game of "guessing." boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES COOS 429 the maggots had eaten up almost half of his body. The earth-chief was sitting there for a while, and began to think, " With what shall I point my finger at him? It seems that I ought to point at him with some very terrible thing." The sky-chief still did not look at the maggots. Only his bones, joined together, were sitting there. Still he did not look. Now the earth-chief said to his people, "Don't forget to seize the fire as soon as we win the game. — And you take hold of the water." One of his men said, " I will run away with the water, and you ought to run with the fire." The earth-chief said to the head man of the sky -people, "Now it is your turn to put your hands behind your back." All the time he was thinking to himself, "With what shall I point m}^ finger at him ? It seems that nothing terrifies him. It will be very good if I point at him with a snake." In the mean time the fire kept on burning. He then pointed at him with a snake. But he (the sky-chief) was on the lookout. The snake coiled around his thigh. Still he did not mind it. It crawled up to his waist and threatened to go into his mouth, all the while sticking out its tongue. Soon it seemed as if it were about to enter his nose. The sky-chief became afraid when he saw this. He shook off the snake and ran away. People were shouting at him. The earth people quiekty seized the fire. A very poor man ran away with the fire, while a little man kicked the water. Thej^ were running homewards. The man put the fire into his ear while running. As soon as the water was spilled, it began to rain. The fire was thrown into some willow-brush, and soon began to blaze. Thus they returned. From that time on, people have had fire; and from that time on, it has rained. Thus only the story is known. This is the end of it. LBJl'14 &