Class __t__G£ll Book L ^q CopyrigfeNi COPYRIGHT DEFOSm )PYRIGHTED . ^ ^ 1 ^ * COPYRIGHTED J^ (X^ J>(-*y^^^4^{/i^cyK^ CAM PAIG N OF '34.. BIOGRAPHTES OK S. aROYER CLEVELAND, THE JJEMOCIiATIC CANDIDATE FOH I'RESIDEXT, AND THOMAS A. HENDRICKS, THE DEMOCRA TIC CA XDIDA TE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE LEADING ISSUES AND THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION, TOGETHER WITH A HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE UNITED STATES: COMPARISONS OF PLATFORMS ON ALL IMPORTANT QUESTIONS. ANHj POLITICAL TABLES FOR READY REFERENCE. BY GEX'L BENJAMIX I^A FEVRE, Member of the House of Representatives from Ohio. PHILADELPHIA: FIRESIOE PUBLISHING COMPANY, No. 20 North Skventh Street. 1884. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 18S4, by the FIRESIDE PUBLISHING COMPANY, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. Bound by HENRY ALTKMUS, 4tli and Cherry Streets, Philadeli.hia. CONTENTS. Biographies, etc. PAGE S. Grover Clrvrland 1 Thomas A. Hendricks 50 Prockedings ok National Democratic Convention at Chicago, July 8, 1884 . . 71 ISSUKS OF PKliSIUENTlAL CaMI'AIGN OF 1884 80 HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES. PAGE. Colonial Parties — Whig and Tory 3 Particularists and Strong Government Whigs 5 Federals and Anti Federals 7 Republicans and Federals 9 Downfall of the Federals 13 Democrats and Federals 17 Jefferson Democrats 19 Hartford Convention 20 Treaty of Ghent 20 Congressional Caucus 21 Protective Tariff 21 Monroe Doctrine 23 Missouri Compromise 24 Tariff — American System • • 25 Tenure of Office — Eligibility 27 Nullification — Democrats and Federals 29 United States Bank 31 Jackson's Special Message on the United States Bank 33 Conception of Slavery Question 35 Democrats and Whigs 37 The Hour Rule 39 National Bank Bill — First 41 " " " Second 43 Oregon Treaty of 1846 47 Treaty of Peace with Mexico 49 Clay's Compromise Resolutions 51 Abolition Party — Rise and Progress of 53 Kansas-Nebraska Bill 55 Ritual of the American Party 57 Kansas Struggle 71 Lincoln and Douglas Debate 73 Charleston Convention — Democratic, 1860 81 Douglas Convention, 1860, Baltimore 86 Breckinridge Convention, 18G0, Baltimore 86 Chicago Republican Convention, 1860 86 American Convention, 1860 87 Secession — Preparing for 87 vii viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE. Secession — Vieginia Convention, 1861 91 " Inter-State Commissioners 96 " Southern Congress, Proceedings of 97 " Confederate Constitution 97 " Confederate States 98 Buchanan's Views .99 Crittenden Compromise 104 Peace Convention ,. 1C6 Actual Secession 109 " " Transferring Arms to the South 109 Fernando Wood's Secession Message 112 Congress on the Eve of the Rebellion 113 Lincoln's Views 115 Judge Black's Views 115 Alexander H. Stephens' Speech on Secession 116 Lincoln's First Administration 120 Confederate Military Legislation 128 Guerrillas 129 Twenty-Negro Exemption Law 130 Douglas on the Rebellion 130 Political Legislation Incident to the Wab 130 Thirty-Seventh Congress 131 c02(fpensated emancipation 135 Lincoln's Appeal to the Border States 137 Reply of the Border States 138 Border State Slaves 139 Emancipation '. 141 " Preliminary Proclamation op 141 " Proclamation of 143 Loyal Governors, the Address of 144 Fugitive Slave Law, Repeal of 145 Financial Legislation 149 Seward &s Secretary of State 149 Internal Taxes 151 Confederate Debt 152 Confederate Taxes 153 "West Virginia — Admission of 158 Color in War Politics 159 Thirteenth Amendment— Passage of 167 Louisiana — Admission op Representatives . . 168 Reconstruction 169 Arkansas — Admission of 170 Reconstruction Measures— Text of 171 Fourteenth Amendmf.nt 174 McClellan's Political Letters 175 Lincoln's Second Administration 177 Andrew Johnson and his Policy 178 " " — Impeachment Trial 179 Grant 191 Enforcement Acts • 193 Readmission of Rebellious States 193 Legal Tender Decision 194 Greenback Party 194 Prohibitory Party 196 8ak Domingo — Annexation of 196 TABLE OF CONTENTS. FAOE. Alabama Claims 197 Force Bill 197 Civil Service — Ordeii of Puesidest Hayes 198 Amnesty 199 Liberal Republicans 199 Reform in the Civil Service 200 Credit Mocilier 200 Salary Grab 214 Returning Boards 217 Grangers 218 — Illinois Railroad Act of 1873 218 Civil Rights Bill— Supplementary 221 Morton Amendment 222 Whisky Ring 222 Belknap Impeached 223 White League 223 Wheeler Compromise — Text of • 226 Election of Haye3 and Wheeler 228 Electoral Count 229 Title of President Hayes 233 Cipher Despatches 234 Thb Hayes Administration 239 Negro Exodus 240 Campaign of 1880 242 Three Per Cent. Funding Bill 244 History of the National Loans 245 Garfield and Arthur — Inauguration of 253 Republican Factions 253 The Caucus 256 Assassination of Garfield 260 Arthur, President 261 Boss Rule 261 Eeadjusters 263 MoRMONiSM — Suppression of 264 '• Text of the Bill 265 South American Question 269 Star Route Scandal 277 The Coming States 278 Chinesb Question 281 '• " — Speech of Senator Miller on 281 " " — Reply of Senator Hoar 285 Merchant Marine 296 Current Politics 298 Political Changes in 1882 304 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. Virginia. Resolutions, 1798 3 Virginia Resolutions, 1798— Answers of the State Legislatures 6 P,esolution3 of 1798 and 1799 10 Washington's Farewell Address 1'* ALi. National Platforms I'BCJI 1800 to 1880 21-68 Comparison of Platform Plaziks o» Great Political Questions 69-79 VII' * PART I. BIOGRAPHIES OF 8. GEOYEE CLEVELAND AND THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. STEPHEK GROYER OLEYELAND. New York presents a grand array of no- ble names, which have ahke shed a lustre on the Democratic party and the nation. Its great men have been conspicuous in the camps of the soldier, in the pulpit, at the bar, and in the legislative halls of the state and nation. The political his- tory of our country is filled with the names of men from this state who have left their imprints upon this age and genera- tion, and become known and famous throughout the civilized world. Martin Van Buren who succeeded Andrew Jackson as President, Horatio Seymour, Horace Greeley, General Mc- Clellan, and Samuel J. Tilden, nominees for that elevated position all hailed from that state, while General Hancock, an- other nominee, although not belonging to it, was and is an actual resident of New York. The country believes, and it will go through all time as a matter of history, that Mr. Tilden failed to become Presi- dent, not because he was defeated at the ballot box, but because he was sacrificed by the Electoral Commission at Washing- ton, and that four years of Republican misrule was forced upon the country by that unjust and illegal decision. The Democratic National Convention, which convened at Chicago, July 8, to make nominations, after carefully survey- ing the field and digesting the merits of the respective candidates, again selected a candidate from the Empire state in the person of Stephen G. Cleveland, the pre- sent Governor. When we consider the galaxy of grand names before the Con- vention for its consideration, and the in- fluences by which they were presented and supported, it cannot fail to impress us with the force and reputation of the man who could win amongst such ^compeers. Probably never before had a National Convention the opportunity of making a selection from such a number of distin- guished personages. Delaware presented its Bayard, a time- honored name in that state, and an ac- knowledged leader among men. Con- servative in his views, deliberate in his action, profound in thought, and brilliant in intellect, he is a statesman who orna- ments his high position of United States Senator. Thurman, of Ohio, whose giant intellect and broad-gauge views won him the po- sition of a leading senator — a man whose acute knowledge of jurisprudence ele- vated him to the head of the Bar, and whose will-power is coequal with his judgment, was one of the contestants. Indiana presented McDonald, stalwart in faith, careful and plodding in details, whose record in the Senate was without blot or blemish. Pennsylvania, through ex-Senator Wallace, named Mr. Randall, who in the councils of his native city, in the State Senate, and for nearly a quarter of a century in Congress, has been favor- ably known by the people. As an organ- izer, a parliamentarian and legislator he is the acknowledged leader of the House of Representatives. The present accom- plished Speaker of the House, Mr. Car- lisle, of Kentucky, one of the intellectual giants of Congress, a Chesterfield in man- ners, and a Napoleon in strategy — Mor- rison, of Illinois, with true western push, and advanced ideas of political economy, formed a brilliant pair on the nominating roster. Any one of these men would have been a worthy leader of the Democracy to victory, and, therefore, the selection of Stephen G. Cleveland from the number was an enviable honor, apart from that which attains to the Presidential office. It is not the purpose of this biographical notice to trace with minute exactness an ancestry, about which the American peo- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. pie care but little, as under a government like ours the faded pages of ancestral records weigh but little against the living realities of the present. A Government of the people takes the people as they are, and for what they are worth, as compo- nent parts thereof, and not from any heritage from buried generations. It re- cognizes no royalty of birth, no caste be- cause of ancestry, but, actuated by the spirit of our laws, it rates him for his in- trinsic worth ; and no matter how humble his origin — " The man's a man for a' that." Before entering upon a biographical sketch of Mr. Cleveland, we will introduce him to our readers as he was presented to the Chicago Convention by Mr. Lock- wood. Cleveland's Name Presented. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of THE Convention : It is with no ordinary feeling of responsibility, that I appear be- fore this Convention as representative of the Democracy of the State of New York [applause] for the purpose of placing in nomination a gentleman from the State of NewYork as a candidate for the Presidency of the United States. This responsibility is made greater when I remember that the richest pages of American history have been made up from the records of Demo- cratic administration. [Applause.] This responsibility is made still greater when I remember that the only blot in the political history done at Washington, an outrage upon the rights of the American people, was in 1876, and that that outrage and that injury to justice is still unavenged [applause], and this responsibility is not lessened when I recall the fact that the gentleman whose name I shall present to you has been my political associate from my youth. Side by side have we marched to the tune of Democratic music ; side by side have we studied the principles of Jefferson and Jackson, and wc love the faith in which we believe : and during all this time he has occupied a position com- paratively as a private citizen, yet always true and always faithful to Democratic jtrinciplcs. No man has greater respect or admiration for the honored names which have been presented to this con- vention than myself; but, gentlemen, the world is moving, and moving rapidly. From the North to the South, new men, men who have acted but little in politics, are coming to the front [applause], and to-day there are hundreds and thousands of young men in this country, men who are to cast their first vote, who are inde- pendent in politics, and they are looking to this convention, praying silently that there shall be no mistake made here. They want to drive the Republican party from power. They want to cast their vote for a Democrat in whom they believe. [Applause.] These people know from the record of the gentleman whose name I shall present that Democracy with him means honest government, pure govern- inent, and protection to the rights of the people of every class and every condition. A little more than three years ago I had the honor, at the city of Buffalo, to present the name of this same gentleman for the office of Mayor of that city. It was pre- sented then for the same reason, for the same causes that we present now ; it was because the Government of that city had become corrupt, and had become debased, and political integrity sat not in high places. The people looked for a man who would represent the contrary ; and without any hesitation they named Grover Cleve- land as the man [at this point there was a wild burst of applause. Some of the New York delegation, practically the entire Wisconsin delegation and some few scat- tering delegates, stood up and made all the demonstrations possible in Cleveland's favor. As soon as the uproar subsided and comparative order was regained, Mr. Lockwood continued.] The result of that election and his holding that office was that in less than nine months the State of New York found herself in a position to want just such a candidate and for such a purpose, and when at the Convention in 1882 his name was placed in nomination for the office of Governor of the State of New York, the same people, the same class of people, knew that that meant honest government, it meant pure govern- ment, it meant Democratic government, and it was ratified by the people. [Cheers.] STEPHEN GROVER CEi:\ IILAXD. And, pcntlcmen, now, after eighteen | months' service there, the Democracy of | the State of New York come to you and ask you to give to the country, to give the Independent and Democratic voters of the country, to give the young men of the country the new blood of the country, and present the name of Grover Cleveland as the standard-bearer for the next four years. I shall indulge in no eulogy of Mr. Cleveland. I shall not attempt any fur- ther description of his political career. It is known. His Democracy is known. His statesmanship is known throughout the length and breadth of the land. And all I ask of this convention is to let no pas- sion, no prejudice influence its duty which it owes to the people of this country. Be not deceived. Grover Cleveland can give the Democratic party the thirty- six elec- toral votes of the State of New York on election day. He can by his purity of character, by his purity of administration, by his fearless and undaunted courage to do right, bring to you more votes than can anybody else. Gentlemen of the Conven- tion, but one word more. Mr. Cleveland's candidacy before this Convention is offered upon the ground of his honor, his integ- rity, his wisdom, and his Democracy [cheers] ; upon that ground we ask it, be- lieving that, if ratified by this Convention, he can be elected, and take his seat at Washington as a Democratic President of the United States. General Bragg spoke as follows : Gentlemen of the Convention : It is with feelings of no ordinary pride that I fill the post that has been assigned to me to-day. Grown gray personally fighting the battles of the Democratic party, I stand to-day to voice the sentiment of young men of my State when I speak for Grover Cleveland, of New York. [Cheers.] His name is upon their lips. His name is in their hearts. He is the choice not only of that band of young men, but he is the choice of all those who desire for the first time as young men to cast their vote in November for the candidate nominated by this Convention. They love him, gen- tlemen, and respect him, not only for him- self, for his character, lor his integrity, and judgment and iron will, but they love him most for the enemies he has made. This broad nation witnessed the dis- graceful spectacle of a Senator of the United States trading his proud possession for gain. Mahone and Riddleberger would scarcely be allowed to stand upon this platform to teach you whom you ought to nominate. Go to the Senate of the State of New York since Governor Cleveland has been Governor, and there you find two worthy conferees playing in a small theatre Mahone and Riddleberger over again. And why ? Because the Governor of the State of New York had more nerve than the machine. They may speak of him, aye, the worst of the spe- cies may defile a splendid statue, but they only disgrace themselves. Wherever the thin disguise can be reached, you will find it covering nothing but personal griev- ance, disappointed ambition, as a cutting off of access to the flesh-pots to those who desire to fatten upon them. I do not as- sume here to speak for labor. The child of a man who always earned his daily bread by his daily labor ; brought up for more than a quarter of a century, from boyhood to manhood among laborers that have made the great Northwest what it is. I do not assume to speak for labor. Labor is not represented in political conventions by the soft hand of the political trickster, no matter where you find him. The men who follow conventions and talk about the rights of labor, are the Swiss contin- gent who place their tent wherever the prospect of profit is greatest — while hon- est, intelligent, horny-handed labor will be found following the old Democratic flag, thanking God that its self-styled leaders have gone where they belong. They come here to talk of labor ! Yes, their labor has been upon the crank of the machine (immense applause and laughter), and their study has been politi- cal chicanery in the midnight conclave. Governor Cleveland's Ancestry. Governor Cleveland's great grand-father was Aaron Cleveland. He was born on the ninth of February, 1744, one hundred and forty years ago, in the town of East Haddam, the principal of the numerous STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Haddams that lie along the Connecticut river a short distance from Middletown. During the greater portion of his life he carried on business in the town of Nor- wich, where he followed his calling as a hatter. The records of the place make frequent mention of him, not as a hat maker, but as an active participant in the public affairs of the town, as a versatile speaker, an able writer, and an active poli- tician. He was one of the early opponents of slavery, and he became notorious by introducing a bill in the Connecticut Leg- islature, in v/hich he represented the town of Norwich, for its abolition. The bill provoked a prolonged and exciting dis- cussion, in which Aaron Cleveland bore a conspicuous part, and was finally defeated, as he expected ; for he presented it without the most remote idea of success, but merely to put himself and the other mem- bers on the record. Apart from his busi- ness, and his political ventures, he found time to prosecute the study of divinity, and abandoning the hat business, and leaving the politics of state and town in other hands, he removed to Vermont, and be- came a somewhat noted Congregational minister. From thence he returned to his native State, locating at New Haven, where he died in 1815. Throughout his life he had openly opposed the institution of slavery, and was well known as the Anti-Slavery Agitator, ^iis son, Charles Cleveland, was born in Norwich in 1772, and at an early age removed to Massachu- setts and settled in Boston, There he be- came a noted city missionary, and was known throughout the State as " Father Cleveland." A daughter, the youngest of thirteen children, was married to the cele- brated Doctor Samuel H. Cox, and his son, the Rev. Arthur Cleveland Coxe, is now Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church of Western New York. The reader will notice that the third genera- tion has remodelled the name by the ad- dition of a final e. William, the second son of Aaron Cleveland, and the grandfather of the presidential nominee was a silversmith, and plied his vocation at Beacon Hill, adjoining Norwich. Like his father, he belonged to the Congregational Church, in which he was a deacon for a quarter of a century. In the latter part of his life he retired from business and removed to Buffalo, New York. He died at Black Rock in 1857. Richard Falling Cleveland, the second son of William Cleveland, and the father of Stephen Grover Cleveland, the nomi- nee, was born in Norwich, June 19, 1804. He is described as a pale, intellectual youth, who had a passion for reading and study, and he was entered at Yale College in 1820, and graduated with honors in 1824. The graduating class consisted of sixty-seven members, but few of whom are now living. Within a few months after graduating, he located in Baltimore and pursued the calling of a teacher. He ap- pears to have inherited the desire to enter the ministry, and whilst teaching he pursued his studies in that direction. In 1828, four years after he removed to Wil- mington, he was ordained a Presbyterian minister and at once took charge of a Church near the homestead in Windham, near Norwich, He left his affections be- hind him in Baltimore, and in the following year he returned to that city and married the daughter of Abner Neal of that place. He did not return to Windham but preached in sundry places in the South, and afterwards settled at Caldwell, New Jersey, From thence he removed to Fayetteville in 1841, and in 1847 he was appointed Secretary of the Home Mission- ary Society. Six years afterwards he was installed at Holland Patent, where he died, October i, 1853, in his fiftieth year. Mrs. Cleveland, mother of the Governor, died at the same place, July 19, 1882. They had nine children, four boys anu five girls, as follows : Anna, (Mrs. Dr. Hastings) missionary to Ceylon ; William N., an Alumnus of Hamilton, teacher in the New York City Blind Asylum, now a Presbyterian Minister at Forestport, N. Y,, 1832; Mary, (Mrs, W. E. Hoyt), 1833; Richard Cecil, 1835; Stephen Grover, (Governor of New York and Presidential nominee), 1837 ; Margaret, (Mrs. N. B. Bacon), 1838; Lewis Frederick, 1841 ; Susan, (Mrs. S. Yeomans), 1843; Rose, (unmarried), 1846. STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. Ilia Blrth-PIacn. It was during; the stay of the family in New Jersey that Governor Cleveland was born, and the old, dingy, obscure town of Caldwell is the place of his birth. The little, unpretentious two-and-a-half story house, with a dirty white coating and clumsy shutters, still stands to mark the place where, in 1837, he first became an actor on the busy stage of life, and from whence and when he has matured and advanced until now he is the honored Ciovernor of the Empire State. Less than a thousand souls live in this quiet hamlet, which but for the accidents of politics would probably never have been heard of outside of the records of Oneida county. It was made famous in a day by the nom- ination of Governor Cleveland for the Presidency. True it is that neither the place nor its humble people ever knew much of him, either as boy or man, for his life there can be spanned by the circle of a few months. It has held the family hearthstone for many years and that now makes it a place of note. The father died here, when he had said his long prayers and given good old doctrinal sermons to his slender flock only three weeks. His mother made it her home until her death, soon after her son was elected Governor of New York. The only maiden sister he has, still keeps up the humble cottage, which will now figure in song, story and picture as the early and only real home of the Democratic Presidential nominee. Recollections. It is not easy to find out much about Mr. Cleveland's early life, although he spent most of his boyhood days within a dozen miles of this neat little city. Over at Clin- ton, a secluded village some ten miles across the flat country from here, he went to school some time before his parents moved up to "the Patent." But he is remembered there only as the son of a poor Presbyterian preacher, who wore shabby clothes and was always ready to fight, not only for himself, but for his younger companions, when he or they were nagged by the older or more fortu- nate boys. There are not many reminis- cences of his father to be had there or "re. He is remembered as a rigid dis- I ciple of the Blue Stocking faith, one of ] those strong, severe characters, which I " would have perished at the stake for 1 tenets he would not forsake.'" The mother ! is also readily recalled as a positive force in this pious household. The blood of a good. Southern Maryland family runs in her veins, and it was a good strain with which to warm the frigid qualities of the cold New England stock which was top in the head of the household. Hence the ten strong children who were born of the union, were offspring equipped with the qualities of body and mind for a stiff battle with the world. Not brilliant, but able, substantial people, were all of them. Whether or not it was the Southern blood that changed the temper of the children I cannot say, but I believe that out of the five boys none of them turned to the ministry as their ancestors in the male line had done for generations before. One or two of the girls married preachers, but most of them chose to look for a better material chance in life than can be found in the product of mite societies and of donation gatherings. His re- collections of his native town must be very meagre and the associations very vague and shadowy, for he was but three years of age when he left there. His father was a Presbyterian preacher whose salary was small and whose family was large, and keei j feeling " the wants that pinch the poor," and desiring a larger field of labor, with an increased income, he removed, by way of the Hudson river and the Erie canal, to Fayetteville, which was then a thriving straggling country town about six miles from Pompey Hill, the birth-place of ex-Governor Seymour. In those days the means of transportation were slow and limited, and the appearance of this humble family as it slowly floated to a new home, would not have indicated to an observer the probability that one of the urchins composing the party would become the Mayor of an important city, and the Governor of the greatest State. The struggle for life is filled with muta- tions, but by means of its friction the sparks of latent genius fly upward and onward. " Greatness and fame from no positions rise, Act well thy part, there all the honor lies.'* STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. His JBarly Education. At Fayctteville, Grover Cleveland, as he was called, commenced his education in an old-fashioned country school, where he very probably fell into the ways of the vil- lage boys, and exhibited the usual com- pound of good and evil that distinguish the average school-boy. That he availed himself of the poor opportunities then offered in a common school is evidenced by the fact that before he had reached fourteen years of age he had mastered all the studies that the schoolmaster taught, and feeling that a longer continuance there was useless, he urgently entreated his father to send him to an academy not far from there. But the elder Cleveland thought that inasmuch as his son had mastered the curriculum of the school, he did not need an academic finishing which would consume time and money that might be more profitably invested. So the son's aspirations were nipped in the bud, and the academy project was aban- doned. Clerk lu a Country Store. The father's income was small, and he intended that the son should support him- self without delay. So he was placed in a country store to deal out the thousand and one articles contained in such an in- stitution, for which he was to receive one dollar per week for the first year, and if he proved active and honest his wages to be doubled for the following year. Here in this village center he dealt out molasses and mackerel, soap and sugar, and ex- patiated on the cotton prints to the vil- lage girls, proving himself a valuable as- sistant until the expiration of the second year. Origin. Governor Cleveland is of Yankee origin and hails originally from " the land of steady habits." His father graduated at Yale in 1824, taught in Baltimore after the custom of Jared Sparks and other col- lege graduates of an early day, married a daughter of Abncr Neal, of that city, after he had become a Presbyterian minister and was pastor of the church at Caldwell, N. J. March 18, 1837, the day when the child was born, which was named Stephen Grover Cleveland, and who as Grover Cleveland, the Democratic candidate for president , was to become far more widely known than any of his preaching and rhyme-writing ancestors. Stephen Grover, for whom the boy was named was a Pres- byterian minister, who preceded preacher Cleveland as the occupant of the Presby- terian pulpit at Caldwell. Perhaps the best known Cleveland, after Grover, is his cousin, Arthur Cleveland Coxe, Episcopal bishop of Western New York. A grand uncle, Charles, city missionary of Boston, who was better known as "Father" Cleve- land, lived to be one hundred years old, lacking seventeen days. Grover, as he was always called for sake of euphony, was the fifth of nine brothers and sisters. His brothers Frederic and Cecil were lost at sea in the burning steam- ship Missouri, October 22, 1872, off Abaco, the chief of the Bahamas. Frederic was the lessee of the Royal Victoria Hotel, at Nassau, New Providence. The Rev. C. T. Barry, the pastor of the Presbyterian Church, lives in the old par- sonage, in good old fashioned style, and in unostentatious simplicity. The house sets back from the road about a hundred feet and two noble ash trees stand like senti- nels before it. The grounds which contain about two acres are well kept, and the whole place has an air of neatness and respectability. The house itself is a two- story and a-half, with a front porch and low windows. The front door opens into a spacious hall and the rooms on each side of it are cosy and comfortable. The ceilings are low. The doors are very wide and the whole place savors of antiquity. Tlie CUurcli Record. In the old church baptismal record we find the record of the birth and baptizing of the Democratic nominee," and Mr. Barry pointed to an entry which read as follows: "Stephen Grover Cleveland, baptized July i, 1837 ; born March iS, 1837-" " During his six years' pastorate," said Mr. Barry, " Mr. Cleveland's father had a child baptized every year. When Grover Cleveland was elected Governor of New York 1 wrote and told him tluit I had these interesting facts, and he sent me a very graceful reply. Here ii STErilKN GROVER CLEVELAND. 1. the room in which Governor Cleveland was born, and Mr. Barry pushed open ihe door and led the visitor into a room now used as a library. The room was about fifteen feet square, with two windows and a low ceiling. An excellent steel en- graving of James G. Blaine stood upon a table looking in the direction of the spot where his opponent was born. ClfvrlnucI'N Uoyliooil. The removal of the elder Cleveland to Clinton gave Grover the long-wished-for opportunity to attend a high school and he pursued his studies industriously and laid the foundation of his future success so far as school knowledge and discipline sup- ply the material, until the family moved up on the Black River to what was then known as the Holland Patent — a village of five or six hundred people — fifteen miles north ol Utica. The elder Cleve- land preached but three Sundays in this place, when he suddenly died. Grover first heard of his father's death while walking with his sister in the streets of Utica. But he went no farther than the academy, his father's death forcing him out into the world to do something for his family and himself. This event produced the usual break-up of the family, and we next hear of Grover Cleveland setting out for New York City to accept at a small salary the position of under teacher in an asylum for the blind, where at the time the since well-known Gus. Schell was executive officer. A Teacltcr of tlie Blind. In the city of New York stands an im- posing structure of Sing Sing granite, front- ing about two hundred feet, with buttresses and turrets approaching the Elizabethan style, in which has been expended more than two millions of dollars for the educa- tion of the blind. New York took the first steps on this continent to educate the blind, and this society was organized more than fifty years ago. The building has been standing pro- bably forty years, though the Mansard roof upon it has been added recently. When it was built it stood far outside of New York proper. The Ninth Avenue Elevated Railroad runs right before it and has a sta- tion at the corner on Thirty-fourth street. Ileiuliilsc4'iict-> of IIliii. A person well acquainted with the Insti- tution gives the following information as to Grover Cleveland's tutorship there. When asked at what time he taught in the Institution, he said : " About thirty years ; but there is not a single personal recollec- tion of him in the institution. It seems that he and a brother were both teachers here about one year each and at the same time." " Have you looked the archives up ? 'Yes and there I find the names of both the Clevelands. But there have been so many teachers in the institution that no record is left of these, but I suspect from a Mr. Allen having been the secretary of this institution and that being the name of Grover Cleveland's uncle, that they got their places through the influence of this uncle. It was from the blind asylum that Grover went to Buffalo and settled there." Its History. The institution at which Cleveland taught in New York was begun by Dr. John Russ, who came from Massachusetts and began to practice medicine in New York. Dr. Howe, of Boston, sent him in a ship to take supplies to the Greeks, who were fighting the Turks, as at that day the American people were not afraid to extend their help not only to South America but to Europe in the arms of tyranny. After spending three years in Greece, where he established a hospital. Dr. Russ returned to New York and began to educate blind boys. He refused to leave this great field for a blind institution which was afterward organized in Boston, and he introduced the trades here of making baskets, mats and carpets. Dr. Russ had scarcely left the New York Blind Institution when young Cleve- land came in to teach. It seems that Boston and New York started their blind institutions the same year, 1832, while Pennsylvania began the following year. Noted School Teachers. Our Presidents present very peculiar contrasts in education and a very large percentage of our statesmen began at school teaching. Teaching school was in the first half of tliis century what writing for the newspapers is now — a method of STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. ing over the early years of one's life until a more substantial opportunity can be presented. William H. Seward and Lyman Trumbull went South to be tutors. John Adams studied law under cover of teaching school at Worcester, Mass. Jef- ferson had all the instincts of a school teacher, though he was led into public life. I found the last of the kin of James Madi- son, his nephew's daughters, teaching school in Virginia a few years ago. Aaron Burr was the son of the first schoolmaster of Princeton. John Quincy Adams taught at Harvard College. I think Andrew Jackson made a feeble effort at school teaching for a little while in Western North Carolina, though there is some doubt about this. Millard Fillmore, I believe, had a little spell of school teaching in Western New York. Fillmore's only son, by the way, is alive in Buffalo, without any posterity, and Mr. Bissel, law partner of Governor Cleveland, told me during the convention that the name of Fillmore would expire with him. When Grover Cleveland went to Buffalo Fillmore had just ceased to be Pjesident and had re- turned to the city, where he established the practice of law. Breaks A^vay from Tutorsltip. He stayed there two years, and it has been found possible to discover the same indelible record of hard work, faithfully performed and well remembered by those who were cognizant of it, and who are still alive. From tending country store to teaching the blind is a long way on the road of self-discipline. But to teach he did not believe was his mission, and con- sequently at the expiration of two years he abandoned it and literally started out to seek his fortune in the Far West— only re- versing the usual order, and instead of coming to the great city, he left it His first idea was to go to Cleveland. On his way, he stopped at Buffalo, N. Y., where young Cleveland paid his respects to his uncle Lewis F. Allen, a noted stock- breeder, who was favorably impressed with the young man, whom he saw for the first time, and he asked him for his advice and guidance. As he has since said, the name seemed a good omen. Wants to be a liawy^er. The uncle did not speak enthusiastically. " What is it you want to do my boy?" he asked, " Well sir, I want to study law." " Good gracious," remarked the old gentleman. "Do you indeed? What ever put that in your head? How much money have you got?'' To tell the truth he hadn't got any. " See here," said the uncle, after a long consultation. " I want somebody to get up my herd-book this year. You come and stay with me and help me and I'll give you $50 for the year's work and you can look around.'' The offer was a tempting one, for em- ployment was what he was in search of, but he replied : — " I have agreed to go to Cleveland with my companion and I can- not desert him now in the midst of the journey." It was finally agreed that Grover should interview his friend upon this subject, and if possible gain his con- sent. Mr. Cleveland, much to his grati- fication, found that his comrade was will- ing to release him from his agreement to go to Ohio, and Grover Cleveland became a resident of Buffalo. A Mixed Calling. Here it is that we find the American boy now annotating short horns out at Black Rock, quite two miles from Buffalo. But he kept his eye out for a chance to enter a law office while he was editing the stock book, and one day he walked boldly into the room of Messrs, Rogers, Bowen & Rogers, and told them what he wanted. There were a number of young men in the place already. But young Cleveland's persistency won, and he was finally per- mitted to come as an office boy and have the use of the law library. For this he received the nominal sum of $3 or $4 a week, out of which he had to pay his board and washing. The walk to and from his uncle's was along and at that time a rugged one. The first winter was a memorably severe one, and his shoes were broken, and he had no overcoat. But he never intermitted a day. It began to be noticed that he was the most punctual and regular of the lads in the office. Often at STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. L nipht he was cnnipcllcd to stand by the ' warm chimney in the loft where he slept and dry his feet after tramping the two miles throii;4h the snow. His senior em- ployer had taken a copy of Blackstone on the first day of the boy's office experience and, planting it before him with a hang that made the dust fly, said : <' That's where they all begin." There was a titter ran round the little circle of clerk.s, for it was a foreboding thing to begin with to the average bid. It appears, however, that he stuck to the Blackstone so well that he m.astered it and so absorbed was he in it one night that they locked him in and all went off. He spent that night with the book and never forgot it. His political preference at this time led him to join the Democratic party, to which he has ever since persistently adhered. The Discipline of Hardship. This uneventful period of Grover Cleve- land's life, so devoid of adventure and barren of romance, was the period at which all the forces of his later life were gestating. The privations and miseries of a penniless novitiate gave way slowly be- fore his determined assiduity and pluck. He tells in his own way with a beaming, reminiscent humor of the first honor that came to him when his uncle, in getting out the second volume of his " Breed Book," announced to him that he intended to ac- knowledge in it his valuable assistance. But these privations and miseries, it may readily be seen by the temperament of the man, were only so many stimuli. His was not the hypersensitive nature that winced and wore under physical discom- forts. " See here,'' said his uncle to him one bitter December night when the lad had walked out to Black Rock through the sleet and snow : " this is pretty cold weather for you to be traveling without an over- coat.'' " Oh," says the young man, " I'm going to buy one when I earn the money" " Why, look at your feet; they must be sopping, eh !" "Oh, that's nothing. I'm getting some copying to do now and I'll have a pair of boots by and by," In those days boys had to demonstruiv. what was in them before they received many favors. "You just go right over there to the tailor's and get the stoutest overcoat he's got. D'ye hear.'' Very likely Grover had begun to demonstrate what was in him, but whether to the mind of the uncle it was a capa- city for compiling herd books or the capacity to contain Blackstone cannot now be learned. His Old Uncle. The old uncle, L. F. Allen, who gave him good advice, but very little else, when he reached here some thirty years ago on his way to Cleveland, Ohio, still lives there and is now past four-score years. He persuaded his nephew to stop at this point and helped him to get a chance to study law by working mighty hard for it. He is an eccentric man, of strict business habits, and doesn't seem to take much interest in politics. He really knows less of the life of his relative than almost any man of re- pute you meet. A Financial Move. It must have been about this time, or just as he was to set out from home on his journey West, that he borrowed from the Hon. Ingham Townsend, of Floyd, Oneida County, a certain sum of money, to which the following letter, written many years afterward, (it was on Jan. 21, 1867,) refers : I am now in condition to pay my note which you hold, given for money borrowed some years ago. I suppose I might have paid it long before, but I have never thought you were in need of it, and I had other purposes for my money. I have forgotten the date of the note. If you will send me it I will mail you the principal and inter- est. The loan you made me was my start in life, and 1 shall always preserve the note as an interesting reminder of your kindness. Let me hear from you soon. With many kind wishes to Mrs. Townsend and your family, I am yours, very re- spectfully. Grover Clevel.wd. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. His Banker. Mr. Townsend died in the town of Floyd in March, 18S3, so that he had lived lon>j enough to see the recipient of his bounty elected Governor of the State of New York. His age was then eighty- one, and he had in his time assisted many young men with money to make their first start in the world. When he gave the money to young Cleveland he told him he need never return it, but that, should he ever meet a young man in need as he himself has been, he might turn the money over to him should he have it to spare. Grover Cleveland had not been long in this law office at Buffalo when the firm en- gaged him at a fixed, liberal salary, and found ^that he was entirely capable of earning it. It was about the year 1858 that the young student secured admission to the Bar. He had been four years with the Rogers firm, and after his admission he remained with them four years longer, thus securing a thorough training and equipment for his profession. ■\Vliat tliey say at Syracuse. This quiet little village of twelve hun- dred inhabitants was once the home of Grover Cleveland, the nominee of the Democratic party for the Presidency. Dr. D. P. Hutchins, an old resident, who had an office in Deacon McViccar's store when Grover was a clerk there, when asked for some reminiscences of the Governor's boyhood, said that " Grove," as they used to call him, was always considered a good boy, courteous and dignified in his man- ners and was exceedingly popular. He held his position in the store about one year. He made an efficient clerk and was highly recommended by Mr. McViccar when he left the latter's employ. H. Howard Edwards, also a long resi- dent, and a playmate of the Governor's, when questioned concerning his recollec- tions of Cleveland's boyhood, said there was nothing during the time he lived here to indicate his future distinction. " Why," said Mr. Edwards, " we used to be to- gether constantly, go a-fishing together, sleep together, and I cannot recall any- thing that impressed me with his future greatness. He was very slim when he was a boy, short and had small features. He was full of fun, and, I tell you, we had lots of fun together." Captain H. S. Pratt, another old resident was found in bed, but said, " Grove was one of the finest boys I ever knew. Every- body respected him, even the ' old folks ' and you never heard of a practical joke on him ; he was chuck full of fun and I recollect he had a weakness for ringing the school bell when he got a chance. He and his brother ' Will ' used to have a long rope attached to the hammer of the bell and the way they used to make that bell ring after dark was a caution.'' There is a warm feeling towards the Cleveland family on the part of all who remember them. As a Iiawyer. Four years in the office of Rogers, Bowen & Rogers as a student equipped him with sufficient elementary knowledge and experience to become managing clerk at the end of that time. And so four years more pass. It is interesting to know exactly what kind of character he had now made for himself and how he was re- garded by his associates. It is not difficult to ascertain this with reasonable accuracy, seeing that most of those associates are alive and accessible and speak with noticeable candor and unanimity. Said one of them to the writer : " Grover won our admiration by his three traits of indomitable industry, unpretentious cour- age and unswerving honesty. I never saw a more thorough man at anything he undertook. Whatever the subject was, he wa . reticent until he had mastered all its bearings and made up his own mind — and then nothing could swerve him from his conviction. It was this quality of in- tellectual integrity more than anything else perhaps that made him afterwards listened to and respected when more bril- liant men who were opposed to him were applauded and forgotten. Adiiilsslou to tlie Bar. In 1859, ^\'licn he was in his twenty- second year, he had completed his legal studies, passed the necessary examina- tion, and was admitted to the bar. After being admitted to the bar he en- gaged in practice, and despite the many STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 1. obstacles that confront a young lawyer, and the almost certain vexatious delay in waiting for clients, he soon obtained con- siderable practice. He had no influential family name to entice clients to the office, no powerful relatives to give him substan- tial support, and every lawyer who reads this will appreciate the position of the young man of humble name, without means, and unknown to the general pub- lic, first entering upon his professional career. Old and established names and firms, whose reputations are well known to the public, are generally sought by those desiring legal advice and assistance to the exclusion of those just entering the profession. And so Grover Cleveland found it, as day after day he tendered his ser- vices to a people almost without recogni- tion. But he did not become discouraged, and succumb to what some would con- sider adverse fate, but stuck persistently to his calling, serving the few who came with devotion and ability until his reputa- tion as a lawyer widened, bringing with it an increase of patronage. Fortu- nately for him he was entrusted with some important cases, which he conducted so successfully that his fellow members of the bar recognized him as one destined to rise in the legal profession. At the end of three years he had acquired a fair practice and a good standing at the bar, and he was looked upon with marked favor by his fellow citizens. Tlie First Step Into Public Life. In 1S63 the question of who should be appointed Assistant District- Attorney for the county of Erie was warmly discussed by the young lawyers in Messrs. Rogers & Bowen's office. There were several that were both eligible and anxious, but it does not appear that young Cleveland ad- vanced his own claims. Indeed, it is a fact that after the matter had been pretty well canvassed, they all agreed that he was the person who ought to have it, and they urged him to accept it. This simple incident speaks volumes for the already developed character of the young man. He was appointed, and from that moment his public record began. During the three years that he was in the District-Attorney's office, the great bulk of its duties fell upon his shoulders, and then it w.i.-) that his enormous vital strength and tireless in- dustry made themselves felt. One may say now that it is well perhaps that the District -Attorney himself was rather dis- posed to let youth and vigor shoulder the great part of the responsibility. It was just the training that young Cleveland needed, and he went into it with all the zeal of youthful aspirations. Cleveland Drafted. It was during the performance of the duties of this office, and at a time when a large number of important cases with which he alone was thorouglily familiar were demanding his attention, that he was drafted. There was no question at all of what his duty was. He promptly supplied a substitute. So well and faithfully had he conducted the affairs of the county that at the end of three years he was nomi- nated by the Democrats for the District- Attorneyship. Here, again, it is an un- disputable fact that he did not solicit the nomination, hesitated to accept it, and did not turn his hand over to secure his elec- tion. It is said in Buffalo that on the day of election he was trying a case in court, while his friends were electioneering for him on the street, and the Judge on the Bench, who was presumably an admirer of his, peremptorily adjourned the case and told Cleveland to go and attend to his interests. Defeated. In the canvass that followed he was beaten by the Republican candidate, Ly- man K. Bass, one of his very near per- sonal friends with whom he afterwards formed a law partnership. This was in 1865. In 1866, the year following his de- feat, Mr. Cleveland formed a partnership in the law with the late Mayor I. K. Van- derpocl, which lasted till 1869; but on the election of Mr. Vanderpoel as Police Justice soon afterward he became a mem- ber of the firm of Laning, Cleveland & Folsom, of which the head was the late Senator A. P. Laning. The latter association, however, ended at the expiration of two years, owingto Mr. Cleveland having been nominated and elected in 1869 to be Sheriff of Erie County. STEPHEN GROA'ER CLEVELAND. As SherifT. The friends of Governor Cleveland brought out his name in connection with the office of Sheriff of Erie county, and without any effort on his part he was nominated by the Democratic Conven- tion, and elected for three years. In that important position he fully sustained his character for integrity and ability, and whilst performing the duties of the office, he earned an additional meed of public respect for his courageous disregard of partisan interests and his conscientious regard for the public welfare. A corres- pondent of the New York World gives the following interesting items relating to his official actions as Sheriff: Two Execnttons. It was as Sheriff of Erie county that the Governor became known in a political or official way, and many interesting anec- d )tes are told by those who remember those days. During his term of office as Sheriff, the Governor swung two men into eternity. The first one was the notorious Jack Gaffney, a reckless young Irishman, who kept a saloon at the corner of Was'.- ington and Carroll streets, almost opposite the Courier office. Gaffney was seated in a low dive on Canal street — " Ted " Swee- ney's — playing cards with a kindred spirit named Patrick Fahey. The two quar- relled over the stakes, and Gaffney shot and killed Fahey in cool blood. He was sentenced by the General Term in De- cember to hang February 7 following. During these two months there was the greatest effort made on the part of the reporters to find out how the condemned man spent his time, but the Sheriff turned a deaf ear to them, and not a few times gave them to understand that they wanted to know too much. He kept them out of the jail entirely after a while, and they were in sore straits. The interest in the case was intensified at the last from the fact that Governor Hoffman resjMtcd the condemned man for a week, and that the most strenuous efforts were made to get a commutation of sentence for the doomed man. Meanwhile the vigilant Sheriff was more rigid in his discipline than ever, and he even went so far as to station an old Dutchman outside with strict orders to keep reporters off the premises. This outside guard was used to relieve the guard inside Gaffney's cell, so that he was well posted on what was going on inside. One of the reporters, who now, by the way, is a city editor of that city, conceived the idea of " working " the grim German sentinel outside. How It AVorked. He did not try to do it all at once, but by a skilful working of his points he be- came acquainted with him as the young man who attended the spiritual adviser. By degrees he became aware that the grim sentinel had a weakness for beer. It was easy work after that, for he contrived to meet him every night after he was re- lieved and together the two talked over the events of the day in the jail over their beverage. The German was full of infor- mation in just the proportion that he was full of beer, and the facts that filled many a breezy column of his paper were costing the enterprising news ga'herer dear. Sheriff Cleveland was wild. He ques- tioned every one about the jail, but could get no satisfaction. At last his eye fell upon the sentinel and he was spotted. It was the night before the execution the two were seen together. That settled it, for in the morning the sentinel was gone and in his place was another. Gaffney swung on the morning of the 14th of February, 1872. Many citizens of the city remember the execution and the quickness with which the Governor disappeared after he had cut the cord. Tlie Secoiid E^xecatlon. The second execution performed by the Governor while Sheriff was five months later. The murderer was one of the most despicable wretches that ever deserved a shameful death — Patrick Morrisscy. He lived with his poor old mother in the vicinity of the old " Packet " dock, in the rear of what was known as the Alhambra Theatre. He was a thoroughly heartless man and was given to frequent and con- tinued debauches, during wliich he sub- mitted his dependent mother to the most shameful cruelty. While on one of these sprees he sought out his mother's hovel and demanded from her the few pence she STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. L had earned by her own exertions to buy j then regarded as a good lawycT, with a bread. She refused him, when he struck good practice, but he became the candi- her to the floor. At the time she was cut- ting a loaf of bread for his supper. As she struggled to her feet she said to him, "You had better kill your mother and be done with it." As she uttered the words he grasped the knife from her hands and with the words, " I will kill you then," buried it in her breast. The horror of the matri- cide made people of the city shudder, and the jury by which he was tried lost no time in bringing in a verdict of murder in the first degree. Morrissey was sentenced to hang on the 6th day of September. Promi- nent among the witnesses on that famous trial was Albert Haight, now a Supreme Court Judge. The execution took place on the day named in the warrant, and the present Governor was the executioner." His Habits as SlierUT. Whilst holding this important office, Grover Cleveland's habits of life seem to have been as simple as the general con- duct of the man has been — unassuming. date and not only helped Williams, but by a hundred votes he defeated his opponent, to the surprise of both parties. IIU Finauclal Start. The fees of the Sheriff's office were large and the income from it gave him his first financial start. He then made money at the law and saved something. His reputation is not that of a money-get- ter and money-saver. Had he been ambi- tious in this direction he could and would have been a rich man. His Return to the Uar. At the expiration of his official term as Sherififin 1873, he became a member of the firm of Messrs. Bass, Cleveland & Bissell, with Lyman K. Bass and Wilson S. Bissell as associates. This was a strong and popular firm, and commanded a large and lucrative practice. At the close of Mr. Bass's Congressional career his failing health induced him to seek a residence in Colorado, resultincr in a dissolution of He dwelt in a quiet boarding house, and | ^i^^ copartnership and the formation of when its mistress got a well-to-do son-in law and quit business he used to take his Sunday morning breakfast at the Terra- pin Lunch, a plain restaurant, where pro- bably a terrapin was never seen. Old Major Randall, of the Lake Shore Rail- road, was his intimate friend and com- panion. He died soon after Cleveland was made Governor. It was his oft-ex- pressed ambition to live to see "Grove,'' another under the name of Cleveland & Bissell. In December, 1881, Mr. George J. Sicard was admitted as a partner in the firm, which was then styled Cleveland, Bissell & Sicard, and thus continues to the present time. Legal Distinction. It was while thus associated that Grover Cleveland achieved his distinction as a as he called him. President. He was lawyer second to few in the western part made Sheriff of this county by an acci- dent. In fact, he never had an office that he was not forced into. In 1869 David Wil- liams, superintendent of the Lake Shore Railroad, wanted to run for Congress. This district was close and he wouldn't of the State for legal acumen and in- tellectual honesty. His jury and bench trials were distinguished by clear views, direct, simple logic and a thorough mas- tery of all the intricacies of the cases, and his invariable avoidance of extrinsic issues make the effort with any of the aspirants and purely technical devices secured for for the Sheriffalty. It was the most im- him the respect of his own profession and portant office to be filled and there was a | the admiration of the public. These bitter contest for it. The leaders got to- 1 qualities, combined with the fidelity and gether and decided that Cleveland must i independence of his official action while run to help Williams. There wasn't much in office, brought him prominently before chance of an election, and to all appear- ances his defeat seemed a foregone con- clusion, but they insisted that he must make the sacrifice for the party. He was the public of Buffalo when that city, un- able to extricate itself from a municipal octopus, was casting about for a stanch reform leader. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Mr. Cleveland has had four or five law partnerships with the strong men of this city, and all say he was a valuable busi- ness companion. His career as a lawyer is well defined in this region and his re- putation well established. It seems queer that the general agreement has not re- flected itself outside of Western New York. Mr. Milburn, a bright young man, now a partner in the law firm where the present Governor studied, writes as follows : " It amuses me to hear this talk about Mr. Cleveland's lack of ability. He is the strongest character I ever knew without a national reputation. He is a fine lawyer. He is incapable of wilful wrong and no- thing on earth could sweep him from his conviction of duty. That he is thoroughly honest cannot be questioned and without being what might be called a brilliant man he has always been regarded as an able and safe one in every relation of life." His Staiiding at Home. This terse summing up of the nominee's position at home is simply duplicated by the Judges and lawyers with whom he has mingled. Among the laymen he seems to stand equally high. Republicans and Democrats alike speak of him as a man of the strongest character and highest at- tainments. Mr. James N. Matthews who edits the Express, the leading Republican paper of the City by the Lake, speaks forth this sentiment as follows : " I know of no Democrat better equipped for the position for which he has been named than Grover Cleveland. He is an able, honest and incorruptible man. He is self-reliant and has excellent judgment. I shall do all I can honestly and honor- ably to defeat his election, for I am earn- estly for Mr. Blaine. But when people speak of him as an obscure man it is but fair to say that he has long stood in the front rank with the very leaders of thought and action in this part of New York.'' Am mayor. While in private life he gave his whole attention to the practice of his profession, and kept out of the political arena until 1881. At that period circumstances were shaping themselves so as to draw Mr. Cleveland into a wider sphere of life than he had yet been an actor. There was a popular revolt against the administration of the municipal affairs of the city of Buf- falo, and in the disquieted condition of affairs the old party lines were somewhat broken. It had been badly ruled by a combination or ring of Republican mana- gers, and many of its voters rebelled against an extension of this fraud and mismanagement. Buffalo was not a great city, but in the matter of municipal cor- ruption and combinations it could have given points to others with many times its number of people. It was ring-ridden. Its revenues were stolen or wasted and no Mayor had been found for many years who had at once the ability and the bold- ness necessary to attack these abuses. They Found tlxeir Man. To find such an individual was no easy task. There were many who were pro- fuse in their promises, but such pledges had been so often broken, that the people intended that no one should be promoted to the place, who could not give good security by means of an unsullied reputa- tion, and a good record. They selected Grover Cleveland, and seeing their oppor- tunity, called him out from his retirement from politics to be their candidate for Mayor of the city. Buffalo is usually Re- publican by from 2,000 to 5,000 majority, and Mr. Cleveland's election on the Democratic ticket by a majority of 5,000 was simply a tribute to his personal in- tegrity. As in the Sheriffs Office, here again the office sought the man, and the man they selected proved worthy of the confidence they reposed in him. Grover Cleveland's election on a Demo- cratic and reform ticket in November, 188 1, suddenly lifted him from local into national prominence. The incidents of that election and subsequent administra- tion are familiar throughout the country. The election itself was an almost unparal- leled triumph, seeing that it was secured by the largest majority ever known, thus demonstrating the unbounded confidence which the people had in the special fitness of their candidate to carry out the reform and in his unassailable integrity. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. K Ills Mother's Advice. I After Grover was elected Mayor of Ikif- ^ falothe mother wrote him rather disap- , proving his entering public life. After , saying what her ambitions were for him and expressing a natural tinge of gratifi- cation at his election, she concluded her ; epistle by saying : " But now that you i have taken upon yourself the burthens of public office do right, act honestly, impar- j tiallyand fearlessly." The injunction was obeyed and his courage has won him a phenomenal success. It would appear from a close study of this man's conduct and general traits of char- acter from boyhood up, right here, where his early days were spent, and in Buffalo, where his latter life has been an open book to its people, that his hard struggle for a place in the world has ever given him su- preme self-reliance. He was about seven- teen when he left Holland Patent and went to New York to help teach the blind. He had early established the reputa- tion of being a nervy, manly sort of a young fellow, somewhat diffident, but not afraid to face any emergency which might confront him. He seems to have assumed more than any other member of the family the care of his mother and sisters. The Candidate of Reform. It is strictly true that Mayor Cleveland was swept into office on one of those tidal waves of popular protest against ring rule that are as restless as they are sudden. But it was after all a local contest, and one has yet to account for the national importance which the Buffalo election as- sumed and the widespread interest that was felt in the new champion. There is only one way in which to explain this. Mr. Cleveland had not yet attracted atten- tion outside of his metropolitan field. But there was one issue that in a sense was the issue of the hour everywhere, and that was whether it was any longer possible to secure by a popular election that kind of integrity and sagacity that would adminis- ter the people's affairs with the honesty and discretion that was necessary to good government. The Buffalo canvass for the Mayoralty defined that issue in the sharpest manner. The nomination of Grover Cleveland was avowedly and defiantly the gage of battle thrown down by reform. There were only two points to be determined — did the people want re- form ? that is did they wish their business conducted honestly, and would the man they had selected for the experiment so conduct it ? So vitally important were these two questions that vaster and in- tenser themes were for the moment forgot- ten by the country, and it turned aside momentarily to watch this contest in Buffalo. The people answered one ques- tion and Grover Cleveland answered the other. The reply in one case was with votes, in the other with acts. An Honest Slayor. Whatever else may have been searched for, it is pretty well settled that they had found an honest man, and, what is of more consequence, the honest man was brave enough to carry his private convic- tions into his public duties with no regard to partisanship on the one hand or the influence and threats of political scoun- drels on the other. There was no uncer- tain sound in his inaugural message. It rang clear and simple. "We hold,'' said he, "the money of the people in our hands, to be used for their purposes and to further their interests as members of the municipality, and it is quite apparent that, when any part of the funds which the taxpayers have thus in- trusted us are diverted to other purposes, or when, by design or neglect, we allow a greater sum to be applied to any munici- pal purpose that is necessary, we have, to that extent, violated our duty. There surely is no difference in his duties and obligations, whether a person is intrusted with the money of one man or many. And yet it sometimes appears as though the office-holder assumes that a different rule of fidelity prevails between him and the taxpayers than that which should regulate his conduct when, as an indivi- dual, he holds the money of his neigh- bor." The First Move. He passed the first few weeks of his term of office in attentively studying the details of every department of the city 16 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. administration. His previous experiences as Assistant District Attorney and as Sheriff taught him what to look for and where to look for it. He found the ordi- nary municipal abuses, sanctioned by long habit and immunity, flourishing as usual. One morning he surprised the city by issuing an order that all the officials should keep strict business hours, like the em- ployes of private firms. Before the office- holders had recovered from this shock, he began a series of vetoes which equally astonished the Common Council. This Board had a Republican majority, and attempted to override the vetoes; but Mayor Cleveland's terse, logical, business- like messages were published, and public opinion was too strong for the opposition Councilmen. They attempted to entrap him by passing a resolution apportioning for the celebration of Decoration Day a sum of money reserved by the charter for other purposes, believing that Mayor Cleveland would not dare to interfere with Decoration Day, or that he would become unpopular if he did. Down came the veto as promptly as ever, and in his message the Mayor so thoroughly exposed the trick, that his popularity, instead of diminishing, rapidly increased. His Popularity. His administration of the office fully jus- tified the partiality of the friends who in- sisted upon nominating him, and vindi- cated the good judgment of the people who so powerfully insisted upon electing him. It is not too much to say that in the first half of the first year he almost revolu- tionized Buffalo's municipal government. With no more power than his predecessors had, he inaugurated reforms before only hoped for, and corrected abuses which had become almost venerable. Accounts against the city were thoroughly audited, since he pointed out what is required of an officer whose duty is to audit. The wholesome rule of competition was adopted for im- portant work that used to be given out in the form of a political patronage. So far as one man can see, he saw to it that the city got the full value for its money. He knew his power and was not afraid to use it. He conquered the most corrupt combinations ever formed in the council and rebuked the conspirators in terms that brought the blush of shame to the most brazen of Al- dermen. His veto messages have become municipal classics. Opposed to All Jobs. His veto of the street-cleaning job is re- garded as the real beginning of his public career. An Kxample of His AVorlc. When Mr. Cleveland entered upon the office of Mayor the Common Council had determined to build an intercepting sewer and had advertised for proposals. The lowest bid for the work was $1,568,000. Mr. Cleveland thought the sewer could be built cheaper if a committee of citizens had charge of its construction. Through his efforts, though opposed in the Council, a law was passed allowing a commission to be appointed. This commission, com- posed of representative citizens, conferred with the most eminent sewer engineers of the country, and on their advice have adopted a plan that will meet all require- ments at an estimated cost of $764,370. The plan has been accepted by the Council and the sewer will be constructed accord- ingly. The saving to the , city on this item alone is $803,630. On June 19 the Council voted to award the street-cleaning contract for five years, to George Talbot at his bid of $422, 500. There were several lower bids, by thoroughly re- sponsible men. Mayor Cleveland vetoed the award, severely condemning the attempted waste of the people's money. The con- tract was subsequently awarded to the lowest bidder — Capt. Thomas Maytham — at $313,500. The saving to the city by this veto was $109,000. The amount saved on these two items during the first six months of Mayor Cleveland's adminis- tration was nearly $1,000,000. In many other cases Mayor Cleveland had inter- posed the veto power to prevent misuse of public funds. He has refused to permit expenditure for livery for the Street Com- missioner and other city officials, and has brought about order and economy in all departments of the city government. Many thousands of dollars have been saved in this way. STEPHEN GROVER CLEV]:lAM». 17 " This," said the veto, " is a time for plain speech, and my objection to your action shall be plainly stated. I regard it as the culmination of a most barefaced, impudent and shameless scheme to betray the interests of the people and to worse than squander the public money. We are fast gaininj,' positions in the grades of public stewardship. There is no middle ground. Those who are not for the peo- ple, either in or out of your honorable body, are against them and should be treated accordingly." It would take a good many columns to reproduce here all those simple and straightforward messages of his which, coming from Buffalo and dealing only with local matters, have nevertheless been reproduced all over the country by the press and made the political text and the new hope of the party of reform. His Name Grew 'wltli the People. These acts brought him into promi- nence and started him towards his present place. It was on account of his fearless fight in spite of large odds against public plunderers that he was pushed and elected Governor by these people. It is because they know him to be perfectly honest and incorruptible that to-day all men, regard- less of differing political affiliations, are rejoicing over his successes. Though his law office and his bachelor quarters over there are silent, both are saluted as the abode of a man who has done well on a small beginning. If the record of his life is soon told, his own people point to it with pride and give bond to the country that he will do even better in the future. This is the tenor of all the speeches and the talk of the people. Grover Cleveland, elevated to this posi- tion by a majority of 5,000, entered cheer- fully and earnestly upon his work. He i had not sought the position. He had not been an active political worker in the accepted sense of that word. He knew nothing about the manipulation of caucuses and conventions. He was con- nected with no halls or other organizations for extorting public plunder from the offi- cers chosen by the popular voice, an^ his political experience had been confined to a single term in the comparatively unim- portant office of Sheriff of the county eleven years before. The SixTct of HU Snccesa. But he succeeded where other men had faltered or failed. And what was the secret of this success ? It was simply due to the fact that the day he became Mayor of Buf- falo in name he became also Mayor in fact. He did not enter upon its duties to regibter the edicts of a party caucus or to obey the orders of party bosses. He looked upon the office of Mayor as the business agency of the people of his city. He attacked corrupt combinations in a manner which soon convinced the trading members of a City Council that he understood each item of a bill and that he had determined to re- ject all corrupt or unnecessary expendi- ture and administer the city business as faithfully as if it were his own. He used the veto power with intelligent persistence. Schemes conferring special privileges or making unwise, extravagant or sentimen- tal appropriations or for unnecessarily in- creasing offices were relentlessly slaugh- tered. The people of Buffalo, accustomed to the waste and profligacy incident to municipal government, discovered that they had at last found a man who looked upon office as something more than a mere play-spell or an opportunity to re- ward his friends, and they noised his fame abroad. His Retirement from tl>.e Office. He went out of the office with more friends and stronger friends than he had when he went in, and he had also made some enemies, but they were of that kind which are more to a man's honor than to his discredit. In the fifteen years that he had been practicing law he had come to have a mind thoroughly disciplined and thoroughly well-adapted to the exigencies that might arise in the administration of the affairs of a large city. He was his own city counsellor. What he said he had a reason for in his own mind, thus giving it an individuality, concreteness and strength, whether in the shape of veto, message, or simple opinion, that may not always be found in those who hold like positions. Here < Gov. Cleveland first showed the real metal there was in him. 18 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Here he met the first trials of an adminis- trative office, and first came in contact with the temptations that arise ft-om party leanings and party appeals. He never flinched, never faltered once — never said an ambiguous word or performed an ambiguous act, but kept straight along in the path of strict and conscientious duty. When his administration had closed, the people of Buftalo said, "Well done, thou good and faithful servant." Next came the people of the whole State of New York and said, " Come up higher." There had been no display about his holding the office of Mayor of Buffalo. There had been no electioneenng juggling about his candidacy for it, and after he received it, no one could point to a single act of self- glorification or self-advancement. He was the plain, honest, faithful, industrious man that he had been for fifteen years before in Buffalo — a good and true man put in a place of trust and found genuine. Through all his term of office he watched the interests of the people with ceaseless vigilance, promptly approving what he thought was right, and disapproving what he believed to be wrong ; and it is a fact worthy of record, that while Mayor of Buffalo, not an enactment was passed over his veto. A "Voice from tile Press. The New York Su7i, speaking of him editorially, said : " Grover Cleveland, now Mayor of Buf- falo and the Democratic candidate for Governor of New York, is a man worthy of the highest public confidence. No one can study the record of his career since he has held office in Buffalo without being convinced that he posesses those highest qualities of a public man, sound principles of administrative duty, luminous intelli- gence and courage to do what is right no matter who may be pleased or displeased thereby." (Here follow extracts from Mayor Cleveland's inaugural.) " We wish," said the Sun, " that the ut- terance we have now quoted might be read and pondered by every citizen of the State. No matter what political faith a man may have been educated in, no mat- ter by what party name he may now pre- fer to be called, no one can consider such principles and sentiments as these de- clared by Mr. Cleveland without feeling that such a public officer is worthy of the confidence and support of the whole peo- ple, and that the interests of the Empire State will be entirely safe in his hands." As Governor. The year 1882, brought with it the Gu- bernatorial Campaign in New York. The Republican Party in order to give prestige to its ticket placed Mr. Folger, President Arthur's Secretary of the Treasury, in nomination, Mr. Folger was personally a good and strong man.but as he had been selected by the machine ring of his party, and in case of his election would have to obey its behests and carry out its man- dates, his nomination did not give uni- versal satisfaction within the party. The cry of reform that had cleared the Augean stables at Buffalo, rang out through the State, and very naturally the Democratic party thought that he who had worked such healthful changes in a city, was a proper and safe man to put at the head of the great Commonwealth. His sup- porters made such a showing and so suc- cessfully convinced the Democrats of the State of their earnestness and the worth of their man that Mr. Cleveland was nom- inated for Governor over well-known and active competitors. Hisjeputation, merely local as it had been, was still found quite large enough to spread out over a State. A Remarkable Campaign. The campaign was remarkable even for New York, with its astonishing and kaleid- oscopic changes in politics. Many of the leading Republicans of the State ranged themselves on the side of Cleveland's candidacy. The independent element of all parties came to his support ; factions in his own party disappeared, and the re- sulting majority of one hundred and ninety-two thousand, the largest evergiven a candidate for Governor in any State in the Union carried Mr. Cleveland into the Governorship. Thus the plain, plodding citizen of Buffalo, whose capacity was neither generally known nor suspected out- side the limits of his community, became one of the leading men of the country in STEPFIEN GROVKK CLKVKLAND. 19 less than a year after he had emerged from his hiding place. How tlie Nunilnatioii wnn Ilt-crlvcd. On the morning after the nomination of Grover Cleveland the Buffalo Express, the leading Republican newspaper in the interior of the State, announced that it would support him instead of the Republican can- didate. Within a week many other leading Republican organs and politicians took the same bold ground. Republicans-so divided upon almost every other subject, as Dis- trict Attorney Woodford and George Wil- liam Curtis — agreed in repudiating the Fol- ger and forgery ticket. Thousands of Re- publicans, led by the Young Men's Club of Brooklyn, voted for Grover Cleveland, and thousands more refrained from voting for any Governor. He swept the State like a tidal wave, carrying all before him. It was not his party alone that had placed him in the Executive Chair, but the people of the Commonwealth had joined hands with the Democracy to pu- rify the government. So the reform May- or of Buffalo became the reform Governor of New York. He was taken because of his record. He had been judged by his works. He promised nothing except to do his whole duty in the work of reform. He Is Inaugurated Governor. Mr. Cleveland went to Albany just be- fore the beginning of 1883 to assume the office of Governor in the most quiet and unostentatious manner. On the day of his inauguration he walked to the Capitol and avoided all appearance of parade. His address evinced a deep sense of the responsibility which had come upon him, and a distrust of his ability to meet it fully, coupled with an evident determina- tion to do his best. He was obliged at once to address the Legislature and to face the requirements of its action. One of his first acts was to appoint the Rail- road Commissioners provided for by the law passed the year before. The admi- rable character of his selections showed his judgment of men and their fitness for special duties. The same characteris- tic was displayed as well as a conscientious disregard of mere partisans considerations in the important appointments which came later in the session. In naming Mr. Sliana- han as Superintendent of I'ublic Works, Mr. Perry as Commissioner to the new Capitol, and Mr. Andrews as Superinten- dent to the Capitol Buildings he disregard- ed political influence and looked to fit- ness alone. In advancing Assistant Su- perintendent McCall to the head of the Insurance Department he exemplified the principle of civil service reform to which he was fully committed. In his letter of acceptance he had said : An Kxpogttlon of FactH. " Subordinates in public place should be selected and retained for their efficiency and not because they may be used to ac- complish partisan ends. The people have a right to demand here, as in cases of pri- vate employment, that their money be paid to those who will render the best ser- vice in return, and that the appointment to and tenure of such places should de- pend upon ability and merit. If the clerks and assistants in public departments were paid the same compensation and required to do the same amount of work as those employed in prudently conducted private establishments, the anxiety to hold these public places would be much diminished and the cause of civil service reform ma- terially aided. The expenditure of money to influence the action of the people at the polls or to secure legislation is calculated to excite the gravest concern. W^hen this pernicious agency is successfully employed a representative form of government be- comes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful influence cease to protect, but are made the means by which the rights of the people are sacrificed and the public Trea- sury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party which leads in an honest effort to return to better and purer methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and secure their support. It is willful blindness not to see that the people care but little for party obligations : when they are invoked to countenance and i sustain fraudulent and corrupt practices. And it is well for our country and for the [ purification of politics that the people, at I times fully roused to danger, remind their ' leaders that party methods should be 20 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. something more than a means used to an- swer the purposes of those who profit by political occupation." A Sj'uopsis of His Policy. He not only acted in conformity with these sentiments in making appointments but promptly approved the civil service reform bills which public sentiment and the persistency of an earnest minority compelled the Legislature to pass, follow- ing it at once with a most admirable ap- pointment of Commissioners. He has aided and sustained the commission at all points in a most unreserved and hon- est manner. In dealing with the acts of the Legislature generally, Governor Cleve- land early developed his peculiarity of studying carefully every measure laid be- fore him, not only with a view to judging of its effect and bearing upon public in- terests, but to ascertain that it was con- sistent with the existing laws and free in its form from such defects as would pro- duce trouble in its operation. He adopted a practice quite unusual of sending back measures whose purpose he approved but which were defective in form, to have them corrected. In his vetoes, which were quite nuriierous, he displayed the utmost candor and a complete disregard of the question whether certain persons or in- terests would not be aggrieved by the failure of measures which he believed were not demanded by the wider interests of the public. It was during this session of 1883 that Mr. Cleveland made his con- scientious and courageous veto of the Five Cent Fare bill in the face of a very strong public sentiment, but in accordance with what he was convinced was his duty as an interpreter of the obligations of the State. At the close of the session he came for the first time in direct collision with the power of Tammany. He had made a number of appointments chiefly affecting New York City, among them Commis- sioners of Emigration, Quarantine Com- missioners, and Harbor Masters. These were not pleasing to Tammany, and were attacked especially by Senator Grady. The Governor sent a communication to the Senate urging the importance of dis- posing of these appointments before the session closed, and reflecting indirectly on the motives of the opposition. This drew from Grady a bitter tirade against the Governor, and the Legislature adjourned without a confirmation of the appoint- ments. As the political canvass of last year came on Gov. Cleveland wrote a personal letter to John Kelly conveying to the Tammany "boss" his wish that Grady should not be sent again to the Senate, recognizing the unquestionable fact that Kelly was the dispenser of nominations in Tammany Hall, and placing his objection not only on the ground of his own comfort but of the public interest. These incidents sufficiently indicate the occasion of Tam- many's hostility to the Governor and of Grady's special opposition to him. The following is a copy of his letter to Mr. Kelly : Executive Chamber, Albany, Oct. 20, 1883. Hon. John Kelly : — My Dear Sir — It is not without hesi- tation that I write this. I have determined to do so, however, because I see no rea- son why I should not be entirely frank with you. I am anxious that Mr. Grady should not be returned to the Senate. I do not wish to conceal the fact that my personal comfort and satisfaction are in- volved in this matter. But I know that good legislation, based upon a pure de- sire to promote the interests of the people, and the improvement of legislative me- thods are also deeply involved. I forbear to write in detail of the other considera- tions having relation to the welfare of the party and the approval to be secured by a change for the better in the character of its representatives. These things will oc- cur to you without suggestion from me. Yours very truly, Grover Cleveland. This letter will explain Mr. Grady's antagonism to Governor Cleveland since that period. His Uiiswer-i'liig Policy. All through his career as Governor of the principal State of the Union there is observable at every turn the same simple, cardinal principles that preserved and hon- ored his youth and that gave him a firm foothold among his fellow citizens while STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 21 yet but a humble attorney. Bill after bill sent him by the Legislature was vetoed, but each veto had with it a reason, and every reason was so convincing that not one rejected bill passed over his protest. He made a conscientious examination of every bill — an examination accompanied by a sharp legal insight — and as he had been his own city counsellor while Mayor of liulTalo, so he is his own Attorney- General while Governor of the State. In all his work he has gone straight ahead regardless of the bearing his conduct might have on his own political fortunes, apparently bound only to the discharge of a duty he owes to the whole people. He vetoed the Five-Cent-Fare Bill, about which there has been such an outcry, when he must have known that his act would be used against him in any future political undertaking. He did it for con- stitutional reasons. He stated them plainly, and thus saved the State the expense of going to the courts with the prospect of being defeated in the end. Nobody has ever attacked him on the ground that the position he took was unsound, nor that he failed to do a sworn duty. He vetoed a general street railroad bill because it was not drawn with suffi- cient care, but when it had been corrected he signed it. He vetoed a bill removing some of the restrictions against investing in certain lines of dangerous securities on the part of savings banks because he be- lieved the deposits of innocent people might be endangered. He disapproved of three of the New York City Reform bills and gave satisfactory reasons therefor. The remainder of these bills he signed, but did not sign some of them till they had been returned and properly drawn. In these reform bills which he signed there are provisions that will save to New York City not less than $150,000 per an- num. Thus his friends point to actual results when they call him the reform Governor. Whether in signing bills or in rejecting them, he has shown a diligence, a patience and competent inquiry which have elicited the warmest esteem of the fair-minded people of the State. They look upon him as a strong, determined man in whom there is full security. The Flve-Ceut Car Fare mil. His veto of the Five-Cent bill has been widely complained of, but no one has intimated that he was not governed by a strict sense of justice to all the interests involved. The following letter from President ! White, of Cornell University, is one of several that speak of that veto with com- mendation : Ithaca, N. Y., April 20, 1883. Returning to Ithaca after lyi absence of ten days I find your kind letter and in- closure. I will say to you frankly that I am coming to have a very great respect and admiration for our new Governor. His course on the Elevated Railroad bill first commended him to me. Personally, I should have been glad to have seen that company receive a slap. But the method of administering it seemed to me very insidious and even dangerous, and glad was I to see that the Governor rose above all the noise and clap-trap which was raised about the question, went to the fundamental point of the matter and vetoed the bill. I think his course at that time gained the respect of every thinking man in the State. As to his veto of the Buffalo Fire Department bill, that, I think, begins to lift him into national prominence, and when you add such a significant sign as his reported dealing with the Palmyra statesmen, he really begins to "loom up." It is refreshing to find that a spark of the old Jeffersonian statesmanship is really alive among us. Party allegiance in this State and else- where among thinking men is, I think, growing decidedly loose. Great numbers of men arc quietly on the lookout for men who can grapple, not with the old abolition question or the civil war question, but with the question of a real reform in our civil service — the question of the present and future. No man and no party can be built up or kept up on clap- trap, but on real determination and power to move in this new line parties and men can alone be brought to supremacy. Thus far every party which has arrived at power and kept it for any length of time has represented some real principle, something which commended itself if not 22 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. to a majority at least to an aggressive body of voters, even though that body be small. The present time is no exception to this rule. Congratulating you on the record of the Governor thus far, and, in common with vast numbers of our fellow-citizens, long- ing that he may be the man whom we are all looking for, I remain, very truly yours, And. D. White. Henry A. Richmond, Esq., Buffalo, N. Y. P. S. — I ought to have included in the Governor's titles to respect his recent appointment to the Capitol Commission, which, from all accounts is exceedingly honorable to him, not only as regards the man he did appoint, but the man he did not appoint, and, also, since writing the above, his appointment to the Insurance Department. A. D. W. As Governor he has carried out the sim- ple business policy he had inaugurated and adhered to as Mayor. His first message was rather halting. It was evident that he scarcely felt sure of his ground. The in- terests of the State of New York were large and extensive, and as he had never been called upon to make a special study of them the easy and nonchalant dogma- tism so common to Gubernatorial messages was lacking. His Executive Ability. But when it came to action he made no serious misstep. He watched the course of the Legislature closely and pruned its work mercilessly. He exercised the veto power with wise discretion and was espe- cially intelligent and watchful in all legisla- tion relating to municipal affairs. Before the session was half over he had secured the ill-will of the New York city managers in his own party, but had won in return the support of the independent and reform element, regardless of political opinion. Every detail of government has been closely studied and watched. His nomi- nations have been quite uniformly credita- ble, because he has rejected the services of insignificant politicians. He has dealt openly and above board. In the matter of pardons his policy of publishing a detailed statement of hisi-ea- sons made the impression that he was ex- ercising this power in an unusual degree. But on comparison with the records of previous Governors for the same periods it was found that he had released fewer convicts than any of his recent predeces- sors. Muucipal Reform. In his prompt approval of the bills for reforming and reorganizing the city service in New York he has shown his compre- hension of the needs of municipal govern- ment and made himself effectively the leader of the movement. The moral effect of his prompt action on the one bill taking from the despotic and trading Board of Aldermen the confirming power and throw- ing the responsibility entirely upon the Mayor enabled the reform element in the Legislature to continue their work with the assurance that every necessary and reasonable aid would be given them by the Executive. During the late session of the Legislature the Governor's attitude throughout was one of sympathy and support for theeffort to reform the methods of municipal ad- ministration in this city, and to extend the operation of the State civil service laws. It was known from the start that he was in sympathy with the work in which Sen- ators Gibbs and Robb and Assemblymen Roosevelt and others took a leading part, though the opposition to it was chiefly in his own party. He made valuable sugges- tions, met every one with frankness, and gave his approval without hesitation to all the reform bills that were placed before him in reasonably perfect shape or in time to have defects remedied. He con- tinued the practice of studying every meas- ure carefully and disapproving, without thinking of personal or political effect, those which in his judgment ought not to become laws. He scrutinized appropria- tions with special care, and his excision of items from the supply bill showed his dis- criminating economy and his relentless keeness in scenting out jobs. His ludustry. Mr. Cleveland's character as Governor has been one of unremitting hard work and faithful devotion to public duty. He has shirked nothing, proved unecjual to no requirement, and never lost sight of the rule of action which he laid down as STEPHEN G ROVER C1.EVEJ>AND. 23 Mayor of Buffalo in a communication to the Common Council " It seems to me," he said, "that a successful and faithful ministration of the Government of a city may be accomplished by constantly bear- ing in mind that we are the trustees and agents of our fellow-citizens, holding their funds in sacred trust to be expended for their benefit, that we should at all times be prepared to render an honest account to them touching the manner of its expen- diture, and that the affairs of the city should be conducted as far as possible up- on the same principles as a good business man manages his private concerns." 'Wliat His Admlulstratton SIiotts. The administration of Grover Cleveland as Governor has been highly satisfactory and fully in accordance with his views expressed in his letter accepting the nom- ination. All the appointments to office which he has made bear the stamp of that high, conscientious spirit which has always actuated him. His industry is beyond all question. Never has there been a man less approachable by politicians in quest of fat offices. His moral courage is great, as witness his veto of the Five Cent Fare bill, which he treated regardless of the shower of abuse which he knew to be coming. Many of his other vetoes have been smgularly objectionable to New York ward politicians. Many of the bills he has signed have had a like effect. For instance, those curtailing the emoluments of the County Clerk, of the Register and of the Sheriff. If he is elected President he may be expected to follow in the path of political rectitude which has always dis- tinguished him, and he will be opposed by none but the schemers and tricksters of his party. Wtiy It was lie didn't " Go for a Soldier." There is nothing discreditable about Gov. Cleveland's war record. At the opening of the war it was a question whether he should go to the army or not. He was entirely ready and willing to do so, but his father had died some time before and left a widowed mother, poor and with a large family, several of whom were daughters. Provision had to be made for their support, and yet the family felt obliged to contribute in some way to the cause of the Union. A sort of family council was held. Grover had just been admitted to the bar at Buffalo and was beginning to have some practice. Two younger broth- ers volunteered to go to the army and leave Grover at home to support their mother and sisters. This was agreed to all around, and the two brothers went to the front and served with honor till the war closed. When peace was^ declared they returned home, but were soon afterward lost at sea. Grover Cleveland was the first man drafted in Buffalo. He promptly supplied a substitute, who made a faithful soldier. Gov. Cleveland has always been a friend of the soldiers, and was what was called a War Democrat. While Mayor of Buffalo there was an attempt to make cap- ital out of the fact that he had vetoed a bill appropriating public money for a sol- diers' monument in the city. When the facts came out it proved to be true that he i did it on the ground that the City Council had no right to appropriate public funds for a purpose of that kind, but he suggested that the result might be reached by a pub- lic subscription. The hint was adopted, a subscription paper was taken around and the first and largest subscriber was Mayor Cleveland. Since he has been Governor of New York he has approved a bill pro- viding that the heads of the various State departments shall, when making appoint- ments, give preference to honorably dis- charged soldiers and sailors of the United States. Some irritation was created last winter because of his vetoing a bill in re- ference to Grand Army badges. In the bill was a provision making the wearing of such a badge by any person not entitled to do so by reason of membership of some post a crime, punishable by imprisonment. The Governor thought the penalty unne- cessarily severe. It was also logically ob- served that the child of a veteran might be imprisoned for wearing his father's badge. The Governor's Veto of tlie Five Cent Fare Bill. One of the charges against the adminis- tration of Governor Cleveland is his veto of the above bill, and the facts in the case have been so perverted in order to excite the prejudices of the poor working men against 24 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. him, as a friend and protector of grasping monopolies as against labor, that a plain statement of the case is here presented. When those outside of the corporations in- terested, shall have read this, and become possessed of the true merits of the case, there can be little doubt that he will be sustained by every unprejudiced and honorable voter. The act is commonly known as the " Five Cent Fare bill,'' and forbade the collection or charge of more than five cents on any railroad in New York City for conveying a person any distance be- tween the Battery and Harlem. At the time of its presentation the Governor was so impressed with its importance and the public interest which it excited that he ex- ercised the greatest care and most diligent inquiry into the measure before rendering his decision. His Reason. " I am convinced," he said, "that in all cases the share which falls upon the Ex- ecutive regarding the legislation of the State should be in no manner evaded, but fairly met by the expression of his care- fully guarded and unbiassed judgment. In his conclusion he may err, but if he has fairly and honestly acted, he has performed his duty and given to the people of the State his best endeavor." The Governor goes on to explain in justification of his veto that the Elevated Roads of the city are now under the sole operation of the Manhattan Elevated Rail- 1 oad as lessee of the New York Elevated Railroad and the Metropolitan. He cites the provisions laid down in the act of .'\pril 20, 1866, authorizing the construction of the West Side road, which specified that no more than five cents per mile might be charged for fare of one person. That road has since gone into the hands of the New York Elevated Railroad Com- pany, and a law was passed on June 17. 1875, transferring the rights of the road to the new company, and further providing that it be "hereby confirmed in the pos- session and enjoyments of said rights, powers, privileges and franchises as fully and at large as they were so granted in and by the acts to the West Sic^e and Yonkers Patent Railway Company. The Court of Appeals, referring to the law, said : " The effect of this act was to secure to the Elevated Railroad Company all the rights, privileges and franchises of the West Side and Yonkers Patent Railway Company under the purchase by and transfer to it." By another section of this act the New York Elevated Railroad was empowered to receive from each passenger a sum not exceeding 10 cents a mile for five miles or less. TUe Rapid Transit Act. In 1875 another act was passed, com- monly known as the Rapid Transit Act, providing for the appointment of a Board of Commissioners, whose office embraced authority to fix and determine the time within which the new elevated roads should be completed, and to formulate a scale of maximum rates to be charged as fare on such roads, and regulate the hours during which special trains should be run at re- duced rates of fare. In accordance with the act the Mayor of this city appointed a Board of Commissioners, who expended a great deal of time and labor in the con- sideration of the proposed roads. They even fixed and determined specifically the route of the new New York Elevated Rail- road, and prescribed with the utmost par- ticularity the manner and form of its con- struction and operation. A deliberate and specific agreement was made with the company that it should charge as fares upon its cars, at such hours as were not embraced within the time specified for the running of " commission" trains, at a rate " for all distances under five miles not to exceed 10 cents, and not to 'exceed two cents for each mile or fraction of a mile over five miles, until the fare should amount to not exceeding 1 5 cents for a through passenger from and between the Battery and intersection of Third avenue and One Hundred and Twenty-ninth street, and from and between the Battery and High Bridge not to exceed 17 cents for a through passenger, and that for the entire distance from and between the Bat- tery and Fifty-ninth street the fare shall not exceed 10 cents per passenger." A further agreement^ was made that STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 25 commission trains should I)c run during certain hours of the morning and evening, upon which — for the benefit of working- men and the laboring classes — the fare should not exceed five cents for convey- ance between the Battery and Fifty-ninth street, nor should exceed seven cents for a through passenger from the Battery to Harlem during those hours. The railroad company further agreed that when the net income of the proposed road, after all ex- penditures, taxes and charges are paid, should amount to a sum sufficient to pay exceeding lo per cent, per annum on the capital stock of the company, that in such case and within six months thereafter, and so long as said net earnings amount to a sum sufficient to pay more than lo per cent., the said company would run com- mission trains on its road at all hours dur- ing which it should be operated, at the rates of fare mentioned. These agreements were at the time of their formulation highly satisfactory to the Commissioners, who accordingly trans- mitted them to the Mayor, accompanied by a highly congratulatory report, upon the receipt of which the Mayor submitted the papers to the Board of Aldermen, who approved the act. This was in the fall of 1875. The New York Elevated Railroad Company thereupon constructed its road from the Battery to Harlem, a distance of ten miles. The Xew Bill Ignored the Old Contract. The new bill, however, which was pre- sented to the Governor for signature last year, provided that, notwithstanding all the laws which had been passed and rigidly complied with on the part of the railroad company, a ^new scale of rates should be forced upon it, insisting that passengers should be carried the whole length of the road for five cents, a sum about half that which was specified in the agreement. In his consideration of the bill Governor Cleveland was compelled, out of a single spirit of honesty, to say : " I am of the opinion that in the legis- lation and proceedings which I have de- tailed, and in the fact that pursuant thereto the road of the company was constructed \ and finished, there exists a contract in j favor of this company which is protected by that clause of the Constitution of the United States which prohibitij the passage of a law by any State impairing the obli- gation of contracts." He went on to say that section 33 of the General Railroads act provided that the Legislature may, when any railroad shall be opened for use, from time to time alter or reduce the rates of freight, fare or other profits upon said road, but the sum shall not without the consent of the company be so reduced as to bring down the profits on the invested capital to less than 10 per cent, per annum. In his communication to the Legislature vetoing the proposed bill modifying the rates of fare the Governor said that even if the State had the power to reduce the rates of fare on the elevated roads, it promised in its agreement not to do so except under certain circumstances and after a certain specified examination. Constitutional Objections. "I am not satisfied," he said, "that these circumstances exist. It is conceded that no such examination has been made. The constitutional objections which I have suggested to the bill under consideration are not, I think, removed by the claim that the proposed legislation is in the nature of an alteration of the charters of these companies, and that this is permitted by the State Constitution and by the pro- visions of some of the laws to which I have referred. I suppose that while the charters of corporations may be altered or repealed, it must be done in subordination to the Constitution of the United States, the supreme law of the land. This leads to the conclusion that the alteration of a charter cannot be made the pretext for the passage of a law which impairs the obliga- tion of a contract. If I am mistaken in supposing that there are legal objections to this bill, there is another consideration which furnishes to my mind a sufficient reason why I should not give it my approval. A Breach of Faith. " It seems to me that to arbitrarily reduce these fares at this time under existing cir- cumstances involves a breach of faith on the part of the State and a betrayal of confidence which the State has invited. The fact was notorious that for manv years 26 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. rapid transit was the great need of the inhabitants of the city] of New York, and was of direct importance to the citizens of the State. Projects which promised to answer the people's wants in this' direction failed and were abandoned. The Legis- lature, appreciating the situation, willingly passed statute after statute calculated to aid and encourage a solution of the prob- lem. Capital was timid and hesitated to enter a new field full of risks and dangers. By the promise of liberal fares, as will be seen in all the acts passed on the subject, and through other concessions gladly made, capitalists were induced to invest their money in the enterprise, and rapid transit but lately became an accomplished fact. But much of the risk, expense and burden attending the maintenance of these roads is yet unknown and threatening. " In the meantime, the people of the city of New York are receiving the full benefit of their construction, a great enhancement of the -value of the taxable property of the city has resulted, and in addition to taxes, more than $120,000, being 5 per cent, in increase, pursuant to the law of 1868, has been paid by the companies into the city treasury, on the faith that the rate of fare agreed upon was secured to them. I am not aware that the corporations have, by any default, forfeited any of their rights; and if they have, the remedy is at hand under existing laws." "It is manifestly important that invested capital should be protected, and that its necessity and usefulness in the develop- ment of enterprises valuable to the people should be recognized by conservative con- duct on the part of the State government. We have especially in our keeping," con- tinued Mr. Cleveland, "the honor and good faith of a great Stale, and we should see to it that no suspicion attaches, through any act of ours, to the fair fame of the commonwealth." Ho-vv tlie Nfw York World ynxta it. The New York World in speaking of this veto gives the following illustration of how the bill, had it become a law, would have affected car drivers. "The pay of a driver on a Harlem Railroad line is, say, $2 per day. The round trip from the bridge to the City Hall and back takes 3 hours and 20* minutes. Five round a trips day occupy 16 hours and 46 minutes, or, say, 17 hours. These five round trips average 40 cents per trip. If the Governor had signed that unsatisfactory and unjust bill — unjust to the employee and not to the employer — the company would have divided up the pay into trips, and have paid 40 cents per round trip. Three and a half round trips would consume the 12 hours to which a driver's work would have been limited, and for this service he would have received only $1.40. To make his full $2 he would have had to work over-hours and must still have made his five trips per day occupying 16 hours and 40 minutes. More than that. In the winter, during the delay consequent to a severe snow- storm, when the round trip instead of tak- ing 3 hours and 20 minutes, frequently occupies 5 hours, the drivers would have received no more than the 40 cents, and would have earned in 12 hours, for two and a half trips, only $1, Or if in ordi- nary times, through a large fire or any other cause, a driver who worked the old 17 hours in order to get as much as he now gets, should miss a trip, the amount for that trip would have been deducted from his pay. The drivers and conductors ought to hold a mass-meeting to thank Gov. Cleveland for vetoing a bill so absurd and so adverse to their interests. Dema- gogues may bluster and promise, but no legislative enactment has ever yet been invented that will secure a man fifteen hours' pay for eight hours' labor." Personal Appearance. He is a tall, stoutly built gentleman, ^ v/eighing over two hundred and fifty pounds, aged forty-seven years and a bachelor. He is vigorous, robust, of a nervous temperament, light complexion, thin brown hair, rapidly tending to bald- ness, and is a prepossessing-looking bachelor. He has good executive ability. He shuns society, and chiefly delights in association with his own sex. He has dark, penetrating eyes and heavy eye- brows. His movements are deliberate STEPHEN G ROVER CLEVELAND. 27 and di^^nificd, but devoid of the heaviness which sometimes accompanies men of his type. His manner ^s so curt and brusque, his ' yea' ' yea,' and his ' nay ' ' nay,' that he often offends those who speak with him for the first time ; but the longer he is known the more warmly he is esteemed, respected and admired. He does not wear his heart upon his sleeve for daws to , peck at, but under his stern demeanor he conceals a kindly, generous and charita- ble nature. One of his oldest and most intimate friends characteristically defined him as "an up and up man.'' Everybody who has ever had any dealings with him is aware that he means precisely what he says and says e.\actly what he means. In appearance, no less than in character, he is one of the old Continental school of po- liticians, and seems to have come down to us from a former generation to teach us what strong, brave, honest, resolute men our forefathers were who founded this Re- public. Mr. Cleveland is a member of the large social clubs of Buffalo. In Sep- tember, 1882, he was elected vice presi- dent of the State Bar Association from the Eighth Judicial district. His face, no less than his figure and ac- tions, indicates strenuous vital force and that admirable co-ordination of faculties which is best expressed in the phrase, " a cool head.'' Those traits which are in part the result of early and constant self- training have given him the air of con- scious and quiet power which belongs only to the triumphant antagonist in the world's fight. His figure betokens herculean strength — massiveness is the best word for it — and there is in the smoothly shaven face, the same token of equal solidity of character, with the suggestion of physical vigor in the soft brown mustache that strongly contrasts with the scantiness of hair on his head. There is a decided ten- dency to corpulency — as is usually the case in vital temperaments — and a double chin is beginning to hang down over the simple white necktie. There is nothing phlegmatic in the man's manner. His face lights up with a sympathetic smile and without becoming animated or bril- liant he is at once interesting, unaffected and intensely real. A VUltor's Description. A visitor at the Txecutive .Mansion thus describes an interview with the Governor: " The moment he found tliat I did not want to ask him about the future and was quite content to listen to the past, he talked freely and fiimiliarly. There was nothing in hishumblc origin and struggling career that he was ashamed of. I fancied he was rather proud of his early struggles. And it was not impossible in an hour's conversation to make some kind of mea- surement of the man's mind and charac- ter. I said to myself, this is the executive not the reflective man. I don't suppose he is ever perplexed with questions of ethics. Such men have a steady poise of judgment that saves a world of words. The right pathway is never obscured or hidden. With them the doctrinaire has a hard time of it, for instead of chasing a principle through all the mazes of possi- bilities for the sake of the hunt, they hold the dogs of dialectics in leash and, with unerringly clear sight and constant good nature, whip them all back to the true scent. I was always struck with a single sentence in the second volume of Carlyle's ' French Revolution," which, after those two volumes of bloody chaos, announce the arrival of Napoleon. The purport of that sentence, as I now recall it, is that ' a man having now come upon the scene events began to straighten themselves out.' And I suppose that whatever events become chaotic and life gets into confusion that it is absolutely necessary to have a man at the helm. And history shows that it is the executive man, equipped with convictions and endowed with courage who assumes the chieftainship in moments of public doubt. Distracted on everything else, the people are willing to rest their issues on indubitable strength of charac- ter, capable of both representing and leading. He may not bring any new truth with him, or a more brilliant method, but the trust is that he will with clear eye, pure heart and strong hand keep the col- umns in close order along the approved path of safety and advance.'' A True American Citizen. Grover Cleveland, both in his record and in his person, impresses one as pecu- 28 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. liarly the outcome and result of what is best and most enduring in American life. As we have already seen, he started like the tj^jical American boy to hew his own way. The almost insuperable difficulties of his youth, the hardships of poverty, pangs of hunger, the frosts of winter never deterred him. They were in fact, as they always are to the true metal, only the blows that compacted and shaped the man. We hear a great deal nowadays about men being all American. Obvi- ously there are some American things which a man had better be without. It is not pleasant to contemplate a man whose character reflects the heterogeneous and discordant elements of our complex life. Nor is it safe to trust with heavy respon- sibilities that man whose chief element of Americanism is impatience of restraint, disrespect for the past and an unswerving desire to be smart rather than right. The best elements of our American life have always come up from the hardy, vigorous stratum that was nearest to the soil and in some way dependent on it. The abiding glory of the country has been in its defiant boys with God-fearing ancestors ; boys who had organized in them by a race of humble but devout pioneers the patience and industry to achieve and the reverence to respect. It is to men of this fibre that the republic has always gone in its emer- gencies — turning in extremity from its politicians, its doctrinaries and its workers of statecraft, back to the elemental, vital, honest forces that underlie all its achieve- ments and that are oftenest found in the sturdy, modest, indomitable workers who have not sought the political race. At Ills Home. A writer who visited Buffalo for the pur- pose of learning facts concerning the Governor, says : I had an opportunity to converse with several persons who had known their Mayor long and well. I found a sterling regard for the man everywhere, and it was a regard uninfluenced by political bias. Among those best able to form indepen- dent opinions, this regard was obviously founded on character. Among the people themselves there was a well-defined con- viction that he was a man to depend upon. As one rough fellow said to me in the hotel saloon : " Well, I don't know about his learnin' or how he stands on a lot of questions that we don't understand, and don't want to, but he's a safe man, and he's pretty sure to understand them better than we do, and he'll do the right thing.'' Solidity of Character. I suppose that this kind of faith in char- acter is one of the most inestimable disco- veries that a man can make, and I was interested to find that the element of pop- ularity did not grow out of the subject good-fellowship, or mere manners. I failed to hear any one say that Grover Cleveland had any magnetism, or that he fascinated a crowd, or that he drew people after him with a personal glamour. On the contrary, I formed a very distinct no- tion that there was a class of men that he repelled, and that disliked him as easily, as naturally and as sincerely as a thief hates a magistrate or a smuggler hates a dead calm. Indeed it was impossible to discover either in the man's record or in the reputation that had grown up about him anything dramatic. The resultant heroism of his life is that common heroism of the "common " work-a-day world which does its duty, not for effect, but for a prin- ciple and a purpose, aud which, if it does not so easily catch the eye and the ear, is after all the enduring force that the people come to look for and rely upon when there is great work to be done. I looked into his law offices on Main street — this later laboratory where were evolved the legal functions that came into the public service of his own community. They were curi- ously solid and unpretentious, and up- stairs were the bachelor rooms where for years Grover Cleveland had slept and worked. I examined them minutely, for one often obtains a glimpse of character by such entourage. And they were in- stantly indicative of the simple tastes, me- thodical habits and studious life of the occupant. Two or three pictures, evi- dently selected not for decoration, but be- cause the owner prized the subject and admired the treatment, hung on the walls. But there was elsewhere not a superfluous article in the room. Elegance had been STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 29 forgotten in the successful attempt to se- cure comfort and convenience and seclu- sion. Clcvelaud um CItlzeuMUlp. Vieios expressed ichen Mayor of liuff'tlo on the Re~ lease of (he Irish SusptcU. When it became known in this country that Mr. Lowell had abandoned the Americans imprisoned in Ireland without formal accusation, trial or conviction, the public indignation found expression in mass meetings to protest against his course, and about the time that the controversy- culminated such a meeting was called in Buftalo. It was held April 9th, 1882, in St. James' Hall, and the Governor, who had been then three months Mayor of Buffalo, presided. On taking the chair he delivered the following address, which is certainly as frank and outspoken an utterance in regard to the duties of the American Government to its citizens abroad as anyone need ask for : His Foreign Policy. "Fellow citizens: This is the formal mode of address on occasions of this kind, but I think we seldom realize fully its meaning or how valuable a thing it is to be a citizen. From the earliest civilization to be a citizen has been to be a free man, endowed with certain privileges and ad- vantages and entitled to the full protection of the State. The defence and protection of the personal rights of its citizens has al- ways been the paramount and most im- portant duty of a free, enlightened govern- ment. And perhaps no government has this sacred trust more in its keeping than this — the best and freest of them all — for here the people who are to be protected are the source of those powers which they delegate upon the express compact that the citizen shall be protected. For this purpose we choose those who for the time being shall manage the machinery which we have set up for our defence and safety. Tbe Trne Doctrine ot Protection. " And this protection adheres to us in all lands and places as an incident of citizenship. Let but the weight of a sacri- legious hand be put upon this sacred thing and a great, strong government springs to its feet to avenge the wrong. Thus it is that the native-born American citizen enjoys his birthrights. But when, in the westward march of empire, this nation was founded and took root, we beckoned to the Old World and invited hither its immigration and provided a mode by which those who sought a home among us might become our fellow- citizens. They came by thousands and hundreds of thousands; they came and 'Hewed the dark old woods away, And gave the virgin fieldii to-day ; ' they came with strong sinews and brawny arms to aid in the growth and progress of a new country ; they came and upon our altars laid their fealty and submission ; they came to our temples of justice and under the solemnity of an oath renounced all allegiance to every other State, poten- tate and sovereignty and surrendered to us all the duty pertaining to such allegiance. We have accepted their fealty and invited them to surrender the protection of their native land. "And what should be given them in return ? Manifestly, good faith and every dictate of honor demands that we give them the same liberty and protection here and elsewhere which we vouchsafe to our native-born citizens. And that this has been accorded to them is the crowning glory of American institutions. It needed not the statute which is now the law of the land, declaring that 'all naturalized citizens while in foreign lands are entitled to and shall receive from this government the same protection of person and property which is accorded to native-born citizens,' to voice the policy of our nation. The Rights of Onr Citizens. " In all lands where the semblance of liberty is preserved, the right of a person arrested to a speedy accusation and trial is, or ought to be, a fundamental law as it is a rule of civilization. At any rate, we hold it to be so, and this is one of the rights which we undertake to guarantee to any native-born or naturalized citizen of ours, whether he be imprisoned by order of the Czar of Russia or under the pretext of a law administered for the benefit of the landed aristocracy of England. We do not claim to make laws for other coun- tries, but we do insist that whatsoever those laws may be, they shall, in the interests of 30 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. human freedom and the rights of mankind so far as they involve the liberty of our citizens, be speedly administered. We have a right to say, and do say, that mere suspicion without examination on trial is not sufficient to justify the long imprison- ment of a citizen of America. Other nations may permit their citizens to be thus imprisoned. Ours will not. And this in effect has been solemnly declared by statute. " We have met here to-night to consider this subject and inquire into the cause and the reasons and the justice of the imprison- ment of certain of our fellow citizens now held in British prisons without the semb- lance of a trial or legal examination. Our law declares that the government shall act in such cases. But the people are the creators of the government. The un- daunted apostle of the Christian religion, imprisoned and persecuted, appealing centuries ago to the Roman law and the rights of Roman citizenship, boldly de- manded ; ' Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned?' So, too, might we ask, appealing to the law of our land and the laws of civili- zation : ' Is it lawful that these, our fel- lows, be imprisoned, who are American citizens and uncondemned?' I deem it an honor to be called upon to preside at such a meeting and I thank you for it. What is your further pleasure ? " Grover Cleveland's Romauce. Grover Cleveland came of a somewhat singular and peculiar family. All his an- cestors were strong people, but turning to the church for a living they were always poor. The city is full of reminiscences of his fight for a place in the city of his adop- tion, but the story of his boyhood days have to be gathered from another locality. But very few persons know why he never married ; perhaps none do. The mishap that left him to tread the wine-press of life alone was a painful one ; but it left the sting before he came to Buffalo. Ever since his residence in Buffalo he has lived with his law books and his profession. Although he is reputed to be a good, genial companion, fond of life and the world, he has shunned society and lived for his mother and sisters, who needed his help. Probably more preachers were reared out of his family than any other in the country. They all taught the doctrines of the Pres- byterian Church for a small price and died poor. Mr. Cleveland's father left some ten children, which were about his only available assets when he died. Hence it went out that he was too poor to marry until so well grounded in his bachelor ways that he could not be tempted jfrom them by the comeliest girl in the land. There are no traditions that he ever courted a lass. Yet it is true that he did and that the picture of that one still re- mains by his side. It is true that he was and, as the world goes, still he is poor. As is already stated in this narrative it was not until a few years ago that he felt able to pay back the money be borrowed to bring him West in 1855. He only got his legal education by a pretty tough tight with adversity and it took him four years of drudgery in the office of Rogers & Bowen before he was admitted to practice. Governor Cleveland's Fortune. It has been generally supposed by a majority of people in Buffalo that Grover Cleveland was a wealthy man. He has always lived in style, boarding at the Tifift House when here, and the centre of a group of bachelor friends, all of whom are possessed of independent fortunes. Since his election as Governor, but especially since he has been mentioned as a candi- date of the Democratic party for President, this rumor has assumed more than its for- mer proportions. It has for a few days been harped upon by prominent anti-monopo- lists and labor leaders that the Governor was possessed of a fortune of more than ^100,000, upon a greater part of which he paid no taxes. To gain some information upon this vexed subject an inquirer after the truth visited the Assessor's office and made a thorough investigation. It was found that the books there make the Governor's fortune far smaller than do his enemies. The sum total against him is a tax upon $5,000 worth of personal property. No mention of any real or landed estate is made and it is safe to say he owns none inside the corporate limits of the city. It cannot be truthfully said that Governor STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 31 Cleveland is possessed of a hurtful amount of property. A liOve Story. When Governor Cleveland was just able to support himself he became enam- ored of a young woman who was a rela- tive of the late Judge Verplanck. The girl was not disposed to look favorably on his suit and this made him love her the more. She delighted in tantalizing him by permitting other young men to escort her home from the old Eagle Street Theatre, which was then the only place of amuse- ment of any account in the city. The girl was comparatively wealthy and looked down on Grover, who was a poor lawyer. After awhile she got to thinking fondly of him, and it is said that they were engaged to be married when she was taken ill with a fever and died. Cleveland did not re- cover from the shock for several months, and though he has a bachelor's liking for pretty ladies his friends say that he will never marry. One lady became so infatuated with him that she proposed to him. He rejected her advances and it is said that she became crazy and is now confined in an asylum. A friend of the Governor told a reporter a romantic story of how a lady living near Poughkeepsie engaged in correspondence with the Governor since he was elected Mayor, and that a tender feeling had sprung up between them. They have met but four times, once when Cleveland was Sheriff, a few years later at Saratoga, after Cleveland v/as elected Mayor and once since he has been Governor. This friend said that it was quite likely that the lady would be married by Cleveland if elected President, and that she would grace the White House parlors at his reception. The lady is described as being a charming brunette, about thirty-five years old, with pleasing manners and considerable prop- erty. This incident is given for what it is worth as one of the rumors of the day. Persoual Peculiarities. All the traits of assiduous industry, un- ostentatious dignity, thoroughness and simplicity, noted in Grover Cleveland's early career are observable in his present life at Albany, On the day before his in- auguration as Governor he came down from Buffalo quietly with his law partner, Mr. BisscU, went to the Executive Mansion and spent the night. On the morrow the city was excited with the approaching ceremonies. The streets were crowded, but there was to be no military parade, no procession. The Governor-elect walked from the Executive Mansion in company with his friend to the Capitol, which is a mile distant, joining the throngs that were going that way. He entered the building unrecognized, but quite at his ease, sauntered up the Executive Chamber and was there met by Gov. Cornell. The mo- ment the inaugural ceremony was over he passed into the spacious Executive Cham- ber which is set apart for his use, ordered that the doors should be opened to admit anybody, and went immediately to work. Pristine Democracy. Never was any important public event so completely stripped of its fuss and fea- thers. Never was a more radical change effected in the official routine of the Exe- cutive Department. Hitherto there were all sorts of delays and impediments in the path to the Governor. Cards had to be sent in, ushers conducted citizens into anterooms and left them to cool their heels on the State's tessellated floor. But the moment Grover Cleveland took possession he issued on order to admit anybody at once who wished to see him. And up to the present time he has been quite able himself to prevent this return to republican simplicity from being abused. His habits are indicative of his dislike of ostentation and official parade and of his methodical and industrious training. He walks from the Executive Mansion every morning at 9 o'clock to the Capitol and goes straight to work. At 1.30 he walks back to his lunch, which takes an hour. He then re- turns on foot to work again and remains until 6, when he goes to dinner. He is back at 8 and generally stays until 1 1 or 12. He keeps no horses or extra servants and has not been known to ride since he has been in Albany except for an occa- sional pleasure jaunt. The amount of work thus accomplished — as his private secretary, Mr. Daniel S. Lamont, testifies — is something enormous. J2 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. He is not a rich man, in spite of his fru- gal bachelor habits. He does much free legal work for poor clients and has a way of assisting them which, though most creditable to his conscience, does not put money in his purse. He is also a liberal benefactor of all the charities of Buffalo, a city peculiarly active in this work. His Streii^^ as a Candidate. Mr. Cleveland's strength as a candidate is due to his strong conservatism, his un- sullied character, his sympathy with straightfor\vard, business methods in poli- tics, his exceptional standing with the inde- pendent reform element the country over and his ability to inspire people with the belief that he may be trusted to do noth- ing for purely partisan purposes. Few men unite in themselves so many consid- erations of fitness and expediency. If elected he may be trusted to expose jobs turn out and keep out thieves and give the country a manly, conservative administra- tion of his own. As a liatvyer and a Man. Mr. Cleveland's rank at the bar is a high one. He is careful and methodical as a business man, which, united to his faculty of going to the bottom of all questions, gives him the principal elements essential to success in his profession. He presents his case well and closely, whether the argument is made before a court or a jury, but does not indulge in any exhibition of pyrotechnics. His vocabulary is ample but not overwhelming or exhaustive, as is so often the case with professional legal talkers. He is a hard worker, and a large, reliable and commanding practice is his reward. In the presentation of Grover Cleve- land's record to the readers of this biogra- phy, it has been the object to reflect him as he is apart from any bias or one-sided statements, and hence the following ex- tract is published. It will be remembered that George Wil- liam Curtis is a leader in the Republican Party, and was a delegate from New York in the Chicago Convention that nominated James G. Blaine. The following appears as his leading editorial in Harptrs' Weekly: "What Mr. Curtis Says. " The nomination of Governor Cleveland defines sharply the actual issue of the presidential election of this year. He is a man whose absolute official integrity has never been questioned, who has no labor- ious and doubtful explanations to under- take, and who is universally known as the Governor of New York elected by an unprecedented majority which was not partisan, and represented both the votes and the consent of an enormous body of Republicans, and who as the Chief Exe- cutive of the State has steadily withstood the blandishments and the threats of the worst elements of his party, and has justly earned the reputation of a courageous, independent and efficient friend and pro- moter of administrative reform. His name has become that of the especial represent- ative among our public men of the integ- rity, purity and economy of administration which are the objects of the most intelli- gent and patriotic citizens. The bitter and furious hostility of Tammany Hall and of General Butler to Governor Cleveland is his passport to the confidence of good men, and the general conviction that Tammany will do all that it can to defeat him, will be an additional incentive to the voters who cannot support Mr. Blaine, and who are unwilling not to vote at all, to secure the election of a candidate whom the political rings and the party traders instinctively hate and unitedly oppose." Pulbllc Interests Before Party. So firm and " clean " and independent in his high office has Gov. Cleveland shown himself to be, that he is denounced as not being a Democrat by his Demo- cratic opponents. This denunciation springs from the fact that he has not hesi- tated to prefer the public welfare to the mere interest of his party. Last autumn, when the Democratic District- Attorney of Queen County was charged with miscon- duct, the Governor heard the accusation and the defense, and decided that it was his duty to remove the officer. He was asked by his party friends *to defer the removal until after the election, as other- wise the party would lose the district by the opposition of the Attorney's friends. The Governor understood his duty and STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 33 removci.1 the officer some days before the election, and the party did lose the district. This kind of courage and devo- tion to public duty in the teeth of the most virulent opposition of traders of his own puny is unusal in any public man, and it shows precisely the executive quality which is demanded at a time when every form of speculation and fraud presses upon the public treasury under the specious plea of party advantage. The argument that in an election it is not a man but a party that is supported, and that the Democratic party is less to be trusted than the Republican, is futile at a time when the Republican party has nom- inated a candidate whom a great body of the most conscientious Republicans can- not support, and the Democratic party has nominated a candidate whom a great body of the most venal Democrats prac- tical bolt. Distrust of the Democratic party springs from the conduct of the very Democrats who madly oppose Governor Cleveland because they know that they cannot use him. The mere party argu- ment is vain also, because no honorable man will be whipped in to vote for a can- didate whom he believes to be personally disqualified for the Presidency on the ground that a party ought to be sustained. The nomination of Gov. Cleveland is due not so much to the preference of his party as to the general demand of the country for a candidacy which stands for precisely the qualities and services which are asso- ciated with his name." AV'liat tlie Evening Telegraph Says. We also give a portion of an editorial which appeared in the Evening Telegraph of Philadelphia, a staunch Republican paper, and a supporter of the Republican nominees : The Democrats have nominated a very strong ticket — probably the strongest ticket that it was possible for them to nominate ; and if it is to be beaten, it will be neces- sary for the Repubhcans to give some positive assurances that the party as a party, and despite the efforts of time-ser- vers and tricksters to use it for improper personal and grossly unpatriotic ends, in- tends that the very best of its past shall indicate with unmistakable clearness its 3 future. It is sheer folly to underrate the merit of the deliverances of the Demo- cratic Convention yesterday, or to attempt to misinterpret their plain meaning or the plain peril which they represent. For the first time since the Democratic Party went out of power in 1861, it comes before the country with its baser elements forced into the background, if not into subjection, with men of clean, strong and patriotic records as their candidates, and with a challenge to thinking and patriotic men to regard what is good in it instead of ob- truding upon them the unsavory features of its history and the most evil of its de- sires. It may be said, and with entire truth, that Cleveland is an expediency nomination ; but there are expediencies and expediencies. It was expediency that dictated the nomination of General Han- cock four years ago. It was hoped that Hancock's splendid record as a soldier would win votes that might not be win- able by a demonstration in the line of true statesmanship. It is no disparagement to General Hancock to say that his nomi- nation was a trick, and that those who were most actively instrumental in pro- curing it hoped to turn it to an evil account should it be ratified at the polls. The nomination of Grover Cleveland was made on quite other grounds. This man was selected because it is believed he has a public and private record that is unim- peachable, and particularly because, since he has been Governor of the great State of New York, he has shown himself to be a careful and zealous guardian of the true interests of the public, even at the cost of the friendship of men in his own party who have the power to wield a mul'.itude of votes. luclflents— licadlug tlie Blind. The following incident of recent occur- rence is related of the Governor : The crier in one of the courts of Albany is a blind man, who lives in the same part of the city as the Governor. He is some- what aged and has become so familiar with the road from hi^ home over to the court-house that he generally goes alone. But one morning, some months ago, he missed his way, and the Governor coming along took him by the arm and brought 34 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. him along with him as fiir as the Capitol building. As they were about to separate, the old gentleman asked the name of his considerate guide. " My name is Cleveland," said the Gov- ernor. "Are you in business in the city?" " Yes, I have an office up here in the Capitol.'' " Oh, you are not the Governor ? ' "Yes. lam the Governor." The poor old fellow was almost beside himself, and went on his way with a story to tell as long as he lived. "Vriilcli might be tlie Governor T" The Governor is full of the milk of human kindness and his heart is big enough to take in all mankind. Though a bachelor, he has a most benignant face and can talk to you like a father. The pictures of him do not give his face as it is generally seen. He sometimes looks serious, but never cross or even austere. As soon as you see him you feel that you need not have any trepidation in speaking to him. When he sits down there is not much room left between the arms of a pretty wide chair, and he looks wonderfully comfortable and homelike. The other day when there were three or four gentle- men callers sitting or walking about in the Executive office, a bunch of country women dropped in on their sight-seeing tour. After gazing about in some perplexity, as if they were looking for something they could not find to their entire satisfaction, the eldest and the supposable head of the party, ventured up to the Governor as the most approachable man she saw, and ven- tured to ask: — "Which might be the Governor?" "Right here," said he, as he thumped himself on the bosom and went on with the business in hand. " Oh !'' the lady ejaculated, and retired amid her blushes to the expectant group in the corner, and then they all looked over and said " oh !" in chorus. Never Disturbed. When the Governor gets well settled in his chair, takes a good long breath, and adjusts his glasses on the lower part of his nose, he looks as wise, as mellow, and as sunshiny as Benjamin Franklin. He looks as though it would take a very con- siderable shock to knock him off his bal- ance. When asked the other day if he read the papers that abused him. "Sometimes," said he, with a smile that broke out all over his face. " Do you ever get disturbed over any thing they say ?" " Not much. Every man has a right to enjoy his own mind. I remember an old fellow who was a neighbor of my father, and we would sometimes try to get him to come over to our church. He was a strong Baptist, and he would always say : ' No ; you folks are Presbyterians, and if I go over to your church I couldn't enjoy my mind.' Of course that was the end of the argument." Regarding NevFspaper Slanders. In reply as to the slanders published about him, the Governor recently said : — " Well, I have been more surprised at the way I have been misrepresented as to the laboring men than anything else. I don't see how the idea ever got out in the first place that I have been opposed to the interests of laboring men. I cannot remember one single act in my life that could be reasonably construed into any thing inimical to their best interests. It has been just the other way with me. I have always taken particular pains, when- ever it was in my power, to see their in- terests well guarded. But I have no fear as to the outcome. I have observed that laboring men have minds of their own as well as political principles, and when there has been a full investigation of my official life the facts will be made known, and I am not uneasy as to the result. They talk about the workingmen as if they were a lot of sheep to be corralled or scattered by this man or that. Most workingmen are natural Democrats. Democracy means the rule of the people, and the Democratic party has always been the natural friend of the workingmen. I do not think any great number of those who are in my party will fail to vote for me, first, because they are naturally disposed to go with their party, and second, because they will learn long before election day that my attitude towards them has been misrepresented." STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 35 Opinions on Public Q,iieatlons. Because (Governor Cleveland took no active part in politics until recently, it must not be inferred that he became in- vested with important offices without any knowledge or experience of public men and measures. Ever since he attained his majority he had been an ardent sup- porter of the Democratic party, and kept himself fully posted on all state and na- tional matters. He was little accustomed to making speeches and writing letters on public questions, but when he began it was with some purpose. Appreciation of the business side of office and politics has been a marked feature of his utterances. In his inaugural address as Mayor of Buf- falo, he said — Tine People's Money. We hold the money of the people in our hands to be used for their purposes and to further their interests as members of the municipality, and it is quite apparent that when any part of the funds which the tax- payers have entrusted to us are diverted to other purposes or when by design or neglect we allow a greater sum to be applied to any municipal purpose than is necessary, we have, to that extent, violated our duty. There surely is no difference in his duties and obligations whether a person is en- trusted with the money of one man or of many, and yet it sometimes appears as though the office-holder assumes that a different rule of fidelity prevails between him and the tax-payer than that which should regulate his conduct when, as an individual, he holds the money of his neighbors. It seems to me that a success- ful and faithful ministration of the govern- ment of our city may be accomplished by constantly bearing in mind that we are the trustees and agents of our fellow-citizens, holding their funds in sacred trust to be expended for their benefit, that we should at all times be prepared to render an honest account to them touching the manner of its expenditure, and that the affairs of the city should be conducted, as far as possible, upon the same principles as a good business man manages his private concerns. HU Civil Ser^'lce Views. In his letter, accepting the nomination for Governor of New York, he gave his views on Civil Service, and on an efficient and honest administration of public officers, showing most conclusively that he had given the subject careful thought, and had formed a decided opinion in its favor: Subordinates in public places should be selected and retained for their efficiency, and not because they may be used to ac- complish partisan ends. The people have a right to demand here, as in cases of private employment, that their money be paid to those who will render the best service in rQturn, and that the appointment to and tenure of such places should depend upon ability and merit. If the clerks and assistants in public departments were paid the same compensation, and required to do the same amount of work as those em- ployed in prudently conducted private establishments the anxiety to hold these public places would be much diminished, and the cause of civil service reform materially aided. His Oi>i>osltlou to Corrnptlou at tlie Polls. The expenditure of money to influence the action of the people at the polls, or to secure legislation is calculated to excite the gravest concern. When this per- nicious agency is successfully employed a representative form of government be- comes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful influence cease to protect, but are made the means by which the rights of the people are sacrificed and the public treasury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party which leads in an honest effort to return to better and purer methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and secure their support. It is wilful blindness not to see that the people care but little for party obligations, when they are invoked to countenance and sustain fraudulent and corrupt practices. And it is well for our country and for the purification of politics that the people, at times fully roused to danger, remind their leaders that party methods should be something more than a means used to answer the purposes ct those who profit by political occupation. Col. Frank H. Burr, one of the best descriptive writers of the day, gives the following relating to Governor Cleveland : 36 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. Shnuulng Society. This style of living was not kept up after he became well-to-do to be saving, for he has the reputation of being a rather open-handed man and not given to hoard- ing money. It is apparent, from the talk of all his friends, that he loves congenial companionship and is a most pleasant conversationalist, thoroughly capable of entertaining a company of any character. I found it current talk in Buffalo that he had always been much courted in society, but that he could rarely be induced to enter the charmed circle. There is a good deal of interesting chat about the plans that have been set to capture this bachelor and their universal failure. One story runs that only recently some friends had two charming ladies visiting them from the Eastern States, and that the lady of the house gave an evening party especially for the purpose of bringing the Governor within the influence of these attractive girls. He shunned the temptation, as he has done many of the kind, and did not attend. He said to a lady who chaffed him about his bachelor life, that if she could find a girl whom she would certify was just right he would enter into bonds to marry her if she would have him. This good-natured raillery has given rise to the rumor that he is thinking of making a change in his domestic relations. It is singular to find a man who has led a bachelor life sa well thought of by all classes as Mr. Cleveland is in Buffalo. He has the confidence and respect of everybody except a few ward politicians whom he has disappointed. His political methods, as you find them developed at his home, are not calculated to commend him to the average politician. His self- reliance, candid faith in his own judgment and unflinching honesty have earned him the reputation among this class of being ungrateful to those who have helped to make him a power. A Pen Portrait. After gathering the home impressions of the man and the features of his early life in this locality, I spent a half day at Albany with the man who has so recently filled the public eye plumb full. He is a good deal such a man as you would expect to find from his experiences, training, birth and general habits of life. He is a large and powerfully built, well proportioned and rather good-looking man. The pic- ture printed as a frontispiece gives a very fair idea of his general appearance, although his expression of countenance is entirely free from the stern, bull-dog look that the wood-cuts give him. He has a pleasant cast of countenance and is rather a winning talker. He has not the quality of magnetism about him, but impresses you with his candor and openness. He is an attractive man, without being too fa- miliar, and is the most democratic official I ever saw. No' Ceremony. The humblest man or woman is admitted to his presence as readily as the highest. He impressed me as a person having the judicial quality of mind developed to a very high degree — one of those strong- headed men with a good opinion of his own understanding of anything he consid- ered. There is not the least characteristic of a politician about him. This is of course the natural result of a life that has been busy and entirely devoted of late years to the enjoyment of the fruits of professional labor and to dealing with men upon the basis of perfect fairness. He is a singular man and has led a peculiar life. If the majority of his years have been tending up hill, his latter days certainly have not, and he seems to be shaping himself to take solid comfort among the rewards of his toil. His luauguratiou as Governor. Governor Cleveland was inaugurated at the Capitol in Albany Jan. i, 1883, in the presence of a vast concourse of his fel- low citizens. After being escorted to the platform by Governor Cornell, the incom- ing executive was presented by his prede- cessor to the people in the following neat address : P^ELLOW Citizens : — The people of the State are its sovereign Rulers. Those whom they elect to perform official trusts, to make laws or execute them, are but the exponents of their views, the custodians of their interests, and the instruments of their supreme will. He is wise, therefore, who in any representative capacity, re- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 37 cognizes and obeys the influence or ex- ' prcssion of that will in these ceremonial forms to do as presented the fitting illus- tration of the maxim, that the just powers of government are derived from the con- sent of the governed. All successful places emanate from enlightened public sentiment, and whatever motive attends the choice of official servants, that will only succeed, which has for its real and ultimate object the maintenance and pro- motion of good and honest government. By the operation of the Constitution, the limit of an executive term has again been reached, and we stand to-day in the presence of rightful authority, expressed in lawful manner to witness the transfer of the high office of Chief Magistrate of the State to one who has been chosen to exe- cute the responsible and trying duties that belong to it. Three years ago, the place now passed to my constitutional successor, was accepted with a due sense of the responsibility involved. My pledge was then given to faithfully and impartially discharge the obliga- tions assumed. There was no reservation of purpose, to redeem that pledge with vigilance and fidelity, and it has been my constant aim, to meet every requirement of just and economical administration to the service of the state. Neither private interest nor personal favor has been permitted to stand in the way of public duty. In taking leave now, of the scenes and labors that have occu- pied the last three years, it affords me profound satisfaction, to congratulate the people of this majestic commonwealth on the high degree of prosperity and peace that prevail within these borders. Our public debt is nearly extinguished, the rate of taxation has been materially reduced, and new sources of public re- venue have been developed. The public works have been conducted with the ut- most economy, consistent with safety and efficiency, encroachments on private rights have been stayed, and important steps have been taken to secure just account- abilities in the management of corpo- rations. In other essential respects, also, the public welfiire has been fostered and fru- gality in public expenditures secured. These and like results have been accom- plished and sustained by the aid of ad- vanced public sentiment. And they will be derelict who, in the direction of affairs, fail to respect the demands of enlightened public opinion. To you, Governor Cleve- land, God-speed in every endeavor to se- cure to this people the richest blessings of beneficent government. It is your good fortune to come to these important duties by an expression of the public will almost unprecedented in the history of the State. The emphasis thus given to your election is clearly indicative of public expectation in the discharge of your official functions. May the Infinite Ruler endow you with wisdom and strength equal to the great responsibilities which now devolve upon you. The faithful discharge of conscious duty will be ample satisfaction and reward, and whatever circumstances or events occur, the public, whose servant you are, will not be unmindful or turn away. Oovemor Cleveland's Inaii^iral A<1(1re8s. Placing his right hand in the breast of his close-fitting black coat, and directly facing Mr. Cornell, Governor Cleveland spoke as follows : Governor Cornell : I am profoundly grateful for your pleasant words and kind wishes for my success. You speak in full view of the labors that are past and duty well performed, and no doubt you gener- ously suppose that what you have safely encountered and overcome, another may not fear to meet. But I cannot be un- mindful of the difficulties that beset the path upon which I enter, and I shall be quite content, if when the end is reached, I may like you, look back upon an official career, honorable to myself, and useful to the people of the States. I cannot forbear at this time to also express my appreciation of the hearty kindness and consideration with which you have at other times sought to make easier my perfotmance of official duties. Then turning to the deeply interested audience, Mr. Cleveland continued. Fellow Citizens : You have assembled to-day to witness the retirement of an officer tried and trusted, from the highest place in the state, and the assumption of 38 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. these duties by one yet to be tried. This ceremony, simple and unostentatious as becomes the spirit of your institution, is yet of vast importance to you and to the people of this great commonwealth. The interests now transferred to new hands are yours, and the duties newly assumed should be performed for your benefit and for your good, hence, you have the right to demand and enforce, by the means placed in your hands, which you well know how to use. And if the public servant should always know that he is jealously watched by the people, he surely w-ould be none the less faithful to his trusts. This vigilance on the part of the citizen, and an active interest and participation in practical concerns, are the safeguards of its rights. But sluggish interference with practical privileges, invite the machina- tions of those who wait to betray the people's interests. Thus when the conduct of public affairs receives your attention, do not omit to perform your duties as citizens, but protect your own best inter- ests. While this is true, and while those whom you put in place should be held to strict account, their opportunities for use- fulness should not be impaired, nor their efforts for good thwarted by unfounded and querulous complaint and cavil. Let us together, but in our different places, take part in the regulation and demonstration of the Government of our state, and thus become, not only the keepers of our own interests, but contrib- utors to the progress and prosperity which will await us. I enter upon the discharge of the duties of the office to which my fellow citizens have called me, with a profound sense of gratitude to the kind Providence which I believe will aid an honest design, and the forbearance of the just people, which I trust will recognize a patriotic endeavor. EXTRACTS FROM GOVERNOR CL.EVE- L.A1VD»S MESSAGE JAIV. 7, 1H83. Appurtlonineutx. The last Legislature neglected its plain duty in failing to re-apportion the State into Congressional districts according to the United States census of 1880 and pursuant of the allottment of Congress to our quota of members of the House of Representatives. It is to be hoped that this work will be speedily undertaken. To make an apportionment of the popu- lation of a state into 34 districts, having due regard to geographical situation, and contiguity of territory, requires but little time, and no great amount of ingenuity, if attempted with fair and honest intention. It is submitted, that the appointment of subordinates in the several state Depart- ments, and their tenure of office or employ- ment should be based upon fitness and efficiency, and that this principle should be embedded in Legislative enactment to the end that the State may conform to the reasonable public demand on that subject. Mniilclpal Goveruuient. The formation and administration of the Government of cities are subjects of public interest and of great impor- tance to many of the inhabitants of the state. The formation of such Govern- ments is proper matter for most careful legislation. They should be so organized as to be simple in their details and to cast upon the people affected thereby, the full responsibility of their administration. The different Departments should be in such accord as in their operafions to lead toward the same results. Divided councils, and divided respon- sibilities of the people, on the part of mu- nicipal officers, it is believed, gives rise to much that is objectionable in the govern- ment of cities. If to remedy this evil, the chief executive should be made answer- able to the people for the proper conduct of the city's affairs, it is quite clear, that his power in selecting those who manage the different departments should be greatly enlarged. The protection of the people in their primaries will, it is hoped, be se- cured by the early passage of the law for that purpose, which will rid the present system from the evils which surround it, tending to defraud the people of rights closely connected with their privileges as citizens. Special Iivglslatlon. It is confidently expected that those who represent the people in the present Legislature address themselves to the enactment of such laws as arc for the STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 39 benefit of all the citizens of the State, to the exclusion of special Ic^jislation and interference with affairs which should be managed by the localities to which they pertain. It is not only the right of the people to administer their local government, but it should be made their duty to do so. Any departure from this doctrine is an abandonment of the principles upon which our institutions are founded, and a con- cession to the infirmity and partial failure of the theory of a representative form of government. If the aid of the Legislature is invoked to further projects which should be subject to local control and manage- ment, suspicion should at once be aroused, and interference should be promptly and sternly refused. If local rule is in any instance bad, weak or inefficient, those who suffer from mal-administration have the remedy within their own control. If through their neglect or inattention it falls into unworthy hands, or if bad methods and practices gain a place in its administration, it is neither harsh nor unjust to remit those who are responsible for those conditions to their self-invited fate, until their interest, if no better motive, prompts them to an earnest and active discharge of the duties of good citizenship. His Appeal to Lieglslatoi'S. Let us enter upon the discharge of our duties, fully appreciating our relations to the people, and determined to serve them faithfully and well. This involves a jealous watch of the public funds, and a refusal to sanction their appropriation, except for public needs. To this end, all unnecessary offices should be abolished, and all employment of doubtful benefit discontinued. If to this we add the enact- ment of such wise and well-considered laws -as will meet the varied wants of our fellow-citizens and increase their pros- perity, we shall merit and receive the ap- proval of those whese representatives they are, and with the conscientiousness of duty well performed, shall leave our im- pression for good on the Legislation of the State. Hla AVlde Popularity. The admiration and sup|)ortof Governor Cleveland reaches far beyond the limits of his party, and the indciations are that his success in the present campaign will be as triumphant as when he was chosen Gover- nor of New York. The Independent Republican Conven- tion which met at New York on July 72d, in its address to the people of the country recognizes the importance of the issue, and the value ot the Democratic nominee. The following is an extract from said ad- dress : Their Exposition of tUe Case. As there is no destructive issue upon public policy presented for the considera- tion of the country, the character of the candidates becomes of the highest impor- tance with all citizens who do not hold that party victory should be secured at any cost. While the Republican nomina- tion presents a candidate whom we cannot support, the Democratic party presents one whose name is the synonym of politi- cal courage and honesty and of adminis- trative reform. He has discharged every official trust with sole regard to the public welfare and with just disregard of mere partisan and personal advantage, which with the appearance and confidence of both parties have raised him from the chief executive administration of a great city to that of a great State. His unre- served, intelligent and sincere support of reform in the civil service has firmly es- tablished that reform in the State and cities of Nev/ York ; and his personal con- victions, proved by his official acts more decisive than any possible platform de- claration, are the guarantee that in its spirit and in its letter the reform would be enforced in the national administration His high sense of duty, his absolute and unchallenged official integrity, his inflexi- ble courage in resisting party pressure and public outcry, his great experience in the details of administration and his command- ing executive ability and independence are precisely the qualities which the polit- ical situation demands in the chief execu- tive officer of the Government to resist corporate monopoly on the one hand and 40 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. demagogue commission on the other, and at home and abroad, without menace or fear, to protect every right of American citizens and to respect every right of friendly states by making political moral- ity and private honesty the basis of con- stitutional administration. He is a Democrat who is, happily, free from all association with the fierce party differences of the slavery contest, and whose financial views are in harmony with those of the best men in both parties ; and coming into public prominence at a time when official purity, courage and character are of chief importance, he pre- sents the qualities and the promise which independent voters desire and when a great body of Republicans, believing those qualities to be absolutely indispensable in the administration of the Government at this time, do not find in the candidate of their own party. Such independent voters do not propose to ally themselves inextricably with any party. Such Republicans do not propose to abandon the Republican party, nor to merge themselves in any other party, but they do propose to aid in defeating a Re- publican nomination which, not for rea- sons of expediency only, but for high moral and patriotic considerations with a due regard for the Republican name and for the American character, was unfit to be made. They desire not to evade the proper responsibility of American citizens by declining to vote, and they desire also to make their votes as effective as possible for honest and pure and wise administra- tion. How can such voters who at this election cannot conscientiously support the Re- publican candidate, promote the objects which they desire to accomplish more surely than by supporting the candidate who represents the qualities, the spirit and the purpose which they all agree in believing to be of controlling importance in the election ? No citizen can rightfully avoid the issue or refuse to cast his vote. The ballot is a trust. Every voter is a trustee for good government, bound to answer to his private conscience for his public acts. This Conference, therefore, assuming that Republicans and Inde- pendent voters who for any reason cannot sustain the Republican nomination desire to take the course which, under the necessary conditions and constitutional methods of a Presidential election, will most readily and surely secure the result at which they aim, respectfully recom- mends to all such citizens to support the electors who will vote for Grover Cleve- land in order most effectually to enforce their conviction that nothing could more deeply stain the American name and prove more disastrous to the public welfare than the deliberate indifference of the people of the United States to increas- ing public corruption and to the want of official integrity in the highest trusts of the Government. Wliat They Say Ahroatl. To those who may imagine that because Governor Cleveland's public life has been entirely confined to his native State, he is unknown to the people generally out- side of that Commonwealth, we publish the following extracts showing that his good name and reputation not only are as broad as his native land, but extend to other nations, where he is regarded as one possessing wonderful executive abili- ties, and is, in the true sense of the word, a Reformer. {From the Pall Mall Gazette.] Unless all observers are mistaken and all the signs misleading. Governor Cleve- land, who was nominated as the Demo- cratic candidate by the party convention at Chicago, will be elected President of the American Republic in November. The Republicans have split their party by selecting Mr. Blaine, and the attempt to curry favor with the Irish by printing as Republican campaign documents every expression of English opinion adverse to the great American Jingo, has been so barefaced as to provoke a reaction. The Americans do not want to have a Presi- dent sent to Washington by the men who send dynamite to London. It may be noted, however, for the confusion of those who are constantly assuring us that an industrial democracy is free from all cra- ving for territorial extension, that the STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 41 policy of contraction is encr<,'ctically repu- diated by both the great American parties. Mr. Blaine is the Beaconstield of the States; and as for Governor Cleveland, this is what the platform of his party has to say about the foreign policy of the Democrats : " As the result of this policy we recall the acquisition of Louisiana, Florida, Cali- fornia, and of the adjacent Mexican terri- tory by purchase alone. Contrast these grand acquisitions of Democratic states- manship with the purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a Republican administration of nearly a quarter of a century." And yet, in face of this eager competi- tion of American parties on the eye of a Presidential election as to which has an- nexed the most territory, there are those who imagine that the English democracy when once it is fully enfranchised will be enthusiastic for the contraction of England ! Aiiotber Trllmte. The London Globe, one of the lead- ing British papers, whose criticisms of American matters are always read with interest on this side of the ocean, in com- menting on the nomination of Governor Cleveland says : " The Democrats may be congratulated on having made a wise choice, and there seems every probability at present of their carrying the Presidency. From an out- side point of view. Governor Cleveland is somewhat to be preferred to Mr. Blaine. The latter has Irish and filibustering lean- ings, and is a much stronger Protectionist than his rival. It is also possible that Governor Cleveland will, if elected, really set his hand in earnest to civil service re- form — a crusade not to be expected of Mr. Blaine. The latter, indeed, now stands as the champion of vested interests in cor- ruption, while Governor Cleveland has been forced by circumstances to place de- pendence on the purity ticket.'' The reader will note that his reputation as a reformer has reached beyond his own country, and those who have carefully watched his public career in distant lands are convinced that in whatever position he may be placed, he will be an avowed enemy to public plunder and corruption both within and outside of his party. Still Anotlier Tribute. \From the Ijrmtlm Sl'imhird]. The Chicago Democratic Convention have ended their task by nominating Gov- ernor Cleveland as their candidate for ihe Presidency. A more satisfactory result could hardly have been desired. Mr. Cleveland is little known out of his own State, but he bears the character of being a man of ability, and his "record"' is un- stained. The fight will, in reality, be one between "clean" and "unclean" — that is to say, old-fashioned politics. The last eight years of Republican rule have not been popular. Indian frauds, sutler frauds, mail frauds, whiskey frauds, have been prominent, the whole being crowned with a Presidential election fraud, which was the worst of all. The struggle, how- ever, as it was in 1828, lies between men, rather than between parties, and if the country prefers Mr. Blaine, with his un- pleasant record and evil possibilities, to Mr. Cleveland, with his unblemished reputation, it will be because they fear that a party which for twenty-four years has been out of office will be too greedy for "the spoils" to practice within the White House the virtues they profess. The above paragraph shows very clearly that England has little or no in- terest in the platforms or principles of the different political parties, and that she does not expect to be benefited as a nation by the success of a particular party. So far as industries are at stake, our British cousins simply attend to their own inter- ests and do not expect other nations to assist them. Hence the idea that either free trade or protection in this country is of momentous importance to them is simply " a wind of words." The Standard compares the men as men fitted for the position. THOMAS AISTDEEWS HE^DEIOKS. By constitutional provision, upon the death or disqualification of the President, the Vice-President assumes the office, vested with all the powers as though he had been directly chosen for that position. Four times in the history of the nation has this officer become the Chief Executive, and four times have the people been taught the necessity of nominating a man for the second place competent to fill the first. Could the future have been known with its results, it is doubtful if either of the men selected as candidates for the Vice-Presidency would have received the nomination. The Democratic Party, by its action in the National Convention at Chicago, ap- pears to have been impressed with the importance of the second place on the ticket, and governed its actions accord- ingly, in the selection of one eminently fitted by devotion to party and country, by broad statesmanship, ripe experience as a legislator, and thoroughly conversant with the affairs of state. A life-long ex- perience with governmental affairs, a tho- rough knowledge of our government, its needs and its aspirations, a legislative ca- reer reaching over thirty years, a portion of which is the most eventful in our his- tory, and an extended acquaintance with public men, make him eminently fitted for the highest honors that can be be- stowed by our countrymen. He is Well Kuown. Thomas A. Hendricks is well known to all men and to all parties, as his partici- pation in public affairs and his opinions on all important questions of public policy form a part of our historic records. In private as well as in public life he has been a man of strong convictions, never entertaining an idea that he could not defend, and never accepting a proposition 42 that could not be demonstrated. Always true to his party allegiance, at the same time his broad and progressive ideas made him a national statesman. In the halls of legislation he served his constituents with unwavering devotion, and watched their interests with unceasing vigilance. Yet at the same time on all questions of national import he was for his country as a whole. Representing a government of the people, he stood closely by the people in defence of their legal rights and for such measures as enlarged their freedom, elevated their manhood, and promoted their general welfare. As a Senator, he made for himself a national reputation which will endure for all time. He was ever active and aggressive, and his career was characterized by frankness and boldness. He was active in opposi- tion to the measures overturning the old State Governments, the imposition of test oaths, the Civil Rights bill, theFreedman's Bureau bill and kindred legislation. He shaped his pohtical conduct upon the theory that the prosperity of the white people of the South, even though they had been rebels, was a matter of more importance than the prosperity of the negroes. If either race was to go to the wall he thought it should be the black race; but he held that the natural supremacy of the white race was a guar- antee for all. His arguments on the great questions of the day have been adopted as the authoritative statement of Demo- cratic opinion in the summaries of Con- gressional debate. For many years he has been the leader of his party in his state, and his fellow citizens have shown their appreciation of his valuable services by giving him repeated positions of trust and honor. There is probably no man in Indiana who has a stronger personal fol- lowing than Mr. Hendricks, or whose THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 45 opinions exert a greater influence. Eight years ago his fellow citizens placed him on the ticket with Samuel J. Tilden, and Uiose who best know the inward workings of that campaign, and its termination before the Electoral Commission, feel assured that the ticket elected by the people was sacrificed by that arbitration. It is not our purpose to discuss that matter in this brief notice, but the law of retributive justice would seem to have demanded his presentation again for the position to which he, and millions of his people, be- lieve he was rightfully elected. Thomas A. Hendricks is more than an ordinary statesman. His ability to grasp the issues of the hour and to predict their effects upon the future, is attested by the Congressional records giving his services in the House and in the Senate. Never in the history of our country did political excitement run more high than when he took his place in the upper House of Con- gress. With a disrupted nation and a bloody war, which had existed for two years, with the North and South arrayed against each other, with millions of men in the field — with a demoniac howl against the Democracy throughout the free states because they strove to be national instead of sectional, — with the bayonets of the Federal army as a support of the Republican party, and with the soldiers as a detective police, to throw into prisons without warrant or indictment any who might refuse to sanction the policy of the dominant party — in such a time, and un- der such circumstances, the Democracy of Indiana chose Mr. Hendricks to represent their State in the Senate. But then as now, there, as in his own state, he stood true to his convictions, and acted as the Senator of a nation, instead of the champion of a faction. His Nomination as Vice-President. After Mr. Cleveland had been chosen for the first place on the National ticket, the question as to who was the best man for tlie second place became the topic of the moment. That the delegations had deliberated as to a Vice-President, prior to the selection of Mr. Cleveland, there can be no doubt from the fact '•hat no delay was had in completing the ticket. There were many in that convention who were for " the old ticket " of 1876, and had Mr. Tilden consented to be a candidate, there is little doubt that it would have been no- minated. But when that could not be had, there seemed to be a general feeling that the honored name of Hendricks which graced the old ticket, should again he placed upon the Democratic banner. The recess that was taken only tended to soli- dify this sentiment and when the convention again met, it was a foregone conclusion that Thomas A. Hendricks would be the no- mince. Ex-Senator Wallace of Pennsylvania said that he nominated as a candidate for Vice-President a man conversant with public affairs throughout his whole life, an honored statesman, a pure and upright citizen, a victim of the grossest fraud ever perpetrated on the American people — Thomas A. Hendricks. Governor Waller seconded the nomina- tion of Hendricks, and said that the De- mocratic party would, in defiance of fraud and in accordance with law, place him in the chair of Vice-President. The presentation of Mr. Hendricks' name was greeted with enthusiastic cheers, the Convention repeating, in a lesser de- gree, the scene which took place at the morning session in honor of the same gentleman. The announcement that Mr. Hendricks might not accept;the second place, only increased the enthusiasm, and one by one, all the names of the other candidates were withdrawn, leaving him the sole nominee. Mr. Waller continued his eulogy, and said that neither Connecticut's Governor nor Connecticut had a desire to force on In- diana a candidate against her will, but this was not an Indiana convention [laughter and applause], but one of the Democracy of the country, and the Democrats had the right to take any man that they saw fit for their ticket. If there was any Democrat who said he wonld not, under the circumstances here presented, take the nomination, he would of course withdraw his name, but Mr. Hendricks deserved it for the wrong that had been done in 1876. [Applause.] The party THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. would have selected the same statesman from the East that it had eight years ago but for his lack of health. Mr. Hendricks was, thank God, in good health, and his selection was demanded by the party now. Somebody asked that the rule be en- forced requiring the call of States to pro- ceed, and ex-Senator Wallace, declaring that Mr. Hendricks had once been elected Vice-President, and it was the party's de- mand now that he occupy his rightful seat again, moved that the rule be suspended and that the nomination be made by ac- clamation. He was an Alabamian who now mildly suggested that a roll-call be taken on the honorable names that had been presented. The convention, however, was set on hav- ing Hendricks, and no attention was paid to him. Judge John T. Harris, of Vir- ginia, seconded Mr. Wallace's motion. The withdrawal of all names save that of Hendricks now began, amid the applause of the audience. Searles withdrew the name of Rosecrans, and Colorado that of McDonald. Ex-Governor Hubbard of Texas, seconded Hendricks's nomination in a vigorous speech from the platform, in which he declared that the old ticket had been the desire of the Texas delega- tion when elected, and it still had a long- ing for it. " Gov. Hendricks will surely carry Indiana," said he, and again there was a shout. " He deserves it ; give it to him, for God's sake,'' Black's name was withdrawn, and Smith M. Weed begged the convention not to give the nomination to Mr. Hendricks with a hurrah, but let the roll be called. Wallace withdrew his motion and substituted one that the nomi- nations be closed, which was adopted with a hurrah, and State after State recorded in his favor, giving him the entire vote of the convention. Before proceeding to his biography in detail we propose to give the reader an in- telligent idea of the man as the represen- tative of the party which has just nomi- nated him, by quoting from his public record. Hl8 Record. Mr.'Hendricks's broad and sound finan- cial views, the correctness of which has been fully demonstrated by the facts, show that he was in advance of all others in his belief that our bonds could be placed at a lower rate of interest than was then paid. That the reader may fully under- stand his position on the financial ques- tion, and his faith in government securi- ties more than one year before the war had closed, we make the following ex- tract from the Congressional records : March 3, 1864, when a bill " To provide ways and means to support the govern- ment" was before the Senate, Mr. Hen- dricks said : " It has been expected in the country that a five per cent, loan would be provided for ; and I was surprised when the report came from the Committee on Finance providing for a six per cent. loan. The six per cent, bonds are worth in the market above par, which indicates very clearly that the Government could nego- tiate a loan at less than that rate of inter- est. It seems to me that the Government should negotiate its loans at the very low- est rate of interest possible. As compared with the debts of other Governments our debt is being contracted at a very high rate of interest, and it thus imposes a very great burden on the people. If we can secure a loan at five per cent, instead of six we ought to do it. It seems to me, if the public credit is maintained as it has been for the last few months, that a loan can be secured at five per cent. With the present depreciation of the currency five per cent, payable in coin, as this bill pro- vides, would be equal to nearly eight per cent, in currency. My proposition is to issue these bonds at a rate of interest not to exceed five per cent. If the chairman of the Committee on Finance will say that he is satisfied such a loan cannot be negotiated, of course that would influence my judgment very much on this proposition ; but until he says so, I am satisfied that such a loan can be negotiated ; and if so it ought to be done. We ought not to continue to increase our debt at the enormous rate of interest we now pay unless it be absolutely necessary. If we can secure a five per cent. loan in- stead of six per cent, or a higher rate, we should do it. I should like to know from the chairman of ne Committee on Finance THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 45 whetlicr, in his jiidi^'ineiit, on an examina- tion of almost all the cities money can be readily had on an interest of six per cent l)er annum payable in paper. As I said before, at the time the answer was made to the Senator by Mr. Hunter, that was not the case ; but loans were negotiated at from seven to nine or ten per cent. Now, sir, the dilTercnce between paper and gold is quite thirty-three per cent. ; one dollar in gold being worth $1.59 in the paper currency of the country, and the ordinary commercial rate of interest being six per cent, payable in paper. Under these circumstances, I want to know why it is that the Secretary of the Treasury cannot negotiate this loan payable in gold at less than six per cent. If the banks of the country can use their capital at six per cent, and no greater rate of interest payable in paper, which is worth so much less tlian gold, why is it that the Secretary of the Treasury must pay in gold what is equal to more than nine per cent, in paper ? If the Secretary of the Treasury were to say to the Senate that he could not nego- tiate a loan for less than nine per cent., when the ordinary interest of the country is but six per cent., payable in depreciated currency, I would say the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury was not entitled to the respect of the Senate. That would be my response to that proposition. But I want to ask the chairman of the Com- mittee on Finance if the Secretary of the Treasury were to say to us that in view of the present state of the rate of interest in the country he could not probably nego- tiate for less than nine per cent., whether he would insert in this bill " nine" instead of " six per cent.," contrary to his own convictions. Mr. President, I have not designed to discuss this question as a party man, nor do I intend to be led off into a party dis- cussion. We are now considering a ques- tion that goes to the pockets of the tax- payers of the country. If we can negotiate a loan at five per cent., instead of six per cent., it is our duty to do it. Our debt is being contracted at a higher rate of interest than perhaps the debt of any country in the world. I do not intend that it shall be considered a sufficient an- swer to me that any former Adminis- tration was compelled to negotiate a loan at a very high rate of interest. In reply to the Senator from Michigan, I do not recollect the circumstance to which he refers. I will not dispute it ; but my reply is, that 1 have no knowledge of the cir- cumstance to which he refers. The chairman of the Committee on Finance has called attention again to the fact that this is but a limitation ; it fixes the maximum of interest ; and the Secre- tary of the Treasury may possibly nego- tiate it at a less rate. I will ask the Sena- tor if he knows of any case in which a loan has been negotiated at a less rate of interest than the maximum fixed in the bill allowing the loan ? Mr. Fessendek. No ; I do not. Mr. Hendricks. The senator says he does not. Of course he does not. I knew that would be his reply. As soon as it is fixed in the bill, it becomes the opinion of the cauntry, and the rule in the Depart- ment, too, that that shall be the rate ; and when we say that it shall not exceed six per cent, it is the same as saying that the loan shall be negotiated at six per cent. That becomes both the maximum and the minimum. There has been a desire to obtain the Government securities within the last few months. We have an illustration of it here in this bill. A six per cent, loan was sought after with such avidity that $11,000,000 were subscribed^ for beyond the amount allowed by law, and this bill provides for that excess. There was an earnest desire to secure the loan, and that Government security is now worth in the market three or four per cent, above par. With this prominent, striking fact be- fore us, it seems to me remarkable that the chairman of the Committee on Finance should say to us we cannot negotiate a loan at less than six per cent. This loan is now worth at six per cent., payable in coin, nine per cent, in currency. Money is loaned in the banks and in all com- mercial transactions at six per cent., but the Government pays what is equivalent to nine per cent. I say we ought not to do it. If we make a loan at five per cent., 46 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. payable in coin, it is equal to seven or eight per cent, in the ordinary currency of the country. I have made this proposition in good faith, not as a party man. I disclaim party considerations and influence upon a ques- tion like this. Our debt is going up to an enormous amount, and we should consider well at every step where we add one hun- dred or two hundred or three hundred million dollars to our already enormous debt, whether we can secure the loan at a less rate than that heretofore provided for. I believe if we put a six per cent, loan in this bill, the Secretary of the Treasury cannot negotiate it at less than six per cent., because that then becomes the rate in the public opinion, and the men who have money to loan will say to the Secretary, " We will let you have it at the amount of interest which the bill allows, but we will not let you have it at less." If the bill were to say five per cent., I believe the Secretary could secure it at that rate. I should not have indulged in another word in this debate, for I have expressed my views on the amendment which I have offered in good faith, were it not for the last suggestion of the Senator from Maine. He has said to the Senate that the last loan was taken and public confidence grew up in respect to it notwithstanding the efforts of the men in the country with whom I act politically to beat down public confidence in regard to that loan. Sir, I have not said anything in this debate to call for any such suggestion from the Senator ; and with great respect to him personally, I think that part of his argu- ment is not worthy the position he holds in the Senate, I know of no effort on my own part and of no effort on the part of the public men with whom I act as a party man to destroy the confidence of the peo- ple in the Government securities. Public confidence in those securities depends very much on our military operations, and the confidence in that loan was insipred more by the successes of our army upon the Mississippi and the Cumberland than by any political speeches, and the Senator ought to know it. After the victories of July last, the confidence of the public in the Government securities went up, very naturally. And now as the Senator claims that the rebellion is upon its last legs, why is it that he says the confidence in the public securities is not greater to-day than it was even at that hour? As the hour approaches, in the opinion of the Senator, at which the rebellion will cease to have power to resist the authority of the Government, the confidence in the Government securities is to go down, at least not to increase. Sir, the success of our armies has given this confidence, and no efforts of political parties in the country. I am very sorry that upon a question that affects only the tax-payers of the country, the Senator should have deemed it necessary to go into any political dis- cussion. I do not intend to be led into it even by the chairman of the Committee on Finance. His Early History. Thomas Andrews Hendricks, was born on a little farm in the vicinity of Zanes- ville, Muskingum County, Ohio, on the 9th of September, 181 9, so that he is now approaching his sixty-sixth year, His father, the late Major John Hendricks, was a native of Pennsylvania, and was amongst the first settlers of Ligonier Val- ley, in the county of Westmoreland. He was an enterprising, thrifty man, and a fine specimen of those early squatters who filled the primeval forests and tilled the virgin soil. His father was noted for his social graces and hospitality, and was con- spicuous in the Presbyterian Church ; and these circumstances left an impress on the young man's character. He took an ac- tive part in public affairs, held several positions in the county, and was elected to the State Legislature. His wife, the mother of the nominee, was Jane Thom- son, of Scotch descent, her grandfather, John Thomson, having emigrated to this country before the Revolutionary war, in which he bore an honorable and conspicu- ous part. In 1820, six months after the birth of his son Thomas, he sold his pro- perty in Westmoreland county, and re- moved to Madison on the Ohio river, in the State of Indiana, where his brother, William Hendricks, also resided, the sec- THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. oncl Governor of Indiana, the first Repre- sentative to Congress from that State, and afterwards the predecessor of his nephew, Thomas, in the Senate of the United States. Shortly after the father, John, re- moved to Indiana he was appointed by the government at Washington, Surveyor of Public Lands, a positon which he filled to the satisfaction of the administration. In the year 1822, when Thomas was only three years of age, his father concluded to go further west, and accordingly removed into the interior of the State and pur- chased a home in Shelby County .near Shcl- byville, the present site of the County seat, which was then, and still is, one of the most delightful and productive spots in the State of Indiana. Here John Hendricks built him a substantial brick house, which is still standing, in which his family was reared, amid the best influences that could be enjoyed in those pioneer days. Indi- anapolis had just been laid out and estab- lished as the future capital of the State, and Mr. Hendricks' house was one of the principal centres of education and Chris- tian refinement in the central part of Indi- ana. He was the father and founder of the Presbyterian Church in Indianapolis, of the good Scotch type, and in that faith the boy Thomas was reared and nurtured. His Early Days. Young Hendricks attended the '•nllage school where he exhausted the local edu- cational opportunities, and as soon as he reached the required age he entered the college at South Hanover, near Madison, one of the pioneer educational institutions of the West, from which he graduated in 1841, at the age of twenty-two years. During his collegiate term he was noted amongst his preceptors and students for the ease with which he prepared himself in his several studies, which was due to his analytical mind and retentive memory. He always had time to join in games for recreation, as well as to read many books in no way appertaining to his college stu- dies. He excelled in mathematics and logic, and gave promise of high literary talent. Tbe Stndent and Itsn/ryer, Prior to leaving college he decided to make the law his profession and he at once commenced the study of law with Judge Major, one of the most prominent members of the Bar of Central Indiana, then and still residing at Shelbyville. Here for about a year he diligently pur- sued his legal studies, giving promise that he had selected a profession for which he was peculiarly fitted, and in 1842, he went to Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, at the request of his uncle. Judge Thomson, of that place, where he completed his studies under his direction and was admitted to practice. Shortly after graduating in the law he left the home of his uncle, returned to Indiana, and hung out his shingle as a lawyer in Shelbyville. But clients came slowly and at long intervals, and the bright and pleasant dreams of the vision- ary student faded away before the stern realties of actual business. His success was not rapid, and at one time the young lawyer depairing of success, almost re- solved to strike out in another field of labor. His friends dissuaded him from so doing, so he continued at his calling, and his close attention to the interests of those who patronized him, his correct habits and his pleasant and engaging address, all conspired to give him popularity, so that gradually his practice increased and his reputation spread, until in the end he had a lucrative practice and a high posi- tion in his profession. By hard work at his profession and habits of strict economy, he accumulated a moderate fortune. About the same time he commenced to practice law, he entered the political field and being a good debater and an oratorical speaker, he soon became a prominent factor in the politics of his state. It is quite probable that his political speeches and his commingling with the public men of the day, added very largely to the number of his clients and augmented the receipts from his profession. In Mr. Hendricks' profession — the law — all acknowledge him to be great. This is the vocation to which nature particularly adapted him, and it is his favorite one. He has, since first entering public life, returned to the practice of his profession with facility and zeal immediately upon the termination or intermission of official 48 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. engagements. He thoroughly mastered its elementary principles and the minutiae of its practice. With this foundation and with a natural legal mind he is never at a loss, and is always strong in any cause without special book preparation. Before court or jury he is equally at home. In a trial he is never off his guard nor discon- certed by any unlooked for turn in the fortune of a case. He encounters any such crisis with as much promptness, for- titude and address as if it had been antici- pated and prepared for. He enters Public Life. Mr. Hendricks continued in the practice of the law until 1848, during which period he obtained a high reputation as a lawyer, and his practice not only was large in his own district, but it had extended through- out the state. Probably no one in the profession in Indiana of his age held a more promising place at the bar than young Hendricks, and his forensic efforts were models of eloquence and legal knowledge. He has always been reckoned one of the most powerful men before a jury in his state, and he has carried away many a case from the cold and logical instructions of the court to a spell-bound jury. An Incident. On one occasion an excited individual called at his office to procure his legal services. Mr. Hendricks was sitting in a lazy chair reading a volume of State Re- ports when he entered, and inviting the visitor to a chair, asked him the nature of his business. " I want you to assist me in resisting the payment of a note, and I have been re- commended to you as the best lawyer of the place." " Well," said Mr. Hendricks, " state the circumstances and facts just as they are.'' The visitor then explained to him, that he purchased some stock six months since, and gave his note for the amount, which would fall due in a few weeks. As he lost money by the transaction he did not pro- pose to pay the note if he could avoid it, and he wished the attorney to legally transfer his property to another party, so that it could not be seized for the debt. " You received the goods according to agreement," said Mr. Hendricks. " Yes, sir." " And gave your note in good faith ? " " Yes, sir." " And you wish me to aid you in de- frauding an honest creditor?" " I wish to save my money, as many others do," replied the would-be client, "and I will divide the amount of the note with you for your services." "And what will be my share?" asked the lawyer. "Why the note is for $600, and your share will be one half that sum.'' " See here, young man," said Mr Hendricks rising from his chair and ad- vancing towards his visitor, " I will give you my opinion and advice without any fee. My opinion is that you are a rogue and a scoundrel, who richly deserves to be placed behind the bars of a prison ; and my advice is that unless you pay that note when it becomes due, and thus meet your honest obligations like a man, the court will place you where you properly belong. There may be persons who would aid you in your rascally scheme, and enable you to cheat your fellow-man, but you have called at the wrong office. Good night, sir — take my advice and you will never regret it.'' During the presidential campaign in 1844, when Mr. Hendricks was but 24 years of age, he took a conspicuous part, and worked efficiently for the success of the ticket. He took the stump for Polk and Dallas, and made a number of speeches throughout the State. Being an effective speaker, and a ready writer, his services were in great demand, and the announcement of his presence at a politi- cal meeting was sure to draw a large con- course of people. His speeches in those days were models of their kind, and gave him a notoriety that hastened his advent into public life. He had a decided liking for politics, and even at that early day he was one of the best posted men in the State in local and national issues. His activity in this field brought him in con- tact, and gave him an acquaintance with the leading men of the State. He then formed friendships which have proven THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 49 most valuable, and which have lasted to the present time, and many of his most enthusiastic admirers and ardent sup- porters arc those who met him nearly forty years ago. Ill tlte State Lef^lslatiire. From 1843 to i860, Mr. Hendricks re- sided at the City of Shelbyville, where as lawyer and politician he was one of the leading citizens. His Democratic convic- tions were of the most decided character. Its anti-centralization policy, its conserv- atism so like that which characterized the tried governments of the old world, and its close affiliation with the direct interests of the populace made it his ideal of the party for a government of the people. Indeed his great personal popularity in his district was in a great measure due to the fact that he always stood close by the masses and their rights, and was quick to resent any effort to curtail their powers. He had read all the party lore, he had been a close student in our political history, and had followed the party of his choice throughout all its doings. His admiration of Jefferson led him to study his writings and his character, and hence he has always been a genuine Jeffersonian Demo- crat. He is no advocate of " isms," no follower of visionary theories, but sticks closely to the old party landmarks. Hence his safe conservatism and strict adherence to the vital issues of his party. A Natnral l>eader« His fellow-citizens, beholding these traits even in his early years, naturally turned towards him as a natural leader, and counsellor, and in 1848 they with great unanimity nominated him for the State legislature before he was 28 years of age. Three years prior to this, September 25, 1845, he was married, near Cincmnati, to Miss Eliza C. Morgan, by whom he had a son, born in 1848, but who lived only three years. This was his only child, and his death left a lasting impression on the be- reaved father. The position in the legis- lature was not sought by him, and he ac- cepted it with reluctance, for he had a lucrative legal practice, which must neces- sarily suffer in his absence at the State Capital. But withal there was a fascination 4 I in politics that captivated him, and sacri- ficing his financial prospects for political promotion, lie, for two years represented his people in the lower house, with the same zeal that he attended to his legal business. But the position proved unsat- isfactory to him. He felt himself beyond the position, and resolved to return to his office and books at the close of his term. Whilst in the House he was always at his post, and was watchful of every class of legislation, and he became noted as op- posed to all sorts of extravagance and useless expenditure of the public money. True to his party, to his State, and to him- self, he was one of the leading members whose opinion had much weight in mould- ing legislation. From his first entry as a public officer he has favored an honest and economical administration of public affairs, and thus is a fitting personage to place on the national ticket with Governor Cleveland. A AIeinl>er of the Constitutional Conven- tion. But the people did not intend that he should retire to private life, when he de- clined are-election to the State legislature in 1850. In the meantime an act had been passed to organize a Constitutional Con- vention, and his name was at once brought out in connection with that body. The Indianapolis Senatorial district elected him a member of the convention, a position to which his legal knowledge and safe judg- ment made him a valuable member. Mr. Hendricks was then but thirty years old, and was perhaps the youngest member of that august body. Here with Schuyler Colfax, William S. Holman, and the leading lawyers and statesmen of Indiana, he took a prominent and leading part in the proceedings, and much of the instru- ment that emanated from that convention bears the impress of his handiwork. It was this convention that framed the pre- sent constitution of the State. An examination of the records of that body attests the valuable aid Mr. Hendricks gave his fellow-members, and the close attention he bestowed on every detail of its labors. One conspicuous feature ex- hibited there, as elsewhere, is his opposi- tion as a general rule to special legislation. 50 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. There were influences bearing on this body, as upon all similar convocations favoring special classes and interests, all tending to the centralization of power into the hands of the few and creating monopo- lies to give capital an undue influence over labor. They found no friend for such in Mr. Hendricks, who opposed every effort in that direction, and the entire absence of such special legislation in the new consti- tution is as much due to him as to any other member. Some of hi? arguments on that occasion are models in eloquence, in purity of style, in close and cogent reasoning, and in devotion to his State. Mr. Colfax said that no man in that body gave more valuable service than he, and Mr. Holman, who is not verbose in lauda- tion, spoke of him as an invaluable mem- ber. selected to Congress. The prominence of Mr. Hendricks in the Constitutional Convention gave him additional notoriety and popularity. It was his first opportunity to demonstrate his worth and ability and the people saw in him one of the rising men of the com- monwealth. The State legislature gave no scope for his broad ideas — it was too nar- row and confined for one with such broad statesmanship and legal acumen. But this convention brought him into his proper sphere and enabled his constituents to note the power of him whom they had selected. His friends presented him as a candidate for Congress from that district, which then extended over a vast scope of country, owing to the sparse population. It was the Central Congressional District of that State, reaching from Tipton on the north, to Brown County on the south, and from Marion on the east, to Hendricks on the West. The nominating convention selected him, and in August 1851, he was elected over his competitor, Colonel Rush, of Hancock County, by a majority of nearly 4000 votes, 111 Congress. On the first Monday in December, 1852, he took his seat in that great national body, and commenced a career in states- manship which has given him a reputation as extended as the bounds of the na- tion. A new member of the House of Representatives, no matter what his genius or ability, or standing in state and local politics finds himself in the vocative when he takes his seat in the lower House at Washington. It was a new school in which there is much to study and to learn, ere he can become an active and useful parti- cipant, and he who flops up to seek noto- riety in his incipiency is as a rule, so completely ignored and squelched, that as a result he regrets his impetuosity, and in the future ''makes haste slowly." So Mr. Hendricks quietly performed his several duties during that winter, without rushing into debate, studying his new position and gradually preparing himself for future efforts. In the Committee room he was a steady and careful worker, and on the floor an active member. He never rose to address the house without a spe- cific object, and when he did, he reached his point by the most direct route. His powers of condensation, so noticeable at the present, were shown in his early efi'orts in the House. Re-elected to Congress. Under the provisions of the new State Constitution the time for electing members of Congress was changed, and a member had to be selected in the following year. The Democratic Convention of his District unanimously nominated him, and in 1852, he was re-elected. A new apportionment had changed the district from its former geographical boundaries, giving him to some extent a new constituency. His opponent in the congressional campaign of 1852 was Mr. Bradley, an able and brilliant Whig. By an agreement be- tween them Messrs. Hendricks and Brad- ley held joint discussions throughout the district, which was the first of that kind of campaigning in Indiana. The cam- paign was an exciting one, and this novel manner of conducting it drew large au- diences composed of both political parties at the places selected for this joint discus- sion. It was predicted by many of the friends of both gentlemen that the experi- ment would not succeed — that disorder and perhaps bloodshed might ensue from bringing men under the pressure of political excitement into contact. The re- THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 51 suit showed that their fears were un- founded. The speakers were courteous to each other and did not permit party feeling to sunder personal friendship, 'and the crowds partook of the <;eneral good Mr. Hendricks was not misinformed as to public opinion at home, but he well knew that his convictions were in opposition to the views of many of his constituents. The time-serving politician would have had no humor. As was expected, Mr. Hendricks difficulty in shaping his course under such was re-elected by a handsome majority. TUe MUnourl Compromise. It was during his second term in Con- gress that the Missouri Compromise came before Congress, and that body as well as the country at large felt the most profound interest in the proceedings. The friends of the Compromise regarded it as the anchor which had prevented the nation from drifting on the rocks of discord and dissolution, whilst others considered it the cause of such constant dissension in the halls of legislation that its repeal was necessary for the security of our govern- ment. It is not our purpose to enter into a discussion of the question, as it forms such an important part of the history of that period, and has so often been given in its fullest details that every general reader is conversant with it. Suffice it to say that Henry Clay had almost secured the devotion of the people as the father of that measure, and with that regard which well established principles will obtain, the people were taught to look with sus- picion and fear upon any interference with this compact. Opinions on this ques- tion did not drift in strict party channels, but men divided on it as a great question outside of party lines. In its defence, as well as in the opposition, Whig and Democrat worked shoulder to shoulder. It was a new departure, which created a new dividing line between individuals wholly upon this single issue. Its Repeal. The discussions in both Houses of Con- gress on the question were of an exciting character, and well calculated to inflame the public mind. Mr. Hendricks, as a Repre- sentative, took part in the House proceed- ings and favored its repeal. He advocated his position from a constitutional and legal standpoint, and divesting himself of all personality, and ignoring all local influ- ences, he chose rather to be the advocate of a nation than the attorney of a district, circumstances. He would have stifled conscience, abandoned what he considered right, and yielded to the clamor of his constituents. Not so with Mr. Hendricks. He acted as he thought the present de- manded, leaving the future to provide for itself, and however much we may differ as to the propriety and wisdom of his course, all agree that he was honest in his con- victions. He sought to explain his vote in favor of its repeal to his constituents, and to convince them that his action was right in the premises, but that vote lost him a large following in his district. He received the nomination for a third term in Congress but was defeated at the election by Lucien Barbour, who has died since, and who was the first Republican Congressman from the Central district of Indiana. However much his people may have, differed as to his vote on the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, he was satisfied He (as a majority now do) believed that the original bill was unconstitutional, and apart from any merit it might possess, should be repealed. He considered the Constitution of the United States long enough, broad enough, and strong enough to govern our people, and that any uncon- stitutional legislation, however valuable it might prove for the time, was not only a wilful wrong against government, but a direct attack upon the fundamental princi- ples of the Government. On the 4th of March, 1855, his term ex- pired, and he left the nation's capital to return to his homestead, and again feel the sweet and refreshing repose of private life. At Home. Again we find him in Shelbyville, sur- rounded by his law books and his briefs, the same pleasant, social every-day man as before. It is not every one who can stand political honors. The adulation of sycophants, the importance of duties, the eminence of the position, and the eclat 52 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. that appertains to the office, have a ten- dency to turn men's heads, and give them false ideas of their greatness. They are too apt to forget that it is the position or office and not the man that brings atten- tion and patronage, and they do not dis- cover their mistake until they are rele- gated to private life, and find that they are disrobed of all that flattered their vanity. Not so with Mr. Hendricks. In all stations and on all occasions you find him the same, plain, unassuming, companionable gentleman, neither proud nor pedantic — the very beau ideal of an American citizen. At Hl8 Profession. A very few months found him with an extensive practice. His former clients re- turned, and his reputation brought a large influx of new ones. Lawyer Hendricks was as popular as Congressman Hen- dricks, and to him it was no doubt more pleasant, for it is more easy to serve clients than constituents, more congenial to tender legal advice than to attempt to ride on the deceitful billows of public opinion. And so the spring, with its pale green tints and early flowers, ripened into redolent summer, when at the close of a hot August day he was sitting on the porch of his cozy home, a messenger called and placed in his hand an unpretentious pack- age. That was thirty-five years ago, when many things, both in private and official life, were done differently from what they now are. At the present time appointments are, by means of the tele- graph, heralded all over the country, even before they are made, and the fortunate individual is amongst the last to receive the notice. What the President will do is more thoroughly discussed through the newspapers than what he does, and a man is put on trial before his countrymen be- fore the indictment is made out. In those days it was the very opposite, and such matters were " State secrets," which even the omnipresent correspondents could not find out. He opened the packet which bore the seal of the president of the United States, and within it found an autograph letler from President Pierce tendering him the office of Commissioner of the Liand Office. The offer of the position was a complete surprise to Mr. Hendricks who had not made application for it or for any other po- sition at the disposal of the Executive. The President knew him personally, and Mr. Hendricks' friends had, unknown to him, endorsed him for the place. Life in Washington had no particular charms for him, he preferred his own quiet home in Indiana, and as this position would not only necessitate his return to that city, but would occupy all of his time there, he was at first disposed to decline the proffered position. He wrote to the President, ask- ing for a few days to decide, and in the meantime consulted his father and a few of his most intimate friends. The father who no doubt felt flattered that his son had been selected for such an honorable and important position, urged him to accept, and his friends argued that inasmuch as he had entered public life, and in all prob- ability would continue in politics, he should take the place as a stepping stone to other and higher positions. Accordingly he wrote his acceptance to the President, was duly appointed and commissioned for the office, and in September he left his office and his home, and took charge of the Gen- eral Land Office. Robert McClelland, of Michigan, was then Secretary of the In- terior, and was his immediate superior officer, and as he knew Mr. Hendricks well, it is more than probable that he used his influence with the President to have him appointed. During the remainder of that administration the most friendly rela- tions existed between them resulting in a friendship that extended through after years. His Administration of tlie Office. His administration of the affairs of the office showed that he possessed fine execu- tive ability, and never before was the bus- iness so promptly executed. He made himself familiar with every department of the business, knew the details of all its branches, and very soon was well posted on the efficiency of all his subordinates. Whilst holding this position he rendered several important decisions relating to our public lands, and gave the office a standing THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 53 and importance it had never before at- tained. He placed the office on a strict business basis, by which means he was able to accomplish the work at less expense and with greater despatch. The imprint of his worth may still be seen in that office, although it has been a quarter of a century since he retired from its duties. He continued during the remainder of Mr. Pierce's administration, and when Mr. Buchanan was inaugurated, he asked the Commissioner to remain. He did so for over two years of his administration, when he became weary of the increasing duties which for four years had required his un- divided attention, and felt that he needed that relaxation and comfort which can only be found at home. He tendered his resig- nation ,to President Buchanan, through Jacob Thompson, then Secretary of the In- terior, and in 1859 ^^ again sought the city of Shelbyville, to rest from his labors and eventually to follow his profession. Nominated for Governor. But he was not permitted to continue at his profession. The campaign of i860, an eventful one in the history of both party and country, agitated the country to its re- motest extremity. The Democratic Convention held at Charleston failed to make a harmonious nomination. Stephen A. Douglas, a prom- inent leader of the Democracy had taken issue with the policy of President Buchanan, and a segment of the party sustained him in his opinions of public pol- icy. His followers were known as Anti- Lecompton Democrats, and the delegates favorable to the nomination of Mr. Doug- las left the convention and afterwards met and placed him in nomination at Balti- more. Thus the party was hopelessly di- vided — one branch sustaining Mr. Breck- enridge and the other Mr. Douglas. Abra- ham Lincoln had been suddenly lifted into notoriety by his joint discussions with Mr. Douglas, and the Republicans placed him in nomination. Thus a divided Demo- cracy had to contend with the solid Re- publican party. On one side a party en- tirely sectional in its character, endeavored to solidify the north in its favor, whilst the Democracy put forth its greatest efforts to harmonize its discordant elements, and stem the tide of popular clamor. At the same time the State of Indiana had a gov- ernor to elect in October, and the impor- tance of a victory at the first election was felt by the contending parties. The party looked over the field and unanimously nominated Mr. Hendricks for Governor. Oliver P. Morton was the nominee of the Republicans, and the campaign was one of the most exciting ever held in the State. Sectional prejudices ran so high, that men with broad national conservative views were accused of fealty to the gov- ernment, and enemiesof their own section. The result was that Mr. Hendricks was defeated by a large majority, and the gov- ernment of the State passed into the hands of the Republicans. Even his personal popularity could not stem the rushing tide, and his State yielded to the popular clam- or. He had led the forlorn tribe for his State and his country, and lost. He Removes to Indianapolis. Shortly after the election, he left Shelby- ville and removed to Indianapolis, and opened a law office, where he at once took a leading position at the bar of the State Capital. The reader will note how he al- ternated between politics and law, and really during all his public life never actu- ally abandoning either. Here he imme- diately secured an extensive practice which increased beyond his ability to transact, and he formed a partnership with Oscar B. Hard, a prominent attorney who subse- quently became Attorney-General of the Commonwealth. This firm became widely known, and much of its time was occupied with important cases before the higher courts. At this time, 1S62, the legislature of the State was Democratic, and Jesse D. Bright, United States Senator from Indi- ana, having been expelled from that body, an election was held to choose one to fill his unexpired term of about three weeks, and David H. Turpin was elected to fill the vacancy, Cbosen United state* Senator. It devolved on the same legislature to elect a Senator for the ensuing term of six years, from March 4th following, and Mr. Hendricks received the unanimous 54 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. vote of his party, and was elected. And thus again as the reader will note, his rele- gation to private life was of short duration. From the lower house of the State legisla- ture he had arisen till he now was selected to fill one of the highest and most honor- able positions within the gift of his coun- tr\^men. It was at a momentous period of our national history, and the conserva- tive class hailed with delight his advent to the chief council of the nation. He took his seat in the National Senate on the 4th of March, 1863, and served until 1869 — four years as the collegue of Senator Lane and for two years with Sena- tor Morton. With Mr. Hendricks* Sena- torial services and record the country is familiar. jTle became in great measure the leader of the small Democratic minor- ity in that bodyj^ Hla Course as Senator. It is not our purpose to follow the career of Mr. Hendricks as United States Sena- tor. It is a matter of history with which the reader is no doubt familiar. Suffice it to say that his course throughout was marked by the same general character- istics which he had shown in his prior public and private life. Although a strict party man, he was not a party menial, and often on great national questions he rose above party, and saw only his country and its institutions as a grand whole. He met every question presented for consider- ation frankly and fairly, giving his views without prevarication, and his votes as his judgment dictated. He never consumed the time of the Senate in useless debate — never discussed a question that he did not fully comprehend, and never courted or succumbed to an excited public opinion. There was nothing dramatic in his man- ner, and he never did anything for effect. He had nothing of the spread eagle style, but on the contrary always appeared be- fore that body in the character of a broad Statesman and a Constitutional lawyer. That the reader may be his own judge in these matters, we will now reproduced him from his official record giving a few of his opinions as expressed on the floor of the Senate. Senator Hendricks' Views. ' Senator Hendricks is a sound Constitu- tional lawyer, and his legal views always obtained the attention and respect of his fellow Senators. The following speech is given that the reader may judge of his power and ability from this standpoint. The question at issue was whether in- terest on claims against the United States should be allowed. Mr. Hendricks said : — Mr. President, I am not going to discuss the question whether the Government, which is presumed always to be ready when a claim is properly presented, ought to pay interest or not. But our policy, with a few exceptional cases, has been not to pay interest. When the Government has owed a private citizen for many years and has delayed him in the application, and oftentimes allowed him to meet with financial ruin before it complied with its just obligations to him, still it has refused to pay him interest ; and why ? Upon the theory that the Government is always ready to pay its debts when properly pre- sented. But it seems in this case that there was no claim for interest presented ; it was not demanded. The Senator says that the slave power was in the way. Why, sir, the slave power paid Massa- chusetts all she asked. Did the Senator from Massachusetts expect that the slave power would go beyond the asking and voluntarily pay more than Massachusetts wanted ? Mr. President, I think this claim ought to be put upon the ground that Massachu- setts was so earnest in her support of the war of 181 2. It does appear that she did not advance anything, according to the argument of the Senator, until the booming of the cannon was heard just beyond the hills that line her coast and until her own soil was invaded ; and then it seems she raised a militia for the purpose of protect- ing her own borders, not to aid in the general cause except so far as the defense of her own borders was connected with the general cause ; and I suppose she paid this militia that was called out for the special purpose of protecting her own borders, not like Indiana in the recent THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 65 war, not like Ohio in the recent war, ad- vancing funds so as to fill the Army immediately to fight the battles of the country upon other than her own soil ; but Massachusetts, showing her devotion to the cause and the flag of the country in the war of 1812, did not want her own soil invaded, and she took active means, prompt steps to prevent that, and she paid that particular force for that particular service and then she asked Congress to pay it back. It was paid. It was paid a long time before a good many other claims arising in that war were paid, very long before. Why, sir, as young a man as I am myself I recollect when I was a member of the House of Representatives to have presented a claim for an old gen- tleman whose vessel had been taken under such circumstances that Congress had to pay for it, and yet nobody thought to pay him interest. He was a young man in command of his vessel upon the Delaware when it was taken from him, and he was left without the means of support almost, except his hands ; and when it was paid he was old and gray and blind, and Congress never thought of paying him interest ; and when it was asked the slave power, as the Sena- tor says controlling Congress at that time, would not listen to him. He lived in Indiana, and it never occurred to him that it was the slave power that was opposed to the blind, gray-headed old man who did not get interest. Why ? Upon the theory that the Government of the United States is always ready to pay when a claim is established to the satisfaction of its conscience. When did Massachu- setts present her claim in such form as that it could not be questioned any longer ? Was it before 1820? It seems that in 1820 she presented it in such a shape that there was a partial allowance made. Did Massachusetts in 1820 present the claim so as that the conscience of the Government was in default in not paying the whole ? Then in 1836 some additional evidence was presented and additional payment was made ; and then in 1859 '^ final allowance, when the State having presented all the evidence she could produce received the money from the Government upon a declaration that it is the last payment that is to be made. But this is a mistake. It is not the last. The Senator says he will not stop at all. Why did he allow that to go into the law and into the reports that this is upon the balance, the final pay- ment ? He did not intend it I suppose. Now, the truth of the business is that in 1820 the State of Massachusetts presented her evidence as well as she could, 1 sup- pose, and she was paid according to the claim then established ; in 1836 she added to her evidence, I suppose, and she was paid according to the claim as then pre- sented. Mr. President, until four years since there was no claim urged by the State of Massachusetts for interest ; but she re- ceived the money as it was appropriated by Congress, upon a statement made by the Secretary of War and referred to by the law, that that was the balance of the claim. The one side, that is, the Govern- ment, in her legislation and by her Depart- ment ascertains that this is the balance; and the State accepting it upon that state- ment, in my judgment, is not now in a condition to demand interest. But, Mr. President, this law of 1859 shows the fact to have been as I supposed it to be, that in 1820 the State of Massa- chusetts was not in a condition to demand all that was due to her from the Govern- ment ; in other words, she had not pre- sented her claim to Congress in such form as satisfied the conscience of Congress that this payment ought to be made ; so that in 1836 there was a resolution passed authorizing the State of Massachusetts to present evidence in support of her claim. Up to that time she had not presented evi- dence. I ask the Senator from Massachu- setts if the Government of the United States is under any moral obligation to pay interest to a State or any other body or person until that person or State is in a condition to demand the money ? If the accounts of the State when presented are not supported by such evidence as makes it the duty of the public officers to pay the money is the Government in default ? This was service rendered peculiarly under the eye of Massachusetts. This military service was not under the control and man- 66 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. agenient of the officers of the United States, but it was her own militia upon her own pay-rolls, as I suppose, and it was for her, if she had a claim against the Gov- ernment for this irregular service, to pre- sent it with such evidence as would justify the representatives of the States and of the people in making the payment from the public Treasury. I submit to Senators can interest be demanded upon any principle of conscience and equity from the United States until the claim is supported by such evidence as makes it a duty on the part of the Government to pay ? Then, in 1S36, Congress — I suppose at the request of Massachusetts — provided that Massachusetts might furnish evidence of her claim, Then she prepares her evi- dence, and in 1859, through the Secretary of War, that evidence is brought before Congress and the appropriation is made of the sum of money then found due. I want to know from the Senator from Mas- sachusetts when was this claim presented in such shape as that it became the duty of Congress to make the appropriation for the $800,000 ? The Senator says that no writ- ten report has been made on this subject; none was necessary. Why, Mr. President, when a claim is made against the Government for interest what must be established ? Not that the principal was found to be due some time, but it must be shown that the Government was in default in making payment, that it unreasonably delayed the party after the claim was in proper shape, presented against it. Can a citizen, can a State, in conscience demand interest of the Govern- ment until the State or person has made the claim so clear by evidence as that the Government in conscience cannot refuse it ? The claim for interest is in the nature of damages ; and in the nature of damages for what .'' For delay of payment, for un- reasonable and wrongful delay, for default in payment. When does the default occur on the part of the Government .'' Not when the debt first has its origin ; but when the debt is presented against the Government in such shape so established by evidence as that the public officers are in the wrong if they refuse to pay it. In this case the officers appealed to were the members of the legislative body. When then, I ask, was this evidence of the claim presented to Congress in such shape as that Congress was in default in this mat- ter ? I think that the Senator from Massa- chusetts cannot say to the Senate that no written report has ever been made upon this subject, because it was not necessary- I want to know of him now when did the State of Massachusetts present her case to Congress supported by such evidence as made it the duty of Congress to appropriate eight hundred and odd thousand dollars ? It clearly had not been done up to 1836, because in 1836 a resolution was passed authorizing Massachusetts to present her evidence. Then she prepared her testi- mony, I suppose in support of her claim, and it came finally to be acted upon in 1859, ^^'^ payment was then received by Massachusetts as the balance of the claim, urging no interest, thinking of no interest, not regarding that as a part of her claim until a railroad company becomes inter- ested in it and that corporation urges it as a claim against the Government. The conscience of the Government was not charged with wrong by the State of Massa- chusetts until her assignment is made to a corporation ; and I want to know before the Senatorfrom Massachusetts undertakes to say that we are in fault in this matter when the evidence was completed in sup- port of this claim. But, Mr. President, it is not the policy of the Government to pay interest on claims when allowed. I will not discuss the right or the wrong of that. A State has no better right to interest than the humblest citizen of this country. He who furnishes corn to feed the cavalry horses or provis- ions to feed the soldiers during war is as much entitled to interest upon his advances as a State that makes an advance of money to support the cause, and especially if it be made to defend her own borders. Now, we had better decide the ques- tion whether we choose to reverse the whole policy of the Government on this question. I am free to say that I cannot answer very satisfactorily the demand that may be made for in- terest by any party after a claim has been presented with sufficient evidence to sup- THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 57 port it. I do not know wliy the riovcrn- ment should not pay interest after that time; but we have said during our whole history that we will not pay interest. Shall we reverse it? The citizen comes to Congress and he can scarcely have a hearing. Session after session he attends, he beseeches, he prays, he begs that he may be paid what the Government owes him ; it may be for a horse taken, it may be for provisions supplied ; whatever it is he importunes, and he stays about the Capitol hoping from day to day that he may receive that which the Government owes him. At the end of years he gets his money upon a claim which was estab- lished in the first place by sufficient evi- dence, but nobody talks of giving him the interest, and by the time he gets the money perhaps he is broken up in the prosecu- tion of the claim. I have thought some- times that the Government was the worst debtor that the citizen could possibly find, so difficult, so tedious, and so expensive is the prosecution of a claim against the Government; but after all we say to him, " We owe you no interest." Why ? Up- on the theory that the Government is always ready to pay ; but in the case I have referred to it does not pay, has not paid e.Kcept upon very uureasonable delay. Now, if that citizen thus presenting a claim well supported in every respect and commanding the conscience of the Gov- ernment cannot receive interest why shall a State ? The State that I represent is somewhat interested in this question, for during the war she made advances for Army pur- poses ; she sold her bonds, and paid interest upon those bonds, and when a settlement was made in the Departments she was only allowed the amount advanced. Of course if Massachusetts is paid interest this must be returned to Indiana. We cannot see a discrimination of that sort because there is nothing peculiar in the case of Massachusetts. There is much that was peculiar in the case of Maryland where she sold her trust funds, which were yielding interest, in order to raise money ; but in this case of Massachusetts there is nothing peculiar to justify the payment of interest ; and if it be i aid to her, then Indiana must have her interest, of course. I should not be doing my duty to my State if I did not most earnestly insist upon it, and do that now. I want it to be understood that if this claim be car- ried then Indiana must be provided for, and I should say all the States ought to be provided for that have made advances ; and if you go upon thetheory of this proposition that interest is to be allowed before a State has perfected her evidence in sup- port of her claim, then of course Indiana must be paid from the date that she made the advances, not from the day that she demanded the money back again. A Case In Point. Mr. President, the circumstances of a case very much change the zeal of gentle- men. A few days ago there was a claim of a girl here whose house was taken that upon the site of the house there might be built a fortification, and the entire prop- erty taken for military purposes. No Sen- ator in this body was more earnest in opposition to that claim than the Senator from Massachusetts, and his hostility rested upon the most heartless technicality that it is possible to conceive. If I oppose this claim to-night urged for interest upon the theory that the Government is always to be presumed ready to pay every demand when properly presented, that technicality is not so harsh, so cold, so heartless as the technicality that a loyal person — using the language of the Senator from Massachu- setts — in a southern State whose property was taken for public use cannot make demand against the Government for the simple reason that that person was a pub- lic enemy. Devoted to the country, stand- ing by the flag all the while, never desert- ing the old Government, but always true — the Senator from Massachusetts says to such a person, "Unfortunately your home was in a southern State, and you are by law branded with the character of a public enemy. It is not true in fact; you were as loyal as I," says the gentleman from Mas- sachusetts, "as loyal as any son of Massa- chusetts, yet you had the misfortune to live in a southern State, and therefore the law marks you as a public enemy. To stand by the flag you had to stand against 58 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. public sentiment; you had to make a stand where it was difficult to stand, and in that respect you have greater merit than a man living in the North, and yet unfortunately you lived in a southern State, your property was taken for public uses ; your property aided the cause of the coun- try, and you cannot be paid because you are a public enemy." That was the argu- ment made by the honorable Senator the other day to save the Treasury from the payment of a claim presented here upon the most satisfactory evidence. Now he says that no technicality is to be urged against a claim for interest. I urge against the State of Massachusetts — a sovereign State, one of the Confederacy — the very technicality which is arrayed against the humblest citizen that comes to the Halls of Congress for relief; the Government is always ready to pay its debts when they are presented in such form and supported by such evidence as makes it an obligation of conscience to pay them. President Johnson in his message of July 15th, 1867, closed with the following paragraph : " It is worthy the consideration of Con- gress and the country whether, if the Federal Government by its action were to assume such obligations, so large an ad- dition to our public expenditures would not seriously impair the credit of the na- tion ; or, on the other hand, whether the refusal of Congress to guaranty the pay- ment of the debts of these States, after having displaced or abolished their State governments, would not be viewed as a violation of good faith and a repudiation by the national Legislature of liabilities which these States had justly and legally incurred. " When the message was before theSenate, and the legal status of the States that had been in open rebellion against the govern- ment was under discussion, Senator Hen- dricks closed his opinion with the follow- ing remarks, which as the reader will ob- serve were concurred in by Senator How- ard (Republican) of Michigan. Hla Kxposltlon of tlie La^v. Before this subject passes from the con- sideration of the Senate, I desire simply to add that in my view of this subject the Government of the United States can rightfully come under no obligation to pay the debts of the southen States existing prior to the war. 1 think the war was prosecuted, as it was declared by Con- gress, for the purpose of maintaining the rightful authority of the Government of the United States ; for the purpose of maintaining the fConstitudon and per- petuating the Union ; that that being ac- complished by the war, the .States re- stored to their rightful position in the Union, or rather their rightful position being maintained no obligation what- ever rests upon the Government of the United States in regard to their debts. But, sir, I think it is worthy of considera- tion and reflection what obligations may fall upon the United States in the event that we maintain the doctrine that the States of the South do not rightfully exist, and that in some way or other they have ceased to be legal States, and that they exist, if at ail, by the sufferance and per- mission of the United States, and upon that position we establish down there a government of our own. In other words, if we strike out of exist- ence the State government, its machinery of officers and of courts, and establish in- stead a government of our own, placing there our own officers, taking control through our own officers, appointed by the United States, of the revenue of these States, and in every way control the States, it is worthy of reflection whether that is not an absorption practically and by force, and in that event what may become of the obliga- tions of the Government. Rightfully there can no obligation rest upon the United States, in my judgment ; and the States being held in their relation to the Union as defined by the Consdtution, we can incur no obligation. However much their relations may have been interupted by a rebellion which they bring on, we can not be respon- sible to any parties for any loss resulting to them from that. I agree thus far fully with the Senator from Maine ; but if we, in fact, strike their State governments out of existence upon the proposition that they are illegal and de Jure, do not exist at all, and exist only de facto — that is our po- sition as declared last spring and now — THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 59 and if upon that proposition we assume over them all the powers that may be exercised by any Government, we, by our officers, controlling the revenues which might go to the payment of their debts; we by our ofificers, declaring how much of those revenues of necessity must go to the pur- poses which we declare and enforce, them it is a practical question of great moment for us whether that is not an absorption upon which obligations may rest upon us. I hope, sir, we shall not go so far ; but I am not prepared to say that it is unwise for the President, when he sees that Congress has now declared that these State governments do not exist de jure at all, and that they exist de facto only by our permission and only so far as we do permit, when we are legislating in the di- rection of taking posession and absorbing these State governments, and making them a part of Federal machinery, it is not unwise in my judgment, for the Pres- ident, when he sees this course of legis- lation initiated, to admonish us of the possible obligations that may be incurred. Mr. Howard. Mr President, the Senator from Indiana and myself, I think, do not differ at ail upon some of the points raised in this discussion. We do not differ as to the original and continued liability of the rebel States, for instance, for all debts contracted ante heUitm. Such obligations arose under legitimate governments, rec- ognized by the United States, and are, of course, still binding upon the governments and the people of those States and will always remain as long as there is a people constituting a State. That is natural justice, and that, 1 understand, is the public law. It is matter of plain common sense and common justice. We agree in this. Then as to all obligations contracted by these several States during the war against the United States and in and of that treason- able war, I take it that we both agree that there is no principle of constitutional law or of public law which in any possible event could make it obligatory upon the Government of the United States to pay those debts. Mr. Hendricks. Senator in that. I agree with the IIU Turlir View*. Mr. Hendrick's views uj)on the tariff question are in strict harmony with those enunceated at Chicago. During his sen- atorial career he fully expressed himself on that question, and we append some of his own utterances in that body. January 29, 1867, when a bill affecting import duties was before the .Senate, he addressed it on the merits of the bill. Some extracts from his speech arc given below. "I am not in favor of the bill. I think the western country is taxed enough now. I saw a statement the other day which I believe in substance, though it may not be literally true. The statement was that the products of the western country, if carried to a market wherever in the world the best prices could be found, could be sold, and from their proceeds twice as much brought back to the people of the western States if there were no tariff as under this proposed bill. In other words, the earnings of Western labor under this bill will not bring to the people of that section half as much of the comforts and necessaries of life as if there were no taxation like this. As a representative of Western labor I could not vote for such a bill. I would cheerfully vote for a revenue bill, and am willing reasonably to discriminate in favor of the industries that have a right to claim discrimination ; but we have undertaken in this bill to protect every thing. Some minerals that a good many Senators have never heard of before have been provided for in this bill. Why, sir, it is as if we undertook almost to create minerals. " It is suggested that we shall wait to see what the House is going to do with the internal revenue system. From that intimation I understand we have got to change the internal taxes of the country. This is the fourth session that I have been in this body, and I believe at every ses- sion the revenue system of the Govern- ment has been changed, the internal revenue and the tariff. Nothing is un- derstood to be fixed, nothing is stable any longer in this country. We give an in- toxicating support to a particular industry 60 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. for a while, and then we change the tax upon that, and so prices go up and come down according to the action of Congress, and Congress changes its action at every session. My opinion is that the manufac- ing interests as well as the agricultural interests of this country now ask for stability more than anything else, and I cannot conceive of anything more vicious than the changing at every session of Congress of the revenue system of the Government." , How It Works. It has been a remarkable spectacle that we have witnessed here for a week past. If you propose to tax a particular article the friends of that article say, "You must give us a compensation in some other direction." If you tax wool the manu- facturer of woolen goods says to us, " You must tax the manufactured article from abroad so that we can pay the increased price upon the raw material and still make a profit.'' If you put an internal revenue tax upon any article of manufacture the producer of that article will say to us, *' You must put a prohibitory tariff, at least a tariff so prohibitory as to allow us to raise our prices so that we shall lose nothing by this internal tax ; '' and the argument being carried into practical legislation an entire interest of the country is exempt from the burdens of Government. Take the manufacturer of woolen goods. For the protection of the farmer a duty is im- posed upon wool. He says at once, " Then put an additional duty upon manu- factured woolen goods," and he raises his price so as to make a profit, notwithstand- ing the increased price of the wool. Lay an internal tax upon the manufacturer of woolen goods, and he says at once, " In- crease the tariff so as that my profits may be the same still," and in the end, accord- ing to this argument, he is to bear none of the burdens of Government. But, Mr. President, I did not intend to go into the argument of this bill. I do not intend to discuss it now ; I do not know but that it will be better that it should pass. I would like the western people to fairly feel for once this policy. They have not understood it yet ; but let this bill go into operation and I think they will understand it. I can say to gentlemen that in my opinion, from the day a system is firmly adopted here which taxes western labor for the benefit of another section of the country agitation will commence that will not stop until this system is swept out of existence. I think the true interest of the manufacturer is to take such protection as is reasonable, such as will be agreeable to the people of the western country, and such as will throw upon all interests of the country their fair portion of the public burdens. Why, sir, there is nothing that is not now agitated in Congress. When the negro ceases to be agitated here then comes the tariff, then comes the banks, and that question is to be agitated — an abandon- ment of the present system of banking — until at this very hour in the country no man knows what is going to stand. The banks do not know whether they dare loan out any money to-day. They do not know but that next month they will be required to call in their credits. It seems to me it is the duty of the Finance Committee to give the country to understand that there's something settled, some one thing settled and fixed. I think the Senator refers to the gentle- men on his own side of the Chamber. It has not been a controversy between the Senator from Maine and Senators on this side. It has been a controversy among the various interests, and it has been a strife as to what interest can get the better share of this Bill. Everybody can see that. An amendment comes from one in- terest, and then a corresponding or com- pensating amendment must come from some other interest. It has been a system of exchanges, bargain, equalization; and what there is in the bill now I doubt very much whether the Senator from Maine has a very clear understanding of himself ; he had, no doubt, when the bill was reported to the Senate. I think he will find some- thing to do in correcting all the inequalities in this bill if it should be referred to his committee, even if the bill should ever come back again. For the interests that I represent here all that I ask is equal legislation ; that when a man raises some corn or some THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 61 wheat or cattle or pork in the western States he shall have some fair show in the markets of the world. I do not think this Government was established to take the profits from profitable labor to build up unprofitable labor. It is an absurdity in political economy. If agriculture in this country is naturally, and because of our condition and position, profitable, and some other pursuit is not profitable, I can- not understand the wisdom of taking the profits from agriculture and handing them over to build up a labor that is not profi- table. But, sir, we need a revenue ; we need to maintain the credit of the Govern- ment; and I think all the eastern interests are sufficiently protected when we have a revenue system adjusted with a view to the maintenance of the public credit. It seems to me that the condition of the Treasury to-day ought to attract the at- tention of Senators. There is locked up in the Treasury to-day about ninety-three millions of gold. The tariff already es- tablished has brought into the Treasury $93,000,000 of gold that no demands upon the Treasury will send out again into the channels of trade, while a currency of eight or nine hundred millions dollars, nearly one hundred millions, under your present legislation, is locked up. Now, Senators say we must increase the tariff, because we are going to fail to meet the public obligations. Upon what state- ment of fact do Senators assume that ? The present tariff has been in existence two years. The first year it brought into the Treasury between eighty and ninety million dollars, and during the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June it brought in $179,000,000, $90,ooo,ooolmore than during that year could be used, and $40,000,000 more than can be required the next year. And yet Senators say they are justified in the opinion that the present tariff will not meet the demands of the Government. The Senator from Ohio asked the ques- tion, what will be the responsibility upon Congress should we not increase the tariff and should there be a failure to meet the demands upon the Treasury ? Mr. Presi- dent, I would rather meet that result than* to have a revenue system that locks up $93,000,000 of gold in the public Treasury. I would rather see the Government strained to meet her obligations than to sec her holding in her coffers one ninth of the cur- rency of the country. We need this gold now ; we need the currency now, as I think, to keep up our trade, to keep it well alive, and I cannot vote for any tariff that proposes upon the short and unsatisfactory experiment we have had of the last bill to increase it. Mr. President, I am in favor of leaving things for a while as they are. I was not in favor of the present banking system ; but it is established ; it is fixed upon the country ; business is being carried on under its influ- uence, and using the currency that it furn- ishes; and I think it is madness at the pre- sent to disturb it, to agitate it. I cannot agree altogether with many persons in the popular idea that we must rapidly return to a specie currency or a specie basis. I think that has to be done very gradually indeed. As a Democrat, of course I have been ac- customed to the doctrine of a specie cur- rency, and that if we have any paper cur- rency it should be a currency that could be redeemed at any time in specie ; but we all know that that is not now possible without bringing on a financial crisis ; and my judgment is, that we had better for the present leave the laws as they are. I would rather vote to reduce the taxes. When I see such an excess of money above the present demands of the Govern- ment brought into the Treasury and locked up and nobody able to tell what to do with it, I would rather reduce than increase. No Senator can to-day tell us what to do with the gold that is in the Treasury. Some talk about authorizing the Secretary to sell it in New York. As soon as he does that he disturbs prices all over the country, and that is not right. There are a great many inconveniences brought about by hasty legislation. The present condition of the Treasury, I think, is an illustration of it. Take the tax upon whisky. Everybody knows now that it is not only unjust to the interest, but it is a failure with a view to revenue. All over the country everybody believes it was an unjust tax, and therefore men will cheat the Government. We all know that if the tax was one dollar a gallon we should re- 62 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. ceive twice as much revenue as we do now ; but see the difficulty ! If we reduce it to one dollar, or to sixty or seventy cents, as perhaps it ought to be, then all the men in the country who are holding liquors are broken up and an entire inte- rest destroyed, so far as the holders are concerned. I refer to this as an illustra- tion of the difficulty of coming down after we have once raised the taxes to a high standard. We ought to be very careful about doing it. For these reasons I shall vote for the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky. Heudricfcs' Speech. When the Republican party persecuted Andrew Johnson, who had succeeded to the Presidential chair, because he would not violate his obligation and become the pliant tool and do the bidding of the Re- publican leaders, Mr. Hendricks, arising above party prejudices and petty jeal- ousies, made a most manly defence for him, as the following extracts from his speech in the Senate will attest. On the 17th of January, 1867, Mr. Hendricks said: Mr. President, from my youth up I have looked to the Senate of the United States as a body so elevated, so far removed from the prejudices and passions of the times, that no injustice whatever would be done in its action. I have been surprised during the course of this debate to hear what I have regarded as most unjust accusations against the President of the United States, and none perhaps so marked as that of the Senator from Massa- chusetts, [Mr. Sumner.] When discuss- ing this bill the other day that Senator felt himself authorized to say after quoting the line — " New actions teach new duties:'' "We have a new occasion now teaching a new duty. That new occasion is the misconduct of the Executive of the United States, and the new duty which this occa- sion teaches is that Congress should ex- ercise all its powers in throwing a shield over our fellow-citizens. We see that the Executive is determined to continue this warfare upon the incumbents of office ; shall we not if possible protect them ? I say that it is our duty growing out of this hour.'' The misconduct of the Executive throws upon Congress new duties, is the burden of the argument of the Senator from Massachusetts ; and what is that " mis- conduct ? " Not the disregard of any obli- gation that the Constitution throws upon him, not the violation of any law, except in two particular instances to which he did not refer, but the violation of duty on the part of the President to which he re- fers is the exercise on his part of a consti- tutional power which has been recognized from the very first session of the Congress of the United States — the exercise of his power of removal from office and appoint- ment of other men. Mr. President, I have never sympathized with the general removal from office. I have never seen a faithful officer removed that I have not sympathized with him, ex- cept in cases where according to our doctrine of rotation in office, that party had held the office, as we understand, long enough. But what is this doctrine of the Senator from Massachusetts ? Is it the English doctrine, a doctrine, however, which has been repudiated in the English courts, that a man shall have a right in his office as against everybody else, to hold it as against the party or power in the Government that confers it.-" Is it the doctrine that because a man is once in office he shall continue in office ? I recog- nize the full force of the argument in favor of the incumbent where he has done his duty. But if he has done his duty, after he has held the office a reasonable length of time, I think he does not have a claim above everybody else in the country. But what is this charge that the Senator brings against the President ? It has been brought down to an exact statement by the Senator from Pennsylvania: out of all the civil officers of the country under his control he has removed one man out of six ; he has called into office of the men that sympathized with him in what he re- gards to be the proper policy one man out of six, leaving five office-holders out of six against him. And this is charged against him as an outrage and a wrong by a THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 63 Senator who uniformly supported the pohcy of Mr. Lincoln. Is it not known to every Senator that in 1 86 1 there was a proscription because of opinion more sweeping and terrible than had ever been known in the country ? Until 1861, when was it ever held that every man must be turned out of office who did not agree with the party in power? Scarcely a man was left in office in 1861 to represent the sentiments of the large minority in the country. I bring this up as no accusation against Mr. Lin- coln's administration. I did not claim that the men who voted against him ought to be kept in office, and I conceded his right to call into the executive offices men who sympathized sincerely with him in his political views, that he should have confidence not only in his Secretaries but in every executive officer who was to aid him in the execution of the laws; and I never charged him with a wrong because he left no Democrats in office. When the Democrats were beaten in i860, and the Republican party was successful, I thought it right enough for Mr. Lincoln to call men to him and to his support in all the offices of the country — men who truly sympathized with him in his political views — that he should have confidence in all from the highest to the lowest : and I never thought of charging it as an out- rage by him, and as a reason why by le- gislation the whole policy of the Govern- ment should be changed in that regard. The proscription since 1861 has been surpassing anything ever observed before. It has not only extended to the high offices of the country, but to the smaller offices ; until it has gone to the courts, and for the past five years in the Federal courts, where the marshal and the clerk control the subject, you would scarcely see a juror called into the box or placed upon the grand jury who did not agree in political opinion with the party in power. The proscription has gone into the courts, and juries have been organized upon polit- ical principles. The men called into the grand jury-room to inquire of the violation of law, and who ought to be free from par- tisan feelings, have been selected with a view to their party politics. I have thought th.at a wrong. I have felt, as a practi- tioner of the law, that party politics ought never to find its way into the court. Stopping short of that and leaving it to be left only in the executive offices, I have no charge to make against the late Administration. But the gentlemen who supported that Administration in this pre- scriptive policy certainly are not justified in saying that Mr. Johnson, the present Chief Magistrate, is chargeable with wrong if he calls his friends into one sixth of the public offices. But, sir, is the Senate of the United States the place in which to make the charge of proscription ? Of all the em- ployes of this body I know of but one man who sympathizes with the conservative sentiment of the country ; and on the first or second day of the session, because of political party views, three of the distin- guished chiefs or heads of committees were stricken from their places and as- signed to the foot of the committees. I should have no criticism to make upon that if those committees were in charge of matters relating to the political questions of the day ; but they had no reference to such questions. The three committees to which I refer have no charge of any ques- tion that now agitates the country or di- vides Congress and the President ; but simply because brother Senators differ upon a political question the majority of the Senate proscribe them, and in the middle of a Congress assign them from the head of a committee to the foot of it. And yet Senators say that it is an outrage to proscribe men because of political opinions. Why, sir, in this very city, under the eye of the President, nearly all the offices are filled by men that oppose him. The postmaster in this city is understood to be one of the leaders of the opposition to the President and of the adherents of Con- gress. The collecting officer in this Dis- trict is another instance ; and of all the clerks in the Departments my information is that there is not perhaps one out of ten that supports the President of the United States. And yet he is charged with pro- scription ; he is charged with doing a wrong, because some of the officers of the 64 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. country have been removed and men sympathizing with his pohcy have been placed in their stead. I know very well the argument which is used : that Mr. Johnson has proscribed men who belong to the party that put him in power. Well, sir, who have been ap- pointed in their places as a general thing ? Not Democrats, not men who opposed the Lincoln and Johnson ticket in 1864 ; but, as a general thing, the men who have been appointed by this Administration are men who voted for Mr. Lincoln and Mr. John- son in 1864 ; and in removing one man and putting in another the President has simply selected among the men who sup- ported him in the contest of 1864. And is it wholly unreasonable that he should make such a selection ? Have questions not come up since 1864 that did not enter into the contest of that year ? Did the question that now divides the Congress and the President enter into the contest of 1864, and was Mr. Johnson elected upon that question ? I submit to the candid judgment of every Senator whether the question that divides you from the Presi- dent formed an issue in the contest of 1864 ? It did not. Since Mr. Johnson's election and since he has come to be Pres- ident of the United States, a question has arisen because of the close of the war, and that question is in what mode shall the States be restored to all their proper relations to the Federal Govern- ment. Upon that great question the President of the United States has assumed his ground ; Congress has assumed an oppos- ite ground ; and here is a difference, a difference upon a question that has arisen since the President came into power, an unexpected difference of opinion. Un- doubtedly his views are honestly enter- tained by him ; and so on the other hand are the views of the majority of Congress honestly entertained by them. That ques- tion having arisen, and the President of the United States being charged with the duty to see that the laws are executed, are you willing to deny to him that which you have claimed for every Administration that went before him — the right to put into the public offices of the country men who sympathise with him and in whom he can have entire confidence ? It is charged now as a wrong that he removes one Republican from office and puts another one in. I do not say that this is the case in all instances, for there are instances of appointment to office of men who opposed his election in 1864; but they are very few compared with the appointments that have been made. The great body of appointments that have been made are of men who supported the Lin- coln and Johnson ticket in 1864. Then, sir, this bill proposes to deny to Mr. Johnson as President of the United States that which has been conceded to every President that went before him, to place in the offices of the country, to aid him in the execution of the laws, men who sympathize with him in his views. A very signfficant question was asked by the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. Cowan] yesterday : To whom do the of- fices belong ? He answered it well in saying they belong to the law. The man that is appointed is appointed simply to execute the law, to discharge his duty under the law. The office does not be- long to him except for the time during which he holds it ; he has no patent by which he can hold it beyond the will of the power that conferred it. But suppose the propositions of Senators be correct, that the offices belong to the people, is there nothing, then, due to the large mi- nority in this country ? At the recent elections, in October and November last, eighteen hundred thousand voters of this country endorsed the policy of the Presi- dent; about twenty-two hundred thousand endorsed the policy of Congress. Out of the four million voters casting their votes, eighteen hundred thousand men at the polls said they believed the President was right. Do Senators say that those eigh- teen hundred thousand men, representing nine millions of the people of this country outside of the seceding States — do Sena- tors say, that that large portion of our population have no rights in the offices of the country ; that it is a wrong, for which the President shall be arraigned before the judgment of the country if he does not leave all the offices in the hands of men THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 65 who oppose his views ? The President I has thus far not asked to aid him in the execution of the laws a proportion of the officers of the country equal to the popu- lar vote in his favor. He has asked for but one-sixth ; while of the voters of the country there is nearly one-half who sus- tain him. In the great States of New York, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, giving a popular vote of about one million, forty- four thousand votes cover the majority. A change of forty-four thousand in the enormous vote of these three great States would have thrown them in favor of the President — three States that give about seventy-two electoral votes. And yet Senators say, that if the President of the United States respects, in the little matter of appointments to office, this enormous sentiment of the country, he is to be charged with a wrong. I\Ir. Williams. I should like to ask the honorable Senator from Indiana what pro- portion of the one million eight hundred thousand men to whom he refers voted and detemiined in 1864 that the war for the Union was a failure ? Mr. Hendricks. I have not made any calculation upon that subject ; and, sir, I know of no portion of the voters of the country who voted that sentiment. I know of no expression of that opinion. I know of a resolution, to which I suppose the Senator means to refer, declaring that thus far, up to a certain time, the war had proved a failure to restore the Union. Eight months after that, in my judgment, that resolution ought to have been proved untrue, and the result of the war ought to have proved that the Union was restored. But, sir, the Union is not yet restored ; and until the Senator from Oregon is ready to bring all of the States into their proper relations in the Federal Union upon the basis of the Constitution, until he is ready to admit into the Senate and House of Representatives loyal men who are able to take the oath prescribed by law, he cannot say that the restoration of the Union is com- pleted. But, sir, I have spoken of the one million eight hundred thousand men who at the late elections voted in favor of the policy of the President of the United States, to 5 say the least of it a very great minority ; and when Senators claim that the offices belong to the people, what are the rights of this large minority ? I think that in the late elections the dif- ference between the Congress of the United States and the President of the United States did make a very marked issue in the contest, and upon that issue the ma- jority which I have mentioned went in favor of Congress. I am now speaking of the large minority that sustained the President. It is known that upon that question ten of the States were not al- lowed to express any opinion. In the States that did at the ballot-box express their opinion Congress received the majo- rity which I have mentioned. When you speak of the offices belonging to the people, let me ask what are the rights of this minority of one million eight hundred thousand men ? It is not asked, and has not been asked as a general proposition, that the offices should be given to the men who opposed the election of the pre- sent Chief Magistrate. It is simply asked that of the men who voted for him in 1864 he should be allowed to bring into office a reasonable number of those who now support him and are in sympathy with him. Is that unjust ? Is it an unfair thing to demand, so that the Senator from Massachusetts is authorized to denounce it as misconduct on the part of the President ? Is a thing that was so generally sustained by the majority party in 1861 wrong in 1866? I do not under- stand it so. Why is it that the President of the Uni- ted States by public opinion has been sustained in removing men and putting those in office who sympathize with him ? It is because in the due execution of the laws he should have his friends to aid him. That is the sentiment of the country upon that question ; and now, if it has devolved upon the present Chief Magis- trate to see that the laws are executed, why may he not claim that for himself; why may not his friends claim that for him which has been conceded to every Administration that went before him ? But now, when we come to understand the facts, we find that only four hundred 66 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. and fifty out of two thousand four hundred | tion in reference to the appointment of and fifty or about that number of office- holders have been removed, leaving nearly two thousand men in office opposed to the President or supposed to be opposed to him, and he having called into office only about four hundred and fifty of his friends to support him. This the honorable Sena- tor from Massachusetts calls the " mis- conduct " of the President. If the Senator had confined his remark to the two cases which have been referred to, where the President after the adjournment of the Senate appointed men who had been re- jected by this body, I should have no criticism to make upon his argument. I think that when the judgment of the Senate is expressed upon any nomination that judgment ought not to be reversed by the Executive; but as a question of law I understand the President took the opinion of the Attorney General, a very accom- plished gentleman, high in the profession to which he belongs, an ornament to the western bar, an ornament of which we are all proud; and the present Attorney General, I understand, gave it as his opinion that the action of the Senate did not disqualify the party for an appointment after the adjournment. I think it would have been proper for the Attorney General to have gone beyond the question of law and to have said to the President that he owed it to the judgment of the Senate not to appoint a man who had been rejected for that particular ofHce. The legal right and the power of the President under the Constitution to make those two appoint- ments I beheve has not been questioned by any Senator. On the question of propriety I agree with the Senators who have expressed the opin- ion that such appointment ought not to be made ; and if Senators wish to prevent them in the future and will present a reso- lution expressing the sentiment of the Senate upon that question I shall have no objection to vote for it and let it be known as the opinion of the Senate that ^ man once rejected by the Senate shall not after the adjournment be appointed to that office. I think he ought not to be ; but certainly the facts stated by the Senator from Pennsylvania on that particular ques- the postmaster of St. Louis and the reve- nue officer at Philadelphia ought to be considered by the Senator from Massa- chusetts before he passes a harsh judg- ment upon the President even upon those cases. . But this bill has very little relation to that particular subject. It goes into the whole matter and undertakes to regulate the exercise of this constitutional power on the part of the President from first to last. And now, without referring to the justice and right of the thing, I ask Senators if it is well, because there is a difference of opinion between the President and the Senate, that the Senate shall undertake to take from the President any power which the Constitution confers upon him ? It is too late now to question the power of the President on the subject of removals from office. A uniform practice of so many years does not leave it an open question. It is a settled question, settled, I believe, by every department of the Government. It was settled, I think, by the legislative department at the first session of Congress. It has been settled by the uniform action of the executive department. I think it has been settled also by the judiciary, by the judgment of the Supreme Court upon a claim made by the judges in one of the Territorie;^ after they had been removed from office by the President. I have not had occasion to look to that case for some time, and I cannot give the particular facts ; but my impression of the decision is that the Supreme Court decided that after removal by the President the parties were not in office and could not claim their salaries. His Senatorial term expired March 4, 1869, and he again cast aside his official robes and returned to his law office in Indianapolis. Agalu tu Politics. In the autumn prior to the exp'ration of his Senatorial term, he received the nomi- nation for Governor of his State, and the Republican convention selected Conrad Baker as his opponent. After an exciting campaign Baker was elected by about 800 majority, and Senator Hendricks again THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. G7 went to his law office, the firm being Hendricks, Hard & Hendricks, the latter a cousin, Abram W., a Republican with- out guile and a man of the finest ability. The firm was one of two or three leading ones in the city, enjoyed a very lucrative practice, and Mr. Hendricks added to a TUdfii mid Ilriiilrlt'ka. In the Convention that nominated this ticket Senator Hendricks was a candidate far the first place. The circumstances of the nomination of Gov. Hendricks on the ticket with Gov. Tilden by the St. Louis Convention arc comfortable competence he had acquired : fresh in the public mind. He was a can- by his shrewdness and providence. Dur- ing this period he continued at the law, and for two years he was permitted to enjoy the comforts of home, unalloyed by the labors and vexations of office. He never failed, however, to give his party his able support and advice, and whether as a Lawyer or Public Servant, he was alive to the success of the Democratic party. Governor of Indiana. In 1872 the State was again rent with a political contest. The Liberal movement of that year on the part of dissatisfied Re- didale for the Presidency, as he also was in 1868 at the New-York Tammany Hall Convention, but there he was antagonized by a part of his own State delegation, headed by Richard j. Bright. This oppo- sition from his own delegation defeated him. In 1876 a strong and vigorous op- position to Mr. Hendricks was organized in his own state and made its appearance in St. Louis. The nomination of Mr. Tilden and his own nomination for the second place was a great humiliation to Mr. Hendricks and a sore disappointment. publicans gave the Democracy an appar- } After the election, in November, Mr. Hen- ent opportunity for success, and again the dricks made no secret of his disagreement State Convention nominated Mr. Hen- dricks for Governor. His Republican opponent was Gen. Thomas M. Browne. There was a good deal of temperance senti- ment in the State, to which Mr. Hendricks with Mr. Tilden's course. He wrote a letter the purport of which was that he was opposed to the Electoral Commission, and that if he were Gov. Tilden he should take the oath of office and demand it of made himself acceptable. The purpose of i President Grant, leaving the Supreme the temperance folks was to secure a local Court to | adjudicate the dispute. Of option law, and this Mr. Hendricks course, the inauguration of Hayes and allowed himself to be understood he would j Wheeler settled the future for Mr. Hen- approve, which he afterwards did in the j dricks, and he proceeded quietly with his shape of what is known as " the Baxter | law business. Mr. Hendricks was again law." As the result of another remarkably i a candidate for the Presidential nomination close election, Mr. Hendricks was chosen in Cincinnati, in 1880, and this time had Governor by a plurality of 1,200 votes, | the ardent and enthusiastic support of his while all the other officers of the State, entire State delegation. But his nomina- except the Superintendent of Public In- struction, were Republicans. That Mr Hendricks' election was caused by the influence here spoken of was made evi- dent from the fact that in the next month Grant carried Indiana by 6,000 majority. It has been said by no less a distinguished authority than Gov. Hendricks himself that any man competent to be a notary public could be Governor of Indiana, and so tion was impossible, He probably could have secured the nomination of Joseph E. McDonald. But Mr. Hendricks again re- membered 1868, and he would not give the word of assent. The result was the nomination of Hancock and, with the idea of placating Indiana, William H. English. This action sent Mr. Hendricks into his tent, where he remained until nearly the end of the campaign, when he there was not much to test the executive emerged because of a bitter attack upon abilities of Gov. Hendricks during his term 1 him personally made by the Republican if office. He made an urbane, careful, satisfactory Governor, and retired from the position with the respect of all parties in the State. press. But there was no harmony between the Democratic leaders, as the campaign " of that year in Indiana went against the Democratic Party. After the election of 68 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. Garfield Mr. Hendricks was interviewed, and in answer to the question whether he was outofpohtics answered that he should never be out of politics until he was in his grave. The Democratic Party had been too kind to him to permit him to deafen his ears to its voice whenever it demanded his service. The Past Elglit Years. After Mr, Hayes' inauguration he went to California, where he was warmly re- ceived and his health completely restored from the wear and tear of electoral sus- pense. Upon his return he went to Europe and in the fall came home and went into the practice of the law with his former partners, O. B. Hood and A. W. Hendricks, with the additional partner, Hon. Conrad Baker, who had preceded him in the Gu- bernatorial office. The four years of his executive term was the only period when Mr. Hendricks did not practice law, and yet he resumed the profession with such diffidence, lest he had lost ground therein, that the gaining of his first case was very much of a surprise to him. It was a fa- mous canal case, which had run the gaunt- let of the courts for a dozen years and had its root and finding in matters dating back twenty-seven years. Perhaps the most important case which has engaged his at- tention was that of the Pennsylvania Rail- way, in which he held his own with such distinguished talent as that of Judge Hoadly, Stanley Matthews and Mr. Mc- Donald. His argument at Newport cov- ered one hundred pages of printed matter, and is a marvel of legal acumen and intel- lectual scope. Another great case was that of the Toledo and Western. lilterary litiboTB. The work Mr. Hendricks accomplished was not confined to the law. In addition, he attended to considerable private busi- ness. He also made some valuable con- tributions to current literature and traveled extensively, making a tour of Europe. So versatile and arduous were his labors, in fact, that three times in the last eight years his health broke down. He would not be admonished of danger, and his last severe attack of illness was caused by excessive fatigue and exposure in the 'campaign of 1882. It was the attack of phlegmonous erysipelas, which came so near costing him his life. His perfect recovery, thanks to a splendid constitution and well-regulated life, was a disappointment to the physicians who said he would die, and the forced rest and subsequent sojourn abroad give him promise of many years of usefulness to come. " Cleireland and Hendricks." When the Democratic Convention met at Chicago in July last, to form a Presiden- tial ticket, the State of Indiana again pre- sented his name as a candidate, and his availability was again discussed. But the political importance of the Empire State gave it, as heretofore the preference of a candidate, and Governor Cleveland was selected from the array of brilliant names before it. Mr. Hendricks was not (and in- deed never was) a candidate for the Vice Presidency, and the impression prevailed that he might not accept the place, but not- withstanding this, he was unanimously nominated, and is now before the people for their suffrages. His countrymen have asked him to fill the place, and in this in- stance, as in others, he has waived his own preferences, and obeyed their orders. Prophetic XJtteraiices. In the light of the action of the Chicago Convention it is interesting to repeat Mr. Hendricks' utterances in 1877, even if he did not expect this tardy endorse- ment. At his reception by the Manhat- tan Club, New York, he said : "A great and sincere people will pass their final verdict upon the outrageous act. Democratic principles will be car- ried out by the Democrats and by such fair-minded Republicans as will not make themselves a party to the wrong done last winter. This will be accomplished by the majority of the voters in the several States, * * and Indiana will again do her duty." It remains for the Democracy now to make good the words which, for the lack of a renomination of the " old ticket," failed in 1880. However, an opinion is gaining ground that the issue of Presiden- THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. 69 tial fraud will gradually be lost sight of in the absorbing question of reform. In the opinion of Mr. Hendricks it is the ques- tion and it grows out of the stupendous abuses of Republican adminislratiou. There must be reform in all matters of government and to this view the Demo- cratic party is in existence and must be placed in power for that express purpose. Revenue Reform. " The question of revenue reform sug- gests itself to every mind when the fact is considered that the change in the internal revenue and tax laws made by the Repub- lican Congress before this, a little more than one year ago, left the revenues of the government in excess of the demands of an economical administration at least fifty millions a year. No party in the world can stand up before an intelligent people and defend the collection from the people of more money than the govern- ment has a right to use when economi- cally administered. Of course this im- portant point will attract attention. Ad- ministrative reform is not less a question of vital interest. Every now and then something wrong is looming up in some department — carelessness and inefficiency characterize many of the departments of public service. It is an honor to any young man to get an appointment from the government, of course, but position is not given him in a department for him to make it a lounging place. He must work with care and diligence and earnestness in order that all the interests of the gov- ernment shall be amply and fully pro- tected, just as the active and honest young man in the store, or on the farm, or in the railroad office gives the best capabilities of his mind and industry to the promotion of the interests which he is paid to take care of." ' In Ills Home. A visitor thus describes his home, and other interesting details. "Since Mr. Hendricks' marriage he has lived in many houses, but never in one built after a plan of his making or selec- tion. Now he resides in a substantial two- story brick dwelling, built by the late General Low and the double of one erec- ted by the General's father-in-law, the late Hon. O. H. Smith. It is not a house of many rooms, but they are large and hand- some and have an air of comfort foreign to most more pretentious dwellings. The hall is especially spacious, and with the open door and inviting chairs and sofa makes a pleasant reception room in the summer. Mr. Hendricks' private or poli- tical library is up stairs, and there he has a table and telephone and receives the po- liticians who crave a special hearing. When the campaign opens he will proba- bly have headquarters in a more accessible quarter, although his house is not out of the way. It faces the State House grounds on Tennessee street and is but a stone's throw (around the corner) from the Sentinel of- fice. The best likeness of Mr. Hendricks is one which was photographed by Van Loo. The portrait of the ex-Senator in the State library, painted by Freeman, conveys the idea of a high liver, which is not just, Mr. Hendricks being rather abstemious than otherwise in his habits. The Van Loo does justice to the pose of the finely-formed head, the brow is clear, the eyes are pene- tradng and the expression is pleasing and intellectual. The picture even conveys an idea of the delicacy of complexion and soft, brown tint of hair which marks his Scotch descent. His head and face have changed a good deal in the last eight years. They seem larger. The forehead is broad and smooth and the cheeks slope gently to the chin, which is innocent of beard. The mouth is not large and the lips are thin. It is altogether a classic mouth and chin, and the nose is w-ell formed and delicate in expression. The eyes are blue, mixed with gray, and ex- press more penetration than reserve. They are schooled to express interest in whatever subject is presented and tell no tales. The head is poised on a manly figure, with unusual depth of chest, and its perfect proportions are revealed in the firm, elastic step. The face in repose is ^free from wrinkles. In conversation it lights up amazingly, and joined to a plea- sing deference of manner has given him the reputation of a Talleyrand. That he does not deserve, for on occasions he is 70 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. extremely outspoken. In all, the autotype of Trajan, familiar in the shops, is a better portrait of Mr. Hendricks than the gene- rality of those he has had taken. My pic- ture of him would not be complete without referring to his taste in dress. Those who saw him in Chicago will join me in saying it is perfect. He was nurtured in the Presbyterian faith, and was a member of that commun- ion until the organization of St. Paul's Episcopal Church in Indianapolis in the year 1862. He became a member of that parish and was elected Senior Warden. He has never belonged to but one secret society, the Odd Fellows, being a charter member of the Wellsville Lodge, but for a long time has ceased to actively partici- pate in its work. After the election in 1876 Mr. Hendricks made an extensive tour of Europe, meeting with cordial receptions everywhere and making the acquaintance of many of the most distinguished Euro- pean politicians. He was particularly im- pressed with Gambetta, of whom he has frequently spoken in terms of high admi- ration. How He opens tlie Campaign. As the Chandler letter may be taken for the key-note of the campaign, long ahead of the opening of the canvass, so in Mr. Hendricks* speech at the ratifica- tion meeting at his home, he said one thing which has already become a watch- word. It was this : " I will tell you what we need — Demo* crat and Republicans will alike agree upon that — we need to have the books in the government-offices opened for exami- nation." * * "What is the remedy ? To have a President who will appoint a head of a bureau that will investigate the con- dition of the books and bring the guilty to trial." " The books must be opened " is a na- tural sequence to " Cleveland, Hendricks and Reform " and " Revenue and Admi- nistrative Reform." It may be, some lengthier axioms from Mr. Hendricks' utterances may be in order, such as, "Government shall exist for man, and not man for government;" "We will not enslave man, even that he shall admit and practice the truth;" "Where there is no freedom of action there can be no freedom of judgment;" "Heaven's law leaves man able to obey, but free to diso- bey ;'' " Habits of tyranny become usages ;" "We cannot exclude all from a privilege or right because it is abused by a few;" " When once in the box the ballot has no color." Mr. Hendricks* views in regard to the service young men should render as em- ployes of the government, are a practical compendium of civil-service reform, and they are backed by life-long devotion to the welfare of young men, which has been paid in kind. In 1872, when he was the first Democratic Governor elected in the North after the war, he suddenly took heart at the close of a dispiriting canvass when one hundred young men — first voters — marched in a Democratic procession along Washington Street. Due attention to the training of young men in Demo- cratic faith and good works is one of the strong points in Mr. Hendricks' party management. PROCEEDINGS OF CHICAGO C0NYENTI0:N', 1884. Democratic National Contmlttec. The Democratic National Committee met at Chicago, July 7, at 12 o'clock, Chairman Barnum presiding. The States represented were as follows : Alabama H. O. Semple. Arkansas John J. Sumpter. California James T. Farley. Colorado T. M. Patterson. Connecticut William H. Barnum. Delaware Ignatius C. Grubb. Florida Samuel Puliston. Georgia George T. Barnes. Illinois W. C. Goudy. Indiana Austin H. Brown. Iowa M. M. Ham. Kansas Charles W. Blair. Kentucky Henry D. McHenry, Louisiana B. F. Jonas. ■ Maine Edmund F. Wilson. Maryland Outerbridge Horsey. Massachusetts Frederick O. Prince. Michigan Edward Kanter. Minnesota P. H. Kelly. Mississippi W. T. Morton. Missouri John G. Prather. Nebraska Sterling Marten. Nevada R. P. Keating. New Hampshire Alvah SuUoway. New Jersey Orestes Cleveland. New York Abraham S. Hewitt. North Carolina N. W. Ransom. Ohio William W. Armstrong. Oregon A. Noltner. Pennsylvania Ex-Senator Wallace. Rhode Island J. B. Barnaby. South Carolina F. W. Dawson. Tennessee Robert F. Looney. Texas F. T. Stockdale. Vermont Bradley B. Smalley. Virginia John S. Barbour. West Virginia... Alexander Campbell. Wisconsin William F. Vilas. Mr. Barnes, of Georgia, nominated Au- gustus O. Bacon, of Georgia, for temporary 71 chairman of the Convention. Mr. Stock- dale, of Texas, nominated Governor Rob- ert B. Hubbard, of Texas; Mr. Martin, of Mississippi, nominated Charles E. Hooker, of Mississippi. Governor Hubbard Selected. The committee proceeded to ballot, with the following result : Whole number of votes cast, 37 ; Hubbard received 22, Ba- con 9, Hooker 6. On motion of Mr. Prince the nomination of Governor Hub- bard was made unanimous. On motion of Mr. Hewitt, Mr. Prince was elected temporary secretary of the Convention. The following were elected assistant secre- taries: E. L. Merritt, of Illinois; George W. Guthrie, of Pennsylvania ; G. S. John- son, of Iowa ; Robert M. Bashford, of Wisconsin ; Charles M. Vallandigham, of Missouri ; Henry J. Lynn, of Tennessee ; Michael J. Barrett, of New Jersey. The committee then adjourned to 10 o'clock on the following day. THE CONVENTION. Tbe First Day'd Sesalon. The Convention was called to order at 12:37 by Hon. William H. Barnum, of Connecticut, chairman of the Democratic National Committee. He presented Rev. Dr. Marquis, of Chicago, who opened the deliberations of the Convention with prayer. Mr. Barnum said : — Gentlemen of the Convention : Harmony seems to be the sense of this Convention ; the ver>' air itself seems saturated with the desire and the determination to nominate a ticket for president and vice-president satisfactory to the North as well as to the South, to the East as well as to the West — nay, more, a ticket that will harmonize the Democracy of this nation and insure victory in No- vember. No effort has been made to nominate a temporary chairman of this 72 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. Convention in the interest of any candi- date, but, on the contrary, one who will proceed with absolute impartiality. With this spirit and to that end I have been di- rected by the unanimous vote of the Na- tional Committee to nominate the Hon. Richard B. Hubbard, of Texas, for tempo- rary chairman, and Hon. Richard B. Hubbard was elected. The Chair appointed Senator B. F. Jonas, of Louisiana, Hon. George B. Barnes, of Georgia, and Abram S. Hewitt, of New York, a committee to wait upon Mr. Hubbard and conduct him to the chair. Mr. Hubbard was received with vociferous applause and Mr. Barnum advancing to the front, said : " I have the distinguished honor to pre- sent Hon. Richard B. Hubbard, of Texas, as the absolutely impartial temporary chair- man of this Convention." Clialrnian Hubbard's Speecli. Mr. Hubbard came forward amid loud applause and said: "Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Democratic Convention of the Union — I am profoundly grateful for the confidence which you have reposed in me in ratifying the nomination of the National Executive Committee, who have done your bidding for the last four years by your authority. I accept it, my fellow- Democrats, not as a tribute to the humble citizen and your fellow-Democrat who speaks to you to-day, but rather as a com- pliment to the great State from whence I come. We accept it as a tribute to the fact that Texas, with her two million of people, gladly at each recurring election, places in the ballot-box over one hundred thou- sand Democratic majority. " Fellow-Democrats, we have met upon an occasion of great and absorbing inter- est to our party as well as to our common country. The occasion would not justify me nor demand that I should attempt to speak to you of its great history and its distinctive principles through two-thirds of the most glorious history of our country. I could not stop to discuss, if I would, its munificent policy of progress, the part which it has taken in building up our country, its progress, its territory and its wealth. I can only say to you to-day, in brief, that the Democratic Party, in all the essential elements, is the same as it was j when it was founded by the framers of the Constitution nearly three-quarters of a century ago. " Men die as the leaves of autumn, but principles are underlying liberty and self- government, the right of representation and taxation going hand in hand ; economy in the administration of the Government, so that the Government shall make the burdens as small as they may be upon the millions who constitute our countrymen. These and other principles underlie the Democratic Party and cannot be effaced from the earth, though their authors may be numbered with the dead. "The Democratic party is loyal to the Union. The 'bloody shirt,' in the vulgar parlance of the times, has at each recur- ring election been flaunted in the face of Southern Democrats and in your own faces. With Logan on the ticket I pre- sume it will be again. Blaine could hard- ly afford it, as he did not indulge much in that 'unpleasantness.' They will endeavor to stir up the bad blood of the past. My countrymen, the war is over for a quarter of a century, and they know it. Why our boys have married the young maidens of the North and children have been born since those days. They will continue to go to the altar, and, side by side at dying beds, they will talk of that bourne whence no traveler returns, will lie down and be buried together. Why, the boys in the blue and the gray have slept together for a quarter of a century upon a thousand fields of common glory. Let their bones alone. They are representing the best blood of the land, and, though differing in the days that should be forgotten, the good men of all parties in our country to- day, I thank God, have united in the great common progress of our rare to forget the war memories of the war times." At the conclusion of Gov. Hubbard's speech, Mr. Prince, of Massachusetts, Sec- retary of the National Convention, then made the following report on temporary organization : For temporary Chairman, Richard B. Hubbard, of Texas; for temporary Secre- tary, Frederick O. Prince, of Massachu- setts ; Assistant Secretaries, E. L. Merrit, of Illinois ; George O. Guthrie, of Penn- PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 73 sylvania ; G. L. Johnston, of Iowa; Ro- bert M, Bashford, of Wisconsin; Charles M. Vallandingham. of Missouri; H. J. Lynn, of Tennessee ; Michael D. Barret, of New Jersey. The Report was unani- mously adopted. Mr. Smalley, of Vermont, then said he was instructed by the National Committee to offer the following resolution : Resolved, That the rules of the last Democratic Convention govern this body until otherwise ordered, subject to the fol- lowing modification : That in voting for candidates for President and Vice-Presi- dent no State shall be allowed to change its vote until the roll of the States has been called and every State has cast its vote. Mr. Grady, of New York, offered the following amendment to the resolution : When the vote of a State as announced by the chairman of the delegation from such State is challenged by any member of the delegation, then the Secretary shall call the names of the individual delegates from the State, and their individual pre- ferences as expressed shall be recorded as the vote of such State. After discussion the question was then put, the chairman of each State delegation announcing its vote as follows : Yeas Nays States. Yeas Nays Alabama, . . ■ 15 5 Arkansas, . . 14 Californi.i, . . '. 16 Colorado, . . 4 2 Connecticut, . 2 10 Delaware, . . 6 — Florida, . . . 2 6 Georgia, . . 12 12 Illinois, . . . 22 22 Indiana, . . . ■ 30 — Iowa . 6 20 Kansas . . . Kentucky, . . 3 IS 20 6 t.ouisiana, . . — 16 Maine. . . . 2 10 Maryland, . . — 16 Massachusetts 21 7 Michigan, . . 12 12 Minnesota, . 14 States. Mississippi, Missouri, . . . Nebraska, . . . Nevada, . . . New Hampshire New Jersey, . . New York, . . North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, .... Pennsylvania, . Rhode Island, . South Carolina, Tennessee, . . Texas, .... Vermont, . . . Virginia, . . , West Virginia, Wisconsin, . . The Secretary announced the result of the vote as follows : Total number of votes cast, 795 ; yeas, 332 ; nays, 463. The call of the roll on the original reso- lution was then dispensed with and it was unanimously adopted. This question having been disposed of the roll of the States was called and the chairmen of the several delegations named the delegates chosen as members of the Committees on Credentials and Resolu- tions, On the completion of the call of j the roll the Convention adjourned until II A. M. to-morrow. Tlie Platform Comnilttce. The following is the Committee on Plat- form : Alabama, L. P. W^alker ; Arkansas, Benjamin F. Duval ; California, T. J. Currie ; Connecticut, A. E. Burr; Florida, P. P. Bishop ; Georgia, E. P. Howell ; Illinois, William R. Morrison ; Indiana, G. V. Menzies ; Iowa, E. H. Thayer ; Kansas, Thomas P. Finlan ; Kentucky, Henry Watterson ; Louisiana, E. H. Burko ; Maine, David R. Hastings ; Mary land, C. J. Gwynn ; Massachusetts, B. F. Butler; Michigan, S. E. Farsney ; Minne- sota, J. C. Wise ; Missouri, W. H. Phelps ; Nebraska, J. S. Sterling Morton ; Nevada, D. E. McCarthy ; New Hampshire, Henry Bingham ; New Jersey, James A. McPher- son ; New York, Abram S. Hewitt; North Carolina, J. S. Carr; Ohio, George L. Con- verse ; Pennsylvania, Malcom Hay ; South Carolina, Leroy F. Youmans ; Tennessee, Albert T. McNeil; Texas, D. C. Gid- dings ; Vermont, James A. Brown ; Virgi- nia, P. W. McKenny; West Virginia, Henry G. Davis ; Wisconsin, J. G. Jen- kins. The committee on Permanent Organiza- tion met in the evening and decided to re- commend to the Convention the name of Colonel W. F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, as per- manent Chairman, and that the remaining officers of the temporary organization be made permanent. SECOND DAY'S SESSION. The Convention was opened with prayer by the Right Reverend Bishop McLaren, of the Diocese of Chicago. Mr. Cummings, of Massachusetts, offered a resolution instructing the Committee on Resolutions to give a hearing to the com- mittee of the Irish National League in favor of excluding aliens from acquiring real estate in America. Mr. Taylor, of Arkansas, submitted the report of the Committee on Credentials, in which he stated that in Massachusetts, a contest appearing in the Twelfth Congres- sional District, your committee, after a full investigation of the facts, unanimously recommended that the parties, Joseph 7i PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. Callan, E. McLearned, A. L. Perry and George H. Bloch, be admitted to this Con- vention, and each shall be entitled to a half vote. Mr. Heenan, of Michigan, offered a res- olution for the reduction of taxation to a revenue basis. Referred. Mr. Taylor, of Arkansas, chairman of the Committee on Credentials, reported the list of delegates with an amendment giving territorial delegates the right to vote in the Convention. Mr. Randolph, of New Jersey, moved an amendment that the territorial dele- gates be not allowed to vote. The amend- ment was rejected and the report adopted. Mr. Gallup, of New York, offered a res- olution demanding such a revision of the tariff as shall lessen the duty upon those articles which supply daily the wants of the farmer, mechanic, artisan and laborer. A number of other resolutions were offered and it was finally decided to refer them all to the Committee on Platform. Periuaiieiit Orgaulzatlon. The report of the Committee on Perma- nent Organization was then made, the name of W. H. Vilas, of Wisconsin, be- ing presented as President, with a list of vice-presidents (one from each state) and several secretaries and assistants, and that the secretaries and clerks of the tempo- rary organization be continued under the permanent organization. The Chair then appointed as a com- mittee to escort Mr. Vilas to the chair the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana Hon. W. W. Armstrong, of Ohio ; Hon. W, H. Parsons, of Georgia ; Hon. John N. Henderson, of Texas; Hon. John A. Day, of Missouri ; Hon. Mr. Sparks, of Illinois, and the Hon. Smith M. Weed, of New York. Mr. Vilas, in taking the chair, returned thanks for the honor done him, not as a recognition of himself, but of the young Democracy of the Northwest. It was their fair due. It was a tribute to their lofty zeal and patriotism. They hailed it as a presage and prototype of the coming triumph. This Convention was assembled to con- sider a great cause ; to pronounce a mo- mentous judgment. Its import and value lay not in the hope of mere party victory, in clutching the spoils of office. The op- portunity was pregnant with mighty possi- bilities of good to men. The air was al- ready filled with vapors of visionary schemes addressed to various interests and factions. It is the party of Jefferson and Jackson to-day as formerly, and the prin- ciples they promulgated are its principles now. It is the party of the people ; of economy and honesty in the administration of Government. It has shaken off the venial and time-serving, and has recruited from the ranks of its opponents the best and wisest. The Democracy are ready to continue such exchange. In conclusion, he counseled moderation in their action and bespoke a generous forbearance for himself in the discharge of his duties. " I thank God, fellow-citizens, that though we have been out of power for a quarter of a century, we are to-day, in all that makes adherence, and confidence and zeal, as much a party organized for aggressive war as when the banners of victory were perched above our heads. " The Democratic party, fellow-citizens, since the war time, commencing with recon- struction, with our hands manacled, with our ballot-boxes surrounded by the gleam- ing bayonet, with carpet-bag rulers, with the voice of free men who pay their taxes to the Government, stifled — the Democratic party has lived to see through all this mis- rule the day come when in a great majori- ty of our states the Democratic party has resumed its control, its power. It has your House of Representatives, and but for treason stalking in the Senate Cham- ber, we would have that, too. "We want men there whose very lives and whose very names would be a plat- form to this people; we want men there who shall, in all the departments of the Government, in its Department of Justice, in its postal affairs, its Interior Depart- ment, everywhere, follow its servants with the eye of the ministers of justice, and see that every cent that belongs to the Go- vernment shall remain with the Govern- ment ; that no tribute shall be demanded, except the tribute that U due the Govern- ment ; that no assessment shall be levied upon 100,000 office-holders, who are paid PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 75 one hundred millions annually, five mil- lions to yo into a corrupt political fund. These, we thank God, will be corrected when the Democratic party shall get into power once more. We read of the enunciation of principles by the Republican party. They tell us they have civil service reform, and yet they demand, in the next breath, from every federal office-holder of the 100,000, his tribute to the corrupt fund that shall be paid out to the voter at the polls. They tell us that they have a pure government, and yet not a solitary felon has been con- demned in the flock of those who have stolen their millions from the treasury. Mr. Snowden, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution for the call of the roll of the States and for the placing in nomination of candidates for President and Vice Pres- ident. Mr. Clunie, of California, moved its reference to the committee on platform. The nominations should not be made until after the adoption of the platform. The motion was rejected. A motion was made to lay on the table Mr. Sr^^owden's motion to make nomina- tions now. The question was taken by a vote by States and resulted in the negative. The vote on call of States was finally an- nounced as yeas 2S2, nays 521 ; so the Convention refused to lay the motion on the table. The vote in detail was as follows : State. Yeas. Nays New Hampshiie — 8 New Jersey . New York . . North Carolina Ohio Oregon . . . Pennsylvani.i . Rhode Island . South Carolina Tennessee . . Texas i. Vermortt .... — 8 Virginia .... — 24 West Virginia . 2 10 Wisconsin ... — 22 Arizona .... — 2 Dist. Columbia . — 2 Dakota .... 2 — Idaho — 2 Montana .... — 2 New Mexico . . — 2 Washington . . 2 — Wyoming ... 2 — Delaware. — Attorney General Geeorg Gray nominated Bayard of Delaware, which was seconded by Col. C. E.Hooker, of Mississippi. Indiana. — Thomas A. Hendricks nomi- State. Yeas. Nays Alabama . . . I '9 Arkansas . . . >4 Calitornia . . .' 16 Colorado . . . . 6 — Connecticut . . — 12 Delaware . . . 6 — Florida . . . . 8 (leorgia . . . ." 8 16 Illinois . . . . • 17 26 Indiana . . . • 30 — Iowa 36 Kansas . . . • »3 5 Kentucky . . • 3 23 Louisiana . . — 16 Maine . . . . . 3 8 Marylr-nd . . 16 Massachusetts ; 6 H Michigan . . . — 26 Minnesota . . . — 14 Mississippi . . . II 7 Missour i . . . • 7 25 Nebraska . . I 8 Nevada . . . . 6 14 4 — 72 — 22 19 24 S I 24 35 I 7 II 7 23 natcd McDonald, of Illinois, which was seconded by General Hlack. Kentucky. — James A. McKenzic nomi- nated Carlisle. New York. — Mr. Lockwood nominated Grover Cleveland, Carter Harrison sec- onding the nomination. O/tio. — John W. Breckenridge, of Cali- fornia, nominated A. G. Thurman, which was seconded by Durbin Ward, of Ohio. A motion to suspend the order of busi- ness was made and carried and then at 6.20 the convention took a recess until 10.30 A. M. to-morrow. KVENING SESSION. At 8.05 the convention was called to or- der and a resolution was offered by Mr. Henry, of Mississippi, expressing the re- gret and intense admiration of the conven- tion at reading the statesmanlike, patriotic letter of Samuel J. Tilden, in which he made known the overpowering and provi- dential necessity which constrained him to decline the nomination to the Presidency ; condemning the fraud and violence by which Tilden and Hendricks were cheated out of their offices in 1876 ; expressing regret that the nation has been deprived of the lofty patriotism and splendid exe- cutive and administrative ability of Mr. Tilden, and appointing a committee to convey these sentiments to that gentle- man. Adopted. At 9 P. M. Morrison, of Illinois, chair- man of the committee on resolutions, stepped to the platform to present the re- port of that committee. The reading ot the platform was con- cluded at ten o'clock. TIHUI3 DAY'S SESSION. The convention was called to order at 1 1:10 and the proceedings were opened with prayer by the Rev. George C. Lori- mer, of the Immanuel Baptist Church, of Chicago. The unfinished business of yesterday, being the call of States for nominations, was resumed. Mr. Hoadly of Ohio was placed in nom- ination by Thomas E. Powell of Ohio. Senator Wallace of Pennsylvania, nom- inated Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania. The nomination was seconded by Go- vernor Abbett of New Jersey, 76 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. John \V. Gumming of Massachusetts seconded the nomination of Mr. Bayard. The names of the candidates were then announced as follows — each name being greeted with cheers, but by far the greatest demonstration being for Cleveland : Thomas Francis Bayard of Delaware, Joseph E. McDonald of Indiana, John G. Carlisle of Kentucky. Grover Clev^eland of New York. Allen G. Thurman of Ohio. Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania. George Hoadly of Ohio. The candidates having been all presen- ted the convention at 2.25 took a recess until evening. General Butler presented the minority report, which was debated, and defeated by a vote of 714J to 97^. The Platform was then adopted. After a motion to adjourn was lost, the call of States for the nomination of Presi- dent was ordered, and resulted as follows : First BaUot. Cleveland 392 Bayard 170 Randall 78 McDonald 56 Thurman 88 Hoadly 3 Carlisle 27 Another motion to adjourn was made at l.io A. M. The motion, having been sec- onded by New York, was agreed to, and the Convention adjourned until 10 A, M. to- morrow. FOURTH DAY'S SKSSION. The Convention was called to order at II o'clock, and prayer was offered by Rev. Dr. Clinton Locke, of Grace Church, Chicago. Details of the Second Ballot. The second ballot commenced at 11.20, with the following result : Cleveland Nominated on tlie Seeond Ballot. The votes of the States in detail were then (i o'clock) announced by the Clerk for verification. The general result was announced as follows at 1. 10 p. M. Whole number of votes cast 820 Necessary to choice 547 Cleveland 683 Bayard 8 1 J Randall 4 Hendricks 45 J McDonald 2 Thurman 4 Tlie Nomination made Unanimous. The question was then put on Mr. Men- zies' motion to make the nomination unan- imous which was triumphantly carried. The Convention then at 1:25 took a re- cess until 5 o'clock P. M. EVENING SESSION. At half-past 5 o'clock the evening sess- ion was called to order, and the first busi- ness done was the adoption of a resolution electing Mr. Vilas (Chairman of the Con- vention) as Chairman of the committee to notify the nominees of their selection as candidates Naming Candidates for Vice-President. The Convention then proceeded to the call of the roll for the nomination of a candidate for Vice-President. Mr. Searles of California, nominated General William S. Rosecrans. Mr. Branch (Col.) nominated Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana. Mr. Bacon (Ga.) said he was commis- sioned by his delegation to present the name of General John C. Black, of Illi- nois. Judge Black expressed his appreciation of the high and unmerited compliment paid him. It was almost absolutely a sur- prise to him, but he had come here as the spokesman and representative of another citizen of the Republic. He had put his hand in the hand of Joseph E. McDonald, and while that gentlemen's name was before the Convention, he (Black) could not appear as in any sense his rival for any position. He, therefore, respectfully declined the nomination. Mr. Pinlow (Kan.) presented the name of Governor George W. Glick. Ex-Senator Wallace (Pa.) said that he nominated as a candidate for Vice Presi- dent a man conversant with public affairs throughout his whole life, an honored statesman, a pure and upright citizen, a victim of the grossest fraud ever perpe- trated on the American people — Thomas A. Hendricks. [Cheers.] Mr. Searles (Cal.) withdrew the nomi- nation of Rosecrans. The other nominees were all withdrawn, PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 77 one, by one, so that Mr. Hendricks' name alone remained before the Convention. Hendricks lInaiitmou»ly Noiiilnnted. The motion was agreed to, and the Clerk proceeded to call the roll of States. The result was the unanimous nomination of Thomas A. Hendricks as the candidate for Vice-President. The Chairman announced that there had been 8i6 votes cast, all of them being for Thomas A. Hendricks, and that Mr. Hendricks was therefore the candidate of the National Democratic Convention for Vice-President of the United States. The Convention then, at 7.25, adjourned sine die. Tlic "Vote Tabulated. The following table gives the vote of each State for Presidential candidates on each of the two ballots : 1ST Ballot. States and Territories. -n 1 c rt e: u. U Alabama. . . . Arkansas. . . . California . . . Colorado .... Connecticut . . Delaware . . . Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky. . . . Louisiana. . . . Maine Maryland . . . Massachusetts . Michigan. . . . Minnesota .... Mississippi .... Missouri Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire . New Jersey . . , New York .... North Carolina . . Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania . . . Rhode Island. . . South Carolina . . Tennessee .... Texas Vermont Virginia West Virginia. . . Wisconsin .... Arizona Dakota Idaho Montana New Mexico . . . Utah Washington. . . . Wyoming Dist. of Columbia Total .... 3D Ballot. 392,170,5688 78 27 5!i4 14 16 6 22 43' . . 261 . , 17! I 421 15 . 12 . 16 . 23 14 12H 3 68381^^145^ Democratic Platform. AdopUd at Chicago, Jut;i Id, 1884. The Democratic party of the Union, through its representatives in National Convention assembled, recognizes that, as the nation grows older, new issues are born of time and progress and old issues perish. But the fundamental principles of the De- mocracy, approved by the united voice of the people, remain, and will ever remain, as the best and only security for the con- tinuance of free government. The preser- vation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens before the law, the reserved rights of the states and the supremacy of the Federal Government witliin the limits of the Constitution will ever form the true basis of our liberties, and can never be surrendered without destroying that bal- ance of rights and powers which enables a continent to be developed in peace, and social order to be maintained by means of local self-government, but it is indispensa- ble for the practical operation and enforce- ment of these fundamental principles that the Government should not always be controlled by one political power. Fre- quent change of administration is as ne- cessary as constant recurrence to the popu- lar will. Otherwise abuses grow and the Government, instead of being carried on for the general welfare, becomes an instru- mentality for imposing heavy burdens on the many who are governed for the benefit of the few who govern. Public servants thus become arbitrary rulers. This is now the condition of the coun- try ; hence a change is demanded. The Republican Party. The Republican party, so far as princi- ple is concerned, is a reminiscence. In practice, it is an organization for enriching those who control its machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been brought to light in every department of the Government are sufficient to have called for reform within the Republican party ; yet those in authority, made reckless by the long possession of power, have suc- cumbed to its corrupting influence, and have placed in nomination a ticket against which the independent portion of the par- ty are in open revolt. Therefore a change is demanded. Such a change was ahke necessary in 1876, but the will of the people was then defeated by a fraud which can never be forgotten nor condoned. Again in 1880 the change demanded by the people was defeated by the lavish use of money contributed by unscrupulous contractors and shameless jobbers who had bargained for unlawful profits or for high office. The Republican party during its legal, its stolen and its bought tenures of power has steadily de- ''cayed in moral character and political 78 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. / capacity. Its platform promises are now a list of its past failures. It demands the restoration of our navy ; it has squandered J hundreds of millions to create a navy that J does not exist. It calls upon Congress to '% remove the burdens under which Ameri- can shipping has been depressed ; it im- posed and has continued those burdens. It professes the policy of reserving the public lands for small holdings by actual settlers ; it has given away the people's heritage, till now a few railroads and non- resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area than that of all our farms between the two seas. It professes a preference for free institutions ; it organ- ized and tried to legalize a control of state elections by Federal troops. It professes a desire to elevate labor; it has subjected American working-men to the competition ^of convict and imported contract labor. / It professes gratitude to all who were dis- — abled or died in the war, leaving widows and orphans ; it left to a Democratic House of Representatives the firstxfijw;t to equal- ize both bounties and pensionsTNt proffers a pledge to correct the ig:agtil«tfties of our tariff; it created and hds continued them. Its own Tariff Commission confessed the need of more than 20 per cent, reduction, its Congress gave a reduction of less than 4 per cent. It professes the Protection of American manufactures ; it has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufac- tured goods and a hopeless competition with manufacturing nations, not one of which taxes raw materials. It professes to protect all American industries ; it has im- poverished many to subsidize a few. It professes the Protection of American la- bor ; it has depleted the returns of Ameri- can agriculture — an industry followed by half our people. It professes the equality of men before the law, attempting to fix the status of colored citizens. The acts of its congress were overset by the decisions of its courts. It " accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and reform ; '' its caught criminals are permitted to escape through continued delays or actual connivance in the prose- cution. Honeycombed with corruption, outbreaking exposures no longer shock its moral sense. Its honest members, its in- dependent journals, no longer maintain a successful contest for authority in its coun sels, or a veto upon bad nominations. That change is necessary is proved by an existing surplus of more than $1 00,000, ocxd, which has yearly been collected from a suffering people. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. We denounce the Repub- lican party for having failed to relieve the people from crushing war taxes, which have paralyzed business, crippled industry, and deprived labor of employment and of just reward. The Democracy pledges it- self to purify the administration from cor- ruption,/ to restore economy, to revive re- spect forlaw and to reduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with due regard to the preservation of the faith of the nation to its creditors and pensioners J knowing full well, however, that legislation affecting the occupations of the people should be cau- tious and conservative in method, not in advance of public opinion, but responsive to its demands. The Democratic party is^ pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of/ fairness to all interests. ^ Tarlif Reduction. But in making a reduction in taxes it is not proposed to injure any domestic indus- tries, but rather to promote their healthy growth, v From the foundation of this Government; taxes collected at the custom- house have been the chief source of federal revenue; such they must continue to SeTX Moreover, many industries have (y»fnrrtt/ rely upon legislation for successful contin- uance, so that any change of law must be at every step regardful of the labor and capital thus involved. The process of re- form must be subject in the execution to this plain dictate of justice. All taxation shall be limited to the re- quirements of economical government. The necessary reduction in taxation can and must be effected without depressing American labor or the ability to compete successfully with foreign labor, and with- out imposing lower rates of duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of production which may exist in consequence of the higher rate of wages prevailing in this country. Sufficient revenue to pay allX the expenses of the Federal Government economically administered, including pen- sions, interest and principal of the public debt, can be got, under our present system of taxation, from custom-house taxes on fewer imported articles, bearing heaviest on articles of luxury, and bearing lightest on articles of necessity. We therefore de- nounce the abuses of the existing tariff and, subject to the preceding limitations, we demand that federal taxation shall be exclusively for public purposes, and shall not exceed the needs of the-Government economically administered./ The system ' of direct taxation known as the " internal revenue '' is a war tax, and, so long as the law continues, the money derived there- from should be sacredly devoted to the re- lief of the people from the remaining bur- dens of the war, and be made a fund to defray the expense of the care and comfort of worthy soldiers disabled in the line of duty in the wars of the Republic, and for the payment of such pensions as Congress may from time to time grant to such sol- diers, a like fund for the sailors having been already provided ; and any surplus should be paid into the t- easury. PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. ro Commerce with South America. I Jeflersoiilan Principles. We favor an American continental poll- 1 i^ reaffirming the declarations of the cy based upon more mtimate commercial Democratic i)latrorm of 1S56, tliat " the lib- and political relations with the fifteen sister jcral principles eml)odied by Jefferson in republics of North, Central and South 1 the Declaration of Indei)endence and sanc- Ahierica, but entanj^ding alliances withjtioncd in the Constitution, which make none. We believe in honest money, the I ours the land of liberty and the asylum of gold and silver coinage of the Constitution, ■ the oppressed of every nation, have ever and a circulating medium convertible into such money without loss. Asserting the equality of all men before the law, we hold been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith,'' we, nevertheless, do not sanction the importation of foreign labor or the ad- that it is the duty of the Government in its 1 mission of servile races unfitted by habits, dealings with the people to mete out equal j training, religion or kindred forabsorption and exact justice to all citizens, of whatever nativity, race, color or persuasion, religious or political. We believe in a free ballot and a fair count and we recall to the mem- ory of the people the noble struggle of the Democrats in the Forty-fifth and Forty- sixth Congresses, by which a reluctant Re- publican opposition was compelled to as- sent to legislation making everywhere illegal the presence of troops at the polls, as the conclusive proof that a Democratic admin- istration will preserve liberty with order. The selection of federal officers for the ter- ritories should be restricted to citizens pre- viously resident therein. We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizen and interfere with individual liberty. We favor honest civil service reforms and the com- pensation of all United States officers by ^ fixed salaries; the separation of church / and state, and the diffusion of free educa- vtion by common schools, so that every child in the land may be taught the rights and duties of citizenship. While we favor all legislation which will tend to the equi- table distribution of property, to the pre- vention of monopoly and to the strict en- forcement of individual rights against cor- porate abuses, we hold that the welfare of society depends upon a scrupulous regard for the rights of property as defined by law. We believe that labor is best rewarded where it is freest and most enlightened. It should therefore be fostered and cherished. We favor the repeal of all laws restricting the free action of labor, and the enactment of laws by which labor organizations may be incorporated, and of all such legislation as will tend to enlighten the people as to the true relation of capital and labor. We believe that the public lands ought, as far into the great body of our people or for the citizenship which our laws confer. American civilization demands that against the immigration or importation of Mongolians to these shores our gates be closed. The Democratic party insists that it is the duty of the Government to protect with equal fidelity and vigilance the rights of its citizens, native and natur- alized, at home and abroad, and, to the end that this protection may be assured, United States papers of naturalization issued by courts of competent jurisdiction must be respected by the executive and legislative departments of our own Gov- ernment and by all foreign powers. It is an imperative duty of this Government to efficiently protect all the rights of persons and property of every American citizen in foreign lands, and demand and enforce full reparation for any invasion thereof. An American citizen is only responsible to his own Government for any action done in his own country or under her flag, and can only be tried, therefore, on her own soil and according to her laws, and no power exists in this Government to expa- triate an American citizen to be tried in any foreign land for any such act. This Country has never had a well de- fined and executed foreign policy save un- der Democratic administration. The policy has ever been, in regard to foreign nations, so long as they do no act detrimental to the interests of the country or hurtful to our citizens, to let them alone. That, as the result of this policy, we recall the ac- quisition of Louisiana, Florida, California, and of the adjacent Mexican territory by purchase alone and contrast these grand acquisitions of Democratic statesmanship as possible, to be kept as homesteads for ; ^ith the purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit actual settlers, that all unearned lands, ' of a Republican administration of nearly a heretofore improvidently granted to rail- quarter of a century, road corporations by the action of the Re- publican party, should be restored to the public domain, and that no more grants of land shall be made to corporations, or to be allowed to fall into the ownership of j other great water ways of the Republic, so alien absentees. We are opposed to all as to secure for the interior states easy and propositions which, upon any pretext, 1 cheap transportation to tidewater. Under would convert the general Government a long period of Democratic rule and into a machine for collecting taxes to be I policy our merchant marine was fast over- distributed among the states, or the citizens 1 taking and on the point of outstripping thereof. Federal Responsibilities. The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mississippi River and 80 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. that of Great Britain. Under twenty years of Republican rule and policy our com- merce has been left to British bottoms, and almost has the American flag been swept off the high seas. Instead of the Republi- can party's British policy, we demand for the people of the United States an Ameri- can policy. Under the Democratic rule and policy, our merchants and sailors, flying the stars and stripes in every port, successfully searched out a market for the varied products of American industry. Under a quarter of a century of Republi- can rule and policy, despite our manifest advantages over all other nations in high paid labor, favorable climate and teeming soils ; despite freedom of trade among all these United States ; despite their popula- tion by the foremost races of men and an annual immigration of the young, thrifty and adventurous of all nations ; despite our freedom here from the inherited bur- dens of life and industry in old world mon- archies, their costly war navies, their vast tax-consuming, non-producing standing armies ; despite twenty years of peace, that Republican rule and policy have managed to surrender to Great Britain, along with our commerce, the control of the markets of the world. Instead of the Republican party's Bri- tish policy, we demand in behalf of the American Democracy, an American policy ; instead of the Republican party's discred- ited scheme and false pretenses of friend- ship for American labor expressed by im- posing taxes, we demand in behalf of the Democracy, freedom for American labor, by reducing taxes to the end that these United States may compete with unhin- dered powers for the primacy among na- tions in all the arts of peace and fruits of liberty. With profound regret we have been ap- prised by the venerable statesman.through whose person was struck that blow at the vital principle of republics (acquiescence in the will of the majority), that he cannot permit us again to place in his hands the leadership of the Democratic hosts, for the reason that the achievement of reform in the administration of the Federal Govern- ment is an undertaking now too heavy for his age and failing strength. Rejoicing that his life has been prolonged until the general j udgment of our fellow-countrymen is united in the wish that wrong were righted in his person for the Democracy of the United States, we offer to him, in his withdrawal from public cares, not only our respectful sympathy and esteem, but also that best homage of freemen, the pledge of our devotion to the principles and the cause now inseparable in the his- tory of the Republic from the labors and the name of Samuel J. Tilden. With this statement of the hopes, principles and pur- poses of the Democratic party the great issue of reform and change in administra- tion is submitted to the people in calm confidence that the popular voice will pro- nounce in favor of new men and new and more favorable conditions for the growth of industry, the extension of trade, the em- ployment and due reward of labor and of capital, and the general welfare of the whole country. THE ISSUES OF 1884. The Democratic party with its long his- toric record, reaching back to the primi- tive days of the Repubhc, has so often asserted its fundamental principles, and in the administration of the government has so fully defined its policy that a passing notice is all that is necessary to present them to the reader. Its maxim of " the greatest good to the greatest number" has been the prominent idea of the party since the days of Jefferson, and hence its great following by the masses of the laboring classes. The Democratic party as the representative of free institutions, or of a government of the people, became from the beginning the natural antagonist of aristocracy, and the champion of legiti- mate industry. It not only welcomed to our shores the oppressed of other nations, but after clothing them with the garb of citizenship it has stood between labor and capital, demanding an equitable division of their joint earnings. To hold in check the syndicates of capital, and to compel corporations to deal justly with employees, has ever been its aim and end. The great national doctrines enunciated by Jefferson, whose broad and practical views gave our nation a home prosperity and a foreign prestige, still form the key- stone of the Democratic arch through which the present millions march onward to a bright future. To preserve national honor, to perpetuate our institutions as handed down to us by the noble framers of our government, to give stability to in- dustry and trade, to legislate for the whole nation and not for a chosen few — these are a few of the prominent ideas of the Demo- cratic party. Individual interests will differ ; the different callings of life beget a friction, and cause collisions between rival elements. Governments when just, in- stead of favoring one interest to the pre- judice of others, bring about such a com- promise as aids all by protecting all. 6 The two great political parties substan- tially agree as to the true intent and pur- pose of government. They both declare their purpose to be to secure the perpetuity of our institutions, the prosperity of our peo- ple, and the rapid and safe development of our resources. Each recognizes the constitutional rights of our people, and the supremacy of legal enactments in ac- cordance therewith. Executive officers and legislators without regard to party must protect and defend our institutions, and carry on the government as they shall deem best for its present and future good. It is at this point that party lines diverge on the question of policy. The division is not as to what we need as a nation, but as to the best way to secure it. Thus, we need money to carry on the government, but the ciuestion as to the best way to pro- cure it is probably the real dividing line between the great parties. At the present time our receipts are from duties on im- ports, from . internal revenue taxes, and from the sale of public lands. As regards the money raised by the taxation of articles produced in our own country, there is a large following in both the Democratic and Republican parties that the necessity for said tax no longer exists, and its collection should be discontinued. Protection la-ws are unstable. An essential of a just law is that it af- fects all alike, and measured from this stand point our tariff legislation is undoubt- edly very unjust. Protection instead of being designed for the common good, is special and discriminating, and is there- fore partial. It favors the one at the ex- pense of the other, and all tariff legislation having a view to protect must necessarily do so. When it discards favoritism and ceases to discriminate, it cannot protect, because a law which affords equal protec- tion to all the home industries would leave them in precisely the same condition as if 81 82 THE ISSUES OF 1884. they had no legal protection. As has been truly said, " the attempt to protect every- thing protects nothing. The history of our country shows further, that these par- tial laws cannot be permanent, and the knowledge that they are liable to change at any session of Congress tends to dis- organize business and thus destroy the ge- neral prosperity. Capitalists are slow to invest in any business, which is subject to the mutations of popular legislation, thus placing them and those whom they employ at the mercy of each congressional dele- gation. A tariff which favors one class to- day, may be changed to favor another to- morrow, and thus capitalists become bank- rupt and labor is paralyzed under the hy- pocritical name of protection. The De- mocratic party is pledged against such fa- voritism, and sham protection, and favors such tariff legislation as will give stability to all our industries, and through that, prosperity to the whole country. What the country needs is a rest from such legis- lation as vainly strives to regulate that which is only governed by the stern laws of supply and demand, when business will take its natural channel, labor receive its proper compensation, and prosperity will bless and restore what protective laws have blasted. TKe Duties are Principally Paid by tlie Consumer. Those who advocate a Protective Tariff assert that the importer pays the duty, and thus foreign Governments pay the principal portion of our taxes. The absurdity of this proposition is evident from the fact that if it were true, all nations would im- mediately resort to such a tariff in order that they might be relieved from taxation. But even for a moment admitting it to be true, no possible benefit could be derived from such a system, as the reciprocal fea- ture would require us to pay the taxes of other nations in the same amount that they might pay ours. It may be laid down as a verity, that the consumer of an article pays its full value, including all costs and charges in- cident to its production and delivery to the last purchaser, and hence whatever we consume of foreign product or manufac- ture we pay for to the uttermost farthing. We are even obliged to pay more than the value in a foreign market with the duties and freight added, because these commo- dities of necessity pass through more hands than domestic produce, and each demands his percentage on the actual cost. The wealthy who can afford to purchase in large quantities of first hands, purchase at less rates than the poor who are compelled to buy in small quantities, at much higher rates, and hence the laboring poor of the country, who are least able to pay, have to bear the major part of this taxation. Duties on imports are therefore a direct tax on the labor of the country much more oner- ous and unjust to the poor than a direct taxation would be. To put the case plainly, the consumer of an imported article pays, in addition to its market price at home, the expense of transportation and insur- ance, the amount of duty levied under the tariff law, the cost of maintaining our cus- tom houses and their accessories, the com- missions of agents, the percentage of wholesale dealers, the profits of jobbers, and the augmented prices of the retail dealers, so that the original price is often quadrupled ere it is purchased by the sweat of labor. It compounds its rates as it passes from hand to hand, and the consumer must pay both principal and interest. But the Protectionist replies, that not- withstanding this, the consumer purchases at a cheaper rate than he can buy the same goods manufactured at home — that foreign manufacturers must undersell our market before they can find purchasers. If this were true, it would successfully re- fute the position taken by the Democratic Party on the tariff question, and com- pletely disarm the opponents of Protec- tion so far as this principle applies. But it is not the fact, as may be shown in a single sentence. The idea that goods manufactured in the old countries are su- perior to ours, is entertained by a great majority of our people, and hence they are willing to pay a higher price for them than for similar articles made at home. There was a time when the proposition was true, but the rapid development of the country, and its advance in all the skilled industries, enables it now to make almost THE ISSUES OF 18S4. 83 every article of utility or luxury as good as it is made abroad. 15ut the prejudice still exists, and it is kept alive by the agents of foreign establishments, so that in many cases foreign trash is purchased in prefer- ence to home staples, because it is " im- ported," and thus foreign goods in many cases do not compete with our own, but are purchased at higher prices under the delusive impression that they are superior because of foreign manufacture. A Pro- tective Tariff with its school of trained theorists, and its army of officers fed and fattened out of fees is the breeder of this fallacy, through which our manufacturers suffer more than if they were exposed to an open competitive market. A lady will pay 53-00 per yard for an imported silk no better in quality than that produced at home and sold for $2.00 per yard, because it is " imported." A gentleman pays $50 for a suit ot imported fabric, inferior in quality to what he can obtain for $}^ of American make. The Cincinnati hog mer- chant sells bacon at 8 cents per pound, but knowing this sophistry by which for- eign goods are sold, he ships it to Belfast, and then re-ships it to New York, and obtains 20 cents a pound for his genuine Irish Bacon. Protection does not Protect. So long as we are schooled to the belief that goods manufactured in foreign coun- tries are superior to our own, and we are willing to pay enhanced prices for them, protection cannot protect our industries. Apart from this it may be conceded that some of our industries are temporarily stimulated by protective duties, and that producers thereby realize large profits on their products, but it is done at the ex- pense of the domestic consumers who pay the increased price. Protection proposes to promote industry at the expense of the products of industry, and justifies the in- creased expenditure on the grounds that the additional amount paid would have been expended for something else. It is impossible for such a tariff to equally pro- tect capital and labor, which, although in one sense are so closely allied, yet at the same time have antagonistic interests. Capital without labor is non-producing — labor without the aid of capital is inopera- tive. But the unity of interest ceases here, and the contest between the two elements begins. Capital desires cheap labor in order to produce cheap goods. Labor de- sires such remuneration as will secure the necessities of life at fair prices, and asks for an equitable division of profits. If our import system makes the capitalist wealthy and the operative poor, or vice versa, it is not equitable, and cannot add to the gen- eral prosperity. Whenever it protects the one at the expense of the other it is working a personal and a public evil. The Demo- cratic Party resists this protective policy on the grounds that it is neither practical, equitable nor honest. It is directly in the interest of corporations, of capitalists and syndicates of speculators. It protects that which can protect itself, and leaves the laboring poor at the mercy of soulless money making corporations. It protects the one by laying tribute on every article that enters into competition with his busi- ness ; it secures for him the entire home market for his goods, and enables him to fix his prices on what he sells, under the plea of Protection to American Industry, while at the same time it allows him to supplant American labor which demands fair wages with cheap labor from abroad. There is no protective tariff on labor — the foreign workman comes in free of duty, and at low wages drives home labor from its callings. If a tariff is intended to pro- tect American labor, it must not only tax the products of foreign labor, but also the labor itself when employed in this country, otherwise it cannot protect our own indus- try. It is in behalf of American labor that the Democratic Party opposes a tariff for the protection of capital at the expense of the working man. A manufactory in this country filled with foreign operatives em- ployed at lower prices than are paid to native labor, is the class of industry that is protected by our tariff, and on account of which hundreds of millions of dollars are annually paid by our consumers. The products of such an establishment are as truly foreign as though they had been manufactured in Sheffield or Lyons. The natural effect of such a tariff is, first, to force native labor out of employment, and 84 THE ISSUES OF 1884. second, to tax the people of the country for thus depressing our industries. A Protective Tariff Is on the Principle of Slavery. The great value of property is the right to exchange it for the property of another, as by this exchange both parties are bene- fited — each disposing of what he does not need, and receiving that which he does need, and any system of law that denies to an individual or a people the rights of exchange, violates the great principle of liberty. As well might government deter- mine what you should make, as how you should dispose of the products of your labor. It might as well dictate who should be merchants, mechanics, or artisans, as to direct as to the sale or exchange of their goods. "No man can be free," says an able writer, "who, by arbitrary enactment is not allowed, in trying to exchange his products for another, to obtain all that the laws of value acting freely would give him ; or who has some part of the pro- duct of his labor arbitrarily taken from him for the use and enjoyment of some other man who has not earned it. The argument that is generally put forth by the advocates of the policy of protec- tion, in justification of legislation restricting freedom of exchange, or in defence of the pithily expressed proposition that "it is oetter to compel an individual to buy a hat for five dollars, rather than to allow him to purchase it for three, is that any prcseiit loss or injury resulting from such restriction to the individual will be more than compensated to him, or to society, through some future and indirect accruing benefit. But it should be borne in mind that this is the same argument that has always been made use of in past times as a warrant for every crime against liberty It ought not therefore to be a matter of surprise, that the intellectuality of this lat- ter third of the nineteenth century, recog- nizing the antagonism of any other position to the great cause of human progress, should have ranged itself by an over- whelming majority on the side of indus- trial and commercial freedom, equally and for like reasons and motives as it has on the side of intellectual, religious and politi- cal freedom ; that no man intellectually great by general acknowledgment, who has given any special attention to this sub- ject, and who is not avowedly working in tlie interests of despotism, or private gain, can be pointed out in either hemisphere, that is not unqualifiedly in favor of remov- ing speedily and to the greatest extent compatible with the requirements of gov- ernments for revenue, all restrictions on the commercial intercourse of both nations and individuals ; and that there is not to- day a first-class college or institution of learning in the whole world which would admit or invite to its chair of political economy, a person who theoretically be- lieved in the theory or expediency of re- stricting exchanges as a means of increas- ing popular welfare and abundance." Tlie Party opposed to Centralization of Power. The Democratic party opposes a protec- tive tariff because it tends to a centralization of power not warranted by the Constitu- tition. In countries where the government is a despotism, without any limitation or restraint, such a policy would be in strict accordance with its powers, but under a free government, where the powers of the ruler are the vested rights of the people, it is a question whether its legislators have the right to levy discriminating taxes other than to defray public expenditures. As ours is a government of the people, for the people as a whole, and not for any particu- lar portion or class, it becomes a question whether any legislation discriminating be- tween them, and thus affecting their rights as citizens is not a direct violation of our Constitution. At all events it is commit- ting a wrong upon one class to benefit another, and is not equitable, if legal. It takes from those who can least afford to pay, and gives to those who do not need it. WUat tlie Supreme Court says. The Democratic policy as regards this great question cannot be more accurately stated, than in the words of Justice Miller, of the Supreme Court of the United States, in an opinion of that Court, given in Wal- lace Reports, volume xx. " The theory of our governments. State and National, is opposed to the deposit of unlimited power anywhere. The executive, the legislative THE ISSUES OF 18S4. 85 and the judicial branches of these govern- ments are all of limited and defined powers. They are limitations of such powers which grow out of the essential nature of all free governments ; implied reservation of individual rights, without which the social compact could not exist, which is respected by all governments entidcd to the name. Of all the powers con- ferred upon governments that of taxation is most liable to abuse. Given a purpose or object for which taxation may be law- fully used, and the extent of its exercise is in its very nature unlimited. This power can as readily be employed against one class of individuals and in favor of another, so as to ruin the one class and give un- limited wealth and prosperity to the other, if there are no implied limitations of the uses for which the power may be exercised. To lay with one hand the power of the government on the property of the citizen, and with the other to bestow it upon favored individuals to aid private enter- prise and build up private fortunes, is none the less robbery because it is done under the forms of the law and is called taxation. This is not legislation ; it is a decree under legislative forms. Nor is it taxation. Be- yond a cavil there can be no lawful tax which is not laid for a public purpose. It may not be easy to draw the line in all cases so as to decide what is a public pur- pose in this sense and what is net. If it be said that a benefit results to the local public of a town, by establishing manufac- tures, the same may be said of any other business or pursuit which employs capital or labor. The merchant, the mechanic, the inn-keeper, the banker, the builder, the steamboat owner, are equally promoters of the public good and equally deserving the aid of the citizens by forced contribu- tions. No line can be drawn in favor of the manufacturer which would not open the public treasury to the importunities of two-thiids of the business men of the city or town." Here is an exposition of Democratic doctrine given by the Supreme Court within ten years, to which there was but one dissenting opinion. It confirms the great party principle that protection to aid private interests in manufacturing or in any other line of business is beyond the province of State and National govern- ments, and when such legislation is had, to use the words of Justice Miller, " it is none the less robbery because it is done under •^he forms of law, and is called taxation." A distinguished judge of the Supreme Court of Michigan in his work on the "Principles of Constitutional Law," says : " Constitutionally a tax can have no other basis than the raising of a revenue for pub- lic purposes, and whatever governmental action has not this basis is tyrannical and unlawful. A tax on imports, therefore, the purpose of which is not to raise a revenue, but to discourage and indirectly prohibit some particular import for the benefit of some home manufacture, may well be questioned as being merely colora- ble, and, therefore, not warranted by Constitutional principles." Another learned jurist says " If there is any proposition about which there is an entire and uniform weight of judicial authority, it is that taxes are to be imposed for the use of the people of the State in the varied and manifold purposes of gov- ernment, and not for private objects or the special benefit of individuals. The State cannot discriminate among occupa- tions, for a discrimination in favor of one is a discrimination adverse to all others. While the State is bound to protect all, it ceases to give that just protection when it affords undue advantages, or gives special and exclusive preferences to particular individuals and particular and special industries at the cost and charge of the rest of the community." Does Protection Increase Wages T The argument advanced that we need a Protective tariff in order that our laborers may receive fair wages, is another of the fallacies adduced by the Republican party in order to control the votes of the opera- tives in our manufactories. It is asserted that in the absence of this protective policy the influx of foreign goods at low prices will first reduce the rates of labor, and finally compel the manufacturers to close their business. When we reflect that only a very small percentage of our people are engaged in occupations which admit of being protected against foreign competi- se THE ISSUES OF 1884. tion, it is also important to observe how ver}"- few of the many products of home manufacture can possibly be directly bene- fited by a protective tariff. That which can be exported promptly and regularly, and sold in competition abroad with sim- ilar foreign products, cannot be directly benefited by any tariff legislation — on the contrary it must prove a decided detri- ment. The influx of foreign goods does not affect the general result, for supposing that in consequence of the abandonment of protection, large quantities of foreign goods should come to our market, they must be sold and paid for, before they can compete with our own. They are not given away to the people for nothing. Product for product is the imperative law of ex- change, and we can only purchase from abroad, with what we produce at home, and hence the absurdity of the proposition that without a protective tariff we should be deluged with foreign goods. The whole question is met with the self-evident fact that if more goods are imported under a low tariff than under a high one, we must produce more at home to enable us to pur- chase them, in which case our domestic industries would be stimulated and in- creased, or else we must obtain a higher price for what we manufacture and pro- duce, either of which would add to our national prosperity. We cannot purchase foreign goods unless we have the money, and that money must be obtained through our own industry. The whole thing is compensation because people as a rule purchase only what they need, and what they have the money to buy. Labor is not for labor, but for its recompense, and human wants multiply just as the means to gratify them are obtained. The luxuries of one generation become the necessities of the succeeding one, so that if the price of labor was cjuadrupled, the demand for additional comforts and luxuries would increase in the same ratio. The cheaper goods are, the more will be consumed, and nothing is more irra- tional than the supposition that the cheap- ness of goods, or the increased ability to purchase, diminishes or restricts the oppor- tunity to labor. To quote a standard authority : "Wages arc the laborers' share of product." Nojemployer of labor can con- tinue for any great length of time to pay wages, unless his product is large. If it is not, and he attempts it, it is only a ques- tion of time when his affairs will be wound up by the sheriff. Or, on the other hand, if a high rate of wages continues perma- nently to be paid in any industry and in any country, it is in itself proof positive that the product of labor is large, that the laborer is entitled to a generous share of jt, and that the employer can afford to give it to him. And if to-morrow the tariff of the United States was swept out of exist- ence, this natural advantage which, sup- posing the same skill and intelligence, is the sole advantage which the American laborer has over his foreign competitor, would not be diminished to the extent of the fraction of an iota. Consider for ex- ample, the American agriculturist. He pays higher wages than his foreign com- petitor. In fact the difference between the wages paid in agriculture in the United States and Europe are greater than in any other form of industry. The tariff cannot help him, but by increasing the cost of all his instrumentalities of production, greatly injures him. With a surplus product in excess of any home demand to be dis- posed of, no amount of other domestic mdustry can determine his prices. How then can he undersell all the other nations and at the same time greatly prosper indi- vidually ? Simply because of his natural advantages of sun, soil and climate, aided by cheap transportation and the use of ingenious machinery, which combined give him a greater product in return for his labor than can be obtained by the laborers in similar competitive industries in any other country. What has he to ask of government other than that it will interfere with him to the least possible extent ? " Hon. E. Crossland, of Kentucky, in his speech in the House of Representa- tives, March 16, 1872, thus defines the pro- tective policy : We have heard all our lives politicians argue that American industry, American manufactures, and American labor must be protected. What does this mean, the people inquire? Why, simply this, "and THE ISSUES OF 1884. 87 nothing more" or less: that tlierc arc a few men in the United States who have money enough to buy machinery. They erect large factories and engage in the business of making iron and steel, manu- facturing salt, spinning and weaving cot- ton, and making cotton cloth, weaving and making woolen cloth, making leather, and manufacturing for wholesale shoes and boots, manufacturing books, paper, medicine, &c. Across the ocean, in Eng- land and other countries, there are men who are also engaged in manufacturing. They are willing to sell what they make at a small profit, and having more than there is a demand for at home, they desire to bring it over to this country and sell it to our people for small profits, or exchange it with them for bread and meat, tobacco, and other products of this country, each getting a fair price for their products ; but the American manufacturer wishes to sell his goods for more than their worth, and notwithstanding the fact that they are already protected by the wide waste of waters that lie between us and Scotland, England and Germany, by long, perilous and expensive transportation that foreign goods must pay, incited by greed and avarice, comes to Washington and makes his appeal to Congress for statutory pro- tection. And they, acting under the double influence of prejudice to foreigners and partiality for the home manufacturer, losing sight of the interest of the great majority engaged in other pursuits, enact laws, and say that before the foreign-made goods shall be sold to the people there must be paid an average of forty-eight per cent, on their value, so as to enable the American manufacturer to sell his goods for forty-eight per cent, more than they are worth, and in this no man under the sun is protected or benefitted except the owners of the money invested in the vari- ous branches of manufactures. It Shuts UH out from the Commerce of the AVorld. Besides, as I have said, this high taxa- tion on foreign products or manufactures drives them to seek markets where they are less taxed and restricted, and to ex- change them for such articles as they do not produce in such abundance as to sup- ply the liome demand; and in this way we drive off purchasers of our large sur- plus of products, and the farmer is obliged to sell his produce at home, where the supply largely exceeds the demand, and the consequence is he receives a low price for it. And under this most iniquitous system of exclusion the foreign goods are taxed so high that they do not come in quantities sufficient to make healthy com- petition. The manufacturer, having no competition, sells his goods for the highest prices, because the people cannot buy them elsewhere, and then, having no competition, no one to bid against him for the farmer's produce, he takes it at his own price ; and thus everything the peo- ple buy is high, and all they sell is low, and they are kept in poverty and the manufacturer made rich. Protectionists urge what they call the general prosperity of the people as an evidence that the tariff does not oppress them. We do see the people, by the hardest labor and the strictest economy, able to live; but what we do not see is the general prosperity that would pervade all classes when they could sell the results of their labor for good prices, and not then be obliged to pay away half or two thirds of it to the monopolists called manufacturers. Our farmers raised last year eighteen hundred million bushels of grain, and we exported less than seventy million bushels. The home market in the United States can never absorb this immense annual production ; a large surplus is inevitable, and must find a market somewhere, or the prosperity of this great class must end; and the cost of transportation from the farms to the markets is greatly increased by this unjust taxation. Railroad iron, cars and engines are all made of taxed articles; steamboats and all other means of transportation, from the farm-wagon to the grand steamers that plow the ocean main, all are taxed. The railroad compa- nies and steamboat owners must make profits on their investments, and to do this high freights must be charged, and all paid by the farmer. Here is an interest greater than all others in this land, an industry to which all classes must look for food; for bread and meat, identical with THE ISSUES OF 1884. all others, (except that of the monopolists ;) the class that feeds us all, ought it not above all others to be fostered and pro- tected? Yet you hear no application from the farmers or mechanics to oppress an- other class in their interests. No lobbyists are here asking the Committee of Ways and Means to tax other industries to pro- tect them; no, that sturdy class love jus- tice, and all they ask for is justice and fairness in life's great struggle. They are willing to labor and thus earn a livelihood ; all they ask is equality. Unlike the mo- nopolists, they ask for no exclusive privi- leges. Hon. Mr. Johnson presents the party views of Protection as follows : THe True Denultlon of Protection. I do not know how else to define protec- tion except to say that it is a cunningly devised scheme by which a portion and but a small portion of the community, under the pretense of raising a revenue for the support of the Government, get rich at the expense of the large majority of the people. That being the idea that I have of what constitutes protection, I will inquire for a moment, whom does it protect ? Unless it protects some considerable portion of the community, it ought not to be retained upon our statute-books ; and if it protects only a small part of the community at the expense of the great body of the people, still less ought it to be the policy of the country. I am unable to see whom it protects except the manufacturer himself. If a man converts raw cotton into cotton cloth, or if he converts iron ore into pig iron, he is the person to be protected. He gets the benefit of the duty which is assessed upon these articles when they are brought in from abroad ; but he is the only man who gets it ; nobody else does. It is simply the man whose capital is employed in con- verting the raw material into the manufac- tured article that gets the benefit of the duty. His employes, and every other man, woman, and child in the community suffers the loss for the benefit of this one man. While it protects him, it injures the farmer. the planter, the teacher, the mechanic, the lawyer, the doctor, the merchant, the laborer, and every other class of the com- munity. The Home Market Fallacy. One favorite theory of the protectionists is that they create a home market. Their idea is that the agricultural community must have a market here composed of manufacturers to sell their products to, and that the manufacturing community must in return sell their products to the farmers, and thus home markets will be created for both. But it must be apparent to everybody that this home market is entirely too small for either industry. You can never get a condition of things in this country in which all of its vast agricultural products can find a market here. We can never have enough manufacturers and attendant laborers to consume all that our rich lands in this great and extensive country can raise. There must be some market abroad, therefore, as well as a home market for our agricultural products. And if we did have manufacturers and attendant laborers enough to consume the surplus our farmers make, it is certain that they could manufacture infinitely more than the agricultural community could want or purchase. We could not sell enough to our whole people to make man- ufacturers entirely prosperous. We must have, therefore, to be prosperous, in addi- tion to the home market, a foreign market for our manufacturer as well as for our agricultural products. The scheme, then, of a home market as being sufficient and as affording all that we ought to ask, is of course not to be en- tertained. We must so arrange our sys- tem as to have not only a good home market, but at the same time a good foreign market, both for agricultural pro- ducts and manufactured articles. Our True Policy. It is manifest, therefore, that the policy of our country should be to cheapen pro- duction so that whatever we have got to sell we can sell in the markets of the world in competition with other manufac- turers. We should be ableto'go anywhere THE ISSUES OF 1884. 89 that England goes and sell our products at the same rate she sells hers. If we cannot do that we cannot compete with her. When we make the cost of produc- tions high, wc to that extent limit our market and exclude ourselves from the rest of the world. The protective system, of necessity, has the effect of withdrawing wealth from one portion of the community and concentrat- ing it in a particular class. The wealth of the country outside of the real estate is nearly a fixed quantity. It increases slowly with business. If, therefore, we legislate in such a way as to give one por- tion of the community a large share of this fixed quantity, as a matter of course it can only be done by abstracting it from the rest. But it is said that this not only benefits the manufiicturer but benefits the laborer, the employe of the manufacturer, because it enables the manufacturer to give him higher wages. Well, sir, wages, like every- thing else, are great or small by compari- son. A dime is just as good as a dollar when it will buy as much. It is no answer to say that in this country wages are a dollar, or a dollar and a half, or two dollars a day, and that in Europe they are less, unless the purchasing power of the dollar, or dollar and a half, or two dollars in this country is greater than the purchas- ing power of a smaller sum in Europe. While the nominal amount of wages may be greater, yet if their actual value is not greater the laborer is not benefited. But while the nominal value of wages is greater, yet all the expenses attending living are increased by this protective sys- tem. Why ? The laborer must have woolens, cottons, leather, and the products of these things to clothe himself and family ; he has to pay rent ; he has to pay taxes, and when he buys articles of prime necessity for his support, he buys them with the tariff duty added to their cost ; he buys them with the protective burden upon them ; he buys them at the increased price which is necessitated by the high rate of duties that is imposed upon them. If you give him a dollar a day and sell him cottons at twice as much as he can buy them for abroad you see at once that his wages, while nominally better, are not really so. The People ^vniit Kow I'rlrra. But, sir, against what docs protection protect? It only protects against low prices. The people want low prices ; they want everything they use at reasonable cost. When protection is asked for, it is a protection not against the English manu- facturer, but a protection against low prices. It is a protection against the right of the people to purchase what they want and must have on the best terms for them. It is a protection against the people living as easily as they can and at as little cost as possible. What else does protection secure? Do high tariffs produce low prices? That claim is astonishing. Unless it enables the manufacturer to sell his commodity at a higher price, how, I ask, is it possible to benefit even him? He says, "I am not getting enough for my goods; I make cottons, and I can only get ten cents a yard; I cannot afford to do that; I want protection ; fix your duty upon cottons so that I can get fifteen cents a yard, and then I will be protected." So a man who makes iron says, "I can only sell my iron at twenty dollars a ton, which does not pay ; but I can afford to make it if I can get twenty-five dollars a ton ; protect me, therefore, and let me get twenty-five dol- lars a ton." Unless protection has that effect, how does it benefit the manufac- turer? How can any one conceive it pos- sible that a man should be benefited unless he is enabled to sell his commodi- ties at a greater price than he did before ? It is said by the advocates of protection that it increases the wages of the laborers. How is that? If the wages of labor are raised, of course the cost of the article made must be enhanced. If the manu- facturer give his hands one dollar a day this month and two dollars a day next month, can he sell for less when the labor costs him two dollars than when it only costs him one ? They say, " Protect us and we can give higher wages." Higher wages, of course, indicate increased cost of production, and having given higher wages, and made your articles cost more 90 THE ISSUES OF 1884. than they would otherwise, we will still sell them for less than we did before." This proposition is one that hardly needs refutation. Hon. Mr. Garrett, of Tennessee, states the question as follows : In a Government like ours, instituted by the people, for the people, and under a written compact or Constitution ; sealed as ours has been by an expenditure of blood and treasure unequalled in the his- tory of the civilized world, whose territory extends over so vast an area, possessing so many diversified interests to be fostered and encouraged ; the task of providing laws equally just to all, it will be readily seen, is one difficult in the extreme, if not altogether impossible. The law-maker, then, should seek to evolve from all meas- ures brought to his consideration "the greatest good to the greatest number," and to do this his mind should be free from prejudices for or against any section or industry. The wants and wishes of the wealthy manufacturer, the merchant prince, or the lordly banker, should weigh no more with him, nay, not so much, as the wants and wishes of the humblest citi- zen, who, obeying the fiat of the great Ruler of the universe, " in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread " gathers a har- vest from the bosom of mother earth, delves beneath her surface to bring forth hidden riches, or in the workshop fashions the productions of the one or the other into articles of use or luxury ; and unless the legislator remembers and acts upon this principle he is unfaithful to his trust and unfit to represent a free people ; he has violated the theory of republican insti- tutions as well as his official oath. Now, what benefits have the people to show for this increased taxation ? Where are the great internal improvements, the in- creased facilities for commerce or for education that should result from this ex- penditure ? Nowhere but upon paper pro- jects, which these proteges of the Govern- ment have inaugurated, and the funds for carrying which into execution they have wrung from an impoverished people and stole". "What Mr. Kerr Says : The gentleman from Pennsylvania pro- tests that he wishes to legislate in the interests of the whole country ; and he boasts of the comfortable homes of his bounty-fed neighbors, their well-furnished parlors, their pianos, and other musical instruments, and their comfortable houses lighted with gas, supplied with hot and cold water, well carpeted, and filled with convenient and handsome furniture. If this boast is well founded, whose bounty enables them thus to enjoy life ? If in these professions he is sincere, why does he not offer to reduce the taxes and bounty paid by the people on all these things which are indispensable to the general prosperity, happiness and improvement of the people? Why does he cling with such hungry tenacity to grossly protective taxes on copper, iron, steel, lumber, leather, all kinds of clothing, carpeting, earthenware, glassware, and nearly every- thing that protectionists manufacture ? Why does he constantly defend laws which discriminate against agriculture ? Is he willing that the common people of the South and West, the millions of com- mon laborers mechanics, and farmers all over the country, may live in log huts, poor-houses, with no parlors, no carpets, no pianos, no comforts beyond the hard necessities of mere life and toil ? Does he want to keep them in such conditions by compelling them to pay bountiful tribute to the petted and pampered favorites of this State and city ? That is his way of legislating for " the whole country." I repel it, and denounce it as unjust, sec- tional, selfish, and lawless. I plead for the poor, for the sons of toil, for the "hewers of wood and drawers of water," and demand equal laws, equal burdens, taxation for revenue only, and justice for all. Robert J. Walker, then Secretary of the Treasury, in his great report of Decem- ber 3, 1845, uttered a pregnant truth when he said : " A protective tariff is a question regard- ing the enhancement of the profits of capital, and not the augmentation of the wages of labor, It is a question of per- THE ISSUES OF 1884. 91 centage, and is to decide whether money vested in our manufactures shall, by special legislation, yield a profit of ten, twenty or thirty per cent., or whether it shall remain satisfied with dividends equal to those accruing from the same capital invested in agriculture, commerce, or navigation." TIic EtTvct on Agriculture. The products of agriculture in the coun- try at large cannot be otherwise than injuriously affected by tariffs. This has been the uniform experience of our country. It was the experience of Great Britain, now admitted by all her statesmen and economic writers. Give agriculture abso" lute freedom from Government interfer- ence, with moderate taxation for revenue alone, and its prosperity will be certain, speedy, and permanent. But protective tariffs discriminate against it and in favor of manufactures. It is compelled to pay them tribute to swell their generous profits and diminish its own moderate earnings. The commodities they consume are con- stantly aggravated in price by the tariff, and their own products of the soil are made to cost them very much more than they should ; and they are thus left at the mercy of the favored manufacturers, who, by the gross and criminal partiality of the Government, are enabled to dictate prices, to monopolize the markets, to keep out competition, and by enhancement of the cost of production to make successful foreign commerce impossible. By the increased cost of production in our country, caused chiefly by the tariff, but in part also by our depreciated currency, we are always at a disadvantage in all the great markets of other countries. Thus the pro- tected few in this country are able to regulate directly the prices the people shall pay them for their manufactureo products, and indirectly to exclude the farmers and other producers of values from the markets of the world. Protection in our country has produced more poverty than it ever relieved. Penn- sylvania and Massachusetts, that have for ten years confessed themselves dependent for material well-being and prosperity upon the bounty of the whole country, and have levied tribute to the extent of many hun- dred millions of dollars upon all the people, have more poverty, more pauperism, more embarrassed poor to-day than ever before in their history except in periods of finan- cial crises or from causes having no imme- diate connection with tariffs. To-day wc have an average of over two hundred thousand constant paupers in our country, notwithstanding our boundless territory and youthful vigor and inexhaustible re- sources, and we spend in their subsistence and protection out of public .-evenues over $11,000,000 annually, and in private and voluntary charities many millions more. Protective and restrictive laws, under one name and pretense or another, continued for centuries, are the potential causes of so much pauperism in the countries of the Old Worid. Out of those laws arose systems and institutions oppressive to the poor and the multitude. By their aid, the few increased in revenues, powers, titles, and dignity, at the expense of the people. Mr. Atkinson, a very intelligent man- ufacturer and revenue reformer, whose statements are always worthy of the ut- most respect, says : " I think it cannot be denied that al- though wages are nominally higher, yet very many workingmen and women find themselves compelled to work as many hours for no better shelter and subsistence than before these great improvements (in machinery) had been made. I think it cannot be denied that it is more impru- dent for young people to be married than it used to be, even if they are free from luxurious nonsense ; that men of moderate means and small salaries find it more and more difficult to live in comfort and inde- pendence. I think it cannot be denied that society is becoming sorted into classes, more clearly divided, and each knowing and caring less about the other than ever before. I think it cannot be denied that the chief benefit of our progress in the useful arts in the last ten years has inured to the few and not to the many, and that this inequitable distribution is due to bad laws." TUe Rights of Labor. Tariffs for protection are direct assaults upon the personal liberty of labor. There 92 THE ISSUES OF 1884. is an element of tyranny and brigandage in every one. The right to Hve and to labor is no more inherent, original, and sacred than the right to control and dis- pose of the fruits of labor. The right to buy or sell where you please is no more undeniable than the right of immunity from assault and battery at the hands of every strong man you meet. Free ex- change of the products of different lands and sections among men is no less neces- sary for the well-being of individuals and society than is free action of the atmos- phere to the health of human beings. Then why shall Government deny these sacred rights ? Is Government wiser in the practical affairs of life than all the members who compose society ? Has it any right to take the earnings of one and give them to another ? That would be to take property without compensation. All men are equal in elementary rights. It is infamous, it is tyranny for Government to have favorites among its citizens. Nothing but the brutal sophism that "might makes right" can justify such a thing. Labor, and the true friends of labor, must learn these great principles. They are eternal and beneficent as truth itself. Natural justice demands that the Gov- ernment shall be supported by the citizens in proportion to their ability to pay. Taxa- tion should bear a just relation to the property of the tax-payer. If this honest policy were adopted, the poor would pay a very moderate portion of the revenues. The dividends of the rich and the monopo- lists would be diminished by larger contri- butions to the Government. But under our present cruel tariff, the poor, the great body of consumers, the agriculturists and arti- sans, are compelled to pay both taxes and tribute, to contribute the bulk of the public revenue and also to fill the plethoric cof- fers of the monopolists with bounty. This is outrageous robbery and will not always be endured by freemen. Favored classes may as well now take warning that per- sistence in such policy will sooner or later lead to fimdamental changes in our system of taxation, whereby property, and not poverty and necessity, shall be made to support the Government. The sons of toil cannot be forever deceived or enslaved. either in mind or body. With their intel- ligent awakening may come a conflict, bitter but just, whose result will vindicate their rights. The time approaches in our country when the bounty fed few "who pay tribute to the Lord out of the pockets of the poor," must do justice, or themselves suffer wrongs. Wliat Mr. Brlglit says. Hon. John M. Bright declares that what- ever trifle the manufacturer may agree to pay he gets a thousand-fold remuneration in the royal protection of his Government. He is on the inside of the gates of commerce, and escapes the duty tribute to the support of his Government. The farmer, mechanic* and day laborer are the consumers of dutiable goods, and thus they pay the taxes for the support of the Government. The manufacturer's neck has never been indurated by the yoke of taxation. He chafed and fretted under the income tax until the Government gently lifted it off. This is bad enough, but it is not all. The farmer, mechanic, and laborer have not only to support the Government and pay its debts, but, on the top of these, they, in the consumption of protected goods, pay bounty and support the manufacturers in pompous munificence, who, under shelter of the Government, can raise the price of their goods to the high water mark of pro- tection. This protection is in the nature of a pension bounty, which goes to the manu- facturer and not to the Government. The Government does not have the nioney to pay, and it can afford to be liberal at the people's expense. Of course the manu- facturers do not complain of a burden which they do not feel. The result is that the manufacturer is not only exempted from paying a fair pro- portion to the expenses of the Government, but through the artificial contrivance of the tariff he is sluicing and making enor- mous profits out of the other industries of the country. Any system which works out such a result is manifestly wrong and calls for a remedy. The pretext which called the protective policy into existence in our Government has long since ceased to exist. The doctrine was founded in the idea that it was a national duty to eucour- THE ISSUES OF 18S4. or age the home manufacture of war materials to make us independent of foreign nations. When we grew to be great and powerful, and wc were ashamed to own a ridiculous timidity, the protectionists changed the cry into protection for American labor ! The manufacturer, with the bleating elo- quence of a starveling calf, was let to the Government udder, and he has been tug- ging away since, until he has grown to huge proportions, and now moves about with a lumbering, pig-metal tread, roaring like a very bull of Bashan, full-horned, and goring every other industry from tlic Government manger. But it is not our purpose to make war on our manufacturing interests, but on the vicious policy of our Government, which victimizes other interests for their protec- tion. Free trade, restricted by a purely revenue tariff, is, in fact, not the antagonist of manufacturing industry. By its liberal policy it opens up new fields of trade, gives expansion to consumption, stimulates de- mand, elicits additional capital, demands larger quantities of raw materials, emjiloys more operatives, invigorates commerce, swells the volume of importations, and multiplies the comforts of all the people. Our manufacturers, with their exemption from revenue duties, with the incidental protection of a purely revenue tariff, and the natural protection of the three thousand miles of waves which roll between us and Europe and the four thousand miles be- tween us and China, will still occupy the highest vantage ground of any other American industry. But it seems that some of our manufac- turers have been so long protected with Government bounty that they claim it by prescriptive right, and would extract their tribute from the other industries, with the insane and uncalculating cupidity of one "who would burn his neighbor's house to roast his own eggs." Then let the Government retrench its extravagance, lay its tariff for revenue alone, and with a benign policy, like the cope of heaven, span every department of industry alike ; and while the land may tremble with rumbling machinery, let the tariff blockades be struck down to give vent to our redundant commerce ; let our argosies be turned loose to climb tlic waves of every sea, and go touching at every island, landing at every coast, sweeping every continent, gathering up the wealth of the Old World, and returning to empty their treasures into the lap of our own country. Hon. Mr. Read's views: I now desire to call the attention of the House for a short time to the subject of the present Ouerontt TarlfT, which is oppressing the people of the country so sorely. I would like, if I had the time, to investigate and analyze that subject thoroughly, or so far as my feeble ability would permit. I have the figures and facts before me, and if arranged in proper form, they would ptartle the tax- payers and consumers of the whole coun- try ; but I am admonished to confine my remarks to results, and put the facts in an aggregated form. The tariff is a source of raising revenue for the purpose of defraying the expenses of Governments. It has been a question that has given the statesmen of both this country and Europe for many years great thought and attention. The object of all patriots and statesmen should be to pro- cure for themselves and posterity the best form of government, and devise ways and means by which their Government can be best supported and give contentment to its subjects. More discord and discontent has grown out of the manner in which taxes ought to be raised than that of all others. Internal discords and strife have arisen, and frequently produced in many instances by an honest misconception of the true policy to be pursued, but more frequently for the imposition, practiced on the people by scheming politicians, and with a desire to foster and make wealth at the expense of the many. The present tariff was procured by the capitalists and submitted to by a patriotic, patient, and law-abiding people. Civil war was pending; patriotism suggested that the integrity of the Union must at all hazards be maintained, and that it could not be without money. A hi^h tariff was suggested, which looked to the patriot that 94 THE ISSUES OF 1884. if put in practical operation it would yield more money than would be necessary to meet the exigencies of the war. A high protective tariff bill was passed by Con- gress, and to the astonishment of the uninitiated, the result of its operation fell far short of expectation ; a tax or tariff was placed on about four thousand articles of consumption, but the articles that yield revenue to the Government of any conse- quence are but few in number, say ten or fifteen; there may be a few more. The tariff had the effect to prohibit the impor- tation of articles of goods that the con- sumer needed and wanted, and built up and protected a monopoly the effect of which is burdensome. The people have submitted to a prohibition of the various needed articles of consumption, and the consumer was thus driven to make his purchases of supplies of the monopolists of the country, and thereby subjected to a tax on any article of supplies necessary to the comfort of themselves and families, ranging from fifty to three hundred and fifty per cent. But the Radicals say that this is not true ; that a protective tariff is necessary to enable us to compete with foreign coun- tries, and also to protect the laboring man and woman at home ; that if the tariff is reduced it will depress labor ; that we cannot compete with the pauper labor of foreign countries. God pity the poor la- borer and mechanic of other countries if they are in a worse condition than the operatives of the manufactories of this country. The poor have to live in other countries by their labor as well as ours, and they are fed as well as ours if the reports be true. Then how is it that the operatives can live cheaper in England and France than in this ? It is because nearly all the articles consumed by the laboring classes of those countries are governed by the laws of free trade, and the articles of consumption are therefore cheaper than what they are in this. Sub- jected to a tariff of protection let us for a moment examine and see the effect of the present tariff upon the articles consumed by the operatives, or a portion of them, thus consumed. "Wages of Labor not Helped Ity Taxation. Hon. William R. Morrison, of Illinois, the present Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in the House, in his speech of April 15, 1884, says: " During more than half of the last ten years wages have been as low or lower than before the adoption of the taxing policy as a pretended means of making wages higher. They are lower still when compared with the use which those who earn wages are compelled to make of them, for they must use them to obtain the means of comfortable living. Counted by what our laborers are able to accomplish and produce in quantities, and especially in values, wages here are but little more in many industries than the wages paid by our chief commercial rivals. There is but one horizontal reduction for which our opponents are willing to legislate — the re- duction of wages — and this their favorites, with or without regard to legislation, are now executing day by day with cruel reg- ularity. '* Of all the false pretenses with which protection mocks its victims the assumption that labor is helped or protected by taxing its earnings is the flimsiest. Protectionists, in common with our people, invite the sur- plus labor of all the world to come, un- taxed, unrestricted, free, and join us on equal terms and share in the profits of the wonderful heritage this newer world affords. The captains and masters of industry, if not masters of Congress as well, take to themselves protection of a very different kind — they tax the people at home that they may have no competition from abroad.'' liOW Tariff Develops the Country Most. When this is done manufacturing indus- tries may add something to the wealth of the nation by reason of the tribute which other nations must pay to its endless resources and the unrivalled skill and intelligence of its people. The grand aggregate of national wealth, counted in the census at $43,300,000,000 in 1880, was but ;{S26,46o,ooo,ooo in 1870. " Behold," exclaims the protectionist, " the results of our system which so multiplies and nearly doubles the wealth and national savings in a single decade." Further in- THr: ISSUES of 1884. 95 vcstigalion will show that in the ten years from 1850 to i86o with very low tariff taxes wealth was more than doubled, and that was the only decade in our history which doubled wealth. I'rotection has prevented this industry from bringing anything to the wealth of the country from abroad. Had manufacturing industry produced more that could be sold profitably abroad it might have better claim to the credit of the country's growth and development, when for its own prosperity it has been depen- dent upon other domestic industries. Hon. W. T. Hamilton declares agalnat an undue restrlctlou upon trade. When we consider that revenue is the primary object of this species of taxation, all these schemes to pervert it to the sub- servience of special interests are practical wrongs upon the people, and in principle altogether wrong. There can be no question but that un- der the Constitution the object of this spe- cies of taxation is revenue ; it must mean taxation, nothing more, nothing less. It cannot, in the philosophy and nature of things, mean that you lay this tax to pro- tect, or, if you please, encourage certain named branches of industry, and not to raise revenue. If no revenue were re- quired, and you possessed the power un- der the Constitution, I apprehend a far different system would prevail. Then the system of protection would be a question pure and simple, not embarrassed by du- ties for revenues, but the lcgi!>lation of the country would go directly to the main question itself, whether any or what com- modities should be imported at all, and under what restraints, if any, they shoild be allowed to be imported. This would open up a broad field for legislation, where the theories of protection could be carried out to their greatest extent, and where the industries, productions, and en- ergies of the citizen would be unhappily placed under the control of Congress. Fortunately for the country, fortunately for her great industrial interests, no such power has ever been exercised or claim- ed as a distinct substantive power under the Constitution. Is such a principle right in a Govern- ment claiming to be free, and where the primary object is claimed to be the benefit of man, and where he is supposed to be se- cure in the full enjoyment of the fruits of his toil and in deriving from it all the be- nefit and happiness he can ? Is this pro- tection the golden thought that has been rioting upon the common mind for centu- ries and for so many years in this country ? It is a finely formed, rotund, impressive, seductive word, gaudily, nay richly attired, veiled even as the Prophet of Khorassan, but when stripped it presents features nar- row and contracted, repulsive with low cunning, morbid selfishness, and base in- stincts. There is nothing in it broad, nor good, nor benevolent, nor liberal. 96 THE ISSUES OF TG84. r-c . .ClGoi--c»0't-cCTrciOTjHi-.cDco : C- (N ■^ i-> OJ O C-l r- C' o CO O :c ■: lOi-lClOC-^CNr-iCDr-l-^tOCOrH' W [M i-< "Mi-i r- f ■ Q00000^w*C:GO'0t-C0CNTj<-<^:cc0 < ■«*< O (N -t-+CO 03CCi-i^(NiO COCO'^iCr-'00— '0000as(M--C t- CN -r f-i I- O t- C-l lfOCN-^r~ "■" rH iM C^l rH r-i rH rH '*t-»0S'^b-CTilOiOr-CS^t- '*^fo'Tf^oo'"c4'co"«--^cc"oo ■^ofio ic ct^'^co"'^od Tt^o'ir:r>fro"o'--t o(^oo''^^^^'-'^^co'Tt^ iC^OONCCrHC^iOr-^DOCtMOCOt-t-C^COCSrOiCiO ■^IMiOrHt^O^I'^rHiCiOO^X'^J''^ * rt r-^ O t^ ^ Ecr, r^ OJ cc tS c- 22 C * C ^'C ■ Vd a . fE C ^ c3 ?^ti-- go-' c c ^?fc.cj • -^JicsS (U 0] (1) o r^ t . rt^ _c _ ^1 c^ (ij ._ 'i' -^ ct.tl'S i o C5 -^ c O m a. jO t» SgggZS',g;:z,;z;^;ooPLi«cc'HH>>^P^ qjojojo^t-ojXQO • In Conneotifiut, the vote for Sheriff is taken. In Now York, the average vote on four of the five State officers choHen.exohiding Scnrotary of State. In Nebraska, Democratic and Anti-Monopoly vote combined on .Iiidf^e. t American, 707 j scattering, 980. X Scattering, 106. § In these States the vote on Lientmant-Governor was taken, as being, from special causes, a fairer test of party strength. In the others the principal State ofticer was taken. Whore State officers were not elected, the Congressional vote was taken. In Georgia, CimgresHmen-at-Large was taken. || The vote for Chief Judge. IT The Regular and Independentliepublican vote la combined. ** Vote of the two Democratic candid ates is combined. PART 11. OF POLITICAL PARTIES. i-^.-^^„ , HISTORY OF THE POLITICx\L PARTIES OF THE UNITED STATES. Colonial Parties— WHilg and Tory. The parties peculiar to our Colonial times hardly have a place in American polities. They divided people in senti- ment simply, as they did in the mother country, but here there was little or no power to act, and were to gather results I'rom p;ij-ty victories. Men were then Whigs or Tories because they had been prior to their emigration here, or because their parents had been, or because it has ever been natural to show division in in- dividual sentiment. Political contests, however, were unknown, for none enjoyed the pleasures and profits of power ; the crown made and unmade rulers. The local self-government which our fore- fathers enjoyed, were secured to them by their charters, and these ivere held to be contracts not to be changed without the consent of both parties. AH of the inhabi- tants of the colonies claimed and were jastly entitled to the rights guaranteed by the Magna Charta, and in addition to these they insisted upon the supervision of all internal interests and the {)owcr to levy and collet taxes. These claims were con- ceded until their growing prosperity and England's need of additional revenues suggested schemes of indirect taxation. Against these the colony of Plymouth pro- tested a-s early as 1(!3G, and s])asm()dic pro- tests from all the colonies followed. These increased in frequency and force with the growing demands of King George III. In 1651 the navigation laws imposed upon th(> colonics rcfjuired l>oth export-? and imports to be carried in British ship-, and all who traded were compelled to do it with Eng- land. In liJ72 inter-colonial duties were imposed, and when manufacturing sought to flank this policy, their establishment was forbidden by law. The passage of the Stamp Act in 17()5 caused high excitement, and for the first time parties began to take definite shape and manifest open antagonisms, and the words Whig and Tory then had a plainer meaning in America than in England'. The Stamp Act was denounced by the Whigs as direct taxation, since it jirovidcd, that stamps previously paid for should be affixed to all legal papers. The colonies resented, and so general were the protests that for a time it seemed that only those who owed their livings to the Crown, or expected aid and comfort from it, re- mained with the Tories. The Whigs were the patriots. The war for the rights of the colonies began in 1775, and it was supported by majorities in all of the Co- j lonial Assemblies. These majorities were { as carefully organized then as now to pro- mote a popular cause, and this in the lace of adverse action on the part of the sev- eral Colonial Governors. Thus in Vir- ginia, Lord Dunmore had from time to time, until 177o, ])rorogued the Virginia I Assembly, when it seized the opportunity to pass resolves instituting a committoe of correspondence, and recommending joint I action by the legislatures of the other j colonies. In the next year, the same body, I under the lead of Henry, Ixandolph, Lee, j Washington, Wythe and other patriots, I officially deprecated the closing of the AMERICAN POLITICS. port of Boston, and set apart a day to im- plore Divine interposition in behalf of the colonies. The Governor dissolved the House for this act, and the delegates, 89 in number, repaired to a tavern, organized themselves into a committee, signed arti- des of association, and advised with other colonial committees the expediency of ''appointing deputies to meet in a general correspondence" — really a suggestion for a Congress. The idea of a Congress, how- ever, originated with Doctor Franklin the year before, and it had then been approved by town meetings in Providence, Boston and New York. The action of Virginia lifted the proposal above individual advice and the action of town meetings, and called to it the attention of all the colo- nial legislatures. It was indeed fortunate in the incipiency of these political move- ments, that the people were practically unanimous. Only the far-seeing realized tne drift and danger, while nearly all could join their voices against oppressive taxes and imposts. The war went on for colonial rights, the Whigs wisely insisting that they were wil- ling to remain as colonists if their rights should be guaranteed by the mother coun- try ; the Tories, chiefly fed by the Crown, were willing to remain without guarantee — a negative position, and one which in the high excitement of the times excited little attention, save where the holders of fiuch views made themselves odious by the enjoyment of high official position, or by Lai-sh criticism upon, or treatment of the patriots. The first Continental Congress assembled in Philadelphia in September, 1774, and there laid the foundations of the Republic. While its a.ssembl:ige was first recom- mended by home meetings, the cause, as already shown, was taken up by the as- BtMublies of Miissachusetts and Virginia. Georgia alone was not represented. The members were called delegates, who de- clared in their official papers that they were " appointed by the good people of these colonies." It was called the " revo- lutionary government," because it derived its power from the people, and not from the functionaries of any existing govern- ment. In it each colony was allowed but a single vote, regardless of the number of delegates, and here began not only the unit rule, but the practice which obtains in the election of a President when the contest reaches, under the constitution and law, the National House of Representa- tives. The original object was to give crgia. The delegatay, Rhode Island, Conneetieut, New York, Penn- sylvania, Virginia and South ("aroliiia Higned.Iuly Hth, 1778 ; those of North Car- olina July 21st ; Cieorgia July 21th ; Jersey November 2t>th, same year; Delaware February 22d and May ')th, 1779. Mary- land refused to ratify until the question of the eondieting elaims of the Union and of the separate IStates to the property of the criwn-lands should be adjusted. This was aceoni]>lished by the cession of the lands in dispute to the United States, and Maryland signed March 1st, 1781. On the 2d of March, Congress assembled un- der the new powers, and continued to act for the Confederacy until the 4th of March, 1789, the date of the organization of the government under the Federal constitu- tion. Our political life has therefore three period.s, " the revolutionary government," the confederation," and that of the "fed- eral constitution," which still obtains. The federal constitution is the result of the labors of a convention called at Phila- delphia in May, 1787, at a time when it was feared by many that the Union was in the greatest danger, from inability to pay soldiers who had, in 1783, been dis- banded on a declaration of peace and an acknowledgment of independence ; from prostration of the public credit and faith of the nation ; from the neglect to provide for the payment of even the interest on the public debt ; and from the disappoint- ed hopes of many who thought freedom did not need to face responsibilities. A large portion of the convention of 1787 etill clung to the confederacy of the states, and advocated as a substitute for the con- stitution a revival of the old articles of confederation with additional powers to Congress. A long discussion followed, and a most able one, but a constitution for the people, embodying a division of legis- lative, judicial and executive powers pre- vailed, and the result is now daily wit- nessed in the federal constitution. While the revolutionary war lasted but seven years, the political revolution incident to, identilied with and directing it, lasted thirteen years. This Wiis completed on the 30th of April, 1789, the day on which Wivshington wjus inaugurated as tiie first President under the federal constitution. The Partlcniarlfits. As questions of goveriunent were evolved by the sfrugj^lcs for independencp, tho \Vhigs, who ol course greatly ontnunil>ercy 17!i { partisan lines under the names of Federalists and Republicans, were plain- ly drawn, and the schism in the caiiiuct •was more marked than ever. Personal aml)ition may have had much to do with it, for \Vadiinj;ton had previously shown his desire to retire to private life. While he remained at the head of affairs he was unwillini^ to part with Jetferson and Ham- ilton, and did all in his power to bring about a reconciliation, but without suc- cess. Before the close of the first consti- tutional Presidency, however, AV;vsliington had become convinced that the people de- Kired him to accept a re-election, and he was accordingly a candidate and unani- mously chosen. John Adams was re-elect- ed Vice-President, receiving 77 votes to 50 for Geo. Clinton, (5 scattering) the Re- publican candidate. Soon atler the inau- guration Citizen Genet, an envoy from the French republic, arrived and sought to excite the symj)athy of the United States and involve it in a war with Great Britain. Jetferson and his Re})ublicau party warmly sympathized with France, and insisted that gratitude for revolutionary favors commanded aid to France in her struggles. The Federalists, under Washington and Hamilton, favored non-intervention, and insisted that wc should maintain friendly relations with Great Britain. Washington showed his usual firmness, and before the expiration of the month in which Genet arrived, had issued his celebrated procla- mation of neutrality. This has ever since been the accepted foreign policy of the nation. Genet, chagrined at the issuance of this proclamation, threatened to appeal to the people, and made himself so obnoxious to Washington that the latter demanded his recall. The French government sent M. Fauchet as his successor, but Genet con- tinued to reside in the United States, and under his inspiration a numl)er of Demo- cratic Societies, in imitation of the French Jacobin clubs, were founded, but like all such organizations in this country, thev were short-lived. Secret political societies thrive only under despotisms. In Repub- lics like ours they can only live when the great parties are in confusion and greatly divided. They disappear with the union of sentiment into two great parties. If there were many parties and factions, as in Mexico and some of the South American repuldics, there would be evtii a wider liehl for them here tiiaii there. Th(^ French agitation shelved its ii:iprcs.s upon the nation as late as 17'.)4, when a '\ resolution to cut off intercourse with (jreat Britain p;issed the Hou^e, and wa.s de- feated in the Senate only by the c:Lstiii>^ vote of the Vice-President. Many people favored France, and to such silly heights did the excitement run that these irisi.sted on wearing a national cockaile. Jelfcrson had left tlie cabinet the December j)re- vious, and had retired to his j)lantation in Virginia, where he spent his leisure in writing political essays and organizing the Repui)lican Jfarty, of which he w;ls the ac- knowledged founder. Here he escaped the errors of his party in Congress, but it w;us a potent fact that his friends in official station not only did not endorse the non- intervention policy of Washington, but that they actively antagonized it in many ways. The Congressional leader in these movements was Mr. Madison. The policy of Britain fed this op^)osition. The forts on Lake Erie were still occupied by the British soldiery in defiance of the treaty of 1783; American vessels were seized on their way to French ports, and American citizens were impressed. To avoid a war, Washington sent John Jay as special en- voy to England. He arrived in June, 1794, and by November succeeded in mak- ing a treaty. It was ratified in June, 1795, by the Senate by the constitutional majority of two-thirds, though there was much de- clamatory op])Osition, and the feeling be- tween the Federal and Republican parties ran higher than ever before. The Republi- cans denounced while the Federals con- gratulated Washington. Under this treaty the British surrendered possession of all American ports, and as Gen'l Wayne dur- ing the previous summer had conquered the war-tribes and completed a treaty with them, the country was again on the road to prosperity. In Washington's message of 1794, ho plainly censured all "self-created political societies," meaning the democratic so- cieties formed bv Genet, but this part of the message the House refused to endorse, the speaker giving the ca.sting vote in the negative. The Senate was in harmony with the political views of the President. Party spirit had by this time me;usurably affected all classes of the people, and as subjects for agitation here multi?dicd, the opposition no longer regarded Wivshing- ton with that respect and decorum which it had been the rule to manifest. His wis- dom as President, his patriotism, and in- deed his character as a man, were all hotly questioned by political enemies. He was even charged with corruption in ex- pending more of the public moneys than 10 AMERICAN POLITICS. had been appropriated — charges which were soon shown to he groundless. At the first session of Congress in De- cember, 1795, the Senate's administration majority had incretused, but in the House the opposing Republicans had also in- creased their numbers. The Senate by 14 to 8 endorsed the message ; the House at first refused but linally qualified its an- swers. ■ In March, 179G, a new political issue was sprung in the House by Mr. Living- stone of New York, who offered a resolu- tion requesting of the President a eoj^y of the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy who made the treaty with Great Britain. Alter a debate of several days, more bitter than any which had jsreceded it, the House passed the resolution by 57 to 35, the Re- publicans voting aye, the Federals no. Washington in answer, took the position that the House of Representatives was not part of the treaty-making power of the government, and could not therefore be entitled to any papers relating to such treaties. The constitution had placed this treaty making and ratifying power in the hands of the Senate, the Cabinet and the President. This answer, now universally accepted as the projier one, yet excited the House and increased political animosities. The Republicans charged the federals with being the "British party," and in some instances hinted that they had been pur- chased with British gold. Indignation meetings were called, but after much sound and fury, it was ascertained that the people really favored abiding by the treaty in good faith, and finally the House, after more calm and able debates, passed the needed legislation to carry out the treaty by a vote of 51 to 48. In August, 1796, prior to the meeting of the Congressional caucus whieh then placed candidates for the Presidency in nomination, Washington issued his cele- brated Farewell Address, in which he gave notice that he would retire from public life at the expiration of his term. He had been solicited to be a candidate for re- election (a third term) and told that all the people could unite upon him — a state- ment which, without abating one jot, our admiration for the man, would doubtless have been called in question by the Re- publicans, who had become implacably hostile to his political views, and who were encouraged to believe they could win con- trol of the Presidency, by their ra])idly in- creasing power in the House. Yet the ad- dress was everywhere received witli marks of admiration. Legislatures commended it by resolution and ordered it to be en- grossed upon their records; journals praised it, and upon the strength of its plain doctrines the Federalists took new , courage, and prepared to win in the Presi- dential battle which followed. Both parties were plaiidy arrayed and confident, and so close was the result that the leaders of both were elected — John Adams, the nom- inee of the Federalists, to the Presidency, and Thomas Jefferson, the nominee of the Republicans, to the Vice-Presidency. The law which then obtained was that the candidate who received the highest num- ber of electoral votes, took the first place, the next highest, the second. Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina was the Fed- eral nominee for Vice-President, and Aaron Burr of the Republicans. Adams received 71 electoral votes, Jeficrson 68, Pinckney 59, Burr 30, scattering 48. Pinckney had lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38 — a loss of popularity which the latter regained four years later. The first impressions which our forefathers had of this man were the best. John Adams was inaugurated as Pres- ident in Philadelphia, at Congress Hall, March 4th, 1797, and in his inaugural was careful to deny the charge that the Fed- eral party had any sympathy for England, but reaffirmed his endorsement of the policy of Washington as to strict neutral- ity. To this extent besought to soften the asperities of the parties, and measurably succeeded, though the times were ^till stormy. The French revolution had reached its highest point, and our people still took sides. Adams found he would have to arm to preserve neutrality and at the same time punish the aggression . of either of the combatants. This was our first exhibition of "armed neutrality." An American navy was quickly raised, and every j^reparation made for defending the rights of Americars. An alliance with France was refused, after which the American Minister was dismissed and the French navy began to cripple our trade. In May, 1797, President Adams felt it his duty to call an extra session of Ccngress, which closed in July. The Senate ap- proved of negotiations for reconciliation with France. They were attempted but proved fruitless; in May, 1798, a full naval armament was authorized, and soon several French vessels were captured before there was any declaration of war. Indecr*. neith- er power declared war, and as soon as France discovered liow earnest the Ameri- cans were she made overtures for an ad- justment of dilhculties, and these resulted in the treaty of 1800. The Republicans, though warmly favor- ing a contest, did not heartily sup])ort that inaugurated by Adams, and contended after this that the militia and a small naval force were sufficient for internal defense. They denounced the position of the Fed- erals, wlio favored the enlargement of the army and navy, as measures calculated to REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS. 11 overawe public sentiment in time of peace. TJio Fecieruls, liowcver, tliroiijijh their prompt ro.sfntmerit of the a,!_'i!;rL-.ssi()ns of Fniiu-e, liiid many adherents to their party. Tiiey orijjanized their power and sought to j)erj)etiiate it liy tiie passa_L'c of the alien and sedition, and a naturali/a- tioii law. Tiie alien and sedition hiw gave tlic President authority " to order all .sucii alieiH an he shall judge dangerou.s to the peace and .safety of the United States, or tihall have rea-sonable grounds to suspect are eoneerned in any lreasonal)le or secret machinations against the govennnent thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States, within such time as shall be expressed in such order." The provisions which followed were in iceeping with that quoted, the 3d section command- ing every master of a ship entering a port of the United States, immediately on liis arrival, to make report in writing to the collector of customs, the names of all aliens on board, etc. The act Avas to continue in force for two years from the date of its passa^fe, and it was approved June 2-5th, 1798."' A resolution was introduced in the Sen- ate on the 25th of April, 1798, by Mr. Hillhouse of Connecticut, to inquire what provision of law ought to be made, &c., as to the removal of such aliens as may be dangerous to the peace of the country, &c. This resolution was adopted the next day, and Messrs. Hillhouse, Livcrmore and Read were appointed the committee, and Hubsequently reported the bill. It passed the Senate by 1(5 to 7, and the House by 46 to 40, tlie Republicans in the latter body resisting it warmly. The leading opposing idea was that it lodged with the Executive too much power, and was liable to great abuse. It has tmpiently since, in arguments against centralized power, been used for illustration by political speakers. The Naturalization law, favored by the Federalists, because they knew they could acquire few friends either from newly ar- rived English or French aliens, among other requirements provided that an alien nm-it reside in the United States fmirtern years before he could vote. The Republi- cans denounced this law as calculated to check immigration, and dangerous to our country in the fact that it caused too many inhabitants to owe no allegiance. They also asserted, as did those who op- posed Americanism later on in our histoiy. that America was properly an asylnm for all nations, and that those coming t'^ America should freely share all the privi- leges and liberties of the government. These laws and the political resentments which they created gave a new and what eventually proved a dangerous current to politica. thouglit and action. They were the immediate cause of tlio Ketitueky and Virginia resolutions of 171»>^, Jellcrson be- ing liie author of the fi>rmcr and Madison of t lie latter. Thee resolutions were full of political significance, anil gave tone to sectional dis- cussion uj) to the close of the war for tho Union. They first promulgated the doc- trine of nullification or secession, Hud l)olitieal writers mistake who point toCai- lioun lus the father of that doctrine. It began with the old Republicans under the leadership of Jeiferson and Madison, and though diri!ctly intended as jirotests against the alien and sedition, and the naturaliza- tion laws of Congress, they kept one eye u])on the question of slavery — rather that interest was kept in view in their declara- tions, and yet the authors of both were anything but warm advocates of slavery. Tliey were then striving, however, to rein- force the opposition to the Federal party, which the administration of Adams had thus far apparently weakened, and they had in view the brief agitation which had sprung up in 1793, five years before, on the petition to Congress of a Penn.sylvania society " to use its powers to stop the traffic in slaves." On the question of referring this petition to a committee there arose a sectional debate. Men took sides not be- cause of the party to which they belonged, but the section, and for the first time the North and South were arrayed against each other on a question not then treated either as partisan or political, but which most minds then saw must soon become both partisan and sectional. Some of the Southern de- baters, in their protests against interfer- ence, thus early threatened civil war. With a view to better protect their rights to slave property, they then advocated and suc- ceeded in passing the first fugitive slave law. This was approved February 12, 1793. The resolutions of 179S will be found in the book devoted to political platforms. So highly were these esteemed by the Re- publicans of that day, and by the interests whose support they so shrewdly invited, that they more than counterbalanced the popularity acquired by the Federals in their resistance to France, and by ISOO they caused a rupture in the Cabinet of Adams. In the Presidential election of ISOO John Adams was the nominee for President and C. C. Pinckney for Vice-President. A "Congressional Convention" of Republi- cans, held in Philadelphia, nominated Thomas Jefl'erson and Aaron Burr as can- didates for these offices. On the election which followed the Republicans cho.se 73 electors and the Federalists Go. Each elector voted for two persons, and the Re- pu])licans so voted that they unwi.sely gave Jefferson and Burreacli 73 votes. Neither being highest, it was not legally determined 12 AMERICAN POLITICS. which should be President or Vice-Presi- dent, and the election had to go to the House. The Federalists threw 65 votes to Adams and G4 to Piuckney. The Repub- licans could have done the same, but Burr's intrigue and ambition prevented this, and the result was a prctracted contest in the House, and one which put the country in great peril, but which plainly pointed out some of the imperfections of the elec- toral features of the Constitution. The Federalists proposed to confess the inabil- ity of the House to agree through the vote by States, but to this proposition the Re- ?ublicans threatened armed resistance, 'he Federalists next attempted a combina- tion with the friends of Aaron Burr, but this specimen of bargaining to deprive a nominee of the place to which it was the plain intention of his party to elect him, really contributed to Jetferson's popularity, if not in that Congress, certainly before the people. He was elected on the 36th ballot. The bitterness of this strife, and the dangers which similar ones threatened, led to an abandonment of the system of each Elector voting for t^vo, the highest to be President, the next highest Vice-President, and an amendment was offered to the Con- stitution, and fully ratified by September 25. 1804, requiring the electors to ballot separately for President and Vice-Presi- dent. Jefferson was the first candidate nomi- nated by a Congressional caucus. It con- vened in 1800 at Philadelphia, and nomi- nated Jefferson for President and Burr for Vice-President, Adams and Pinckney were not nominated, but ran and were ac- cepted as natural leaders of their party, just as Washington and Adams were be- fore them. Do'tvnfall of the Federal Party. This contest broke the power of the Federal party. It had before relied upon the rare sagacity and ability of its leaders, but the contest in the House developed such attempts at intrigue as disgusted many and caused all to quarrel, Hamilton having early showed his dislike to Adams. As a party the Federal had been peculiarly brave at times when high bravery was needed. It had framed the Federal Gov- ernment and stood by the i)owers given it until they were too firmly i)lanted for even newer and triumphant partisans to reck- lessly trifle with. It stood for non-inter- ference with foreign nations against the eloquence of adventurers, the mad impulses of mobs, the generosity of new-born free- men, the harangues of demagogues, and best of all against those wlio sought to fan these popular breezes to their own (comfort. It j)roviued for the payment of the debt, had the courage to raise revenues both from internal and external sources, and to increase expenditures, as the growtli of tlie country demanded. Though it passed out of power in a cloud of intrigue and in a vain grasp at the " flesh-pots," it yet had a glorious history, and one which none un- tinctured with the better prejudices of that day, can avoid admiring. The defeat of Adams was not unexpect- ed by him, yet it was greatly regretted by his friends, for he was justly regarded as second to no other civilian in the estab- lishment of the liberties of the colonies. He was eloquent to a rare degree, possessed natural eloquence, and made the most famous speech in advocacy of the Declara- tion. Though the proceedings of the Revolutionary Congress were secret, and what was said never printed, yet Webster gives his version of the noted speech of Adams, and we reproduce it in Book III, of this volume as one of the great speeches of noted American orators. Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated the third President, in the new capitol at Washing- ton, on the 4th of March, 1801, and Vice- President Burr took his seat in the Senate the same day. Though Burr distinctly dis- avowed any participancy in the House contest, he was distrusted by Jefferson's warm friends, and jealousies rapidly cropped out. Jefferson endeavored through his inaugural to smooth factious and party aspcrities,and so well were his words chosen that the Federalists indulged, the hope that they would not be removed from office be- cause of their political views. Early in June, however, the first ques- tion of civil service wsis raised. Mr. Jefl'er- son then removed Elizur Goodrich, a Fed- eralist, from the Colleetorship of New Haven, and appointed Samuel Bishop, a Republican, to the place. TI13 citizens re- monstrated, saj'ing that Goodrich -was prompt, reliable and able, and showed that his successor was 78 years old, and too in- firm for the duties of the office. To these remonstrances Mr. Jefferson, under date of July 12th, replied in language which did not then, as hedid later on, jilainly assert the right of every administration to have its friends in office. We quote the fol- lowing: . "Declarations by myself, in favor of political tolerance, exhortations .to har- mony and aflection in social intercourse, and respect for the equal rights of the minority, have, on certain occasions, been quoted and misconstrued into assurances that the tenure of office was not to be dis- turbed. But could candor apply such a construction? When it is considered that, during the late administration, those who were not of a particular sect of politics were excluded from all office; when, by a steady jKirsuit of this measure, nearly the whole offices of the United States were DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS. 13 monopolized by that sect ; whon the public aeutiinont at length deflan-il itself, ami burst open the doors ot" honor and confi- dence to those whose opinions they ap- proved; was it to be iniai^inod that this monopoly of ollire was to be continued in the liands of the minority ' IJoes it violate tljeir equal riglits to lussert some riglits in the majority also? li it political intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the direc- tion of the puolic allairs? If adue partici- pation of otlice is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained ? Those by death are few, by resignation none. C.-in any other mode than lliat of removal be proposed? This is a painful oliice ; but it 13 made my duty, and I meet it :issuch. I proceed in the operation with deliberation and inrpiiry, that it may injure the best men leas.t, and effect the purposes of justice and public utility with the least private distress, that it may be thrown tus much as possible on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adhe- renoe to onr enemies. " I lament sincerely that unessential dif- ferences of opinion should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them as unworthy of every trust. It would have been to mo a circumstance of great relief, hail I ibund a moderate participation of office in the hands of the majority. I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for prompter correc- tions. I shall correct the procedure ; but that done, return with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be : Is he honest? Is he capable? Iske faithful to the constitution?" Mr. Adams had made few removals, and none because of the political views held by the incumbents, nearly all of whom had been appointed by Washington and continued through good behavior. At the dato of the appointment of most of them, Jefferson's Republican party had no exist- ence; so that the reasons given in the quotation do not comport with the facts. Washington's rule was integrity and ca- pacity, for he could have no regard for nolitics where political lines had been ob- literated in his Own selection. Doubtlc^ these office-holders were human, and ad- hered with warmth to the administration which they .served, and this fact, and this alone, must have angered the Republicans and furnished them with arguments for a change. Mr. Jefferson's position, however, made his later conduct natural. He waa the ac- knowledged leader of his party, its founder indeed, and that party had carried him into power. He di\sired to keep it intact, to strengthen its lines with whatever pa- tronage he had at his disposal, and he evi- dently regarded the cause of Adams in not rewarding his friends aa a mistake. It wai, therefore, Jefi'erson, and not Jackson, wlio was the author of the theory that " to tlie victors l>elong the sjioils." Jackson gave it a sharp ancl j)erlLH-tly defined shajjc by tin; use of tlu«e words, but the spirit and prin(i|>Ie were conceived by Jefferson, who tlirougliout his lite siiowed fargreatiT originality in politics than any of the early patriots. It was his acute sense of just what was right for a growing p<»lilical parly to do, which led liim to turn the thoughts of his followers into new and poi)ular directions. [Seeing that they were at grave disadvantage when opposing the attitude of the government in its policy with foreign nations ; realizing that the work of the Federalists in strengthening the power of the new government, in pro- viding revenues and ways and means for the payment of the debt, were good, ho changed the character of the opposition by selecting only notoriously arbitrary measures for assault — and changed it even more radically than this. He early saw that simple opposition was not progress, and that it was both wise and popular to be progressive, and in all hia later politi- cal papers he sought to make his party the party favoring personal freedom, the one of liberal ideas, the one which, instead of shirking, should anticipate every change calculated to enlarge the liberties and the opportunities of citizens. These things were not inconsistent with his strong views in favor of local self-government ; indeed, in many particulars they seemed to sup- port that theory, and by the union of the two ideas he shrewdly arrayed po- litical enthusiasm by the side of politi- cal interest. Political sagacity more pro- found than this it is difficult to imagine. It has not since been equalled in the his- tory of our land, nor do we believe in the history of any other. After the New Haven episode, so jealous was Jefferson of his good name, that while he confided all new appointments to the hands of his political friends, he made few removals, and these for apparent cause. The mere statement of his position had proved an invitation to the Federalists in office to join his earlier friends in the sup- portof his administration. Many of them did it, 80 many that the clamorings of truer friends could not be hushed. With a view to create a new excuse, Jeflerson declared that all appointments made by Adams aflor February 14th, when the House beean its ballotings for Presidtmt, wore void, these aj)pointments belonging of right to him, and fmm this act of Adams we date the political legacies which some of our I'rcjidents have since lianded down to their successors. One of the 14 AMERICAN POLITICS. magistrates whose commission had been made out under Adams, sought to compel Jefferson to sign it by a writ ol" mandamus before the Supreme Court, but a " profound investigation of constitutional law " in- duced the court not to grant the motion. All commissions signed by Adams after the date named were suppressed. Jeilerson's apparent bitterness against the Federalists is mainly traceable to the contest in the House, and his belief that at one time they sought a coalition with Burr. This coalition he regarded as a vio- lation of the understanding when he was nominated, and a supposed effort to ap- point a provisional office he regarded as an usurpation in fact. In a letter to James Monroe, dated February 15th, speaking of this contest, he says : " Four days of balloting have produced not a single change of a vote. Yet it is confidently believed that to-morrow there is to be a coalition. I know of no founda- tion for this belief. If they could have been permitted to pass a law for putting the government in the hands of an officer, they would certainly have prevented an election. But we thought it best to de- clare openly and firmly, one and all, that the day such an act passed, the Middle States would arm, and that no such usur- pation, even for a single day, should be submitted to." It is but fair to say that the Federalists denied all such intentions, and that James A. Bayard, of Delaware, April 3, 1806, made formal oath to this denial. In this lie says that three States, representing Federalist votes, offered to withdraw their opposition if John Nicholas, of Virginia, and the personal friend of Jefferson, avouUI secure pledges that the public credit should be supported, the navy maintained, and that subordinate public officers, employed only in the execution of details, established by law, should not be removed from office on the ground of their public character, nor without complaint against their con- duct. The Federalists then went so far as to admit that officers of " high discretion and confidence," such as members of the cabinet and foreign ministers, should be known friends of the administration. This proposition goes to show that there is noth- ing very new in what are called our modern politics; that the elder Bayard, as early as 1800, made a formal proposal to bargain. Mr. Nicholas offered Ids assur- ance that the-^e things would prove accep- table i<) and govern tJie conduct of Jeffer- son's administration, but he declined to con- suit with Jefferson on the points. General Smith subsequently engaged to do it, and Jefferson replied that the points given corresponded with his views and inten- tions, and that Mr. Bayard and his friends might confide in him accordingly. The opposition of Vermont, Maryland and De- laware was then immediately withdrawn, and Mr Jefferson was made President. Gen'l Smith, twelve days later, made an affidavit which substantially confirmed that of Bayard. Latimer, the collector of the port of Philadelphia, and M'Lane, col- lector of Wilmington, (Bayard's special friend) were retained in office. He had cited these two as examples of his opposi- tion to any change, and Jefferson seemed to regard the pledges as not sacred beyond the parties actually named in Bayard's ne- gotiations with Gen'l Smith. This misunderstanding or misconstrno- tion of what in these days would be plain- ly called a bargain, led to considerable political criticism, and Jefferson felt it ne- cessary to defend his cause. This he did in letters to friends which both then and since found their way into the public prints. One of these letters, written to Col. Monroe, March 7th, shows in every word and line the natural politician. In this he says : " Some (removals) I know must be made. They must be as few as possible, done gradually, and bottomed on some malversation or inherent disqualification. Where we shall draw the line between all and none, is not yet settled, and will not be till we get our administration together ; and perhaps even then we shall proceed a talons, balancing our measures according to the impression we perceive them to make. This may give you a general view of our plan." A little later on, March 28, he wrote to Elbridge Gerry : " Officers who have been guilty of gross abuses of office, such as marshals packing juries, etc., I shall now remove, as my predecessor ought in justice to have done. The instances will be few, and governed by strict rule, not party passion. The right of opinion shall suffer no invasion from me." Jefferson evidently tired of this subject, and gradually modified his views, as shown in his letter to Levi Lincoln, July 11, wherein he says : " I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse on me personally, has been with the de- sign and the hope of provoking me to make a general sweej) of all Federalists out of oflice. But as I have carried no passion into the execution of this disagreeable duty, I shall suffer none to be excited, 'ihe clamor which h;is been raised will not pro- voke me to remove one more, nor deter me from removing one less, than if not a word had been said on thesul)ject. In the course of the summer, all which is neces- sary will be done ; and we may hope that, this cause of offence being at an end, the measures we shall pursue and ]>ropose for the amelioration of the public affairs, will DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS. 15 be 80 confessedly salutary as to unite all men not monarchi-its in principle." In the same letter he warmly berati^-s the monarchieal federalists, saying, " they are incurables, to be taken eare of in a mad- house if necessary, and on motives of charity." Tlie seventh Congress assembled. Po- litical parties were at first nearly equally divided in the Senate, but eventually there wits a majority for the administration. Jefferson then discontinued the custom es- tablished by Washington of delivering in person his message to Congress. Tlu' change was greatly for the oetter, as it afforded relief from the requirement of immediate answers on the subjects con- tained in the message. It has ever since been followed. The seventh session of Congress, pursu- ant to the recommendation of President Jefferson, established a uniform system of naturalization, and so modified the law as to make the required residence of aliens five years, instead of fourteen, as in the act of 1798, and to permit a declaration of in- tention to become a citizen at the expiration of three years. By his recommendation also was established the first sinking fund for the redemption of the public debt. It required the setting apart annually for this Eurpose the sum of seven millions and three undred thousand dollars. Other mea- sures, more partisan in their character, were proposed, but Congress showed an aversion to undoing what nad been wisely done. A favorite law of the Federalists establishing circuit courts alone was re- pealed, and this only after a sharp debate, and a close vote. The provisional army had been disbanded by a law of the previ- ous Congress. A proposition to abolish the naval department wa.s defeated, as was that to discontinue the mint establishment. At this session the first law in relation to the slave trade was passed. It was to pre- vent the importation of negroes, mulattoes and other j)ersons of color into any port of the United States within a state which had prohibited by law the admission of any such person. The penalty was one thou- sand dollars and the forfeitureof the vessel. The slave trade was not then prohibited by the constitution, nor Wiis the subject then generally agitated, though it had been as early as 17'J3, when, jis previously stated, an exciting sectional debate followed the presentation of a petition from Pennsylva- nia to abolish the slave trade. Probably the most important occurrence under the first administration of Jefferson was that relating to the purchase and ad- mission of Louisiana. There had been apprehensions of a war with Spain, and with a view to be ready Congress had passed an act authorizing the President to call upon the executives of such of the states as he might deem expedient, for detachments of militia not exceeding eighty tiiousand, or to accept the services of volunteers for a term of twelve UKJiiths. The disagreement arose over the south-western bounroclamation that this right was withdrawn. Excitement followed all along the valley of the Mississippi, and it was increased by the belief that the withdrawal of the privi- lege was made at the suggestion of France, though Si)ain still retained the territory, aa the formalities of ceding it had not been gone through with. Jefferson promptly took the ground that if France took j)os- session of New Orleans, the United States would immediately become allies of Eng- land, but suggested to Minister Livingston at Paris that France might be induced to cede the island of New Orleans and the Floridas to the United States. It was his belief, though a mistaken one, that France had also acquired the Floridas, Louisiana then comprised much of the territory west of the Mississippi and south of the Mis- souri. The Federalists in Congress seized upon this question as one upon which they could make an aggressive war against Jefferson's administration, and resolutions were intro- duced asking information on the subject. Jefferson, however, wisely avoided all en- tangling suggestions, and sent Monroe to aid Livingston in effecting a purchase. The treaty was formed in April, 1803, and submitted by Jeffenion to the Senate in October following. The Republicans ral- lied in favor of this scheme of annexation, and claimed that it was a constitutional right in the government to acquire territory — a doctrine widely at variance with their previoas position, but occasions are rare where parties quarrel with their administra- tions on pivotal measures. There was also some latitude here for endorsement, as the direct question of territorial acquisition liad not before been presented, -but only hypo- thetically stated in the constitutional dis- putations then in great fashion. Jefferson would not go so far as to say that the con- stitution warranted the acquisition to for- eign territory, but the scheme was never- theless his, and he stood in with his friends in the political battle which followed. The Federalists claimed that we had no power tr) acquire territory, and that the acquirement of Louisiana would give the South a preponderance which would " con- tinue for all time (poor prophets they I), 16 AMERICAN POLITICS. since southern would be more rapid than northern development ; " that states cre- ated west of the Mississippi would injure the commerce of New England, and they even went so far as to say that the " ad- mission of the Western World into the Union would compel the Eastern States to establish an eastern empire," Doubts were also raised as to the right of Louisi- anians, when admitted to citizenship un- der our laws, as their lineage, language and religion were different from our own. Its inhabitant's were French and descend- ants of French, with some Spanish Cre- oles, Americans, English and Germans — in all about 1)0,000, including 40,000 slaves. There were many Indians of course, in a territory then exceeding a million of square miles — a territory which, in the language of First Consul Napoleon, "strengthens forever the power of the United States," and which will give to England a mari- time rival that will sooner or later humble her pride " — a military view of the change fully justified by subsequent history. Na- poleon sold because of needed prepara- tions for war with England, and while he had previously expressed a willingness to take fifty million francs for it, he got sixty through the shrewd diplomacy of his min- isters, who hid for the time their fear of the capture of the port of New Orleans by the English navy. Little chance was afforded the Federal- ists for adverse criticism in Congress, for the purchase proved so popular that the people greatly increased the majority in both branches of the eighth Congress, and Jefferson called it together earlier for the purpose of ratification. The Senate rati- fied the treaty on the 20th of October, 1803, by a vote of 24 to 7, while the House adopted a resolution for carrying the treaty into effect by a vote of 90 to 25. Eleven million dollars of the purchase money was appropriated, the remaining four millions being reserved for the indemnity of Amer- ican citizens who had sustained losses by French assaults upon our commerce — from which fact subsequently came what is known as the French Spoliation Bill. Impeachment trials were first attempted before the eightli Congress in 1803. Judge Pickering, of the district court of the United States for New Hampshire, was impeached for occasional drunkenness, and dismissed from office. Judge Chase of the U. S. Supreme Court, and Judge Peters of the district court of Pennsylva- nia, both Federalists, were charged by arti- cles proposed in the House with illegal and arbitrary' conduct in the trial of par- ties charged with political offenses. The Federalists took alarm at these proceed- ings, and so vehement were their charges a^jainst the llepublioans of a desire to de- stroy the judiciary that their impeach* ments were finally abandoned. The Republicans closed their first na- tional administration with high prestige. They had met several congressional re- verses on questions Avhere defeat proved good fortune, for the Federalists kept a watchful defence, and were not always wrong. The latter suflered numerically, and many of their best leaders had fallen in the congressional contest of 1800 and 1802, while the Republicans maintained their own additions in talent and number. In 1804, the candidates of both parties were nominated by congressional caucuses. Jefferson and Clinton were the Republi- can nominees ; Charles C Pinckney and Rufiis King, the nominees of the Federal- ists, but they only received 14 out of 176 electoral votes. The struggle of Napoleon in Europe with the allied powers now gave Jefferson an opportunity to inaugurate a foreign policy. Enghmd had forbidden all trade with the French and their allies, and France had in return forbidden all com- merce with England and .her colonies. Both of these decrees violated our neutral rights, and were calculated to destroy our commerce, which by this time had become quite imposing. Congress acted promptly, and on the 21st of December passed what is known as the Embargo Act, under the inspiration of the Republican party, which claimed that the only choice of the people lay between the embargo and war, and that there was no other way to obtain redress fi"om England and France. But the promised effects of the measure were not realized, and so soon as any dissatisfaction was manifested by the people, the Federalists made the ques- tion a political issue. They declared it unconstitutional because it was not limited as to time; that it helped England as against France (a cunning assertion in view of the early love of the Republicans for the cause of the French), and that it laid violent hands on our home commerce and industries. Political agitation in- creased the discontent, and public opinion at one time turned so strongly against the law that it was openly resisted on the eastern coast, and treated with almost as open contempt on the Canadian border. The bill had passed the House by 87 to 35, the Senate by 19 to 9. In January. 1809, the then closing administration of Jefferson had to change front on the ques- tion, and the law w;i:i repealed on the 18th of ]\Iarch. The Republicans when they changed, went all the way over, and advo- cated full protection by the use of a navy, of all our rights on the high seas. If the Federals could have rc'called their old leaders, or retained even a considerable portion of their power, the opportunity DEMOCRATS A^;l) I'EI) KIl A LS, 17 presented by the embargo issue could have brought them back to full political power, but lacking these leaders, the oi>- portuuity passed Ut-iuofrntM aud Fedcralfi. During the ninth Congress, whicli as- sembled on the second of December, 180'), the Republicans dropped their name and accepted tliat of " Democrats." In all their earlier strifes they had been charged by their opiioncnts with desiring to run to the extremes of the democratic or " mol) rule," and fear of too general a belief in the truth of the charge led them to denials and rejc .tion of a name which the father of their party had ever shown a fondness for. The earlier dangers which had threatened their organization, and the re- collection of defeats suffered in their at- tempts to establish a government anti-fed- eral and confederate in their composition, had been greatly modified by later suc- cesses, and with a characteristic cuteness peculiar to Americans they accepted an epithet and sought to turn it to the best account. In this they imitated the patriots who accepted the epithets in the British satirical song of " Yankee Doodle," and called themselves Yankees. From the ninth Congress the Jeffersonian Republi- cans called themselves Democrats, and the word Republican passed into disuse until later on in the history of our political parties, the opponents of the Democracy accepted it as a name which well filled the meaning of their attitude in the politics of the country. Mr. Randolph of Roanoke, made the first schism in the Republican party under Jefferson, when he and three of his friends voted against the embargo act. He resisted its passage with his usual earnestness, and all attempts at reconciling him to the mea- sure were unavailing. Self-willed, strong in argument and sarcasm, it is believed that his cause made it even more desirable for the Republicans to change name in the hope of recalling some of the more wayward " Democrats " who had advoca- ted Jacobin democracy in the years gone by. The politicians of that day were never short of expedients, and no man so abounded in them as Jefferson himself. Randolph improved his opportunities by getting most or the Virginia members to act with him against the foreign policy of the administration, but he was careful not to join the FoderalistvS, and quickly denied any leaning tliat way. The first fruit of lis faction was to bring forth Monroe as a candidate for President against Madison — a movement which ]>roved to be quite popular in Virginia, but which JefTerson flanked by bringing about a reconciliation between Monroe and Madison. The now usual Congressional caucus followed at Washington, and although tiic Virginia Legislature in its caucus proviously htdd had been unable to decide betweeiiMadi- son and Monroe, the Congressional i);)dy chose Madison by H'i to 11, the miu >rity being divided between Clinton and Mon- roe, though the latter could by that time hardly be considered ius a candidate. This action broke uj) Randolph's faction in Virginia, but left so nuicli bitterness be- hind it that a large portion attached them- selves to the Federalists. In the election which followed Madison received 122 elec- toral votes against 47 for C. ( '. Pinckiiey, of .South Carolina, and G for Ceo. Clinton of New York. Before Jefferson's administration closed he reconimended the passage of an act to prohibit the African slave trade after Jan- uary 1st, 1808, and it was passed accord- ingly. He had also rejected the form of a treaty received from the British minister Erskine, and did this without the formality of submitting it to the Senate — first, be- cause it contained no provision on the ob- jectionable practice of impressing our sea- men ; second, * because it was accompanied by a note from the British ministers, by which the British government reserved to itself the right of releasing itself from the stipulations in favor of neutral rights, if the United States submitted to the liriti^jh decree, or other invasion of those rights by France." This rejection of the treaty by Jefferson caused public excitement, and the Federalists sought to arouse the com- mercial community against his action, and cited the fact that his own trusted friends, Monroe and Pinckney had negotiated it. The President's party stood by him, and they agreed that submission to the Senate wa.s immaterial, as its advice could not bind him. This refusal to consider the treaty was the first step leading to the war of 1812, for embargoes followed, and r>ritain openly claimed the right to search Amer- ican vessels for her deserting seamen. In 1807 this question was brought to issue by the desertion of five British seamen from the Halifax, and their enlistment on the U. S. frigate Chesapeake. Four sepa- rate demands were made for these men, but all of the commanders, knowing the firm attitude of .Tefferson's administration against the ])ra(tice, refused, as did the Secretary of State refuse a fifth demand on the part of the British minister. On the 23d of June following, while the Citesapeake was near the capes of Virginia, Capt. Humphreys of the British ship 7>€o- pard attempted to search her for deserters. Capt. Barron denied the right of search, but on being fired ij»lo, lowered his flag, *From the StatcsniHU'. Miinual, Vul. 1., b.v Edwin Willianu. 18 AMERICAN POLITICS, Humphreys then took four men from the Chesapeake, three of whom had previously entered the British service, hut were Americans by birth, aud had been form- ally demanded by 'NV^ashiiigton. The act was a direct violation of the international law, for a nation's ship at sea like its ter- ritory is inviolable. The British govern- ment disavowed the act of its officer and oflered apology and reparation, which were accepted. This event, however, strengthened Jefferson's rejection of the Monroe-Piuckney treaty, and quickly stop- ped adverse political criticism at home. Foreign affiiirs remained, however, in a complicated state, owing to the wars be- tween England and the then successful Napoleon, but they in no wise shook the firm hold which Jefferson had upon the people, nor the prestige of his party. He stands in history as one of the best poli- ticians our land has ever seen, and then as now no one could successfully draw the line between the really able politician and the statesman. He was accepted as both. His administration closed on the 3d of March, 1809, when he expressed great gratification at being able to retire to pri- vate life. Mr. Madison succeeded at a time when the country, through fears of foreign aggres- sion and violence,"was exceedingly gloomy and despondent— a feeling not encouraged in the least by the statements of the Fed- eralists, some of whom then thought politi- cal criticism in hours of danger not un- patriotic. They described our agriculture as discouraged, our fisheries abandoned, our commerce restrained, our navy dis- mantled, our revenues destroyed at a time when war was at any moment probable with either France, England or Spain. Madison, representing as he did the same party, from the first resolved to follow the policy of Jefferson, a fact about which there was no misunderstanding. He desired to avert war as long as possible with England, and sought by skilful diplomacy to avert the dangers presented by both France and England in their attitude Avith neutrals. England had declared that a man who was once a subject always remained a subject, and on this plea based her deter- mination to im])ress again into her service all deserters from her navy. France, be- cause of refusal to accede to claims equally at war with our rights, had authorized the seizure of all American vessels entering the ports of France. In May, 1810, when the non-intercourse act had expired, Madi- son caused proposals to be made to bcjth belligerents, that if either would revoke its hostile edict, the non-intercourse act should be revived and enforced against the other nation. This act had Ijeen passeil l)y the tenth Congress as a substitute for the em- bargo. France quickly accepted Madison's proposal, and received the benefits of the act, and the direct result was to increase the growing hostility of England, From this time forward the negotiations had more the character of a diplomatic contest than an attemijt to maintain peace. Both coun- tries were upon their mettle, and early in 1811, Mr. Pinckney, the American minister to Great Britain, was recalled, and a year later a formal declaration of war was made by the United States. Just prior to this the old issue, made by the Republicans against Hamilton's scheme for a National Bank, was revived by the fact that the charter of the bank ceased on the 4th of March, 1811, and an attempt was made to recharter it. A bill for this purpose was introduced into Con- gress, but on the 11th of January, 1811, it was indefinitely postponed in the House, by a vote of 65 to 64, while in the Senate it was rejected by the casting vote of the Vice-President, Geo. Clinton, on the 5th of February, 1811 — this notwithstanding its provisions had been framed or approved by Gallatin , the Secretary of the Treasury. The Federalists were all strong advocates of the measure, and it was so strong that it divided some of the Democrats who en- joyed a loose rein in the contest so far as the administration was concerned, the President not specially caring for political quarrels at a time when war was threatened with a powerful foreign nation. The views of the Federalists on this question descend- ed to the Whigs some years later, and this fact led to the charges that the Whigs were but Federalists in disguise. The eleventh Congress continued the large Democratic majority, as did the twelfth, which met on the 4th of Novem- ber, 1811, Henry Clay, then an ardent supporter of the policy of Madison, suc- ceeding to the House speakership. He had previously served two short sessions in the U. S. Senate, and had already acquired a high reputation as an able and fluent debat- er. He preferred the House, at that period of life, believing his powers better calcu- lated to win fame in the more popular rep- resentative hall. Calhoun was also in the House at this time, and already noted for the boldness of his- views and their asser- tion. In this Congress jealousies arose against the political power of Virginia, which had already named three of the four Presi- dents, each for two terms, and De Witt Clinton, the well-known Governor of New York, sought through these jealousies to create a division which would carry him into the Presidency. His efforts were for a time warmly seconded by several northern and southern states. A few months later the Legislature of New York formally opened the ball by nominating DeWitt Clinton for the Presidency. An address THE JEFFERSON DEMOCRATS. 19 wiis issiu'il by liis Ciii'inls, Aii^aist 17tli, ISl'i, wliiih lias siiK'i* bei-oiiK' known as tlu- ( 'lin- toniaii platform, iiiid his followors wi-ri' known as Cliiitoniiiii DcniocTats. Theiid- dri'ss c'ontaini'(i the th-st public ])roti'st against tho nomination oC I'ri'sidcnlial can- (lidatos by Conj^ressional (.■aurnsfs. TluTt' w;us likewise deelari'il opposition to that "otlieial n'^eney whieh preseribed tenets oC political faith." The ellbrts of jjartieular states to monopolize the principal oflices was denounced, iis was the continuance of public men for long periods in office. Madison was nominated for a second t<'rm by a Congressional caucus held at Wiushington, in -May, 1S12. John Langdon w:us nominated for Vice-President, but as he declined on account of age, Elbridge (terry of ^lassachusetts, took his place. In September of the same year a conren- tinn of the opposition, representing eleven states, was held in the city of New York, which nominated De Witt Clinton, with Jared IngersoU for Vice-President. This was the first national convention, ])artisan in character, and the Federalists have the credit of originating and carrying out the idea. The election resulted in the success of Madison, who received 128 electoral votes to Si) for Clinton. Though factious strife had been some- what rife, le^s attention was paid to poli- tii's than to the approaching war. There were new Democratic leaders in the lower House, and none were more prominent than Clay of Kentucky, Calhoun, Cheves and Lowndes, all of South Carolina. The policy of Jell'erson in reducing the army and navy was now greatly deplored, and the defenceless condition in which it left the country was the partial cause, at least a stated cause of the factious feuds which fol- lowed. Madison sought to change this policy, and he did it at the earnest solici- tation of Clay, Calhoun and Lowndes, who were the recognized leaders of the war party. They had early determined that Madison should be directly identified with them, and before his second nomina- tion had won him over to their more de- cided views in favor of war with fjngland. He had held back, hoping that diplomacy might avert a contest, but when once con- vinced that war was inevitable and even desirable under the circumstances, his official utterances were bold and free. In the June following the caucus which re- nominated him, he declared in a message that our flag was continually insulted on the high seas; that the right of searching American vessels for British seamen was still in practice, and that thousands of American citizens had in this way been impressed in service on foreign ships ; that peacful effortxs at adjustment of the diffi- culties had proved abortive, and that the British ministry and British emissaries had actually been intriguing for the diw- mendurmcnt of tlie L'nitjii. The act re then resj)ectively at war. The tenth article reads as follows: — " Whereas the traffic in slaves is irrecon- cilable with the principles of humanity and justice ; and, whereas, both His ]Ma- jesty and the United States are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties shall use their best en- deavors to accomplish so desirable an ob- ject." The eleventh and last article provides for binding etFect of the treaty, upon the ex- change of ratifications. The position of New England in the war is explained somewhat by her exposed po- sition. Such of the militia as served en- dured great hardships, and they were al- most constantly called from their homes to meet new dangers. Distrusting their loy- alty, the general government had with- held all supplies from the militia of Massa- chusetts and Connecticut for the year 1814, and these States were forced to bear the burden of supportingthem, at the same time contributing their quota of taxes to the general government — hardships, by the way, not greater than those borne by Penn- sylvania and Ohio in the late war for the Union, nor half as hard as those borne by the border States at the same time. True, the coast towns of Massachusetts were sub- jected to constant assault from the British navy, and the people of these felt that they were defenceless. It was on their petition that the legislature of Massachusetts final- ly, by a vote of 226 to 67, adopted the report favoring the calling of the Hartford Con- vention. A circular was then addressed to the Governors of the other States, with a request that it be laid before their legisla- tures, inviting them to appoint delegates, and stating that the object was to deliber- ate upon the dangers to which the eastern section was exposed, " and to devise, if practicable, means of security and defence which might be consistent with the preser- vation of their resources from total ruin, and not repugnant to their ohligaUons as members of the Union.'''' The italicized por- tion shows that there was at least then no design of forming a separate treaty, or of promoting disunion. The legislatures of Connecticut and Rhode Island endorsed the call and sent delegates. Those of New Hampshire and Vermont did not, but de- legates were sent by local conventions. These delegates, it is hardly necessary to remark, were all members of the Federal party, and their suspected designs and ac- tion made the " Hartford Convention " a bye-word and reproach in the mouths of Democratic orators for years thereafter. It gave to the Democrats, as did the entire history of the war, the prestige of superior {)atriotism, and they ])rofited by it as long iis the memory of the war of 1812 was fresh. Indeed, directly after the war, all men seemed to keep in constant view the reluctance of the Federalists to support the war, and their almost open hostility to it in New England. Peace brought pros- TllK CONGKESSION AL CAUCUS. 21 ])erity and uU-iity, but not oblivion ol" tbe old political issue-s, and this was tlu' bi-- {jinninj? of the end of the Federal party. ItA decay thereafter wa-s rapid and con- stant. The eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth Con- fjres.ses had continued Democratic. The fourteenth betran Dec. 4, IS!'), with the Democratic majority in the House increased to 3U. Clay iiad taken part in nej^otiatinjx the treaty, and on his return was attain elected to the House, and was for the third time electetl speaker. Though G.') Feder- alists had been elected, but 10 were given to Federal candidates for speaker, this party now showing a strong, and under the circumstances, a very natural desire to rub out party lines. The internal taxes and the postage rates were reduced. The Protective TarllT. President Madison, in his message, had urged upon Congress a revision of the tariff, and pursuant to his recommendation what was at the time called a protective tariff was passed. Even Calhoun then supported it, while Clay proclaimed that protection must no longer be secondary to revenue, but of prinuiry importance. The rates fixed, however, were insufficient, and many American manufactures were soon frustrated by excessive importations of for- eign manufactures. The position of Cal- houn and Lowndes, well known leaders from South Carolina, is explained by the fact that just then the proposal of a pro- tective tar itf was popular in the south, in view of the liea\'y duties upon raw cotton which England then imposed. The Feder- alists in weakness changed their old posi- tion when they found the Democrats advo- cating a tariff, and the latter quoted and published quite extensively Alexander Hamilton's early report in favor of it. Webster, in the House at the time and a leading Federalist, was against the bill. The parties had exchanged positions on the question. Peace brought with it another exchange of positions. President Madison, although he had vetoed a bill to establish a National Bank in 181.'3, was now (in 1816) anxious for the establishment of such an institution. Clay had also changed his views, and claimed that the experiences of the war showed the necessity for a national curren- cy. The bill met with strong opposition from a few Democrats and nearly all of the Federalists (the latter having changed po- sition on the question since 1811), but it passed and was signed by the President. A bill to promote internal improvements, advocated by Clay, was at first fiiv(jred by Madison, but his mind changed and he ve- toed the measure — the first of its kind passed by Congress. The Democratic. meniberH of (^)ngre^>8, before the adjournment of Uil- first session, held a caucus for the nomination of can- didates to succeed Madison and (Jerry. It w;ls understood that the retiring officers and their confidential friends favored .lames Monroe of Virginia. Their wi>lies were carrie4 votes against (>!'> for Monroe. Tiie Democrats opposed to Virginia's domina- tion in the j)olitics of the country, made a .second effort, and directed it against Monroe in the caucus. Aaron Burr denounced him as an improper and incoinj)etent can- didate, and joined in the jirotestthen made again.st any nomination by a C'(Migressioiuil caucus; he succeeding in getting nineteen Democrats to stay out of the caucus. Later he advised renewed attempts to break ilown the Congressional caucus system, and before the nomination favored Andrew Jackson as a means to that end. Daniel B. Tompkins was nominated by the Demo- crats for Vice-President. The Federalists named Rufus King of New York, but in the election which followed he received but 24 out of 217 electoral votes. The Federalists divided their votes for Vice- President. Monroe was inaugurated on the 14th of March, 1817, the oath being administered by Chief Justice Marshall. The inaugural address was so liberal in its tone that it seemed to give satisfaction to men of all shades of political opinion. The questions which had arisen dtiring the war no longer had any practical significance, while the people were anxious to give the disturbing ones which ante-dated at least a season of rest. Two great and opposing policies had. previously obtained, and singularly enough each seemed exactly adapted to the times when they were triumphant The Fed- eral power had been asserted in a govern- ment which had gathered renewed strength during what was under the circumstances a great and perilous war, and the exi- gencies of that war in many instances compelled the Republicans or Democrats, or the Democratic-Republicans as some still called them, to concede points which had theretofore been in sharp dispute, and they did it with that facility which only Americans can command in emergencies: yet as a party they kept firm hold of the desire to enlarge the scope of liberty in it.s application to the citizens, and just here kept their original landmark. It is not singular then that the adminis- tration of jMonroe opened what h:vs ever since been known in politics as the " Era of Good PVeling." Party differences ra- pidly subsided, and political serenity was the order of the day. Monroe maarty lines ean hardly be said to have existed, but in the sixteenth session of Congress, whieh continued until May, 1820, new questions of national interest arose, pro- minent among whieh were additional pro- teetive duties for our nianufaetures ; inter- nal improvements by the government ; aeknowlodgments of the independenee of the South Amerieau States. Tlic Moiu-oe Doctrine. Upon tne question of reeognizing the in- dependenee of the South American States, the President made a record which has ever since been quoted and flenominated " The Monroe Doctrine." It is embodied in the following a])stract of his seventh annual message, under date of Dec. 2d, 1828: " It was stated, at the commencement of the liust session, that a great eflfbrt was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those coun- trie-<, and that it appeared to be conduct- ed with extraordinary moderation. It •need scarcely be remarked tliat the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiment.s the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side ot the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relat- ing to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to flo so. It is only when rights are in- vaded or seriously menaced, tliat we re- sent injuries, or make preparation for our dcHense. With the moveiniiits in this hemisphere we are of nect-ssity more im- mediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all en]ight«iic(| uiid imi)artial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that oi' America. This dillerence i>roceeds from that which existn in their res])eetive governments. And to the defense of our own, which hiis been achieved by the loss of so nnich blood and treasure, and nuitured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felici- ty, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amica- ble relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their l)art to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colo- nies or dependencies of any Euroj)ean power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interi)osition for the purpose of oi)pressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any Euro- pean power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of (heir recognition, and to this we have ad- hered, and shall continue to adhere, pro- vided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the com])etent authorities of this government, shall make a corres- jionding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security. The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced, than that the allied powers shf)uld have thought it proper, on a ]irin- ciple satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal con- cerns of Spain. To what extent such in- terposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question to which all inde- pendent ])owers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested ; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agi- tated that quarter of the globe, neverthe- less remains the same, which is, not to in- terfere in the internal concerns of any of its power- ; to consider the government, 24 AMERICAN POLITICS. de facto, as the legitimate government for us: to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy ; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and consj)icuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion ot either continent without endan- gering our peace and happiness ; nor can any one believe, that our southern breth- ren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indiffer- ence. If Ave look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course." The second election of Monroe, in 1820, was accomplished without a contest. Out of 231 electoral votes, but one was cast against him, and that for John Quincy Adams. Mr. Tompkins, the candidate for Vice-President, was only a little less for- tunate, there being 14 scattering votes against him. Neither party, if indeed there was a Federalist party left made any nominations. The Missouri Compromise. The second session of the 17th Con- gress opened on the 4th day of March, 1820, with .Tames Monroe at the head of the Executive Department of the Govern- ment, and the Democratic party in the majority in both branches of the Federal Legislature. The Cabinet at that time was composed of the most brilliant minds of the country, indeed as most justly re- marked by Senator Thomas H. Benton in his published review of the events of that period, it would be difficult to find in any government, in any country, at any time, more talent and experience, more dignity and decorum, more purity of private life, a larger mass of information, and more ad- diction to business, than was comprised in the list of celel^rated names then consti- tuting the executive department of the government. The legislative department was equally impressive. The exciting and agitating question then pending before Congress was on the admission of the State of ^Missouri into the Federal Union, the subject of the issue being the attempted tacking on of conditions restricting sla- very within her limits. She was admitted without conditions under the so-called compromise, which abolished it in certain portions of the then province of Louisiana. In this controversy, the compromise was sustained and carried entirely by the Dem- ocratic Senators and members from the Southern and slave-holding States aided and sanctioned by the Executive, and it was opposed by fifteen Senators from non- slave-holding States, who represented the opposite side on the political questions of the day. It passed the House by a close vote of 86 to 82. It has been seriously ques- tioned since whether this act was constitu- tional. The real struggle was political, and for the balance of power. For a while it threatened the total overthrow of all po- litical parties upon principle, and the sub- stitution of geographical parties discrimi- nated by the slave line, and thus destroy- ing the proper action of the Federal gov- ernment, and leading to a separation of the States. It was a federal movement, ac- cruing to the benefit of that party, and at first carried all the Northern democracy in its current, giving the supremacy to their adversaries. When this effect was per- ceived, democrats from the northern non slave-holding States took early opportu- nity to prevent their own overthrow, by voting for the admission of the States on any terms, and thus prevent the eventual separation of the States in the establish- ment of geographical parties divided by a slavery and anti-slavery line. The year 1820 marked a period of finan- cial distress in the country, which soon became that of the government. The army was reduced, and the general expenses of the departments cut down, despite which measures of economy the Congress deemed it necessary to authorize the President to contract for a loan of five million dollars. Distress was the cry of the day ; relief the general demand, the chief demand com- ing Irom debtors to the Government for public lands purchased under the then credit system, this debt at that time ag- gregating twenty-three millions of dollars. The banks failed, money vanished, instal- ments were coming due which could not be met ; and the opening of Congress in November, 1820, was saluted by the arrival of memorials from all the new States pray- ing for the relief to the purchaser of the public lands. The President referred to it in his annual message of that year, and Congress passed a measure of relief by changing the system to cash sales instead of credit, reducing the price of the lands, and allowing present debtors to apply pay- ments already made to portions of the land purchased, relinquishing the remain- der. Applications were made at that time for the establishment of the pre- emptive system, but without effect ; the new States continued to press the question and finally prevailed, so that now the pre- emptive principle has become a fixed pail THE TARIFF — AMERICAN SYSTEM. 25 of our IuikI sy.-iti'in, pt-rmaiu'iitly incorpo- rated witli it, ami to tbt- erinciple result- ing from the emancijtation of both the .\merican continents. It v„ay \,e .so de- veloped to the new southern nations, that they may feel it as an essential appendage to their independence." Mr. Adams had been a meml)er of Mr. Monroe's cal)inet, filling the department from which the doctrine would emanate. The enunciation by him as above of this "Monroe Doctrine," as it is called, is very different from what it has of late been sup- posed to be, as binding the United Statea to guard all the territory of the New World from European colonization. The mes- sage above quoted was written at a time when the doctrine as eimnciated by the former Presid(^nt through the then Secre- tary was Iresh in the mind of the latter, and when he himself in a communication to the American Senate was laying it down for the adoption of all the American na- tions in a general congress of their depu- ties. According to President Adams, this "Monroe Doctrine" (according to which it has been of late believed that the United States were to stand guard over the two Americas, and repulse all intrusive colo- nists from their shores), was entirely con- fined to our own borders; that it was only proposed to get the other States of the New NVorld to agree that, each for itself, and by its own means, should guard its own terri- tories ; and, consequently, that the United States, so far from extending gratuitous protection to the territories of other States, would neither give, nor receive, aid in any such enterprise, but that each should use its own means, within its own borders, for its own exemption from European colonial intrusion. No question in its day excited more in- temperate discussion, excitement, and feel- ing between the Executive and the Senate, and none died out so quickly, than this, relative to the jirojjosed congress of Ameri- can nations. The chief advantage to be derived from its retrospect — and it is a real one — is a view of the firmness with which the minority maintained the old policy of the United States, to avoid entangling al- liances and interference with the affairs of other nations ; and the exposition, by one so competent as Mr. Adams, of the true scope and meaning of the Monroe doc- trine. At the se,ssion of 1825-26 attempt waa again made to procure an amendment to the Constitution, 'ii relation to the mod» 28 AMERICAN POLITICS. of election of President and Vice-Presi- dent, so as to do away with all intermedi- ate agencies, and give the election to the direct vote of the ^Jeople. In the Senate the matter was referred to a committee who reported amendments dispensing with electors, providing for districts equal in number to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State was entitled in Congress, and obviating all excuses for caucuses and conventions to concentrate public opinion by providing that in the event of no one receiving a ma- jority of the whole number of district votes cast, that a second election should be held limited to the two persons receiving the highest number of votes; and in case of an equal division of votes on the second elec- tion then the House of Representatives shall choose one of them for President, as is prescribed by the Constitution. The idea being that the first election, if not re- sulting in any candidate receiving a ma- jority, should stand for a popular nomina- tion — a nomination by the people them- selves, out of which the election is almost sure to be made on the second trial. The same plan was suggested for choosing a Vice-President, except that the Senate was to finally elect, in case of failure to choose at first and second elections. The amend- ments did not receive the requisite support of two-thirds of either the Senate or the House. This movement was not of a par- tisan character ; it was equally supported and opposed respectively by Senators and Representatives of both parties. Substan- tially the same plan was recommended by President] Jackson in his first annual mes- sage to Congress, December 8, 1829. It is interesting to note that at this Ses- sion of 1825 and '26, attempt was made by the Democrats to pass a tenure of office bill, as applicable to government em- ployees and office-holders ; it provided that in all nominations made by the President to the Senate, to fill vacancies occasioned by an exercise of the Presi- dent's power to remove from office, the fact of the removal shall be stated to the Senate at the same time that the nomina- tion is made, with a statement of the rea- sons for Avhich such officer may have been removed." It was also sought at the same time to amend the Constitution to prohibit the appointment of any member of Con- gress to any federal office of trust or profit, during the period for which he was elec- ted ; the design being to make the mem- bers wholly independent of the Executive, and not subservient to the latter, and in- capable of receiving favors in the form of bestowals of official patronage. The tariff of 1828 is an era in our politi- cal legislation; from it the doctrine of "nullification" originated, and from tliat date began a serious division between the North and the South. This tariflP law was projected in the interest of the woolen manufacturers, but ended by including all manufacturing interests. The passage oi this measure was brought about not because it was favored by a majority, but because of political exigencies. In the then ap- I^roaching presidential election, Mr. Adams, who was in favor of the " Ameri- can System," supported by Mr. Clay (his Secretary of State) was opposed by General Jackson. This tariff" was made an admin- istration measure, and became an issue in the canvass. The New England States, which had formerly favored free trade, on account of their commercial interests, changed their policy, and, led by Mr. Webster, became advocates of the protec- tive system. The question of protective tariff" had now not only become political, but sectional. The Southern States as a section, were arrayed against the system, though prior to 1816 had favored it, not merely as an incident to revenue, but as a substantive object. In fact these tariff" bills, each exceeding the other in its de- gree of protection, had become a regular appendage of our presidential elections — carrying round in every cycle of four years, with that returning event ; starting in 1816 and followed up in 1820-24, and now in 1828, with successive , augmentations of duties ; the last being often pushed as a party measure, and with the visible pur- pose of influencing the presidential elec- tion. General Jackson was elected, hav- ing received 178 electoral votes to 83 re- ceived by John Quincy Adams. IVIr. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, who was on the ticket with Mr. Adams, was de- feated for the office of Vice-President, and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was elected to that office. The election of General Jackson was a triumph of democratic principle, and an assertion of the people's right to govern themselves. That principle had been vio- lated in the presidential election in the House of Representatives in the session of 1824-25; and the sanction, or rebuke, of that violation was a leading question in the whole canvass. It was also a triumph over the high protective policy, and the federal internal improvement policy, and the latitudinous construction of the Con- stitution ; and of the democracy over the federalists, then called national republi- cans ; and was the re-establishment of par- ties on principle, according to the land- marks of the early years of the govern- ment. For althoiigli Mr. Adams had re- ceived confidence and office from Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, and had classed with the democratic party during the " era of good feeling," yet he had previously been federal ; and on the re-establishment of old party lines which began to take place NULLIFICATION— DEMOCRATS AND FEDKUALS. 29 after tlie election of Mr. Aclaiiirt in the House of Representatives, his nllinities and policy became those of his former party ; unci as a party, with many indivi- dual exceptions, they became his suppor- ters and his streiif^th. (teneral Jackson, on the contrary, had always been demo- cratic, so classinir when he was a Senator in Congress under the administration of the tirst Mr. Adam-; ; and when party lines wcremoststraiiijhtly drawn, and upon prin- ciple, and assu'di now receiving thesupport of men and States which took this political position at that time, and maintained it for years afterwards ; among the latter, notably the States of Virginia and Pennsylvania. The short session of 1829-.')0 was ren- dered famous by the long and earnest de- bates in the wSenate on the doctrine of nul- lification, as it was then called. It started by a resolutiim of inquiry introduced by Mr. Foot of Connecticut; it was united with a proposition to limit the sales of the public lands to those then in the market — to suspend the surveys of the public lauds — and to abolish the office of Surveyor- General. The effect of such a resolution, if sanctioned upon inquiry and carried into legislative effect, would have been to check emigration to the new States in the West, and to check the growth and settlement of these States and Territories. It was warmly opposed by Western members. The de- bate spread and took an acrimonious turn, and sectional, imputing to the quarter of the Union from which it came an old and early policy to check the growth of the West at the outset by proposing to limit the sale of the Western lands, by selling no tract in advance until all in the rear was sold out; and during the debate Mr. Webster referred to the famous ordinance of 1787 for the government of the north- western territory, and especially the anti- .slavery clause which it contained. Closely connected with this subject to which Mr. Webster's remarks, during the debate, related, was another which excited .some warm discussion^the topic of slavery — and the effect of its existence or non- existence in different States. Kentucky and Ohio were taken for examples, and the superior improvement and popula- tion of Ohio were attributed to its exemp- tion from the evils of slavery. This wa-s an excitable subject, and the more so be- cause the wounds of the Missouri contro- versy in which the North was the undis- puted aggressor, were still tender. Mr. Hayne from South Carolina answered with warmth and resented as a reflection upon the Slave States this disadvantageous com- parison. Mr. Benton of Missouri followed on the same side, and in the course of his remarks said, " I regard with admiration, that is to say, with wonder, the sublime moralitv of those who cannot bear the ab- stract contemi)lation of slavery, at the dis- tance of five humlnrd or a thousand miles rttf.'j This allusion to the Mi.ssouri con- troversy, and invective against the free Slates for their part in it, by Messrs. Hayne and Benton, brought a reply from Mr. Webster, showing what their conduct had been at the first introduction of the slavery topic in the Congress of the United States, and that they totally refused to in- terfere between master and slave in any way whatever, liut the to]iic which be- came the leading feature of the whole de- bate, and gave it an interest which cannot die, was that of nullification — the assumed right of a State to anmil an act of Congress —then first broached in the Senate — and in the discussion of which Mr. Webster and Mr. Hayne were the champion speakers on opposite sides — the latter voicing the sentiments of the Vice-Presi- dent, iVIr. Calhoun. This turn in the de- bate was brought about, by Mr. Hayne having made allusion to the course of New England during the war of 1812, and espe- cially to the assemblage known as the Hartford Convention, and to which designs unfriendly to the Union had been at- tributed. This gave Mr. Webster an op- portunity to retaliate, and he referred to the public meetings which had just then taken place in South Carolina on the sub- ject of the tariff, and at which resolves were passed, and propositions adopted sig- nificant of resisistance to the act; and con- sequently of disloyalty to the Union. He drew Mr. Hayne into their defence and into an avowal of what has since obtained the current name of " XuUificatioii." He said, " I understand the honorable gentle- man from South Carolina to maintain, that it is a right of the State Legislature to inter- fere, whenever, in their judgment, this government transcends its constitutional limits, and to arrest the operation of its laws, * * * * that the States may law- fully decide for themselves, and each State for itself, whether, in a given case, the act of the general government transcends its powers, * * * * that if the exigency of the case, in the opinion of any State government require it, such State gov- ernment may, by its own sovereign au- thority, annul an act of the general •gov- ernment, which it deems j>lainly and pal- pably unconstitutional." Mr. Hayne was evidently unprepared to admit, or fully denv, the propositions as so laid down, but contented himself with stating the words of the Virginia Resolution of 1798, as fol- lows: "That this assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government as result- ing from the compact, to which the States are parties, a.s limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no farther valid than they 30 AMERICAN POLITICS. are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact, and that, in case of a de- liberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the States who are parties thereto have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose, for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their re- spective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them." This resoUition came to be understood by Mr. Hayne and others on that side of the debate, in the same sense that Mr. Webster stated, as above, he understood the gentleman from the South to interi)ret it. On the otiier side of the question, he argued that the doctrine had no foundation either in the Constitution, or on the Vir- ginia resolutions — that the Constitution makes the federal government act upon citizens within the States, and not upon the States themselves, as in the old con- federation : that within their Constitution- al limits the laws of Congress were supreme — and that it was treasonable to resist them with force : and that the question of their constitutionality was to be decided by the Supreme Court : with respect to the Virginia resolutions, on which Mr. Hayne relied, Mr. Webster disputed the interpre- tation put upon them — claimed for them an innocent and justifiable meaning — and exempted Mr. Madison from the suspicion of having framed a resolution asserting the right of a State legislature to annul an Act of Congress, and thereby putting it in the power of one State to destroy a form of government which he had just labored so hard to establish. Mr. Hayne on his part gave (as the prac- tical part of his doctrine) the pledge of for- cible resistance to any attempt to enforce unconstitutional laws. He said, " The gentleman has called upon us to carry out our scheme practically. Now, sir, if I am correct in my view of this matter, then it follows, of course, that the right of a State being established, the federal government is bound to acquiesce in a solemn decision of a State, acting in its sovereign capacity, at least so far as to make an appeal to the people for an amenthnent to the Constitu- tion. This solemn decision of a State binds the federal government, under the highest constitutional obligation, not to resort to any means of coercion against the citizens of the dissenting State. * * * Suppose Congre.s8 should pass an agrarian law, or a law emancipating our slaves, or should commit any other gross violation of our constitutional rights, will any gentlemen contend that the decision of every branch of the federal government, in favor of such laws, could prevent the States from de- claring them null and void, and [)rotecting their citizens from their operation? * * Let me assure the gentlemen that, when- ever any attempt shall be made from any quarter, to enforce unconstitutional laws, clearly violating our essential rights, our leaders (whoever they may be) will not be found reading black letter from the musty pages of old law books. They will look to the Constitution, and when called upon by the sovereign authority of the State, to preserve and protect the rights secured to them by the charter of their liberties, they will succeed in defending them, or ' perish in the last ditch.' " These words of Mr. Hayne seem almost prophetic in view of the events of thirty years later. No one then believed in any- thing serious in the new interpretation given to the Virginia resolutions — nor in anything practical from nullification — nor in forcible resistance to the tariff laws from South Carolina — nor in any scheme of dis- union. Mr. Webster's closing reply was a fine piece of rhetoric, delivered in an elaborate and artistic style, and in an apparent spirit of deep seriousness. He concluded thus — " When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dis- figured fragments of a once glorious Union ; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent ; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the Republic, now known and honored through- out the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their ori- ginal lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as, What is all this worth? nor those other words of delusion and folly. Liberty first and Union afterwards ; but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing in all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, thAt other sentiment, dear to every true Ameri- can heart — Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable ! " President Jackson in his first annual message to Congress called attention to the fact of expiration in 1836 of the charter of incorporation granted by the Federal government to a moneyed institution called The Bank of the United States, which w^as originally designed to assist the govern- ment in establishing and maintaining a uniform and sound currency. He seriously doubted the constitutionality and expedi- ency of the law creating the bank, and was opposed to a renewal of the charter. His view of the matter was that if such an institution was deemed a necessity it should be made a national one, in the sense of being founded on the credit of the govern- ment and its revenues, and not a corpora- THE UNITED STATES I'.A.XK, 3t tion independent from and not a part of the jjovernint'nt. The Honse of Kcjire- Bentative.s wius strongly in favor of the re- newal of the charter, and several of its committees made elahorate, ample" and arfrumentative reports upon the subject. These rejiorts were the suhjeet of news- paper and pamphli't pul)licatioii ; an terminate the continuance of Soutn Car- olina in the Union — to absolve her from all connection with the federal government — and to establish her as a sei)arate govern- ment, wholly unconnected with the United States or any State. The ordinance of nullification was certified by the Governor of South Carolina to the President of the United States, and reached him in Decem- ber of the same year; in consequence of which he immediately issued a proclama- tion, exhorting the people of South Caro- lina to obey the laws of Congress; point- ing out and explaining the illegality of the procedure; stating clearly and distinct- ly his firm determination to enforce the laws xs became him as Executive, even by resort to force if necessary. As a state paper, it is important as it contains the views of General Jackson regarding the nature and character of our federal gov- ernment, expressed in the following lan- guage: "The people of the United States formed the constitution, acting through the State Legislatures in making the com- ])act, to meet and discuss its ]>rovisions, and actiu'j; in separate conventions when they ratified those provisions; but, the terms used in the constitution show it to be a government in which the people of all the States collectively are represented. We are one people in Ihe choice of Presi- dent and Vice-President. Here the States have no other agency than to direct the mode in which the votes ^hall be given. * * The peoj)le, then, and not the States, are represented in the executive branch. * * * In the House of ItcprescntativcH the membem are all representatives of the United States, not representatives of the particular States from which they come. They are paid by the United States, not by the State, nor are they accountable to it for any act dona in the performance of their legislative functions. ***** The constitution of the United States, ihen, forms a governmt'iit, not a league; and whether it be formed by n comj)act between tiie States, or in any other man- ner, it,s character is the .same. It is a gov- ernment in which all the j)eople are repre- sented, which operates directly on the people individually, not upon the States — ■ they retained all the power they did not grant. Ikit each State, having expressly parted with so many powers as to consti- tute, jointly with tlie other States, a single nation, cannot, from that period, p was flooded with pe- titions and memorials urging federal inter- ference to abolish slavery in the States ; beginning with the petition of the Society of Friends of Philadelphia, urging the abolition of slaviTV in the District of Co- lumbia. These j)etitions were referred to ('ommittecs after an acrimonious debate as to whether they should be rect;ived or not. The position of the government at that time is embodied in the following resolution which was adopteilin the House of Kei)resentatives ;is early as J 71)0, and substantially rc-aflirmed in 1S.'{(;, as fol- lows : '"That Congress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, f)r in the treatment of them within any of the States ; it remaining with the several States to provide any regulations tiherein which humanity and true policy may re- quire." In the Summer preceding the Presi- dential election of 1836, a measure was in- troduced into Congress, which became very nearly a party measure, and which in its results proved disastrous to the Democrat- ic j)arty in after years. It was a plan for distributing the public land money among the States either in the shape of credit distribution, or in the disguise of a deposit of surplus revenue ; and this for the pur- pose of enhancing the value of the State stocks held by the United States Bank, which institution, aided by the party which it favored, led by Mr. Clay, was the prime mover in the plan. That gentleman was the author of the scheme, and great cal- culations were made by the party whieh favored the distribution upon its effect in adding to their popularity. The Bill passed the Senate in its original form, but met with less favor in the House where it was found necessary. To effectuate substan- tially the same end, a Senate Bill was in- troduced to regulate the keeping of the public money in the deposit banks, and this was turned into distribution of the surplus public moneys with the States, in proportion to their representation in Con- gress, to be returned when Congress should call for it ; and this was called a deposit with the States, and the faith of the States pledged for a return of the money. It was stigmatized by its opponents in Con- gress, as a distribution in disguise — as a deposit never to be reclaimed ; a^ a mis- erable evasion of the Constitution ; as an attempt to debauch the people with their own money ; as plundering instead of de- fending the country. The Bill passed both houses, mainly by the efforts of a half dozen aspirants to the Presidency, who sought to thus increase their popularitjr. They were doomed to disappointment in this respect. Politically, it was no advan- tage to its numerous and emulous support- ers, and of no disservice to its few deter- mined opponents. It was a most unfortu- nate act, a plain evasion of the Constitu- tion for a bad purpose ; and it soon gave a sad overthrow to the democracy and disap- 36 AMERICAN POLITICS. pointed every calculation made upon it. To the States it was no advantage, raising expectations which were not fulfilled, and «pon which many of them acted as reali- ties. The Bill was signed by the Presi- dent, but it is simple justice to him to say that he did it with a repugnance of feel- ing, and a recoil of judgment, which it re- ■quired great ellorts of his friends to over- come, and with a regret for it afterwards •which he often and imblicly expressed. In a party point of view, the passage of this measure was the commencement of calam- ities, being an efficient cause in that gen- eral suspension of specie payments, which quickly occurred, and brought so nuich embarrassment on the Van Buren admin- istration, ending in the great democratic defeat of 1840. The presidential election of 1836 re- sulted in the choice of tlie democratic can- didate, Mr. Van Buren, who was elected by 170 electoral votes ; his opjjonent. Gene- ral Harrison, receiving seventy-three elec- toral votes. Scattering votes were given for Mr. Webster, Mr. Mangum, and Mr. Hugh L. White, the last named represent- ing a fragment of the democracy who, in a spirit of disaffection, attempted to divide the democratic party and defeat Mr. Van Buren. At the opening of the second ses- sion of the twenty-fourth Congress, Decem- ber, 1836, President Jackson delivered his last annual message, under circumstances exceedingly gratifying to him. The power- ful opposition in Congress had been broken down, and he had the satisfaction of seeing full majorities of ardent and tried friends in each House. The country was in peace and friendship with all the world ; all ex- citing questions quieted at home; industry in all its branches prosperous, and the revenue abundant. And as a happy sequence of this state of affairs, the Senate on the 16th of March, 1837, expunged from the Journal the resolution, adopted three years previously, censuring the Presi- dent for ordering the removal of the de- posits of public money in the United States Bank. He retired from the presidency with high honors, and died eight years afterwards at his home, the celebrated " Hermitage," in Tennessee, in full posses- sion of all his faculties, and strong to the la.st in the ruling passion of his soul — love of country. The 4th of March, 1837, ushered in an- other Democratic administration — the be- ginning of the term of Martin Van Buren as President of the United States. In his inaugural address he commented on the prosperous condition of the country, and declared it to l)e his policy to strictly abide by tho (Constitution as written — no latitu- dinarian constructions permitted, or doubt- ful powers assumed; that liis political chart shi;uld be the doctrines of the demo- cratic school, as understood at the original formation of parties. The President, however, was scarcely settled in his new office when a financial panic struck the country with irresistible force. A general suspension of the banks, a depreciated currency, and insolvency of the federal treasury were at hand. The public money had been placed in the cus- tody of the local banks, and the notes of all these banks, and of all others in the coun- try, were received in payment of public dues. On the 10th of "May, 1837, the banks throughout the country suspended specie payments. The stoppage of tlie de- posit banks was the stoppage of the Trea- sury. Non-payment by the government was an excuse for non-payment by others. The suspension was now complete ; and it was evident, and as good as admitted by those who had made it, that it was the effect of contrivance on the part of politi- cians and the so-called Bank of the United States (which, after the expiration of its national charter, had become a State cor- poration chartered by the Legislature of Pennsylvania in January, 1836) for the purpose of restoring themselves to power. The whole proceeding became clear to those who could see nothing while it was in progress. Even those of the democratic party whose votes had helped to do the mischief, could now see that the attempt to deposit forty millions with the States was destruction to the deposit banks ; that the repeal of President Jackson's order, known as the " specie circular " — requiring pay- ment for public lands to be in coin — was to fill the treasury with paper money, to be found useless when wanted ; that distress was purposely created to throw blame of it upon the party in power ; that the promptitude with which the Bank of the United States had been brought forward as a remedy for the distress, showed that it had been held in reserve for that purpose ; and the delight with which the whig party saluted the general calamity, showed that they considered it their own passport to power. Financial embarrassment and general stagnation of business diminished the current receipts from lands and customs, and actually cau.sed an absolute deficit in the public treasury. In conse- quence, the President found it an inexora- ble necessity to issue his proclamation con- vening Congress in extra session. The first session of the twenty-fifth Con- gress met in extra session, at the call of the President, on the first Monday of Sep- tember, 1837. The message was a review of the events and causes which had brought about the panic ; a defense of the policy of the " specie circular," and a reconmienda- tion to break off all connection witli any bank of i.ssue in any form; looking to the estaldishment of an Independent Treasury, DEMOCRATS AND WHIGS. 37 and that the Govornmcnt provide for the deficit in the tre:i.siiry l)y the issue of treasury notes and Ity witliholdiiig the de- posit due to the States uikKt the act then in force. The message and its reconi- men(hitioi)s were vioh'ntly iissailed botii in the Senate and House by able and effec- tive speakers, notably by Messrs. Clay and Webster, ami also by Mr. Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, who made a formal ami elaborate reply to the whole document under thirty-two distinct heads, and recit- ing therein all the points of accusation against the democratic policy from the be- ginning of the government down to that day. The result was that the measures proposed by the Executive were in sub- stance enacted ; and their passage marks an era in our financial history — making a total and complete separation of Bank and State, and firmly establishing the principle that the government revenues should be receivable in coin only. The measures of consequence discussed and adopted at this session, were the graduation of price of public lands under the pre-emption system, which was adopt- ed ; the bill to create an independent Trea-sury, wliich passed the Senate, but failed in the House ; and the question of the re-charter of the district banks, the proportion for reserve, and the establish- ment of such institutions on a specie basis. The slavery question was again agitated in consequence of petitions from citizens and societies in the Northern States, and a memorial from the General Assembly of Vermont, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and territories, and for the exclusion of future slave states from the Union. These peti- tions and memorials were disposed of^ ad- versely ; and Mr. Calhoun, representing the ultra-Southern interest, in several able speeches, approved of the Missouri com- promise, he urged and obtained of the Senate several resolutions declaring that the federal government had no power to interfere with slavery in the States ; and that it would be inexpedient and impolitic to interfere, abolish or control it in the District of Columbia and the territories. These movements for and against slavery in the session of 1887-38 deserve to be no- ticed, as of disturbing effect at the time, and as having acquired new importance from subsequent events. The first session of the twenty-sixth Congress opened December, 1839. The organization of the House was delayed by a closely and earnestly contested election from the State of New Jersey. Five De- mocrats claiming seats as against an equal number of Whigs. Neither set was admit- ted until after the election of Speaker, which resulted in the choice of Robert M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, the Whig candi- ' date, who was elected by the full Whig vote with the aid of a few democrats — friends of Mr. Calhoun, who had for seve- ral previous sessions been actinir with the Whigs on several occa-sions. The House excluding the five contested seats from New .Jersey, was really Democratic; hav- ing 122 members, and tiie Whigs 113 mem- bers. The contest for tlieSpeaKership was long and arduous, neither j)arty adhering to its original caucus candidate. Twenty scattering votes, eleven of whom were classed as Whigs, and nine as Democrata, prevented a choice on the earlier ballots, and it wius really Mr. Callumn's Democrat- ic friends uniting with a solid Whig vote on the final ballot that gained that jjarty the election. The issue involved was a vital party question as involving the or- ganization of the House. The chief mea- sure, of public importance, adopted at this session of Congress was an act to provide for the collection, safe-keeping, and dis- bursing of the public money. It practi- cally revolutionized the system previously in force, and wjis a complete and eflectual separation of the federal treasury and the Government, from the banks and moneyed corporations of the States. It was violent- ly opposed by the Whig members, led by Mr. Clay, and supported by Mr. Cushing, but was finally passed in both Houses by a close vote. At this time, and in the House of Re- presentatives, was exhibited for the first time in the history of Congress, the pre- sent practice of members "pairing off," as it is called ; that is to say, two members of opposite political parties, or of opposite views on any particular subject, agreeing to absent themselves from the duties of the House, for the time being. The practice was condemned on the floor of the House by Mr. John Quincy Adams, who intro- duced a resolution: "That the practice, first openly avowed at the present session of Congress, of pairing off, involves, on the part of the members resorting to it, the violation of the Constitution of the United States, of an express rule of this House, and of the duties of both parties in the transaction, to their immediate consti- tuents, to this House, and to their coun- try." This resolution was placed in the calendar to take its turn, but not bein^ reached during the session, was not voted on. That w;is the first instance of this justly condemned practice, fifty years after the establishment of the Government; but since then it has become common, even in- veterate, and is now carried to great lengths. The last session of the twenty-sixth Con- gress was barren of measures, and neces- sarily so, as being the last of our adminis- tration superseded by the popular voice, and soon to expire ; and therefore restric- ted by a sense <>f jiropriety, during the 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. brief remainder of its existence, to the de- ■tails of business and the routine of .service. The cause of this was the result of the presidential election of 1840. The .same candidates who fought the battle of 1836 were again in the field. Mr. Van Buren wa.s the Democratic candidate. His ad- ministration had been satisfactory to his party, and his nomination for a second term was commended by the party in the different States in appointing their dele- gates ; so that the proceedings of the con- vention which nominated him were en- tirely harmonious and formal in their na- ture. Mr. Richard M. Johnson, the ac- tual Vice-President, was also nominated for Vice-President. On the Whig ticket, General William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, was the candi- date for President, and Mr. John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-President. The lead- ing statesmen of the Whig party were again put aside, to make way for a milita- ry man, prompted by the example in the nomination of General Jackson, the men who managed presidential elections be- lieving then as now that military renown was a passport to popularity and rendered a candidate more sure of election. Availa- bility — for the purjjose — was the only abili- ty asked frjr. Mr. Clay, the most promi- nent Whig in the country, and the ac- knowledged head of the party, was not deemed available; and though Mr. Clay was a candidate before the convention, the proceedings were so regulated that his nomination was referred to a committee, ingeniously devised and directed for the afterwards avowed purpose of preventing his nomination and securing that of Gene- ral Harrison ; and of producing the intend- ed result without showing the design, and without leaving a trace behind to show what was done. The scheme (a modifica- tion of which has since been applied to subsequent national conventions, and out of which many bitter dissensions have again and again arisen) is embodied and was executed in and by means of the following resolution adopted by the convention : " Ordered, That the delegates from each State be requested to assemble as a delega- tion, and appoint a committee, not exceed- ing three in inimber, to receive the views and opinions of such delegation, and com- municate the same to the assembled com- mittes of all the delegations, to be by them respectively reported to their principals ; ami that thereupon the delegates from each State be re(|uestcd to asseinble as a delegation, and ballot for candidates for the offices of President and Vice-Presi- dent, and having done so, to commit the ballot designating the votCs of each candi- date, and by whom given, to its commit- tee, and thereupon all the committees shall assemble and compare the several ballots, and report the result of the same to their several delegations, together with such facts as may bear upon the nomina- tion ; and said delegation shall forthwith re-assemble and ballot again for candidates for the above offices, and again commit the result to the above committees, and if it shall appear that a majority of the bal- lots are for any one man for candidate for President, said committee shall report the result to the convention for its considera- tion ; but if there shall be no such majori- ty, then the delegation shall repeat the balloting until such a majority shall be obtained, and then report the same to the convention for its consideration. That the vote of a majority of each delegation shall be reported as the vote of that State ; and each State rei)resented here shall vote its full electoral vote by such delegation in the committee." This was a sum in poli- tical algebra, whose quotient was known, but the quantity unknown except to those who planned it ; and the result was — for General Scott, 16 votes ; for Mr. Clay, 90 votes; for General Harrison, 148 votes. And as the law of the convention imjilied- ly requires the absorption of all minorities, the 106 votes were swallowed up by the 148 votes and made to count for General Harrison, presenting him as the unani- mity candidate of the convention, and the defeated candidates and all their friends bound to join in his support. And in this way the election of 1840 was effected — a process certainly not within the purview of those framcrs of the constitution who supposed they were giving to the nation the choice of its own chief magistrate. The contest before the peoi^le was a long and bitter one, the severest ever known in the country, up to that time, and scarcely equalled since. The whole Whig party and the large league of susperided banks, headed by the Bank of the United States making its last struggle for a new national charter in the effort to elect a President friendly to it, were arrayed against the Democrats, whose hard-money policy and independent treasury schemes, met with little favor in the then depressed condition of the country. Meetings were held in every State, county and town ; the people thoroughly aroused; and evei'j argument made in favor of the respective candidates and parties, which could pos- sibly have any effect u])on the voters. The canvass was a thorough one, and the elec- tion was carried for the ^\'hig candidates, who received 234 electoral votes coming from 19 States. The remaining 60 electo- ral votes of the other 9 States, were given to the Democratic candidate ; though the popular vote was not so unevenly divided ; the actual figures being 1,275,611 for the Whig ticket, against 1,135,761 for the Democratic ticket. It was a complete rout WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS— 111 K HOUR RULE. 39 of the Dcmocnitic party, but without thr moral elVi'ct of victory. On jNIarch 4, 1841, was inaugurated as President, (len'l Wni. H. Harrison, the first Chief Majristrate olecte. J lis term was a short one. He issued a call for a special session of Congress to convene the 31st of May following, to consider the condition of the revenue and finances of the country, but did not live to meet it. Taken ill with a fatal malaily during the last days of Marcli, lie died on the 4th of ApriHollow- ing, having been in office just one month. He w;us succeeded by the Vice-President, John Tyler. Then, for the first time in our history a.s a government, the person elected to the Vice-Presidency of the United States, by the happening of a con- tingency provided for in the constitution, had devolved upon him the Presidential office. The twenty -seventh Congress opened in extra session at the call of the late Presi- dent, >[ay 31, 1841. A Whig member- Mr. White of Kentucky — was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. The Whigs had a majority of forty-seven in the House and of seven in the Senate, and with the President and Cabinet of the same political party presented a harmony of a.spect frequently wanting during the three previous administrations. The first measure of the new dominant party was the repeal of the independent treasury act passed at the pi-evious session ; and the next in order were bills to establish a sys- tem of bankruptt-y, and for distribution of public land revenue. The former was more than a bankrupt law; it was practi- cally an insolvent law for the abolition of debts at the will of the debtor. It applied to all persons in debt, allowed them to institute the proceedings in the district where the petitioner resided, allowed con- structive notices to creditors in newspapers — declared the abolition of the debt where effects were surrendered and fraud not proved ; and gave exclusive jurisdiction to the federal courts, at the will of the debtor. It was framed upon the model of the Eng- lish insolvent debtors' act of George the Fourth, and embodied most of the i)ro- visions of that act, but substituting a re- lease from the debt instead of a release from imprisonment. The bill passed by a close vote in both Houses. The land revenue distribiition bill of this session had its origin in the fact that the States and corporations owed about two hundred millions to cre(litf)rs in Europe. These debts were in stocks, much dei)re- ciateil by the failure in many instances to pay the accruing interest — in some in- ttances failure to provide for the principal. Thi'C ( redilors, becoming unea.sy, wished the federal government to assume their dtbts. The suggestion was made as early as 1838, renewe(l in IS.'!!l, und in 1810 be- came a regular (piestion mixed up with the Presidential electior of that year, and oi)enly engaging the active exertions of foreigners. Direct assumption was not urged ; indirect i)y giving the public land revenue to the States was tiie mode i)ur- sued, and the one recommended in tiie message of President Tyler. Mr. Calhoun spf)ke against the measure with more than usual force and clearness, claiming that it was unconstitutional and without warrant. Mr. Benton on tiie same side called it a scjuandering of the public {)atrimony, and pointed out its inexpediency in the de- ])leted state of the treasury, apart from its other objectionable features. It passed by a [larty vote. This session is remarkable for the insti- tution of the hour rule in the House of Representatives — a very great limitation upon the freedom of debate. It was a Whig measure, adopted to ])revent delay in the enactment of pending bills. It was a rigorous limitation, frequently acting as a bar to profitable debate anil checking members in speeches which really impart information valuable to the House and the country. No doubt the license of debate has been frequently abused in Congress, as in all other deliberative assemblies, but the incessant use of the previous question, which cuts off' all debate, added to the hour rule which limits a speech to sixty minutes (constantly reduced by interrup- tions) frequently results in the transaction of business in ignorance of what they are about by those who are doing it. The rule worked so well in the House, for the purpose for which it was devised — made the majority absolute master of the body — that Mr. Clay undertook to have the same rule adopted in the Senate ; but the determined opposition to it, both by his political opponents and friends, led to the abandonment of the attempt in that chamber. Much discussion took place at this ses- sion, over the bill offered in the House of Re})resentatives, for the relief of the widow of the late President — General Harrison — approjtriating one year's salary. It was strenuously opposed by the Democratic meml)ers, as unconstitutional, on account of its ])rinciple, as creating a private pen- sion list, and as a dangerous precedent. Many able speeches were made against the bill,i)oth in the Senate and House; among others, the following extract from the speech of an able Senator contains some interesting factn. He said : '' Look at the case of ^Ir. .lefferson, a man than whom no one that ever existed on God's earth were the human familv more indebted to. 40 AMERICAN POLITICS. His furniture and his estate were sold to satisfy liis creditors. His posterity was driven from house and home, and his bones now lay in soil owned by a stranger. His family are scattered : some of his descend- ants are married in foreign lands. Look at Monroe — the able, the patriotic Monroe, whose services were revohitionary, whose blood was spilt in the war of Independence, whose life was worn out in civil service, and whose estate has been sold for debt, his family scattered, and his daughter buried in a foreign land. Look at Madi- son, the model of every virtue, public or private, and he would only mention in connection with this subject, his love of order, his economy, and his systematic regularity in all his habits of business. He, when his term of eight years had ex- pired, sent a letter to a gentleman (a son of whom is now on this floor) [Mr. Pres- ton], enclosing a note of five thousand dollars, which he requested him to en- dorse, and raise the money in Virginia, so as to enable him to leave this city, and re- turn to his modest retreat — his patrimonial inheritance — in that State. General Jack- son drew upon the consignee of his cot- ton crop in New Orleans for six thousand dollars to enable him to leave the seat of government without leaving creditors behind him. These were honored leaders of the republican party. They had all been Presidents. They had made great sacrifices, and left the presidency deeply embarrassed ; and yet the republican party who had the power and the strongest dis- position to relieve their necessities, felt they had no right to do so by appropri- ating money from the public Treasury. Democracy would not do this. It was left for the era of federal rule and federal supremacy — who are now rushing the country with steam power into all the abuses and corruptions of a monarchy, with its pensioned aristocracy — and to en- tail upon the country a civil pension list." There was an impatient majority in the House in favor of the passage of the bill. The circumstances were averse to delibera- tion — a victorious party, come into poAver after a heated election, seeing their elected candidate dying on the threshold of his administration, poor and beloved : it was a case lor feeling more tlian of judgment, es- pecially with the political friends of the deceased — but few of whom could follow the counsels of the head against the impul- sions of the heart. The bill passed, and was approved ; and as predicted, it established a precedent which has since been followed in every similar ca.se. The subject of naval pensions received more than usual consideration at this ses- sion. The question arose on the discussion of the appropriation bill for that purpose. A differenvL' about a navy — on the point of how much and what kind — had always been a point of difference between the two great political parties of the Union, which, under whatsoever names, are always the same, each preserving its identity in prin- ciples and policy, but here the two parties divided upon an abuse which no one could deny or defend. A navy pension fund had been established under the act of 1832, which was a just and proper law, but on the 3d of March, 1837, an act was passed entitled " An act for the more equitable distribution of the Navy Pension Fund." That act provided : I. That Invalid naval pensions should commence and date back to the time of receiving the inability, in- stead of completing the proof. II. It ex- tended the pensions for death to all cases of death, whether incurred in the line of duty or not. III. It extended the widow's pensions for life, when five years had been the law both in the army and navy. IV. It adopted the English system of pension- ing children of deceased marines, until they attained their majority. The effect of this law was to absorb and bankrupt the navy pension fund, a meri- torious fund created out of the government share of prize money, relinquished for that purpose, and to throw the pensions, arrears as well as current and future, upon the public treasury, where it was never in- tended they were to be. It was to repeal this act, that an amendment was intro- duced at this session on the bringing for- ward of the annual appropriation bill for navy pensions, and long and earnest were the debates upon it. The amendment was lost, the Senate dividing on party lines, the Whigs against and the Democrats for the amendment. The subject is instruc- tive, as then was practically ratified and re- enacted the pernicious practice authorized by the act of 1837, of granting pensions to date from the time of injury and not from the time of proof; and has grown up to such proi^ortions in recent years that the last act of Congress appropriating money for arrears of pensions, provided for the payment of such an enormous sum of money that it would have appalled the original projectors of the act of 1837 could they have seen to what their system has led. Again, at this session, the object of tlie tariff occupied the attention of Congress. The compromise act, as it was called, of 1833, which was composed of two parts — one to last nine years, for the benefit of manufactures ; the other to last for ever, for the benefit of the planting and con- suming intere.'^t — was passed, as herein- before stated, in pursuance of an agree- ment between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun and tlieir respective friends, at the time the former was urging the necessity for ft THE NATIONAL BANK lULL. 41 continuance of hiirh tiirifF for prntoctinn and revenue, and tlie hitter was nreseiitiiif^ and justifying before Congress tne nullifi- cation ordinance adopted by ibe Legisla- ture of South Carolina. To Mr. Clay anil Mr. Calhoun it was a political necessity, one to get riil of a stinubling-block (which protective tarilVhad become) ; the other to ascape a personal peril which his nullify- ing ordinance had brought upon him, and with both, it was a piece of policy, to enable them to combine against Mr. Van Buren, by i)ostj)oning their own conten- tion ; and a device on the part of its author (Mr. Clayton, of Delaware) and Mr. Clay to preserve the protective system. It provided tor a reduction of a certain i)er centage each year, on the duties for the en.suing nine years, until the revenue was reduced to 20 per cent, ad valorem on all articles imported into the country. In consequence the revenue was so reduced that in the last year, there was little more than half what the exigencies of the govornment required, and different modes, by loans and otherwise, were suggested to meet the deficiency. The Secretary of the Treasury had declared the necessity of loans and taxes to carry on the govern- ment ; a loan bill for twelve millions had been passed ; a tariff bill to raise fourteen millions was depending ; and the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Millard Fillmore, defended its necessity in an able speech. His bill proposed twenty per cent, additional to the existing duty on certain specified articles, sufficient to make up the amount wanted. This en- croachment on a measure so much vaunted when passed, and which had been kept inviolate while operating in favor of one of the parties to it, naturally excited complaint and opposition from the other, and Mr. Gilmer, of Virginia, in a speech against the new bill, said: " In referring to the compromise act, the true character- istics of that act which recommended it strongly to him, were that it contemplated that duties were to be levied for revenue only, and in the next place to the amount only necessary to the supply of the economi- cal wantd of the government. He begged leave to call the attention of the committee to the principle recognized as the lan- guage of the compromise, a i)rinciple which ought to be recognized in all time to come by every department of the government. It is, that duties to be raised for revenue are to be raised to such an amount only as is necessary for an economical administra- ' tion of the government Some incidental protection must necessarily be given, and he, for one, coming from an anti-tariff por- ; tion of the countrv, would not object to ■ it." • , The bill went to the Senate where it foxind Mr Clay and Mr. Calhoun in posi- 1 tions very difl'irent from what they occu- pied when till! eompromise act w;us paH.sed — then united, now divided — then concur- rent, now antagonistic, and the antago- nism general, upon all measures, was to be special uparagraph on the subject of Texas and Mexico ; the idea being the annexation of the former to the Union, and the assumption of her causes of grievance against the latter ; and a treaty was pend- ing to accomplish these objects. The scheme for the annexation of Texas was framed with a double aspect — one looking to the then pending presidential election, the other to the separation of the Southern States ; and as soon as the rejection of the treaty was foreseen, and the nominating convention had acted, the disunion aspect manifested itself over many of the South- ern States— beginning with South Carolina. Before the end of IMay, a great meeting took place at Ashley, in that State, to combine the slave States in a convention to unite the Southern States to Texas, if Texas should not be received into the Union ; and to invite the President to convene Congress to arrange the terms of the dissolution of the Union if the rejec- tion of the annexation should be perse- vered in. Responsive resolutions were adopted in several States, and meetings held. The opposition manifested, brought the movement to a stand, and suppressed the disunion scheme for the time being — only to lie in wait for future occasions. But it was not before the people only that this scheme for a Southern convention with a view to the secession of the slave States was a matter of discussion ; it was the subject of debate in the Senate ; and there it was further disclosed that the design of the secessionists was to extend the new Southern republic to the Califor- nias. The treaty of annexation was supported by all the power of the administration, but failed ; and it was rejected by the Senate by a two-thirds vote against it. Following this, a joint resolution was early brought into the House of Repre- sentatives for the admission of Texas as a State of the Union, by legislative action ; it passed the House by a fair majority, but met with opposition in the Senate un- less coupled with a proviso for negotia- tion and treaty, as a condition precedent. A bill authorizing the President and a commissioner to be api^ointed to agree upon the terms and conditions of said admission, the question of slaverj' within its limits, its debts, the fixing of bounda- ries, and the cession of territory, was coupled or united with the resolution ; and in this shape it was finally agreed to, and became a law, with the concurrence of the President, March 3, 1845. Texas was then in a state of war with Mexico, though at that precise point of time an armistice had been agreed upon, looking to a treaty of peace. The House resolution was for an unqualified admission of the State; the Senate amendment or bill was for negotia- tion ; and the bill actually passed would not have been concurred in except on the understanding that the incoming Presi- dent (whose term began March 4, 1845, and who Avas favorable to negotiation) would act under the bill, and appoint commissioners accordingly. Contrary to all expectation, the outgoing President, on the last day of his term, at the instigation of his Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, assumed the execution of the act providing for the admission of Texas — adopted the legislative clause — and sent out a special messenger with in- structions. The danger of this had been foreseen, and suggested in the Senate ; but close friends of Mr. Calhoun, speaking for the administration, and replying to the suggestion, indignantly denied it for them, and declared that they would not have the " audacity " to so violate the spirit and in- tent of the act, or so encroach upon the OREGON TREATY OF lH4r,. 47 rij^Iit-! of tlu- luw Pri'sident. Tlieso stato- niLMits from tlu- frit'iidM of tho Sei-rctary and rrcsideiit that tlie plan by nct^^oliatidii would be adopted, i|uieted the apprehen- sion of those Senators opposed to legislative annexation or avas made for States, not territories ; that it cannot operate anywhere, not even in the States for which it was made, without acts of Congress to enforce it. The proposed ex- tension of the constitution to territories, with a view to its transportation of slavery along with it, was futile and nugatory, without the act of Congress to vitalize slavery ixnder it. The early part of the year had witnessed ominou» movements — MR. CLAY'S COMPROMISE RESOLUTIONS. 51 nif;:htly meetings of large numbers of mem- bers rroiii the Klave SUites, led by Mr. C.ilhouri, to consider the s(;ite of tilings between tlie Nortli and tlie South. Tlu-y appointed eomniitteed who prepared an addres.s to the people. It was in this eon- dition of things, that President Taylor ex- pressed his opinion, in his message, of the reiuudies re<|nired. t'alifornia, New Mexieo and Utah, had been left without governments. For California, he recom- mended that having a suOieient poi>ula- tion ami liaving framed a eonstitution, she be admitted as a State into the Union ; and f )r New Mexieo and Utah, without mixing the slavery question with their territorial governments, they be lef; to ri[)en into States, and settle the slavery question for themselves in their State con- stitutions. With a view to meet the wislies of all parties, and arrive at some defniite and permanent adjustment of the slavery ques- tion, Mr. Clay early in the session in- troduced compromise resolutions which were practically a tacking together of the several bills then on the calendar, provid- ing for the admission of California — the territorial government for Utah and New Mexico— the settlement of the Texas boun- dary — slavery in the District of Columbia — and for a fugitive slave law. It was seriously and earnestly opposed by many, as being a concession to the spirit of dis- union — a capitulation under threat of se- cession; and as likely to become the source of more contentions than it proposed to quiet. The resolutions were referred to a special committee, who promptly reported a bill embracing the comprehensive plan of com- promise which Mr. Clay proposed. Among the resolutions oftered, was the following : " Resolved, that as slavery does not exist by law and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory acquired by the United States from the "Republic of Mexi- co, it is inexpedient for Congress to })ro- vide bv law either for its introduction intatriotism, and established re- putation for judgment and firmness. His brief career showed no deficiency of poli- tical wisdom nor want of political training. His administration was beset with difiicul- ties, with momentous questions pending, and he met the crisis with firmness and determination, resolved to maintain the Federal Union at all hazards. His first and only annual message, the leading points of which have been stated, evinces a spirit to do what was right among all the States. His death was a public calamity. No man could have been more devoted to the Union nor more opposed to the slavery agitation ; and his position as a Southern man and a slaveholder — his military repu- tation, and his election by a majority of the people as well as of the States, would have given him a power in the settlement of the pending questions of the day which no President without these qualifications could have possessed. In accordance with the Constitution, the office of President thus devolved upon the Vice-President, Mr. Millard Fillmore, who was duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. The new cabinet, with Daniel Webster as Se- cretary of State, was duly appointed and confirmed by the Senate. The bill for the admission of California as a State in the Union, was called up in the Senate and sought to be amended by extending the Missouri Compromise line through it, to the Pacific Ocean, so as to authorize slavery in the State below that line. The amendment was introduced and pressed by Southern friends of the late- Mr. Calhoun, and made a test question. It was lost, and the bill passed by a two- third vote ; whereupon ten Southern Sena- tors offered a written protest, the conclud- ing clause of which was : *' We dissent from this bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because in sanctioning mea- sures so contrary to former precedents, to obvious policy, to the spirit and intent of the constitution of the United States, for the purpose of excluding the slaveholding States from the territory thus to be erected into a State, this government in eflect de- clares that the exclusion of slavery from the territorj' of the United States is an ob- ject so high and important as to justify a disregard not only of all the principles of sound policy, but also of the constitution itself. Against this conclusion we must now and lor ever protest, as it is destruc- tive of the safety and liberties of those whose rights have been committed to our care, fatal to the peace and equality of the States which we represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution of that RISE AND PUOGllESS OF ABOLITION PARTY. 53 confeleracy, in wliich the tlavcholdiii}; States have mcvlt souj^ht more tliaii oqtiiility, and in which they will not he content to remain with less." On objec- tion boin^c m!i(U', followed by debate, the Senate rol'iii'ed to receive tlie j)roU!.-.t, or permit it to be entered on the Jonrnal. The bill went to the House of Representa- tives, was readily passed, and promptly aj)[)roved by the President. Thus was virtually accomplished the abroi^ation of the Missouri compromise line; and the ex- tension or non-e.Kten:non of slavery was then made to form a foundation for future political parties. The year 18')() was prolific with disunion movements in the Southern States. The Senators who had joined with ]\Ir. (.'alhoun in tlio address to the people, in 184i>, united with their adherents in establishing; at Washington a newspaper entitled "The Southern Press," devoted to the agitation of the slavery question ; to presenting the advantages of disunion, and the organi- zation of a confederacy of Southern States to be called the "United States South." Its constant aim was to influence the South against the North, and advoca- ted concert of action by the States of tlie former section. It was aided in its efforts by newspapers j ublislied in the South, more especially in South Carolina and Mississippi. A disunion convention was actually lield, in Nashville, Tennessee, and invited the assembly of a Southern Con- gress. Two States. South Carolina and Mississippi responded to the appeal ; passed laws to carry it into effect, and the former went so far as to elect its quota of Representatives to the proposed new Southern Congress. These occurrences are referred to as showing the spirit that prevailed, and the extraordinary and un- justifiable means used by the leaders to mislead and exasperate the people. The assembling of a Southern " Congress " was a turning point in the progress of disunion. Georgia refused to join ; and her weight as a great Southern State was sufficient to cause the failure of the scheme. But the seeds of discord were sown, and had taken root, only to spring up at a future time when circumstances should be more favorable to the accomplishment of the object. Although the Congress of the United States had in 1790 and again in 1836 formally declared the policy of the govern- ment to be non-interference with the States in respect to the matter of slavery within the limits of the respective States, "the sub- ject continued to be agitated in conse- quence of petitions to Coneress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, which w:us under the exclusive control of the fed- oral government; and of movements thr-uighout the United States to limit, and finally abolish it The subject fu-st made ita ai»i)eara'ic" in nation il politics in l.^IO.when a ]ireiidenlial ticket wa.s noiiiiuato'l liy a party tiieii forme(l favoring tIieaI»iition of slavery; it had a very sligho Collowii!;^ which was incre;u>e small vote in Pennsylvania and New York, NativisHJ (lisapiieaied. An able writer of that day— Hon. A. II. II. Stuart, of Vir- ginia — publi.siu'd under the noiu-de-plunie ot' '■ Madison " several letters in vindieation of the .\nierican party (revived in ISo^,) in wliicii he said: "The vital prineipleof the American party is Amcricditisin — develop- ing^ itself in a deep-rooted attaelunent to onrowii t-ountry — it« eon-ititntion, it-s union, and its laws — to Anieriean nien,and /Ameri- can measures, and American interest-s — or, in other words, a fervent i)atriotism — whieh, rejeetiii;^ the transeendental phihin- thropy of abolitionists, and that kimlred batch of wild enthusiasts, who would seek to embroil us witli foreign countries, in rightin:^ the wnMigs of Ireland, or Hun- gary, or Cuba — would guard with vestal vigilance American institutions and Ameri- can interests against the baneful effects of foreign inlhience." About lS,'y2, when the question of slavery in the territories, and its extension or its abolition in the States, was agitated and causing sectional ditferences in the coun- try, many Whigs and Democrats forsook their parties, and took siiles on the ques- tions of the day. This was aggravated by the large number of alien naturalized citi- zens constantly added to the ranks of voters, who took sides with the Democrats and against the Whigs. Nativism then re-appeared, but in a new form — that of a secret fraternity. Its real n.ame and ob- ject;3 were not revealed — even to its mem- bers, until they reached a high degree in the order; and the answer of members on being questioned on these subjects was, " I don't know" — which gave it the popular name, by which it is yet known, of " Know- nothing." It,s moving causes were the growing power and designs of the Roman Catholic Church in America ; the sudden influx of aliens; and the greed and inca- pacity of naturalized citizens for office. Its cardinal principle was : "Americans must rule America"; and its countersign was the order of General Washington on a critical occasion during the war : " Put none but Americans on guard to-night." Its early nominations were not made pub- lie, but were made by select committees and conventions of delegates. At first these nominations were confined to selec- tions of the best Whig or best Democrat on the respec-tive tickets; and the choice not being made known, but quietly voted for by all the members of the order, the effect was only visil)le after election, and threw all calculation into chaos. For a while it was really the arbiter of elections. On February S, 1853, a bill passed the House of Representatives providing a ter- ritorial government for Nebraska, embrac- ing all of what is now Kansas and Nebniska. It w;xs silent on the subject of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The bill was tai)led in the Senate ; to bo revived at the following session. In tho Senate it was amended, on motion of Mr. Doug! art, to read : "That so much of tiio 'Sth .section of an act approved March G, 1.S20, (the Missouri comi)romise) * * » which, being inconsistent with the ])rinci- ]iles of non-intervention liy Congress with slavi'ry in the Stales and Territorie-*, as rccogiiizc(l by the legislature of 1S.">(), com- monly called the Compiomise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclmle it there- from, but to leave the people thereof per- fectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." It was further amended, on motion of Senator Clayton, to prohil)it "alien suffrage." In the House thi.s amendment was not agreed to ; and the bill finally passed without it, on the 25th May, 1854. So fiir as Nebraska was concerned, no excitement of any kind marked the initia- tion of her territorial existence. The persons who emigrated there seemed to regard the pursuits of business as of moro interest than the discussion of slavery. Kansas was less fortunate. Her territory became at once the battle-field of a fierce political conflict between the advocates of slavery, and the free soil men from the North who went there to resist the estab- lishment of that institution in the terri- tory. Differences arose between tho Legislature and the Governor, brought about by antagonisms between the Pro- slavery party and the Free State party ; and the condition of affairs in Kansas assumed so frightful a mien in January, 1856, that the President sent a special message to Congress on the subject, January 24, 1856 ; followed by a Proclama- tion, February 11, 1856, "warning all un- lawful combinations (in the territory) to retire peaceably to their respective abodes, or he would use the power of the local militia, and the available forces of the United States to disperse them." Several applications were made to Con- gress for .several successive years, for the admission of Kansas as a state in the Union; upon the basis of three separate and distinct constitutions, all difTering a.s to the main questions at issue between tho contending factions. The name of Kansas was for some years synonymous with all that is lawless and anarchical. Elections became mere farces, and the oflicers thus fraudulently ])laced in power, used their authority only for their own or their l)arty's interest. The party op]>osed to slavery at length triumphed ; a ci-.isiitutioa 66 AMERICAN POLITICS. excluding slrivery wn.s adopted in 1859, and Kansas was admitted into the Union January 29, ISGl. Under the fugitive slave law, which was passed by Congress at the session of 1850, a.s one of the (?oiTipromise measures, intro- duced by Mr. Cl;iy, a long and exciting litigation occurred to test the validity and constitutionality of the act, and the several laws on which it (te]iended. The suit was instituted by Dred Scott, a negro slave, in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Missouri, in April Term, 1854, against John F. A. Sanford, his alleged owner, for trespass vi ei armis, in holding the plaintiff and his Avife and daughters in slavery in said District of Missouri, where by law slavery was pro- hibited ; they having been previously law- fully held in slavery by a former owner — Dr. Emerson — in the State of Illinois, from whence they were taken by him to Missouri, and sold to the defendent, San- ford. The case went up on appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States, and was clearly and elaborately argued. The majority opinion, delivered by Chief Jus- tice Taney, as also the dissenting opinions, are reported in fiill in Howard's U. S. Supreme Court Reports, Volume 19, page 393. In respect to the territories the Con- stitution grants to Congress the power " to make all needful rules and regulations concerning the territory and otlter iwoperty belonging to the United States.'' The Court was of opinion that the clause of the Constitution applies only to the terri- tory within the original States at the time the Constitution was adopted, and that it did not apply to future territory acquired by treaty or conquest from foreign na- tions. They were also of opinion tliat the power of Congress over such future terri- torial acquisitions was not unlimited, that the citizens of the States migrating to a territory were not to be regarded as colonists, subject to absolute power in Congress, but as citizens of the United States, with all the rights of citizenship guarantied by the Constitution, and that no legislation was constitutional which at- tempted to deprive a citizen of his property on his becoming a resident of a territory. This question in the case arose under the act of Congress prohibiting slavery in the territory of upper Louisiana, (acquired from France, afterwards the State), and of which the territory of Missouri was formed. Any obscurity as to what constitutes citizenship, will be re- moved by attending to the di.stinction be- tween local rights of citizenship of the United States according to the Constitu- tion. Citizenship at large in the sense of the Constitution can be conferred on a foreigner only by the naturalization laws of Congress. But each State, in the excr. cise of its local and reserved sovereignty, may place foreigners or other persons on a footing with its own citizens, as to politi- cal rights and privileges to be enjoyed within its own dominion. But State regu- lations of this character do not make the persons on whom such rights are conferred citizens of the United States or entitle them to the privileges and immunities of citizens in another State. See 5 Wheaton, (U. S. Supreme Court Reports), page 4!>. The Court said in The Dred Scott case, above referred to, that : — " The right of property in a slave is distinctly and ex- pressly affirmed in the Constitution. The right to traffic in it like the ordinary article of merchandise and property was guar- antied to the citizens of the United States, in every State that might desire it for twenty years, and the government in ex- press terms is pledged to protect it in all future time if the slave escapes from his owner. This is clone in plain words — too plain to be misunderstood, and no word can be found in the Constitution which gives Congress a greater power over slave property, or which entitles property of that kind to less protection than the prop- erty of any other description. The only power conferred is the power coupled with the duty of guarding and protecting the owner in his rights. Upon these considera- tions, it is the opinion of the Court that the Act of Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding and owning property of this kind in the territoiy of the United States north of the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution and is therefore void; and that neither Dred Scott himself, nor any of his family were made free by being carried into this terri- tory ; even if they had been carried there by the owner with the intention of becom- ing a permanent resident." The abolition of slavery by the 13th amendment to the Constitution of the United States ratified and adopted December 18, ISfio, has put an end to these discussions formerly so numerous. As early as 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska controversy on the territorial government bill, resulted in a division of the Whig party in the North. Those not s^ufficiently opposed to slavery to enter the new Re]nib- lican party, then in its incipicncy, allied themselves with the Know-Nothing order, which now accepting the name of Ameri- can party established a separate and in- dependent political existence. The party had no hold in the West ; it was entirely Middle State at this time, and polled a large vote in Massachusetts, Delaware and New York. In the State elections of 1855 the American party made a stride South- ward. In 1855, the absence of natural- ized citizens was universal in the South, and even so late as 1881 the proportion of THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 57 farcij?n-born population in the Soutlicrn States, witli the exception of Florida, Louisiana, and Texas was under two per cent. At the early date — IKVy — tlie na- tivist feelinj? among the Whigs of tliat section, made it easy to transfer them to the American party, whicli thus secureil in both the Eastern and Southern States, tlu' election of Governor and Jvcgishiture in the States of New llam|)shire, .Massachu- Betts, Kliode Island, Connecticut, New York, California and Kentucky; and also elected part of its State ticket in Mary- land, and Texas ; and only lost the States of Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi- ana, and Texas, by small majorities against it. The order began preparations for a cam- paign as a National party, in 1S")(3. It aimed to introduce opposition to aliens and Ro- man Catholicism as a national question. On the 21st of February, 1S5(), the Nation- al Council held a session at Philadelphia, and proceeded to formulate a declaration of principles, and make a platform, which were as follows : " An humble acknowledgement to the Supreme Being, for his protecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their success- ful Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in the preservation of the liberties, the indepen- dence, and the union of these States. 2(1. The i)erpetuation of the Federal Union, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the only sure Bul- wark of American independence. 3d. Americans must rule America, and to this end, native-born citizens should be selected for all state, federal, and munici- pal otfices or government employment, in preference to all others ; nevertheless, 4th. Persons born of American par- ents residing temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens ; but, 5th. No person shall be selected for po- litical station (whether of native or for- eign birth), who recognizes any allegiance or obligation, of any description, to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal and State constitutions (each within its sphere) a.s {►araniount to all other laws, as rules of po- itical action. 6th. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights of the several States, and the cultivation of har- mony and fraternal good will, between the citizens of the several States, and to this enrovided, that no State shall be al- lowt'd to have more tlian one State coun- cil, without the consent of tin; National Council of the United States. (June, 1854.) Rule 5. — In any State, District, or Ter- ritory, where there may be more than one organization working on the same ijasis, (to wit, the lodges and " councils,") the same siiall be re«piired to combine; the oHicers of each organization shall resign antl new oflicers be elected ; and thereafter these bodies shall be known as State coun- cils, and subordinate councils, and new charters shall be granted to them by the national council. (June, 1854.) Rule G. — It shall be considered a pen:il offence for any brother not an officer of a subordinate council, to make us<' of the sign or summons ado])ted for public noti- fication, except by dire/-tion of the Presi- dent; or for officers of a council to post the same at any other time than from nud- night to one hour before daybreak, and this rule shall be incorporated into the by- laws of the State, District, and Territorial councils. (June, 1854.) Rule 7. — The determination of the neces- sity and mode of issuing the posters for public notification shall be intrusted to the State, District, or Territorial councils. (June, 1854.) Rule 8. — The respective State, District, or Territorial councils shall be required to make statements of the number of mem- bers witliin their respective limits, at the next meeting of this national council, and annually thereafter, at the regular annual meeting, (June, 1854.) Rule 9. — The delegates to the National Council of the United States of North America shall be entitled to three dollars per day for their attendance upon the national council, and for each day that may be necessary in going and returning from the same; and five cents per mile for every mile they may necessarily travel in going to, and returning from the place of meeting of the national council; to be computed by the neare^^t mail route : which shall be paid out of the treasury of the national council. (November, 1854.) Rule 10.— Each State, District, or Terri- torial council shall he taxed four cents per ' annum for every member in good standing belonging to each subordinate council un- der its jurisdiction on the first day of April, which shall be reported to the na- tional council, anil paid into the national treasury, on or before the first day of the annual session, to be held in .June ; and on the sime day in each succeeding vear. .\nd the first fiscal year shall be considered as commencing on the first day of Decern- 60 AMERICAN POLITICS. ber, 1854, and ending on the fifteenth day ' ofMav, 1855. (November, 1854.) j Rule 11. — The following shall be the key to determine and ascertain the pur- port of any communication that may be addressed to the President of a b'tate, Dis- trict, or Territorial council by the Presi- dent of the national council, who is hereljy instructed to communicate a knowledge of ^ the same to said officers : ! ABCDEFGHI JKL M 1 7 13 19 2) 2 8 14 20 26 3 9 15 N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z 21 4 10 lo 22 5 11 17 23 6 12 18 24 Rule 12.— The clause of the article of the constitution relative to belief in the Supreme Being is obligatory upon every State and subordinate council, as well as upon each individual member. (June, 1854.) Rule 13.— The following shall be the compensation of the officers of this coun- cil : 1st. The Corresponding Secretary shall be paid two thousand dollars per annum, from the 17th day of June, 1854. 2d. The Treasurer shall be paid five hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th day of June, 1854. 3d. The Sentinels shall be paid five dol- lars for every day they may be in attend- ance on the sittings of the national coun- cil. 4th. The Chaplain shall be paid one hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th day of June, 1854. 6th. The Recording Secretary shall be paid five hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th day of June, 1854. 6th. The Assistant Secretary shall be paid five dollars per day, for every day he may be in attendance on the sitting of the national council. All of which is to be paid out of the national treasury, on the draft of the President. (November, 1854.) SPECIAL VOTING. Vote 1st.— This national council hereby grants to the State of Virginia two State councils, the one to be located in Eastern and the other in Western Virginia, the Blue Ridge Mountains being the geo- graphical line between the two jurisdic- tions. (June, 1854.) Vote 2d.— The President shall have power, till the next session of the national council, to grant dispensations for the for- mation of State, District, or Territorial councils, in form most agreeable to Ms own discretion, upon prooer application being made. (June, 1854.) Vote 3d.— The seats of all delegates to and members of the present national coun- cil shall be vacated on the first Tuesday in June. 1855, at the hour of six o'clock in the forenoon; and the national council convening in annual session upon that day, shall be composed exclusively of del- egates elected under and in accordance with the provisions of the constitution, as amended at the present session of this national council ; provided, that this reso- lution shall not apply to the officers of the national council. (Novcniber, 1854.) Vote 4th. — The Corresponding Secretary of this council is authorized to have print- ed the names of the delegates to this national council ; also, those of the Presi- dents of the several State, District, and Territorial councils, together with their address, and to forward a copy of the same to each person named ; and further, the Corresponding Secretaries of each State, District, and Territory are requested to forward a copy of their several con- stitutions to each other. (November, 1854.) Vote 5th. — In the publication of the constitution and the ritual, under the di- rection of the committee — brothers Desh- ler, Damrell, and Stephens — the name, signs, grips, and passwords of the order shall be indicated by [***], and a copy of the same shall be furnished to each State, District, and Territorial council, and to each member of that body. (Novem- ber, 1854.) Vote 6th. — A copy of the constitution of each State, District, and Territorial coun- cil, shall be submitted to this council for examination. (November, 1854.) Vote 7th.— It shall be the duty of the Treasurer, at each annual meeting of this body, to make a report of all moneys re- ceived or expended in the interval. (No- vember, 1854.) Vote 8th.— Messrs. Giffijrd of Pa., Bar- ker of N. Y., Deshler of N. J., Williamson of Va., and Stephens of Md., are appointed a committee to confer with similar commit- tees that have been appointed for the pur- pose of consolidating the various American orders, with power to make the necessary arrangement lor such consolidation — sub- ject to the approval of this national coun- cil, at its next session. (November, 1854.) Vote 9th. — On receipt of the new ritual by the members of this national council who have received the third degree, they or any of them may, and they are hereby empowered to, confer the third degree upon members of this body in their respective states, districts, and territories, and upon the presidents and other officers of their state, district, and territorial councils. And further, the presidents of the state, district, and territorial councils shall in the first instance confer the third degree upon as many of the presidents and officers of their subordinate councils as can be as- sembled together in their respective local- ities ; and afterwards the same may be con- ferred upon officers of other subordinate THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 61 eouncils, by any presiding officer of :i coun- cil who shall have previou.sly riH-eivcd it uinlcr the i)r<)visiou8 oi the constitution. (N'dvenibcr, 18r)4.) Vote 10(h. — To entitle any delegate to a scat in this national council, at its annual session in June next, he must pri'sent a properly authenticated certilicatc that he was duly elected as a delegate to the same, or a;)pointed a substitute in accordance with the requirements of the constitutions of st.-ite, tt'rritorial, or district councils. And no delegate shall be received from uny state, district, or territorial council which has notadoj)ted the constitution and ritual of this national council. (November, 1S:)4.) Vote 11th. — The committee on printing the constitution and ritual is authorized to have a sullicient nunilier of the same print- ed for the use of the order. And no state, district, or territorial council shall be al- lowed to reprint the same. (November, 18:)4.) Vote 12th.— The right to establish all subordinate councils in any of the states, districts, and territories represented in this national council, shall be confined to the state, district, and territorial councils which they represent. (November, 1854.) coxstitution for the goverxment of Subordinate Councils. Art. I. Sec. 1. — Each subordinate coun- cil shall be composed of not less than thir- teen members, all of whom shall have re- ceived all the degrees of the order, and shall be known and recognised as Council, No. , of the of the county of , and State of North Caro- lina. Sec. 2. — No person shall be a member of any subordinate council in this state, un- less he possesses all the qualifications, and comes up to all the requirements laid down in the constitution of the national council, and whose wife (if he has one), is not a Roman Catholic. Sec. 3. No application for membership shall be received and acted on from a per- son residing out of the state, or resides in a county where there is a council in ex- istence, unless upon special cause to be stated to the council, to be judged of by the same ; and such person, if the reasons be considered sufficient, may be initiated the same night he is proposed, provided he resides five miles or more from the place ■where the council is located. But no per- son can vote in any council, except the one of which he is a member. Sec. 4. Every person applying for mem- bership, shall be voted for by ballot, in open council, if a ballot is requested by a single member. If one-third of the votes cast be against the applicant, he shall be rejected. If any applicant be rejected, he shall not be again projiosed within six months thereafter. Notliing lierein con- ! taincii sliall 1)0 construed to jirevent the I initiation of a|>i>licanLs privately, by tiiose I empowered to do ho, in localities wiiero there are no councils within a convenient distance. Sec. 5. Any member of one subordinate council wishing to ciiangc his nu-mbcrship to another council, slmll ai)|)iy to the coun- cil to which he belongs, cither in writing or orally through another member, and tiie question shall be decided by the council. If a majority are in favor of granting him an honorable dismission, he shall receive the same in writing, to be signed by the ])resident and c:ountersigncd by the secre- tary. But until a member thus receiving an honorable dismission has actually been admitted to membership in another coun- cil, he shall be held subject to the disci- pline of the council from which he baa re- ceived the dismission, to be dealt with by the same, for any violation of the require- ments of the order. liefore being received in the council to which he wishes to trans- fer his membership, he shall present said certificate of honorable dismission, and shall be received as new members are. Sec. 6. Applications for the second de- gree shall not be received except in second degree councils, and voted on by second and third degree members only, and ap- plications for the third degree shall be received in third degree councils, and voted on by third degree members only. Art. II. — Each subordinate council shall fix on its own time and place for meeting: and shall meet at least once a montli, but where not very inconvenient, it is recom- mended that they meet once a week. Thir- teen members shall form a quorum for the transaction of business. Special meet- ings may be called by the president at any time, at the request of four members of the order. Art. III. — Sec. 1. The members of each subordinate council shall consist of a pre- sident, vice-president, instructor, secre- tary, treasurer, marshal, inside and outside sentinel, and shall hold their ofbces for the term of six months, or until their succes- sors are elected and installed. Sec. 2. The ollicei"3 of each subordinate council (except the sentinels, who shall be appointed by the j)resident), shall be elect- ed at the first regular meetings in January and July, separately, and by ballot : and each shall receive a majority of all the votes cast to entitle him to an election. No member shall be elect-xl to any ollice, unless he be present and signify his assent thereto at the time of his election. Any vacancy which may occur by deatli. resig- nation, or otherwise, shall be filled at the next meeting thereatter, in the manner and form above described. 62 AMERICAN POLITICS, Sec. 3. The President.— It shall be the duty of the president of each subordinate council, to preside in the council, and en- force a due observance of the constitution and rules of the order, and a proper respect for the state council and the national coun- cil ; to have sole and exclusive charge of the charter and the constitution and r*itual of the order, which he must always have with him when his council is in session, to see that all officers peribrm their respec- tive duties ; to announce all ballotings to the council ; to decide all questions of order ; to give the casting vote in all cases of a tie ; to convene special meetings when deemed expedient ; to draw warrants on the treasurer for all sums, the payment of which is ordered by the council ; and to perform such other duties as are demanded of him by the constitutions and ritual of the order. Sec. 4. The vice-president of each sub- ordinate council shall assist the president in the discharge of his duties, whilst his council is in session ; and, in his absence, shall perform all the duties of the presi- dent. Sec. 5. The instructor shall perform the duties of the president in the absence of the president and vice-president, and shall, under the direction of the president, per- form such duties as may be assigned to him by the ritual. Sec. 6. The secretary shall keep an ac- curate record of the proceedings of the council. He shall write all communica- tions, fill all notices, attest all warrants drawn by the president for the payment of money ; he shall keep a correct roll of all the members of the council, together with their age, residence, and occupation, in the order in which they have been admit- ted ; he shall, at the expiration of every three months, make out a report of all work done during that time, which report he shall forward to the secretary of the state council ; and when superseded in his office shall deliver all books, papers, &c., in his hands to his successor. Sec. 7. The treasurer shall hold all mo- neys raised exclusively for the use of the state council, which he shall pay over to the secretary of the state council at its regular sessions, or whenever called upon by the president of the state council. He shall receive all moneys for the use of the subordinate council, and pay all amounts drawn for on him, by the president of the subordinate council, if attested by the se- cretary. Sec. 8. The marshal shall perform Buch duties, under the direction of the president, as may be required of him by the ritual. Sec. 9. The inside sentinel shall have charge of the inner door, and act under the directions of the president. He shall admit no person, unless he can prove him- self a member of this order, and of the same degree in which the council is opened, or by order of the president, or is satislac- torily vouched for. Sec. 10. The outside sentinel ^hall have charge of the outer door, and act in ac- cordance with the orders of the president. He shall permit no person to enter the outer door unless he give the password of the degree in whith the council is at work, or is properly vouched for. Sec. 11. The secretary, treasurer, and sentinels, shall receive such compensation as the subordinate councils may each con- clude to allow. Sec. 12. Each subordinate council may levy its own i'ees for initiation, to raise a fund to pay its dues to the state council, and to defray its own expenses. Each council may, also, at its discretion, initiate without charging the usual lee, those it considers unable to pay the s::me. Sec. 13. The president shall keep in his possession the constitution and ritual of the order. He shall not sufl'er the same to go out of his possession under any pre- tence whatever, unless in case of absence, when he may put them in the hands of the vice-president or instructor, or whilst the council is in session, for the informa- tion of a member wishing to see it, for the purpose of initiation, or conferring of : degrees. Art. IV. Each subordinate council shall have power to adopt such by-laws, rules, and regulations, for its own government, as it may think proper, not inconsistent with the constitutions of the national and state councils. Form of Application for a Charter TO Organize a new Council. Post Office — county, Date . To President of the State Council of North Carolina : — We, the undersigned, members of the Third Degree, being desirous of extending the influence and usefulness of our organi- zation, do hereby ask for a warrant of dis- pensation, instituting and organizing us as a subordinate branch of the order, under the jurisdiction of the State Council of the State of North Carolina, to be known and hailed as Council No. , and to be lo- cated at , in the county of , Stat© of North Carolina. And we do hereby pledge ourselves to be governed by the Constitution of the State Council of the State of North Caro- lina, and of the Grand Council of the U. S. N. A., and that we will in all things con- form to the rules and usages of the order. Names. Residences. THE AMERICAN RITUAL. G3 FORM OF DISMISSION FROM ONE COUNCIL TO ANOTHKU. This in to certify that I^rothcr , a meinber of Council, No. , having ma(h> an application tn chanjre his mem- bership from this council to that of Council, No. , at , in the county of , I do hereby declare, that said brother has received an honorable dismis- sion from this council, and is hereby re- commended for membership in Coun- cil, No. , in the county of , N. C. ; provided, however, that until Hrother has been admitted to membership in said council, he is to be consideretl subject to the dist'ipline of tliis council, to be dealt with by the same ibr any violation of the requirements of the order. This the day of , ISo — , and the year of American Independence. President, Council, No. . Secretary. FORM OF CERTIFICATE FOR DELEGATES TO THE STATE COUNCIL. Council, No. , county of , N. C. This is to certify that and were at the regular meetim^ of this council, held on the , 185 — , duly elected delegates to represent this council in the next an- nual meeting of the state council, to be held in , on the 3d Monday in Novem- ber next. And Ijy virtue of the authority in me reposed, I do hereby declare the said and to be invested with all the rights, powers, and j)rivilcges of the delegates as aforesaid. This being the day of , 185 — , and the year of our national independence. President of Council, No. Secretary. FORM OF NOTICE From the Sulnriiimtte Omnril to the SUite Council, rrhenever any Member of a Suburdiitate CouucU is cjCydUd. Council, No. , county of , N. C. To the President of the State Council of North Carolina: Sir: — This is to inform you that at a meeting of this council, held on the day of , 185 — , was duly ex- pelled from membership in said council, and thus deprived of all the privileges, rights, and benefits of this organization. In accordance with the provisions of the constitution of tlie state council, you are hereby duly notified of the same, that you may officially notify all the subordinate councils of the state to be upon their sruard against the said , as one unworthy to .associate with patriotic and good men, and [if expelled ft/r violating his obligation) a?, a perjurer to God and his country. The said — — is about years of ago, and is by livelihood a liuly cert i (led, this the day of 185—, and in the year of our national independence. Presirivileges of the same. You will, therefore, invest them with every- thing ai>i)ertaining to the first degree. In4rurtor. — Brothers: the practices and proceedings in our order are a.s follows : We have pass-words nece-ssary to bo used (to obtain admission to our councils ; forms (for our conduct while there; means oi" re- cognizing each other when abroad; means of mutual protection; and methods for giving notices to members. .Vt the outer door you will* (/na/te atiij orilinanj alarm to attract the attention of the outside sentinel). When the wicket is opened you will ])ronounce the [n'ords — whafsthe pa^^n), in a whisper. The outside sentinel will re- ply (Givr if), vfhen you will give the term pass-word and be admitted to the ante- room. You will then proceed to the inner door and give (one rap). When the wicket is opened, give your name, the number of, and location of your council, the explanation of the term pass, and the degree pass-word. If these be found correct, you will be admitted; if not, your Tiame will be re- ported to the vice president, and must be properly vouched for before you can gain admission to the council. You will then proceed to the centre of the room and ad- dress the {l^rcsidcnf) with the countersign, which is performed thus (placing the right hand diagonally across the month). When this salutation is recognized, you will quietly take your seat. This sign is peculiar to this degree, and is never to be used outside the council room, nor during the conferring of this degree. When retiring, you will address the ( Vice President) in the same manner, and also give the degree pa^s-word to the inside sentinel. The " term pass-word " is ( We are). (The pass-word and explanation is to be established by each State Council for its respective subordinates.) The " explanation " of the " term-pass," to be used at the inner door, is [our countrifs hope.) The "deuTee pass-word "is {Native). The "traveling pass-word" is {The tneinori/ of our jjilgrim fathers). (This word is changed annually by the ♦In the Ritnal tlm woHs ia parenthpaeu are omitted. In the key l>> th>' Kitual, they are written in figures — the alphabet uBeJ bein;; tlie same as jirinted below. So throughout. Key to Unlock CcmmunirMiiotu. ABCDEFGHI.TK 1 7 13 19 25 2 8 14 2(1 20 ?. NOPQRSTUVWX a 4 10 IG 22 5 11 17 23 6 12 5 L M 9 15 T Z I'residcnt of the National Council of the United States, and is to be nuide and used only when the brother is traveling beyond the jurisdiction of his own state, district, or territory. It and all other pa.ss-words must be communicatcid in a whisjx r, and no brother is entitled to commnnii^ato them to another, without authority from the presiding ofiicer.) "The sign of recognition" is {graspint^ the right lappel of the coat with the right hand, the fore finger being extended in- ivards.) The "answer" ia given by (a similar action with the left hand.) The "grip" is given by {an ordinary shake of the hand). The person challenging shall {then draw the forefinger along the palm of the hand). The answer will be given by {a similar ac- tion forming a link by hooking together the ends of the fore finger) ; \\\\c\\ the follow- ing conversation ensue.s — the challenging party first saying {is that yours?) The answer, {it is.) Then the response {how did you get it?), followed by the rejoinder {it is my birth-right). Public notice for a meeting is given by means of a {piece of white paper the shape of a heart). (In cities * the *** of the *** where the meeting is to be held, will be written legi- bly upon the notice; and upon the election day said *** will denote the *** where your presence is needed. This notice will never be passed, but will be *** or thrown upon the sidewalk with a *** in the centre.) If information is wanting of the object of the gathering, or of the place, &c., the inquirer will ask of an undoubted brother ( Where's when ?) The brother will give the information if possessed of it ; if not it will be yours and his duty to continue the in- (juiry, and thus disseminate the call throughout the brotherhood. If the color of the paper (be red), it will denote actual trouble, which requires that you come prepared to meet it. The "cry of distress" — to be used only in time of danger, or where the American interest requires an immediate assemblage of the brethren — is {oh, oh, oh.) The re- sj)(>nse is {hio, hio, h-i-o.) The " sign of caution " — to be given when a brother is speaking unguardedly before a stranger — is {draicing the fore fing- er and thvmh together across the ryes, the rest of the hand being closed), which sig- nifies " keep dark." Brothers, you are now initiated into and made acquainted with the work and or- ganization of a council of this degree of the order ; and the marshal will present * roncernin^ what ia Baid of cities, the key to the Ritual says : 'Considered unnecessary to decipher what 18 said in regard to cities." 66 AMERICAN POLITICS. you to the worthy president for admoni- 1 tion. President. — It has no doubt, been long apparent to you, brothers, that foreign in- \ flueuce and Roman Catholicism have been making steady and alarming progress in ! our country. You cannot have failed to | observe the significant transition of the i foreigner and Romanist from a character quiet, retiring, and even abject, to one bold, threatening, turbulent, and despotic in its appearance and assumptions. You must have become alarmed at the syste- matic and rapidly augmenting power of these dangerous and unnatural elements of our national condition. So it is, brothers, with others beside yourselves in every state of the Union. A sense of danger has struck the great heart of the nation. In every city, town, and hamlet, the danger has been seen and the alarm sounded. And hence true men have devised this or- der as a means of disseminating patriotic principles, of keeping alive the fire of na- tional virtue, of fostering the national in- telligence, and of advancing America and the American interest on the one side, and on the other of checking the strides of the foreigner or alien, or thwarting the ma- chinations and subverting the deadly plans of the papist and Jesuit. Note. — The President shall impress up- on the initiates the importance of secrecy, the manner of proceeding in recommend- ing candidates for initiation, and the re- sponsibility of the duties which they have .•issumed. Second Degree Council. Marshal. — Worthy President : These brothers have been duly elected to the sec- ond degree of this order. I present them to you for obligation. President. — Brothers : You will place your left hand upon your right breast, and extend your right hand towards the flag of our country, preparatory to obligation. (Each council room should have a neat American flag festooned over the platform of the President.) OBLIGATION. You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the presence of Al- mighty God and these witnesses, your left hand resting upon your right breast, and your right hand extended to the flag of your country, do solemnly and sincerely swear, that you will not under any cir- cumstances disclose in any manner, nor suffer it to be done by others, if in your power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass- words, or other secrets of this degree, ex- cept in open council for the purpose of in- struction ; that you will in all things con- form to all the rules iiiid reeulations of this order, and to th'j constitution and by-laws of this or any other council to which you may be attached, so long as they do not conflict with the Constitution of the United States, nor that of the State in which you reside; that you will under all circum- stances, if in your power so to do, attend to all regular signs or summons that may be thrown or sent to you by a brother of this or any other degree of this order; that you will support in all political matters, for all political offices, members of this order in preference to other persons ; that if it may be done legally, you will, when elect- ed or appointed to any official station con- ferring on you the power to do so remove all foreigners, aliens, or Roman Catholics from office or place, and that you will in no case appoint such to any office or place in your gift. You do also promise and swear that this and all other obligations which you have jjreviously taken in this order shall ever be kept through life sacred and inviolate. All this you promise and declare, as Americans, to sustain and abide by, without any hesitation or mental reservation whatever. So help you God and keep you steadfast. (Each will answer " I do." President. — Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the instructor for instructions in the second degree of the order. Marshal. — Brother Instructor, by direc- tion of our worthy president, I present these brothers before you that you may in- struct them in the secrets and mysteries of the second degree of the order. Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree we have an entering sign and a countersign. At the outer door proceed (as in the Jirst degree). At the inner door you will make [two raps), and proceed as in the first de- gree, giving the second degree pass-word, which is American, instead of that of the first degree. If found to be correct, you will then be admitted, and proceed [to the centre of the room), giving the countersign, which is made thus {extending the right arm to the national flag over the president^ the palm of the hand being vpirards). The sign of recognition in this degree is the same as in the first degree, with the addition of [the middle Jinger), and the re- sponse to be made in a [similar manner.) Marshal, you will now present the broth- ers to the worthy president for admonition. Marshal. — Worthy President, I now pre- sent these candidates to you for admo- nition. President. — Brothers, you are now duly initiated into the second degree of this or- der. Renewing the congratulations which we extended to you upon your admission to the first degree, we admonish you by every tie that may nerve patriots, to aid us in our eflbrts to restore the political institu- tions of our country to their originai TilE AMERICAN RITUAL. purity. Bopin with the youth of our land. Instil into thrir minds the li'ssdus of our country's history — the glorious hiittk's and the hrilliant docds of patriotism of our fiithers, through which we received the in- estimable blessings of civil and religious liberty. Point them to the example of the sage.s and the statesmen who founded our government. Implant in their bosoms an ardent love for the Union. Above all else, keei) alive in their bosoms the memory, the maxims, and the deathless example of our illustrious Washinoton. Brothers, recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which you have sever- ally taken in this and the first degree, I now pronounce you entitled to all the privileges of membership in this the second degree of our order. Thirh Degree Council. Marshal. — Worthy President, these bro- thers having been duly elected to the third degree of this order, I present them betbre you for obligation. P/-t\s/(/<'/i^^— Brothers, you will place yourselves in a circle around me, each one crossing your arms upon your breaji^ts, and grasping firmly each other's hands, hold- ing the right hand of the brother on the right and the left hand of the brother on the left, so as to form a circle, symbolical of the links of an unbroken chain, and of a ring which has no end. Note. — This degree is to be conferred with the national flag elevated in the cen- tre of the circle, by the side of the presi- dent or instructor, and not on less than five at any one time, in order to give it solem- nity, and also for the formation of the cir- cle — except in the first instance of confer- ring it on the ofiieers of the state and sub- ordinate councils, that they may be em- powered to progress with the work. The obligation ^nd charge in this de- gree may be given by the president or in- structor, as the president may prefer, OBLIGATION. You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the presence of Al- ttiighty God and these witnesses, with your hands joined in token of that fraternal af- fection which should ever bind together the States of this Union — forming a ring, in token of your determination that, so far as your efforts can avail, this Union shall have no end — do solemnly and sincerely swear [or affirm] that you will not under any circumstances disclose in any manner, nor suffer it to be done by others if in your power to prevent it, the name, signs, p;iss- words, or other secretj^ of this degree, ex- cept to those to whom you may prove on tnal to be brothers of the same degree, or ' in open council, for the purpose of instruc- tion ; that you do hereijy solemnly declare your devotion to the Union of the-^e States ; that in the discharge of your duties as American citizens, you will uphold, maiu- , tain, and defend it ; that you will discour- 1 age and discountenance any and every at- tempt, coming from any and every quarter, ; which you believe to be designed or calcu- lated to destroy or subvert it, or to weaken its bonds; and that you will use your influ- ence, so far a.s in your power, in endeavor- ing to procure an aniical)le and eijuitable adjustment of all political discontents or differences which may threaten its injury or overthrow. You further promise and swear [or affirm] that you will not vote for any one to fill any office of honor, profit or trust of a political character, whom you know or believe to be in favor of a disso- lution of the Union of these States, or who is endeavoring to produce that result ; that you will vote for and sujiport for all polit- ical offices, third or union degree members of this order in preference to all others ; that if it may be done consistently with the constitution and laws of the land, you will, when elected or appointed to any official station which may confer on you the power to do so, remove from office or place all persons whom you know or believe to be in favor of a dissolution of the Union, or who are endeavoring to produce that result ; and that you will in no case appoint such per- son to any political office or place whatever. All this you promise and swear [or affirm! upon your honor as American citizens and friends of the American Union, to sustain and abide by without any hesitation or mental reservation whatever. You also promise and swear [or affirm] that this and all other obligations which you have pre- viously taken in this order, shall ever be kept sacred and inviolate. To all this you pledge your lives, your fortunes, and your sacred honors. So help you God and keep you steadfast. (Each one shall answer, " I do.") President. — Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the instructor for final instruction in this third degree of the order. Marshal. — Instructor, by direction of our worthy president, I present these brothers before you that you may instruct them in the secrets and mysteries of this the third degree of our order. Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree as in the second, we have an entering pass- word, a degree password, and a token of salutation. At the outer door [make any ordinary alarm. The outside sentinel will say U ; you say ni ; the sentinel will re- join on). This will admit you to the inner door. At the inner door you will make {three) distinct [raps]. Then announce your name, with the number (or name) 68 AMERICAN POLITICS. and location of the council to which you belong, giving the explanation to the pass- word, which is (safe). If found correct, you will then be admitted, when you will proceed to the centre of the room, and placing the [hands on the breast with the fingers interlocked), give the token of salu- tation, which is [by bowing to the president) . You will then quietly take your seat. The sign of recognition is made by the 'same action as in the second degree, with the addition of [the third finger), and the response is made by (a similar action with the left hand.) (The grip is given by taking hold of the handjn the usual way, and then by slipping the finger around on the top of the thumb ; then extending the little finger and pressing the inside of the xorist. The person chal- lenging shall say, do you know what that is ? The answer is yes. The challenging party shall say, further, what is it ? The answer is, Union. [The instructor will here give the grip of this degree, with explanations, and also the true password of this degree, which is (Union.)] CHARGE. To be given by the president. Brothers, it iswith great pleasure that I congratulate you upon your advancement to the third degree of our order. The re- sponsibilities you have now assumed, are more serious and weighty than those which preceded, and are committed to such only as have been tried and found worthy. Our obligations are intended as solemn avowals of our duty to the land that gave us birth ; to the memories of our fathers ; and to the happiness and welfare of our children. Consecrating to your country a spirit un- selfish and a fidelity like that which dis- tinguished the patriots of the Eevolution, you have pledged your aid in cementing the bonds of a Union which we trust will endure for ever. Your deportment since your initiation has attested your devotion to the principles we desire to establish, and has inspired a confidence in your patriot- ism, of which we can give no higher proof than your reception here. The dangers which threaten American liberty arise from foes without and from enemies within. The first degree pointed out tlie source and nature of our most im- minent peril, and indicated the first mea- ' sure of safety. The second degree defined the next means by which, in coming time, such assaults may be rendered harmless. The third degree, which you have just re- ceived, not only reiterates the lessons of the other two, but it is intended to avoid and provide for a more remote, but no less terril)lc danger, from domestic enemies to our i'n-c institiitinn-*. (Jur object is briefly this: — to perfect an organization modeled after that of the Con- stitution of the United States, and coex- tensive with the confederacy. Its object and principles, in all matters of national concern, to be uniform and identical whilst in all local matters the component i>arts shall remain independent and sovereign within their respective limits. The great result to be attained — the only one which can secure a j^erfect guarantee as to our future — is union ; permanent, enduring, fraternal union! Allow me, then, to impress upon your minds and memories the touching sentiments of the Father of his Country, in his Farewell Address : — " The unity of government which consti- tutes you one people," says Washington, " is justly dear to you, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independ- ence, the support of your tranquillity at home, of your peace abroad, of your safety, your prosperity — even that liberty you so justly prize. " * * It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your National Union, to your col- lective and individual happiness. You should cherish a cordial, habitual, and im- movable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and sj^eak of it, as the palladium of your political safety and pros- perity ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing what- ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and in- dignantly frowning upon the dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now bind together the various parts." Let these words of paternal advice and warning, from the greatest man that ever lived, sink deep into your hearts. Cherish them, and teach your children to reverence them, as you cherish and reverence the memory of Washington himself. The Union of these states is the great conserva- tor of that liberty so dear to the American heart. Without it, our greatness as a na- tion would disappear, and our boasted self- government prove a signal failure. The very name of libert\', and the hopes of struggling freedom throughout the world, must perish in the wreck of this Union. Devote yourselves, then, to its maintenance, as our fathers did to the cause of independ- ence; consecrating to its support, as you have sworn to do, your lives, your fortunes, and your sacred honors. Brothers: Recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which you have sever- ally taken in this and the j (receding degrees, I now pronounce you entitled to all tlie privileges of membership in this organiza- tion, and take pleasure in informing you ' tliat you are now members of the order of [fhr American Union.) POLITIC A I. NOMINATIONS IN 185f;, 6!) American, AV'IiIk, lirpiiblU'uii nixl Driiiu- cratlc NttiiiiitatloiiM of 1N.~>(>. The AiiuTican couvt-iuion mot the next clay atter the sension of the National Coun- cil of the Order, ou the 22il February, 1856. It was conij)Osed of 227 delegates ; all the States being represented except Maine, Vermont, CJeorgia and South Car- olina. Hon. Millard Fillmore was nom- inated for President, and Andrew ,J. Don- elson for Vice-President. The Whig Convention met at Baltimore, September, 17, ISoG, and endorsed the nominations made by the American par- ty, and in its j>latform declared that " without ailopting or referring to the i)e- culiar doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a candi- date" * * * Resolved, that in the present exigency of political affairs, we are not called upon to discuss the subordi- nate questions of the administration in the exercising of the constitutional })owers of the government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and that the Union is in peril ; and proclaim the con- viction that the restoration of Mr. Fill- more to the Presidency will furnish the best if not the only means of restoring peace." The first National Convention of the new Republican party met at Philadelphia, June 18, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont for President, and William L. Dayton for Vice-President. Since the previous Presidential election, a new party consisting of the disaffected former adhe- rents of the other parties — Native and In- dependent Democrats, Abolitionists, and Whigs opposed to slaven,' — had sprung into existence, and was called by its adhe- rents and friends, the Republican party. This convention of delegates assembled in pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political differences or divisions, who were opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. To the policy of President Pierce's administration : To the extension of slavery into free territory: In favor of the admission of Kansas as a free State : Of restoring the action of the fed- eral government to the principles of Wash- ington and .Jefferson. It adopted a platform, consisting of a set of resolutions, the principal one of which was : " That we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individual, or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained." And closed with a resolution: "That we invite the approbation and co-operation of the men of all ]iarties, however different from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein declared ; and believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well !us the Constitution of our country, guar- anties liberty of conscience and ciiuality of rights among citizcins, we oppose all legis- lation impairing their security." The Democratic ( 'onveiition, met at CinciniuUi, in .May IH;')!!, and nominated James Huchanan lor President, and John C. Breckcnridge for Vice-President. It adopted a platform which containcii the material portions of all its previous plat- forms, and also defined its position on the new issues of the day, and declared ( 1 j that the revenue to be raised should not exceed the actual necessary expenses of the gov- ernment, and for the gradual extinction of the public debt; (2) that the Constitution does not confer upon the general govern- ment the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements ; (3) for a strict construction of the powers granted by the Constitution t-o the ledeial government; (4) that Congress has no power to charter a national bank ; (5) that Congress has no power to interfere with slavery in the States and Territories ; the people of which have the exclusive right and power to settle that question for them- selves. (6) Opposition to native American- ism. At the election which followed, in No- vember, 1856, the Democratic candidates were elected, though by a popular minority vote, having received 1,838,160 popular votes, and 174 electoral votes, against 2,215,768 popular votes, and 122 electoral votes for John C. Fremont, the Rejjublican candidate, and Mr. Fillmore, the Whig and American candidate. The aggregate vote cast for Mr. Fillmore, who was the nominee on both the Whig and American tickets, was 874,534, and his electoral vote was eight ; that of the State of Maryland. This was the bust na- tional election at which the Whigs ap- peared as a party, under that name ; they having joined with the American and with the Republican parties, and finally united with the latter after the downfall and ex- tinction of the former. In the State elec- tions of that year, (1856) the American party carried Rhode Island and Maryland; and in the 85th Congress, which met in December, 1857, the party had 15 to 20 Representatives and five Senators. When the 36th Congress met, in 1859, it had be- come almost a border State or Southern party, having two Senators ; one Irom Kentucky and one from MaPk'land ; and 23 Representatives, five from Kentucky, seven from Tennessee, three from Mary- land, one from Virginia, four from Nurth Carolina, two from Georgia, and one from Louisiana. The American party had none of the elements of persistence. It made another desperate effort, however, in the next Presidential campaign, but having 70 AMERICAN POLITICS. failed to carry the South, disappeared finally from politics. The new Republican party polled a very large vote — 1,341,234 out of a total vote of 4,053,928 — and its candidates received 114 votes out of 296, in the electoral college ; having secured majorities in all the free States, except Illinois, Indiana, Pennsyl- vania, New Jersey and California. The successful candidate, Mr. James Buchanan, was duly inaugurated as Presi- dent of the United States, and entered upon the discharge of his duties as sjjch, March 4, 1857. After the election of November, 1856, the Republican Association of Washington i&sued an address to the people, in which the results of the election were examined, and the future policy of the party stated. It is an interesting paper, as laying the foundation of the campaign of 1860, which followed, and is here given in full : "Republican Association ot Washington. Address to the Republicans of the United States. " Washington, Nov. 27, 1856. " The Presidential contest is over, and at last we have some materials to enable us to form a judgment of the results. " Seldom have two parties emerged from a conflict with less of joy in the victors, more of hope in the vanquished. The pro-slavery party has elected its Presiden- tial candidate, only, however, by the votes of a minority, and that of such a character as to stamp the victory as the offspring of sectionalism and temporary causes. The Republicans, wherever able to present clearly to the public the real issue of the canvass — slavery restriction or slavery ex- / tension— have carried the people with them I by unprecedented majorities; almost break- ing up in some States the organization of their adversaries. A sudden gathering to- gether of the people, alarmed at the in- roads of the slave power, rather than a well organized party, with but a few months to attend to the complicated de- tails of party warfare ; obstructed by a se- cret Order, which had prc-occupied the field, and obtained a strong hold of the national and religious prejudices of the masses ; opposed to an old party, com- mencing the canvass with the united sup- port of a powerful section, hardened by long j)arty drill, accustomed to victory, wielding tlie whole power of the federal administration — a jiarty which only four years ago carried all but four of the States, and a majority of the popular vote — .still* under all these adverse circumstances, they have triumphed in eleven, if not twelve of the free States, pre-eminent for enterprise and general intelligence, and containing one half of the whole population of the coun- try ; given to their Presidential candidate nearly three times as many electoral votes as were cast by the Whig party in 1852 ; and this day control the governments of fourteen of the most powerful States of the Union. " Well may our adversaries tremble in the hour of their victory. 'The Demo- cratic and Black Republican parties,' they say, 'are nearly balanced in regard to power. The former was victorious in the recent struggle, but success was hardly won, with the aid of imjjortant accidental ad- vantages. The latter has abated nothing of its zeal, and has suffered no pause in its preparations for another battle.' " With such numerical force, such zeal, intelligence, and harmony in counsel ; with so many great States, and more than a million voters rallied to their standard by the efforts of a few mouths, why may not the Republicans confidently expect a vic- tory in the next contest? The necessity for their organization still exists in all its force. Mr. Buchanan has always proved true to the demands of his party. He fully accepted the Cincinnati platform, and pledged himself to its policy — a policy of filibustering abroad, propa- gandism at home. Prominent and controll- ing among his supporters are men com- mitted, by word and deed, to that policy ; and Avhat is there in his character, his an- tecedents, the nature of his northern sup- port, to authorize the expectation that he will disregard their will? Nothing will be so likely to restrain him and counteract their extreme measures, as a vigorous and growing Republican organization, as noth- ing would be more necessary to save the cause of freedom and the Union, should he, as we have every reason to believe, con- tinue the pro-slavery policy of the present incumbent. Let us beware of folding our arms, and waiting to see what he will do. We know the ambition, the necessities, the schemes of the slave power. Its policy of extension and aggrandizement and univer- sal empire, is the law of its being, not an accident — is settled, not fluctuating. Covert or open, moderate or extreme, according to circumstances, it never changes in spirit or aim. With Mr. Buchanan, the elect of a party controlled by this policy, administer- ing the government, the safety of the country and of free institutions must rest in the organization of the Republican jiarty. What, then, is the duty before us? Organization, vigilance, action; action on the rostrum, through the press, at the bal- lot-box ; in state, county, city, and town elections ; everywhere, at all times ; in every election, making Republicanism, or loyal- ty to the policy and principles it advocates, the sole political test. No primary or municipal election should be .suffered to go by (lefault. The party that would sue- ' TUhi KA.N.SAS .S I KLJUULK. 71 ceed nationally must triiniij)h in states — triinn|ih in the state elections, must be prepared by municipal success. Next to tlie remaining power in the states already under their control, let tlie Roi)ublii'ans devote tliemselves to the work of disse.ninating their princii)ieH, and initiating the true course of" political action in the states which have deciiled the election against them. This time we liave failed, for reasons nearly ali of which nniybe removed by i)roper ellhrt. .Many thousand hone.st, but not well-informed voters, who supported Mr. Buchanan under the delu- sive impression that he would favor the cause ot free Kans;is will soon learn their mistake, atul be anxious to correct it. The timid policy of the Republicans in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in post- poning their independent action, and tem- porizing with a party got up f )r pur])oses not harmonizing with their own, and the conduct of Mr. F'illmore's friends in either voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the oppositiim by a separate ticket, can hardly be repeated again. The true course of the Republicans is to organize promptly, bold- ly, and honestly upon their own jirinciples, so clearly set forth in the Philadeli)hia platform, and, avoiding coalitions with other parties, appeal directly to the masses of all parties to ignore all organizations and issues which would divert the public mind from the one danger that now threat- ens the honor and interests of the country, and the subtlety of the Union — slavery propagandism allied with disunionism. Let us not forget that it is not the want of generous sentiment, l)ut of sufficient in- formation, that ])revcTits the American peo- ple from being united in action against the aggressive policy of the slave power. Were these simple questions submitted to-day to the people of the United States : — Are you in favor of the extension of slavery? Arc you in fovor of such extension by the aid or connivance of the federal government? And could they be permitted to record their votes in response, without eml)arrassmcnt, without constraint of any kind, ninetcen- twentieths of the people of the free States, and perhaj)s more than half of the people of the slave States, would return a decided negative to both. Let us have faith in the people. Let us believe, that at heart they are hostile to the extension of slavery, desirous that the territories of the Union be consecrated to free labor and free institutions; and that they require only enlightenment as to the most efl'ectual means of securing this end, to convert their cherished sentiment into a fixed princii)le of action. The times are pregnant witli warning. That a disunion party exists in the Soutli, no longer admits of a doul)t. It accepts the election of Mr. Buchanan as affording time and means to consolidate itw strength and mature its plans, which comi>rehenlot, as it did under the Pierce administration; but the repeal of the Mis- souri compromise came at last, and so will come upon the country inevitably the final acts of the dark conspiracy. When that hour shall come, then will the honest Dem- ocrats of the free States be driven into our ranks, and the men of the slave States who prefer the republic of Washington, Adams and Jefferson — a republic of law, order and liberty — to an oligarchy of slavehold- ers and slavery propagandists, governed by Wise, Atchison, Soule, and Walker, founded in fraud and violence and seeking aggran- dizement by the spoliation of nations, will bid God speed to the labors of the Repub- lican party to preserve liberty and the Union, one and inseparable, perpetual and all powerful. Washington, D. C, Nov. 27, 1856. The Kansas Straggle. It was the removal of tlie interdiction against slavery, in all the territory north of 36° 30,' by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise w'hich gave legality to the struggle for Kansas, and it was the doc- trine of popular sovereignty which gave an impartial invitation to both sides to en- ter the struggle. The aggressive men of both parties hurried emigrants to the Ter- ritory. Each accused the other of organ- ized efforts, and soon in the height of the excitement these charges were rather con- fessed than denied. A new question was soon evolved by the struggle, for some who entered from the South took their slaves with them. The Free State men now contended that sla- very was a local institution and confined to the States where it existed, and tliat it an emigrant passed into the territory with his slaves these became free. The South- ern view was, that slaves were recognized as property by the National Constitution ; that therefore their masters had a right to take them there and hold them under con- 72 AMERICAN POLITICS. stitiitional guarantees, the same as any other property ; that to assert anything else would be to deny the equality of the States within their eommon territory, and degrade them from the rank of equals to that of inferiors. This last proposition had such force that it would doubtless have received more general recognition if the North had not felt that the early compact dedicating the territories north of 36° 30' to freedom, had been violated. In answer to this proposition they therefore pro- claimed in their platforms and speeches, and there was no other logical answer, " that freedom was National, and slavery Sectional." We cannot enter upon a full description of the scenes in Kansas, but bloodshed and rapine soon followed the attempts of the opposing parties to get control of its government. What were called the " Bor- der Ruffians " by the Free State men, be- cause of active and warlike organization in Missouri and upon its borders, in the earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to have the advantage. They were .supported by friends near at hand at all times, and warlike raids were frequent. The Free State men had to depend mainly upon New England for supplies in arms and means, but organizations were in turn rapidly completed to meet their calls, and the struggle soon became in the highest degree critical. The pro-slavery party sustained the Territorial government appointed by the administration ; the anti-slavery party re- pudiated it, because of its presumed com- mittal to slavery. The election for mem- bers of the Territorial legislature had been attended with much violence and fraud, and it was claimed that these things prop- erly annulled any action taken by that body. A distinct and separate convention was called at Topeka to frame a State con- stitution, and the Free State men likewise elected their own Governor and Legisla- ture to take the place of those appointed by Buchanan, and when the necessary preliminaries were completed, they ap- plied for admission into the Union. After a long and bitter struggle Congress decided the question by refusing to admit Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, and by re- cognizing the authority of the territorial government. These proceedings took place during the session of 1856-7, which ter- minated immediately before the inaugura- ation of President Bufihanan. At the beginning of Buchanan's admin- istration in 1857, the Republicans almost solidly faced the Democrats. There still remained part of the division caused by the American or Know-Nothing party, but itfi membership in Congress had already been compelled to show at least the ten- dency of their sentiments on the great question which was now rapidly dividing the two great sections of the Union. The result of the long Congressional struggle over the admission of Kansas and Nebras- ka was simply this : " That Congress was neither to legislate slavery into any Terri- tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom ; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States,"* and it was specially prescribed that when the Territory of Kan.sas shall be admitted as a State, it shall be admitted into the Union with or without slavery as the con- stitution adopted should prescribe at the time of admission. This was, as it proved, but a temporary settlement on the principle of popular sovereignty, and was regarded at the time as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. Douglas by the friends of that great poli- tician. The more radical leaders of the South looked upon it with distrust, but the blood of the more excitable in both sections was rapidly rising toward fever heat, and the border men from the Free and Slave States alike were preparing to act upon a compromise which in effect in- vited a conflict. The Presidential election in 1856 had singularly enough encouraged the more aggressive of both sections. Buchanan's election was a triumph for the South ; Fremont's large vote showed the power of a growing party as yet but partially or- ganized, and crippled by schisms which grew out of the attempt to unite all ele- ments of opposition to the Democrats. The general plan of the latter was now changed into an attempt to unite all of the free-soil elements into a party organization against slavery, and from that time for- ward until its total abolition slavery was the paramount issue in the minds ol' the more aggressive men of the north. Lin- coln voiced the feelings of the Republi- cans when he declared in one of his Illi- nois speeches : — " We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Consti- tution guaranties free speech ; until every- where, on this wide land, the sun shall shine, and the rain shall fall, and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil." In the Congressional battle over the ad- mission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas was the most conspicuous figure, and the language which we have quoted from Buchanan's inaugural was the literal meaning which Douglas had given to his idea of "popular" or ".squatter sover- eignty." Prior to the Kansas struggle the Free * President Buchanan's Inaugural .\ddre8B. THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 73 Boilers of the North had regarded Douglas as an ally of the South, and his udmitti-d ambition for the IVcsidcMK-y gave color to this .suspicion. He it \v:i.s who reported and carried throuixli Congress the hill for the repeal of the Missouri (.'oiuproniise, a measure which at that time w;ls thought to obstruct Southern designs in the territories of the great West, but this repeal proved in fact the first i)lain steps toward the free- dom of the territories. Having repealed that compromise, something must take its place, and what better than "popular sovereignty," tliought Douglas. Terri- tories contiguous to the Slave States, or in the same latitude, would thus naturally revert to slavery ; while those farther north, and at that time leiust likely of early set- tlement, would be dedicated to freedom. There wa-s a grave miscalculation just here. Slave-owners were not apt to change tlieir homesteads, and could not with either profit or convenience carry their property to new lands which might or might not be fruitful in the crops best adapted to slave labor. Slave-owners were few in number compared with the free citizens of the North and the thousands of immigrants annually landing on our shores. People who had once moved from the New Eng- land or Middle States westward, were rather fond of it, and many of these swelled the tide which constantly sought homes in the territories ; and where these did not go in person their .sons and daugh- ters were quite willing to imitate the early adventures of their parents. All these counted for the North under the doctrine of " popular sovereignty," and it was the failure of that doctrine to aid the South which from this time forward caused that section to mistrust the friendship of Douglas. No political writer has since questioned his motives, and we doubt if it can be done successfully. Ilis views may have under- fone some change since 1850, and it would e singular if they had not ; for a mind a.i discerning as his could hardly fail to note the changes going on all about him, and no where more rapidly than in his own State. He thought his doctrine at least adapted to the time, and he stood by it with rare bravery and ability. If it had been accepted by the Republicans, it would have been fatal to their organization as a party. We doubt the ability of any party to stand long upon any mere compromise, made to suit the exigencies and avoid the dangers of the moment. It may be said that our government, first based on a con- federacy and then a constitution, with a system of checks and balances, with a di- vision of power between the people and the States, is but a compromise ; but the assertion will not hold good. These things were adopted because of a belief at the time that they were in themselves right, or :us nearly right a.s those who participated in their adoption were given U) set! the right. There was certainly no attempt at a parent that IJuchanan's administration would aid the ellbrt to make Kansas a slave State. Doughis was the lirst to see that the application of ad- ministration machinery to his principle, would degrade and rob it of its fairness. He therefore resented Buchanan's inter- ference, and in turn Buchanan's friends sought to degrade him by removing him from the chairmanship of the Senate Com- mittee on Territories, the position which had given him marked control over all questions pertaining to the organization of territories and the admission of new States. The Lincoln and Douglas Debate. The Senatorial term of Douglas was drawing near to its close, when in July,. 1858, he left Washington tio enter upon the canvass for re-election. The Republican State Convention of Illinois had in the month previous met at Springfield, and nominated Abraham Lincoln as a candi- date for United States Senator, this with a view to pledge all Republican members of the Legislature to vote for him — a practice since gone into disuse in most of the States, because of the rivalries which it engenders and the aggravation of the dangers of de- feat sure to follow in the selection of a can- didate in advance. " First get your goose, then cook it," inelegantly describes the basic principles of improved political tac- tics. But the Republicans, particularly of the western part of Illinois, had a double purpose in the selection of Lincoln. He was not as radical as they, Ijut he well re- presented the growing Republican senti- ment, and he best of all men could cope with Douglas on the stump in a canva.ss which they desired should attract the at- tention of the Nation, and give shape to the sentiment of the North on all questions pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of '■ popular sovereignty '' was not acceptable to the Repul)lit'ans, the recent repeal of the Missouri compromise having led them, or the more radical portion of them, to despise all compromise measures. The plan of the Illinois Republicans, if 74 AMERICAN POLITICS. indeed it was a well-settled plan, accom- plished even more than was anticipated, though it did not result in ininiediate suc- cess, rt gave to the debate wliich followed between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide celebrity, and did more to educate and train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in connection with the ever-growing excite- ment in Kansas, than anything that could have happened. Lincoln's speech before the convention which nominated him, gave the first clear expression to the idea that there was an "irrepressible conflict" between freedom and slavery. Wm. H. Seward on October 25th following, at Rochester, N. Y., ex- pressed the same idea in these words : " It is an irrepressible conjiict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later become either an entire slaveholding Na- tion, or an entirely free labor Nation." Lincoln's words at Springfield, in July, 1858, were: " If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could bet- ter judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ' A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- solved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ulti- mate extinction ; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South." Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9th of July, and was warmly received by en- thusiastic friends. His doctrine of " pop- ular sovereignty " had all the attractions of novelty and apparent fiiirness. For months it divided many Republicans, and at one me the New York Tribnne showed indications of endorsing the position of Douglas — a fact probalily traceable to the attitude of jealousy and hostility manifested toward him by the Buchanan "administra- tion. Neither of the great debaters were to be wholly free in the coming contest. Douglas was undermined by Buchanan, wlio i'eiired him as a rival, and by the more bitter friends of slavery, who could not see that the new doctrine was safely in their interest ; but these things were dwarfed in the State conflict, and those who shared such feelings had to make at least a show of friendship until they saw the result. Lincoln was at first handicapped by the doubts of that class of Republicans who thought " popular sovereignty " not bad Republican doctrine. On the arrival of Douglas he replied to Lincoln's Springfield speech ; on the 16th he spoke at Bloomingtou, and on the 17th, in the afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln had heard all three speeches, and replied to the last on the night of the day of its delivery. He next addressed to Douglas the following challenge to debate : Chicago, July 24th, 1858. Hon. S. a. Douglas : — My Dear Sir : — Will it be agreeable to you to make an ar- rangement to divide time, and address the same audience, during the present canvass? etc. Mr. Judd is authorized to receive your answer, and if agreeable to you, to en- ter into terms of such agreement, etc. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. Douglas promptly accepted the chal- lenge, and it was arranged that there should be seven joint debates, each alternately opening and closing, the opening speech to occupy one hour, the reply one hour and a half, and the closing half an hour. They spoke at Ottawa, August 21st ; Free- port, August 27th ; Jonesboro', September 15th ; Charleston, September 18th ; Gales- burg, October 7th ; Quincy, October 18th ; and Alton, October ISth. We give in Book III of this volume their closing speeches in full. Great crowds attended, and some of the more enterprising daily journals gave pho- nographic reports of the speeches. The enthusiasm of the North soon ran in Lin- coln's favor, though Douglas had hosts of friends ; but then the growing and the aggressive party was the Republican, and even the novelty of a new and attractive doctrine like that of " popular sovereignty" could not long divert their attention. The prize suspended in view of the combat- ants was the United States Senatorship, and to close political observers this was plainly within the grasp of Douglas by reason of an apportionment which would give his party a majority in the Legisla- ture, even though the popular majority should be twenty thousand against him — a system of apportionment, by the way, not confined to Illinois alone, or not pecu- liar to it in the work of any of the great i)ar- ties at any period when party lines were drawn. Buchanan closely watched the fight, and it was charged and is still believed by the friends of "the " Little Giant," that the THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DKBATK, 75 administration secretly employed its pa- tronage antl power to defeat him. Certain it is that a tew prominent Democrats de- serted the standard of Doughis, and that some of them were rewarded. In tiie iieat of the battle, however, Douglas' I'rieiids were earekws of the views of the adminis- tration. He w;us a greater leader than Huchanan, and in Illinois at least he over- shadiiwed the ailministration. Me lacked 'neithiu- money nor friends. Special trains of cars, i)anner-;, cannon, bands, proces- sions, were all su]H)licd with lavish hands. The democracy of Illinois, nor yet of any other State, ever did so well before or since, and if the administration had been with him this enthnsiasm might have spread to all other States and given his doctrine a larger and more glorious life. Only the border States of the South, how- ever, saw opportunity and glory in it, while the oliin'-holders in other sections stood off and awaited results. Lincoln's position was different. He, doubtless, early realized that his chances for election were remote indeed, with the apportionment as it was, and he sought to impress the nation with the truth of his convictions, and this without other dis- play than the force of their statement and publication. Always a modest man, he ■was never more so than in this great battle. He declared that ho did not care for the local result, and in the light of what tran- spired, the position was wisely taken. Douglas was apparently just as earnest, though more ambitious ; for he declared in the vehemence of the advocacy of his doctrine, that " he did not care whether slavery w;vs voted up or voted down." Douglas had more to lose than Lincoln — a place which his high abilities had hon- .ored in the United States Senate, and 'which intriguing enemies in his own party made him doubly anxious to hold. Beaten, and he was out of the field for the Presi- dency, with his enthroned rival a candi- date for re-election. Successful, and that rival must leave the field, with himself in direct command of a great majority of the party. This view must have then been presented, but the rapid rise in])ublic feel- ing made it in ])art incorrect. The calcu- lation of Douglas that he could at one and the same time retain the good will of all his political friends in Illinois and those of the South failed him, though he did at the time, and until his death, better represent the majority of his party in the whole country than any other leader. At the election which followed the de- bate, the popular choice in the State as a whole was for Lincoln by 126,084 to 121,- 940 for Douglas ; but the apportionment of 1850 gave to Douglas a plain majority of the Senators and Representatives. At the Freeport meeting, August 27th, there were sharp questions and answere between the debaters. Tlu-y were brought on by Lincoln, who, after alluding to some (juestions propounded to him at (Jttawa, said : " r now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, ujxm conilition that he will answer questions I'roin me not ex- ceeding the same nund)er, to which I give him an opportunity to respond. The juilge remains silent; I now say that I will an- swer his interrogatories, whether he an- swer mine or not, and that after I have done so I shall propound mine io him. " I have suj)posed myself, since the or- ganization of the Republican ])arty at Bloonungton in May, 18o(), bound sis a jtarty man by the platforms of the party, there, and .since. If, in any interrogatories which I shall answer, I go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but myself. " Having said thus much, I will take up the judge's interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicayo Times, and answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the interrogatories in writing, and also my answers to them. The first one of these interrogatories is in these words : Question 1. — I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law ? Ansiver. — I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. Q. 2. — I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them ? .L— I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union. Q. 3 — I want to know, whether he-stands Sledged against the admission of a new tate into the Union, with such a Consti- tution as the people of the State may see fit to make? A. — I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of the State may see fit to make. Q. 4. — I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia? A. — I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Co- lumbia. Q. 5. — I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to tlie prohibition of the slave trade between the diflferent States? A. — I do not stand pledged to jirohibi- tion of the slave trade between the different States. 76 AMERICAN POLITICS. Q. 6. — I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, North as well as South of the Missouri Compro- mise line ? A. — I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all of the United States' Territories. Q. 7. — I desire him to answer, whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any new territory, unless slavery is first prohibited therein ? A. — I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory ; and in any given case, I would or would not oppose such ac- quisition, according as I might think such acquisition would or would not aggravate the slavery question among ourselves. "Now, my friends, it will be perceived upon an examination of these questions and answers, that so far, I have only an- swered that I was not pledged to this, that, or the other. The judge has not framed his interroga- tories to ask me anything more than this and I have answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered truly, that I am not pledged at all upon any of the points to which I have an- swered. But I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatories. I am rather disposed to take up, at least some of these questions, and state what I really think upon them. " The fourth one is in regard to the abo- lition of slavery in the District of Colum- bia. In relation to that, I have my mind very distinctly made up. I should be very glad to see slavery abolished in the Dis- trict of Columbia. I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia, unless it should be upon these conditions : First, That the aboli- tion should be gradual ; Second, That it should be on a vote of a majority of quali- fied voters in the District ; and Third, That compensation should be made to un- willing owners. With these three condi- tions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the lan- guage of Henry Clay, ' sweej) from our Capital that foul blot upon our nation.' " I now proceed to propound to the judge the interrogatories, so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward a new in- stalment when I get them ready. I will bring now only four. The first one is: — 1. If the peo]>le of Kansas shall, by means entirely unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a State Constitution and ask admission into the Union under it before they have the requisite number of inhabitants, according to the English bill — some ninety-three thousand — will he vote to admit them? 2. Can the people of the United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution ? 3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States cannot ex- clude slavery from their limits, are you in t favor of acquiescing in, adopting and fol- lowing such decision as a rule of political action ? 4. Are you in favor of acquiring addi- tional territory in disregard of how much acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question ? To these questions Mr. Douglas said: " In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion that, as she has population enough to con- stitute a slave State, she has people enough for a free State. I hold it to be a sacred rule of universal application, to require a Territory to contain the requisite popula- tion for a member of Congress, before it is admitted as a State into the Union. 2. "It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide, as to the ab- stract question whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the Constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it, or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day, or an hour, anywhere, unless it is supported by local police regulations. These police regulations can only be estab- lished by the local legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery, they will elect representatives to that body, who will, by unfriendly legislation, effectually pre- vent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Su- preme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave Territory or a free Terri- tory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill. " 3. The third question which Mr. Lin- coln presented is, if the Supreme Court of the LTnited States shall decide that a State of this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that Mr. Lincoln should ask such a question. He casts an imputation upon the Su- preme Court of the United States by suj)- posing that they would violate the consti- tution of the United States. I tell him that such a thing is not possible. It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln, himself, would never, in his par- tisan feelings, so far forget what was right as to be guilty of such an act. THE KAN8AS STRUGGLE. 77 4. Witli our iiiitunil ituTraHt', growing witli a riij)i(lity uiikaowii in any otlirr purl of the gl'>l)t', witli the tide of fiiiigratioii that is lleoing I'rom (K'spotisin in tlic old world, to rti'L'lv refuge in our own, lIuTe is a constant torrent pouring into this coun- try that ri'cjuires more hind, more terri- ory upon whicli to settle, and just as fiist uS our interests and our (hstiny recpiire ai additional territory in the North, in the f luth, or on the Island of the Ocean, [ am for it, and when we reijuire it, will leave the people, according to the Nebraska bill, free to (to as they plcjise on the sub- ject of slavery, and every other ques- tion." The bitterness of the feelings aroused by the canvass and boldness of Douglas, can both be well shown by a brief abstract from his speech at Freeport. He had j)er- sisted in calling the Republicans " Blcuk- Rej)ublicans," although the crowd, the great majority of which was there against him, insisted that he should say " White Republican." In response to these oft re- peated demands, he said : — " Now, there are a great many Black Republicans of you who do not know this thing was done. ('' White, white, and great clamor)." I wish to remind you that while Mr. Lincoln was speaking, there AViis not a Democrat vulgar and black- fuard enough to interrupt him. But I now that the shoe is pincliing you. I am clinching Lincoln now, and you are scared to death for the result. I have seen this thing before. I have seen men make ap- pointments for discussions and the mo- ment their man has been heard, try to in- terrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the other side. I have seen your mobs before and defy your wrath. (Tremendous ap- ! plause. ) " My friends, do not cheer, for I need my whole time. " I have been put to severe tests. I have stood by my principles in fair weather and in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. I have defended the great principle of self-governmeat here among you when Northern sentiment ran in a torrent against me, and I have defended that same great principle when Southern sentiment came down like an avalanche upon me. I was not afraid of any test they jmt to me. I knew I was right— I knew my principles were sound — I knew that the peoj)le would see in the end that I had done right, and I knew that the (rod of Heaven would smile upon me if I was faithful in the i)er- formance of my duty." As an illustration of the earnestnes-s of Lincoln's jwsition we need only quote two paragraphs from his speech at Alton : — "Is slavery wrong? Th;it is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of .Judge D(mglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between tliese two |)rincipleri — right ancf wrong — throughout the world. They are two jirinciples that have .stood face to face from the beginning of time; and will ever coniiniie to struggle. The one is the common right ol'humanitv, and the other the divine right of Kings. It is the same i)rincii)le in whatever shape it develops itself. It is thesaine spirit that says, 'you work and toil, and earn bread, and I'll eat it.' No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth of a King who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and life by the fruilof their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical ])rincii>le." And again : — " Oil this subject of treating it as a wrong, and limiting its spread, let me say a word. Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we hold most dear among us? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this institution of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose to im- prove the condition of things? by enlarging slavery? — by spreading it out and making it bigger? You may have a wen or cancer upon your person and not be able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole bodj\ That is no proper way of treating what you regard a wrong. You see this peaceful way of dealing with it as a wrong — restricting the spread of it, and not allowing it to go into new countries where it has not already existed. That is the peaceful way, the old-fashioned way, the way in which the fathers themselves set as the ex- ample." The administration of Pierce had left that of Buchanan a dangerous legacy. He found the pro-slavery party in Congress temporarily triumphant, it is true, and supported "by the action of Congress in re- jecting the Topeka constitution and rec- ognizing the territorial government, but he found that that decision was not acccj)- table either to the majority of the people in the country or to a rapidly rising anti- slavery sentiment in the North. Yet he saw but one course to pursue, and that was to sustain the territorial government, which had issued the call for the Lcconipton con- vention. He was supported in this view by the action of the Supreme Court, which had decided that slavery existed in Kansas under the constitution of the United States, and that the people therein could only re- lieve themselves of it by the election of delegates who would prohibit it in the constitution to be framed by the Lecomp- 78 AMERICAN POLITICS. ton convention. The Free State men re- 1 fused to recognize the call, made little, if any, preparation for the election, yet on the last day a number of them voted for State officials and a member of Congress under the Lecompton constitution. This had the effect of suspending hostilities be- tween the parties, yet peace was actually maintained only by the intervention of U. S. troops, under the command of Col. Sumner, who afterwards won distinction in the war of the rebellion. The Free State people stood firmly by their Topeka constitution, and refused to vote on ques- tions affecting delegates to the Lecompton convention. They had no confidence in Governor Walker^ the appointee of Presi- dent Buchanan, and his proclamations passed unheeded. They recognized their own Governor Rubinson, who in a message dated December 7th, 1857, explained and defended their position in these words: " The convention which framed the con- stitution at Topeka originated with the people of Kansas territory. They have adopted and ratified the same twice by a direct vote, and also indirectly through two elections of State officers and members of the State Legislature. Yet it has pleased the administration to regard the whole proceeding as revolutionary." The Lecompton convention, proclaimed by Governor Walker to be lawfully con- stituted, met for the second time, Sept. 4th, 1857, and proceeded to frame a constitu- tion, and adjourned finally Nov. 7t.h. A large majority of the delegates, as in the first, were of course pro-slavery, because of the refusal of the anti-slavery men to participate in the election. It refused to submit the whole constitution to the people, it is said, in opposition to the desire of President Buchanan, and part of his Cabinet. It submitted only the question of whether or not slavery should exist in the new State, and this they were required to do under the Kansas-Nebraska act, if indeed they were not required to submit it all. Yet such was the hostility of the pro-slavery men to submission, that it was only by three majority the proposition to submit the main question was adopted — a confession in advance that the result was not likely to favor their side of the con- troversy. But six weeks' time was also allowed for preparation, the election being ordered for Dec. 21st, 1857. Still another advantage was taken in the printing of the ballots, as ordered by the convention. The method prescribed was to endorse the bal- lots, "Constitution with Slavery," and " Constitution with no Slavery, thus coni- pelling the voter, however adverse his views, as to other ])arta of the Constitution, to vote for it a.s a whole. As a consequence, to participate in the election, and the result as returned was 6,143 votes in favor of slavery, and 589 against it. The constitu- tion was announced as adopted, an election was ordered on the first Monday of Janu- ary, 1858, for State officers, members of the Legislature, and a member of Congress. The opponents of the Lecompton constitu- tion did not now refrain from voting, partly because of their desire to secure the repre- sentative in Congress, but mainly to secure an opportunity, as advised by their State officers, to vote down the Lecompton con- stitution. Both parties warmly contested the result, but the Free State men won, and with their general victory secured a large majority in the Legislature. The ballots of the Free State men were now headed with the words " Against the Lecompton Constitution," and they re- turned 10,226 votes against it, to 134 for it with slavery, and 24 for it against slavery. This return was certified by J. W. Denver, " Secretary and Acting Governor," and its validity was endorsed by Douglas in his report from the Senate Territorial Com- mittee. It was in better accord with his idea of popular sovereignty, as it showed almost twice as large a vote as that cast under the Lecompton plan, the fairness of the return not being disputed, while that of the month previous was disputed. But their previous refusal to vote on the Lecompton constitution gave their oppo- nents an advantage in position strangely at variance with the wishes of a majority of the people. The President of that conven- tion, J. Calhoun, forwarded the document to the President with an official request that it be submitted to Congress. This was done in a message dated 2d February, 1858, and the President recommended the admission of Kansas under it. This message occasioned a violent debate in Congress, which continued for three months. It was replete with sectional abuse and bitterness, and nearly all the members of both Houses participated. It finally closed with the passage of the " Act for the admission of the State of Kansas into the L^nion," passed May 4th, 1858. This Act had been reported by a committee of conference of both Houses, and was passed in the Senate bv 31 to 22, and in the House by 112 to 103. There was a strict party vote in the Senate with the exception of Mr. Douglas, C. E. Stuart of Michigan, and D. C. Broderick of Cal- ifornia, who voted with the Republican minority. In the House several anti- Lecomi)ton democrats voted with the Re- publican minority. These were Messrs. Adrian of New Jersey ; Chapman of Penn- sylvania ; Clark of New York ; Cockerill of Ohio ; Davis of Indiana ; Harris of II- (at least this was given as one of the rea- 1 linois ; Haskin of New York ; Hickman •ons,) the Free State men aa a rule refused \ of Pennsylvania; McKibben of California; THE KANSAS STRUGGLE. 79 Marshall of Illinois ; Morji^ftn of New York; Morris, Shaw, and Smith of Illinois. The Americans who voti'd with the lltipuh- licans were Crittenden of Kentucky ; Davis of Maryhmd ; Marshall of Kentucky ; Rieaud of Maryland ; Underwood of Ken- tucky. A number of those ])reviously classed as Anti-Lceonipton Democrats voted apjainst their coUeajjjues of the same faction, and consciiuentiy ajz:ains( tlie bill. These were Messrs. Cockerill, ( iwcsheck, Hall, Lawrence, Pendleton and Cox of Ohio; English and Foley of Indiana; and Jones of Pennsylvania. The Americans who voted against the bill were Kennedy of Maryland; Anderson of Missouri ; Eus- tis of Louisiana; (lilmer of North Caro- lina; Hill of Georgia; Maynard, Ready and Zollicotler of Tennessee; and Trippe of Georjria. Ijeconipton Constitution. The following are the political features of the Lecomptou constitution : Article VII. — Slavery. Seo. 1 . The right of pr(iperty is before and higher than any constitutional sanc- tion, and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same, and as inviolable as the right of the owner of any property whatever. Sec. 2. The legislature shall have no power to pa.ss laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of the owners, or without paying the owners previous to their emancipation a full equivalent in money for the slaves so emancipated. They shall have no power to prevent emigrants to the state from bringing with them such persons as are deemed slaves by the laws of any one of the United States or territories, so long as any person of the same age or description shall be continued in slavery by the laws of this state: Provided, That such person or slave be the bona fide property of such emigrants : And prorided, also, That laws may be passed to prohibit the introduc- tion into this state of slaves who have committed high crimes in other states or territories. They shall have power to pass laws to permit the owners of slaves to emancipate them, saving the rights of creditors, and preventing them from be- coming a public charge. They shall have power to oblige the owners of slaves to treat them with humanity, to provide for them necessary food and clothing, to ab- stain from all injuries to them extending to life or limb, and, in c;is.e of their neglect or reftisal to comply with the direction of such laws, to have such slave or slaves sold for the benefit of the owner or owners. Sec. 3. In the prosecution of slavej^ for crimes of higher gratle than petit larceny, the legislature shall have no power t-) de- prive them of an impartial trial bv a petit jury- Sec. 4. Any person who shall mali- ciously dismember, or de|)rive a slave i)f life, shall suffer such |)Unisliment as would be inflicted in case the like- offence had been committed on a free white person, and on the like proof, except in case of insurrection of such slave. Free Negroen. Bill of Rujhts, Sfx'. 28. Free negroes shall not be allowed to live in this state under any circumstances. Article VIII. — Elections and Rights of Suffrage. Sec. 1. Every male citizen of the United States, above the age of twenty- one years, having resided in this state one year, and in the county, city, or town in which he may offer to vote, three months next preceding any election, sliall have the qualifications of an elector, and be en- titled to vote at all elections. And every male citizen of the United States, above the age aforesaid, who may be a resident of the state at the time this constitution shall be adopted, shall have the right of voting as aforesaid ; but no such citizen or inhabitant shall be entitled to vote ex- cept in the county in which he shall actually reside at the time of the elec- tion. The Topeka Constitution. The following are the political features of the Topeka constitution : Slavery. j Bill of Kight.'i, Sec. 6. There shall hi no slavery in this state, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of Amendments to the Constitution. Sec. 1. All propositions for amend- ments to the constitution shall be made by the General Assembly. Sec. 2. A concurrence of two-thirds of the members elected to each house shall be necessary, after which such proposed amendments shall be again referred to the legislature elected next succeeding said publication. If passed by the second legislature by a majority of two-thirds of the members elected to each house, such amendments shall be republished as afore- said, for at least six months prior to the next general election, at which election such proposed amendments shall be sub- mitted to the people for their approval or J^O AMERICAN POLITICS. rejection ; and if a majority of the electors voting at such election shall adopt such amendments, the same shall become a part of the constitution. Sec. 3. When more than one amend- ment is submitted at the same time, they shall be so submitted as to enable the electors to vote upon each ameudment separately. No convention for the forma- tion of a new constitution shall be called, and no amendment to the constitution shall be, by the general assembly, made before the year 18G5, nor more than once in five years thereafter. Siibviissioii of Constitution to the People. Schedule, Sec. 2. That this constitution shall be submitted to the people of Kansas for ratification on the 15th day of Decem- ber next. That each qualified elector shall express his assent or dissent to the constitution by voting a written or printed ticket, labelled " Constitution," or " No Constitution ;" which election shall be held by the same judges, and conducted under the same regulations and restric- tions as is hereinafter provided for the election of members of the general assembly. The Douglas Amendment. The following is the Douglas amend- ment, which really formed the basis of the bill for admission : " It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any state or territory, nor to exclude it there- from, but to leave the people thereof per- fectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." The bill which passed on the 4th of May was known as the English bill, and it met the approval of Buchanan. To the measure was attached " a fundamental condition precedent," which arose from the fact that the ordinance of the convention accom- panying the constitution claimed for the new State a cession of the public lands six times greater than had l/oen granted to other States, amounting in all to 2.3,500,- 000 acres. In lieu of tins Congress pro- posed to submit to a vote of the people a proposition specifying the number of acres ancf the purposes for wliich the money arising from their sale were to l)e used, and the acceptance of this was to be followed by a proclamation that " thereafter, and without further proceedings from Congress the admission of the State of Kansas, into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, shall be complete and absolute." The con- dition was never fulfilled, for the peo])le at the election on the 2d of August, 1858, rejected it by a majority of 9,513, and Kan- sas was not admitted under the Lecompton constitution. Finally, and after continued agitation, more peaceful, however, than that which characterized the earlier stages of the strug- gle, the territorial legislature of Kansas called an election for delegates to meet and form a constitution. They assembled in convention at Wyandot, in July, 1859, and reported a constitution prohibiting slavery. This was adopted by a majority exceeding 4000, and under it Kansas was admitted to the Union on the 29th of January, 1861. The comparative quiet between the re- jection of the English proposition and the adoption of the Wyandot constitution, was at one time violently disturbed by a raid made by John Brown at Harper's Ferry, with a view^ to excite the slaves to insur- rection. This failed, but not before Gov. Wise, of Virginia, had mustered his militia, and called for the aid of United States troops. The more radical anti-slavery men of the North were at first shocked by the audacity of an offense which many looked upon as an act of treason, but the anxiety of Virginia to hang Brown and all his followers who had been captured alive, changed a feeling of conservatism in the North to one of sympathy for Brown and deeper hatred of slaA'ery. It is but fair to say that it engendered hostility to the Union in the South. The right and wrong of slavery was thereafter more generally discussed than ever. The talent of the South favored it; while, with at least a large measure of truth it can be said that the talent of the North opposed it. So bitter grew the feeling that soon the churches of the sections began to divide, no other political question having ever be- fore disturbed the Union. We have not pretended to give a com- plete history of the Kansas trouble either in that State or in Congress, nor yet a full history of the many issues raised on ques- tions which were but subsidiary to the main one of slavery. Our object is to show the relation of the political parties through- out that struggle, for we are dealing with the history of parties from a national view, and not with battles and the minor ques- tions or details of parliamentary struggles. The contest had cemented the Democrats of the South as it had the Republicans of , the North ; it divided both the Democratsi of the North and the Americans in all] sections. John Bell, of Tennessee, and] Sam Houston of Texas, recognized leaders] of the Americans, had shown their sym- pathy with the ncAV stand taken by Doug-j las, as early as 1854. Bell, however, was less decided than Houston, and took his] position with many qualifications. Hous- ton opposed even the repeal of the Mis- souri Compromise, and made the lastspeechj THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION, 81 against it in the Senate, lie closed with thi'Sf words: " In the disfharf^e of my duty I have actecision whirii we make upon tiiis question must depend union or disunion." These sentiments were shared by many Amerieans, and tlie threat majority of tliem driltrd into the Kcpubliean party. The Aholitiouists from tlie lieirinnini:; of the stru^xgh", allied themselves with the Repuh- lieans, a few of their leadei^s proclaiming, however, that this jjarty was not sutlicicutly advanced in its views. Tlie Cliarli-stou Convention. Such was the condition of the parties when the Democratic national convention met at Charleston, S. C, on the 23d of April, I81IO, it being then the custom of the Democratic ]>artv, as it is of all major- it)' parties, to call its convention first. It was composed of delegates from all the thirty-three States of the Union, the whole number of votes being 303. After the ex- ample of former Democratic conventions it adopted the two-third rule, and 202 votes were reipiired to make nominations for President and Vice-President. Caleb Cush- ing, of ]\Iass., presided. From the first a radical difference of opinion was exhibited among the members on the question of slavery in the Territories. Almost the entire Southern and a minority of the Northern portion believed in the Dred Scott decision, and held that slave property was as valid under the constitution as any other class of property. The Douglas delegates stood firmly by the theory of popular sovereignty, and avowed their in- ditlcrence to the fact whether it would lead to the protection of slave property in the territories or not. On the second day a committee on resolutions consisting of one memher from each State, selected by the State delegates, was named, and then a resolution was resolved unanimously "that 'this convention will not proceed to ballot for a candidate for the Presidency until the platform shall have been adopted." On the fifth day the committee on rcsfdutions presented majority and minority reports. After a long discussion on the respective merits of the two reports, they were both, on motion of Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, re-committed to the Committee on Reso- lutions, with a view, if possible, to promote harmony; but this proved to be impracti- cable. On the sixth day of the Conven- tion (Saturday, April 2Sth.) at an evening Bcssion, Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, and Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, from the majority 6 and minority of the committee, again mado oi)posite and conllicting n;porls on thu (pu'stion of slavery in tiie Territorii-s. On tills question tlie committee liad divided Irom the Ix'ginning, tlie one jiortion em- bracing the fifteen members from the slaveholding States, with those from Cali- fornia and Oregon, ani)leton & Co., 18CG. The committee, through their chairman, '-f. Mr. Krum, of Missouri, made their report ■'^' on the 21st June, and Governor Stevens, of Oregon, at the same time presented a minority report, signed by himself and eight otlier members. It is unnecessary to give in detail these conflicting reports. It is sufficient to state that whilst the report of the majority maintained that the delegates, by with- drawing at Charleston, had resigned their seats, and these were still vacant ; that of the minority, on the contrary, asserted the right of these delegates to resume their seats in the Convention, by virtue of their original appointment. On the next day (June 22), the impor- tant decision was made between the con- flicting reports. Mr. Stevens moved to substitute the minority report for that of the majority, and his motion was rejected by a vote of lOOi to 150. Of course no vote was given from any of the excluded States, except one half vote from each of the parties in Arkansas. The resolutions of the majority were then adopted in succession. Among other mo- tions of similar character, a motion had been made by a delegate in the majority to reconsider the vote by which the Con- vention had adopted the minority report, as a substitute for that of the majority, and to lay his own motion on the table. This is a common mode resorted to, ac- cording to parliamentary tactics, of de- feating every hope of a reconsideration of the pending question, and rendering the first decision final. Mr. Cessna with this view called for a vote on laying the motion to reconsider on the table. Should this be negatived, then the question of reconsideration would be open. The President stated the question to be first " on laying on the table the mo- tion to reconsider the vote by which the Convention refused to amend the majority report of the Committee on Credentials by substituting the report of the minority." On this question New York, for the first time since the meeting at Baltimore, voted with the minority and changed it into a majority. "AVhen New York was called," says the report of the proceedings, " and re- sponded thirty-five votes" (in the nega- tive) "the response was greeted with loud cheers and applause." The result of the vote was 113-} to ISS^ — "so the Convention refused to lay on the table the motion to reconsider the minority report." The Con- vention then adjourned until evening, on motion of Mr. Cochrane, of New York, amidst great excitement and confusion. This vote of New York, appearing to in- dicate a purpose to harmonize the party by admitting the original delegates from the eight absent States, was not altogether un- expected. Although voting as a unit, it THE CIIARLKSTON CONVENTIOX. 85 wa^ known that herdelopition wciv prcally dividdl um tw^ tli(:m<.A\' ch. TLii" cx;ut Btreii'j;cU of tli'- minorily w;h alu-rwards stated l»y Mr. IJ.irtlelt, one ol' its nicnibers, in the Brc.'!ciiirid|j;e Convention. Jle .said: "Upoiiall (HU'stions and espeeially n|)oii the adoption of the majority report on cre- dentials, in wiiich we had a loni; contest, the line was strictly drawn, and tliere were thirty on one side and forty on the other." The po.sition of New Yorlv ca!itin;i;an un- divided vote of thirty-live, with Dean Rich- mond at their head, had been a controlling power from the commencement. Strong e.'cpeotations were, therefore, now entertained that after the New York dele- gation had recorded their vote against a motion which would have killed tlie mi- nority rep )rt beyond hope of revival, they would now follow this up by taking the next step in advance and voting for its re- consideration and adoption. On the even- ing of the very same day, however, they reversed their course and voted against it.s reconsideration. They were then cheered Vv the opposite party from that which hahcn A. Douglas. When Massachusetts was called, Mr. Putler rose and said he liad a respect- ful paper in his hand which he would desire the President to liave read. A scene of great confusion thereupon ensued, cries of " I object" being heard uj)on all sides. Mr. Butler, not to be batlied, contended for his right at this stage to make remarks pertinent to the matter, and cited in his su[)port the practice of the Conventions at Baltimore in 1848 and 1852, and at Cin- cinnati in 1856. He finally prevailed, and was permitted to procee I. Jle then said he " would now withdra v from the Con- vention, upon the ground that there had been a withdrawal, in who. e or in part, of a majority of the States; and further, which was a matter more personal ^) him- self, he could notsit in a convention where the African slave trade, which wa.s piracy according to the laws of his country, waa openly advocated." Mr. Butler then retired, f>llowed by General Cashing and lour others of the 86 AMERICAN POLITICS Massachusetts delegation. All of these had voted with the South and against Douglas. The balloting now proceeded. Mr. Douglas received 17o^. votes; Mr. GutJiric !);Mr. Breckinridge "O2 ; Mr. Bocock and Mr. Seymour each 1 ; and Mr. Dickerson and Mr. Wise each half u vote. On the next and last ballot Mr. Douglas received 181 o votes, eight of those in the minority having changed tlieir votes in his favor. To accdunt for this number, it is proper to state that a few delegates Irom live of the eight Suites which had withdrawn still remained in the Convention. On the las^t ballot My. Douglas received all of their votes, to wit : 3 of the 15 votes of Virginia, 1 of the 10 votes of North Carolina, li of the 3 votes of Arkansas, 3 of the 12 votes of Tennessee, 3 of the 12 votes of Ken- tucky, and 2] of the 8 votes of Maryland, making in the aggregate 14 votes. To this number nu\y be added the 9 votes of the new delegates from Alabama and the 6 from Louii-iana, which had been admitted to the exclusion of the original dele- gates. Mr. Douglas was accordingly declared t.o be the regular nominee of the Democra- tic party of the Union, upon the motion of ]Mr. Church, of New York, when, accord- ing to the report of the proceedings, " The whole body rose to its feet, hats were waved in the air, and many tossed aloft; shouts, screams, and yells, and every boisterous mode of expressing approbation and unanimity, were resorted to." Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was then unanimously nominated as the candidate for Vice-President ; and the Convention adjourned sine die on the 23d June, the sixth and last day of its ses- sion. On the same day, but after the ad- journment, Mr. Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, and it was immediately con- ferred on Mr. Ilersehel V. Johnson, of Georgia, by the Executive Committee. Thus ended the Douglas Convention. P)Ut another Convention assembled at Baltimore on the same 23d June, styling itself the "National Democratic Conven- tion." It was composed chiefly of the deleirates who had just withdrawn from the Douglas Convention, and the original delegatc-i from Alabama and Louisiana. One of their first acts was to abrogate the two-third rule, as had been done by the Douglas Convention. Both acted under the same nece -sity, been use the preserva- tion of this rule would have prevented a nomination by either. I\Tr. Cushing was elected and took the chair as President. In his opening ad- dress he said: "Gentlemen of the Con- vention, we assemble here, delegates to tlie National 1) 'niocratic Convention, duly accredited thereto from more than twenty States of the Union, for the purpose of nominating candidates of the Democratic party for the ofiices of President and Vice- President of the United States, for the pur2)0se of announcing the principles of 1 the party, and for the purpose of continu- ing and re-establishing that party upon the firm foundations of the Constitution, the Union, and the coequal rights of the several States." Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, who had reported the majority resolutions at Charleston, now reported the same from the committee of this body, and they "were adopted unanimously, amid great applause." The Convention then proceeded to select their candidates, Mr. Loring, on behalf of the delegates from Massachusetts, who with ]\Ir. Butler had retired from the Douglas Convention, nominated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, which Mr. Dent, representing the Pennsylvania dele- gation present, " most heartily seconded." Mr. Ward, from the Alabama delegation, nominated II. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia; Mr. Ewing, from that of Tennessee, nomi- nated Mr. Dickinson, of New York ; and Mr. Stevens, from Oregon, nominated General Joseph Lane. Eventually all these names were withdrawn except that of Mr. Breckinridge, and he received the nomination by a unanimous vote. The whole number of votes cast in his favor I'rom twenty States was 103't. General Lane was unanimously nomi- ,_ nated as the candidate lor Vice-President. 1 Thus terminated the Breckinridge Conven- tion. Tlie Chicago Republican Convention. The Republicans had named May IGth, 18G0, as the date and Chicago as the place for holding their second National Conven- tion, They had been greatly encouraged by the vote for Fremont and Dayton, and, what had now become apparent as an ir- reconcilable division of the Democracy, encouraged them in the belief that they could elect their candidates. Those of the great W^est were especially enthusiastic, and had contributed freely to the erection of an immense " Wigwam," capable of holding ten thousand people, at Chicago. All the Northern States were fully repre- sented, and there were besides partial de- legations from Delaware, Maryland, Ken- tucky, Misscmri and Virginia, with occa- sional delegates from other Slave States, there being none, however, from the Gulf Spates. David Wilmot, of Penna., author of the Wilmot proviso, Avas made tempo- rary chairman, and George Ashman, of I\Iass., permanent President. No diifer- encos were excited by the report of the com- mittee on platlbrm, and the proceedings THE AMERICAN CONVENTION. 87 throughout were charaftcrizcd by f^rcat harmony, tlioui^di there was a somewhat sharp contest lor the rresideiitial nomina- tion. The prominent eandidates were \Vm. H. Seward, ol' New York; Abrah.im Lin- coln, of Illinois ; Salmon P. Cluuse, oi" Ohio; Simon t'ameron, of Pennsylvania, and Edward Hates, of Missouri. There ■ were three hall. )ts, Mr. Lincoln receiving- ill the last ;i')4 out of 44G votes. Mr. Sew- ard led the vote at the beginninir, but he was strongly 0])posed by gi-nth'men in his own State as prominent as Horace (ireeley and Thiirlow Weed, anil his nomination was thou.rht t* be inexi)edient. Lincoln's successful debate with I)ou,l'>7 vot s, with but 12clec- toi-a. Breckinridge had .SlT.iloiJ votes, with 70 electors; Bell, with o70,0.'il votes, had 31) electors. The principles involved in the contro- versy are given at len-'th in the Book of IMatforms, and were briefly the.sc: The Kepubliian party asserted that slavery should not be extended to the territories; t!iat it conld exist oidy by virtue of local and positive law; that freedom was na- tional ; that slavery was morally wrong, and the nation should at least anticipate its gradual extinction. The Douglas wing of the Democratic party adhered to tlie doctrine of popular sovereignty, and claimed that in its exercise in the terri- tories they were indifferent whether slavery was voted up or down. The Breckinridge wing of the Democratic party asserted both the moral and legal right to hold slaves, and to carry them to the territories, and that no ])ower save the national constitu- tion could prohibit or interfere with it out- side of State lines. The Americans sup- porting Bill, adhered to their peculiar doctrines touching emigration and natural- ization, but had abandoned, in most of the States, the secrecy and oath-s of the Know- Nothing order. They were evasive and non-committal on the slavery question. Preparing for Secession. Secession, up to this time, had not bc^n regarded as treasonable in all sections and at all times. As shown in many previous pages, it had been threatened by the Hart- ford Convention ; certainly by some of the people of New England wdio opposed the war of 1812. Some of the more extreme .Vbolitionists had favored a division of the sections. The South, particularly the Gulf States, had encouraged a secret organiza- tion, known as the " Order of the Lone Star," previous to and at the time of the annexation of Texas. One of its objects was to acquire Cuba, so as to extend slave territory. The Gulf States needed more slaves, and though the law made partici- paney in the slave trade piracy, many car- goes had been landed in parts of the Gulf without jirotest or prosecution, just prior to the election of 1860. Calhoun had threatened, thirty years before, nullifica- tion, and before that again, .eeression in the event of the passage of the Public Land Bill. Jefferson and Madison had indicated that doctrine of State Bights on which secession was based in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 179S, facts which were daily discussed by the people of the Sonth during this most exciting of all Presidential campaigns. The leaders in the South had .".ntif ipatod defeat at the election, and many of them 88 AMEEICAN POLITICS. made early preparations for the withdrawal of their [States from the Union. Some of the more extreme anti-slavery men of the North, noting these preparations, for a time favored a plan of letting the South go in peace. South Carolina was the first to adopt a secession ordinance, and before it did so, Horace Greeley said in the New York Tribune : " If the Declaration of Independence justified the secession from the British Empire of three millions of colonists in 177G, we can not see why it would not jus- tify the secession of five millions of South- rons from the Federal Union in 1861." These views, however, soon fell into dis- favor throughout the North, and the period of indecision on either side ceased when Fort Sumter was fired upon. The Gulf States openly made their preparations as soon as the result of the Presidential elec- tion Avas known, as a rule pursuant to a previous understanding. The following, condensed from Hon. Edward McPher- son's " Political History of the United States of America during the Great Rebellion," is a "-orrect statement of the movements which iollcwed, in the several Southern States : SOUTH CAROLINA. November 5th, 1860. Legislature met to choose Presidential electors, who voted for Breckinridge and Lane for President and Vice President. Gov. William II. Gist recommended in his message that in the event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a convention of the people of the State be immediately called to consider and determine for themselves the mode and measure of redress. He ex- pressed the opinion that the only alterna- tive left is the " secession of South Caro- lina from the Federal Union." 7th. United States ofhcials resigned at Charleston. lOtli. U. S. Senators James H. Ham- mond and James Chestnut, Jr., resigned tlieir seats in the Senate. Convention called to meet Dec. 17th. Delegates to be elected Dec. 6th. IP.th. Collection of debts due to citi- zens of non-slaveholding States stayed. Francis W. Pickens elected Governor. 17th. Ordinance of Secession adopted tinanimouslv. 21st. Commissioners appointed (Barn- well, Adams, and Orr) to proceed to . Washington to treat for the possession of U. S. Government property wif bin the lim- its of South Carolina. Coinmi-^sioners aji- p'tinted to the other slaveliolding States. Southern Couirress proposed. 21th. Representatives in Congress with- dr(>w. GdV. Pickens issued a proclamation " announcing the repeal, Dec. 20th, 1800, by the good people of South Carolina," of tlie Ordinance of May 23d, 1788, and " the dissolution of the union between the State of South Carolina and other States under the name of the United States of Ameri- ca," and proclaiming to the world " that the State of South Carolina is, as she has a right to be, a separate, sovereign, free and independent State, and, as such, has a; right to levy war, conclude peace, negotiate treaties, leagues, or covenants, and to do all acts whatsoever that rightfully apper- tain to a free and independent State. " Done in the eighty-fifth year of the sovereignty and independence of South Carolina." Jan. 3d, 1861. South Carolina Com- missioners left Washington. 4th. Convention anpointed T. J. With- ers, L. M. Keitt. W. W. Bovce, Jas. Chest- nut, Jr., E. B. Rhett, Jr., R. W. Barnwell, and C. G. Memminger, delegates to South- ern Congress. 5th. Convention adjourned, subject to the call of the Governor. 14th. Legislature declared that any at- tempt to reinforce Fort Sumter v^ould be considered an open act of hostility and a declaration of war. Approved the Gov- ^ ernor's action in firing on the Star of the West. Accepted the services of the Cataw- ba Indians. 27th. Received Judge Robertson, Com- missioner from Virginia, but rejected the proi)Osition for a conference and co-oper- ative action. March 2Gth. Convention met in Charles- ton. April 3d. Ratified "Confederate" Con- stitution — yeas 114, nays 16. 8th. Transferred forts, etc., to " Con- federate " government. GEORGIA. November 8th, 1860. Legislature met pursuant to previous arrangement. 18th. Convention called. Legislature appropriated $1,000,000 to arm the State. Dec. 3d. Resolutions adopted in tlie Leg- islature proposing a conference of the Southern States at Atlanta, Feb. 20th. January 17th, 1861. Convention met. Received Commissioners from South Caro- lina and Alabama 18th. Resolutions declaring it the right and duty of Georgia to secede, adopted — yeas 165, nays 130. 19th. Ordinance of Secession passed — ye:\s 208, nays 89. 21st. Senators and Representatives in Concrress withdrew. 24th. Elected Delegates to Southern Congress at IMontgomery, Alabama. 28tli. Elected Commissioners to other Slaveholding States. 29th. Ado))ted an address " to the South and the world." PREPARING FOR SECKSSION. 89 March 7th. Convention rcasscMiihlcnl. KJth. lliitilit'd tlie " Coufcderute " Cun.sti- tulioii— yeas W, nays .">. 2(ilh. OrdiiKUue pjissi-d authorizing the "('(inlLMli-ratc" goviTniiunt to ()ccu[)y, usr ami {lossi's-i tlic torts, navy yards, arsenals, and (.ustuni houses witiiia the limits of said {State. April 2(;th. Governor Brown issued a proehunatiou ordering' the reimdiation l)y Jiie citizens of CJeorgia of all debts due Northern men. MISSISSIl'l'I. November 26th, 18G0. Legislature met Nov. 2()th, and adjourned Nov. 30th. Elec- tion for Convention lixcd for Dec. liOth. Convention to meet Jan 7lh. Convention bills and secession resolulions j>assed unani- mously. C'ominissioncrs appointed to other Slavcholding States to secure " their co- operation in effecting measures for their common defence and safety." Jan. 7th, ISGl. Convention assembled. 9th. Ordinance of Secession passed — yeas 84, nays 15. Jn the ordinance the people of the State of Mississippi express their consent to form a federal union with such of the States as have seceded or may secede from the Union of the United States of America, upon the basis of the present Constitution of the United States, except such parts thereof as embrace other portions than such seceding States. 10th. Commissioners from other States received, llesolutions adopted, recogniz- ing South Carolina as sovereign and inde- jtendent. .Tan. 12th. Eepresentatives in Congress withdrew. li»lh. The committee on the Confederacy in the Legislature reported resolutions to provide for a Southern Confederacy, and to establish a provisional government for seceding States and States hereafter seced- ing. 21st. Senators in Congress withdrew. March .'iOth. Ratified "Confederate" Constitution — yeas 78, nays 7. FLORIDA. November 2Gth, ISGO. Legislature met. Governor M. S. Perry recommended imme- diate secession. Dec. 1st. Convention bill passed. Jan. 3d, 18G1. Convention met. 7th. Commissioners from South Carolina and Alabama received and heard. loth. Ordinance of Secession passed — yeas ()2, nays 7. 18th. Delegates appointed to Southern Congress at ]\lontgomery. 21st. Senators and Representatives in Congress withdrew. Feb. 11th. Act passed by the Legisla- ture declaring that after any actual collision between Federal troops anill as imperilling all that Virgin- ians held most sacred and dear." lG;h. Commissioners Hopkins and Gil- mer of Alabama received in the Legisla- ture. 17tli. Resolutions pa.ssed proposing tlie Crittenden resolutions as a basis for adjust- ment, and requesting ( Jeneral Government to avoid collision with Southern States. Gov. Letcher communicated tho Resolu- tions of the Legislature id' New York, 0.x- ])res.-iing the utmost disdain, and saying tiiat " the threat conveved can inspire no terror in freemen." Tlie resolutions were directed to be returned to the Governor of New York. ISth. 81,000,000 appropriated for tho defence of tlie State. IDtii. Passed resolve that if all cflbrts to reconcile the ditierences of the country fail, every consideration of honor and in- terest denumds that Virginia sludl unite her destinies with her .sister slavdiolding States. Also that no reconstruction of t!io Union can be pernument or satisfaclpositiou for adjustment.) 21st. Replied to Commissioners Hop- kins and Gilmer, expressing inability to make a definite response until after the meeting of the State Convention. 22d. The Governor transmitted the re- solutions of the Legislature of Ohio, with unfavorable comment. His message was tabled by a small majority. 30th. The House of "Delegates to-day tabled the resolutions of the Pennsylvania Legislature, but referrcl those of Tennes- see to the Committee on Federal Relations. February 20th. The resolutions of the Legislature of Michigan were returned without comment. 28th. Ex-President Tyler and James A. Seddon, Commissioners to the Peace Con- gress, presented their report, and denounced the recommendation of that body as a de- lusion and a sham, and as an insult and an offense to the South. Proceedings of Virginia Convention. February 4th. Election of delegates to the Convention. 13th. Convention met. 14th. Credentials of John S. Preston, Commissioner from South Carolina, Fulton Anderson from Mississippi, and Henry L. Benning from Georgia, were received. 18th. Commissioners irom Mississippi and Georgia heard ; both pictured the dan- ger of Virginia remaining with the North; neither contemplated such an event as re- union. 19th. The Commissioner from S.')uth Carolina was heard. He said his people liclicvcd the L^nion unnatural and mon- strous, and declared that there was no human force — nosanctity of iuiman touch, — that could re-unite the peojile of tho North with the peojile of the South — that it could never be done unless the economy of God were changed. 92 AMERICAN POLITICS. 20th. A committee reported that in fill but sixteen counties, the majority for sub- mitting the action of the Convention to a vote of the i)eople Avas 52,857. Numerous resolutions on Federal llehitions intro- duced, gx'nerally expressing attachment to the Union, but denouncing coercion. 26th. j\Ir. (roggin of Bedford, in his speech, denied tlie right of secession, but admitted a revolutionary remedy for wrongs committed upon a State or section, and said wherever Virginia went he was with her. March 2d. IMr. Goode of Bedford offered a resolution that, as the powers delegated to the General Government by Virginia had been perverted to her injury, and as the Crittenden propositions as a basis of adjustment had been rejected by their Korthern confederates, therefore every consideration of duty, interest, honor and patriotism requires that Virginia should de- clare her connection with the Government to be dissolved. 5th. The thanks of the State were voted to Hon. John J. Crittenden, by yeas 107, nays 16, for his efforts to bring about an honorable adjustment of the national diffi- culties. Mr. Ilarvie of Amelia offered a resolution, requesting Legislature to make needful appropriations to resist any attempt of the Federal authorities to hold, occupy or possess the property and places claimed by the United States in any of the seceded States, or those that may withdraw or col- lect duties or imposts in the same. 9th. Three reports were made from the Committee on Federal Relations. The majority proposed to submit to the other States certain amendments to the Constitu- tion, awaiting the response of non-slave- holding States before determining whether " she will resume the powers granted by her under the Constitution of the United States, and throw herself upon her reserved rights ; meanwhile insisting that no coer- cion be attempted, the Federal forts in se- ceded States be not reinforced, duties be not collected, etc.," and proposing a Con- vention at Frankfort, Kentucky, the last Monday in May, of the States of Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri and Arkansas. Henry A. Wise differed in details, and went fur- ther in the same direction. Messrs. Lewis E. Harvie, Robert L. Montague and Sam- uel C. Williams recommended the immedi- ate passage of an Ordinance of Secession. Mr. Barbour of Culpeper insisted upon the immediate adoption by the non-slavehold- ing States of needed guarantees of safety, and provided for the appointment of three Commissioners to confer with the Confed- erate authorities at Montgomery. 19ih. Committee on Federal Relations reported proj)osi.'d amendments to (he Constitution, Vt'hich were the substitute of Mr. Franklin of Pa., in "Peace Confer- ence," changed by using the expression " involuntary servitude " in place of " per- sons held to service." The right of owners of slaves is not to be impaired by congres- sional or territorial law, or any pre-exist- ing law in territory hereafter acquired. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, to be prohibited north of 36°30', but shall not be prohibited by Congress or any Ter- ritorial legislature south of that line. The third section has some verbal alteratiojis, providing somewhat better security for property in transit. The fifth section pro- hibits the importation of slaves from places beyond the limits of the United States. The sixth makes some verbal changes in relation to remuneration for fugitives by Congress, and erases the clause relative to the securing of privileges and immunities. The seventh forbids the granting of the elective franchise and right to hold oflice to persons of the African race. The eighth provides that none of these amendments, nor the third paragraph of the second sec- tion of the first article of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph of the second sec- tion of the fourth article thereof, shall be amended or abolished without the consent of all the States. 25th. The Committee of the Whole re- fused (yeas 4, nays 116) to strike out the majority report and insert Mr. Carlile's " Peace Conference " substitute. 20th. The Constitution of the " Confede- rate" States, proposed by Mr. Hall as a sub- stitute for the rejiort of the committee, re- jected — yeas 9, nays 78. 28th. The first and second resolutions reported by the committee adopted. April 6th. The ninth resolution of the majority report came up. Mr. Bouldin offered an amendment striking out the whole, and inserting a substitute declaring that the independence of the seceded States should be acknowledged without delay, which was lost — yeas 68, nays 71. 9th. Mr. Wise's substitute for the tenth resolution, to the effect that Virginia re- cognizes the independence of the seceding States was adopted — yeas 128, nays 20. April 17. Ordinance of Secession passed in secret session — yeas 88, nays 55, one excused, and eight not voting. Same day the Commissioners adopted and ratified the Constitution of the Provi- sional Government of the " Confederate" States of America, this ordinance to cease to have legal efiect if the people of Vir- ginia voting upon the Ordinance of Seces- sion should reject it. 25th. A Convention was made between Commissioners of Virginia, chosen by the Convention, and A. H. Stephens, Commis- sioner for "Confederates," stipulating that Virginia until she became a member of the Confederacy should place her military PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 93 force undor tlie dlrct'tion of tlic I'l-csidcnt of tlio " Coiifodoratc " Stales; iilso turn over to " Coiii'oderato " iStates all her pub- lie i)roperty, naval .^stores, and mimitious of Avar. Signed by J. Tyler, W. 15. I'rcston, S. Mid). Moore, James P. IIoleoini)e, .Fas. i(\ r>riiee. Lewis 10. llarvic — for Virginia; and A. li. Stephens for "Confederate" States. Juno 2")th. Secession vote announced us 12H,S81 lor, and .'IJ.lol against. July. The Convention passed an ordi- nance to the elfeet that any citizen of Vir- ginia holding oliicc under the Covernnient of the United States after the 31st of July, IStJI, should be forever banished from the State, and be declared an alien enemy. Also that any citizen of Virginia, hereafter undertaking to rejjrescnt the State of Vir- ginia in the Congress of the United States, sl;ouM, in addition to the above penalties, be considered guilty of treason, and his property be liable to confiscation. A pro- vision was inserted exempting from the ]>onalties of the act all officers of theUnitetl States outsiile of the United States, or of the Confederate States, until after Julv 1st, 1SG2. KE^"TUCKY. December 12th, 1S60. Indiana militia offer their services to quell servile insur- rection. Gov. Magoffin declines accepting them. January 17th, 18l31. Legislature con- vened. 22(1. The House by a vote of 87 to 6 re- solved to resist the invasion of the South at all hazards. 27th. Legislature adopted the Virginia resolutions requiring the Federal (lovern- ment to protect Slavery in the Territories and to guarantee the right of transit of slaves through the Free States. February 2d. The Senate passed by a vote of 2") to 11, resolutions appealing to the Southern States to stop the revolution, protesting against Federal coercion and providing that the Legislature reassemble on the 2 1th of April to hear the responses from sister States, also in favor of making an application to call a National Conven- tion for proposing amendments to the Con- stitution of the United States, also by a vote of 2-3 to 14 declared it inexpedient at this time to call a State Convention. oth. The House by a vote of 54 to 40 passed the above resolutions. March 22d. State Rights Convention as- sembled. Adopted resolutions denouncing any attempt on the part of the Govern- ment to collect revenue as coercion ; and affirming that, in case of any such attempt, the border States should make common cause with the Southern Confederacy. They also recommended a border State Convention. April 21th. Gov. ]\T.i}];ofrin called an extra session of the IjCgislatun'. May 20th. (Jov. MagoHin Issued a neu- trality jiroclamation. September mil. The House of Rejire- sentatives by a vote of 71 to 2i>, adojtted a resolution tlireeting the (Jovernor to issue a proclamation ordering the ( 'onfeilerate troops to evacuate Kentucky soil. The Governor vetoed the resolution, which was afterwards ])assed over his veto, and accordingly he issued the required procla- mation. October 29th. Southern Conference met at Ivussellville. H. C. Hurnett elected (Jhairman, R. jMcKcc Secretary, T. S. Ih-yan Assistant Secretary. Remained in secret session two days and then adjourned sine die. A series of re^solutions reported by G. W. Johnson were adopted. They recite the unconstitutional and oppressive a(;ts of the Li^gislature, proclaim revolu- tion, provide for a Sovereignty Convention at Russellvillc, on the 18th of November, recommend the organization of county guards, to be placed in the service of and paid by the Confederate States Govern- ment; pledge resistance to all Federal and State taxes, for the prosecution of the war on the ])art of the United States ; ami ap- point Robert McKee, John C. Breekin- ridge, Humphrey Marshall, (Jeo. W. Ew- ing, H.W. Bruce, Geo. B. Hodge, AVilliam Preston, Geo. W. Johnson, Blanton Dun- can, and P. B. Thompson to carry out the resolutions. November 18th. Convention met and remained in session three days. 20th. It passed a Declaration of Inde- pendence and an Ordinance of Secession. A Provisional Government consisting of a Governor, Legislative Council of ten, a Treasurer, and an Auditor were agreed upon. Geo. W. Johnson was chosen Gov- ernor. Legislative Council were: Willis B. Machen, John W. Crockett, .Tames P. Bates, Jas. S. Chrisman, Phil. B. Thomp- son, J. P. Burnside, H. W. Ihiice, J. W. Moore, E. M. Bruce, Geo. B. Hodge. MARYLAND. Nov. 27th, ISGO. Gov. Hicks declined to call a special session of the Legislature, in response to a request for such convening froni Thomas G. Pratt, Sprigg Harwood, J. S. Franklin, N. H. Green, Llewellyn Boyle, and J. Pinkney. December 10th. Gov. Hicks replied to A. H, Handy, Commissioner from ^lissis- sippi, declining to accept the programme of Secession. 20th. Wm. H. Collins, Esq., of Balti- more, issued an address to the people, in favor of the Union, and in 3Iarch a second address. 31st, The "Clipper" denied the exist- ence of an organization in Marjdaud to 94 AMERICAN POLITICS. prevent the inauguration of President Lin- coln. A. H. Handy of Mississippi addressed citizens of Baltimore in favor of disunion. January od, 18GL Henry Winter Davis issued an address in favor of tlie Union. 3d. Numerous Union meetings in vari- ous jiart of the State. Gov. Hicks issued a,n address to the people against seces- Bion. 11th. John C. Legrand in a letter to Hon. Reverdy Johnson replied to the Union speech of the latter. 14th. James Carroll, former Democratic candidate for Governor, announced his de- sire to go with the seceding States. IGth. Wm. A. Spencer, in a letter to Walter S. Cox, Esq., declared against the right of Secession but for a Convention. IG. Marshal Kane, in a letter to Mayor Berrett, denied that any organization ex- ists to prevent the inauguration of Presi- dent Lincoln, and said tliat the President elect would need no armed escort in pass- ing through or sojourning within the limits of Baltimore and Maryland. 24th. Coleman Yellott declared for a Convention. 80th. Messrs. John B. Brooke, President of the Senate, and E. G. Kilbourn, Speaker of the House of Delegates, asked the Gov- jernor to convene the Legislature in re- sponse to public meetings. Senator Ken- nedy published his opinion that Mary- land must go with Virginia. February 18th. State Conference Con- vention held, and insisted upon a meeting of the Legislature. At a meeting in How- ard Co., which Speaker E. G. Kilbouru addressed, a resolution was adopted that "immediate steps ought to be taken for the establishment of a Southern Confed- eracy, by consultation and co-operation with such other Southern and Slave States as may be ready therefor." April 21st. Gov. Hicks wrote to Gen. Butler, advising that he do not land his troops at Annapolis. Butler replied that he intended to land there and march thence to Washington. Gov. Hicks pro- tested against this and also against his having taken forcible possession of the Annapolis and Elkridge railroad. 24th. A special election of ten delegates to the Legislature took place at Baltimore. The total vote cast in all the wards was 9,249. The total vote cast at the Presi- dential election in November, 1860, was 30,148. 2Gth. Legislature reassembled at Fred- erick, Annapolis being occupied by Union troops. 29th. Gov. Hicks sent a message to the Legislature communicating to them the correspondence between himself and Gen. Butler and the Secretary of War relative to the landing of troops at Anoapolia. The House of Delegates voted against Secession, 53 to 13. Senate unanimously. May 2d. The Committee on Fedcrnl de- lations, "in view of the seizure of the railroads by the General Government and the erection of fortitications," presented resolutions appointing Commissioners to the President to ascertain whether any lio- coming arrangements with the Geiier;.! Government are practicable, for the main- tenance of the peace and honor of the State and the security of its inhabitants. The report was adopted, and Otho Scott, Robt. M. McLane, and "Wm. J. Ross were appointed such Commissioners. Mr. Yellott in the Senate introduced a bill to appoint a Board of Public Safety. The powers given to the Board included the expenditure of the two millions of dol- lars proposed by Mr. Bnuie lor the defence of the State, and the entire control of the military, including the removal and ap- pointment of commissioned oflicers. It was ordered to a second reading by a vote of 14 to 8. The Board Avas to consist of Ezekiel F. Chambers, Enoch Louis Lowe, John V. L. MacMahon, Thomas G. Pratt, Walter Mitchell, and Thomas Winans. Gov. Hicks was made ex-officio a member of the Board. This measure was strongly pressed by the Disunionists for a long time, but they were finally compelled to give way, and the bill never passed. 6th. The Commissioners reported the result of their interview with the Presi- dent, and expressed the opinion that some modification of the course of the General Government towards Maryland ought to be expected. 10th. The House of Delegates passed a series of resolutions reported by the Com- mittee on Federal Relations by a vote of 43 to 12. The resolutions declare that Maryland protests against the war, and does earnestly beseech and implore the President of the United States to make peace with the "Confederate" States; also, that " the State of Maryland desires the peaceful and immediate recogition of the independence of the Confederate States." Those who voted in the negative are Messrs. Medders, Lawson, Keene, Routzahn, Naill, Wilson of Harlbrd, Bay- less, McCoy, Fiery, Stake, McCleary, and Gorsuch. 13th. Both Houses adopted a resolution providing for a committee of eight mem- bers, (four from each House) to visit the President of the United vStates and the President of the Southern Confederacy. The committee to visit President Davis were instructed to convey the assurance that Maryland sympathizes with the Con- federate States, and that the people of ^laryland are enlisted with their whole hearts on the side of reconciliation and peace. PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 95 June nth. Messrs. McKiiiji^, YcUottand Hunliii;,', ColnmissicMicrs to visit Prcsidi'iit Davis, prcsiMitod tlii'ir report ; acioiiipany- iu'^ wliieh is a lettir from Jetlcrson Davis, expressing his pointing committee to notify Mr. Glenn, Commissioner of Georgia, that the Convention was ready to hear any com- munication from his State. Mr. Glenn was introduced, read Georgia's articles of se- cession, and made a speech urging Mis- souri to join her. 5th. Resolutions were read, ordering that the protest of St. Louis against co- ercion be reduced to writing, and a copy sent to the President of the United States; also, resolutions were adopted informing the Commissioner from Georgia that Missouri dissented from the position taken by that State, and refused to share the honors of secession with her. 6th. Resolutions were offered by several members and referred, calling a Conven- tion of the Southern States which have not seceded, to meet at Nashville, April 15th, providing for such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as shall secure to all the States equal rights in the Union, and declaring strongly against secession. 9th. The Committee on Federal Rcla-, tions reported a series of resolutions, set- ting forth that at present there is no ade- quate cmse to impel ^Missouri to leave the Union, but that on the contrary she will labor for such an adjustment of existing troubles a*! will secure peace and the rights and equality of all the Stal«3 ; that the peoj)le of Missouri regard the amondmonta to the ('onstiluti(jn proposeil liy Mr. Crit- tenden, with their extension to territory hereafter to he re(iuired, a basis of adjust- ment which would forever remove all ddli- culties; and that it is expedient for the Legislature to call a Crt.-int particulars. The alteratious and kdditiuQg are aa fulluwd : ALTERATIONS. 1st. The ProviBional ConBtitution difTorgfrom the other in this : That tlio Ii'^ialative powers of the Provisional Government are vested in tl>o Congress now assembli'd. and this l).ierty and the public debt. 2d. Montgomery is made the temporary scat of govern- ment. ;id. This Constitution is to continue one year, nnleas altered by a two thirds vote or superseded by a pcrm*- Deat Uovernmont. 98 AMERICAN POLITICS. Alabama, Secretary of War ; Stephen R. Mallory, Secrctorj' of the Navy ; Judah P. Benjamin, Attorney-General, and John H. •Reagan, Postmaster-General; Philip Clay- ton, of Georgia appointed Assistant Secre- tary of the Treasury, and Wm. M. Browne, late of the Washington Constitution, Assistant Secretary of State. March 2d, The Texas Deputies re- ceived. Tlie Confederate States. The Confederate States was the name of the government formed in 1861 by the seven States which first seceded. Bellige- rent rights were accorded to it by the lead- ing naval powers, but it was never recog- nized as a government, notwithstanding the persevering efforts of its agents near the principal courts. This result was mainly due to the diplomacy of the federal Sec- retary of State, Wm H, Seward, to the proclamations of emancipation in 1862-3, which secured the sympathy of the best elements of Great Britain and France for the federal government, and the obstinate persistence of the federal government in avoiding, as far as possible, any recognition of the existence, even de facto, of a con- federate government. The federal generals in the field, in their communications with confederate officers, did not hesitate, upon occasion, even to give " president " Davis his official title, but no such embarrassing precedent was ever admitted by the civil government of the United States, It at first endeavored, until checked by active preparations for retaliation, to treat the crews of confederate privateers as pirates ; it avoided any official communication with the confederate government, even when compelled to exchange prisoners, confining its negotiations to the confederate commis- sioners of exchange ; and, by its persistent policy in this direction, it succeeded, with- out any formal declaration, in impressing upon foreign governments the belief that any recognition of the confederate States as a separate people would be actively re- sented by the government of the United States as an act of excessive unfriendliness. The federal courts have steadily held the same ground, that " the confederate states was an unlawful assemblage, without cor- porate power ; " and that, though the separate States were still in existence and were indestructible, their state govern- ments, while they chose to act as part of the confederate States, did not exist, even de. facto. Enrly in January, 1861, while only South Carolina had actually seceded, though other Southern States had called conventions to consider the question, the Senators of the seven States farthest South practically a.s8umed control of the whole movement, and their energy and unswer- ving singleness of purpose, aided by the telegraj)h, secured a rapidity of execution to which no other very extensive conspi- racy of history can affi)rd a parallel. The ordinance of secession was a negative in- strument, purporting to withdraw the state from the Union and to deny the authority of the federal government over the people of the State ; the cardinal object of the senatorial group was to hurry the forma- mation of a new national government, as an organized political reality which would rally the outright secessionists, claim the allegiance of the doubtful mass, and coerce those who still remained recalcitrant. At the head of the senatorial group, and of its executive committee, was Jefl'erson Davis, Senator from Mississipjii, and natu- rally the first official step toward the for- mation of a new government came from the Mississippi Legislature, where a com- mittee reported, January 19th, 18G1, reso- lutions in favor of a congress of delegates from the seceding States to provide for a southern confederacy, and to establish a provisional government, therefore. The other seceding States at once accej'ted the proposal, through their State conventions, which also appointed the delegates on the -J ground that the people had intrusted the State conventions with unlimited pow- ers. The new government therefore be£:an its existence without any popular ratio of representation, and with only such popular ratification as popular acquiescence gave. The provisional congress met Feb. 4th,at Montgomery, Ala., with delegates from South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisi-J ana, Florida and Mississippi. The Texaaf delegates were not appointed until Feb. 14th. Feb, 8th, a provisional constitution -J was adopted, being the constitution of the United States, with some changes, Feb. 9th, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was unanimously chosen provisional president, and Alexander H, Stephens, of Georgia, provisional vice-president, each State hav- ing one vote, as in all other proceedings of the body. By acts of Feb. 9th and 12th, the laws and revenue officers of the United States were continued in the cnniederate States until changed. Feb. 18th, the president and vice-president were inaugu- rated. Feb. 20th-26th, executive depart- ments and a confederate regular army were organized, and provision was made for borrowing money. March llth, the per- manent constitution was adopted by Congress. The Internal legislation of the provi - sional congress was, at first, mainly the adaptation of the civil service in the South- ern Stat(>s to the uses of the new govern- ment. Wherever possible, judges, post- masters, and civil as well as military and nav.'il officers, who had resigned from the service of the United States, were given BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 99 an cqu;il or higher rank in the confederate Bervice. Postmasters were direeted to make their fuiai aeeountiiig to thu United States, Mav lUst, thereafter aeeounting to tiui (Con- federate States. April 2:itii, tlie provi- fiionai eongre.ss, whieh hadadjourned Marcli IGth, re-assembled at Mi)iitgoinerv, liaviiig been convoked by I'resideiit Davis in con- sequence of President Lincoln's prepa- rat"on-t to enforce federal authority in the South. Davis' mt'ssage announced that all the seceding States had ratilied the piTmanent constitution ; that Virginia, which had not yet seceded and entered in- to alliance with theeonfederaey, and that other States, were expected to follow the same plan. He concluded by declaring that " all we ask is to be let alone." May 0th, an act was passed recognizinruary 21st. 18G1 ; Judah P. Benjamin, Louisiana, November 10th. 18G1 ; James A. Seddon, Virginia, March 22d, 18G2; .John C. Breckinridge, Ken- tucky, February L'ith, 18G5. Nary Department. — Stephen R. Mallorv, Florida, Mirch 4th, 18G1, and March 22d. Attornci/ General. — Judah P. Benjamin, Louisiima, February 21st, 18G1 ; Thomas H. Watts, Alabama^ September 10th. 18G1, and March 22nd, 1862; George Davis, North Carolina, NoA-ember 10th, 1863. Postmaster- General. — Henry J. Elliot, Mississippi, February 21st, 180.'); Joliii If. Reagan, Texas, March Glh, iMJl, and March 22d, 18(;2. The ])rovisional Congress held four Hf.-s- sions, ius follows: 1. Fcbruarv 4 Mar h Kith, 18G1 ; 2. April 2!)-Mav 22d, 1861 ; 3. July 2()-August22d, ISO] ; a",,,] 4. Novem- ber IKth, lK6i-February 17th, lS(i2. Under the permanent Constitution tiiere were two Congresses. The first, Con.rress held four sessions, as follows: 1. Feitrii- arv 18-April 21st, 1862; 2. Augu-t 12- October 13th, ]8<;2; 3. January 12-M:iy 8th 18G3;and 4. December 7, iSG3-Fel>- ruary 18th, 18(54. The second Congres;! held two sessions, as follows : 1, May 2 ■ June 15th, 1864 ; and 2. From November 7th, 1864, until the hasty and linal ad- journment, March 18th, 18(!o. In the first Congress members chosen by rump State conventions, or by regiments in the confederate service, sat for districts in Missouri and Kentucky, though theso States had never seceded. Tiierc were thus thirteen Stated! in all represented at the close of the first Congress ; but, as tlio area of the Confederacy narrowed befi ro the advance of the Federal armies, the v;V- cancies in the second Congress became significantly more numerous. At its best estate the Confederate Senate number.cl 26, and the house lOG, as follows : Ala- bama, 9 ; Arkansas, 4 ; Florida, 2 ; Geor- gia, 10 ; Kentucky, 12 ; Louisiana, 6 ; Mis- sissippi, 1 ; Missouri, 7 ; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 6; Tennessee, 11; Texas, 6 ; Virginia, 16. In both G»u- gresses Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia, w:i3 Speaker of the House.* For four months between the Presiden- tial election and the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln those favoring secession in the South had practical control of their sec- tion, for while President Buchanan hesi- tated as to his constitutional powers, tlie more active partisans in his Cabinet were aiding their Southern friends in every practical way. In answer to the visit- ing Commissioners from South Carolin.a, Messrs. R. AV. Barnwell. J. H. Adams and Jas. L. Orr, who formally submitted that State's ordinance of sece^ssion, and de- manded possession of the forts in Charles- ton harbor, Buchanan said : — "In answer to this communication, I have to say that my position as President of the United States was clearly defined in the message to Congress on the 3d inst. In that I stated that ' apart from the exe- cution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations be- tween the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power t ) * From Tjilir'g fhtntclnprrtlia of PnUlieal Science, puV liehed by Rind 4 Mc.Nally, Clucagu, Ul. 100 AMERICAN POLITICS. change the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive othcer with the power of recognizing the dissolu- tion of the Confederacy among our thirty- three sovereign States. It bears no re- semblance to the recognition of a foreign de facto Government, involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings.' " Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet you only as private gentle- men of the highest character, and was en- tirely willing to communicate to Congress any proposition you might have to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware. It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone jiossess the power, as to prevent the inau- guration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston." Further correspondence followed between the President and other seceding State Com- missioners, and the attitude of the former led to the following changes in his Cabi- net: December 12th, 18G0, Lewis Cass resigned as Secretary of State, because the President declined to reinforce the forts in Chai-leston harbor. December 17th, Jere- miah S. Black was appointed his suc- cessor. December 10th, Howell Cobb, resigned as Secretary of the Treasury — " his duty to Georgia requiring it." December 12th, Philip F. Thomas was appointed his suc- cessor, and resigned, January 11th, 1861, because differing Irom the President and a majority of the Cabinet, " in the measures which have been adopted in reference to the recent condition of things in South Carolina," especially "touching the au- thority, under existing laws, to enforce the collection of the customs at the port of Charleston." January 11th, 1861, John A. Dix appointed his successor. 29th, John B. Floyd resigned as Secre- tary of War, because, after the transfer of Major Anderson's command from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, the President de- clined "to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston altogether." December 31st, Joseph Holt, Postmas- ter-General, was entrusted with the tem- Sorary charge of the War Department, and anuarv 18th, 1861, was appointed Secre- tary of War. January 8th, 1861, Jacob Thompson resigned as Secretary of the Interior, be- cause "additional troops, he had hoard, irive been ordered to Charleston" in the Star of the West. December 17th, 1860, Jeremiah S. Black resigned as Attorney-General, and Edwin M. Stanton, December 20th, was appointed his successor. January 18th, 1861, Joseph Holt re- signed as Postmaster-General, and Ho- ratio King, February 12th, 1861, was ap- pointed his successor. President Buchanan, in his annual mes- sage of December 3d, 1860, appealed to Congress to institute an amendment to the constitution recognizing the rights of the Southern States in regard to slavery in the territories, and as this document embraced the views which subsequently led to such a general discussion of the right of seces- sion and the right to coerce a State, we make a liberal quotation from it : — " I have purposely confined my remarks to revolutionary resistance, because it has been claimed within the last few years that any State, whenever this shall be its sovereign will and pleasure, may secede from the Union in accordance with the Constitution, and without any violation of the constitutional rights of the other mem- bers of the Confederacy. That as each be- came parties to the LTnion by the vote of its own people assembled in convention, so any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar manner by the vote of such a convention. " In order to justify secession as a con- stitutional remedy, it must be on the prin- ciple that the Federal Government is a mere voluntary association of States, to be dissolved at pleasure by any one of the contracting parties. If this be so, the Confederacy is a rope of sand, to be pene- trated and dissolved by the fii-st adverse wave of public opinion in any of the States. In this manner our thirty-three States may resolve themselves into as many petty, jarring, and hostile republics, each one re- tiring from the Union without responsi- bility whenever any sudden excitement might impel them to such a course. By this process a Union might be entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks, which cost our loreiathers many years of toil, privation, and blood to establish. " Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with the history as well as the character of the Federal Constitution. Afler it was framed with the greatest deliberation and care, it was submitted to conventions of the people of the several States for ratifi- cation. Its provisions were discussed at length in these bodies, composed of the first men of the country. Its opponents contended that it conferred powers upon the Federal Government dangerous to the rights of the States, whilst its advocates maintained that, under a fair construction of the instrument, there was no foundation for such apprehensions. In that mighty struggle between the first intellects of this BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 101 or any other country, it never occurred to any ituUvidual, eitlier among its opponents or advocates, to assert or even to intimate tliat their efibrts were all vain labor, be- cause the moment that any ►State felt lier- pclf ajrgrieved she might secede from the Union. What a crushing argument would this have proved against those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be en- dangered by the Const ituti< in. The truth is, that it was not until some years after the origin of the Federal (Joveriiment that sut'h a proposition wad first advanced. It was afterwards met and refuted by the conclusive arguments of General Jackson, wh), in his message of the l(3th of January, 18:)"'.. transmitting the nullifying ordinance of South Carolina to Congress, employs the following Luv^uage : ' The right of the peo- ple of a single State to absolve themselves at will and without the consent of the other States from their most solemn obli- gations, anil hazard the liberty and happi- ness of the millions composing this Union, Ciinnot be acknowledged. Such authority is believed to be utterly repugnant both to the principles upon which the General Government is constituted, and to the ob- jects which it was expressly fcrraed to attain.' " It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives countenance to such a theory. It is altogether founded upon inference, not from any language con- tiiined in the instrument itself, but from the sovereign character of the several Suites by which it was ratified. But it is beyond the power of a State like an indi- vidual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to secure the remainder? In the language of Mr, Madison, who has been called the father of the Constitution, ' It was formed by the States — that is, by the Eeople in each of the States acting in their ighest sovereign capacity, and formed con- sequently by the same authority which formed the State constitutions.' ' Nor is the Government of the United States, created by the Constitution, less a Govern- ment, in the strict sense of the term with- in the sphere of its powers, than the gov- ernments created by the constitutions of the States are within their several spheres. It is like them orranized into legislative, executive, and judiciary departments. It operates, like them, directly on persons and things; and. like them, it has at com- mand a physical force for executing the powers committed to it.' " It was intended to be perpetual, and not to be annulled at the pleasure of any one of the contracting parties. The old Articles of Confederation were entitled *Article-sof Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States ; ' and by the thirteenth article it is expres.sly declared that ' the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every Slate, and the Union tdiall be perpetual.' The preamble to the constitution of the United States, having express reference to the Articles of Confederation, recites that it was established 'in order to form a more jterfect union.' And yet it is contended that this * more perfect union ' does not in- clude the eassential attribute of perpe- tuity. " But that the Union wa.s designed to be jierpetual, appears conclusively from the nature ami extent of the powirs (.(in- ferred by the Constitution of the Federal Government. These powers embrace the very highest attributes of national sov- ereignty. They place both the sword and purse under its control. Congress hajj power to make war and to make peace; to raise and support armies and navies, and to conclude treaties with foreign govern- ments. It is invested with the power to coin money, and to regulate the value thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among th(? several Sbites. It is not necessary to enumerate the other high powers which have been conferred upon the Federal Government. In order to carry the enumerated powers into effect. Congress possesses the exclusive right to lay and collect duties on import*), and, in common with the States, to lay and collect all other taxes. " But the Constitution has not only con- ferred these high powers upon Congreae, but it has adopted eflectual means to re- strain the States from interfering with their exercise. For that purpose it has in strong prohibitory laniruage expressly declared that 'no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts.' Moreover, ' without the con- sent of Congress no State shall lay any im- posts or duties on any imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws,' and if they exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to the United States. And 'no State shall, without the consent of Con- gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troopa or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.' " in order still further to secure the un- interrupted exercise of these high powers against State interposition, it is provided ' that this Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pur- suance thereof, and all treaties made or 102 AMERICAN POLITICS. which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitutionor lawsof any State to the contrary notwithstanding.' " The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the obligations of official duty, and all Senators and Repre- sentatives of the United States, all mem- bers of State Legislatures, and all execu- tive and judicial officers, ' both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution.' In order to carry into effect these j)Owers, the Constitution has established a perxiect Government in idl its forms, legis- lative, executive, and judicial ; and this Government to the extent of its powers acts directly upon the individual citizens of every State, and executes its own de- crees by the agency of its own officers. In this respect it differs entirely from the Government under the old confederation, which was confined to making requisitions on the States in their sovereign character. This left it in the discretion of each v/hether to obey or refuse, and they otten declined to comply with such requisitions. It thus became necessary, for the purpose of removing this barrier, and ' in order to form a more perfect union,' to establish a Government which could act directly upon the people and execute its own laws with- out the intermediate agency of the States. This has been accomplished by the Con- stitution of the United States. In short, the Government created by the Constitu- tion, and deriving its authority from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the same right to exercise its power over the people of all these States in the enumerated cases, that each one of them possesses over subjects not delegated to the United States, but *^ reserved to the States respectively or to the people.' " To the extent of the delegated powers the Constitution of the United States is as much a part of the constitution of each Biate, and is as binding upon its people, as though it had been textually inserted therein. "This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful Government, invested with all the attributes of sovereignty over the special subjects to which its authority ex- teJids. Its framers never intended to im- plant in its bosom the seeds of its own destruction nor were they at its creation guilty of the absurdity of jiroviding for its own dissolution. It was not intended by its framers to be the baseless fabric of a vision, which, at the touch of the en- chanter, would vanish into thin air, but a substantial and mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time, and of defying the storms of ages. Indeed, ■well may the jealous patriots of that day have indulged fears that a Government of such high power might violate the reserved rights of the States, and wisely did they adopt the rule of a strict construction of these powers to prevent the danger. But they did not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine that the Constitution would ever be so in- terpreted as to enable any State by her own act, and without the consent of her sister States, to discharge her people from all or any of their federal obliga- tions. "It may be asked, then, are the people of the States without redress against the tyranny and oppression of the Federal Government? By no means. The right of resistance on the part of the governed against the oppression of their govern- ments cannot be denied. It exists inde- pendently of all constitutions, and has been exercised' at all ];eriods of the world's his- tory. Under it, old governments have been destroyed and new ones have taken their place. It is embodied in strong and ex- press language in our own Declaration of Independence. But the distinction must ever be observed that this is revolution against an established Government, and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue of an inherent constitutional right. In short, let us look the danger fairly in the face; secession is neither more nor less than revolution. It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution ; but still it is rev- olution." The President having thus attempted to demonstrate that the Constituticn affords no warrant for secession, but that this was inconsistent both with its letter and spirit, then defines his own position. He says : " What, in the mean time, is the respon- sibility and true position of the Executive? He is bound by solemn oath, before God and the country, 'to take care that the laws be faithfully executed,' and from this obligation he cannot be absolved by any human power. But what if the perfor- mance of this duty, in whole or in part, has been rendered impracticable by events over which he could have exercised no control? Such, at the present moment, is the case throughout the State of South Carolina, so far as the laws of the United States to secure the administration of jus- tice by means of the Federal judiciary are concerned. All the Federal officers within its limits, through whose agency alone these laws can be carried into execution, have already resigned. We no longer have a district judge, a district attorney, or a marshal in South Carolina. In fact, the whole machinery of the Federal gov- ernment necessary for the distribution of remedial Justice among the people has been BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 103 demolished, and it would be difficult, if iKjt impodsible, to replace it. "The only acts of Congress on the stat- ute book bearing upon this suhject arc those of the 28th Februrry, 171).'), and 3rd March, 1807. These authorize the Presi- dent, after he shall have ascertained that the marshal, with his posse cumitatxis, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any particular case, to call forth the militia and employ the army and navy to aid him in performing this service, having first by proclamation comnumded the in- surgents ' to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time.' This duty cannot by possibility be performed in a State where no judicial au- thority exist* to issue process, and where there is no marshal to execute it, and where, even if there were such an officer, the entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist him. " The bare enumeration of these provi- sions proves how inadequate they are with- out further legislation to overcome a united opposition in a single State, not to speak of other States who may place themselves in a similar attitude. Congress alone has power to decide whether the present laws can or cannot be amended so as to carry out more effectually the objects of the Constitution. " Tlie same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the laws for the collection of customs. The revenue still continues to be collected, as heretofore, at the custom-house in Charleston, and should the collector unfortunately resign, a suc- cessor may be appointed to perform this duty. " Then, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina. This has been purchased for a fair equivalent, ' by the consent of the Legislature of the State,' ' for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,' &c., and over these the authority 'to exercise exclusive legislation' has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any at- tempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has re- ceived orders to act strictly on the defen- sive. In such a contingency the respon- sibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants. " Apart from the execution of the laws, so fariis this may be practicable, the Ex- ecutive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Crovernment and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recog- nizing the iliss(tlution of the (-onfederacy among our thirty-tliree sovereign States. It bears no relation to the recognition of » foreign defuctn (Jovernment, involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of ustirpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings." Then follows the opinion expressed in the message, that the Constitution has con- ferred no power on the Federal Govern- ment to coerce a State to remain in the Union. The following is the language : "The question fairly stated is, 'Has the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn from the Confedera- cy?' If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to make war against a State, " After much serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or to any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an in- spection of the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not ' necessary and proper for carrying into execution' any one of these powers. So far from this power having been delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by the Convention which framed the Constitu- tion. " It appears from the proceeding? of that body that on the 31st May, 1787, the clause ' authorizing an exertioyi of the force of the whole against a delinquent State ' came up for consideration. Mr. Madison . opposed it in a brief but powerful speech, from which I shall extract but a single sentence. He observed : ' The use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be con- sidered by the party attacked as a dissolu- tion of all previous compacts by which it might be bound.' Upon his motion the clause was unanimously postponed, and was never, I believe, again presented. Soon afterwards, on the 8Lh June, 1787, when incidentally adverting to the subject, he said: 'Any government for the United States, formed on the supposed practica- bility of using force against the unconsti- tutional proceedings of the States, would prove as visionary and fallacious as the government of Congress,' evidently mean- ing the then existing Congress of the old confederation." At the time of the delivery of this mes- sage the excitement was very high. The 104 AMERICAN POLITICS. extreme Southerners differed from it, in so far lis it disputed both the right of revolu- tion and secession under the circumstances, but quickly made a party battle-cry of the denial of the right of the National Gov- ernment to coerce a State — a view which for a time won the President additional friends, but which in the end solidified all friends of the Union against his adminis- tration. To show the dcmbt which this ingenious theory caused, we quote from the speech of Senator Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee (subsequently Vice-President and acting President), delivered Dec. 18th, 1860, (Congressional Globe, page 119) : — " I do not believe the Federal Govern- ment has the power to coerce a State, for by the eleventh amendment of the Con- stitution of the United States it is exj^ressly provided that you cannot even put one of the States of this confederacy before one of the courts of the country as a party. As a State, the Federal Government has no power to coerce it ; but it is a member of the compact to which it agreed in com- mon with the other States, and this Gov- ernment has the right to pass laws, and to enforce those laws upon individuals within the limits of each State. While the one proposition is clear, the other is equally so. This Government can, by the Constitution of the country, and by the laws enacted in conformity with the Constitution, operate upon individuals, and has the right and power, not to coerce a State, but to enforce and execute the law upon individuals within the limits of a State." Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, publicly objected to the message because of its earnest argument against secession, and the determination expressed to collect the revenue in the ports of South Carolina, by means of a naval force, and to defend the public property. From this moment they alienated themselves from the President. Soon thereafter, when he refused to with- draw Major Anderson from Fort Sumter, on the demand of the self-styled South Carolina Commissioners, the separation be- came complete. For more than two months before the close of the session all friendly intercourse between them and the Presi- dent, whether of a political or social cha- racter, had ceased. Tlie Crittenden Compromise. Congress referred the request in the message, to adopt amendments to the con- stitution recognizing the rights of the Slave States to take slavery into the terri- tories to a committee of thirteen, consisting of five Republicans : Messrs. Seward, Col- lamer, Wade, Doolittle, and Grimes ; five from slave-holding States: Messrs. Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Toombs, and Davis ; and three Northern Democrats ; Messrs. Douglas, Bigler, and Bright. The latter three were intended to act as mediators between the extreme parties on the com- mittee. The committee first met on the 21st De- cember, 18(50, and preliminary to any other proceeding, they " resolved that no propo- sition shall be reported as adopted, unless sustained by a majority of each of the classes of the committee ; Senators of the Republican party to constitute one class, and Senators of the other {)arties to con- stitute the other class." This resolution was passed, because any report they might make to the Senate would be in vain unless sanctioned by at least a majority of the five Republican Senators. On the next day (the 22d), Mr. Crittenden submitted to the committee " A Joint Resolution " (the same which he had two days before pre- sented to the Senate), "proposing certain amendments to the- Constitution of the United States," now known as the Critten- den Compromise. This was truly a com- promise of conflicting claims, because it proposed that the South should surrender their adjudged right to take slaves into all our Territories, provided the North would recognize this right in the Territories south of the old Missouri Compromise line. The committee rejected this compromise, every one of its five Republican members, together with Messrs. Davis and Toombs, from the cotton States, having voted against it. Indeed, not one of all the Re- publicans in the Senate, at any period or in any form, voted in its favor. The committee, having failed to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion, reported their disagreement to the Senate on the 31st December, 18G0, in a resolution declaring that they had " not been able to agree upon any general plan of adjustment." Mr. Crittenden did not desjiair of ultimate success, notwithstanding his de- feat before the Committee of Thirteen. After this, indeed, he could no longer ex- pect to carry his compromise as an amend- ment to the Constitution by the necessary two-thirds vote of Congress. It was, therefore, postponed by the Senate on his own motion. As a substitute for it he submitted to the Senate, on the 3d January, 1861, a joint resolution, which might be passed by a majority of both Houses. This was to refer his rejected amendment, by an ordinary act of Con- gress, to a direct vote of the people of the several States. He offered his resolution in the following language : " Whereas the Union is in danger, and, owing to the unhaj)py divi- sion existing in Congress, it would be dif- ficult, if not impossible, for that body to concur in both its branches by the re- quisite majority, so as to enable it either to adopt such measures of legislation, or to recommend to the Statea such amend- THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE. 105 nieiits to the Constitution, a.s are doemod nccossjiry and prujuTto avert that danger ; and wluToas in so great an emergency tlie opinion and jndginent of the peopUi ought to be heard, and would he the best and surest guitle to tiu'ir lii-presentatives ; Therefore, Jiosn/veil, Tliat provision ouglit to be made by law without delay for tak- ing the sense of the pi'()[)le and submitting to their vote the following resolution |the sumo as in his former amendment], as the basis for the final and permanent settle- ment of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the country and threaten the exi-itence of the Union." Menu)rials in its favor poured into Con- gress from portions of tiie North, even from New England. One of these pre- sented to the Senate was from " the Mayor and members of the Board of Aldermen and the Common Council of the city of Boston, and over 22,000 citizens of the Suite of Massachusetts, praying the adop- tion of the compromise measures proi)osed by Mr. Crittenden." It may be proper here to observe that the resolution of Mr. Critt^-nden did not provide in detail for holding elections by which " the sense of the people " could be ascertained. To sup- ply this omission. Senator Bigler, of rennsylvania, on the 14th January, 18G1, brought in " A bill to provide for taking the sense of the people of the United States on certain proposed amendment.s to the Constitution of the United States;" but never was he able to induce the Senate even to consider this bill. President Buchanan exerted all his in- fluence in favor of these measures. In his special message to Congress of the 8th of January, l.Stil, after depicting the conse- quences which had already resulted to the country from the bare apprehension of civil war and the dissolution of the Union, he says : " Let the question be transferred from political assendjlies to the ballot-box, and the people themselves would speedily re- dress the serious grievances which the South have suffered. But, in Heaven's name, let the trial be made before we plunge into armed conflict upon the mere assumi)tion that there is no other alterna- tive. Time is a great conservative power. Let us pause at this momentous point, and afford the people, both North and South, an opportunity for reflection. Would that South Carolina had been convinced of this truth before her precipitate action ! I, therefore, appeal through you to the peo- ple of the country, to declare in tneir might that the Union must and shall be preserved by all constitutional means. I most earnestly recommend that you devote yourselves exclusively to the question how this can be accomplished in peace. All other questions, when compared with this, sink into insignificance. The i)rescnt is no time for palliatives; action, jirompt action is re<|nired. A delay in Congnss to pre- scribe or to recommend a distinct and practical {)rop(jsition for conciliation, may drive us to a jxiint from which it will be almost impossilile to recede. " A common ground on which concilia- tion and harmony can bi; produc(Ml is surely not unattaituible. The )iro|)osition to compromise by letting the North have I'xclusive control of the territory above a certain line, and to give Southern institu- tions protection below that line, ought to receive universal a|)probation. In itself, indeed, it may not be entirely satisfactory, ])ut when the alternative is between a reasonable concession on both sides and a dissolution of the Union, it is an imputa- tion on the patriotism of Congress to assert that its members will hesitate for a mo- ment." This recommendation was totally disre- garded. On the 14th January, 18G1, Mr. Crittenden made an unsuccessful attempt to have it considered, but it was postjwned until the day following. On tliis day it was again postponed by the vote of every Republican Senator present, in order to make way for the Pacific Railroad bill. On the tliird attempt (Januarj' KJ,) he suc- ceeded, but by a majority of a single vote, in bringing his resolution before tlie body. Every Republican Senator present voted against its consideration. Mr. Clark, a Republican Senator from New Hampshire, moved to strike out the entire preamble and resolution of Mr. Crittenden, and in lieu thereof insert as a substitute a pream- ble and resolution in accordance with the Chicago platform. This motion prevailed by a vote of 25 to 23, every Republican Senator present having voted in its favor. Thus Mr. Crittenden's proposition to refer the question to the people was buried under the Clark amendment. This con- firmed to be its position for more than six weeks, until the day before the final ad- journment of Congress, 2d March, when the i)roposition itself was defeated by a vote of 1!) in the alhrmative against 20 in the negative. The Clark Amendment prevailed only in conse(juence of the refusal of six Seces- sion Senators to vote against it. These were Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana; Mr. Iverson, of Georgia; Messrs. Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas; and ]\Ir. Johnson, of Arkansas. Had these gentlemen voted with the border slave- holding States and the other Democratic Senators, the Clark Amendment would have been defeated, and the Senate would then have been brought to a direct vote on the Crittenden resolution. It is proper for reference that the names of those Senators v.'ho constituted the ma- 106 AMERICAN POLITICS, jority on this question, should be placed upon record. Every vote given from the six New England States was in opposition to Mr. Crittenden's resolution. These con- sisted of Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire; Messrs. Sumner and Wilson, of Massachu- setts ; Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island; Messrs. Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut ; Mr. Foot, of Vermont ; and Mr. Fessen- den, of Maine. The remaining twelve votes, in order to make up the 20, were given by Messrs. Bingham and Wade, of Ohio; Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois ; Messrs. Bingham and Chandler, of Michigan ; Messrs. Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa ; Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of Wiscon- sin; Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota; Mr. King, of New York ; and Mr. Ten Eyck, of New Jersey. The Republicans not voting were Hale of New Hampshire ; Simmons of Rhode Island ; Collaraer of Vermont; Seward of New York, and Cameron of Pennsylvania. They rei'rained from various motives, but in the majority of instances because they disbelieved in any effc>rt to compromise, for nearly all were recognized leaders of the more radi- cal sentiment, and in favor of coercion of the South by energetic use of the war jjowers of the government. This was spe- cially true of Hale, Seward, and General Cameron, shortly after Secretary of War, and the first Cabinet officer who favored the raising of an immense army and the early liberation and arming of the slaves. On December 4th, 1860, on motion of Mr. Boteler of Virginia, so much of Presi- dent Buchanan's message as related to the perilous condition of the country, was re- ferred to a special committee of one from each State, as follows: Corwin of Ohio ; Millson of Virginia ; Adams of Massachusetts ; Winslow of North Carolina ; Humphrey of New York ; Boyce of South Carolina ; Campbell of Pennsylvania; Love of Georgia; Ferry of Connecticut; Davis of Maryland ; Robin- son of Rhode Island ; Whiteley of Dela- ware; Tappan of New Hampshire; Strat- ton of New Jersey ; Bristow of Kentucky ; Morrill of Vermont; Nelson of Tennessee; Dunn of Indiana; Taylor of Louisiana; Davis of IVIississippi ; Kellogg of Illinois; Houst(jn of Alabama; Morse of Maine; Phelps of Missouri ; Rust of Arkansas ; Howard of Michigan ; Hawkinsof Florida; Hamilton of Texas; Washburn of Wiscon- sin; Curtis of Iowa; Burch of California; Windom of Minnesota ; Stout of Oregon. Messrs. Hawkins and Boyce asked to be excused from service on the Committee, but the House refused. From this Committee Mr. Corwin report- ed, January 14tli, ISGl, a series of proposi- tions with a written statement in advocacy thereof. Several minorrity reports were presented, but the following Joint Reso- lution is the only one which secured the assent of both Houses. CONSTITUTIOXAL AMENDMENT. Be it resolved hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States oj America in Congress assembled., tvo-thirds (if both Houses concurring, That the fol- lowing article be j)roposed to the Legisla- tures of the several States as an amend- ment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three- fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said Constitution, namely : Art. XII. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will auth- orize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State. The Legislatures of Ohio and Maryland agreed to the amendment prom])t]y, but events followed so rapidly, that the atten- tion of other States was drawn from it, and nothing came of this, the only Congres- sional movement endorsed which looked to reconciliation. Other propositions came from the Border and individual states, but all alike failed. The Peace Convention. Tlie General Assembly of Virginia, oa the ll>th of January, adopted resolutions inviting Representatives of the several States to assemble in a Peace Convention at Washington, which met on the 4th of February. It was composed of 133 Com- missioners, many from the border States, and the object of these was to prevail upon their associates from the North to unite with them in such recommendations to Congress as would prevent their own States from seceding and enable them to brin^ back six of the cotton States which had already seceded. One month only of the session of Con- gress remained. Within this brief period it was necessary that the Convention should recommend amendments to the Constitution in sufficient time to enable both Houses to act upon them before their final adjournment. It was also essential to success that these amendments should be sustained by a decided majority of the commissioners both from the Northern and the border States. On Wednesday, the 6th Februarj', a re- solution was adopted,* on motion of Mr. Guthrie, of Kentucky, to refer the rcsolu> tions of the General Assembly of Virginia, and all other kindred subjects, to a com- mittee to consist of one commissioner * OfficiuJ Journal of tho Convention, pp. 9 and 10. rUE PEACE CONVENTION. 107 from cnch State, to bo selected by the n-Hpectivc State delegations ; and to pre- vent delay they were instruLti-d to report on or before the Friday tbllowing (the 8th), " what they may deem right, necessary, and proper to restoro harmony and pre- serve the Union." This committee, instead of re])<)rting on the day appuJTited, did not report until Friday, the 15Ui February. Tile amendments reported by a majority of the committee, thnjugii Mr. Ciuthrie, their chairman, were substantially the same with the Crittenden Compromise; but on motion of Mr. Johnson, of Mary- land, thegeneral terms of tlie first and l)y far the mo>-t important section were restricted to the 2)rescnt Territories of the United States. On motion of I\Ir. Franklin, of Pennsylvania, this section was further amended, but not materially changed, by the adoption of the substitute offered by him. Nearly in this form it was afterwards adopted by the Convention. The follow- ing is a copy : " In all the present territory of the United States north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes of nortli latitude, involuntary servitude, ex- cept in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of tliat line, the status of persons held to involun- tary service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed ; nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the Territorial Le- gislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation; but the same shall be subject to judicial cogni- zance in the Federal courts, according to the course of the common law. When any Territory north or south of said line, with- in such boundary as Congress may pre- scribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its tbrm of government be repub- lican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude, as the Constitution of such State may provide." Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, and Mr. Scddon, of Virginia, made minority re- ports, which they proposed to substitute for that of the majority. Mr. Baldwin's report was a recommendation " to the several States to unite with Kentuckv in her ajiplication to Congress to call a Con- vention for proposing amendments to the Constitution of the United States, to be submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, or to Conventions therein, for rati- fication, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress, in accordance with the provisions in the fifth article of the Constitution." The proposition of Mr. Baldwin, re- ceived the votes of eight of the twenty-oue States. These consisted of ihc whole of the New Knglaiid States, except Khodo Island, and ul' lliiuoi-*, Iowa, uml New York, all being tree !^lates. The first annndment reported bv Mr. St'tldon dillered from that of the majority inasmuch as it embraced not only the present but all future Territories. This was rejected. His second amendment, which, however, was never voted upon by tlie Convention, went so far jts distinctly to recognize the right of secession. More than ten days were consumed in discussion and in voting upon various pro- positions offered by individual commis- sionei-s. The hnal vote was not reached until Tuesday, the 2t)th Feliruary, when it was taken on the first vitally important section, as amended. This section, on which all the rest de- pended, was negatived by a vote of eight States to eleven. Those which voti# in its favor were Delaware, Kentucky, Mary- land, New Jersey, Ohio, l*enn.sylvania, Rhode Island, and Tennessee. And those in the negative were Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Missouri, New York, North Carolina, New llamj)- shire, Vermont, and Virginia. It is but justice to say that ]\Ie.ssra. Kuflin and 3Iore- head, of North Carolina, and Messrs. Rives and Summers, of Virginia, two of the five commissioners from each of these States, declared their dissent from the vote of their respective States. So, also, d:d Messrs. Bronson, Corning, Dodge, Wool, and Granger, five of the eleven New York commissioners, dissent from the vote of their State. On the other hand, Messrs. Meredith and Wilmot, two of the seven commissionei-s from Pennsylvania, dis- sented from the majority in v(jting in fnvor of the section. Thus would the Conven- tion have terminated but for the inter- position of Illinois. Immediately after the section had been negatived, the com- missioners from that State made a motion to reconsider the vote, and this prevailed. The Convention afterwards adjourned un- til the next morning. When they reassem- bled (February 27,) the first section was adopted, but only by a majority of nine to eight States, nine being less than a ma- jority of the States represented. This chanee was eiTected by a change of the vote of Illinois from the negative to the affirm- ative, by Missouri withholding her vote, and by a tie in the New York commis- sioners, on account of the absence of one of their number, rendering it im]io--sible for the State to vote. Still Virginii and North Carolina, and Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, ami Ver- !nont, persisted in voting in the negative. From the nature of this vote, it was mani- festly impossible that tAvo-thirds of both ilouries of Congress should act favorably 108 AMERICAN POLITICS. on the amendment, even if the delay had not already rendered such action imprac- ticable before the close of the session. The remaining sections of the amend- ment were carried by small majorities. The Convention, on the same day, through Mr. Tyler, their President, communicated to the Senate and House of Representa- tives the amendment they had adopted, embracing all the sections, with a request that it might be submitted by Congress, under the Constitution, to the several State Legislatures. In the Senate this was im- mediately referred to a select committee, on motion of Mr. Crittenden. The com- mittee, on the next day (28th Feb.), re- ported a joint resolution proposing it as an amendment to the Constitution, but he was never able to bring the Senate to a direct vote upon it. Failing in this, he made a motion to substitute the amendment of the Peace Convention for his own. Mr. Crittenden's reasons failed to con- vince the Senate, and his motion was re- jected by a large majority (28 to 7). Then next in succession came the memorable vote on Mr. Crittenden's own resolution, and it was in its turn defeated, as we have already stated, by a majority of 20 against 19. In the House of Representatives, the amendment proposed by the Convention was treated with still less consideration than it had been by the Senate. The Speaker was refused leave even to present it. Every effort made for this purpose was successfully resisted by leading Repub- lican members. The consequence is that a copy of it does not even appear in the Journal. The refusal to pass the Crittenden or any other Compromise heightened the excite- ment in the South, where many showed great reluctance to dividing the Union. Georgia, though one of the cotton States, under the influence of conservative men like Alex. H. Stephens, showed greater concern for the Union than any other, and it took all the influence of spirits like that of Robert Toombs to bring her to favor secession. She was the most powerful of the cotton States and the richest, as she is to-day. On the 22d of December, 1860, Robert Toombs sent the following exciting telegraphic manifesto from Washington: lellow- Citizens of Georgia : I came here to secure your constitutional rights, or to demonstrate to you that you can get no guarantees for these rights from your North- ern Confederates. The whole subject was referred to a com- mittee of thirteen in the Senate yesterday. I wiis appoint<',d on the committee and ac- cepted the trust. I submitted propositions, which, so far from receiving decided sup- Eort from a single member of the Rcpub- can party on the committee, were all treated with either derision or contempt. The vote was then taken in committee on the amendments to the Constitution, pro- posed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden of Ken- tucky, and each and all of them were voted against, unanimouslj', by the Black Re- publican members of the committee. In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members of the committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to offer, which was si- lently accjuiesced in by the other members. The Black Republican members of this Committee of Thirteen are representative men of their party and section, and to the extent of my information, truly represent the Committee of Thirty-three in the House, which on Tuesday adjourned for a week without coming to any vote, after solemnly pledging themselves to vote on all proposi- tions then before them on that date. That committee is controlled by Black Republicans, your enemies, who only seek to amuse you with delusive hope until your election, in order that you may defeat the friends of secession. If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is de- cisive against you ; and now I tell you up- on the faith of a true man that all further dfl looking to the North for security for your resr:ion of great oratory which Rufus Choate, in his eulogy of Webster at Dartmouth College, conveys by a felicitous citation of what Quintilian says of Hortensius, that there was some spell in the spoken word which the reader misses." As we have remarked, the Republicans were awaiting the coming of a near and greater power to themselves, and at the same time jealously watching the move- ments of the friends of the South in Con- gress and in the President's Cabinet. It needed all their watchfulness to j)revent advantages which the secessionists thought they had a right to take. Thus Jeflerson Davis, on January 9th, l^GO, introduced to the senate a bill " to autliorize the sale of public arms to the several States and Territories," and as secession became more probable he sought to press its passage, but failed. Floyd, the Secretary of War, was far more successful, and his conduct was made the subject of the following historic and most remarkable report : — Tranar«r of V. S. Arms Sontli In 1830-60. Report (Abstract of) made by Mr. B. Stanton, from the Committee on Militarj 110 AMERICAN POLITICS. AflTairs, in House of Representatives, Feb. 18th, 18G1. The Committee on Military Affairs, to whom was referred the resolution of the House of Rejiresentatives of 31st of De- cember last, instructing said committee to inquire and report to the House, how, to whom, and at what price, the public arms distributed since the first day of January, A. D. 1860, liave been disposed of; and also into the condition of the forts, arsenals, dock-yards, etc., etc., submit the following report : That it appears from the papers herewith submitted, that Mr. Floyd, the late Secre- tary of War, by the authority or under color of the laAvcf March 3d, 1825, author- izing the Secretary of War to sell any arms, ammunition, or other military stores which should be found unsuitable for the public service, sold to sundry persons and States 31,610 flint-lock muskets, altered to per- cussion, at $2.50 each, between the 1st day of January, A. D. 1860, and the Ist day of January, A. D., 1861. It will be seen from the testimony of Colonel Craig and Captain JIaynadicr, that they dilTer as to whether the arms so sold had been found, "upon proper inspection, to be unsuitable for the public service." Whilst the Committtee do not deem it important to decide this question, they say, that in their judgment it would require a very liberal construction of the law to bring these sales within its provisions. It also appears that on the 21st day of November last, Mr. Belknap made applica- tion to the Secretary of War for the pur- chase of from one to two hundred and fifty thousand United States muskets, flint-locks and altered to percussion, at $2.15 each; but the Secretary alleges that the acceptance was made under a misapprehension of the pri'e bid, he supposing it was $2.50 each, instead of $2.15. Mr. Belknap denies all knoAvledge of any mistake or misapprehension, and insists upon the performance of his contract. The present Secretary refuses to recog- nize the contract, and the muskets have not been delivered to Mr. Belknap. Mr. Belknap testifies that the muskets were intended for the Sardinian govern- ment. It will appear bv the papers herewith submitted, that on the 20th of December, 1859, the Secretary of War ordered the transfer of G5,000 ])ercussion muskets, 40- 0!>0 muskets altered to percussion, and 10- 000 percussion rifles, from the Springfield Armory and the Watertown and Water- vliet Arsenals, to the Arsen.als at Fayettc- ville, N. C, Cliarleston, S. C, Augusta, Ga., Mount Vernon, Ala., and Baton Rou're, La., and that these arms were distributed during the spring of 1860 as foliowe : Percussion AltorM iniisk'ts. niuskuia. Biflee. To Cfiarlosfon Arsenal, 0,'JSO b,l-IO i,000 To Nun h Carolina Araenal, 15 480 'J,i)M 2,(XH1 To ,A.ususta Arsenal, 12,380 7,''20 2,W)0 To JIou tit Vernon Arsenal, 9,280 6,7-0 2,i)00 To Baton Rouge Arsenal, 18,580 ll,4jO 2,'S(I0 05,000 4U,000 10,000 All of these arms, except those sent to the North Carolina Arsenal,* have been seized by the authorities of the several States of South Carolina, Alabama, Loui- siana and Georgia, and are no longer in possession of the United States. It will ajjpear by the testimony herewith presented, that on the 20th of October last the Secretary of War ordered forty colura- biads and four thirty-two pounders to be sent from the Arsenal at Pittsburg to the fort on Ship Island, on the coast of Missis- sippi, then in an unfinished condition, and seventy columbiads and seven thirty-two pounders to be sent from the same Arsenal to the fort at Galveston, in Texas, the building of which had scarcely been com- menced. This order was given to the Secretarj- of War, without any report from the Engineei department showing that said works were ready for their armament, or that the guns were needed at either of said jioints. It will be seen by the testimony of Cap- tain Wright, of the Engineer department, that the fort at Galveston cannot be ready for its entire armament in less than about five years, nor for any part of it in less than two ; and that the fort at Ship Island will require an appropriation of $85,000 and one year's time before it can be ready for any part of its armament. This last named fort has been taken possession of by the State authorities of Mississi|)pi. The order of the late Secretary of War (Floyd) was countermanded by the present Secretary (Holt) before it had been fully executed by the shipment of said guns from Pittsburg.f It will be seen by a communicf;tion from the Ordnance office of the 21st of January last, that by the last returns there were re- maining in the United States arsenals and armories the following small arms, viz : Percussion muskets and muskets altered to percussion of calibre 69 499,554 Percussion rifles, caiibre64. 42,011 Total 541,565 * Ttie-^e were afterwards eeized. + Till' atteiiiiited removal of these heavy piinR from At- liplicnv Arsenal, late in December, 18(i(i, en^ateii intense excitement. A monster mass uieetiiif; asseinliled at tlie o.Jl of tlie Mayor of the city, and citizens of all parties aided in the effort to prevent the shiimiont. ThnniKh the interposition of lion. J K. Jloorliead, Uiui. R IMc- KiiiRlit, Jndfre SliaUr. .Tudpre Wilkinif. ,)M(lu;e Shannon, and others inquiry was inKtitntcd, and a revociitiin of the order ohtaineport of the Southern States, as well as all the other States to whose inleri'sts and rights under the Constitution she has always been true. It is well for individuals or communi- ties to look every danger square in the face, and to meet it calmly and bravely. As dreadful as the severing of the bonds that have hitherto united the Slates ha.1 l)een in contemplation, it is now api)ar- ently a stern and inevitable fact. We have now to meet it with all the conse- quences, whatever they may be. If the Confederacy is broken up the Government is dissolved, and it behooves every distinct community, as well as every individual, to take care of themselves. ^Vhcn Disunion has become a fixed and certain fact, why may not New York dis- rupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corruj)! master — to a people and a party that have plundered her revenues, attempted to ruin her commerce, taken away the power of self-government, and destroyed the Confederacy of which she was the proud Empire City? Amid the gloom which the present and prospective condition of things must cast over the country. New York, as a Free Cifj/, may shed the only light and hope of a future reconstruction of our once blessed Con- federacy. But I am not prepared to recommend the violence implied in these views. In stating this argument in favor of freedom, *' peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must,** let me not be misunderstood. The redress can be found only in appeals to the mag- nanimity of the people of the whole State. The events of the past two months have no doubt effected a change in the popular sentiment of the Stat<» and National poli- tics. This change may bring us the de- sired relief, and we may be able to obtain a repeal of the law to which I have re- ferred, and a consequent restoration of our corporate rights. Fernakdo Wood, Mayor. January 6th, 1861. ConffTfan en tli« Etc of the R«'b«lllon. It should be borne in mind that all of the propositions, whether for compromise, authority to su])press insurrection, or new laws to collect duties, hail to be considered by the Second Session of the 3t)th Con- gress, which was ihcn, with the exception 114 AMERICAN Politics. of the Republicans, a few Americans, and the anti-Lecompton men, supporting the administration of Buchanan. No Congress ever had so many and sucli grave proposi- tions presented to it, and none ever showed more exciting political divisions. It was composed of the following persons, some of whom survive, and most of whom are historic charactcre : SENATE. John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, Vice-President; Maine — H. Hamlin,* W. P. Fessenden. Keiv Hampshire — John P. Hale, Daniel Clark. Vrrmont — Solomon Foot, J. Collamer. Massachusetts — Henry Wilson, Charles Sumner. Rhode Island — James F. Simmons, H. B. Anthony. Connecticut — L. S. Foster, Jas. Dixon. New York — William H. Seward, Preston King. Nexc Jersey — J. C. Ten Eyck, J. R. Thom- son. Fennsi/Ivania — S. Cameron, Wm. Bigler. Delauare — J. A. Bayard, W. Saulsbury. Maryland — J. A. Pearce, A. Kennedy. Virginia— R. M. T. Hunter, James M. Mason. South Carolina — Jas. Chesnut,t James H. Hammond. t North Carolina — Thomas Bragg, T. L. Clingman. Alabama — B. Fitzpatrick, C. C. Clay, Jr. Mississippi — A. G. Brown, Jeff". Davis. Louisiana — J. P. Benjamin, John Sli- dell. Tennessee — A. O. P. Nicholson, A. John- son. Arkansas — R. W. Johnson, W. K. Se- bastian. Kentiichj — L. W. Powell, J. J. Critten- den. Missouri — Jas. S. Green, Trusten Polk. Ohio—K F. Wade, Geo. E. Pugh. Indiana— 3. D. Bright, G. N. Fitch. Tdinois — S. A. Douglas, L. Trumbull. Michigan — Z. Chandler, K. S. Bingham. Florida— D. L. Yulee, S. R. Mallory. Geon/ia — Alfred Iverson, Robt. Toombs, 7Vxa'.9— John Hemphill, L. T. Wigfall. Winconsin — Charles Durkee, J. R. Doo- little. Fnra — J. M. Grimes, Jas. Harlan. California — M. S. Latham, William M. Gwin. Minnesota — H. M. Rice, M. S. Wilkin- son. Oregon — Joseph Lane, Edward D. Ba- ker. *Rrms. We have had a vast majority of the higher offices of both army and navy, while a larger pro- portion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from the North. Equally so of Clerks, Auditors, and Comptrollers filling the executive department, the records show for the last fifty years that of the three thousand thus employed, we have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of the white popu- lation of the Republic. Again, look at another item, and one, hi assured, in which we have a great anc vital interest; it is that of revenue, oi H8 AMERICAN POLITICS. means of supporting Government. From of- ficial document,-:;, we learn that a fraction over three-fourths of the revenue collected for the support of the Government has uniformly been raised from the North. Pause now while ycm can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully and candidly these important items. Look at another necessary branch of Government, and learn from stern statistical facts how mat- ters stand in that de})artinent. I mean the mail and Post-Office privileges that we now enjoy under the General Government as it has been for years past. The expense for the transportatiiin of the mail in the Free States was, by the report of the Post- master-General for the year 18G0 a little over §13,000,000, while the income was $19,000,000. But in the Slave States the transportation of the mail was $14,710,000, while the revenue from the same was $8,- 001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,704,974, to be supplied by the North for our accom- modation, and without it we must have been entirely cut otl'from this most essen- tial branch of Government. Leaving out of view, f'/T the present, the countless millions of dollars you must ex- pend in a war with the North; with tens of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and otfered up as sacrifices upon the altar of your ambition— and for what, v.-e ask again ? Is it for the over- throw of the American Government, es- tablished by our comnu)n ancestry, cement- ed and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of Rigid, Justice and Humanity? And as, such, I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wisest of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the best and freest Government — the most equal in its rights, the most just in its de- cisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men, that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a government as this, under which we have lived for more than three-quarters of a century — in which we have gained our Avealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity accompanied with unbounded prosperity and rights un- assailed — is the heiglit {)'l madness, folly, and wickedHcss, to which 1 can neither lend my sanction nor my vote." The seven seceding Slates (South Caro- Jina, Miesissipj)i, Georgia, Florida, Ala- ,bama, Louisiana and Texas,) as sliown l)y data previously given, organized their Provisional Government, with Jefferson Davis, the most radical secession leader, as President J and Alex. H. Stephens, tlio most coneervative leader, as Vice Presi- dent. The reasons for these selections were obvious; the first met the views of the cotton States, the other example was needed in securing the secession of other States. The Convention adopted a consti- tution, the substance of which is given elsewhere in this work. Stephens delivered a speech at Savannah, March 21st, 1861, in ex})lanation and vindication of this instru- ment, which says all that need be said about it : " The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institutions — African slavery as it exists among us — the proper status of the negro in our form of civiliza- tion. This was the immediate cause of the late 7'upture and ])resent revolution. Jeffer- son, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the ' rock upon which the old Union would split.' He was right. What was conjec- ture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the for- mation of the old Constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature: that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow or other, in the order of Provi- dence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not in- corporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitu- tion, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sen- timent of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a san<, soon became apparent. Indeed, its .sentinu'nis seemed for weeks to cheek the wild ppirit of secession in tlie cotton States, and it took all tiie eflbrts of their most fiery ora- tors to rekimlhi the (lame which seemed to have been at its hijj;hest wdien Major An- (K'rson was comjjelled to evacuate Fort Moultrie. It is l)ut proper in this connection, to make a few (juotations from the inauu;ural addres-5, t\)r Lincoln then, as he did (hiring the remainder of his life, better reflected the more popular Kepublican sentiment than any other leader. The very first thought was upon the theme uppermost in the minds of all. We (luote : " Apprehension seems to exist among the j)eople of the Southern States that l>y the accession of a Republican Administra- tion their i)roperty and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for snc!i api)rehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their in- spection. It is found in nearly all the pub- lished speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but ciuote from one of those speeches when I declare that ' I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no law- ful right to do so, and I have no inclina- tion to do so.' Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar de da- rations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they jilaced in the platforna for my acceptance, and as a law to them- selves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : ' Hesitlced, That the maintenance invio- late of the rights of the States, and es- pecially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgmentexclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our politi- cal fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crime?.' I now reiterate these sentiments; and in doing so, I only press up')n the public at- tention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the ])rop- erty, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully rlemanded, for whatever cause — as cheerfully to one section as to another." After conveying this peaceful a.s.snranco, he argued tiie iiuestion in his own way, and in a way matchless for its iicjuiely forcn : " Physically speaking, we cannot .-epa- rate. We cannot remove our res])eclivo sections from each other, nor build an im- pa.->sal»U! wall between them. A liu>band and wife may be divorced, and go out of the jiresence and beyond the reach of each other; but the ditlerent parts of our (■oun- try cannot do this. They cannot but re- nuiin face to lace ; and interi-ourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that in- tercourse more advantageous or more satis- factory aj'ta- separation than hrforc? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends ean make laws? Can treaties be more faith- fully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon yon. " This country, with its institutions, be- longs to the peojjle wdio inhabit it. When- ever they shall grow weary of the existing Government they can exercise their con- stitutional right of amending it, or their revdlulionarij right to dismember or over- throw it. 1 cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Ci.nstitu- tion amended. While I make no recom- mendation of amendments, I fully recog- nize the rightful authority of the people over the whole sixbject, to be exercised in cither of the modes prescribed in the in- strument itself; and I should under exist- ing circumstances, favor rather than op- pose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems pref- erable, in that it allows amendments to ori- ginate with the i)eople themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not es- pecially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be i)recisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I under- stand a proposed amendment to the Con- stitution — which amendment, however, I have not seen — has ])assed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic in ^titu- tions of the States, including that of per- sons held to service. To avoid misconstruc- tion of what I have said, I dejiart from my purpose not to speak of ])articular amend- ments so far as to say that, holding such a provision now to be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. "The Chief Magistrate derives all liis authoritv from the people, and they have conferred none uiion him to lix terms for 122 AMERICAN POLITICS. the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose ; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. * * * " In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow- countrymen, and not in inine, is the mo- mentous issue of civil war. The Govern- juent will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the ag- gressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'pre- serve, protect and defend it.' "I am loth to close. We are not ene- mies but friends. VVe must not be ene- mies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-held and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-.itone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." Lincoln appointed a Cabinet in thorough accord with his own viev/s, and well suited to whatever shades of difference there were in the Republican party. Win. II. Seward, Secretary of State, and Salmon P. Chase represented the more advanced anti-slavery element ; General Simon Cameron, Secre- tary of War, from the first saw only a pro- longed war in which superior Northern resources and appliances would surely win, while Seward expressed the view that " all troubles would be over in three months ;" Gideon Vv'^elles, Secretary of the Xavy ; Caleb B. Smith of the Interior; Edward Bates, Attorney General, and ]Montgoniery Blair, Postmaster General, represented the more conservative Republican view — the two last named being well adapted to retaining the National hold on the Border States. Political events now rapidly succeeded each other. As early as March 11, John Forsyth of Alabama and Martin J. Craw- ford of Georgia, submitted to the Secretary of State a proposition for an unofficial inter- view. Mr. Seward the next day, from " purely public considerations," declined. On the loth the same gentlemen sent a sealed communication, saying they had been duly accredited by the Confederate government as Commissioners, to negotiate for a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of tlie political senaralion of seven States, which had formed a govern- ment of their own, etc. They closed this remarkable document by requesting the Secretarv of State to appoint as early a day as possible in order that they mav present to the President of the United States the credentials which they boar, and the objects 1 of the mission with which they are charged. Mr. Seward's reply in substance, said j that his " official duties were confined, ^ subject to the direction of the President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not at all embrace domestic questions or questions arising be- tween the several States and the J'ederal Government, is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth andCrawlbrd, to appoint a day on which they may pre- sent the evidences of their authority and the object of their visit to the President of tlie United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty to recognize them as di])loma- tic agents, or hold correspondence or other communication with them." An extended correspondence followed, but the administration in all similar cases, refused to recognize the Confederacy as a government in any way. On the 13th of April the President granted an inter- view to Wm. Ballard Preston, Alex. H. Stuart, and George W. Randolph, who had been sent by the Convention of Virginia, then in session, under a resolution recited in the President's reply, the text of A\hich is herewith given : — Gentlemen : As a committee of the Virginia Convention, now in session, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: '* Whereas, in the opinion of this Con- vention, the uncertainty which prevails in tlie public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the industrial and conmiercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excite- ment which is unfavorable to the adjust- ment of pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace : Therefore, " Jh^solved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the Pre- sident of the United States, present to him this preamble and resolution, and respect- fully ask him to communicate to this Con- vention the policy which the Federal Exe- cutive intends to ]-ursue in regard to the Confederate States." " In answer I have to say, that, having at the beginning of my oflicial term ex- pressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and injurious uncertainty in the pub- lic mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. " Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my ]mrpose to j)ursuethe course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give of my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat : MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST A D MI N ISTH ATI N. 123 " The power confideil to nic will bo used t ) hold, occupy, and po-«sed.s the property and places belonjijinf^ to the (lovernnierit, and to collect the duties ami impo-stn ; but beyond what is neeessary lor these objects there will bo no invasion, no usin.r of I'oroe against or anionic the people anywhere." " By the words ' property and places be- lon^inji to the (loverninent ' 1 chielly allude to t!ie military posts and property which were in the possession oftlu' (govern- ment when it came into my hands. " But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose tj drive the United otates authority from these places, an un- Srovokctl iuj-^ault has been made U|>on Fort ^umtcr, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved upon mi;. And, in any event, I .shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by force. " In case it jjroves true that Fort Sum- ter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of ai;tual war a'jjainst the Government justifies and possibly demands it." " I scarsely need to siy that I consider the militiry posts and property situated within the States which claim to have seceded iis yet belou'^ing to th,; Govern- m?nt of the United States as much^is they did belbre the supposed secession. " Whatever else I may do for the pur- pose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and im;) )stb by any armed invasion of any part of the c )untry — not meaning by this, howe.-er, that I may not land a force deemed n.^cessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. ■' From the fa;t that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not inferred that I repu lixta any other part, the whole of which I reaffir.n, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be re^^arded as a modification." We have given the above as not onlv fair but interestiu'^ samples of the semi- otBcial and offi ?ial trinsactious and corre- spondence of the tim3. To give more could not a Id to the interest of what is but a description of the political situation. The Bjrder states and some others were "halting between two opinion <." North Carolina at fir^t voted dov,-n a proposition to secede by 4'J,G71 for, to 47,3';3 against, but the secessionists called another con- vention in May, the work of which the peoole ratified, the minority, however, being very large. Bafore Lincoln had entered offi -e most of the Southern forts, arsen.als, docks, cus- tom houses, etc., had been .<5eized. and now that pi eparations were being mad^ for ac- tivc warfare by the Hoire leracv, nriny offi- cers of the army and navv resigned or de- serted, and jcdned it. The mo^t notable were General Robert E. Lee, who ff)r a time hesitated as to his " duty," and (Jcne- ral David K. Twiggs, the sec(n»d olficer in rank in the Uniti'il States Army, but who had purposely been placed i)y Secretary Floyd in command of tiie Dcpartmeui rif Texas to ficilitatc Iiis joining the Con- federacy, whiih he intended to do I'rom the bi'ginning. All olfuerswere p(>rmitt(.d to go, tlie adminislr.Uion not seeking to restrain any, under the belief tliat until some open act of war was commitleil it ought to remain on the defensive. This was wise ])olitical policy, for it rlid more than all else to hold the Border States, the I>osition of which Douglas understood I'ully as well lus any statesman of that hour. It is remarked of L^ouglas ( in Arn(dd'fl " Ilis- tiirt/ of Aliruhu))! Lincoln") that as early as January 1, I'^Gl, he said to General Charles Stewart, of New York, who had made a New Year's call at his residence in Washington, and in'|uired, " ^Vhat will be the result of the efforts of Jeirei"son Davis, and his a.ssociates, to divide the Union?" " Rising, and looking," says my informant, "like one insi)ired, Douglas replied, 'The cotton States are making an efibrt to draw in the border States to their schemes of secession, and I am but too fearful th;-/ will succeed. If they do succeed, there will be the most terrible civil war the world has ever seen, lasting for year-.' Pausing a moment, he exclaimed, ' Vir- ginia will become a charnel house, but th i end will be the triumph of the Union cause. One of their first elforts will be t > take possession of this Cajtitol to give them prestige abroad, but thev will never sik- ceed in taking it — the North will ri-^e en 7nasse to defend it; — but Washington will become a city of hospitals — the churclies will be used for the sick and wounded — even this house (Minnesota block, after- wards, and during the war, the Douglxs Hospital) may be devoted to that purpose before the end of the war.' The friend to whom this was said inquired, ' What justi- fication for all this?' Douglas rej^lied, 'There is xo justification, nor any pretense of any — if they remain in the I'nion, I will go as far as the Constitution will ])crmit, to maintain their just rights, and I di not doubt a majority of Congress would do the same. But,' said he, again rising on his feet, and extending his arm, ' if the South- ern States attempt to secede from thia Union, without further cause, I am in fa- vor of their having just so many slaves, and just so much slave territory, as tliev can hold at tlie point of the bayonet, and NO MORE.' " In the border states of Maryland, Vir- ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Mid- 124 AMERICAN POLITICS. Bouri there were sharp political contests between the friends of secession and of the Union. Ultimately the Unionists tri- umphed in Maryland, Kentucky and Mis- souri — in the latter state by the active aid of U. S. troops — in Marj'land and Ken- tucky by military orders to arrest any mem- bers of the Legislature conspiring to take their states out. In Tennessee, the Union men, under the lead of Andrew Johnson, Governor ("Parson") Brownlow, Horace Maynard and others, who made a most gal- lant tiglit tf) keep the state in, and they had the sympathy of the majority of the people of East Tennessee. The Secessionists took Virginia out April 17th, and North Caro- lina May 20th. The leading Southerners encouraged the timid and hesitating by saying the North would not make war; that the political divisions would be too great there, and they were supported in this view by the speeches and letters of lead- ers like Clement L. Vallandigham. On the other hand they roused the excitable by warlike preparations, and, as we have stated, to prevent reconsideration on the part of those who had seceded, resolved to fire upon Sumter. Beauregard acted under direct instructions from the govern- ment at Montgomery when he notified Ma- jor Anderson on the 11th of April to sur- render Fort Sumter. Anderson replied that he would evacuate on the loth, but the original summons called for surrender by the l:ith, and they opened their fire in ad- vance of the time fixed for evacuation — a fact which clearly established the purpose to bring about a collision. It was this ag- gressive spirit which aroused and united the North, and made extensive political division therein impossible. The Southern leaders, ever anxious for the active aid of the Border States, soon saw that they could only acquire it through higher sectional excitement than any yet cultivated, and they acted accordingly. Roger A. Pryor, in a speech at Richmond April 10th, gave expression to this thought, when he said in response to a serenade : — " Gentlemen, I thank you, especially that you have at last annihilated this ac- cursed Union, [applause,] reeking with corruption, and insolent with excess of tyranny. Thank God, it is at last blasted and riven by the lightning wrath of an outraged and indignant people. [Loud applause.] Not only is it gone, but gone forever. [Cries of * You're right,' and ap- plause.] In the expressive language of Scripture, it is water spilt upon the ground, which cannot be gathered up [Applause.] Like Lucifer, son of the morning, it has fallen, never to rise again. [Continued applause. | For mj/part, gaiflrmpn, if Abra- ham, Linc'iln and Jlonnihnl IlnmJin to- morrow were to abdicate their offices and were to give me a blank sheet of paper to write the conditions of reannexation to the defunct Lhiion, I would scornfully spurn the overture. * * * * I invoke you, and I make it in some sort a pei-sonal appeal — personal so far as it tends to our assistance in Virginia — I do invoke you, in j'our demonstrations of popular opinion, in your exhibitions of official intent, to give no countenance to this idea of recon- struction. [Many voices, emphatically, ' Never,' and applause.] In Virginia they all say, if reduced to the dread dilemma of this memorable alternative, they will es- pouse the cause of the South as against the interest of the Northern Coniederacy, but they whisper of reconstruction, iind they say Virginia must abide in the Union, with the idea of reconstructing the LTnion which you have annihilated. IjJrai/ you, gentle- men, rob them of that idea. Proclaim to the world that upon no condition, and under no circumstance, will South Carolina ever again enter into political association with the Abolitionists of New England. [Cries of ' Never," and applause.] " Do not distrust Virginia. As sure as to-morrow's sun will rise upon us, just so sure will Virginia be a member of this Southern Confederation. [Applause.] And I will tell you, gentlemen, what will jnit her in the Southe^-n Confederation in less than an hour by tihreu'slnn-y clock — STRIKE A BLOW! [Tremendous applause.] 'The very moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will make common cause ivith her sisters of the South. [Applause.] It is impossible she should do otherwise." Warlike efforts were likewise used to keep some of the states firmly to their pur- pose. Hon. Jeremiah Clemens, formerly United States Senator from Alabama, and a member of the Alabama Seceding Con- vention who resisted the movement until adopted by the body, at an adjourned Re- construction meeting held at Huntsville, Ala., March 13, 1864, made this significant statement : — Mr. Clemens, in adjourning the meeting, said he would tell the Alabamians how their state was got out of the Union. " In 1861," said Mr. C, " shortly after the Con- federate Government was put in operation, I was in the cit^v' of Montgomery. One day I stepped into the office of the Secre- tary of War, General Walker, and found there, engaged in a verj' excited discu-^sion, Mr. Jefierson Davis, Mr. Memminger, ^Ir. Benjamin, Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our Legislature from Loundes county, and a number of other prominent gentlemen They were discussing the propriety of im- mediately openino: fire on Fort Sumter, to which General Walker, the Secretary ofj War, appeared to be opposed. Mr. (HI Christ said to him, ' Sir, unless you sprinkle blood in the face of the people of Alabama they will be back in the old Union in less I MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 125 than ten days ! ' The next day ( leneral Beaurof^ard opened his batteries on Sumter, and Ahibama wad saved to the Coul'ed- eracy." When the news flashed along the wires that Sumter had been tired upon, i^itieohi immetliately usetl his war powers and is- sued a eail for 7"),()U0 truri)oses of this work omit details whieli are too extended. REPLIES OF SOUTH ERX STATE GOVERNORS TO Lincoln's call for 75,000 troops. Governor Burton, of Delaware, i;sued a proehimation, April 2(5, reeommending the formation of volunteer companies for the protection of the lives and property of the people of Delaware against violence of any sort to which they may be exposed, the companies not being subject to be or- dered by the Executive into the United States service, the law not vesting him with such authority, but having the option ofotFcring their services to the General Government for the defence of its capital and the support of the Constitution and laws of the country. Governor HiCKS, of Maryland, May 14, issued a proclamation for the troops, st.at- ing that the four regiments would be de- tailed to serve within the limits of Mary- land or for the defence of the capital of the United States. Governor Letcher, of Virginia, replied that "The militia of Virginia will not be furnished to the powers of Washington for any such use or purpose a.s they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the soutkern States, and a requisition made upon me for such an ol)ject — an object, in my judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the act of 1795 — will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war, and having done »o we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the .Administration hiis exhibited to- ward the .South." Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, re- plied April 15: "Your dispatch is received, and if gen- uine — which its extraordinary character leads me to doubt — I have to say in reply that I regard the levy of troops made by the .\ilniiiiistration, for the purpose of sub- juiriitin:! the States of the South, ns in vio- latiou of the Constitution and a iHurpation of power. I can be no party to tliLi wicked violation of the laws of the country, and to this war upon thw libertiesof ;i free pco- l)le. You can get no tn^ops from Nortii Carolina. 1 will reply more in detail when your call is received by mail.'' Governor MAGOFFIN, of Kentucky, rc- plieii, .\pril 15: " Yt)ur dispatch is received. In answer I say emjihatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicketl purjiose of subdu- ing her sister S(»uthern States." ( iovernor ilAiiUis, of Tennessee, replied, April 18: " Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion, but lifiy thous:ui0,equently fixed lor the draft. 3Iuy 8, 1863 — Proclamation issued, de- fining the relations of aliens to the con- scription act, holding all aliens who have declared on oath their intention to become citizens and may be in the country within sixty-five days from date, and all who have declared their intention to become citizens and have voted. June 15, 1863 One hundred thousand men, for six months, called to repel the invasion of Maryland, West Virginia, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. October 17, 1863 — A proclamation was issued lor 300,0(X> volunteers, to serve for three years or the war, not, liowever, ex- ceeding three years, to fill the places of those whose terms expire "during the corning year," these being in addition to the men raised by the present draft. In States in default under this call, January 5, 1S64, a draft shall be made on that day. February 1, 1864— Draft for 500,000 men for three years or during the war, ordered for March ](», 1864. March 14, 18G4— Draft for 200,000 ad- ditional for the army, navy and marine corps, ordered for April 15, 1864, to supply tlie force required for the navy and to jjro- vide an adequate reserve force for all con- tingencies. April 23, 1804—85,000 one hundred day men accepted, tendered by the Governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wis- consin ; 30,000, 20,000, 20,000, 10,000 and 5,000 being tendered respectively. UMOX MILITARY LEGISLATION. 1861, July 22— The President was au- thorized to accept the services of volun- teers, not exceeding five hundred thousand, f'r a period not exceeding three years. July 27, this authority was duplicated. 1861, July 27 — Nine regiments of in- fantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery, added to the regular army. Aucrust 5 — Passed bill approving and legalizing the orders of the President re- snecting the army and navy, issued from 4th of March to that date. 1862, July 17— Authorized the President, when calling forth the militia of the States, to specify the period of such service, not exceeding nine months; and if by reason of defects in existing laws or in the execu- tion of them, it shall be found necessary to provide for enrolling the militia, the I'resident was authorized to make all necessary regulations, the enrollment to in- clude all able bodied male citizens between eighteen and forty-five, and to be appor- tioned according to representative popula- tion, lie was authorized, in addition to the v.-)hint(>ers now authorized, to accept 100 000 infantrv, for nine months; also, for twelve months, to fill up old rcginicuts, as many as may be presented for the put pose. i 1863, February 7 — Authorized the Gov- ernor of Kentucky, by the consent and under the direction of the President, to raise twenty thousand volunteers, for twelve months, for service within the limits of the State, for repelling invasion, sui>pressing insurrection, and guarding and protecting the public property — two regi- ments to be mounted riflemen. With the consent of the President, these troops may be attached to, and become a part of, the body of three years' volunteers. 1863, March 3 — The conscription act passed. It included as a part of the na- tional forces, all able bodied male citizens of the United States, and persons of for- eign birth who shall have declared on oath their intention to become citizens under and in pursuance of the laws thereof, be- tween the ages of twenty-one and forty- five years, except such as aie rejected as physically or mentally unfit for the service ; also, the Vice President, the judges of the various coui;ts of the United States, the heads of the various executive departments of the Government, and the Governors of the several States; also, the only son liable to military service, of a widow dej endent upon his labor for support ; also, the only son of aged or infirm parent or parents, dependent upon his labor for support ; also, where there are two or more sons of aged or infirm parents, subject to draft, the father, or if he be dead, the mother, may elect which son shall be exempt; also, the only brother of children not twelve years old, having neither father nor mother, de- pendent upon his labor for support ; also, the lather of motherless children under twelve years of age, dependent upon his labor for support; also, where there area father and sons in the same lamily and household, and two of them are in military service of the United States as non-com- missioned ofiicers, musicians, or privates, the residue of such family; provided that no person who has been convicted of any felony shall be enrolled or permitted to serve in said forces. It divided the forces into two classes : 1st, those between twenty and thirty-five and all unmarried persons above thirtv-five and under forty-five ; 2d, all others liable to military duty. It di- vided the countiy into districts, in each of which an enrollment board was established. The persons enrolled were made subject to be called into the militarj' service lor two years from .Tuly 1, 1863, and continue in service for three years. A drafted i>erson was allowed to furnish an acceptable sub- stitute, or pay i^300, and be discharged from further liability under that draft. Persons failing to report, to be considered deserters. All persons drafted shall be as- signed by the Prcsid . nt to military d-uty MR. LINCOLN'S FlitST AD M INISTII ATI X. 127 in such corps, regiments, or braruhes of Uie service as the exigeucies of the .service uiay require. ISll-t, Feb. 21 — Provided for equalizing tlie draft by calculating the quota of eacii district or precinct and counting the num- ber previously furnished by it. Any per- son enrolled may I'urnish an acceptable substitute who is not liable to draft, nor, at any time, in the military or naval ser- vice of the United States; and such per- son so furnishing a substitute shall be ex- empt from draft during the time for which such substitute shall not be liable to draft, not exceeding the time for which such sub- stitute shall have been accepted. If such .'4u!)stitute is lial)le to draft, the name of the person furnishing him shall again be pla-'cd on the roll and shall be liable to draft in future calls, but not until the pre- sent enrollment shall be exhausted. The exe!n|)tions are limited to such as are re- jected lus physically or mentally unlit for the service; to persons actually in the military or naval service of the Government, and all persons who have served in the military or naval service two years during the pre- sent war and been honorably discharged th 're from. The separate enrollment of classes is rc- peded and the two classes consolidated. Members of religious denominations, who shall by oath or affirmation declare that they are conscientiously opposed to the bearing of arms, and who are pro- hibited from doing so by the rules and articles of faith and practice of said re- ligious denomination, shall when drafted, be considered non-combatants, and be as- signed to duty in the hospitals, or th'3 care of freedmen, or shall pav $300 to the beiefi!: of sick and wounded soldiers, if they give proof that their deportment has been uniformly consistent with their de- claration. No alien who has voted in county. State or Territory shall, because of alienage, be exempt from draft. " All able-bodied male colored persons between the age^ of twenty and forty-live years, resident in the United States, shall be enrolled according to the provisions of this act, and of the act to which this is an amendment, and form part of the national forces ; and when a slave of a loyal mjuster shall be drafted and mustered into the ser- vice of the United States, his master shall have a certificate thereof; and thereupon su',;h slave shall be free, and the bounty of one hundred dollars, now payable by law for each drafted man, shall be paid to the ptr-ioa to whom such drafted person was owing service or labor at the time of his muster into the service of the United States, The Secretary of War shall appoint a com- mission in each of the slave States rei»re- unted in Congress, charged to award to each loyal person to whom a colored volun- teer may owe service a just (•omi)ensatioti, not exceeding three hundred dollars, Ibr each such colored volunteer, payable out of the fund derived from commuta- tion-*, and every such colored volunteer on being mustered into the service shall bo free. And in all cases where men of col()r have been enlisted, or have volunteered in the military service of the United States, all the provisions of this act so far as the l)ayment of bounty and ciimpensation are provided, shall be equally applicable, as t » those who may be hereafter n'cruited. Uut men (tf color, drafted or eidisted, or whi may volunteer into the military service, while they shall be credited on the quotas of th(! several States, or sul)-di visions of States, wherein they are respectively draft- ed, enlisted, or shall volunteer, shall not be assigned as State troops, but shall be mustered into regiments or companies as United States colored troops." 1864, Feb. 29 — Bill passed reviving the grade of Lieutenant General in the army, and Major General Ulysses S. Grant was appointed March 2d. 1864, June 15 — All persons of color shall receive the same pay and emoluments, ex- ce;)t bounty, as other soldiers of the regular or volunteer army from and after Jan. 1, 1864, the President to fix the bounty for those hereafter mustered, not exceeding $100. 1864, June 20 — The monthly pay of pri- vates and non-commissioned officers was fixed as follows, on and after May 1 : Sergeant majors, twenty-six dollars ; quartermaster and commissary sergeant* of Cavalry, artillery, and infantry', twenty- two dollars ; first sergeants of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, twenty-four dollars; sergeants of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, twenty dollars ; sergeants of ordnance, sappers and miners, and pontoniers, thirty- four dollars; corporals of ordnance, sap- pers and miners, and pontoniers, twenty dollars ; privates of engineers and ordnance of the first class, eighteen dollars, and of the second class, sixteen dollars ; corporals of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, eiarhteen dollars; chief buglers of cavalry, twenty- three dollars ; buglers, sixteen dollars; far* riers and blacksmiths, of cavalry, and arti- ficers of artillery, eighteen dollars; private^ of cavalry, artillery and infantry-, sixteen dollars; principal musicians of artillery and infantr}', twenty-two dollars; leaders of brigade and regimental bands, seventy- five dollars; musicians, sixteen dollars; hospital steward^ of the first claro- Tidfd for runtiniiinK orpanizstiuns of partisan ranjferi .Tcfiiij^ :\a ri'Kular ravalrv and sotu continue; and anthor- iilic tho Siion« and bringing thorn under tha general dwcipline of th-- pro- TuuoDiil nrmy. 130 AMERICAN POLITICS. THE TWENTY-NEGRO EXEMPTION LAW. 1862, October 11 — Exempted certain classes, described in the repealing law of the next session, as follows : The dissatisfaction of the people with an act passed by the Confederate Congress, at its last session, by which persons owning a certain number of slaves were exempted from the operation of the conscription law, has led the members at the present session to reconsider their work, and already one branch has passed a bill for the repeal of the obnoxious law. This bill provides as follows : " y/ic Congress of the Confederate States do enact, That so much of the act ap- proved October 11, 1862, as exempts from military service ' one person, either as agent, owner, or overseer, on each planta- tion on which one wliite person is required to be kept by the laws or ordinances of any Stat?, and on which there is no white male adult not liable to military service, and in States having no such law, one person, as agent, owner, or overseer on such planta- tion of twenty negroes, and on which there is no white male adult not liable to mili- tary service ;' and also the following clause in said act, to wit: 'and furthermore, for additional police of every twenty negroes, on two or more plantations, within five miles of each other, and each having less than twenty negroes, and on which there is no white male adult not liable to military duty, one person, being the oldest of the owners or overseers on such plantations,' be and the same are hereby repealed ; and the persons so hitherto exempted by said clauses of said act are hereby made subject to military duty in the same manner that they would be liad said clauses never been embraced in said act." THE POSITION OF DOUGLAS. After the President had issued his first call, Douglas saw the danger to which the Capitol was exposed, and he promptly called upon Lincoln to express his full approval of the call. Knowing his politi- cal value and that of his following Lin- coln asked him to dictate a despatch to the Associated Press, which he did in these words, the original being left in the posses- sion of Hon. George Ashraun of Massachu- setts \ "April 18, 1861, Senator r>ouglas, called on the President, and had an interesting eonversation, on the present condition of the country. The substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was unalterably opposed to the administration in all its political issues, he was prepared to fully sustain the President, in the exercise of all his Constitutional functions, to pre- eerve the Union, maintain the Government, and defend the Federal Capitol. A firm po- licy and prompt action was necessary. The Capitol was in danger, and must be de- fended at all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the pre- sent and future, without any reference to the i^ast." Douglas followed this with a great speech at Chicago, in which he uttered a sentence that was soon quoted on nearly every Northern tongue. It was simply thi.s, " tliat there now could be but two j)arties, patriots and traitors." It needed nothing more to rally the Douglas Democrats by the side of the Administration, and in the general i'ecling of patriotism awakened not only this class of Democrats, but many Northern supporters of Breckinridge also enlisted in the Union armies. The leaders who stood aloof and gave their sympathies to the South, were stigmatized as " Copper- heads," and these where they were so im- pudent as to give expression to their hos- tility, were as odious to the mass of North- erners as the Unionists of Tennessee and North Carolina were to the Secessionists — with this difference — that the latter were compelled to seek refuge in their moun- tains, while the Northern leader who sought to give " aid and comibrt to the enemy " was either j^laced under arrest by the government or proscribed politically by his neighbors. Civil war is ever thus. Let us now pass to THE POLITICAL LEGISLATION INCIDENT TO THE WAR. The first session of the 37th Congress began July 4, 1861, and closed Aug. 6. The second began December 2, 1861, and closed July 17, 1862. The third began December 1, 1862 and closed March 4, 1863. All of these sessions of Congress were really embarrassed by the number of vol- unteers offering from the North, and suffi- ciently rapid provision could not be made for them. And as illustrative of how political lines had been broken, it need only be remarked that Benjamin F. Butler, the leader of the Northern wing of Breck- inridge's supporters, was commissioned aa the first commander of the forces which Massachusetts sent to the field. New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio — the great West— -all the States, more than met all early require- ments. So rapid were enlistments that no song was as popular as that beginning with the lines : " Wo uro cnminp, Fathor Abraham, Six hundred tliousand stronp;." The first session of the 37th Congress was a special one, called by the President. McPherson, in his classification of the membership, shows the changes in a body made historic, if such a thing can be, not only by its membership present, but that which had gone or maae itself subject to MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION 131 expul^ion by sidinf^witli the (>)nff(lcr:ioy. We qu )te tlie list so concisely iiiiil correct- ly presented : MEMBERS OF THE 37TH CONGRESS. March 4, 1801, to March 4, 18C3. IIan'Nibal Hamlin, of Maine, Presi- dent ol' the iSenute. SENATORS. Maine— hot M. Morrill, Wm. Pitt Fes- gcnden. AVu' Jldinpshire — John P. Hale, Daniel Clark. Vermont — Solomon Foot, Jacob CoUa- mor. M'tssachusefts — Charles Sumner, Henry Wilson. Rhode Island — James F. Simmons,* Henry B. Anthony. Connecticut — James Dixon, Lafayette S. Foster. Neip York — Preston Kinjr, Ira Harris. Neic JerKei/ — John B. Thomson,* John C. Ton Eycic. renusi/h-ania — David Wilraot, Edgar Cowan. Ihiaicare — James A. Bayard, Willard Saulsbury. Maryland — AnthonyKennedy, James A. Pearce.* Virgiriia* Ohio — Benjamin F. Wade, John Sher- man. Kenfuchj — Lazarus W. Powell, John C. Breckinridge.* Tenne-isee — Andrew Johnson, Indiana — Jesse D. Bright,* Henry S. Lane. Illinois — O. H. Browning,* Lyman Trumbull. Missouri — Trusten Polk,* Waldo P. Johnson.* Michigan — Z. Chandler, K. S. Bing- ham.* lofca — James W. Grimes, James Harlan. Wisconsin — James R. Doolittle, Timothy 0. Howe. California — Milton S. Latham, James A. McDougall. Minnesota — Henry M. Rice, Morton S. Wilkinson. Oregon — Edward D. Baker,* James W. Nesmith. Kansas — James H. Lane, S. C. Pomeroy. REPRESENTATIVES. Galusha a. Grow, of Pennsylvania, Speaker of the House. Maine — John N. Goodwin, Charles W. Walt<^)n,* Samuel C. Fessenden, Anson P. Morrill. John H. Rice, Frederick A. Pike. New Hampshire — Gil man Marston, Ed- ward H. Rollins, Thomas M. Edwards. Vermont— E. P. Walton, Jr., Justin S. Morrill, Portus Baxter. * 8m memorandum at the end of list. Massachusetts — Thomas I). Eliot, Jamcfi Bulliiiton, Bcnjarnin V. Thomas, Alexan- der H. Rice, VVilliam Aj)j)k'toii,* John U. Alley, Daniel W. Goocli, v 'liarlcs R.'i'iaiii, (iohlsinith F. Bailey,* Charles Delano, Henry L. Dawes. Rhode Isl,nih, Alfred A. Burnham,* George C Woodriitr. Nciv Yurk — Edward H. Smith, Moses F. Odell, Benjamin Wood, James E. Kerri- gan, William Wall, Frederick A. Conk- ling, Elijah Ward, Isaac C. Dclaplaine, Edward Haight, Charles H. Van Wyck, .lohn B. Steele, Stephen Baker, Abrnhain B. Olin, Krastus Corning, James B. Mc- Ivean, William A. Wheeler, Socrates N. Sherman, Chauncey Vibbard, Richard Franchot, Roscoe Conkling, R. Holland Duell, William E. Lansing, Ambrose W. Clark, Charles B. Sedgwick, Tiieodore M. Pomeroy, Jacob P. Chamberlain, Alexan- der S. liiven, Robert B. Van Valkenburgh, Alfred Ely, Augustus Frank, Burt Van Horn, Elbridge G. Spalding, Reuben E. Fenton. Neio Jersqf — John T. Nixon, John L. N. Stratton, William G. Steele, George T. Cobb, Nehemiah Perr\'. Pennsylvania — William E. Lehman, Charles J. Biddle,* John P. Verree, Wil- liam D. Kelley, William ^lorris Davis, John Hickman, Thomas B. Cooper,* Syd- enham E. Ancona, Thaddeus Stevens, John W. Killinger, James H. Campbell, Hen- drick B. Wright, Philip Johnson, Galusha A. Grow, James T. Hale, Joseph Baily, Edward McPherson, Samuel S. Blair, .Tohn Covode, Jesse Lazear, .Tames K. Moorhead, Robert McKnight, John W. Wallace, John Patton, Elijah Babbitt. Delaware — George P. Fisher. Maryland — John W. Crisfield, Edwin H. Webster, Cornelius L. L. Leary, Henry May, Francis Thomas, Charles B. Calvert. Virginia — Charles H. Upton,* William G. Brown, John S. Carlile,* Kellian V. Whaley. Ohio — George H. Pendleton. ,Tohn A. Gurley,ClementL.Vallandigham, William Allen, James M. Ashley, Chilton A. Wliite, Richard A. Harrison, Samuel Sholla- barger, Warren P. Noble, Carey A. Trim- ble, Valentine B. Horton, Samuel S. Cox, Samuel T. Worcester, Harrison G. Blake, Robert H. Nugen, William P. Cutler, James R. Morris, Sidney Edgcrton, Albert G. Riddle, John Hutchins, John A. Bing- ham. Kentucky — Henry C. Burnett,* James S. .Tackson,* Henry Grider, Aaron Harding, Charles A. WicklifTe, Georce W. Dunlan, Robert Mallorv', John J. Crittenden, Wil- liam H. Wadsworth, John W. Menzies. Sec mcmurandum at oud of list. 132 AMERICAN POLITICS. Tennessee — Horace ^laynard,* Andrew J. Clements,* ( Jodrgo W. Bridges.* Indiana — John Law, James A. Craven.s, W. MfKee Dunn, William S. Molman, George. W. Julian, Albert G. INjrtcr, Dan- iel W. Voorhees, Albert S. White, Schuyler Collax, W^illiam Mitchell, John P. C. Shanks, Illinois — EHhu B. Washburne, Isaac N. Arnold, Owen Lovejoy, AVilliam Kellogg, Williani A. liiehardson,* John A. Me- Clernand,* James C. Robinson, Philip B. F<)uke, John A. Logan.* Missouri — Francis P. Blair, Jr., James S. Rollins, John B. Clark,* Elijah H. Nor- ton, John W. Reid,* John S. Phelps,* John W. Noell. Michigan— Bradley F. Granger, Fer- nando C. Beaman, Francis W. Kellogg, Rowland E. Trowbridge. Iowa — Samuel R. Curtis,* William Van- dever. Wisconsin — John F. Potter, Luther Han- chett,* A, Scott Sloan. Min /icsota— Cyrus Aldrich, William Win- dom. Oregon — Andrew J. Thayer.* Kansas — Martin F. Conway. MEMORANDUM OF CHANGES. The following changes took place during the Congress : IN SENATE, Ehode Island— 18G2, Dec. 1, Samuel G. Arnold succeeded James F. Simmons, re- signed. New Jersei/— 1862, Dec, 1, Richard S. Field succeeded, bv appointment, John R. Thompson, deceased Sept. 12, 18G2. 1863, Jan. 21, James, W. Wall, succeeded, by election, Richard S. Field. Maryland — 18G3, Jan. 14, Thomas H. Hicks, first by appointment and then by election succeeded James A. Pearce, de- ceased Dec. 20, 1862. Virginia— li^C,l, July 13, John S. Carlile and Waitman T. Willey, sworn in place of Robert M. T. Hunter and James M, Mason, withdrawn and al)dicated. Kentiichj—mn, Dec. 23, Garrett Davis succeeded John C. Breckinridge, expelled December 4. Indiana— 18r,2, March 3, Joseph A. Wright sucxeccled Jesse D. Bright, expelled Feb. 6, 18G3, Jan. 22, David furpie, super- seded, bv election, Joseph A. Wright. Illinois— im^, .Lan. 30, William A. Rich- ardson superseded, by election, O. PI. Browning. Missouri — 18G1, Jan. 24, R. AVilson suc- ceedetl Waldo P. Johnson, expelled Jan. 10. 18G2, Jan. 2i), .Tohn B. Henderson suc- ceeded Trusten Polk, expelled .Ian. 10. Michigan — 18G2, Jan. 17, Jacob M. How- ard succeeded K. S. Bingham, deceased October 5, 18G1. * Sec memorasdum at ond of list. Oregon— lS(i2, Dec. 1, Benjamin F. Hard- ing succeeded Edward D, Baker, deceased Oct. 21, 1862. IN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Maine — 18G2, December 1, Thomas A. D. Fessenden succeeded Charles W. Wal- ton, resigned May 2G, 1862. Massachusetts — 1861, December l,Amasa Walker succeeded Goldsmith F. Bailey, deceased May 8, 1862; 1861, December 2, Samuel Hooper succeeded William Apple- ton, resigned. Connecticut — 1861, December 2, Alfred A. Burnham qualified. Pennsylvania — 1861, December 2,Charle3 J. Biddle qualified ; 1862, June 3, John D. Stiles succeeded Thomas B. Cooper, de- ceased April 4, 1862. Virginia, — 1861, July 13, John S. Carlile resigned to take a seat in the Senate ; 1861, December 2, Jacob B. Blair, succeeded John S. Carlile, resigned ; 1862, February 28, Charles H. Upton unseated by a vote of the House; 1862, May 6, Joseph Segar qualified. Kentucky — 1862, December, 1, George H. Ycaman succeeded James S. Jackson, de- ceased ; 1862, March 10, Samuel L. Casey succeeded Henry C. Burnett, expelled De- cember 3, 1861. Tennessee — 1861, December 2, Horace Maynard qualified ; 1862, January 13, An- drew J. Clements qualified ; 1863, Febru- ary 25, George W\ Bridges qualified. /ZKnojs— 1861, December 12, A. L. Knapp qualified, in place of J. A. McClernand, re- signed; 18G2, June 2, William J. Allen qualified, in place of John A. Logan, re- signed ; 18G3, January 30, William A. Rich- ardson withdrew to take a seat in the Senate. Missouri — 1862, January 21, Thomas L. Price succeeded John W. Reid, expelled December 2, 1861 ; 1862, January 20, Wil- liam A. Hall succeeded John B. Clark, ex- pelled July 13, 1861 ; 1862, May 9, John S, Phelps qualified. /ott-a— 1861, December 2, James F. Wil- son succeeded Samuel R. Curtis, resigned August 4, 1861. Wisconsin — 1863, January 26, Walter D. Mclndoe succeeded Luther Hanchett, de- ceased November 24, 18G2. Oregon— \8Ql, July 30, George K. Shiel succeeded Andrew J. Thayer, unseated. Louisiana— \8CyZ, February 17, Michael Ilahn qualified ; 1863, February 23, Ben- jamin F, Flanders qualified. Lincoln, in his message, recited the events which had transpired since his inauguration, and asked Congress to con- fer upon him the power to make the conflict short and decisive. He wanted 400,000 men, and four hundred millions of money, remarking that " the people will save their MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION 1'66 government if the <^ovc'riuncnt itself will do its pint only indiiri'itiilly well." Con- j^re-(8 responded by udding a.n hundred thousand to eiich recjuest. There were cxeilinj; di'butes und scenes durinji; this session, for many of tlic South- era leaders remained, either (hrouiz:h hesi- tancy or witli a view to check lej^islation and aid tlu-ir section Ity adver-e criticism on the measures proposed. Most promi- nent in the latter list was John (■. Breckin- rited a (u'lieral's commission in the Confederate army. IJut before itvs close, Senator Baker of Oregon, angered at his general course, said in reply to one of Breckinridge's speeches, Aug. 1st: " What would the Senator from Ken- tucky, have? These sj)eeches of his, sown broadcast over the land, wliat clear distinct meaning have they? Are they not intend- ed for dis(n-ganization in our very midst? Are they not intended to destroy our zeal ? Are they not intended to animate our enemiciS ? Sir, are they not words of bril- liant polished treason, even in the very Capitol of the Rej)ublic ?" [ Here there were such manifestations of applause in the gal- leries, a> were with dillieulty suppressed.] Mr. Baker resumed, and turning directly to Mr. Breckinridge, incpiired: " What would have been thought, if, in another Capitol, in another republic, in a yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, not more elo(iuent or dignitied than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman purple flowing over his shoulders, had risen in his place, surrounded by all the illustrations of Roman glory, and de- clared that the cause of the advancing Hannibal wasjust, and that Carthage ought to be dealt wiili in terms of peace? What would have been thought if, after the bat- tle of Canna?, a Senatfir there had risen in his place, and denounced every levy of the Roman people, every expenditure of its treo-sure, and every app-^al to the old recol- lections and the old glories ?" There was a silence so profound through- out the Senate and galleries, that a pinfall could have been heard, while every eye was fixed upon Breckinridge. Fessenden exclaimed in deep low tones, " he would have been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock !" Baker resumed : " Sir, a Senator himself learned far more than myself, in such lore, (Mr. Fessenden i tells me, in a low voice, "he would havt; been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock.'" It is a grand commentary upon the American Constitution, that we permit these words of the Senator from Ken- tucky, to be uttered. I ask the Senator to recollect, to what, save to send aid and comfort to the enemy, '., tluty gave unqualiiied sujiport to every dennind made by the Lincoln administration. Most of the Democrats, acting as citizens, did like- wise, but many of those in otJicial pr.sition, assuming the jirerogative of a niiri irity, took the liberty in Congress and State Legislature to critic^ise the more important war measures, and the extremists went so far, in many instances, as to organize oppo- sition, and to encourage it among their constiUients. Thus in the States borderinff the Obio and Mississi[(pi rivers, organized and individual clibrts were made to encour- age desertions, and the " Knights of the Golden Circle," and the "Sons of Liberty," secret societies composed of Northern sym- pathizers with the South, formed many troublesome conspiracies. Through their action troops were even enlisted in Soutl>- ern Indiana, Illinois and Missouri for the Confederate armies, while the border States in the Union sent wliole retrimcnts to bat- tle for the South. The "Knights of the (Jolden Circle " conspired to release Con- federate prisoners of war, and invited Mor- gan to raid their States. One of the worst forms of opposition took shape in a con- spiracy to resist the draft in Now York city. The lliry of the mob was several days beyond control, and troops had to be recalled from the front to su[)press it. The riot was really political, the prejudices of the mob under cover pf resistance to the draft, being vented on the negroes, many of whom were killed before adequate num- bers could be sent to their suvcor. The civil authorities of the city were charged with winking at the occurrence, and it was afterwards ascertained that Confederate agents really organized the rint :us a move- ment to " take the enemy in the rear." The Republican w;vs as distinctively the war party during the Great Rebellion, as the Whigs were during the Revolution, the Democratic-Republiciins during the War of 1812, and the Democrats during the War with I\Iexico, and, as in all of the-se war decades, kept the majority sentiment of the country with them. Tliis is such a plain statement of facts that it is neither I)artisan to assert, nor a mark of party- fealty to deny. The history is indelibly written. It is stamped upon nearly every war measure, and certainly upon every p(ditical me:i-*ure incident to growing out of the rebellion. 134 AMERICAN POLITICS. These were exciting and memorable scenes in the several sessions of the 37th Coiiirress. During the first many Southern Senators and Kepreseutatives withdrew alter angry statements of their reasons, eroncTidly in obedience to calls i'rom their fctates or immediate homes. In this way the majority was changed. Others re- mained until the close of the first session, and then more quietly entered the rebellion. W'g have shown that of this class was Breckinridge, who thought he could do more good for his cause in the Federal Congress thnn elsewhere, and it is well tor the Union that most of his colleagues dis- agreed with him as to the propriety and ■wisdom of his policy. If all had followed his lead or imitated his example, the war Wc)uld in all probability have closed in an- other c()mj)romise, or possibly in the ac- complishment of southern separations. These men could have so obstructed legis- lation as to make all its early periods far more discouraging than they were. As it was the Confederates had all the advan- tages of a free and fair start, and the efi'eet was traceable in all of the early battles and negotiations with foreign powers. There was one way in which these advan- tages could have been supported and con- tinued. Breckenridge, shrewd and able politician as he was, saw that the way was to keep Southern Representatives in Con- gress, at least as long as Northern senti- ment would abide it, and in this way win victories at the very fountain-head of power. But at the close of the extra ses- sion this view had become unpopular at both ends of the line, and even Brecken- ridge abandoned it and sought to hide his original purpose by immediate service iu tlie Confederate armies. It will be noted that those who vacated their seats to enter the Confederacy were afuerwards expelled. In this connection a curious incident can be related, occuring as late as the Senate session of 1882 : The widow of the late Senator Nichol- son, of Tennessee, who was in the Senate when Tennessee seceded, a short time ago nent a petition to Congress asking that the salary of her late husband, after he return- ed to Tennessee, might be paid to her. Mr. Nicholson's term would have expired in 1865 had he remained in his seat. He did not appear at the special session of CoTigress convened in July, 1861, and with other Senators from the South was expelled from the Senate on July 11th of that year. The Senate Committee on Claims, after examining the case thoroughly, submitted to the Senate an adverse report. After giving a concise history of the ease the committee say : " We do not deem it proper, after the expiration of twenty years, .to j)ass special acts of Congress to compen- sate the Senators and Ilepreseutativcs who seceded in 1861 for their services in the early part of that j'ear. We recommend that the claim of the petitioner be disal- lowed." The Sessions of the 37th Congress changed the political course of many pub- lie men. It made the Southern believera in secession still more vehement ; it sepa- rated the Southern Unionists from their former iriends, and created a wall of fire between them ; it changed the temper of Northern Abolitionists, in so far as to drive from them all spirit of fixction, all pride of methods, and compelled them to unite with a republican sentiment which was making sure advances from the original declara- tion that slavery should not be extended to the Territories, to emancipation, and, finally, to the arming of the slaves. It changed many Northern Democrats, and from the ranks of these, even in represen- tative positions, the lines of the Repub- licans were constantly strengthened on pivotal questions. On the 27th of July Breckinridge had said in a speech : " When traitors become numerous enough treason becomes respectable." Senator Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, replied to this, and said : " God being willing, whether traitors be many or few, as I have hitherto waged war against traitors and treason, I intend to continue it to the end." And yet John- son had the year before warmly supported Breckinridge in his presidential campaign. Among the more conspicuous Rejjubli- cans and anti-Lecompton Democrats in this session were Charles Sumner, a man who then exceeded all others in scholarly attainments and as an orator, though lie was not strong in current debate. Great care and preparation marked every impor- tant efl:brt, but no man's speeches were more admired throughout the North, and hated throughout the South, than those of Charles Sumner. An air of romance sur- rounded the man, because he was the first victim of a senatorial outrage, when beaten by Brooks of South Carolina ; but, sneered his political enemies, " no man more care- fully preserved his wounds for exhibition to a sympathetic world." He had some minor weaknesses, which were constantly displayed, and these centred in egotism and high personal pride — not very popular traits — but no enemy was so malicious as to deny his greatness. Fessenden of Maine was one of the great lights of that day. He was apt, almost beyond example, in debate, and was a re- cognized leader of the Rejadilicans until, in the attempt to impeach President John- son, he disagreed with the majority of his party and stepi)ed " down and out." Yet no one questioned his integrity, and all be- lieved that his vote was cast on this ques- tion in a line with his convictions. The leading character in the House was Thad- MR. LINCOLN'S B'IRST ADMINISTRATION. l;]5 deus Stevens, an original Abolitionist in sentiment, but a man oniiiuiitly practical and shrewd in all his methods. Tlie ehanee-i of" politics often carry men into tlie I'residential t'liair, into ('abinets, and with later and demoralizing^ Ire lUency into Senate seats ; hut chance never makes a C'ommoner, and Tiiadtleus Stevens was throui:;hout the war, and uj) to the hour ol' his ileuth, recof^nized a.s the great Com- moner of the Northern ncoj)lc. lie led in every House battle, ana a more unllineh- ing party leader was never known to par- liamentary bodies. Limp and infirm, he was not liable to personal assault, even in days when such assaults were common; but when on one occasion his fiery tongue had so exasperated the Southerners in Congress as to make thi'm show their knives and pistols, he stepped out inio the aisle, and facing, bid them defiance, lie was a Radical of the Radicals, and con- stantly contended that the government — the better to preserve itself — could travel outside of the Constitution. What cannot be said of any other man in history, can be said ofTli.iddeus Stevens. When he lay dead, carried thus from Wiisliington to his home in Lancaster, with all of his people knowing that he was dead, he was, on the day foil )\ving the arrival of his corpse, and within a few squares of his re- sidence, unanimously renominated by tbe Rei)ublicans for Congress. If more poetic and less practical sections or lands than the North bad such a hero, hallowed by such an incident, both the name and the inci- dent would travel down the ages in song and story.* The " rising " man in the 37th Congress was Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, elected Speaker of the 38th, and subsequently Vice President. A great parliamentarian, he was gifted with rare eloquence, and with a kind which won friends without ofTending enemies — something too rare to last. In the House were also Justin S. Morrill, tlie author of the Tariff Bill which supplied the "sinews of war," Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, then " the man of Statistics " and the " watch-dog of the treasury." Roscoe Conkling was then the admitted leader of the New York delega- tion, as he was the admitted mental superior of any other in subsequent terms in the Senate, up to the time of his resigna- tion in 1881. Reuben E. Fenton, his factional opponent, was also there. Ohio was strongly represented in both parties — Pendleton, Cox and Vallandigham on the side of the Democrats ; Bingham and Ash- ley on the part of the Republicans. Illi- nois showed four prominent anti-Lccomp- ton supporters of the administration — ♦This incid"nt was rplatod to the writor by Cio]. \. K. McCluro of I'liihulelpbia, who was iu Louuialer ut the timo. Douglas in the Senate; Logan, McCler- nanil and Richardson in the lIou-.e ; wliilo prominent among the lu'publicans were Lovejoy (an original .\b .ilitionist), WjlsIi- hurne, a candidate for the Presidi lUial nomination in iS.st) — Kellogg and Arnold, .lohn F. Pottir was one of tlie prominent Wisconsin men, who had W(i)roj)ri;ilions of" money for the ol)jo(.'t tlesigimtc^d, iind all of us thoui^ht our finances were in no condition to bear the immonse outlay which its udoptioii and faithful execution would inqjose upon the national Treasury. If we i)ause out a nionient to think of the debt its accept- ance would have entailed, we are ajjpuUed by its mignitudc. The proposition was addressed to all the States, and embraced the whole number of slaves. Accordinj^ to the census of 18G0 there were then nearly four million slaves in the country; from natural increase they exceed that number now. At even the low average of $300, the price fixed by the emancipa- tion act for the slaves of this District, anil greatly below their real worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of $1,200,- 000,000 ; and if to that we add the cost of deportation and colonization, at $100 each, which is but a fraction more than is ac- tuallv paid bv the I\Iarvlap.d Colonization Society, we have $400,000,000 more. AVe were njt willing to impose a tax on our people sudi.'ient to pay the interest on that sum, in addition to the vast and daily in- creasing debt already fixed upon them by the exigencies of the war, and if we had been willing, the country could not bear it. Stated in this form the proposition is noth- ing less than the deportation from the country of $1,600,000,000 worth of produc- ing labor, and the substitution in its place of an interest-bearing debt of the same amount. But, if we are told that it was expected that only the States we represent would accept the proposition, we respectfully submit that even then it involves a sum too great for the financial ability of this Government at this time. According to the census of ISGO — • Slaves. Kentucky had 225,490 Maryland 87,188 Virginia 400,887 Delaware 1,798 Missouri 114,905 Tennessee 275,784 Making in the whole 1,196,112 At the same rate of valuation these would amount to... .$358,933,500 Add for deportation and colo- nization $100 each 118,244,533 And we have the enormous sum of. $478,038,133 We did not feel that we should be justi- fied in voting for a measure which, if car- ried out, would add this vast amount to our public debt at a moment when the Treasury was reeling under the enormous expenditure of the war. Again, it seemed to as that this resolu- tion w:us but the annunciati(jii of a Henti- luent which could not or was not likely to be reduced to an actual tangible proposi- tiitii. No movement was tlien iiiadt! to provide and appropriate tlu- funds reipiired to carry it into ed'ect ; and we wi re not en- couraged to believe that funds w(ju1<1 bo provided. And our belief luw been fully justified by subsee to bring to your notice the fact that, while this re.-olution was under consideration in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator lioin Kentucky, moved an amendment appropriating .$50(),- OOO to the object therein designated, and it was voted down with great unanimity. What confidence, then, could we rea>onably feel that if we comniittcd ourselves to the policy it projjosed, our constituents would reap the fruits of the promise held out; and on what ground could we, as fair men, ajjproach them and challenge their sup- port? The right to hold slaves is a right apper- taining to all the States of this Union. They have the right to cherish or abolish the institution, as their tastes or their in- terests may prompt, and no one is autho- rized to question the right or limit the en- joyment. And no one has more clearly ailirmed that right than you have. Your inaugural address does you great honor in this resj)ect, and inspired the country with confidence in your fairness and respect for the law. Our States are in the enjoyment of that right. We do not feel called on to defend the institution or to affirm it is one which ought to be cherished; pjerhajjs, if Ave were to make the attempt, we might find that we dill'er even among ourselves. It is enough for our purpose to know that it is a right; and, so knowing, we did not see why we should now be expected to yield it. We liad contributed our full share to relieve the country at this terrible crisis ; Ave had done as much as had been required of others in like circumstances ; and Ave did not see Avhy .sacrifices should be expected of us from Avhich othei-s, no more loyal, Avere exempt. Nor could avo see Avhat good the nation Avould derive fi'om it. Such a sacrifice submitted to by us Avould not have strengthened the arm of this Government or AA'cakcned that of the enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge of our loyalty, for that had been mani- fested Ixivond a reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. There was not the remotest probability that the States Ave represent would join in the re- bellion, nor is there noAV, or of their elect- ing to go Avith the southern section in the event of a recognition of the imlependence of any part of the disaflccted region. Our 140 AMERICAN POLITICS. States are fixed unalterably in their reso- lutiou to auiiore to and support tlie Union. They see no tsai'ety for thcin.y tlie past and ihu present; as to when it (/•/// be, if ever, (h;[)end3 much on whether wo maintain the Union. Several of our States are already above the avera^'e of Europe — seventy-three and a tliird to the siiuure mile. Massacthusotts has 157 ; Rhode Island, l'-V.\\ Connecticut, 9i); New York and New Jersey, e:u'h, SO. Also two other great states, Tennsylvania and Ohio, urc not far below, the former having G."} and the hitter 59. The states already above the European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio, since passing that point, as ever before ; while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural capacity for sus- taining a dense population. "Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we lind its population and ratio of in- crease, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows : 1700 3,929,827 Ratio of increase. LSnO 5,305,937 35.02 per cent. 1810 7,239,814 3G.45 1820 9,638,131 33.13 " 1830 12,8()t),020 33.49 " 1840 17,069,4'')3 32.67 " 1850 23,191,876 35.87 " 1860 31,443,790 35.58 " This shows an annual decennial increase of 34.09 per cent, in population through the seventy years from our first to our last census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these seven periods is either two per cent, below or two per rent, above the average ; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, the law of increase in our case is. Assum- ing that it will continue, gives the follow- ing results : 1870 42.323,341 1880 56,967,216 1890 76,677,872 1900 103,208,415 1910 138,918,526 1!)20 186,984,335 1930 251,680,914 "These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 19.30 — say about 1925 — our territory, at seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, be- ing of capacity to contain 217,l-'^''>,000. 'And we u'ill reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhausting war springing from the only great element of national discord among us. "While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding lesser onas indefinitely, would re- tard population, civilization, and prosperity j no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injiirif)ns. ' The [)roi)osed emancipation v.nuld t^hort- ' en the w;ir, pcr[>etuate jxace, insure tliis ' increase of j)opul:ition, and immortionately ' the wealth of tlie country. Willi tliesc, wo should pay all the emancipation would cost, together with our other debt, easier than ; we shouhl pay our other debt without it. i If we had allowed our old national debt to I run at six p(;r cent, per annum, sinijde in- terest, from flu! end of our revolutionary j struggle until to-day, with )ut paying any- ! thing on either i)rinei])al or interest, each man of us would owe less upon that debt now tlian each man owed uj)on it then; and this because our increase of men through the whole {)erio(l has been greater than six per cent. ; has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its popu- lation increases faster tlian unpaid interest accumulates on its debt. " This fact would be no excuse for de- laying payment of what is justly due ; but it shows the great importance of time in this connection — the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, wc would have to pay now, when we number but thirty-one mil- lions. In a word, it .shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both." Various propositions and measures re- lating to compensated cmancip.ation, were afterwards consider(;d in both Houses, but it was in March, 1863, drojiped after a refusal of the House to suspend the rules for the consideration of the subject. Emancipation as a IVar Necessity. Before the idea of compensated emanci- pation had been dropped, ami it was con- stantly discouraged by the Democrats and Border Statesmen, President Lincoln had determined upon a more radical policy, and on the 22d of Septembei, 1862. issued his celebrated proclamation declaring that he would emancipate "all pensons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the peojde whereof shall be in rebellion against the United States" — by the first of January, 1863. if such sections were not " in good fiiith represented in Congress." He followed this by actual emancipation at the time stated. Proclamation of Sept. 2?, 1S63. I, Abraham Lincoln, Pre-ident of the United States of America, and Commander- in-Chief of the army and navy thereof, do 142 AMERICAN POLITICS. hereby prnclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States and the peo- ple thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed. That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tender- ing pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people thereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, imme- diate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respected limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued. That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such per- sons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, de- signate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respective- ly, shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the ftictthat any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed con- clusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not in rebellion against the United States. That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled " An act to make an additional article of war," approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figures following : "" Be it ennrtrtj hy the Senate and House of Feprc.icniatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulga- ted as an additional article of war, for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such. " Article — . All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective com- mands for the purpose of returning fugi- tives from service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service. "Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act " shall take effect from and alter its passage." Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled " An act to suppress insur- rection, to punish trea.son and rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following : "Sec. 9. Andbeit further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Govern- ment of the United States or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escap- ing from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and coming under the control of the Government of the United States ; and all slaves of such persons found 07i [or] being within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deem- ed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves. " Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping into any State, Territoiy, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or .some offence against the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United Stales in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto ; and no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other per- son, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service." And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and na- val service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections above recited. And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the United States who shall have remained EMANCITATION. 143 loyal thereto tliroiighont the rebellion shall (u|>()ii tlie restoration of the constitutional relation between the rnited States and tlieir respeetive States and people, il" tbat relation shall have been suspcmled or dis- turbed) be eoinpensated lor all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves. In witness whereof, T have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United Btiites to be aflixcd. Done at the city of Washington this twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and sixty-two, and of the Indepen- dence of the United States the eighty- seventh. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretai-y of State. Proclmnatlon of January 1, ISO.?. WiiF:uEAy, on the twenty -second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the Presi- dent of the United States, containing among other things, the following, to wit : " That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever, free ; and the Executive Govern- ment of the United States, including the militiiry and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such person-;, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual free- dom. "That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respec- tively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by mem- bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testi- mony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, art- then in rebellion against the United States." Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me ve-ited as Commander- in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed re- bellion against the authority and Govern- ment of the United States, and as a fiC and ncie-sary wi:r mea.sure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accord- ance with my i)ur|)0se so to do, publicly jiroclaimed for the full perioil of one hun- dred days from the day first above men- tioned, order and designate as the Statcg and parts of State;-* wherein the pcojjle thereof, respectively, are this day in rebel- lion against the United States, the follow- ing, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the [larishes f)f St. Bernard, Placpiemines, Jef- ferson, St. J(din, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terie Bonne, La- fourche, St. Mary, St. I\Iartin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans,) Mis- sissipj)i, Alabama, Florida, Georgia. South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, anil also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Eliza- beth City, York, Princess Ann, and Nor- folk, including the cities of Norfolk and Porl;sraouth,) and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely lu; if this proclamation were not issuetl. And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free ; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval autiiorities tlicreof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all vio- lence, unless in necessary self-defence ; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Con- stitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty- seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: "William H. Seward, Secretary of State, 144 AMERICAN POLITICS. Tliese proclamations were followed by many attempts on the part of the Demo- crats to declare them null and void, but all such were tabled. Tlie House on the 15th of December, 1802, endorsed the first by a vote of 78 to .51, almost a strict party vote. Two classed as Democrats, voted for emancipation — Haiglit and Noell ; seven classed as Republicans, voted against it — Granger, Harrison, Leary, Maynard, Benj. F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, and Whaley. Just previous to the issuance of the lirst proclamation a meeting of the Governors of the Northern States had been called to consider how best their States could aid the general conduct of the war. Some of them had conferred with the President, and while that meeting and the date of the emancipation proclamation are the same, it was publicly denied on the floor of Con- gress by Mr. Boutwell (June 25, 1864,) that the proclamation was the result of that meeting of the Governors. That they fully endorsed and knew of it, however, is shown by the following Address of loyal Governors to the President. Adopted at a meeting of Governors of loyal States, held to take measures for the more active support of the Govern- ment, at Altoona, Pennsvlvania, on the 22d day of September, 1862. After nearly one year and a half spent in contest with an armed and gigantic re- bellion against the national Government of the United States, the duty and purpose of the loyal States and people continue, and must always remain as they were at its origin — namely, to restore and perpetuate the authority of this Government and the life of the nation. No matter what con- sequences are involved in our fidelity, this work of restoring the Republic, preserving the institutions of democratic liberty, and justifying the hopes and toils of our fathers shall not fail to he performed. And we pledge without hesitation, to the President of the United States, the most loyal and cordial support, hereafter as heretofore, in the exercise of the functions of his great office. We recognize in him * the Chief Executive Magistrate of the nation, the Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, their responsible and constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power, as well as the constitutional powers of Congress, must be rigorously ana religiously guarded and preserved, as the condition on which alone our form of Government and the constitu- tional rights and liberties of the people themselves can be saved from the wreck of anarchy or from the gulf of despotism. In submission to the laws which may have been or which may be duly enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, co-operating always in our own spheres with the national Government, we mean to continue in the most vigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers, contend- ing against treason, rebellion, and the pub- lic enemies, and, whether in public life or in private station, supjjorting the arms of the Union, until its cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch upon its standard, or the rebel foe shall yield a dutiful, rightful, and unconditional sub- mission. And, impressed with the conviction that an army of reserve ought, until the war shall end, to be constantly kept on foot, to be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at home, and ready for emergencies, we re- spectfully ask the President to call for such a force of volunteers for one year's service, of not less than one hundred thousand in the aggregate, the quota of eiich State to be raised after it shall have filled its quota of the requisitions already made, both for volunteers and militia. We believe that this would be a measure of military pru- dence, while it would greatly promote the military education of the peojile. We hail with heartfelt gratitude and en- couraged hope the proclamation of the President, issued on the 22d instant, de- claring emancipated from their bondage all persons held to service or labor aa slaves in the rebel States, whose rebellion shall last until the first day of January now next ensuing. The right of any per- son to retain authority to compel any por- tion of the subjects of the national Gov- ernment to rebel against it, or to maintain its enemies, implies in those who are al- lowed possession of such authority the right to rebel themselves ; and therefore the right to establish martial law or mili- tary government in a State or territory in rebellion implies the right and the duty of the Government to liberate the minds of all men living therein by appropriate proclamations and assurances of protection, in order that all who are capable, intel- lectually and morally, of loyalty and obedience, may not be forced into treason as the unwilling tools of rebellious traitors. To have continued indefinitely the most efficient cause, support, and stay of the re- bellion, would have been, in our judg- ment, unjust to the loyal people whose treasure and lives are made a willing sacri- fice on the altar of patrotism — would have discriminated against the wife who is com- pelled to surrender her husband, against the parent who is to surrender his child to the hardships of the camp and the perils of battle, in favor of rel)el masters per- mitted to retain their slaves. It would have been a final decision alike against humanity, justice, the rights and dignity of the Government, and against sound and REPEAL OF TOE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 145 wise national policy. The doci;uon of the Presiilont to strike at the root of the re- iK'llion will lend new viiror to the ellorts juiil nt'W lil'e and hope to tlic hearlM of the Scople. Cordially tendering to the I'rrsi- cnt onr respcetl'ul assuranee of i)ers()nal and oilii-ial eonfidenee, we trust and be- lieve that the policy now inaugurated will 1)0 erowned with sueecss, will give speedy and triumphant victories over our enemies, and secure to this nation and this people the blessing and favor of Almighty (rod. We believe that the blood of the heroes who have already fallen, and those who may yet give their lives to their country, will not have been shed in vain. The splendid valor of our soldiers, their patient endurance, their manly patriotism, and their devotion to duty, demand from us and from all tiieir countrymen the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the pledge of our constant reinforcement and support. A just regard for these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter, has called us into friendly con- ference. And now, presenting t-o our national Chief ^lagistrate this conclusion of our deliberations, we devote ourselves to our country's service, and we will surround the President with our constant suppoit, trusting that the fidelity and zeal of the loyal States and people will always assure him that he will be constantly maintained in pursuing with the utmost vigor this war for the preservation of the national life and the hope of humanity. A. G. CURTIN, John A. Andrew, Richard Yates, Israel Washburne, Jr., Edward Solomon, Samuel J. Kirkwood, O. P. Morton, By D. G. Rose, his representative, Wm. Sprague, F. H. Peirpoint, David Tod, N. S. Berry, Austin Blaie. Repeal of tlie Fugitive Slave La^v. The first fugitive slave law passed was that of Fcbruarv 12th, 1793, the second and last that of September 18th, 1850. Vari- ous efforts had been made to repeal the lat- ter before the war of the rebellion, with- out a prospect of success. The situation was now dilferent. The war spirit was high, and both Houses of Congress were in the hands of the Republicans as early as December, 1861, but all of them were not then ready to vote for repeal, while the 10 Democrats were at first solidly against it. The bill had j)a.sscd the Senate in IS/jO by U7 yeas to 12 nays; the House by lO'Jyeiw to 7(5 nays, and yet as late as 1801 such wa:» still the desire of many not to o!l'end tlie [)olitical prejudices of the Horder States and of Democrats whose aid was counLeil U[)on in the war, that sullicient votes could not be had until .fune, 18G4, to pass there- pealing bill. Kepul)lican sentiment ad- vanced very slowly in the early years of the war, when the struggle looked doubt- ful and when there was a strong desire to hold for the Union every man and county not irrevocably against it; when success could be foreseen the advances were more rapid, but never as rapid as the more rad- ical leaders desired. The record of Con- gress in the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law will illustrate this political fact, in itself worthy of grave study by the poli- tician and statesman, and therefore we give it as compiled by McPherson : — Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventh Congress.* In Senate, 1861, December 26 — Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, introduced a bill to repeal the fugitive slave law ; which was referred to the Committee on the Judici- arv. 1862, May 24— Mr. Wilson, of Massachu- setts, introduced a bill to amend the fugi- tive slave law ; which was ordered to be printed and lie on the table. June 10 — Mr. Wilson moved to take up the bill ; which was agreed to — Yeas 25, nays 10, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Kan- sas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson, of Massachusetts. — 25. Nays — Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Latham, * On the 23d of July, 1861, the Attomoy General, in answer to a letter from tho United States Marshal of Kansas, inquiring; whether he should assist in the execu- tion of the fugitive slave law, wrote : Attobnet General's Orrice, Julg 23, 1861. J. L. McDowKIiL, U. S. Marshal, Kansat : Your letter, of the 11th of July, received IMh, (under frank of Senator Lane, of Kansas,) asks advice whether you should give your official Borvicos in the execution of the fugitive slave law. It is the President's constitutional duty to "take care that thiilawslio faithfully exoi-utod." That means all tb« laws. He has no right to discriminate, no rii^ht to exe- cute the laws he likes, and leave unexecuted those ha dislikes. And of course you and I, his sutKirdinatea, can have no wider latitude of discretion than he has. Mis- Bouri is a State in the Union. The insurrectionary dis- orders in Missouri are but individual crimed, and do not chancre tlie leKal status of the State, nor change its right* and ohli^ations as a meml)er of the Union. A rcfu.sal by a ministerial officer to execute any law which properly belongs to his office, is an official misd»- nieanor, of which I have no doubt the President would take notice. Very respectfully LPWA&D DATE&. 146 AMERICAN POLITICS. McDouqnll, Nesmith, Powell, Saulsbury, Stark, "Willey, Wright— 10* The bill was to secure to claimed fugi- tives a right to a jury trial in the district court for the United States for the district in which they may be, and to require the claimant to prove his loyalty. The bill repeals sections 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 of the act of 1850, and that part of section 5, which authorizes the summoning of the posse comitatns. When a warrant of return is made cither on jury trial or confession of the party in the presence of counsel, hav- ing been warned of his rights, the fugitive is to be surrendered to the claimant, or the marshal where necessary, who shall remove him to the boundary line of the district, and there deliver him to the claimant. Tiie bill was not further considered. In House, 1861, December 20— Mr. Julian offered this resolution: Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee be instructed to report a bill, so amending the fugitive slave law enacted in 1850 as to forbid the recapture or return of any fu- gitive from labor without satisfactory j^roof first made that the claimant of such fugi- tive is loyal to the Government. Mr. Plolman moved to table the resolu- tion, which was disagreed to — yeas 39, nays 78, as follows : Yeas — IMessrs. Ancona, Joseph Baily, Biddle, George H. Brou-ne, Cubb, Cooper, Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Dunlap, English. Fouke, G rider, Harding, Ilulman, Johnson, Laic, Lazear, Leanj, I^ehmun, Mallory, Mor- ris, Noble, Nocll, Norton, Nugen, Odcll, Pendleton, Robinson, Shiel, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Vallandigham, Wads- worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wick- life, Woodruf, Wright— 89. Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Conkling, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Delano, Duell, Edwards, Eliot, Fessenden. Fran- chot, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Gurley, Hale, Hanchett, Harrison, Hooper, Hutch- ins, Julian, William Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, Marston, Mitchell, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. ]\Iorrill, Olin, Patton, J'ike, Pomeroy, Porter. John H. Rice, Rid- dle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Sedg- wick, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sherman, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens. Benjamin F. Thomas, Train, Vandever. Wall, Wallace, Walton. Washburne, Wlieeler, Whrdcv, 4Ibert S. White, Wilson, Windom, Wor- cester — 78. The resolution was then adopted — veas 78, nays 39. 1862, June 9— Mr. Julian, of Indiana, * Republicana Id Koman,- Democrats in italics. introduced into the House a resolution in- structing the Judiciary Committee to re- port a bill for the purpose of repealing the fugitive slave law ; which was tabled — ^yeaa 66, nays 51, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. William J. Allen, Anco- na, Baihj, Biddle, Francis P. Blair, Jacob B. Blair, George II. Brotnie, William G, Brown, Burnham, Calvert, Casey, Clem- ents, Cobb, Corning, Crittenden, Delano, Diven, Granger, Grider, Haiglit, Hale, Harding, Ilohnan, Johnson, William Kel- logg, Kerrigan, Knapp, Lazear, Low, May- nard, Menzies, Mooriiead, Morris, Noble, Noell, Norton, Odcll, Pendleton, John S. Phelps, Timothy G. Phelps, Porter, Rich- ardson, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Sar- g,ent,Scg;nr, Shcjfield, Shiel, Stnith, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Benjamin F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, Trimble, Val- landigham,YcYreQ, Vibbard, Vonrhees, Wads- icorth, Webster, Chilton A. Wliitc, Wick- liffe. Wood, Woodruff" Worcester, Wright —m. Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Blake, Buffin- ton, Chamberlain, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Davis, Dawes, Edgerton, Ed- wards, Eliot, Ely, Franchot, Gooch, Good- win, Hanchett, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Lansing, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, Anson P. Morrill, Pike, Pomeroy, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Shellabarger, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Train, Trowbridge, Van Horn, Van Valkenburgh,Wall. Wallace, Wash- burne, Albert S. White, Windom-— 51. Same day — Mr. Colfax, of Indiana, of- fered this resolution : Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- diciary be instructed to report a bill modi- fying the fugitive slave law so as to require a jury trial in all cases where the person claimed denies under oath tliat he is a slave, and also requiring any claimant under such act to prove that he has been loyal to the Government during the present rebellion. Which was agreed to — yeas 77, nays 43, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Blake, Buffin- ton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Colfax, Fred- erick A. Conkling, Davis, Dawes, Delano, Diven, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Franchot, Gooch, Goodwin, Granger, Gur- ley, Haight, Hale, Hanchett, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, W^il- liam Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, Lowe, McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, Anson P. Morrill, .Justin S. Morrill, Nixon, Timothy G. I'helps, Pike, Pomeroy, Por- ter, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Shanks, Slicffield, Shellabarger, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Stratton, Benjamin F. REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAWS. 147 Thomas, Tniin, Trimble, Trowbrid;::c, Van V;ilkiuibunz;li, Verree, W;l11, W:i11:hh', Washhunie, Albert, S. White, Wih.-ii, \Viii(ii):ii, Wo re ester— 77. Mays — Messrs. William J. Allen, Ancona, Baily, Bidille, .Licob B. BUiir, Williiun (J. Brown, Cahnrt, Ciisey, Clements, Cubh, Corning, Crittcivlcn, Fouke, Grider, Jlard- inq, llolinan, Johnaon, Knapp, I\liiyn;ird, Menzies, Koblc, Noell, Norton, Pendldon, John S. Phelps, liichardson, linhinsoit, Jumcs S Ji'ollins, Segar, ^7//(7, Smith, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Franeis Thom- as, Vall(mdi(ihnin,Vibbard, Voorhecs, ]V(ids- worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wic/c- lij'e. Wood, Wright. — 13. Third Session, Tlilrty-SevciitU Congress. In Senate, 18G3, February 11— Mr. Ten Eyek, from the Committee on the Judiei- ary, to whom was referred a l)ill, intro- diioed by Senator Howe, in second session, Deecmber 2G, ISGl, to repeal the fuji;itive slave aet of 1S50, reported it back without amendment, and with a recommendation that it do not pass. First Session, Thlrty-KlghUi Congress. In House, 1SG3, Dec. 14. — Mr. Julian, of Indiana, offered this resolution : Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- diciary be instructed to rei)ort a bill for a repeal of the third and fourth sections of the '' act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from tlie service of their masters," approved February 12, 1793, and the act to amend and supplementary to the aforesaid act, approved September 18, 1850. Mr. Holman moved that the resolution lie upon the table, which was agreed to — yeas 81, nays 73, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Ancona, Anderson, Baily, Au- gustus C. Baldwin, Jacob B. Blair, Bliss, Brooks, James S. Brown, William G. Browne, Clay, Cobb, CoJfroth,Cox,Ci-arcns, Creswell, Dawson, Demming, Denison, Eden, Edgcr- ton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, Grlder, Griswold, Hall, Harding, Ilnrring- ton, Benjamin Q. Harris, Charles M. Har- ris, Higby, Ilidman, Hatcliim, William Johnson, Kernan, King, Knapp, I^aw, La- zear, Le lilond, Long, Mallory, Marcij, Mar- vin, McBride, McDowell, McKinney, Wil- liam II. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, Odell, John 0' Neil, Pendle- ton, William H. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Smith, Smith- ers, Stcbbins, John B. Steele, Stuart, Sweat, Thomas, Vuorhces, Wadsworth, Ward, Wheder, Chilton A. White, Joseph W.White, Williams, Winfield, Fernando Wood, Yea- man — 81. NaYo — Messrs. Allev, Allison, Ames, Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, .\mbrosft W. Clark, Freciiian Clark, Cole, Henry Winter l)a- v.s, Dawes, DixoM, Donnelly, Hiigg^, Du- inont, Eikley, Eliot, Farnswor.h, i-entun, I'rank, ( larlleld, ( ioocli, (irinmil, Ho'jjier, llotchkiss, Asaiiel W. Hujb'ird, .John H. Hubliard, Hulburd, Jenekes, Julian, Fran- cis W. Kellogg, Orlando ICellu^^g, Loan, Ijongyear, Lovejoy, MeClurg, Mclndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Amos Mvers, Le/. Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle. WiUey— 17. Nays — Mo-<-rj. Anthony, Brown, Chand- ler, Clark, Couness, Dixon, Fessenden, Fo!)t, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Lime of Kansa-*, Morgan, Morrill, Pomerov, llainsey,Sprague, Sumner, Wade, Wils)n— 22. The bill then passed — yeas 27, nays 12, a< follows: Yea.3 — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- ler, Clark, C )n;ies-(, Dixon, Fessenden, Fo )t, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Hicks, H )vvard. Howe, Line of Indiana, Lane of Kansas Morj;an, M:)rrill, Pomeroy, Ram- say, rfora^ue, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trum- bull, Wale, Wilson— 27. Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Cowan, Davis, Jjh;ison, McDoutjall, Powell, Rich- ards >n. Riddle, Saulsbury, Van Winkle, WiUey— 12. Abraham Lincoln, President, approved it, June 2i, 1SG4. Seward as Secretary ot State. Win. H. Seward was a master in diplo- macy aai Suitecraft, and to his skill the Unionists were indebted for all avoidance of serious f>reig:i complications while the war was goin^ oi. The m )st notable case coming under his supervision was that of the capture of Mason and Slidell, by Com- modore WUkes, who, on the Sth of Xovem- ber, 18)1, hai iaterceptel th3 TVeuMvith Sill Jacinto. The prisoners were Confed- erate agents on their way to St. James and St. Cloud, li )ti\ hxi been prominent Sen- at)rs, early se::essioaists, and the popular impals3 of the Norch was to hold and pun- ish the n. B jt'.i Linc-oln and Seward wisely resiste 1 the passions of the hour, and when Greit Britain demanded their release und3r the treaty of Ghent, wherein the right of f iture seirc!i of vessels was dis- avowe 1, Seward yiel led, and referring to the terms of the treaty, said : " If I decide this case in favor of my own Government, I must disavow its most cherished principles, and reverse and for- ever abaa 1 )n its essential policy. The country caanot aiford the sacrifice. If 1 maintain those principles and adhere to that policy, I must surrender the case itself." The North, with high confidence in their President and Cabinet, readily conceded the wisdom of the argument, especially as it was clinched in the newspapers of the day by one of Lincoln's homely remarks : " Onf u'ltr at a fiinr." A war with Great Britain was thus happily avoided. With the inciilents of the war, however, save as they allc-cted politics and p(jhti- ciaiis, this work has little to do, and wc therefore pitss the suspension of the urit nj habeas corjiiis, which su>pension wiis eui- jiloyi'd in breaking up the Maryland I^egia- lature and other bodirs when they con- templated secession, and it lacilitited the arrest ami punishment of men ihrougliout the North who were suspected of {giving "aid and comfort to the enemy." The alleged arbitrary charactir of these arrests cau.-^ed mucli complaint from Democratic Senators and Repruseutativ cs, but the rig!it was fully enforced in the lace of eviry fo;-in of protest until the war closed. The mo-t prominent arrest Wits that of Clement Ij. Vallaiidigham, member of Congress from Ohio, who was sent into the Southern iinea. From thence he went to Canada, an'] wlien a candidate for Governor in Ohio, Wixs de- feated by over 100,000 majority. Financial Lei^islation— Internal TaxcH. The Financial legislation during the war was as follows: 18G0, December 17 — Authorized an issue of §10,000,000 in Tre.\.sury notrs, to ba redeemed after the expiration of one yc::r from the date of issue, and bearing such a rate of interest as may be offered by the lowest bidders. Authority was given to issue these notes in payment of warrants in favor of public creditors at their parvahio, bearing six per cent, interest per annum. 1S61, Febriian/ 8 — Authorized a LOAN of $25,003,000, bearing interest at a rate not exceeding six per cent, per annum, and reimbursable within a period not bcyiKl twenty years nor less than ten years. Tliis loan was made for the payment of the cur- rent expenses, and was to be awarded to the most favorable bidders. Mai-ch 2 — Authorized a LOAN of $10,- 000,000, bearing interest at a rate not ex- ceeding six per cent, per annum, and re- imbursable after the expiration of tea years from July 1, 18G1. In case propo- sals for the loan were not acceptable, au- thority wiis given to is^ue the wholo amount in Treasury notes, bearing in- terest at a rate not exceeding six per cent, per annum. Authority wa3 also given to substitute Treasure notes for the whole or any part of the loans for which the See- rotary was by law authorized to contract and issue bonds, at the time of the pas-.oge of this act, and such treasury notes were to be made receivable in payment of all pub- lic dues, and redeema})le at anv time within two years from ^larch 2, 1SG1. March 2 — Authorized an issue, should the Secretarv of the Treasury deem it ex- pedient, of $2,800,000 in coupon BONoa, bearing interest at the rate of six per cent. 150 AMERICAN POLITICS. per annum, and redeemable in twenty years, lor the payment of expenses incurred by tlic Territories of Washington and Oregon in tlie suppression of Indian hus- tililies during the year l8o5-'5G. July 17 — Authorized a loan of $250,000,- OOU, lor which could be issued bonds bear- ing interest at a rate not exceeding 7 per cent, per annum, irredeemable for twenty years, and after that redeemable at the pleasure of the United States. Tkeasuky notes bearing interest at the rate of 7.30 per cent, per annum, payable three years after date ; and United States notes without interest, payable on demand, to the extent of $50,- 000,000. (Increased by act of February 12, 1S62, to $00,000,000. ) The bonds and treasury notes to be is- sued in such proportions of each as the 'Secretary may deem advisable. August 5 — Authorized an issue of bonds bearing G per cent, interest per annum, and i>ayable at the pleasure of the United Stales after twenty years from date, which may be issued in exchange for 7.30 trea- sury notes ; but no such bonds to be issued for a less sum than $500, and the whole amount of such bonds not to exceed the wbole amount of 7.30 treasury notes issued. February 6, 1862— Making $50,000,000 of notes, of denominations less than $5, a legal tender, as recommended by Secretary Ciiase, was passed January 17, 1862. In the House it i-eceived the votes of the Re- publicans generally, and 38 Democrats. In the Senate it had 30 votes for to 1 against, that of Senator Powell. 1862, February 25 — Authorized the issue of $15,000,000 in legal tender United States NOTES, $50,000,000 of which to be in lieu of demand notes issued under act of July 17, 18G1, $500,000,000 in 6 per cent, bonds, redeemable after five years, and payable twenty years from date, which may be ex- changed for United States notes, and a temporary loan of $25,000,000 in United States notes for not less than thirty days, payable after ten days' notice at 5 jjcr cent, interest per annum. March 17 — Authorized an increase of TEMPOKAiiY LOANS of $25,000,000, bearing interest at a rate not exceeding 5 per cent. per annum. July 11 — Authorized a further increase of TEMPO iiARY LOANS of $50,000,000, mak- ing the whole amount authorized $100,- 000.000. March 1 — Authorized an issue of CEn- TIFICATES OF INDEBTEDNESS, payable One year from date, in settlement of audited claims against the Government.^ Interest 6 per cent. ])er annum, payable in gold on those issued prior to iVIarch 4, 1863, and in lawful currency on those issued on and alter that date. Amount of issue not specified. 1862, Jtdy 11 — Authorized an additional issue of $150,000,01 legal tender kote^, $35,000,000 of which might be in denomi- nations less than five dollars. Fifty mil- lion dollars of this issue to be reserved to pay temporary loans promptly in case of emergency. July 17 — Authorized an i?sue of notes of the fractional i>urt of one dollar, receiv- able in payment of all dues, except cus- toms, less than five dollars. Amount of issue not specified. 1863, January 17 — Authorized the issue of $100,000,000 in United States notes for the immediate ]iayment of the army and navy ; such notes to be a i)art of the amount jirovided for in any bill that may hereafter be passed by this Congress. The amount in this resolution is included in act of March 3, 1863. March 3 — Authorized a LOAN of ?300,- 000,000 for this and ^ 600,000,000 for next fiscal year, for which could be issued londs running not less than ten nor more than forty years, principal and interest ]>ayable in coin, bearing interest at a rate not ex- ceedir.g 6 per cent. ] er annum, ] ayalle on bonds not exceeding $100, annually, and on all others semi-annually. AndTr.EASUEY NOTES (to the amount of $400,000,000) not exceeding three years to run, with interest not over per cent, per annum, principal and interest payable in lawful moneyj which may be made a legal tender for their face value, excluding interest, or convertible into United States notes. And a further issue of $150,000,000 in United States NOTES for the purpose of converting the Treasury notes which may be issued under this act, and for no other purpose. And a further issue, if necessary, for the jiayment of the army and navy, and other creditors of the Government, of $150,000,- 000 in United States notes, which amount includes the $100,000,000 authorized by the joint resolution of Congress, January 17, 1863. The whole amount of bonds, treasury notes, and United States notes issued under this act not to exceed the sum of $900,000,000. March 3— Authorized to issue not ex- ceeding $50,000,000 in eeactional cur- KENCY, (in lieu of postage or other stamps,) exchangeable for United States notes in sums not less than three dollars, and re- ceivable for any dues to the United States less than five dollars, excejit duties on im- ports. The whole amount issued, includ- ing postage and other stamps issued as currency, not to exceed $50,000,000. Authority was given to prepare it in the Treasury De[)artment, under the su})ervi- sion of the Secretary. 1864, March 3— Authorized, in lieu of so much of the loan of IMarch 3, 1863, a loan of $20'\000,000 for the current fiscal year, for which may be issued bonds redeemable INTERNAL TAXES. 151 after five and within forty ycar?«, principal and iiiti-'rest i)ayablt' in coin, Learinj; interast at a rate not, cxccedinj^ p(T cent, per an- num, payable annnally on bonds not over $100, and on all others senii-annuaily. These bonds to bo exempt from taxation by or under State or munici[)al authority. 18U4, June 30 — Authorized a LOAN of $100.00;),000. for which may be issued bimds, redeemable after five nor more than thirty years, or if deemed expedient, made payable at any period not more than forty years from date— iiiterf.st not exceeding six per cent. SLMui-annuallv, in coin. Fendin;^ tlu- loan bill of June 22, 18G2, before the House in Committee of the Whole, and the question beinu; on the first section, authorizinj^ a loan of$400,000,000, closin':^ with this clause: And all bonds, Treasury notes, and oth- er obligations of the United States shall be exempt from taxation by or under state or municipal authority. There wiis a sharp political controversy on this question, but the House finally agreed to it by 77 to 71. Party lines were not then distinctly drawn on financial issues. INTERNAL TAXES. The system of internal revenue taxes imposed during the war did not evenly divide parties until near its close, when Democrats were generally arrayed against these taxes. They cannot, from the record, be correctly clivssed as political issues, yet their adoption and the feelings since en- gendered by them, makes a brief summary of the record essential. - First Session, Thlrty-Seventfc Congress. The bill to provide increased revenue from imports, &e., passed the House August 2, 1861— yeas 89, nays 39. Same day, it passed the Senate — yeas 34, nays 8, (Messrs. Breckinridge, Bright, John- ton, of Missouri, Ivennedg, Latham, Polk, Powell, S'lulsbunj.)* Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventli Congress. The Iiitcrnnl Revenue Act of 18C2. 18G2, April 8— The House passed the bill to provide internal revenue, support the Government, and pay interest on the public debt — yeas 12G, nays 15. The Nays were : Messrs. William Allen, George IT. Browne, Buffinton, Cox, Kerrigan, Knapp, Imw, Norton, Pendleton, Richardson, Shiel Val- landigham, Vuorhees, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe—\b. June 6 — The bill passed in the Senate — yeas 37, nay 1, (Mr. Powell.) First Session TUlrty-ElgKth Congress. Tiilrrwil lin-cnue Act of 18C4. April 28— The House passed the act of 1864— yeas 110, nays 39. The Nays were: Messrs. James C.'Allen, William J. Allen, * Dcmocnits in italics. Ancona, Brooks, Chunler, Cox, Davson, Denison, Kden, Klilridge^ Finck, J/nrrinij- ton, lienjdinin (J. Jlnrrin, J/i-rrick, J'hilip Johnson, William Johnson, Knn]>]>, Law, Le Jilond, I^>ng, Marci/, Mi:l)ou-cll, Mc Kin- ney, James R. Morris, Murrison, Collie, John O' Neil, J'oidleton, Ptrnj, Ro/nnson, Ross, Stiles, iSt rouse, Sluurt, Voorhefs, Ward, Chil- ton A. White, Joseph W. White, Fernando Wood—M. June 6— The Senate amended and i)a8scd the bill — yeas 22, nays 3, (Messrs. iJacis, Hnidrirks, Powell.) The bill, as finally agreed upon by a Committee of Conference, passed without a division. Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress. Tarif A<:t uf 180J. In House— 1862, July 1— The Hoase passed, without a division, a bill increasing temporarily the duties on imports, and for other purposes. July 8 — The Senate passed it without a division. THE TARIFF ACT OF 18G4. June 4 — The House passed the bill — yeas 81, nays 28. The Nays were : JMessrs. James C. Allen, Blis.'i, Jamea S. Brown, Cox, Edgerton, IJldridgr, Finck, Gridcr, Harding, Harrington, Chas. M. Harris, Merrick, Holmau, LIutrhinx, Le Blond, Long, 3falloiy, Marcy, McDowell, Morrison, Noble, Pendleton, Pemj, Pruyn, Ross, Wadsworth, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White ~28. June 17 — The Senate passed the bill — yeas 22, nays 5, (Messrs. Buckalcw, Hen- dricks, McDougall, Powell, Richardson.) Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventh Congress. Ttirea in Iiuntrrectionary Diitrkl<, l.SfiJ. 1862, May 12— The bill for the collec- tion of taxes in the insurrcctionarj' dis- tricts passed the Senate — yeas 32, nays 3, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Latham, McDougall, Mor- rill, Nesmith, Pomerov, Rice, Sherman, Sumner, Ten Eyck, 'Trumbull, AVade, Wilkinson, Willey, Wilson, of Massachu- setts, Wright -32. Nays— Messrs. Howard, Powell, Sauls- bury — 3. May 28 — The bill passed Hoa^e— yeas 98, nays 17. The Nays were : jMessrs. /i/rZ^/Zc, C(drert, Cravens. .Tohnsnn, Kerrigan, Law, Mallory, Menzies. Noble, Norton, Pendleton, Prrro. Frimcis Thomas Vallandigham, Ward, Wickliffe, Wood — 17. The Democrats who voted Aye were: [Messrs. Ancona, Baily, Cobb. English, Haight, Hohnan, Lehman, Odell, Phelps^ * Democrats io italics. 152 AMERICAN POLITICS. Richardson, James S. Rollins, Sheffield, Umith, John B. Steele, Wm. G. Steele. TAXES IN INSURRECTIONARY DISTRICTS, 18G4. In Senate, June 27 — The bill passed the Senate without a division. July 2 — It passed the House without a division. Many financial measures and proposi- tions were rejected, and we shall not at- tempt to give the record on these. All that were passed and went into operation can be more readily understood by a glance at our Tabulated History, in Book VII., which gives a lull view of the financial history and sets out all the loans and reve- nues.. We ought not to close this review, however, without giving here a tabulated statement, from " McPhersou's History of the Great Rebellion," of The Confederate Debt. December 31, 1862, the receipts of the Treasury from the commencement of the " Permanent Government," (February 18, 1862,) were as follows: RECEIPTS. Patent fund $13,020 00 Customs 668,566 00 Miscellaneous 2,291,812 CO Repayments of disbursing offi- cers 3,839,263 00 Interest on loans 26,583 00 Call loan certificates .... 59,742,796 00 One hundred million loan . . 41,398,286 00 Treasury notes 215,554,885 00 Interest bearing notes . . . 113,740.000 00 War tax 16,664,513 00 Loan 28th of February, 1861 , 1,375,476 00 Coin received from Bank of Louisiana 2,539,799 00 Total $457,855,704 00 Total debt up to December 31, 1862 556,105,100 00 Estimated amount at that date necessary to support the Gov- ernment to July, 1863, was 357,929,229 00 Up to December 31, 1862, the issues of the Treasury were : Notes 1440,678,510 00 Redeemed 30,193,479 50 Outstanding $410,485,030 50 From January 1, 1863, to September 30, 1863, the receipts of the Treasury were: For 8 per cent, stock .... $107,292,900 70 For 7 per cent, stock .... 38,757,650 70 For 6 per cent, stock .... 6,810,050 00 For 5 per cent, stock .... 22,992,900 00 For 4 per cent, stock .... 482,200 00 Cetton certificates 2,000,000 00 Interest on loans 140,210 00 War tax 4,128,988 97 Treasury notes 391,623,530 00 Sequestration 1,862,550 27 Customs 934,798 68 Export duty on cotton . . . 8,101 78 Patent fund 10,794 04 Miscellaneous, including re- payments by disbursing offi- cers 24,498,217 93 Total $601,522,893 12 EXPENDITURES DUEINQ THAT TIME. War Department $377,988,244 00 Navy Department 38,437,661 00 Civil, miscellaneous, etc . . . 11,029,278 00 Customs 56,636 00 Public debt 32,212,290 00 Notes cancelled and redeemed 59,044.449 00 Total expenditures . . . .$519,368,559 00 Total receipts 601,522,893 00 Balance in treasury .... $82,154,334 00 But from this amount is to be deducted the amount of all Treasury notes that have been funded, but which have not yet received a true estimation, $65,000,000 ; total remaining, $17,- 154,334. CONDITION OF THE TREASURY, JANUARY 1, 1864. Jan. 25 — The Secretary of the Treasury (C. G. Memminger) laid before the Senate a statement in reply to a resolution of the 20th, asking information relative to the funded debt, to call certificates, to non-in- terest and interest-bearing Treasury notes, and other financial matters. From this it appears that, January, 1864, the funded debt was as follows : Art Feb 28, 1 SGI, 8 '^ cent., 15,000,000 00 Act May 16, l^rll,8%> cent , 8,7T4.'.)O0 00 ActAug. 10,18Gl,8"^cent., 10ti,0iMJ,0i)0 00 Act Apr. 12, 1862, 8^ cnt, 3,H12,300 00 ActFeb. ao.lSGX.g^cent, OS.TSS.'kK) UO A(tF<'b.20,18Cri, T^cent., 6:3.615,750 00 Act Mar 23, 186:i, G'^.cent , 2,831,700 00 Act April 30, 18G3 (cotton interest coupons) 8,252,000 00 82!17,S7l ,650 00 Call certificates hO,'.i06,770 00 Non-interest bearing Treasury notes out- standing : Act May lU, ISCl— Payable two yeai-8 after date 8,320,875 00 Act Aug. 19, 1861- General currency 189,719,251 00 Act Oct. 13, 1861— All de- nominations 131,028,300 50 Act March 23— AU denomi- nations 391,829,702 50 720,898,095 00 Interest bearing Trcagurv notes outstnnd- i„o; 102,465,450 00 Amount of Trea-^ury notes under 8 5, outstanding Jan. 1, 1864, viz: Act April 17, 1862, denomi- nations of 81 and $■^ 4,860,277 50 Act Oct. 13. 1862, S 1 and S 2 2,344,800 00 Act March 23, 1863, 50 cents .3,41^000 00 Total under85 10,424, 077 50 Total debt, Jan 1, 1864 $1,220,866,042 60 CONFEDERATE TAXES. 153 ITS CONDITION, MARCH 31, 18G4. The lli'j^istcr of the Treasury, li<)])ert TyU'r, trave a statement, wliiili aijjieared in Uie llielimoiid Senlinrl at"ter tlie passage of the funding law, whieh gives the amount of outstanding non-interest-bearing Trea- sury notes, March 31, 18G4, as $790,204,403, as iwllows: Act May IG, 18G1— Ten-year notes 17,201,375 00 Act Aug. 19, 1801— General currency 154,3Go,G.'j1 00 Act Apr. 19, 186L'— ones and twos 4,510,509 00 Act Oct. 18, 18G2— General currency 118,997,321 50 Act .Mar. 23, 1803— General currency 511,182,500 50 Total $;796, 204,403 00 He also publishes this statement of the issue of non-intcrcst-bearing Treasury notes since the organization of the "Con- federate" government: Fifty cents .?9n,258 50 Ones 4,882,000 00 Twos 6,086,320 00 Fives 79,090.315 00 Tens 157,982,750 00 Twenties 217,425,120 00 Fifties 188,088,200 00 Total $973,277,303 50 Confederate Taxes. We also append as full and fair a state- ment of Conl'ederatc taxes as can be pro- cured, beginning with a summary of the act authitrizing the issue of Treasury notes and bonds, and providing a war tax for their redemption : THE TAX ACT OF JULY, 1861. The Richmond Enquirer gives the fol- lowing summary of the act authorizing the issue of Treasury notes and bonds, and providing a war tax fur their redemption : Section one authorizes the issue of Treasury notes, payable to bearer at the expiration of six months after the ratifica- tion of a treaty of peace between the Con- federate States and the United States. The notes are not to be of a less denomi- nation than five dollars, to be re-issued at plea-sure, to be received in payment of all public duas, except the export duty on cot- ton, and the whole issue outstanding at one time, incluiling the amount issued under former acts, are not to exceed one hundred millions of dollars. Section two provides that, for the pur- pose of funding the said notes, or for the purpose of purchasing specie or military stores, &c., bonds may be issued, payable not more than twenty years after date, to the amount of one hundred millions of dol- lars, and bearing an interest of eight per cent, per annum. This amount includes the thirty millions already autJKjrized to be issued. The bonds are not to be issued in les.s amounts than $100, except when the subscription is for a less amount, when they may be issued a.s low as ^jjO. Section three provides that holders of Treasury notes may at any time exchange them for bonds. Section four provides that, for the special purpose of paying tlie principal and inter- est of the public debt, and of supporting the (Tovernment, a war tax shall be as- sessed anil levied of filty cents ui)on each one hundred dollars in value of the follow- ing property in the Confederate States, namely : Real estate of all kinds ; slaves ; merchandise; bank stocks; railroad and other corporation stocks; money at in- terest or invested by individuals in the I)urchase of bills, notes, and other securi- ties for money, except the bonds of the Confedenite States of America, and ca.sh on hand or on deposit in bank or elsewhere ; cattle, horses, and mules; gold watches, gold and silver plate; pianos and pleasure carriages : Provided, however, That when the taxable property, herein above enu- merated, of any head of a family is of value less than five hundred dollars, such tax- able property shall be exempt from taxa- tion under this act. It provides i'urlhcr that the property of colleges, schools, and religious associations shall be exempt. The remaining sections provide for the collection of the tax. THE TAX ACT OF DECEMBER 19, 1861. An act supplement ar II to an act to authorize the issue of Treasnri/ notes, and to pro- vide a war tax for their redemption. Sec 1. The Congress of the Confedei-ate States of America do enact, That the Sec- retary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to pay over to the several banks, which have made advances to the Government, in anticipation of the issue of Treasury notes, a sufficient amount, not exceeding 810,000,000, for the j>rinripal and interest due upon the said advance, according to the engagements made with them. Sec. 2. The time affixed by the said act for making assignments is hereby extend- ed to the 1st day of January next, and the time for the completion and delivery of the lists is extended to the 1st day of March next, and the time for the report of the said lists to the chief collector is extended to the 1st day of May next; and in cases where the time thus fixed shall be found insufficient, the Secretary of the Treasury shall have power to make further exten- sion, as circumstances may require. Sec 3. The cash on hand, or on deposit in the bank, or elsewhere, mentioned in 154 AMERICAN POLITICS. the fourth section of said act, is hereby de- chired to be subject to assessment and tax- ation, and the money at interest, or invest- ed by individuals in tlie purchase of bills, notes, and other securities for money, shall be deemed to include securities for money belonging to non-residents, and such se- curities siiall be returned, and the tax thereon jiaid by any agent or trustee hav- ing the same in possession or under his coDtrol. The term merchandise shall be construed to include merchandise belong- ing to any non-resident, and the property shall be returned, and the tax paid by any person having the same in possession as agent, attorney, or consignee: Provided, That the words " money at interest," as used in the act to which this act is an amendment, shall be so construed as to in- clude all notes, or other evidences of debt, bearing interest, without reference to the consideration of the same. The exception allowed by the twentieth section for agri- cultural products shall be construed to em- brace such products only when in the hands of the producer, or held for his ac- count. But no tax shall be assessed or levied on any money at interest when the notes, bond, bill, or other security taken for its payment, shall be worthless from the insolvency and total inability to pay of the payer or obligor, or person liable to make such payment ; and all securities for money payable under this act shall be assessed according to their value, and the assessor shall have the same power to as- certain the value of such securities as the law confers upon him with respect to other property. Sec. 4. That an amount of money, not exceeding $25,000, shall be and the same is hereby appropriated, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, to be disbursed under the authority of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the chief State tax collectors, for such expenses as shall be actually incurred for salaries of clerks, office hire, stationery, and inciden- tal charges ; but the books and printing required shall be at the expense of the de- partment, and subject to its approval. Sep. 5. The lien for the tax shall attach from the date of the assessment, and shall follow the same into every State in the Confederacy ; and in case any person shall attempt to remove any property which may be liable to tax, beyond the jurisdiction of the State in which the tax is payable, without payment of the tax, the collector of the district may distrain upon and sell the same, in the same manner as is pro- vided in cases where default is made in the payment of the tax. Sec. G. On the report of any chief col- lector, that any county, town or district, or any part thereof, is occupied by the public enemy, or has been so occupied as to occasion destruction of crops or property, the Secretary of the Treasury may suspend the collection of tax in such region until the same can be reported to Congress, and its action had thereon. Sec. 7. In case any of the Confederate States shall undertake to pay the tax to be collected within its limits before the time at which the district collectors shall enter upon the discharge of their duties, the Secretary of the Treasury may suspend the appointment of such collectors, and may direct the chief collector to appoint assess- ors, and to take proper measures for the making and perfecting the returns, assess- ments and lists required by law; and the returns, assessments and lists so made, shall have the same legal validity, to all intents and purposes, as if made according to the provisions of the act to which this act is supplementary. Sec. 8. That tax lists already given, varying from the provisions of this act, shall be corrected so as to conform thereto. THE TAX act OF APEIL 24, 18G3. [From the nichmond Whig, Apiil 21.] We present below a synopsis of the bill to lay taxes for the common defence and to carry on the government of the Confed- erate States, which has passed both branches of Congress. It is substantially the bill proposed by the committee on conference : 1. The first section imposes a tax of eight per cent. uj)on the value of all naval stores, salt, wines and spirituous liquors, tobacco, manufactured or unmanufactured, cotton, wool, flour, sugar, molasses, syrup, rice, and other agricultural products, held or owned on the 1st day of July next, and not necessary for family consumption for the unexpired portion of the year 1863, and of the growth or production of any year preceding the year 1863 ; and a tax of one per cent, upon all moneys, bank notes or other currency on hand or on de- posit on the 1st day of July next, and on the value of all credits on which the in- terest has not been paid, and not employed in a business, the income derived from which is taxed under the provisions of this act : Provided, That all moneys owned, held or deposited beyond the limits of the Confederate States shall be valued at the current rate of exchange in Confederate treasury notes. The tax to be assessed oa the first day of July and collected on the first day of October next, or as soon there- alter as may be practicable. 2. Every person engaged, or intending to engage, in any business named in the fifth section, shall, within sixty days after the ])as3agc of the act, or at the time of be* ginning business, and on the first of Janu- ary in each year thereafter, register with the district collector a true account of the CONFEDERATE TAXES. 155 name and rcsitlence of each person, firm, or corporiition engaged or interested in tlie busiiu'ss, with a stiitement of the time lor which, and the nhiee and maniu-r in whieli the same is to ne eonducteil, &.e. At the time of the registry tlicre nhall be paid the speeifie tax for the year ending on the next 31st of December, and such other tax as m ly be due upon sales or reeeipti in 8uch business. 3. Any person failing to make such registry and pay such tax, shall, in addi- tion to'all other taxes upon his business im- posed by the act, pay double the amount of the specific tax ou such business, and a like sum for every thirty days of such failure. 4. Requires a separate registry and tax for each business mentioneil in the fifth Bcetion, and for each place of conducting the same ; l)ut no tax for mere storage of goods at a jjlace other than the registered place of business. A new registry required upon every cliange iu the place of conduct- ing a registered business, upon the death of any person conducting the same, or upon the transfer of the business to an- other, but no ad litional tax. 6. Imposing: the fd lowing taxes for the year euvling 31st of December, 18G3, and for each year thereafter: Bankers shall pay $500. Auctioneers, retail dealers, tobacconists, pcdlers, cattle brokers, apothecaries, pho- tographers, and confectioners, $50, and two and a half per centum on the gross amount of sales made. Wholesale dealers in liquors, $200, and five per centum on gross amount of sales. Retail dealers in liquors, $100, and ten per centum on gross amount of sales. Wholesale dealers in groceries, goods, wares, merchandise, &c., $200, and two and a half per centum. Pawnbrokers, money and exchange bro- kers, $200. Distillers. $200, and twenty per centum. Brewers, $100, and two and a half per cen- tum. Hotels, inns, taverns, and eating-houses, first class, $.500 ; second class, $300 ; third class, $200 ; fourth class, 100 ; fifth class, $30. Every house where food or refresh- ments are sold, and every boarding house where there shall be six boarders or more, shall be deemed an eating house under this act. Commercial brokers or commission mer- chants, $200, and two and a half per cen- tum. Theatres, $500, and five per centum on all receipts. Each circus, $100, and $10 for each exhibition. Jugglers and other persons exhibiting shows, $50. Bowling alleys and billiard rooms, $40 for each alley or table registered. Livery stable kccj)crs, lawyers, physi- cians, surgeons, and dentists, $;';(). Butchers and bakers, $50, and one per centum. 0. Every person registered and taxed is required to make returns of the groas amount of sales from the pas.sage of the act to the 30th of June, and every three months thereafter. 7. A tax upon all salaries, except of per- sons in the military or naval service, of one per cent, when not exceeding $1,500, and two per cent. uj)()n an excess over that amount: iVt;i»/(/('(/, That no taxes shall bo imposed by virtue of this act on the salary of any person receiving a salary not ex- ceeding $1,000 j)er annum, or at a like rate for another period of time, longer or shorter. 8. Provides that the tax on annual in- comes, between $500 and $1,500, shall be five per cent. ; between $1,500 and $3,000, five per cent, on the first $1,500 and ten per cent, on the excess ; between $3,000 and $5,000, ten per cent. ; between $5,000 and $10,001), twelve and a half per cent. ; over $10,000, fifteen per cent., subject to the following deductions: On incomes de- rived from rents of real estate, manufac- turing, and mining establishments, &c., a sum sufficient for necessary annual repairs; on incomes from any mining or manufac- turing business, the rent, (if rented,) cost of labor actually hired, and raw inaterial; on incomes from navigating enterprises, the hire of the vessel, or allowance for wear and tear of the same, not exceeding ten per cent. ; on incomes derived from the sale of merchandise or any other property, the prime cost of transportation, salaries of clerks, and rent of buildings ; on incomes from any other occu])ation, the salaries of clerks, rent, cost of labor, material, &c. ; and in case of mutual insurance compa- nies, the amount of losses paid by them during the year. Incomes derived from other sources are subject to no deductions whatever. All joint stock companies and corpora- tions shall pay one tenth of the dividend and reserved fund annually. If the an- nual earnings shall give a profit of more than ten and less than twenty per cent, on capital stock, one eighth to be paid ; if more than twenty per cent., one sixth. The tax to be collected on the 1st of Janu- ary next, and of each year thereafter. 9. Relates to estimates and deductions, investigations, referees, &c. 10. A tax of ten per cent, on all profits in 18G2 by the purchase and sale of flour, corn, bacon, pork, oats, hay, rice, salt, iron or the manufactures of iron, sugar, mo- lasses made of cane, butter, woolen cloths, shoes, boots, blankets, and cotton cloths. Does not apply to regular retail business. 11. Each farmer, after reserving for hi3 156 AMERICAN POLITICS. own use fifty bushels sweet and fifty bushels Irish potatiK>8, one hvindred bushels corn or fifty bushels wheat produced this year, shall pay and deliver to the Con- federate Government one tenth of the grain, potatoes, forage, sugar, molasses, cot- ton, wool, and tobacco produced. After reserving twenty bushels peas or beans he shall deliver one tenth thereof. 12. Every farmer, planter, or grazier, one tenth of the hogs slaughtered by him, in cured bacon, at the rate of sixty pounds of bacon to one hundred pounds of pork ; one Eer cent, upon the value of all neat cattle, orscs, mules, not used in cultivation, and asses, to be paid by the owners of the same ; beeves sold to be taxed as income. 13. Gives in detail the duties of post quartermasters under the act. 14. Relates to the duties of assessors and collectors. 15. j\Iakes trustees, guardians, &c., re- sponsible for taxes due from estates, &c., under their control. 16. Exempts the income and moneys of hospitals, asylums churches, schools, and colleges from taxation under the act. 17. Authorizes the Secretary of the Trea- sury to make all rules and regulations ne- cessary to the operation of the act. 18. Provides that the act shall be in force for two years from the expiration of the present year, unless sooner repealed ; that the tax on naval stores, flour, wool, cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural pro- ducts of the grov.th of any year jireceding 1863, imposed in the first section, shall be le- vied and collected only for the present year. The tax act of February 17, 1864, levies, in addition to the above rates, the follow- ing, as stated in the Richmond Sentinel of February, 1864: Sec. 1. Upon the value of real, personal, and mixed property, of every kind and de- scription, except the exemptions hereafter to be named, five per cent. ; the tax levied on property employed in agriculture to be credited by the value of property in kind. On gold and silver ware, plate, jewels, and watches, ten per cent. The tax to be levied on the value of property in 1860, except in the case of land, slaves, cotton, and tobacco, pur- chased since January 1st, 1862, upon which the tax shall be levied on the price paid. Sec. 2. A tax of five per cent, on the value of all shnres in joint stock companies of any kind, whether incorporated or not. The shares to be valued at their market value at the time of assessment. Sec. 3. Upon the market value of gold and silver coin or bullion, five percent.; also the same upon moneys held abroad, or all bills of exchange drawn therefor. A tax of five per cent, on all solvent credits, and on all bank bills and pajiers used as currency, except non-interest-bcar- ing Confederate Treasury notes, and not employed in a registered business taxed twenty-five per cent. Sec. 4. Profits in trade and business taxed as follows : On the purchase and sale of agricultural products and mercantile wares ge4ierally, from January 1, 1863, to January 1, 1865, ten per cent, in addition to the tax under the act of April 24, 1863. The same on the purchase and sale of coin, exchange, stocks, notes, and credits of any kind, and any property not in- cluded in the foregoing. On the amount of profits exceeding twenty-five per cent, of any bank, banking cimapany, or joint stock company of any de- scription, incorporated or not, twenty-five per cent, on such excess. Sec 6. The following are exempted from taxation. Five hundred dollars' worth of property for each head of a family, and a hundred dollars additional for each minor child; and for each son in the army or navy, or who has fallen in the service, and a mem- ber of the family when he enlisted, the further sum of $500. One thousand dollars of the property of the widow or minor children of any rflacer, soldier, sailor, or marine, \\ho has died in the service. A like amount of property of any offi- cer, soldier, sailor, or maiine, engaged in the service, or who has been disabled therein, provided said property, exclusive of furniture, does not exceed in value $1,000. When property has been injured or de- stroyed by the enemy, or the owner unable temporarily to use or occupy it by reason of the presence or proximity of the enemy, the assessment may be reduced in propor- tion to the damage sustained by the owner, and the tax in the same ratio by the dis- trict collector. Sec. 6. The taxes on property for 1864 to be assessed as on the clay of the passage of this act, and collected "the 1st of June next, Avith ninety days extension west of the Mississippi. The additional tax on incomes or profits for 1863, to be paid forthw th ; the tax on incomes, &c., for 1864, to be collected according to the acts of 1863. Sec. 7. Exempts frem tax on income for 1864, all j)roperty herein taxed ad valorem. The tax on Confederate bonds in no case to exceed the interest payable on the same; and said bonds exem])t from tax when held by minors or lunatics, if the in- terest do not exceed one thousand dollars. the tax law. We learn that, according to the construc- tion of the recent tax law in the Treasury l^eiiartment, tax payers will be required to state the a» tides and objects subjected to a specific or ad valorem tax, held, owned, or CONFEDERATE TAXES. 157 posse^seil by thorn on the; 17th day of Febru- ary, IStil, the date of thf :ict. The daily wages of (U;t;iilod soldiers and other einiiloyos of the Goveriiineiit are not liable to taxation a.s inoinc, althouj;;h they niav amount, in the aLigrc;^ate, to the .su.n of ^1,000 per annum. A tax additional to both the above was impajcd a3 follows, Juno 1, 18G4: A bill to provide supi)lies for the army, and to pri'-scribe the mode of making im- Sre5smcnts. - EC. 1. The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, Every person required to pay a tax in kind, under the provisions of the " Act to lay taxes tor the common defense and carry on tlie Govern- inent of the Confederate States," approved April 24, 181)3, and the act amendatory thereof, approved February 17, 1864, shall, in addition to the one tenth required by said acts to be paid as a tax in kind, de- liver to the Confederate Government, of the products of the present year and of the year 186"), one other tenth of the several products taxed in kind by the arts afore- said, which additional one tenth shall be ascertained, assessed an'l collected, in all respects, as is provided by law for the said tix in kind, and shall be paid for, on de- livery, by the Post-Quartennasters in the several districts at theasse-aehusetts — 25. Nays — Messrs. Browning, Carlile, Davis, Henderson, Ketiiu'di/, JlfcDoitgall, Poivcll, iSaulshiirt/, Stitr/c Willey, Wilson of Mis- souri, Wright — 12. The amendment as amended was then agreed to. A motion to postpone the bill to the first ^londay of the next December was lost — ye;is 17, nays 23. In House, July 16 — The bill was post- poned until the second Tuesday of the next December — yeas 63, nays 33. THIRD SESSION, THIRTY-SEVENTH CON- GRESS. 1863, Dec. 10, the House passed the bill — yeas 'Jii, nays 57. 1S63, April 20, the President issued a nroelamntion announcing the compliance, !)y West Virginia, of the conditions of ad- COLOR IN WAR POLITICS, Emancipation and its attendant agita- tions brought to the front a new class of political questions, which can best be grou[)ed under the above caption. The following is a summary of the legislation : Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventh Congress. To Remove DUqu.dijlcatioa of Color in Carrying the MiUs. In Senate, 1862, April 11 -The Senate considered a bill "to remove all disquali- fication of color in carrying the mails of the United States." It directed that after the passage of the act no person, by reason of color, shall be disqualified from em- ployment in carrying the mails, and all acts and parts of acts establishing such dis- qualification, including especially the seventh section of the act of March 3, 1825 are hereby repealed. ' ' The vote in the Senate was, veas 24. navs 11, as follows: ^ YE.A.S — Messrs. Anthnnv, Browning, Chandler, Clark. Collamcr. Dixon, Doolit- tle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster. Grimes, Hale, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Kansasj Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Simmons, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, am! Wilson of MassachusetLs— 2 1. Nays— Messrs. Davis, Henderson, A77i- ntdij, Lane of Indiana, l.(Uliain, iXcsmil/i, I'ouiU, Slar/c, Willey, ll'Usun of Missouri, Wright— 11.* In House, May 21 — It was considered in the House and laid on the table— yeas 83, nays 43. Fiitit ScNKion, Thlrty-ElRhtli ron^rnnd. 1SG4, February 26 — The Senate con- sidered the bill — the question being on agreeing to a new section proposed liy the Committee on Post Ollices and Post lloads — as follows : Sec. 2. That in the courts of the United States there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of color. Mr. Powell moved to amend by inserting after the word "States" the words: "in all cases for robbing or violating the mails of the United States." No further progress was made on the bin. NEGRO SUFFRAGE IN MONTANA TERRI- TORY. 1864, March IS — The House passed,with- out a division, a bill in the usual form, to provide a temporary government for the Territory of Montana. March 31 — The Senate considered it, when Mr. Wilkinson moved to strike from the second line of the filth section, (defin- ing the qualifications of voters,) the words "white male inhabitant" and insert the words: " male citizen of the United States, and those who have declared their inten- tion to become such ;" which was agreed to — yeas 22, nays 17, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, Collamer,Conncss, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Hnrlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, Morgan, ]\Ir)rrill, Pome- roy, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson — 22.^ Nays— ]\Iessrs. Buckalnc, Cnrlile, Cowan, Davis, Harding, Henderson, Johnson. Lane of Indiana, Nesmith, Potcell, Riddle, Sauls- hnry, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey— 17. The bill was then passed — yeas 20, nays 8, (Messrs. Burl-alvw, Davis, Jo'h t\snn. Poivcll, Riddle, Saulyhurj/, Van Winkle, Willey. ) April 15 — The Senate adopted the report of the Committee of Conference on the Montana bill, which recommended the Senate to recede from their second amend- ment, and the House to agree to the first and third amendments of the Senate, (in- cluding the above.) April 15 — !Mr. Reaman presented the re- port of the Committee of Conference on the >\Iontana bill, a feature of which was that the House should recede from its dis* * BcpubUcaos Id roman ; Democrat In Itallci, 160 AMERICAN POLITICS. agreement to the Senate amendment strik- ing out the word "white" in the descrip- tion of those authorized to vote. Mr. Ilolmau moved that the report be tabled ; which was lo ^t by the casting vote of the Speaker — yeas 66, nays 66. Upon agreeing to the report the yeas were 54, nays 85. On motion to adhere to its amendments, and ask anotlier Committee of Conference, Mr. Wel)stcr moved instructions : And that said committee be instructed to agree to no report that authorizes any other than free wliite male citizens, and those who have declared their intention to become such, to vote. Which was agreed to — yeas 75, nays 67. April 15 — The Senate declined the con- ference upon the terms proposed by the House resolution of that day. April 18 — The House proposed a further free conference, to which, Ai)ril 25, the Senate acceded. May 17 — In Senate, Mr. Morrill sub- mitted a report from the Conference Com- mittee who recommend that qualified voters shall be : All citizens of the United States, and those who have declared their intention to become such, and who are otherwise de- scribed and qualified under the fifth sec- tion of the act of Congress providing for a temporary government for the Territory of Idaho ai)proved March 3, 1863. The report was concurred in — yeas 26, nays 13. May 20 — The above report was made by Mr. Webster in the House, and agreed to — ^yeas 102, nays 26. IN WASHINGTON CITY.* 1864, May 6 — The Senate considered the bill for the registration of voters in the city of Washington, when Mr. Cowan moved to insert the word " white " in the first section, so as to con- fine the right of voting to wliite male citizens. May 12 — Mr. Morrill moved to amend the amendment by striking out the words — * In IFfiO ft vote was had in the State of New Tork on a pro)iositii>n to permit negro suffrage withouta property qiuilifK-alion. Tlio result of the cifv was— yejw 1,6*10, nays l!7,47 . In the State— yeas 107,505. nays 337,984. In 1804 a like proposition was defeated — yeas 85,406, nays 2-'4,33G. In ISG2, in August, a rote was, had in the State of Illi- nois, on several propositions relating to negroes and mulattoe';, with this result: Fcr excluding them from the State 171.85)3 Against 71,306 100,587 Agninst granting thcra sufTrage or right to office 21',020 For 35,G49 176,271 For the enartment of laws to prohihit thi'm frwm going to, or voting in, the State 19S,938 Against 44,414 154,524 —^om UcPhononU UitUny of the Great Bcbellkin. And shall have paid all schr>«)\ taxes and all taxes on personal property properly as- sessed against him, shall be entitled to vote for mayor, collector, register, members of the board of aldermen and board of common council, and assessor, and for every officer authorized to be elected at any election under any act or acts to which this is amendatory or supplementary, and inserting the words — And shall within the year next preced- ing the election have paid a tax, or been assessed with a part of the revenue of the District, county, or cities, therein, or been exempt from taxation having taxable estate, and who can read and write with facility, shall enjoy the privileges of an elector. May 26 — Mr. Sumner moved to amend the bill by adding this proviso : Provided, That there shall be no exclu- sion of any person from the registiy on ac count of color. May 27 — Mr. Harlan moved to amend the amendment by making the word " per' son " read *' persons," and adding the words — Who have borne arms in the military service of the United States, and have been honorably discharged therefrom. Which was agreed to yeas 26, nays 12, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, CoUamer, Conness, Dixon, Fessen- den. Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Ramsey. Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Wilson— 26. Nays — Messrs. Buckaleir, Carlile, Cow- an, Davis, Hendricks, McDmigall, Foicell Richardson, Smdsh^try, Sumner, Van Winkle, Wilkinson— 12. May 28 — Mr. Sumner moved to add these words to the last proviso : And provided further, That all persons, without distinction of color, who shall, within the year next preceding the election, have paid a tax on any estate, or been as- sessed with a part of the revenue of said District, or been exempt from taxation having taxable estate, and who can read and write with facility, shall enjoy the privilege of an elector. But no person now entitled to vote in the said District, continuing to reside therein, shall be dis- franchised hereby. Which was rejected — yeas 8, nays 27, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sum- ner, Wilkinson — 8. Nays — Messrs. Bnchalew, Carlile, CoUa- mer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Har- ris, Hendricks, Hicks, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, McDougall, Morrill, Powell, Sauls- COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 161 huiii, Shi-rmiin, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey, Wilsjn— 27. Tlu' ntiiLT proposition of Mr. Sumner, aiiH'inieil on motion of Mr. JIarhui, w:is tlicn rejei'ted — yoii.-* IS, nays 2U, a.s follows: Ykas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, nixon, Foot. Foster, Hale, Marian, Howard, Hiiwe, Lane of Kansas, Morin/. Ten Evck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey— 2(V. The bill then passed the Senate, and afterward the House, without amendment. Thli-tl Session, TIilrty-Se%'ciitli CoiiKress. EjecUulvig CoUired Persons from Ckirs. In Senate— 1863, February 27— Pending a sujiplenient to the charter of the Wash- ington and Alexandria Railroad Company, Mr. Sumner ort'ered this proviso to the lirst seetion: That no person shall be excluded from the ears on account of color. Which was agreed to — yeas 19, nays 18, &s follows : Yeas — Messrs. Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Harris, Howard, King, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Ten Eyck. Trumbull, Wade, Wi'l- kinson. Wilmot, AVilson, of ^Massachusetts —19. Nays — i\Iessrs. Anthony, Bayard, Car- lile, Cowan, Davis, Henderson, Hicks, Howe, Kennedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, McDriUijall, Powell, Richardson, Saulshury, T\irpic, Willey, Jr?75i9?i of Missouri — 18. March 2. — The House concurred in the amendment without debate, under the pre- vious question. First Session, TlUrty^-Elghtli Congress. In Senate — 1864, February 10 — Mr. Sumner offered the following : Resolved, That the Committee on ttie District of Columbia be directed to con- sider the expediency of further providing by law against the exclusion of colored persons from the equal enjoyment of all railroad privileges in the District of Colum- bia. Which was agreed to — yeas 30, nays 10. February 24 — Mr. Willey, from the Committee on the District of Columbia, made this report, and the committee were discharged: The Committee on the District of Co- lumbia, who were required by resolution of the Senate, passed February S, 1S64, '■ to consider the expediency of further providing by law again.st the exclusif)n of colored persons from the equal enjoyment of all railroad pri\'ileees in the District of 11 Columbia," have had the matter thus re- ferred to them under consideration, and beg leave to report : The act entitled "An act Ut incorporate the. Washington and (Jeorgetown Railroad Company," approved >May 17, 1K(>2, makes no distinction as to j)assengers over said road on account of the color of the pas- sengers, and that in the opinion of the committee colored j)erson8 are entitled to all the privileges of said road which other persons have, and to all remedies for any denial or breach of such privileges which belongs to any person. The committee theretbre a.sk to be dis- charged from the further consideration of the premises. March 17 — The Senate considered the bill to incorporate the Metropolitan Rail- road Company, in the District of Columbia, the pending (juestion being an amendment, offered by Mr. Sumner, to add to the four- teenth section the words : Provided, That there shall be no regula- tion excluding any person from any car o& account of color. Which was agreed to — yeas 19, nays 17, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Clark, Conness, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomerov, Ramsev, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson— 19. ' Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Davis, Doolittle, Harding, Harris, Hendricks, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Powell, Riddle, Saulshury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey— 17. The bill then passed the Senate. June 19 — The House refused to strike out the proviso last adopted in the Senate — yeas 60, nays 76. And the bill pa~ssed the House and was approved by the President. Second Session, Thtrty-Seventlx Congress. Colored Persons as Witnesses. In Senate — Pending the confiscation bill, June 28, 1862. I\Ir. Sumner moved these words as an addition to the 14th section : And in all the proceedings under this act there shall be no exclusion of any wit- ness on account of color. Which was rejected — yeas 14, nays 25, as follows : Yea.s — Messrs. Chandler, Grimes, Har- lan, Howard, King, Lane of Kan-sas, 'Slor- rill, Pomerov, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot— 14. Nays — Messrs. Anthony. Browning, Carlile, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fc^ssenden, Foot, Foster, Harris, Henderson, Lane of Indiana, Xes- inifh, Pearce, Powell, Sherman. Simmons, Stark, Ten Eyck, Willey, Wilson of Mis- souri, Wright — 25. 162 AMERICAN POLITICS. Pending the consideration of the supple- ment to the emancipation bill for the Dis- trict of Columbia, 1862, July 7 — Mr. Sumner moved a new section : That in all the judicial proceedings in the District of Columbia there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of color. Which was adopted — yeas 25, nays 11. The bill then jiassed — yeas 29, nays 6 ; (Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Kennedy, Powell, Wilson, of Missouri, Wright.) July 9 — The bill passed the House — yeas 09, nays 36. There was no separate vote on the above proposition. Pending the consideration in the Senate of the House bill in relation to the com- petency of witnesses in trials of equity and admiralty, 1862, July lo — Mr. Sumner offered this proviso to the first section : Provided, That there shall be no exclu- sion of any witness on account of color. Which was rejected — yeas 14, nays 23. First Session, TUlrty-Elghtli Congress. 1864, June 25 — Pending the civil appro- priation bill, in Committee of the Whole, Mr. Sumner oflFered this proviso : Provided, That in the courts of the United States there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of color. Mr. Buckalew moved to add : Nor in civil actions because he is a party to or interested in the issue tried. Which was agreed to ; and the amend- ment as amended was agreed to — yeas 22, nays 16. The Senate subsequently concurred in this amendment — yeas 29, nays 10. IN HOUSE. June 29 — The question being on agree- ing to the amendment, Mr. Mallory moved to add this proviso to the section amended in the Senate : Provided, That negro testimony shall only be taken in the United States courts in those States the laws of which authorize such testimony. Which was rejected — yeas 47, nays 66. The amendment of the Senate was then agreed to — yeas 67, nays 48. COLORED SCHOOLS. June 8.— The House passed a bill to pro- vide for the public instruction of vouth in Washington city, with an amendment pro- viding for separate schools for the colored children, l)y setting apart such a propor- tion of the entire school fund as the num- ber of colored ciiildren l)etween the ages of six and seventeen ])ear to the whole num- ber of children in the District. The bill, with amendments, passed both Houses without a division. On all of these questions of color, the Democrats invariably, on test votes, were found against any concession of rights to the negro. These were frequently aided by some Republicans, more conservative than their colleagues, or representing closer districts where political prejudices would ati'ect their return to their seats. It will be observed that on nearly all these ques- tions Senator Charles Sumner took the lead. He was at that time pre-eminently the Moses of the colored man, and led him from one right to another through Sena- torial difficulties, which by the way, were never as strong as that in the House, where Thaddeus Stevens was the boldest cham- pion of " the rights of the black man." In the field, rather in the direction of what should be done with the " contrabands " and escaped slaves, the Secretary of War, General Cameron, was their most radical friend, and his instructions were so out- spoken that Lincoln had to modify them. As early as December 1, 1861, General Cameron wrote : " While it is plain that the slave prop- erty of the South is justly subjected to all the consequences of this rebellious war, and that the Government would be untrue to its trust in not employing all the rights and powers of war to bring it to a speedy close, the details of the plan for doing so, like all other militaiy measures, must, in a great degree, be left to be determined by particular exigencies. The disposition of other property belonging to the rebels that becomes subject to our arms is governed by the circumstances of the case. The Gov- ernment has no power to hold slaves, none to restrain a slave of his liberty, or to ex- act his service. It has a right, however, to use the voluntary service of slaves lib- erated by war from their rebel masters, like any other property of the rebels, in what- ever mode may be most efficient for the de- fence of the Government, the prosecution of the war, and the suppression of rebel- lion. It is clearly a right of the govern- ment to arm slaves when it may become necessary as it is to take gunpowder from the enemy. Whether it is expedient to do so is purely a military question. The right is unquestionable by the laws of war. The expediency must be determined by circum- stances, keeping in view the great object of overcoming the rebels, re-establishing the laws, and restoring peace to the na- tion. " It is vain and idle for the Government to carry on this war, or hope to maintain its existence against rebellious force, with- out enjoying all the rights and powers of war. As has been said, the right to de- prive the rebels of their property in slaves and slave labor is as clear and absolute as the right to take forage from the field, or cotton from the warehouse, or powder and COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 168 arms from the magazine. To leavi- tho enemy in the possession of sneh projterty as forage and cotton and military stores, and the means of constantly n'])rodncirij,f them, would be madness. It is, therefore, equal madness to leave them in peaceful and secure possession of slave property, mi)re valuable antl elHcient to them for war than forage, cotton and military stores. Such j)olicy would be national suicide. What to do with that species of property is a (piestiori that time and circumstunces will solve, and need not be anticipated further than to repeat that they cannot be hi'lil by the (lovernment as slaves. It would bo useless to keep them as prisoners of war ; and self-preservation, the highest duty of a Government, or of individuals, demands that they should be disposed of or em- ployed in the most effective manner that will tend most speedily to suppress the in- surrection and restore the authority of the Government. If it shall be found that the men who have been held by the rebels as slaves are capable of bearing arms and per- forming efficient military service, it is the right, and may become the duty, of this Government to arm and equip them, and employ their services against the rebels, under proper military regulations, disci- pline and command. " Rut in whatever manner they may be used by the Government, it is plain that, once liberated by the rebellious act of their mastera, they should never again be re- stored to bondage. By the master's trea- son and rebellion he "forfeits all right to the labor and service of his slave ; and the slave of the rebellious master, by his ser- vice to the Government, becomes justly en- titled to freedom and protection. "The disposition to be made of the slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, can be safely left to the wisdom and pat- riotism of Congress. The representatives of the people will unquestionably secure to the loyal slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the Consti- tution of the country." [Subsequent events proved the wisdom of this policy, and it wna eventually adopt- ed by an Administration which jjroclaimed its policy " to move not ahead but with the people."] President Lincoln and his Cabinet mod- ified the above language so as to make it read: " It is already a grave question what shall be done with those slaves who were abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into southern territory, as at Beaufort district, in South Carolina. The number left within our control at that point is very considerable, and similar cases will probably occur. What shall be done with them? " Can we afford to send them forward to their masters, to be by them armed against us, or lined in pro- ducing suj)plies to sustain the rebellion? Their labor may be useful to us; withheld from the enemy it le.s.sens his military re- sources, and withholding them ha.s no ten- ilency to induce the horrors of insurrec- tion, even in the rebel communities. They constitute a military resource, and, being such, that they should not be turned over to the enemy is too plain to discuss. Why dej)rive him of supplies by a blockade, and voiuntarilv give nim men to produce them ? " The disposition to be made of the slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, can be safely left to the wi.sdom and pat- riotism of Congress. The Representatives of the people will unquestionably secure to the loyal slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the Constitution of the country." Secretary Cameron was at all times in favor of " carrying the war into Africa," and it was this stern view of the situation which eventually led him to sanction measures which brought him into plainer differences with the Administration. Lin- coln took offense at the printing of his re- port before submitting it to him. As a re- sult he resigned and went to Russia as Minister, on his return being again elected to the United States Senate — a jdace which he filled until the winter of 1877, when he resigned, and his .son, J. Donald Cameron, was elected to the vacancy, and re-elected for the term ending in 1885. General B. F. Butler was the author of the " contra- band " idea. A year later the views of the Administration became more radical on questions of color, and July 22, 1862, Sec- retary Stanton ordered all Generals in command " to seize and use any property, real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several commands, for supplies, or for other military' purposes ; and that while property may be destroyed for proper military objects, none shall be destroyed in wantonness or malice. " Seco7id. That military and naval com- manders shall employ as laborers, within and from said States, so many persons of African descent as can be advantageously used for military or naval purposes, giving them reasonable wages for their labor. " Third. That, as to both property, and persons of African descent, accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such persons shall have come, as a ba.sis upon which compensation can be made in proper ca.ses ; and the several departments of this (tov- ernment shall attend to and perform their appropriate jiarts towards the execution of these orders." The manner and language employed by General McClellan in promulgating this 1^4 AMERICAN POLITICS. order to the Army of the Potomac, led to his political differerces with the Adminis- tration, and in the end caused him to be the Democratic candidate tor President in 1864, against Lincoln. His language is peculiar and some of it worthy of presenta- tion as of political importance. He said : " Inhabitants, especially women and children, remaining peaceably at their homes, must not be molested; and wher- ever commanding officers find families peculiarly exposed in their persons or property to marauding from this army, they will, as heretofore, so far as they can do with safety and without detriment to the service, post guards for their protection. " In protecting private property, no refer- ence is intended to persons held to service or labor by reason of African descent. Such persons will be regarded by this army, as they heretofore have been, as oc- cupying simply a peculiar legal status under State laws, which condition the mili- tary authorities of the United States are not required to regard at all in districts where military operations are made neces- sary by the rebellious action of the State governments. " Persons subject to suspicion of hostile purposes, residing or being near our forces, will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and detention, until the cause or necessity is removed. All such arrested parties will be sent, as usual, to the Provost Marshal General, with a statement of the facts in each case. " The general commanding takes this occasion to remind the officers and soldiers of this army that we are engaged in sup- porting the Constitution and the laws of the United States and suppressing rebel- lion against their authority; that we are not engaged in a war of rapine, revenge, or subjugation ; that this is not a contest against populations, but against armed forces and political organizations ; that it is a struggle carried on with the United States, and should be conducted by us upon the highest i)rinciples known to Christian civilization." At this time such were the prejudices of Union soldiers against negroes, because of growing political agitation in the North, that many would loudly jeer them when seen within the lines. The feeling was even greater in the ranks of civilians, and yet Congress moved along, step by step. The 37th abolished slavery in the District of Columbia ; prohibited it in all the terri- tories; confirmed the freedom of the slaves owned by those in arms against the govern- ment; authorized the employment of colored men in fortifications, tlieir enlist- ment, etc. ; and enacted an additioiuil article of war, which prohibited any officer from returning or aiding the return of any fugitive slave. These were rapid strides, but not as rapid as were demanded by the more radical wing of the Republican party. We have shown that most of them were opposed by the Democrats, not solidly sure where they were plainly political, but this party became less solid as the war ad- vanced. Senator Wilson w^as the author of the bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. It excited much debate, and the range of the speeches covered the en- tire question of slavery. Those from the Border States opposed it (a few Republicans and all Democrats) but some of the Demo- crats of the North supported it. The vote in the Senate was 29 for to G against. In the House Frank P. Blair, Jr., advocated colonization in connection with the bill, but his idea met with little favor. Crit- tenden, W'ickliflfe and Vallandigham were prominent in opposition. Its most promi- nent advocates were Stevens of Pennsyl- vania, and Bingham of Ohio. The vote was 92 for to 38 against. The bill of Arnold, of Illinois, " to ren- der freedom national and slavery sectional," the leading idea in the platform of the convention which nominated Lincoln, pro- hibited slavery in "all the Territories of the United States then existing, or there- after to be formed or acquired in any way." It was vehemently opposed, but passed with some modifications by 58 ayes to 50 noes, and it also passed the Senate. In the Spring of 1862 General David Hunter brought the question of the enlist- ment of colored troops to a direct issue by raising a regiment of them. On the 9th of June following, Mr. Wickliffij of Ken- tucky, succeeded in getting the House to adopt a resolution of inquiry. Corres- pondence followed with General Hunter. He confessed the fact, stated that " he found his authority in the instructions of Secre- tary Cameron, and said that he hojK'd by fall to enroll about fifty thousand of these hardy and devoted soldiers." When this reply was read in the House it was greeted with shouts of laughter from the Republi- cans, and signs of anger from the others. A great debate followed on the amendment to the bill providing for the calling out of the militia, clothing the President with full power to enlist colored troops, and to pro- claim " he, his mother, and wife and chil- dren forever free," after such enlistment. Preston King, of New York, was the author of this amendment. Davis, of Kentucky, and Carlisle of West Virginia, were promi- nent Senators in oi)position ; while Ten Eyck, of New Jersey, Sherman of Ohio, aiid Browning of Illinois sought to modify it. Garrett Davis said in opposition : " Do you expect us to give our sanc- tion and apjiroval to these tilings ? No, no ! We would regard their authors as our worst enemies; and there is no foreign despot- COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. Hi5 i(jni tliiit (.oiiM come to our ri'-^ciK', that we would not t'omlly cmbraci,', bctbrcwe would submit to iiny such condition of things.'' Seuiitor Fos-jciidcn of Maine, in aclvo- cacy of the anu'tidinent, said : "I tell tlie I'lv-sidont from my place here lus a Senator, and I tell the generals of our army, they must reverse their practices and course of proceeding? on tliis subject. r * Mr Xreat your enemies as enemies, as tlie worst of enemies, and avail yourselves like men of every power which God has j)laced in your hands, to accomplish your purpose, within the rules of civilized war- fare." The bill passed, so modified, as to give freedom to all who should perform military service, but restricting liberty to the fami- lies of such only as belonged to rebel mas- ters. It passed the House July Kith, LS(32, and received the .sanction of the President, who said : — " And the promise made must be kept!" General Huiiter for his part in beginning colored enlistments, was out- lawed by the Confederate Congress. Hunter followed with an order freeing the slaves in South Carolina. In January. lS'i3, pursuant to a sugges- tion in the annual report of Secretary Stanton, who was by this time as radical as his predecessor in office, the House passed a bill authorizing the President to enroll into the land and naval service such number of volunteers of African descent as he might deem useful to suppress the rebellion, and for such term as he might ^prescribe, not exceeding five years. The slaves of loyal citizens in the Border States were excluded from the provisions of this bill. In the Senate an adverse re- port was made on the ground that the President already possessed these powers. In January, 1801?, Senator Wilson, who was by this time chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate, secured the pas- sage of a bill which authorized a draft for the National forces from the ranks of all male citizens, and those of foreign birth who had declared their intentions, etc. The bill contained the usual exemp- tions. CONFEDERATE USE OF COLORED MEN. In June, 1861, the rebel Legislature of Tennessee passed this enlistment bill, which became a law : Seq. 1. Be if. enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That from and after the passage of this act the Governor shall be, and he is hereby, authorized, at his discretion, to receive into the military service of the State all male free persons of color between the ages of fifteen and fifty, or such numbers as may be necessary, who may be sound in mind and body, and capable of actual ser- Tice. 2. That such free persons of color ^-hall receive, each, eight dollars ner monlli, jia pay, and such persons shall be entitled to araw, each, one ration ner day, and shall be entitled to a yearly allowance each for clotiiing. .'}. That, in order to carry out the provi- sions of this act, it shall lie the duty of the sheritis of the several counties in thia State to collect accurate information as to the numl)er and condition, with the nainea of free persons of color, subject to the i>ro- visions of this act, and shall, as it is prac- ticable, report the same in writing to the Governor. 4. That a failure or refusal of the sheriffs, or any one or more of them, to j)erform the duties required, shall be deemed an offence, and on conviction thereof shall be i)unished as a misde- meanor. 5. That in the event a sufficient number of free persons of color to meet the wanta of the State shall not tender their services, the Governor is empowered, through the sheriffs of the different counties, to press such persons until the requisite number is obtained. (3. That when any mess of volunteers shall keep a servant to wait on the mem- bers of the mess, each servant shall be al- lowed'one ration. This act to take effect from and after its passage. W. C. Whitthorxe, Speaker of the House of Representatives. B. L. Stovall, Speaker of the Senate. Passed June 28, 1861. 1862, November 2 — Governor Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia, issued a call announc- ing that if a sufficient supply of negroes be not tendered within ten days, General Mercer will, in pursuance of autliority given him, proceed to impress, and asking of every planter of Georgia a tender of one fifth of his negroes to complete the fortifi- cations around Savannah. This one fifth is estimated at 15,000. 1863. The Governor of South Carolina in July, issued a proclamation for .S.OOO negroes to work on the fortifications, '" the need for them being pressing." THE niAXGIXf! SENTIMENT OF C'ONORESS. In the Rebel House of Represent:!' ives, December 29th, Mr. Dargan, of Alabama, introduced a bill to receive into the mili- tary service all that portion of population in Alal^ama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, known as "Creoles." Mr. Dargan sui)ported the bill in some remarks. He said the Creoles were a mixed-blooded race. Under the treaty of Paris in 1803, and the treaty of Spain in 1810, they were recognized as freemen. 166 AMERICAN POLITICS. Many of them owned large estates, and were intelligent men. They were as much devoted to our cause as any class of men in the South, and were even anxious to go into service. They had applied to him to be received into service, and he had ap- plied to Mr. Randolph, then Secretary of War. Mr. Randolph decided against the api)lication, on the ground that it might lurnish to the enemy a pretext of arming our slaves against us. Some time after this •he was again applied to by them, and he went to the present Secretary of War, Mr. Seddon, and laid the matter before him. Mr. Seddon refused to entertain the proposition, on the ground that it did not come up before him through the military authorities. To obviate this objection. Gen. Maury, at Mobile, soon afterwards rei)resented their wishes to the War De- partment. Mr. Seddon refused the offer of their services, on the ground that it would be incompatible with the position we occu- pied before the world ; that it could not be done. Mr. Dargan said he differed Avith the Secretaiy of War. He cared not for " the world." He cared no more for their opinions than they did for ours. He was anxious to bring into service every free man, be he who he may, willing to strike for our cause. He saw no objection to employing Creoles ; they would form a potent element in our army. In his dis- trict alone a brigade of them could be raised. The crisis had been brought upon us by the enemy, and he believed the time would yet come Avhen the question would not be the Union or no Union, but whether Southern men should be permitted to live at all. In resisting subjugation by such a barbarous foe he was for employing all our available force. He tvould go further and say that he teas for arming and putting the slaves into military service. He was in favor even of emlpoijing them as a military arm in the defence of the country. 1864. The Mayor of Charleston, Charles Macbeth, summons all slaveholders within the city to furnish to the military authori- ties forthwith, one-fourth of all their male slaves between the ages of fifteen and fifty, to labor upon the fortifications. The penalty announced, in case of failure to comply with this requisition is a fine of $5200 for every slave not forthcoming. Compensa- tion is allowed at the rate of $400 a year. All free male persons of color between the ages of fifteen and fifty are required to give themselves up for tlie same purpose. Those not complying will be imprisoned, and set to work upon the fortifications along the coast. To free negroes no other compensation than rations is allowed. NKOROES IN THE ARMY. The Richmond press publish the official copy of " An act to increase the efficiency of the army by the employment of free negroes ^.nd slaves in certain capacities," lately passed by the Rebel Congress. The negroes are to perform " such duties as the Secretary of War or Commanding General may prescribe.'' The first section is as follows : The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That all male free ne- groes, and other free persons of color, not including those who are free under the treaty of Paris, of 1803, or under the treaty of Spain, of 1819, resident in the Confed- erate States, between the ages of eighteen and fifty years, shall be held liable to per- form such duties with the army, or in con- nection with the military' delences of the country, in the way of work upon the fortifications, or in government works for the production or preparation of materials of war, or in military hospitals, as the Sec- retaiy of War or the Commanding General of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, from time to time, prescribe; and while engaged in the performances oi' such duties shall receive rations and clothing and compensation at the rate of eleven dollars a month, under such rules and regulations as the said Secretary may establish : Fro' tided, That the Secretary of War or the Commanding General of the Trans-Missis- sippi Department, with the ap])roval of the President, may exempt from the opera- tions of this act such free negroes as the interests of the country may require should be exempted, or such as he may think proper to exempt on the ground of justice,' equity or necessity. The third section provides that when the Secretary of War shall be unable to procure the services of slaves in any mili- tary department, then he is authorized to imj^ress the services of as many male slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as may be required, from time to time, to dis- charge the duties indicated in the first sec- tion of the act. The owner of the slave is to be paid for his services; or, if he be killed or "escape to the enemy," the owner shall receive his full value. Governor Smith, of Virginia, has made a call for five thousand male slaves to work on the batteries, to be drawn from fifty counties. The call for this force has been made by the President under a resolution of Congress. " CONFEDEEATE " LEGISLATION UPON NE- GRO PRISONERS AND THEIR WHITE OFFICERS WHEN CAPTURED.* 1863, May 1 — An act was approved de- claring that the commissioned officers of *r)ecoinber 23, 1862 — .Tofferson Davis issued a proclv matidii of DUtlawrv against IMajor General B. F. ButUi; the larit two clauses of which are : COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 167 the itieiny ought not to be delivered to the autliorities of the resjx'rtive Slates, (as suggested in Davis's message ;) hut all eap- tives taken by the (Jonlederati' loires ought to be dealt with and disposed ol" by the Confederate (loverninent. I'resideut Lvneoln's emancipation pro- clamations of September 22, LS()2, and January 1, 18G3, were resolved to be in- consistiMit with the usages of war among civilized nations, and should be re- pressed by retaliation ; and the President IS authorizeil to cause full and complete retaliation for every such violation, in such manner and to such extent as he may think proper. Kvery white commissioned officer com- manding negroes or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States shall be deemed as inciting servile insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise punished, at the discretion of the court. Every person charged with an offence nuide puni-^hal)le under the act shall be tried by the military court of the army or corps of troops capturing him; a.nd, affrr conviction, the President may commute tlie punishment in such manner and on such terms as h" mj deem proper. All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war or taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when captured in the Con- federate States, be delivered to the author- ities of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt with accord- ing to the jiresent or future laws of such State or States. Passage of tiie Tlilrtceiitli Amendment. The first amendment to the Constitution growing out of the war, and one of its di- rect results, was that of abolishing slavery. It was first introduced to the House De- cember 14th, 1SI)3, by James M. Ashley of Ohio. Similar measures were introduced by Jame> !\I. Wilson, Senators Henderson, Sumner and others. On the 10th of Feb- ruary, Senator Trumbull reported Hen- derson's joint resolution amended as fol- lows : " That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified bv three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall l)'e Third. Tliat all necrro slaves ca|iturfd in amis he at onciMlfliveivil iner to the executive authurilii-; ted and installed in Arkansas and Louisiana shall be set aside and held for nought, thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have set up the same as to further effort, or to declare a constitution.al competency in Congress to abolish slavery in States, but am at the same time sincerelv hoping and 170 AMERICAN POLITICS. expecting that a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery throughout the nation may be adopted, nevertheless I am fully satisfied with the system for restoration contained in the bill as one very proper plan lor the loyal people of any State choosing to adopt it, and that I am, and at all times sliall be, prepared to give the Ex- ecutive aid and assistance to any such peo- ple, so soon as the military resistance to the United States shall have been sup- pressed in any such State, and the people thereof shall have sufficiently returned to their obedience to the Constitution and laws of the United States, in which cases Military Governors will be appointed, with directions to proceed according to the bill." Admission of Arkansas. On the 10th of June, 1864, introduced a joint resolution for the recognition of the free State government of Arkansas. A new State government had then been or- ganized, with Isaac Murphy, Governor, who was reported to have received nearly 16,000 votes at a called election. The other State officers are : Lieutenant Governor, C. C. Bliss ; Secre- tary of State, R. J. T. White ; Auditor, J. B. Berry ; Treasurer, E. D. Ayers ; Attor- ney General, C. T. Jordan ; Judges of the Supreme Court, T. D. W. Yowley, C. A. Harper, E. Baker. The Legislature also elected Senators, but neither Senators nor Representatives obtained their seats. Trumbull, from the Senate Judiciary Committee, made a long report touching the admission of the Sen- ators, which closed as folloAvs: " When the rebellion in Arkansas shall have been so far suppressed that the loy- al inhabitants thereof shall be free to re- establish their State government upon a republican foundation, or to recognize the one already set up, and by the aid and not in subordination to the military to main- tain the same, they will then, and not be- fore, in the opinion of your committee, be entitled to a representation in Congress, and to ])articipate in the administration of the Federal Government. Believing that such a state of things did not at the time the claimants were elected, and does not now, exist in the State of Arkansas, the committee recommend for adoption the following resolution : " liejiolved, That William M. Fishback and Elisha I'axter are not entitled to seats as Senators from the State of Arkansas." 1864, June 29— Tlie resolution of the Committee on the Judiciary was adopted — yeas 27, nays 6. President Lincoln wiis known to favor the immediate admission of Arkansas and Louisiana, but the refusal of the Senate to admit the Arkansas Senators raised an is- sue which partially divided the Republi- cans in both Houses, some of whom fa- vored forcible reconstruction through the aid of Military Governors and the machin- ery of new State governments, while others opposed. The views of those opposed to the President's policy are well stated in a paper signed by Benjamin F. Wade and Henry Winter Davis, published in the New York Tribune, August 5th, 1864. From this we take the more pithy extracts : The President, by preventing this bill from becoming a law, holds the electoral votes of the rebel States at the dictation of his personal ambition. If those votes turn the balance in his favor, is it to be supposed that his compe- titor, defeated by such means, will ac- quiesce ? If the rebel majority assert their su- premacy in those States, and send votes which elect an enemy of the Government, will we not repel his claims ? And is not civil war for the Presidency inaugurated by the votes of rebel States? Seriously impressed with these dangers, Congress, " the pr-oper constitutional au- thority '' formally declared that there are no State governments in the rebel States, and provided for their erection at a proper time ; and both the Senate and the House of Representatives rejected the Senators and Representatives chosen under the au- thority of what the President calls the free constitution and government of Ar- kansas. The President's j^roclamation '^ holds for naught " this judgment, and discards the authority of the Supreme Court, and strides headlong toward the anarchy his pro- clamation of the 8th of December inaugu- rated. If electors for President be allowed to be chosen in either of those States, a sinis- ter light will be cast on the motives which induced the President to " hold for naught" the will of Congress rather than his gov- ernment in Louisiana and Arkansas. That judgment of Congress which the President defies was the exercise of an authority exclusively vested in Congress by the Constitution to determine what is the established government in a State, and in its own nature and by the highest judi- cial authority binding on all other depart- ments of the Government. * * * * A more studied outrage on the legisla- tive authority of the people has never been jjcrpetrated. Congress passed a bill ; the President re- fused to apiirove it, and then by proclama- tion puts :.s much of it in force as he sees fit, and proposes to execute those parts by officers unknown to the laws of the United States and not subject t" '' - confirmation of the Senate ! EECUNSTUUCTION. 171 The bill dircctcfl tho apimintmcnt of Provisional (.Joveriiors by ami with the ad- vice and consent of" the iSenate. The President, after defeating tho law, proposes to aijpoint without law, and with- out the advice and consent of the Senate, Milititry governors for the rebel States! He has already exercised this dictatorial iisur|iation in Louisiana, ami he del'eated the bill to prevent its limitation. * * * • The President has -greatly i)resunied on the iMrbearance which the supporters of his Adnunistration have so long practiced, in view of the arduous conllict in which we are engaged, and the reckless ferocity of our ])olitical opponents. Hut he must understand that our sup- port is of a cause and not of a man; that the authority of Congress is ])aramount and must be respected; that the whole body of the Union men of Congress will not submit to be impeached by him of rash and unconstitutional legislation ; and if he wishes our support, he must confine himself to his executive duties — to obey and execute, not make the laws — to sup- press by arms armed rebellion, and leave political reorganization to Congress. If the supporters of the Government fail to insist on this, they become responsi- ble for the usurpations which they fail to rebuke, and are justly liable to the indig- nation of the people wiiose rights and security, committed to their keeping, they sacrifice. Let them consider the remedy for these usuri)ations, and, having found it, fear- lessly execute it. The question, as presented in 1864, now passed temporarily from public considera- tion because of greater interest in the closing events of the war and the Presi- ^dential succession. The passage of the 14th or anti-slavery amendment by the States also intervened. This was officially announced on the 18tli of Deceml)er 1865, by Mr. Seward, 27 of the then .'36 States having ratified, as follows : Illinois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New York, West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachu- setts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Mis- souri, Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minne- sota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Ar- kansas, Connecticut, New Hampshire, South Carolina, Alabama, North Carolina, and Georgia. TEXT OF THE RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES. Il^tli Coustitntlonal Amendment. JtiiU Resolution propo^hu] an A metidmetit to the ConMitu- lioii of the United Statft:. Be it resolved bij the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, (two- thirds of both houses concurring,) That the following article bo propo.'jed to the ].,cgihhitnres of tin; several States as an amciiidment to the Constitution (jf tho United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as jmrLof the Cunstitution, namely: I Hen: follows the 14th amendment. See Hook IV. 1 Reconatmctlon Act of Thirty-Ninth Cou- An Act to provide for the more eJHcieiU yorernmnU of the rebel hitnlei. Whereas no legal State governments or adeipiati- protection for lifeor j)r()])erty now exists in the rebel States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, ^Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas; and whereas it is necessary that peace and good order should be enforced in said States until loyal and republican State governments can be legally established : Therefore Be it enacted, &c., That said rebel States shall be divided into military districts and made subject to the military authority of the United States, as hereinafter i)rescribed, and for that purpose Virginia shall consti- tute the first district; North Carolina and South Carolina the second district ; Geor- gia, Alabama, and Florida the third dis- trict ; Mississippi and Arkansas the fourth district; and Louisiana and Texas the fifth district. Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the President to assign to the command of each of said districts an officer of the army, not below the rank of brigadier general, and to detail a sufficient military force to enable such officer to ])erform his duties and enforce his authority within the dis- trict to which he is assigned. Sec. 3. That it shall be the duty of each officer assigned as aforesaid to j^rotect all l)ersons in their rights of person and ])roperty, to suppress insurrection, disor- der, and violence, and to punisn, or cause to be punished, all disturuersoi the public peace and criminals, and to this end ne may allow local civil tribunals to take jurisdiction of and to try offenders, or, when in his judgment it may be necessary for the trial of offenders, he shall have power to organize military commissions or tribunals for that purpose; and all in terferenee under color of State authority with the exercise of military authority un- der this act shall be null and void. Sec. 4. That all persons put under mili- tary arrest by virtue of this act shall be tried without unnecessary delay, and no cruel or unusual jmnishment shall be in- flicted ; and no sentence of any military commission or tribunal hereby authorized, aflecting the life or liberty of any person, shall be executed until it is approved by the officer in command of the district, and 172 AMERICAN POLITICS. the laws and regulations for the govern- nient of the army .shall not he affected hy this act, except in so far as they conflict with its provisions: Provided,' That no sentence of death under tlie provisions of this act shall he carried into effect without the approval of the President, Sec. 5. That when the peo^^le of any one of said rebel States shall have formed a constitution of government in conformity with the Constitution of the United States in all respects, framed by a convention of delegates elected by the male citizens of said State twenty-one years old and up- ward, of whatever race, color, or previous condition, who have been resident in said State for one year previous to the day of such election, except such as may be dis- franchised for participation in the rebel- lion, or for felony at common law, and when such constitution shall provide that the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by all such persons as have the qualifications herein stated for electors of delegates, and when such constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the persons voting on the question of ratification who are qualified as electors for delegates, and when such con- stitution shall have been submitted to Congress for examination and approval, and Congress shall have approved the same, and when said State, by a vote of its legislature elected under said constitution, shall have adopted the amendment to the Constitution of the United States, proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress, and known as article fourteen, and when said article shall have become a part of the Constitu- tion of the United States, said State shall be declared entitled to representation in Congress, and Senators and Representa- tives shall be admitted therefrom on their taking the oaths prescribed by law, and then and thereafter the preceding sections of this act shall be inoperative in said State : Provided, That no person excluded from the privilege of holding office by said proposed amendment to the Constitution of the United States shall be eligible to election as a member of the convention to frame a constitution for any of said rebel States, nor sludl any such person vote for members of such convention. Sec. 6. That until the people of said rebel States shall be by law admitted to repre- sentation in the Congress of the United States, any civil governments which may exist therein shall be deemed provisional only, and in all respects subject to the paramount authority of the itnited States at any time to abolish, modify, control, or supersede the same ; and in all elections to any office under such provisional govern- ments all }>ersons shall be entitled to vote, and none others, who are entitled to vote under the provisions of the fifth section of this act ; and no person shall be eligible to any office under any such provisional goT- ernments who would be disqualified from holding oflice under the provisions of the third article of said constitutional amend- ment. Passed March 2, 1867. Supplemental Reconstruction Act of For- tieth Congress. An Act supplementary to an act entitled " An act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," passed March second, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and to facilitate restora- tion. Be it enacted, d-c., That before the first day of September, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, the commanding general in each district defined by an act entitled " An act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," passed March second, eighteen hundred and sixty- seven, shall cause a registration to be made of the male citizens of the United States, twenty-one years of age and up- wards, resident in each county or parish in the State or States included in his dis- trict, which registration shall include only those persons who are qualified to vote for delegates by the act aforesaid, and who shall have taken and subscribed the fol- lowing oath or affirmation : " I, , do solemnly swear, (or affirm,) in the presence of Almighty God, that I am a citizen of the State of ; that I have resided in said State for months next preceding this day, and now reside in the county of , or the parish of , in said State, (as the case maybe;) that I am twenty-one years old ; that I have not been disfranchised for ])articipa- tion in any rebellion or civil war against the United States, nor for felony commited against the laws of any State or of the United States ; that I have never been a member of any State legislature, nor held any executive or judici.il office in any State and afterwards engaged in insurrec- tion or rebellion against the United States, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; that I have never taken an oath as a member of Congress of the United States, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, and afterwards engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; that I will faithfully support the Constitution and obey the laws of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, encourage others so to ' do, so help me God;" which oath or affirm- ation may be administered by any register- ing officer. RECONSTRUCTION. 178 Sec. 2. Thut after the completion of the registration hereby jiroviiled for in any State, at sueh time and places therein as the commanding general shall a|)p(/inl and direct, of which at least thirty days' pniilic n.itice shall he given, an election shall hi' held of delegates to a convention for the purpose of establishing a eonstitntion and civil government for such State loyal to the Union, said convention in each State, /excej)t Virginia, to consist of the same 'numl»er of members its the most numerous branch of the State legislature of such State in the year eighteen hundred and sixty, to be apportioned among the several districts, counties, or parishes of such State by the commanding general, giving to each rei)resentation intlie ratio of voters or registered as aforesaid, as nearly as may be. The convention in Virginia shall con- sist of the same number of members as represented the territory now constituting Virginia in the most numerous branch of the legislature of said State in the year eiglitcen hundred and sixty, to be ap- pointed as atbresaid. Skc. 3. That at said election the regis- tered voters of each State shall vote for or against a convention to form a constitution therefor under this act. Those voting in favor of such a convention shall have written or printed on the ballots by which they vote for delegates, as aforesaid, the words" For a convention," and those vot- ing against such a convention shall have written or printed on such ballots the words ■' Against a convention." Tlie per- son appointed to superintend said election, and to make return of the votes given thereat, as herein provided, shall count and make return of the votes given for and against a convention ; and the command- ing general to whom the same shall have been returned shall ascertain and declare the total vote in each State for and against a convention. If a majority of the votes given on that question shall be for a con- vention, then such convention shall be held as hereinafter provided ; but if a majority of said votes shall be against a convention, then no such convention shall be held un- der this act : Provided, That such con- vention shall not be held unless am;yority of all such registered voters shall have voted on the question of holding such con- vention. Sec. 4. That the commanding general of each district shall appoint as many boards of registration as may be necessary, con- sisting of three loyal officers or persons, to make and complete the registration, su- perintend the election, and make return to nim of the votes, lists of voters, and of the pei-sons elected as delegates by a plurality of the votes cast at said election ; and upon receiving said retiirns he shall open the same, ascertain the persons elected as dele- gates according U) the returns of the offi- cers who conducted said election, and make proclamation thereof; anil if a ma- jority of the votes given on that (jue-ilion shall be for a c(jnvention, the commanding general, within sixty days from the date of election, shall notify the delegates to as- semble in convention, at a time and place to be mentioned in the tuttitication, and said convention, when organized, shall pro- ceed to I'rame a constitntii ATE, December 3, 18()0, yeas 0. nays 20 ; House, December 1, 1800, yeas 0, nays 49. Alabama — SENATE, December 7, 1800, yeas 2, nays 27 ; House, December 7, 180(), yeas 8, nays 69. Mississippi — Senate, January 30, 1807, yeas 0, nays 27 ; House, January 25, 1867, yeas 0, nays 8.-^. Louisiana - Senate, February 5, 1807, unanimously ; House, February 6, 1867, unanimously. 2'exas — Senate, ; House, Oc- tober 13, 1800, yeas 5, nays 67. Arkansas — Senate, December 15, 1866, yeas 1, navs 24 ; House, December 17, 1860, yeas 2, nays 68. The passage of thel4thx\.men(.lment and of the Reconstruction Acts, was followed by Presidential proclamations dated August 20, 180(), declaring tlie insurrection at an end in Texas, and civil authority existing throughout the whole of the United States. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1864. The Rei)ublican National Convention met at Baltimore, June 7th, 1804, and re- nominated President Lincoln unanimous- ly, save the vote of Missouri, which was cast for Gen. Grant. Hannibal Hamlin, the old Vice-President, was not re-nomi- nated, because of a desire to give part of the ticket to the Union men of the South, who pressed Senator Andrew Johnson of Tennessee. " Parson " Brownlow made a strong appeal in his behalf, and by his elo- quence captured a majority of the Con- vention. The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, August 29th, 1864, and nominated General George B. McClellan, of New Jersey, for President, and (Jeorge H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. General McClellan was made available for the Democratic nomination through cer- tain political letters which lie had written on points of dilVereiice between liiiiisell'and the Lincoln adminislralion. Two of these letters are suliiiient to show his own and the views of the party which nominated him, in the canvass which followed: Gen. McClellan'* Letters. Oil PoVUifal Adminvlratinn, July 7, \Hi\2. llKADyCAKTK.KH AhMY (IKTIIK i'oTOMAC, Camp nkau IIahuison'b La.nuimj, Va., July 7, IW>. Mr. President: — You have been fully iiilbrmc'd that the rebel army is in the front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our positions or reducing us by blocking our river conimunication.s. I cannf)t but regard our condition as criti- cal, and 1 I'arncstly desire, in view of pos- sible contingencies, to lay before your ex- cellency, ibr your private consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this army, or strictly come within the scope of my official duties. These views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and heart. Our cause must never be abandoned ; it is the cause of free in- stitutions and self-government. The Con- stitution and the Union must be preserved, whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood. If secession is successful, other dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the future. Let neither military disaster, j>olit- ical faction, nor foreign war shake your settled purpose to enforce the equal opera- tion of th.^ laws of the Llnited States upon the people of every State. The time has come when the govern- ment must determine upon a civil and military policy, covering the whole ground of our national trouble. The responsil)ility of determining, de- claring, and supporting such civil and mil- itary policy, and of (lirecting the whole course of national affairs in regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and exer- cised by you, or our cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power, even for the present terrible exigency. This rebellion has assumed the charac- ter of a war ; as such it should be regarded, and it should be conducted ujion the high- est principles known to Christian civiliza- tion. It should not be a war looking to the subjugation of the people of any State, in any event. It should not be at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political organizations. Neither confiscation of property, political execu- tions of persons, territorial organization of States, or forcible abolition of slaven.', should be contetn])latcd lor a moment. In prosecuting the war, all private property and unarmed persons should be strictly protected, subject only to the ne- cessity of military operations ; all private 176 AMERICAN POLITICS. property taken for military use should be paid or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes ; all un- necessary trespass sternly prohibited, and offensive demeanor by the military towards citizens promptly rebuked. Military ar- rests should not be tolerated, except in places where active hostilities exist; and oaths, not required by enactments, consti- tutionally made, should be neither de- manded nor received. Military government should be confined to the preservation of public order and the protection of political right. Military power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves, contraband under the act of Congress, seeking military pro- tection, should receive it. The right of the government to appropriate permanent- ly to its own service claims to slave labor should be asserted, and the the right of the owner to compensation therefor should be recognized. This principle might be ex- tended, u]ion grounds of military necessity and security, to all the slaves of a particu- lar State, thus working manumission in such State ; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is only a question of time. A system of policy thus constitutional, and pervaded by the inflnences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the rebel masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty. Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our struggle shall be made known and approved, the etfort to obtain requisite forces will be almost hope- less. A declaration of radical views, es- pecially upon slavery, will rapidly disin- tegrate our present armies. The policy of the government must be supported by con- centrations of military power. The na- tional forces should not be dispersed in expeditions, posts of occupation, and nu- merous armies, but should be mainly col- lected into masses, and brought to bear upon the armies of the Confederate States. Those armies thoroughly defeated, the political structure which they support would soon cease to exist. In carrying out any system of policy which you may form, you will require a commander-in-chief of the army, one who possesses your confidence, understands your views, and who is comj)etent to exe- cute your orders, by directing the military forces of the nation to the accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do not ask that place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such position as you may as- sign me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior. I may be on the brink of eternity ; and as I hope forgiveness from my Maker, I have written this letter with sincerity to- wards you and from love for my country. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, George B. McClellan, Major- General Commanding. His Excellency A. Lincoln, President. IN FAVOR OF the ELECTION OF GEORGE W. WOODWARD AS GOVERNOR OF PENNSYLVANIA. Orange, New Jersey, October 12, 1863. Dear Sir : — My attention has been called to an article in the Philadelj^hia Press, asserting that I had written to the managers of a Democratic meeting at Allentown, disapproving the objects ol the meeting, and that if I voted or spoke it would be in favor of Governor Curtin. oiid I am informed that similar assertions have been made throughout the State. It has been my earnest endeavor hereto- fore to avoid participation in party politics. 1 had determined to adhere to this course, but it is obvious that I cannot longer maintain silence under such misrepresen- tations. I therefore request you to deny that I have written any such letter, or entertained any such views as those at- tributed to me in the Philadelphia Press, and I desire to state clearly and distinctly, that having some days ago had a full con- versation with Judge Woodward, I find that our views agree, and I regard his elec- tion as Governor of Pennsylvania called for by the interests of the nation. I understand Judge Woodward to be in favor of the prosecution ol' the war with all the means at the command of the loyal States, until the military power of the re- bellion is destroyed. I understand him to be of the opinion that while the war is urged with all possible decision and energy, the policy directing it should be in consonance with the principles of humanity and civilization, working no in- jury to private rights and property not demanded by military necessity and recog- nized by military law among civilized na- tions. And, finally, I understand him to agree with me in the opinion that the sole great objects of this war are the restoration of the unity of the nation, the i)reservation of the Constitution, and the supremacy of the laws of the country. Believing our opinions entirely agree upon these points, I would, were it in my power, give to Judge Woodward my voice and vote. 1 am, very respectfully, yours, George B. McClellait. Hon. Charles J. Biddlb. LINCOLN'S SECOND A D M I N ISTH AT I N, 177 The vii'ws (if Mr. Lincoln were well known ; they woro felt in the general con- duct of the war. The Republicuns a(loi)tecl as one of their maxims the words of their candidate, " tiiat it w;u< dangerous to swap horses while crossing a stream." The cam- paign was exciting, and \v:us watched by l)Oth armies with interest and anxiety. In this election, by virtue of an act of Con- gress, the soldiers in the field were per- mitted to vote, and a large majority of very branch of the service sustained the \dmin'.>tration, though two years before < icneral McClellan had been the idol of the Army of the Potomac. Lincoln and .lohnson received 212 electoral votes, against 21 for McClellan and Pendleton. liiucolii'8 Second Atlniliilstratioii. In President Lincoln's second inaugural address, delivered on the 4th of March, 18G"), he si)oke the following words, since ort quoted as typical of the kindly disposi- tion of the man believed by his party to be the greatest President since Washington : "With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to hnish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans — to do all which may achieve a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." Lincoln could well afford to show that generosity which never comes more prop- erly than from the hands of the victor. His policy was about to end in a great triumph. In less than five weeks later on General Lee had surrendered the main army of the South to General Grant at Appomattox, on terms at once magnani- mous and so briefly stated that they won the admiration of both armies, for the rebels had been permitted to retain their horses and side arms, and to go at once to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observed their paroles and the laws in force where they resided. Lee's surrender w.o-s rapidly followed by that of all Southern troops. Next came a grave political work — the actual reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion. This work gave renewed fresh- ness to the leading political issues incident to the war, and likewise gave rise to new issues. It was claimed at once that Lin- coln had a recon.struction policy of his own, because of his anxiety for the prompt admission of Louisiana and Arkansas, but it had certainly never taken definite shape, nor was there time to get such a policy in shape, between the surrender of Lee and his own assassination. On the night of the loth of April, six days after the sur- render, J.Wilkes Booth shot him while 12 sitting in a box in Ford's theatre. The nation stood appalled at the deed. No man wa.s ever more sincerely mourned in all .sections and by all classes. The .'South- ern leaders thought that this rash ai t liad lost to them a life which had never been harsh, and while firm, was ever generous. The North had looked iifion him as "rather Abraham," and all who viewed the result of the shooting from sectional or partisan standj)oints, thought his j)olicy of "keep- ing with the people," would have shielded every proper interest. No public man ever felt less "pride of opinion" than Lincoln, anil we do believe, had he lived, that he would have shaped events, as he did dur- ing the war, to the best interests of the victors, but without unnecessan,' agitation or harshness. All attempts of writers to evolve from his i)roclamation a reconstruc- tion policy, applicable to peace, have been vain and impotent. He had none which would not have changed with changing circumstances. A "policy" in an execu- tive office is too often but another name for executive egotism, and Lincoln was almost absolutely free from that weakness. On the morning of Mr. Lincoln's death, indeed within the same hour (and verv' properly so under the circumstances), the Vice President Andrew Johnson was in- augurated as President. The excitement was painfully high, and the new President, in speeches, interviews and proclamations if possible added to it. From evidence in the Bureau of Military Justice he thought the assassination of Lincoln, and the attempted assassination of Secretary Seward had been procured by Jefferson Davis, Clement C. Clay, Jacob Thompson, Geo. N. Saunders, Beverly Tucker, Wm. C. Cleary, and " other rebels and traitors harbored in Canada." The evidence, how- ever, fully drawn out in the trial of the co- conspirators of J. Wilkes Booth, showed that the scheme was hair-brained, and from liO responsible political source. The proclamation, however, gave keenness to the search for the fugitive Davis, and he wsis soon captured while making his way through Georgia to the Florida coast with the intention of escaping from the country. He was imprisoned in Fortress ^lonroe, and an indictment for treason was found against him, but he remained a close pris- oner for nearly two years, until times when political policies had been changed or modified. Horace Greeley was one of his bondsmen. By this time there was grave doubt whether he could be legally con- victed, * " now that the charge of inciting Wilkes Booth's crime had been tacitly abandoned. Mr. Webster (in his Bunker Hill oration) had only given clearer ex- pression to the American doctrine, that, ♦From Greeley's BecoUoctions uf a Busy Life, p«ge 413^ 178 AMERICAN POLITICS. after a revolt has levied a regular army, and fought therewith a pitched battle, its champions, even though utterly defeated, cannot be tried and convicted as traitors. This may be an extreme statement ; but surely a rebellion which has for years main- tained great armies, levied taxes and con- scriptions, negotiated loans, fought scores of sanguinary battles with alternate suc- cesses and reverses, and exchanged tens of thousands of prisoners of war, can hardly fail to have achieved thereby the position and the rights of a lawful belligerent." This view, as then presented by Greeley, was accepted by President Johnson, who from intemperate denunciation had become the fi-icnd of his old friends in the South. Greeley's view was not generally accepted by the" North, though most of the leading men of both parties hoped the responsi- bility of a trial would be avoided by the escape and flight of the prisoner. But he was confident by this time, and sought a trial. He was never tried, and the best reason for the fact is given in Judge Un- derwood's testimony before a Congressional Committee (and the Judge was a Reijubli- can) "that no conviction was possible, ex- cept by packing a jury." Aiidre-w Jolmson. On the 29th of April, 1865, President Johnson issued a proclamation removing all restrictions upon internal, domestic and coastwise and commercial intercourse in all Southern States east of the Mississippi ; the blockade was removed May 22, and on ]\Iay 29 a proclamation of amnesty was issued, with fourteen classes excepted therefrom, and the requirement of an "iron-clad oath" from those accepting its provisions. Proclamations rapidly fol- lowed in shaping the lately rebellious States to the conditions of peace and re- storation to the Union. These States were required to hold conventions, repeal seces- sion ordinances, accept the abolition of slavery, repudiate Southern war debts, pro- vide for Congressional representation, and elect new State Officers and Legislatures. The several constitutional amendments were of course to be ratified by the vote of the people. These conditions were eventually all complied with, some of the States being more tardy than others. The irreconcila- bles charged uj)on the Military officers, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the stern ap- plication of the reconstruction acts, these results, and many of them showed a politi- cal hostility which, after the election of the new Legislatures, took shape in what were in the North at the time denounced as "the black codes." These were passed by all of the eleven States in the rebellion. " The codes varied in severitj', according to the views of the Legislatures, and for a time they seriously interfered with the recognition of the States, the Republicans charging that the design was to restore slavery under new forms. In South Carolina Gen'l Sickles issued military orders, as late as January 17, 1866, against the enforcement of such laws. To a.ssure the rights, of the freedmen the 14th amendment of the Constitution was passed by Congress, June 18th, 1866. President Johnson opposed it, refused to sign, but said he would submit it to the several States. This was done, and it was accepted by the required three-fourths, January 28th, 1868. This had the effect to do away with many of the "black codes," and the States which desired re- admission to the Union had to finally give them up. Since reconstruction, and the political ousting of what were called the "carpet bag governments," some of the States, notably Georgia, has passed class laws, which treat colored criminals differ- ently from white, under what are now known as the " conduct laws." Terms of sentence are served out, in any part of the State, under the control of public and private contractors, and " vagrants " are subjected to sentences which it is believed would be less extended under a system of confinement. Johnson's Policy. While President Johnson's policy did not materially check reconstruction, it en- couraged Southern politicians to political effort, and with their well known tact they were not long in gaining the ascendancy in nearly every State. This ascendancy excited the fears and jealousies of the North, and the Republicans announced as their object and platform " that all the re- sults of the war" should be secured before Southern reconstruction and representa- tion in Congress should be completed. On this they were almost solidly united in Congress, but Horace Greeley trained an independent sentiment which favored com- plete amnesty to the South. President Johnson sought to utilize this sentiment, and to divide the Republican party through his policy, which now looked to the same ends. He had said to a delega- tion introduced by Gov. Oliver P. Morton, April 21, 1865 : "Your slavery is dead, but I did not murder it. As Macbeth said to Banquo's bloody ghost: ' Never shake thy gory locks at me ; Thou canst not say I did it.' " Slavery is dead, and you must pardon me if I do not mourn over its dead body ; you can bury it out of sight. In restoring F.MPEAniMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 179 l)he Stati', Ifiivi- out that di.sturldiijj; and dangerous element, and list- only those parts of the machinery \vlu(h will move in narmony. " i5ut in callini^ a convention to restore the State, who shall restore aiul re-estah- lish it? Shall the man who gave his in- fluence and his means to destroy the (rovernnn-nt? Is lie to participate in the great work of reorganization? Shall he who hrought this misery U[)on the State he permitted to control its destinies? If this be so, then all this precious blood of our brave soldiers and otlicers so freely i)oured out will have been wantonly spilled. All the glorious victories won by our noble ar- mies will go for nought, and all the battle- fields which have been sown with dead heroes during the rebellion will have been made memorable in vain." In a speech at Washiugton, Feb. 22nd, ISGG, Johnson said : " The Government has stretched forth its strong arm, and with its jdiysical power it has put down treason in the field. That is, the section of country that arrayed itself against the Government has been con- qiiered by the force of the Government itself. Now, what had we said to those people? We said, 'No compromise; we can settle this question with the South in eight and forty hours.' " I have said it again and again, and I repeat it now, 'disband your armies, ac- knowledge the supremacy of the Constitu- tion of the United States, give obedience to the law, and the whole question is set- tled.' " What has been done since ? Their ar- mies have been disbanded. They come now to meet us in a spirit of magnanimity and say, ' We were mistaken ; we made the effort to carry out the doctrine of se- cession and dissolve this Union, and hav- ing traced this thing to its logical and Physical results, we now acknowledge the ag of our country, and promise obedience to the Constitution and the supremacy of the law.' " I say, then, when you comply with the Constitution, when you yield to the law, when yuu acknowledge allegiance to the Government — I say let the door of the Union be opened, and the relation be re- stored to those that had erred and had strayed from the fold of our fathers." It is not partisanship to say that John- son's views had undergone a change. He did not admit this in his speeches, but the fact was accepted in all sections, and the leaders of parties took position accordingly I — nearly all of the Republicans against I him, nearly all of the Democrats for him. '■ So radical had this difference become that ; he vetoed nearly all of the political bills [ passed by the Republicans from ISGO until i the end of his administration, but such was ! the Republican preponderance in both Houses of Congress that they pas.sed them over his head by tiie necessary two-thirds vote. He vetoed the several P'reedmen's Hureau Rills, the Civil Rights Rill, that for the admission of Nebraska and Colo- rado, the Rill to i)ermit Colored Suffrage in the District of Cohnubia, one of the Reconstruction lUlls, and fiiudly made a direct issue with the i)owers ot' ( 'ongress by his veto of the Civil Tenure Rill, March 2, 1867, the substance of which is shown in the third section, as follows: Sec. 3. That the President shall have power to fill all vacancies which may hap- pen during the recess of the Senate, by rea- son of death or resignation, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session thereafter. And if no appointment, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall be made to such office so vacant or temporarily filled as aforesaid during such next session of the Senate, such office shall remain in abeyance without any .salary, fees, or emoluments attached thereto, until the same shall be filled by appointment thereto, by and with the advice and con- sent of the Senate ; and during such time all the powers and duties belonging to such office shall be exercised by such other offi- cer as may by law exercise such powers and duties in case of a vacancy in such office. The bill originally passed the Senate by 22 to 10 — all of the nays Democrats save Van Winkle and Willey. It passed the House by 112 to 41 — all of the yeas Re- jniblicans; all of the nays Democrats save Hawkins, Latham and Whaley. The Senate passed it over the veto by 35 to 11 — a strict party vote ; the House by 138 to 40 — a strict party vote, except Latham (Rep.) who voted nay. The refusal of the President to enforce this act, and his attempted removal of Secretary Stanton from the Cabinet w'hen against the wish of the Senate, led to the effort to impeach him. Stanton resisted the President, and General Grant took an active part in stistaining the War Secre- tary. He in fact publicly advised him to " stick," and his attitude showed that in the great political battle which must fol- low, they would surely have the support of the army and its great commander. Impeachment Trial of Andre\v Johnsom. * The events which led to the impeach- ment of President Johnson, maybe nriefly stated as follows: On the 21st of Febru- ary, 1868, the President issued an order to Mr. Stanton, removing him from office as Secretary of War, and another to General Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of the * From the Century of iDdepeudence by Jubn Sully, BustoD. 180 AMERICAN POLITICS. Army, apiJoiiiting him Secretary of War ad interim, directing the one to surrender and the other to receive, all the books, pa- pers, and public property belonging to the ^Var Department. As these orders fill an inii)ortant place in the history of the im- peachment, we give them here. The or- der to Mr. Stanton reads : " By virtue of the i^ower and authority vested in me as President by the Constitu- tion and laws of the United States, you are hereby removed from office as Secretary for the Department of War, and your functions as such will terminate upon the receipt of this communication. You will transfer to Brevet Major-General Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of the Army, who has this day been authorized and em- }>owered to act as Seci'etary of War ad interim, all records, books, papers, and other l)ublic property now in your custody and charge." The order to General Thomas reads : " The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton having been this day removed from office as Secre- tary for the Department of ^Var, you are hereby authorized and empowered to act as Secretary of War ad interim, and will immediately enter upon the discharge of the duties pertaining to that office. Mr. Stanton has been instructed to transfer to you all the records, books, and other 2>ublic property now in his custody and charge." These orders having been officially com- municated to the Senate, that body, after an earnest debate, passed the following resolution : " Resolved, by the Senate of the United States, That under the Constitution and laws of tlie United States the President has no power to remove the Secretary of War and designate any other officer to per- form the duties of that office." The President, upon the 24th, sent a message to the Senate, arguing at length that not only under the Constitution, but also under the laws as now existing, he had the right of removing Mr. Stanton and ai)pointing another to fill his place. The point of his argument is: That by a special proviso in the Tenure-of-Office Bill the va- rious Secretaries of Departments "shall hold their offices resj^ectively for and dur- ing the term of the President by whom they may have been appointed, and for one month thereafter, subject to removal by and with the advice of the Senate." The President affirms that ]\Ir. Stanton was ap- pointed not by him, but by his predeces- sor, Mr. Lincoln, and held office only by the sufferance, not the appointment, of the present Executive ; and that therefore his tenure is, by the express reading of the law excepted from the general provision, that every i)erson duly appointed to office, " by and with the advice and consent of the Senate," etc., shall be " entitled to hold office until a successor shall have been in like manner appointed and duly qualified, except as herein otherwise provided." The essential point of the President's argument, therefore, is that, as Mr. Stanton was not appointed by him, he had, under the Ten- ure-of-Office Bill, the right at any time to remove him ; the same right which his own successor would have, no matter whether the incumbent had, by suflTerance, not by appointment of the existing Executive, held the office for weeks or even years. " If," says the President, "my successor would have the power to remove Mr. Stan-. ton, after permitting him to remain a peri- od of two weeks, because he was not ap- pointed by him, I who have tolerated Mr. Stanton for more than two years, certainly have the same right to remove him, upon the same ground, namely that he was not appointed by me but by my predecessor." In the meantime Gener;'.! Thomas pre- sented himself at the War Department and demanded to be placed in the position to which he had been assigned by the Pres- ident. Mr. Stanton refused to surrender his post, and ordered General Thomas to proceed to the apartment which belonged to him as Adjutant-General. This order was not obeyed, and so the two claimants to the Secretaryship of War held their ground. A sort of legal by-play then en- sued. Mr. Stanton entered a formal com- plaint before Judge Carter, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, charging that General Thomas had illegally exercised and attempted to exercise the duties of Secretary of War; and had threatened to " forcibly remove the complainant from the buildings and apart- ments of the Secretary of War in the War Department, and forcibly take possession and control thereof under his pretended appointment by the President of the United States as Secretary of War ad in- terim ; " and praying that he might be ar- rested and held to answer this charge. General Thomas Avas accordingly arrested, and held to bail in the sum of $15,000 to appear before the court on the 24th. Ap- pearing on that day he was discharged from custody and bail ; whereupon he en- tered an action against Mr. Stanton for false imprisonment, laying his damages at $150,000. On the 22d of February the " House Committee on Reconstruction, through its Chairman, Mr. Stevens, presented a brief report, merely stating the fact of the at- tempted removal by the President of Mr. Stanton, and closing as follows : " Upon the evidence collected by the Committee, which is hereafter presented, and in virtue of the powers with which they have been invested by the House, they are of the opinion that Andrew John- son, President of the United States, should IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 181 be iuipoailu'il of high rrinics aifl inisdc- meanors. They, tlierefore, recoiumi'iid to the House the adoption of the following resolution : " RcMlvrd, That Andrew Johnson, Pres- ident of the United States be inii)eaehed of high crimes and niisdeiiioanors." Atler earnest debate, the question on the resolution was adopted, on the 24th, by a vote of 120 to 47. A committee of two members — Stevens and Bingham — were to notify the Senate of the action of the House; and another committee of seven — Boutwell, Stevens, Bingham, Wilson, Lo- gan, Julian, and Ward — to prepare the articles of impeachment. On the 2")th (February) Mr. Stevens thus announced to the Senate the action which had been taken by the House : " In obedience to the order of the House of Representatives we have appeared be- fore you, and in the name of the House of Representatives and of all the people of the United States, we do impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors in office. And we further inform the Senate that the House of Representatives will in due time exhibit particular articles of impeachment against him, to make good the same; and in their name we demand that the Senate take due order for the appearance of the said Andrew Johnson to answer to the said impeachment." The Senate thereupon, by a unanimous vote, resolved that this message from the House should be referred to a select Com- mittee of Seven, to be appointed by the chair, to consider the same and report thereon. The Committee subsequently made a report laying down the rules of procedure to be observed on the trial. On the 29th of February the Committee of the House appointed for that purpose presented the articles of impeachment which they had drawn up. These, with slight modification, were accepted on the 2d of ^larch. They comprise nine articles, eight of which are based upon the action of the President in ordering the removal of Mr. Stanton, and the appointment of General Thomas as Secretary of War. The general title to the impeachment is : " Articles exhibited by the House of Representatives of the United States, in the name of themselves and all the people of the United States, against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, as maintenance and support of their im- peachment against him for high crimes and misdemeanors in office." Each of the articles commences with a preamble to the effect that the President, "unmindful of the high.dutiesof his office, of his oath of office, and of the require- ments of the Constitution that he should take care that the laws be faithfully exe- cuted, did unlawfully and in violatif)n of the lawsantes upon each slightly varying, the aver- age being 125 ayes to 40 nays. The ques- tion then came up of appointment of man- agers on the part of the House to conduct the impeachment before the Senate. Upon this question the Democratic members did not vote ; 118 votes were cast, 60 being necessary to a choice. The following was the result, the number of votes cast for each elected manager being given : Stevens of Penn., 105; Butler, of Mass., 108; Bing- ham, of Ohio, 114; Boutwell, of Mass., 113 ; Wilson, of Iowa, 112 ; Williams, of Penn., 107 ; Logan, of 111., 106. The fore- going seven Representatives were, there- fore, duly chosen as Managers of the Bill of Impeachment. The great body of the Democratic members of the House entered a formal protest against the whole course of proceedings involved in the impeach- ment of the President. They claimed to represent " directly or in principle more than one-half of the people of the United States." This protest was signed by forty- five Representatives. On the 3d the Board of Managers pre- sented two additional articles of im})each- ment, which were adopted by the House. The first charges, in substance, that " The President, unmindful of the high duties of his office and of the harmony and courtesies which ought to be main- tained between the executive and legisla- tive branches of the Government of the United States, designing to set aside the rightful authority and powers of Congress, did attempt to bring into disgrace the Con- gress of the L'''nited States and the several branches thereof, to iinnair and destroy the regard and respect of all the good people of the United States for the Congress and legislative })ower thereof, and to excite the odium and resentment of all the good peo))le of the United States against Con- gress and the laws by it enacted ; and in pursuance of his said design openly and publicly, and before divers assemblages convened in divers parts thereof to meet and receive said Andrew Johnson as the Chief Magistrate of the United States, did on the 18th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1866, and on divers other days and times, as well before as afterward, make and deliver with a loud voice certain intemperate, inflammatory, and scandalous harangues, and did therein utter loud threats and bitter menaces as well against Congress as the laws of the United States duly enacted thereby." To this article are appended copious ex- tracts from speeches of Mr. Johnson, The second article is substantially as follows : " The President did, on the 18th day of August, 1866, at the City of Washington, by public si^eech, declare and affirm in substance that the Thirty-ninth Congress of the United States was not a Congress of the United States, authorized by the Constitution to exercise legislative power under the same, but, on the contrary, was a Congress of only a part of the States, thereby denying and intending to deny that the legislation of said Congress was valid or obligatory upon him, except in so far as he saw fit to approve the same, and did devise and contrive means by which he might prevent Edwin M. Stanton from forthwith resuming the iunctions of the office of Secretary for the Department of War; and, also, by further unlawfully de- vising and contriving means to prevent the execution of an act entitled 'An act mak- ing appropriations for the supjiort of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes,' approved March 2, 1867 ; and also to prevent the execution of an act entitled ' An act to l>rovide for the more efficient government of the rebel States,' passed March 2, 1867, did commit and was guilty of a high mis- demeanor in office." On the 4th of March the Senate notified the House that they were ready to receive the Managers of the Impeachment. They appeared, and the articles were formallv read. The Senate had meanwhile adopted the rules of procedure. Chief Justice Chase sent a communication to the Senate to the effect that this body, when acting upon an impeachment, was a Court presided over by the Chief Jr.stice, and that all orders an(i rules should be framed by the Court. Ov the 5th the Court was formally organizeci. An exception was taken to the eligibility of Mr. Wade as a member of the Court, on the ground that he was a party interested, since, in the event of the impeachment be- ing sustained, he, as President of the Senate, would become Acting President of the United States. This objection was with- drawn, and Mr. Wade was sworn as a mem- ber of the Court. On the 7th the summons for the President to ai)pear was formally served upon him. On the 13th the Court l.Ml'KACIIMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 183 v\-as again formully rcopciu'd. The IVtHi- dt'Ut uppoiiretl by lii.'< ttniiisol, lion. Henry Stjinbery, of Ohio; Hon. Wui. M. Evarts, of .\e\v Yoriv ; Hon. Wni. S. Groesbeck, >f Ohio; Hon. Benjamin R. Curtis, of Massa- chusetts; Hon. Thoiniis A. R. Nelson, of Tennessee, wlio asked for forty days to ore- !)are an answer to the indii'tnient. This was refused, and ten days granted ; it be- ing ordered that the |>roceedings shouhl reopen on the '2M. Upon tiiat day the President appeannl by his counsel, and presented his answer to the articles of ini- peachnient. This reply was in substance as iollows: The Hrst eight articles in the Rill of Im- peaclunent, as briefly sun\med up in our last record, are based upon the action of the President in ordering the removal of Mr. Stanton, and the temporary appoint- ment of General Thomas as Secretary of War. The gist of them is contained in the first article, charging the unlawful removal of Mr. Stanton ; for, this failing, the others would tail also. To this article a con- siderable part of the President's answer is devoted. It is mainly an amplifica- tion of the points put forth in the Mes- sage of February 24tli, in which he gave his reasons for liis orders. The President cites the laws by which this department of the administration was created, and the rules laid down for the duties pertaining to it; prominent among which are: that the Secretary shall " conduct the business of the department in such manner as the President of the United States shall from time to time order and instruct; " and that he should " hold the office during the plea- sure of the President ; " and that Congress had no legal right to deprive the President of the power to remove the Secretary. He wa<. however, aware that the design of the Tenure-of-Office Bill was to vest this power of removal, in certain cases, jointly in the Executive and the Senate ; and that, while believing this act to be unconstitutional, yet it having been passed over his veto by the requisite majority of two-thirds, he con- sidered it to be his duty to ascertain in how far the case of Mr. Stanton came within the provisions of this law ; after consideration, he came to the conclusion that the case did not come within the prohibitions of the , law, and that, by that law he still had the riirht of removing Mr. Stanton ; but that, wishing to have the case decided by the Su- I preme Court, he, on the 12th of August, ' issued the order merely suspending, not ' removing, Mr. Stanton, a power expreslv granted by the Tenure-of-Offioe Act, and appointed General Grant St'cretary of War ad interim. The President then recites tlie subsequent action in the case of Mr. bt'inton ; and, as he avers, still believing that he had the constitutional power to re- move him from office, issued the order of ^ i February 21st, for such removal, designing to thus l)ring the matter before tlie Su- ' jireme Court. He then ]>ro{feds formally , to deny that at this time Mr. Stanton wiw i in lawful possession of the office of Secre- I tary of War; and that, consequently, the I order for his removal w:i.s in violation of the Tenure-of-OfHce Act; and that it was in violation of the Constitution or of any law ; or that it constituted any official crime or misdemeanor. in regard to the seven succeeding arti- cles of impeachment the President, while admitting the facts of the order appointing General Thonuis as Secretary of War ad interini, denies all and every of the crimi- nal charges therein set forth. So of the ninth arti( le, charging an effort to induce General Emory to violate the law, the President denies all such intent, and calls attention to the fact that while, for urgent reasons, he signed the l)ill prescribing that orders to the army should be issued only through the General, he at the same time declared it to be, in his judgment, unconsti- tutional ; and affirms that in his interview with General Emory he said no more than he had before officially said to Congress — • that is, that the law was unconstitutional. As to the tenth article, the first of the supplementary ones, the President, while admitting that he made certain public sjteeches at the times and places specified, does not admit that the passages cited are fair reports of his remarks ; denies that he has ever been unmindful of the courtesies which ought to be maintained between the executive and legislative departments ; but he claims the perfect right at all times to express his views as to all j)ublic mattere. The reply to the eleventh article, the second supplementary one, is to the same general purport, denying that he ever af- firmed that the Thirty-ninth Congress was not a valid Congress of the United States, and its acts obligatory only as they were ap])rovcd by him ; and denying that he had, as charged in the article, contrived unlawful means for 2)reventing Mr. Stanton from resuming the functions of Secretary of War, or for preventing the execution of the act making appropriations for the sup- port of the army, or that to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States. In his answer to this article the President refers to his reply to the first ar- ticle, in which he sets forth at length all the steps, and the reasons therefor, relating to the removal of Mr. Stanton. In brief, the answer of the President to the articles of impeachment is a general denial of each and every criminal act charged in the ar- ticles of impeachment. The counsel for the President then asked for a delay of thirty days after the replication of the managers of the impeachment should have been rendered, before the trial should 1 vl AMERICAN POLITICS. forr-inlly proceed. This was refused, and the managers of the impeachment stated that their replication would be presented the next day : it was that, " The Senate will commence the trial of the President upon the articles of impeach- ment exhibited against him on Monday, the 30th day of March, and proceed there- in with all dispatch under the rules of the Senate, sitting upon the trial of an im- peachment." The replication of the House of Repre- sentatives was a simple denial of each and every averment in the answer of the Pres- ident, closing thus : " The House of Representatives .... do say that the said Andrew Johnson, Presi- dent of the United States, is guilty of the high crimes and misdemeanors mentioned in the said articles, and that the said House of Representatives are ready to prove the same." The trial began, as appointed, on March 30. There being twenty-seven States rep- resented, there were fifty-four Senators, who constituted the Court, presided over by Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio. Senators : California, Cole, Con- ness ; Connecticut, Dixon, Ferry; Delaware, Bayard, Saulsbury; Indiana, Hendricks, Morton ; Illinois, Trumbull, Yates ; Iowa, Grimes, Harlan ; Kansas, Pomeroy, Ross ; Kentucky, Davis, McCreery ; Maine, Fes- senden, Morrill (LotM.) ; Maryland, John- son, Vickers ; Ma.'isachusetfs,^\xmiiQr,\\[\\- son ; Michigan, Chandler, Howard ; Minne- sota, Norton, Ramsay ; Missouri, Drake, Henderson ; Nebriiska, Thayer, Tipton ; Nevada, Nye, Stewart; New Hampshire, Cragin, Patterson (J. W.) ; New Jersey, Cattell, Frelinghuysen ; New York, Conk- lin. ]\Iorgan ; Ohio, Sherman, Wade ; Ore- gon, Corbett, Williams ; Pennsylvania, Buckalew, Cameron; Rhode Island, An- thony, Sprague ; Tennessee, Fowler, Patter- son (David); Vermont, Edmunds, Merrill, ( J. S.) ; West Virginia, Van Winkle, Wil- ley ; Wisconsin, Doolittle, Howe. Managers for the Prosecution: Messrs. Bingham, Boutwcll, Butler, Logan, Ste- vens, Williams, Wilson. Counsel for the President. Messrs. Cur- tis, Evarts, Groesbeck, Nelson, Stanbery. The following was the order of proce- dure: The Senate convened at 11 or 12 o'clock, and was called to order by the president of that body, who, after prayer, would leave the chair, which was immedi- ately assumed by the Chief Justice, who wore his official robes. The prosecution was mainly conducted by Mr. Butler, who examined the witnesses, and, in conjunc- tion with the others, argued the points of law which came up. The defense, during the early part of the trial, was mainly con- ducted by Mr. Stanbery, who had resigned the office of Attorney-General for this pur- pose, but, being taken suddenly ill, Mr. Evarts to(jk his place. According to the rule at first adopted, the trial was to be opened by one counsel on each side, and summed up by two on each side ; but this rule was subsequently modified so as to al- low as many of the managers "and counsel as chose to sum ujd, either orally or by filing written arguments. THE PROSECUTION. The whole of the first day (March 30) was occupied by the opening speech of Mr. Butler. After touching upon the import- ance of the case, and the wisdom of the framers of the Constitution in providing for it'H possible occurrence, he laid down the fol- lowing proposition, supporting it by a copi- ous array of authorities and precedents : " We define, therefore, an impeachable high crime or misdemeanor to be one, in its nature or consequences, subversive of some fundamental or essential principle of government, or highly prejudicial to the public interest, and this may consist of a- violation of the Constitution, of law, of an official oath, or of duty, by an act com- mitted or omitted, or, without violating a positive law, by the abuse of discretionary powers from improper motives, or for any imj)roper purpose." He then proceeded to discuss the nature and functions of the tribunal before which the trial is held. He asked : " Is this pro- ceeding a trial, as that term is understood, so far as relates to the rights and duties of a court and jury upon an indictment for crime ? Is it not rather more in the nature of an inquest?" The Constitution, he urged, " seems to have determined it to be the latter, because, under its provisions, the right to retain and hold office is the only subject to be finally adjudicated ; all preliminary inquiry being carried on solely to determine that question, and that alone." He then proceeded to argue that this body now sitting to determiiie the accusation, is the Senate of the United States, and not a court. This question is of consequence, he argued, because, in the latter case, it would be bound by the rules and prece- dents of common law-statutes; the mem- bers of the court would be liable to chal- lenge on many grounds ; and the accused might claim that he could only be convicted when the evidence makes the fact clear be- yond reasonable doubt, instead of by a pre- ponderance of the evidence. The fact that in this case the Chief Justice presides, it was argued, does not constitute the Senate thus acting a court, for in all cases of im- peachment, save that of the President, its regular presiding officer presides. Moreo- ver, the procedures have no analogy to those of an ordinary court of justice. The accused merely receives a notice of the case pending against him. He is not re- IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JuIINSON, 185 quired to appear personally, ami the case will go on without his pieseiuc. Mr. Butler thus summed up his position in this regard : '' A constitutional tribunal solely, you are bountl by no law, either statute or com- mon, which may limit your constitutional prerogative. You consult no i)reccdcnts save those of the law and custom of par- liamentary bodies. You are a law unto yourselves, bound only by the natural principles of equity and justice, and that salus popiili siiprema est hx." Mr. Butler then proceeded to consider the articles of impeachment. The first eight, he says, "set out. in several distinct forms, the acts of the iTesident in remov- ing Mr. Stanton and appointing General Thomas, differing, in lej^al effect, in the purposes for which, and the inti'nt with which, either or both of the acts were done, and the legal duties and rights in- fringed, and the Acts of Congress violated in so doing." In respect to all of these articles, Mr. Butler says, referring to his former definition of what constituted an impeachable high crime : " All the articles allege these acts to be in contravention of his oath of office, and in disregard of the duties thereof. If they are so, however, the President might have the power to do them under the law. Still, being so done, they are acts of official mis- conduct, and, as we have seen, impeacha- ble. The President has the legal power to do many acts which, if done in disregard of his duty, or for improper purposes, then the exercise of that power is an official misdemeanor. For example, he has the power of pardon ; if exercised, in a given case, for a corrupt motive, as for the pay- ment of money, or wantonly pardoning all criminals, it would be a misdemeanor." ^Ir. Butler affirmed that every fact charged in the first article, and substan- tially in the seven following, is admitted in the reply of the President; and also that the general intent to set aside the Tenure-of-Office Act is therein admitted and justified. He then proceeded to dis- cuss the whole question of the poM'er of the President for removals from office, and especially his claim that this power was imposed upon the President by the Consti- tution, and that it could not be taken from him, or be vested jointly in him and the Senate, partly or in whole. This, Mr. Butler affirmed, was the real question at issue before the Senate and the American people. He said : " Has the President, under the Constitu- tion, the more than royal prerogative at will to remove from office, or to suspend from office, all executive officers of^ the United States, either civil, military or naval, and to fill the vacancies, without any restraint whatever, or possibility of re- straint, by the Senate or by Congress, through laws duly enacted? The House of Rejiresentatives, in behalf of the people, join issue by affirming that tiie exercise of such powers is .i high misdemeanor in office. If the affirmative is maintained by the respondent, then, so far as the first eight articles are concerned — unless such corrupt purposes are slir)wn iis will of themselves make the exercise of a legal l)ower a crime — the respondent must gft, and ought to go, cjuit and free. This point as to the legal right of the President to make removals from office, which constitutes the real burden of the articles of impeachment, was argued at length. Mr. Butler assumed that the Sen- ate, by whom, in conjunction with the House, the Tenure-of-Office Act had been passed over the veto of the President, would maintain the law to be constitu- tional. The turning point was whether the special case of the removal of Mr. Stanton came within the provisions of this law. This rested upon the proviso of that law, that — " The Secretaries shall hold their office during the term of the President by whom they may have been appointed, and for one month thereafter, subject to removal by and with the advice and consent of the Senate." The extended argument upon this point, .iiade by 3Ir. Butler, was to the effect that Mr. Stanton having been appointed by Mr. LincolUj whose term of office reached to the 4th of March, 1869, that of Mr. Stanton existed until a month later, unless he was previously removed by the concurrent ac- tion of the President and Senate. The point of the argument is, that Mr. Johnson is merely serving out the balance of the term of Mr. Lincoln, cut .short by his as- sassination, so that the Cabinet officers ap- pointed by Mr. Lincoln held their places, by this very proviso, during that term and for a month thereafter; for, he argued, if Mr. Johnson was not merely serving out the balance of Mr. Lincoln's term, then he is entitled to the office of President for four full years, that being the period for which a President is elected. If, continues the argument, Mr. Stanton's commission was vacated by the Tenure-of-Office Act, it ceased on the 4th of April, 1865; or, if the act had no retroactive effect, still, if ^Ir. Stanton held his office merely under his commission from Mr. Lincoln, then his functions would have ceased upon the passage of the bill, March 2, 1867; and, consequently, Mr. Johnson, in "employ- ing" him after that date as Secretary of War, was guilty of a hi^h misdemeanor, which woidd give ground for a new arti- cle of impeachment. After justifying the course of Mr. Stan- ton in holding on to the secretaryship in 186 AMERICAN POLITICS. opposition to the wish of the President, on the ground that " to desert it now would be to imitate the treachery of his accidental chief," Mr. Butler proceeded to discuss the reasons assigned by the Presi- dent in his answer to the articles of im- peachment for the attempt to remove Mr. Stanton. These, in substance, were, that the President believed the Tenure-of-Of- fice Act was unconstitutional, and, there- lore, void and of no efiect, and that he bad the right to remove him and a])point iiQother person in his place. Mr. Butler urged that, in all of these proceedings, the President professed to act upon the as- sumption that the act was valid, and that his action was in accordance with its pro- visions. He then went on to charge that the appointment of General Thomas as Secretary of War ad interim, was a sepa- rate violation of law. By the act of Feb- ruary 20, 1863, which repealed all previous laws inconsistent with it, the President was authorized, in case of the " death, resignation, absence from the seat of Gov- ernment, or sickness of the head of an executive department," or in any other case where these officers could not perform their resjjective duties, to appoint the head of any other executive department to ful- fil the duties of the office "until a succes- sor be appointed, or until such absence or disability shall cease." Now, urged Mr. Butler, at the time of the appointment of General Thomas as Sectary of War ad interim, Mr. Stanton "had neither died nor resigned, was not sick nor absent," and, consequently, General Tliomas, not being the head of a department, but only of a bureau of one of them, was not eligi- ble to this appointment, and that, there- fore, his appointment was illegal and void. The ninth article of imiaeachment, wherein the President is charged with en- deavoring to induce General Emory to take orders directly from himself, is dealt with in a rather slight manner. Mr. But- ler says, "If the transaction set forth in this article stood alone, we might well ad- mit that doubts might arise as to the suffi- ciency of the proof;" but, he adds, " the surroundings are so pointed and signifi- cant as to leave no doubt in the mind of an impartial man as to the intents and purposes of the President" — these intents being, according to ]\Ir. Butler, "to induce General Emory to take orders directly from himself, and thus to hinder the exe- cution of the Civil Tenure Act, and to prevent Mr. Stanton from holding his office of Secretary of War." As to the tenth article of impeachment, based upon various speeches of the Presi- d(mt, IMr. Butler undertook to show that the reports of these speec^hes, as given in the article, were substantially correct; and accepted the issue made thereuijon as to whether they are " decent and becom- ing the President of the United States, and do not tend to bring the office into ridicule and disgrace." After having commented upon the eleventh and closing article, which chargea the President with having denied the au- thority of the Thirty-ninth Congress, ex- cept so far as its acts were approved by him, Mr. Butler summed up the purport of the articles of impeachment in these words : " The acts set out in the first eight arti- cles are but the culmination of a series of wrongs, malfeasances, and usurpations committed by the resjiondent, and, there- fore, need to be examined in the light of his precedent and concomitant acts to grasp their scope and design. The last three articles presented show the perver- sity and malignity with which he acted, so that the man as he is known may be clearly spread upon record, to be seen and known of all men hereafter We have presented the facts in the con- stitutional manner ; we have brought the criminal to your bar, and demand judg- ment for his so great crimes." The remainder of Monday, and a por- tion of the following day, were devoted to the presentation of documentary evidence as to the proceedings involved in the order for the removal of Mr. Stanton and the appointment of General Thomas. The prosecution' then introduced witnesses to testify to the interviews between Mr. Stanton and General Thomas. They then brought forward a witness to show that General Thomas had avowed his deter- mination to take forcible possession of the War Office. To this Mr. Stanbery, for the defense, objected. The Chief Justice de- cided the testimony to be admissible. Thereupon Senator Drake took exception to the ruling, on the ground that this ques- tion should be decided by the Senate — not by the presiding officer. The Chief Jus- tice averred that, in his judgment, it was his duty to decide, in the first instance, upon any question of evidence, and then, if any Senator desired, to submit the deci- sion to the Senate. Upon this objection and appeal arose the first conflict in the Senate as to the powers of its presiding officer. Mr. Butler argued at length in f:\vor of the exception. Although, in this" case, the decision was in favor of the prosecution, he objected to the power of the presiding officer to make it. This point was argued at length by the mana- gers for the impeachment, who denied the right of the Chief Justice to make such decision. It was then moved that the Senate retire for private consultation on this point. There was a tie vote — 25 ayes and 25 nays. — The Chief Justice gave his casting vote in favor of the motion for IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON, 187 <.'onsultiiti, sustainetl tlie (."biff Justice, Uoiidiiif; that " the presiding offieer miiy rule on all questions of evidence and on incidental questions, which decision will stand as the judgment of the Senate for decision, or he niav, at his option in the lirst instance, snimiit any such ([uestion to a vote of the niciiihers of the Senate." In the further progress of the trial the Chief , Justice, in most important cases, submitted the iiucs- tion directly to the Senate, without him- self giving any decision. Next morning (April 1) Mr. Sumner offered a resolution to the etfect that the Chief Justice, in giv- ing a ca.sting vote, "acted without autlior- ity of the Constition of the United States." This wa.s negatived by a vote of 27 to 21, thus deciding that the presiding officer had the right to give a casting vote. The witness (Mr. Burleigh, delegate from Dakotah,) who had been called to prove declarations of General Thomas, was then asked whether, at an interview between them, General Thomas had said anything as " to the means by which he intended to olitain, or was directed by the President to olitain, posession of the War I)e|)artment.'' To this question Mr. Stanbery objected, on the ground that any statements made by * Jeneral Thomas could not be used as evi- dence against the President. Messrs. But- ler and Bingham argued that the testi- mony was admissible, on the ground that there was, as charged, a conspiracy be- tween the President and General Thomas, and that the acts of one conspirator were binding upon the other ; and, also, that in these acts General Thomas was the agent of the President. The Senate, by 39 to 11, decided that the question was admissible. Mr. Burleigh thereupon testified sub- stantially that General Thomas informed him that he had been directed by the Pres- ident to take possession of the War De- partment ; that he was bound to obey his superior ofticer; that, if Mr. Stanton ob- jected, he should use force, and if he bolt- ed the doors they would be broken down. The witness was then asked whether he had heard General Thomas make any statement to the clerks of the War Office, to the effect that, when he came into con- trol, he would relax or rescind the rules of Mr. Stanton. To this question o]')jection was nuide by the counsel of the President on the ground of irrelevancy. The Chief Justice was of opinion that the question was not admissible, but, if any Senator de- niaiuled, he would submit to the Senate whether it shoidd be asked. The demand having been made, the Senate, by a vote of 2X to 22, allowed the question to be put, whereupon :\Ir. Burleigh testified that General Thomas, in his presence, called before him the heads of the divisions, and told them that the rules laiil down bv Mr. Stanton were arbitrary, and that lie should relax them — that he shoultl not hold tlicm strictly to their letters of instruction, but should consider them as gentlemen who would dotheiriluty — that tliey could come in or go out when they chose. Mr. Bur- leigh further testified that, subsequently, Gi'neral Thomas had said to him that the only thing which prevented liim from tak- ing possession of the War Dcjiartment wa« his arrest by the United Slates marshal. Other witnesses were called to prove the declarations of General Thomas. Mr. VV'ilkeson testified that General Thomas said to him that he should demand possess- ion of the War Department, and, in caae Mr. Stanton should refuse to give it up, he should call ujjon General (Jrant for a suf- ficient force to enable him to do so, and he did not see how this could be refused. Mr. Karsener, of Delaware, testified that he saw CJeneral Thomas at the President's house, told him that Delaware, of which State General Thomas is a citizen, expect- ed him to stand firm ; to which General Thonnis replied that he was standing firm, that he would not disappoint his friends, but, that, in a few days, he wouhl " kick that fellow out," meaning, as the witness supposed, 3Ir. Stanton. Thursday, April 2d. — Various witnesses were introduced to testify to the occur- rences when General Thomas demanded possession of the War Department. After this General Emory was called to testify to the transactions which form the ground of the ninth article of impeachment. Ilis testimony was to the effect that tlie Presi- dent, on the 22d of February, requested him to call ; that, upon so doing, the Pres- ident asked respecting any changes that had been made in the disposition of the troo[)s around Washington ; that he in- formed the President that no important changes had been made, and that none coukl be made w'ithout an order from Gen- eral Grant, as provided for in an order founded upon a law sanctioned by the President. The President said that this law was unconstitutional. Emory replied that the President had approved of it, ami that it was not the prerogative of the officei"S of the army to decide upon the constitu- tionality of a law, andinthatoi)inion he was justified by the opinion of eminent counsel, and thereuiion the conversation ended. The j)rosecution then endeavored to in- troduce testimony as to the appointment of Mr. Edmund "Co(qier, the Private Sec- retary of the IVesident, as Assistant Sec- retary of the Treasury, \u sujqiort of the eighth and eleventh articles of impeach- ment, which charge the President with an unlawful attempt to control the disposition of certain pid)lic funds. This testimony, by a vote of 27 to 22, was ruled out. The prosecution now, in support of the 166 AMERICAN POLITICS. tenth and eleventh articles of impeach- ment, charging the President with endeav- oring to " set aside the rightful authority of Congress," offered a telegraphic dis- patch from the President to Mr. Parsons, at that time (January 17, 1867) Provisional Governor of Alabama, of which the follow- ing is the essential part: " I do not believe the people of the whole country will sustain any set of in- dividuals in the attempt to change the whole character of our Government by en- abling acts in this way. I believe, on the contrary, that they will eventually uphold all who have patriotism and courage to stand by the Constitution, and who place their confidence in the people. There should be no faltering on the part of those who are honest in their determination to sustain the several coordinate departments of the Government in accordance with its origi- nal design." The introduction of this was objected to by the counsel for the Presi- dent, but admitted by the Senate, the vote being 27 to 17. The whole Friday, and a great part of Saturday, (April 3d and 4th,) were occu- pied in the examination of the persons who reported the various speeches of the President which form the basis of the tenth article, the result being that the reports were shown to be either substantially or verbally accurate. Then, after some tes- timony relating to the forms in whidi commissions to office were made out, the managers announced that the case for the prosecution was substantially closed. The counsel for the President thereupon asked that three working days should be granted them to prepare for the defense. This, after some discussion, was granted by the Senate by a vote of 36 to 9, and the trial was adjouru'ed to Thursday, April 9th. THE DEFENSE. The opening speech for the defense, oc- cupying the whole of Thursday, and a part of Friday, was made by Mr. Curtis. Reserving, for a time, a rejoinder to Mr. Butler's argument as to the functions of the Senate when sitting as a Court of Im- peachment, Mr. Curtis proceeded to a con- sideration of the articles of impeachment, in their order, his purpose being "to ascer- tain, in the first place, what the substantial allegations in each of them are, what is the legal proof and effect of these allegations, and what prnoi' is necessary to be adduced in order to sustain thorn." The speech is substantially an elaboration of and argu- ment for the points embraced in the an- swer of the President. The main stress of the argument related to the first article, which, as stated by Mr. Curtis, when stripped of all technical language, amounts exactly to these things : " First. That the order set out in the ar- ticle for the removal of Mr. Stanton, if executed, would have been a violation of the Tenure-of-Ofiice Act. " Second. That it Avas a violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act. " Third. That it was an intentional vio- lation of the Tenure-of-Office Act. "Fourth. That it was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. ^' Fifth. That it was intended by the President to be so.* " Or, to draw all these into one sentence, which I hope may be intelligible and clear enough, I suppose the substance of this first article is that the order for the remo- val of Mr. Stanton was, and was intended to be, a violation of the Constitution of the United States. These are the allega- tions which it is necessary for the honor- able managers to make out in order to support that article." Mr. Curtis proceeded to argue that the case of Mr. Stanton did not come within the provisions of the Tenure-of-Office Act, being expressly excepted by the proviso thai Cabinet officers should hold their places during the term of the President by whom they were appointed, and for one month thereafter, unless removed by the consent of the Senate. Mr. Stanton was ajjpointed by Mr. Lincoln, whose term of office came to an end by his death. He argued at length against the proposition that Mr. Johnson was merely serving out the remainder of Mr. Lincoln's term. The object of this exception, he said, was evi- dent. The Cabinet officers w^ere to be "the immediate confidential assistants of the President, for whose acts he was to be responsible, and in whom he was expect-ed to repose the gravest honor, trust, and con- fidence ; therefore it was that this act has connected the tenure of office of these offi- cers with that of the President by whom they were appointed." Mr. Curtis gave a new interpretation to that clause in the Constitution which prescribes that the President "may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer m each of the executive departments upon any sub- ject relating to the duties of their several offices." He understood that the word " their " included the President, so that he might call upon Cabinet officers for advice " relating to the duties of the office of these principal officers, or relating to the duties of the President himself." This, at least, he affirmed, had been the practical inter- pretation put upon this clause from the beginning. To confirm his position as to the intent of the Tenure-of-Office Act in this respect, Mr. Curtis quoted from sj)eeches made in both houses at the time when the act was passed. Thus, Senator Sherman said that the act, as passed — "W'luldnot prevent the present Presi- L dent from removing the Secretary of War, ■ | IMPEACHMENT TRIAL UE JdIINSUN. ]H9 thf ;:^c"ivt:iry ni' the Navy, or the Secretary of State ; and, it' I supposed that either of these gentlemen \va.s so waiitiu}^ in man- hood, iu honor, as to hokl Iiis place after the politest intimation from the President of the United States that his services were no longer needed, I certainly, as a Senator, would consent to his removal at any time, and so would we all.'' Mr. Curtis proceeded to argue that there was really no removal of .Mr. Stanton; he still held his place, and so (here was " no case of removal within the .statute, and, therefore, no case of violation by removal." But, if the Senate should hold that the or- der for removal was, in etlect, a removal, then, unless the Tenure-of-Office Act gave Mr. Stanton a tenure of othce, this removal would not have been contrary to the pro- visions of this act. He proceeded to argue that there was room for grave doubt whether Mr. Stanton's case came within the provisions of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and that the President, upon due conside- ration, and having taken the be-^t advice within bis power, considering that it did not, and acting accordingly, did not, even it he was mistaken, commit an act "so wil- ful and wrong that it can be justly and properly, and for the purposes of this Sosecution, termed a high misdemeanor." e argued at length that the view of the President was the correct one, and that " the Senate had nothing whatever to do with the removal of Mr. Stanton, whether the Senate was in .session or not." Mr. Curtis then went on to urge that the President, being sworn to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, must carry out any law, even though passed over his veto, except in cases where a law which he be- lieved to be unconstitutional has cut off a power confided to him, and in regard to which he alone could make an issue which would bring the matter before a court, so as to cause "a judicial decision to come between the two branches of the Govern- ! ment, to see which of them is right." This, said he, is what the President has done. This argument, in effect, was an answer to the first eight articles of impeachment. The ninth article, charging the Presi- dent with endeavoring to induce General Emory to violate the law by receiving or- ders directly from him, was very briefly touched upon, it being maintained that, as shown by the evidence, " the reason why the President sent for General Emory was not that he might endeavor to seduce that distinguished officer from his allegiance to the laws and Constitution of his country, but because he wished to obtain informa- tion about military movements which might require his personal attention." As to the tenth article, based upon the President's speeches, it was averred that they were in no way in violation of the Coastitution, or of any law exi.sting at the time when they were made, and were not therefore, impeachable offenst«. The rej)ly to the eleventh article wjus very brief. The managers had " compounded it of the materials which they had previously worked ui) into others," and it "contained nothing new that needed notice." Mr. Curtis concluded hissj)eech by saying that — "This trial is and will be the mi^st con- .sjiicuous instance that has ever been, or even can be exi)ected to be found, of American justice or of American injustice ; of that justice which is the great i)olicy of all civilized States; of that injustice which is certain to be condemned, which makes even the wisest man mad, and which, in the fixed and unalterable order of God's providence, is sure to return and plague the inventor." At the close of this opening speech for the defense. General Lorenzo Thomas was brought forward sis a witness. His testi- mony, elicited upon examination and cross- examination, was to the effect that, having received the order appointing him Secre- tary of War ad interim, he presented it to '*"'- Stanton, who asked. Do you wish Mr. me to vacate the office at once, or will you give me time to get my private property together?" to which Thomas replied, "Act your pleasure." Afterward Stanton said, " I don't know whether I will obey your instructions." Subsequently Thomas said that he should issue orders as Secretary of War. Stanton said he should not do so, and afterward gave him a written direc- tion, not to issue any order except as Ad- jutant-General. During the examination of General Thomas a question came up which, in many ways, recurred upon the trial. He was asked to tell what occurred at an interview between himself and the President. Objection was made by Mr. Butler, and the point was argued.' The question was submitted to tne Senate, which decided, by a vote of 42 to 10, that it was admissible. The testimony of Gen- eral Thomas, from this point, took a wide range, and, being mainly given in response to questions of counsel, was, apparently, somewhat contradictor}'. The substance was that he was recognized by the Presi- dent as Secretary of War ; that, since the impeachment, he had acted as such only in attending Cabinet meetings, but had given no orders ; that, when he reported to the President that Mr. Stanton would not vacate the War Department, the President directed him to " take possession of the office;" that, without orders from the President, he had intended to do this by force, if necessary ; that, finding that this course might involve bloodshed, he had abandoned this purpose, but that. at\er this, he had, in several cases, affirmed his purpose to do so, but that these declara- r.'o AMERICAN POLITICS. tions were " merely boast and brag." On the following day (reneral Thomas was re- called as a witness, to enable him to cor- rect certain points in his testimony. The first was the date of an unimportant trans- action ; he had given it as taking place on the 21st of February, whereas it should have been the 2 2d. The second was that the words of the President were that he should " take charge," not " take posses- sion " of the ^Var Department. In expla- nation of the fact that he had repeatedly sworn to the words " take possession," he said that these were " put into his mouth." Finally, General Thomas, in reply to a di- rect question from Mr. Butler, said that his testimony on these points was " all •wrong." Lieutenant-Gencral Sherman was then called as a witness. After some unim- portant questions, he was asked in refer- ence to an interview between himself and the President which took place on the 14th of January: "At that interview what conversation took place between the Presi- dent and you in reference to Mr. Stan- ton?" To this question objection was made by Mr. Butler, and the point was elaborately argued. The Chief Justice decided that the question was admissible within the vote of the Senate of the i)re- vious day ; the question then was as to the admissibility of evidence as to a conversa- tion between the President and General Thomas ; the present question was as to a conversation between the President and General Sherman. " Both questions," said the Chief Justice, " are asked for the pur- pose of procuring the intent of the Presi- dent to remove Mr. Stanton." The ques- tion being submitted to the Senate, it Avas decided, by a vote of 28 to 23, that it should not be admitted. The examina- tion of General Sherman was continued, the question of the conversation aforesaid being frequently brought forward, and as often ruled out by the Senate. The only important fact elicited was that the Presi- dent had twice, on the 25th and 80th of January, tendered to General Sherman the office of Secretary of War ad inferim. On Monday, Ajjril 13th, after transac- tions of minor importance, the general matter of the conversations between the President and General Sherman again came up, upon a question propounded by Senator Johnson — '' When the President tendered to you the office of Secretary of War ad hitcrini, did he, at the very time of making such tender, state to you what his purpose in so doing was ? " This was admitted by the Senate, by a vote of 26 to 22. Senator Johnson then added to his question, " If he did, what did he state his purpose was? " This was admitted by a vote of 25 to 26. The testimony of Gen- eral Sherman, relating to several inter- views, wiis to the effect that the President said that the relations between himself and Mr. Stanton were such that he could not execute the office of President without making provision to appoint a Secretary of War ad interim, and he offered that office to him (General Sherman), but did not state that his purpose was to bring the matter directly into the courts. Sherman said that, if Mr. Stanton would retire, he might, although against his own wishes, undertake to adminisier the office ad interim, but asked what would be d(me in case Mr. Stanton would not yield. To- this the President replied, " He will make no opposition ; you present the or- der, and he will retire. I know him bet- ter than you do; he is cowardly." General Sherman asked time for reflection, and then gave a written answer, declining to accept the appointment, but stated that his reasons were mostly of a personal na- ture. On the 14th the Senate adjourned, on account of the sudden illness of Mr. Stan- bery. It re-assembled on the 15th, but the proceedings touched wholly upon for- mal points of procedure and the introduc- tion of unimportant documentary evidence. On the 16th Mr. Sumner moved that all evidence not trivial or obviously irrelevant shall be admitted, the Senate to judge of its value. This was negatived by a vote of 23 to 11. The 17th was mainly taken up by testi- mony as to the reliability of the reports of the President's speeches. Mr. Welles, Sec- retary of the Navy, was then called to tes- tify to certain proceedings in Cabinet Council at the time of the appointment of General Thomas. This was objected to. The Chief Justice decided that it was ad- missible, and his decision was sustained by a vote of 26 to 23. The defense then en- deavored to introduce several members of the Cabinet, to show that, at meetings ^^re- vious to the removal of Mr. Stanton, it was considered whether it was not desira- ble to obtain a judicial determination of the unconstitutionality of the Tenure-of- Office Act. This question was raised in several shapes, and its admission, after thorough argument on both sides, as often refused, in the last instance by a decisive vote of 30 to 19. The defense considered this testimony of the utmost importance, as going to show that the President had acted upon the counsel of his constitu- tional advisers, while the prosecution claimed that he could not plead in justifi- cation of a violation of the law that he had been advised by his Cabinet, or any one else, that the law was unconstitutional. His duty was to execute the laws, and, if he failed to do this, or violated them, he did so at his own risk of the consequences. With the refusal of this testimony, the GRANT. 191 caxc, ixtf[>i tlK'tiiml suiimiingH up uiul the I Senators IJayani, Uiiekaliw, Oavis, Dixon, yenliit of the Seuatf, was virliially tlosed. ' Doolittle, Fesseiuleri, Fowler, ( Jrimcs, Hen- The rase had been so fully stt forth in derson, lleiidriekH, Johnson, M'Creery, the ojteninj; speeches of Messrs. Hutler and | Norton, Patterson of IVnuessi-e, Ross, Sauls- Curtis, and in the arj^ununts which came j bury, 'rruMiliull. \'an Winkle and \Mckers. uj) ujton points of testiuKJiiy, that there | The C'onstilution retjuiring a vote of remained little for the other counsfl except j two-thirds to convict, the President was to restate what hacl bclore been said. acquitted on this article, .\fler Uikiug After the evidence had been closed the this vote the Court adjourned until Tues- case was suniiiu'd up, on the part of the | day, May '2i\t\i, when votes were taken nuinagers by Messrs. Boutwell, Williams, Stevens, and liini^ham in oral arguments. and Mr. Lop:an, who lile^ 26 7 12^ 88 AMERICAN POLITICS. parently decided declarations on his part, Horatio Seymour, of New York, was there- fore nominated for President, and Francis P. Bhiir, Jr., of Missouri, for Vice Presi- dent.* An active canvass followed, in which the brief expression — " let us have peace" — in Grant's letter of acceptance, was liberally employed by Republican journals and ora- tors to tone down what were regarded as rapidly growing race and sectional difter- erences, and with such effect that Grant carried all of the States save eight, receiv- ing an electoral vote of 214 against 80. Grant inaugurated, and the Congres- sional plan of reconstruction was rajndly pushed, with at first very little opposition save that manifested by the Democrats in Congress. The conditions of readmissi(ractically threw his aid to the Repub- icans — this when it became apparent that the Greenbackers, in the event of the elec- tion going to the House, could have no chance even there. Gen'l Weaver went from the South to Maine, the scene of what was regarded at that moment as a pivotiil struggle for the Presidency. Blaine had twice been the most prominent candidate for the Presi- dency— 1876 and 1880— and had both times been defeated by compromise candi- dates. He was still, as he had been for many years, Chairman of the Republican State Committee of Maine, and now as •ver before swallowed the mortification of defeat with true political grace. The Greenbackers had tlie year before formed a close alliance with the Democrats, and in the State election made the result »u close that for many weeks it remained a matter of doubt who was elected (iovcrnor, the Democratic Greenijacker or the Rc- I)ublican. A struggle lollowed in the Legislature and before the Returning [{oard composed of State oflicers, who were Democrats, (headed by Gov. Gar- celon) and sought to throw out returns on slight technii-alities. Finally the Repub- licans won, but not without a struggle which excited attentiou all over the Union and commanded the j)resence of the Skite militia. Following Garfield's uominatioa another struggle, its we have stated, was inaugurated, with Davis as the Repul)lican nominee for Governor, Plaisted the Demo- cratic-Groenback, (the latter a firmer Re- publican). All eyes now turned to Maine, which voted in September. Gen'l Weaver was on the stump then, as tlie Greenback candidate for President, and all of his efforts were bent to breaking the alliance between the Greenbackers and Demo- crats. He advocated a straight-out policy f)r his Greenback friends,-described his treatment in the South, and denounced the Demo- cracy with such plainness that it disi)layed his purpose and defeated his object. Plaisted was elected bv a close vote, and the Republicans yielded after some threats to invoke the "' Garceloa precedents." This wius the second Democratic-Green- back victory in Maine, the first occurring two years before, when through an alli- ance in the Legislature (no candidate having received a majority of all the popu- lar vote) Garland was returned. The victory of Plaisted alarmed the Re- publicans and enthused the Democrats, who now denounced Wi-aver, but still sought alliance with his followers. Gene- ral B. F. Butler, long a brilliant Republi- can member of Congress from Massachu- setts, for several years adv(K:ated Green- l)ack ideas without breaking Irom his Re- publican Congressional colleagues. Be- cause of this fact he lost whatever of chance he had for a Republican nominatioa for Governor, "his only remaining ]>oliti- cal ambition," and thereupon headed th-e Greenbackers in Massachusetts, and in spite of the protests of the hard-money DemocratvS in that State, captured the De- mocratic organization, and after these tac- tics twice ran for Governor, and was de- feateil both times by the Republicans, though he succeeded, upon State ana "anti-blue blood'' theories, in greatly re- ducing their majoritv. In the winter of 1882 he still held control of the Demo- cratic State Committee, after the Green- back organization had passed from viev, 196 AMERICAN POLITICS. and " what will he do next?" is one of the political questions of the hour. The Greenback labor party ceased all Congressional alliance with the Democrats after tlieir quarrel with General Weaver, and as late as the 47th session — 1881-82 — refused all alliance, and abstained from exercising what some still believe a " bal- ance of power " in the House, though nearly half of their number were elected more as Kepublicans than Greenbackers. As a party, the Greenbackers, standing alone, never carried either a State or a Congressional district. Their local suc- cesses were due to alliances with one or other of the great parties, and with the passage of the panic they dissolved in many sections, and where they still obtain it is in alliance with labor unions, or in strong mining or workingmen's districts. In the Middle States they won few local successes, but were strong in the coal regions of Pennsylvania. Advocates of similar theories have not been wanting in all the countries of Western Europe follow- ing great wars or panics, but it was re- served to the genius of Americans to estab- lisfh an aji;gressive political party on the basis of theories which all great political economises have from the beginning an- tagonized as unsafe and unsound. Tlic Prohiljltory Party. The attempt to establish a third party in the Greenback, begot that to establish a National Prohibitory Party, which in 1880 ran James Black of Pennsylvania, as a candidate for the Presidency, and four years previous ran Neal Dow of Maine. He, however, commanded little attention, and received but sparsely scattered votes in all tlie States. The sentiment at the base of this party never thrived save as in States, particularly in New England, where it souglit to impress itself on the prevail- ing political party, and through it to influ- ence legislation. Neal Dow of Maine, first advocated a prohibitory law, and by his eloquent advocacy, secured that of Maine, which has stood for nearly thirty years. That of Ma-^sachusctts has recently been repealed. The prohibitory amendment to the Constitution of Kansas was adopted in 1881, etc. The Prohibitory Party, how- ever, never accomplii^hed anything by sep- arate political action, and though fond of nominating candidates for State and local ofliccrs, has not as yet succeeded in hold- ing even a balance of power between the political parties, though it has often con- fused political calculations as to results in New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Connecti- cut, Massachusetts, etc. It seems never to have taken hold in any of the Southern States, and comparatively little in the Western, until the whole country was sur- prised in 1880 by the passage of the Kan- sas amendment by over 20,000 majority in a vote of the people invoked by the Legis- lature. An effort followed to submit a sim- ilar amendment through the Pennsylvania Legislature in 1881. It passed the House by a large majority, but after discussion in the Senate, and amendments to indemnify manufacturers and dealers in liquor (an amendment which would cripple if it would not bankrupt the State) was adopted. Gov- ernor St. John of Kansas, a gentleman fond of stumping for this amendment, insists that the results are good in his State, while its enemies claim that it has made many criminals, that liquor is everywhere smug- gled and sold, and that the law has turned the tide of immigration away from that great State. The example of Kansas, however, will probably be followed in other States, and the Prohibitory Party will hardly pass from view until this latest experiment hat* been fairly tested. It was also the author of " Local Option," which for a time swept Pennsylvania, but was repealed by a large majority after two years' trial. Annexation of San Domingo. The second session of the 41st Congress i began December 5th, 1870. With all of ' the States represented, reconstruction be- ing complete, the body was now divided politically as follows : Senate, 61 Eepub- licans, 13 Democrats ; House 172 Republi- cans, 71 Democrats. President Grant's an- nual message discussed a new question, li and advocated the annexation of San Do- mingo to the United States. A treaty had been negotiated between President Grant and the President of the Republic of San Domingo as early as September 4th, 1869, looking to annexation, but it had been re- ! jected by the Senate, Charles Sumner be- ' ing jirominent in his opposition to the measure. He and Grant experienced a growing personal unpleasantness, because i, of the President's attempt to negotiate a treaty without consulting Mr. Sumner, who was Chairman of the Committee on For- eign Affairs, and it was charged that through the influence of the President he was removed by the Republican caucus from this Chairmanship, and Senator Si- mon Cameron put in his place. Whether this was true or not, the differences be- j tween Grant and Sumner were universally remarked, and Sumner's imperious pride led him into a very vindictive assault up- on the proposition. Grant gave few othei reasons for annexation than military ones suggested that as a naval station it woulc facilitate all home operations in the Gulf while in the hands of a foreign power, n the event of war, it would prove the depo for many and dangerous warlike prepa THE FORCE BILL. 107 riitioris. The qucatioa had little politiojil BignifKvance, it' it was ever ilesigiicd to have aiiy, and this second uttcinpt to bring tlie Bchcinc to the attention of Congress, was that a joint resokition (as in tiie annexa- tion of Texa.s) might be passed. This would require but a majority, but the ob- jection Wiis met that no Territory could be annexed without a treaty, and this must be ratified by two-thirds of tlie Senate. A middle course was taken, and the IVcsi- dent was authorized to aojioint three Com- missioners to visit San Domingo and as- certain the desires of its people. These reported favorably, but the subject was finally dropi)ed, probably because the pro- position could not command a two-thirds vote, and has not since attracted attention. Anivndatorjr Enforcement Act«. The operation of the loth Amendment, being still resisted or evaded in portions of the South, an Act was passed to enforce it. This extended the powers of the Fed- eral supervisors and marshals, authorized in the first, and gave the Federal Circuit Courts exclusive jurisdiction of all cases tried under the provisions of the Act and its supplements. It also empowered these Courts to punish any State officer who should attempt to interfere witli or try such ca.scs as in contempt of the Court's jurisdiction. The Republicans sustained, the Democrats opposed the measure, but it was passed and approved February 28, 1871, and another supplement was insert- ed in the Sundry Civil Bill, and approved June 10th, 1872, with continued resistance on the part of the Democrats. After the appointment of a committee to investi- gate the condition of afiairs in the South- ern States, Congress adjourned March 4th, 1871. The Alabama Claims. During this year the long disputed Ala- bama Claims of the United States against Great Britain, arising from the depreda- tions of the Anglo-rebel privateers, built and fitted out ia British waters, were re- ferred by the Treaty of Washington, dated May 8th, 1871, to arbitrators, and this was the first and most signal triumph of the plan of arbitration, so far as the Government of the United States was concerned. The arbitrators were appointed, at the invitation of the governments of Great Britain and the United States, from these powers, and from Brazil, Italy, and Switzerland. On September 14th,' 1S72, they gave to the United States gross dam- ages to the amount of $ir),r)OO,000, an amount which has subsequently proved to be really in excess of the demands of mer- chants and others claiming the loss of I property through the dopredatioa^ of tlie I rebel ram Alalximu and other rel»cl priva- ■ teers. We aj)i)end a list of tlie repre*.nta- tives of the several govt-rurnents : I Aibitrntor on tUe part of the United ' SlateA — C^iiAiiij.s Kkancis AiiAM><. Arhilrator on tlir jxtrt of (irent lirituin — The Right Honorable Sir Aluxandkb (Joc'KiuiiiN, Baronet, Lord Chief Justice of England. Arbitrator on tlid part of Itahj — Ilia Ex- cellency Senator Count Sci.ori.s. Arbitrator i)n the. part of tiwitzerland — Mr. .lAfon Stami'Ki.i. Arbitrator on the part of Brazil — Baron D'lTA.Jt;ilA. Afjent on the part of the United States — J. C. IUncroft Davih. Agent on the part of Great Britain-^' Right Honorable LordTentkkde-V. Counsel for the United States — Cai>EB Cu.siiiNG, William M. Evauts, MoaKi- SON R. Waite. Counsel for Great Britain — Sir RouN- DELL Palmer. Solicitor for the United States — CHARLES C. Beam AN, Jr. Tlie Force BUI. The 42d Congress met Jilarch 4, 1871, the Republicans having sutlered somewhat iu their representation. In the Senate there were 57 Republicans, 17 Democrats; in the House 138 Republicans, 103 Demo- crats. James G. Blaine was again chosen Speaker. The most exciting political question of the session was the pa-aige of the " Force Bill,'' as the Democrats called it. The object was more rigidly to enforce observance of the provisions of the 14th Amendment, as the Republicans claim; to revive a waning political power in the South, and save the " carpet-bag " govern- ments there, as the Democrats claimed. The Act allowed suit in the Federal courts against any person who should deprive another of the rights of a citizen, and it made it a penal offense to conspire to take away any one's rij'hts as a citizen. It also provided that inability, neglect, or refusal by any State governments to suppress such conspiracies, or their refusal to call upon the President for aid, should he deemed a denial by such State of the espial protec- tion of the laws under the 14th Amend- ment. It further declared such conspira- cies "a rebellion against the government of the United Stiites," and authorized the President, wlien in his judgment the pub- lic safety reelves Liberal Republicans ; those opposed were called and accepted the name of Radical Republicans. The former quickly allied themselves with the Democrats, and thus carried the State, though Grant's administration " stood in" with the Radicals. As a result the dis- abilities were quicklv removed, and those who believed with Greeley now sought to promote a reaction in Republican senti- ment all over the country. Greeley wvm the recognized head of this movement, and he Wiis ably aided by ex-(iovernor Curtin and C(d. A. K. McCJiure in Pennsylvania; Charles Francis Adams, .M;Lssa. Fenton, in New York ; lirown and Sihurz in Missouri, and in fad by leading Re- publicans in nearly all of the States, who at once began to lay j)laus to carry the next Presidential election. They charged that the ICnforcement Acts of Congress were designed more lor the })olitiial advancement of (irant's adherents than for the benefit of the country ; that instead of suppressing they were calcula- ted to promote a war of races in the South ; that Grant was seeking the establishment of a military despotism, etc.. These leaden* were, ius a rule, Drilliant men. They had tired of unappreciated and unrewarded service in the Republican party, or had a natural fondness for " pastures new," and, in the language of the day, they quickly succeeded in making political movementt* " lively." In the spring of 1871 the Liberal Repub- licans and Democrats of Ohio — and Ohio seems to be the most fertile soil for new ideas — prepared for a fusion, and after fre- quent consultations of the various leaders with Mr. Greeley in New York, a call wa.s issued from Missouri on the 2-ith of Janu- ary, 1872, for a National Convention of the Liberal Republican party to be held at Cincinnati, May 1st. The well-matured plans of the leaders were carried out in the nomination of Hon. Horace Greeley for President and B. Gratz Brown for Vioe- President, though not without a serious struggle over the chief nomination, which was warmly contested by the friends of Charles Francis Adams. Indeed he led in most of the six ballots, but finally all the friends of other candidates voted for Greeley, and he received 482 to 187 for Adams. Dissatisfaction followed, and a later effort was made to substitute Adams for Greeley, but it failed. The original leaders now prepared to capture the Demo- cratic Convention, which met at Baltimore, June 9th. By nearly an unanimous vote it was induced to endorse the Cincinnati platform, and it likewise finally endorsed Greeley and Brown — though not without many bitter protests. A few straight-out Democrats met later at Louisville, Ky., iSept. 3d, and nominated Charles O'Couor, of New York, for President, and John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice- I'resident, and these were kept in the race to the end, receiving a popular vote of about 30,000. The regular Republican National Con- vention was held at Philadelphia, June 6th. It renominated President Grant unanimously, and Henry Wilson, of Mad- 200 AMERICAN POLITICS. sachusetts, for Vice-President by 3642 votes to 321^ for Schuyler Colfax, who thus shared the fate of Hannibal Hamlin in his second candidacy for Vice-President on the ticket with Abraham Lincoln. This change to Wilson was to favor the 6olid Republican States of New England, and to prevent both candidates coming from the We^t. Civil Service Reform. After considerable and very able agita- tion by Geo. AV. Curtis, the editor of Harper'' s Weekly, an Act was passed March 3d, 1871, authorizing the President to be- gin a reform in the civil service. He ap- pointed a Commission headed by Mr. Cur- tis, and after more than a year's preparation this body defeated a measure which se- cured Cong^ressional approval and that of President Grant. The civil service law (and it is still a law though more honored now in the breach than the observance) embraced in a single section of the act making appropri- ations for sundry civil expenses for the year ending June 30, 1872, and authorize the President to prescribe such rules and reg- ulations for admission into the civil ser- vice as will best promote the efficiency thereof, and ascertain the fitness of each candidate for the branch of service into which he seeks to enter. Under this law a commission was appointed to draft rules and regulations which were approved and are now being enforced by the President. All applicants for position in any of the government departments come under these rules : — all classes of clerks, copyists, coun- ters ; in the customs service all from deputy collector down to inspectors and clerks with the salaries of $1200 or more ; in ap- praisers' offices all assistants and clerks ; in the naval service all clerks ; all light- house keepers ; in the revenue, supervisors, collectors, assessors, assistants ; in the pos- tal really all postmasters whose pay is over $200, and all mail messengers. The rules apply to all new appointments in the de- partments or grades named, except that " nothing shall prevent the reappointment at discretion of the incumbents of any of- fice the term of which is fixed by law." So that a postmaster or other-^ officer escapes their application. Those specially exempt are the Heads of Departments ; their immediate assistants and deputies, the diplomatic service, the judiciary, and the district attorneys. Each branch of the service is to be grouped, and admission phall always be to the lowest grade of any group. Such appointments are made for a jirobationary term of six months, when if the l^ard of Examiners approve the in- cumbent is continued. This Board of Ex- aminers, three iu number in each case, shall be chosen by the President from the several Departments, and they shall ex amine at Washington for any position there, or, when directed by an Advisory Board, shall assign places for examination in the several States. Examinations are in all cases firet made of ajjplicants within the office or department, and from the list three reported in the order of excellence ; if those within fail, then outside applicants may be examined. In the Federal Blue Book, which is a part of this volume, we give the Civil Service Rules. When first proposed, partisan politics had no part or place in civil service re- form, and the author of the plan was him- self a distinguished Republican. In fact both ])arties thought something good had been reached, and there was practically no resistance at first to a trial. The Democrats resisted the passage of this bill with even more earnestness than any which preceded it, but the Republi- can discipline was almost perfect, and when passed it received the prompt ap- proval of President Grant, who by this time was classed as " the most radical of the radicals." Opponents denounced it as little if any less obnoxious than the old Sedition law of 1798, while the Republi- cans claimed that it was to meet a state of growing war in the South — a war of races — and that the form of domestic violence manifested was in the highest degree dan- gerous to the peace of the Union and the safety of the newly enfranchised citizens. Tbe Credit Mobilier. At the second session of the 42d Con- gress, beginning Dec. 2, 1872, the speaker (Blaine) on the first day called attention to the charges made by Democratic orators and newspapers during the Presidential campaign just closed, that the Vice Presi- dent (Colfax), the Vice President elect (Wilson), the Secretary of the Treasury, several Senators, the Speaker of the House, and a large number of Representatives had been bribed, during the years 18G7 and 1868, by Oakes Ames, a member of the House from Massachusetts ; that he and his agents had given them 2)resents of stock in a corporation known as the Credit Mobilier, to influence their legislative ac- tion for the benefit of the Union Pacific Railroad Compay. Upon Speaker Blaine's motion, a com- mittee of investigation was appointed by Hon. S. S. Cox,' of New York, a noted Democrat temporarily called to the Chair. After the close of tlie camjjaign, (as was remarked by the Republic. Magazine at the time) the dominant party might well have claimed, and would have insisted had they been opposed to a a thorough investigation THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 201 and a full exposure of corruption, thut tlie verdict of the people in tlie hitc c;inv>.s was sufficient answer to these charges ; but the Ke|jublican party not merely granted all tlio invest igiitions soui^ht, but isuni- moned on the leadin;^ committee a ma- jority of its political foea to conduct the inquest. The committee consisted of Messrs. Po- land, of Vermont; McCreary, of Iowa; Banks, of Massachusetts; Niblack, of Indi- ana, and Merrick, uf ^laryland. Messrs. rolaiul and McCreary — the two Republic, ins — were gentlemen of ability and Stan. ling, well known for their integ- rity, moderation, and impartiality. Gen- eral Banks was an earnest supporter of Horace Crreeley, upon the alleged ground that the Republican organization had be- come ell'ete and corrupt : while Messrs. Niblack and Merrick are among the ablest representatives of the Democratic party; in fact, Mr. ^lerrick belonged to the ex- treme Southern school of political thought. Having patiently and carefully exam- ined and silted the entire testimony — often " painfully conflicting," as the committee remarked — their report ought to be con- sidered a judicial document commanding universal approval, yet scraps of the testi- mony and not the report itself were used with painful frequency against James A. Garfield in his Presidential canvass of 1880. There has not been a state pai)cr submitted for many years upon a similar subject that carried with it greater weight, or which bore upon its face a fuller reali- zation of the grave responsibilities assumed, and it is the first time in the political his- tcn-y of the United States that an all-im- portant investigation has been entrusted by the dominant party to a majority of its po- litical foes. The report of the committee gives the best and by far the most reliable history of the whole affair, and its presentation here may aid in preventing partisan misrepre- sentations in the future — misrepresenta- tions made in the heat of contest, and doubtless regretted afterwards by all who had the facilities for getting at the facts. We therefore give the OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE CREDIT MO- lULIER INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE. Mr. Poland, from the select committee to investigate the alleged Credit Mobilier bribery, made the following report Febru- ary 18, 1873 : The special committee appointed under the following resolutions of the House to wit : Whereas, Accusations have been made in the public press, founded on alleged letters of Cakes Ames, a Representative of Massachusetts, and upon tlie alleired affi- davits of Henry S. McComb, a citizen of] Wilmington, in tiie State of Delaware, to the effect that members of tliis House were bribed by Cakis .\ines to perform certiiin legislative acts for the benefit of the Union Pacific Railroad ( 'oinr>uny, by presents of stock in the (.'redil .Mobilier of .\meriea, or by presents of a valuable char- acter derived tiierefrom : therefore, JiesolreU, That a special committee of i\\ti members be appomteil by the Speaker pro tempore, whose duty it shall \n- U> in- vestigate whether any member of this House was bribed byOakes Ames, or any other person or corixiration, in any matter toueliing his legislative duty. Jirsolred, fur/her, That the committee have the right to employ a stenographer, and that they be empowered to send for persons and papers ; Oeg leave to make the following 7-eport : In order to a clear understanding of the facts hereinafter stated as to ccjntracts and dealings in reference to stock of the Credit Mobilier of America, between Mr. Cakes Ames and others, and members of Con- gress, it is necessary to make a j)reliminary statement of the connection of that com- pany with the Union Pacific Railroad Com- pany, and their relations to each other. The company called the " Credit Mo- bilier of America " was incorporated by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and in 1861 control of its charter and franchises had been obtained by certain persons in- terested in the Union Pacific Railroad Company, for the purpose of using it as a construction comj)any to build the Union Pacific road. In Sei)tember, 18(J4, a con- tract was entered into between the Union Pacific Company and H. M. Hoxie, for the building by said Hoxie of one hundred miles of said road from Omaha west. This contract was at once assigned by Hoxie to the Credit Mobilier Company, as it was expected to be when made. Under this contract and extensions of it some two or three hundred miles of road were built by the Credit Mobilier Company, but no considerable profits appear to have been realized therefrom. The enterprise of building a railroad to the Pacific was of such vast magnitude, and was beset by .so many hazards and risks that the capitalists of the country were generally averse to in- vesting in it, and, notwithstanding the lib- eral aid granted by the Government it seemed likely to fail of completion. In 1865 or 1866, Mr. Oakes Ames, then and now a member of the House from the State of Massachusetts, and his brother Oliver Ames became interested in the Union Pacific Company and also in the Credit Mobilier Company as the agents for the construction of the road. The Mes- srs. Ames were men of very large capital, and of known character ami integrity in business. By their example and credit. 202 AMERICAN POLITICS. and the personal eflTorts of Mr. Oakes Ames, many men of capital were induced to embark in the enterprise, and to take stock in the Union Pacific Company and also in the Credit Mobilier Company. Among them were the firm of S. Hooper & Co., of Boston, the leading member of which, Mr. Samuel Hooper, was then and is now a member of the House ; Mr. John B. Alley, then a member of the House from IMassachusetts, and Mr. Grimes, then a Senator from the State of Iowa. Not- withstanding the vigorous efforts of Mr. Ames and others interacted with him, great difiiculty was experienced in securing the required capital. In the spring of 1867 the Credit JIo- bilier Company voted to add 59 per cent, to their capital stock, which was then two and a half millions of dollars ; and to cause it to be readily taken each subscriber to it was entitled to receive as a bonus an equal amount of first mortgage bonds of the Union Pacific Company. The old stock- holders were entitled to take this increase, but even the favorable terms offered did not induce all the old stockholders to take it, and the stock of the Credit Mobilier Company was never considered worth its par value until after the execution of the Oakes Ames contract hereinafter men- tioned. On the ICth day of August, 1867, a con- tract was executed between the Union Pa- cific Railroad Company and Oakes Ames, by which Mr. Ames contracted to build six hundred and sixty-seven miles of the Union Pacific road at ]irices ranging from $42,000 to $96,000 per mile, amotinting in the ag- gregate to $47,000,000. Before the con- tract was entered into it was understood that Mr. Ames was to transfer it to seven trustees, who were to execute it, and the profits of the contract were to be divided among the stockholders in the Credit Mo- bilier Company, who should comply with certain conditions set out in the instru- ment transferring the contract to the trus- tees. The Ames contract and the trans- fer to trustees are incorporated in the evi- dence submitted, and therefore further re- cital of their terms is not deemed neces- sary. Substantially, all the stockholders of the Credit i\fobilier complied with the condi- tions named in the transfer, and thus be- came entitled to share in any profits said trustees might make in executing the con- tract. All the large stockholders in the Union Pacific were also stockholders in the Credit Mobilier, and the Ames contract and its transfer to trustees were ratified by the Union Pacific, and received the assent of the great body of stockholders, but not of all. After the Ames contract had been exe- cuted, it was expected by those interested that by reason of the enormous prices agreed to be paid for the work very large profits would be derived from building the road, and very soon the stock of the Cred- it Mobilier was understood by those hold- ing it to be worth much more than its par value. The stock was not in the market and had no fixed market value, but the holders of it, in December, 1867, consid- ered it worth at least double the par value, and in January and February, 1868, three or lour times the par value, but it does not appear that these facts were generally or publicly known, or that the holders of the stock desired they should be. The foregoing statement the committee think gives enough of the historic details, and condition and value of the stock, to make the following detailed facts intelli- gible. Mr. Oakes Ames was then a member of the House of Representatives, and came to Washington at the commencement of the session, about the beginning of December, 1867. During that month Mr. Ames en- tered into contracts with a considerable number of members of Congress, both Sen- ators and Representatives, to let them have shares of stock in the Credit Mobilier Company at par, with interest thereon from the first day of the previous July. It does not appear that in any instance he asked any of these jiersons to pay a higher price than the jjar value and interest, nor that Mr. Ames used any special effort or ur- gency to get these persons to take it. In all these negotiations Mr. Ames did not enter into any details as to the value of the stock or the amount of dividend that might be expected upon it, but stated gen- erally that it would be good stock, and ia several instances said he would guarantee that they should get at least 10 per cent, on their money. Some of these gentlemen, in their con- versations with Mr. Ames, raised the ques- tion whether becoming holders of this stock would bring them into any embar- rassment as members of Congress in their legislative action. Mr. Ames quieted such suggestions by saying it could not, for the Union Pacific had received from Congress all the grants and legislation it wanted, and they should ask for nothing more. In some instances those members who con- tracted for stock paid to ]\Ir. Ames the money for the ])rice of the stock, par and interest; in others, where they had not the money, I\Ir. Ames agreed to carry the stock for them until they could get the money or it should be met by the divi- dends. % Mr. Ames was at this time a larje stock- holder in the Credit Mobiler, but he did not intend any of these transactions to be I sales of his own stock, but intended to fill- THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 203 fill all these contracta from stock belong- ing to tho company. At this time thcro were about six hun- drcdanil fifty shares of the stock of thecom- paiiy, whicli had for some roa.son been placed in the name of Mr. T. C. Durant, one of the leading and active men of the concern. iklr. Ames claimed that a portion of this st )c!c should be ivssigiied to him to enable him to fnlfdl engagements he had made for stock. Mr. Durant claimed that he had made similar engagements that lie should be allowed 8tt)ck to fuifdl. Mr. McComb, who was present at the time, claimed that ho had also made engage- ments for stock which he should have stock given him to carry out. This claim of McComb was refused, but alter the stock was assigned to Mr. Ames, McComb insisted that Ames shtmld distribute some of the stock to his (McComb's) friends, and nan\ed ."Senators Bayard and Fowler, and Representatives Allisoa and Wilson, of Iowa. It was finally arranged that three hun- dred and forty-three shares of t!ie stock of the company should be transferred to Mr. Ames to enable him to perform his engage- menfc^, and that number of shares were set over on the books of the company to Oakes Ames, trustee, to distinguish it from the stock held by him before. Mr. Ames at the time paid to the company the par of the stock and interest from the July pre- vious, and tliis stock still stands on the books in the name of Oakes Ames, trustee, except thirteen shares which have been transferred to parties in no way connected with Congress. The committee do not find that Mr. Ames had any negotiation what- ever with any of these members of Con- gress on the subject of this stock prior to the commencement of the session of De- cember, 18')7, except Mr. Scofield, of Penn- sylvania, and it was not claimed that any obligation existed from Mr. Ames to him as the result of it. In relation to the purpose and motives of Mr. Ames in contracting to let members of Congress have Credit Mobilier stock at par, which he and all other owners of it considered worth at least double that sum, the committee, upon the evidence taken by them and submitted to the House, can- not entertain doubt. When he said he did not suppose the Union Pacific Company would ask or need further legislation, he stated what he believed to be true. Dut he feared the interests of the road might sufl'er by adverse leorislation, and what he desired to accomolish was to enlist strength and frienartici- pation in Credit Mobilier stock is the pre- sent Speaker, Mr. Blaine, who moved the resolution for this investigation. The com- mittee have, therefore, taken evidence in regard to him. They find irom it that Mr. Ames had conversation with Mr. Blaine in regard to taking ten shares of the stock, and recomiiiended it as a good investment. Upon consideration Mr. Blaine concluded not to take the stock, and never did take it, and never jmid or received anything on account of it; and Mr. Blaine never had any interest, direct or indirect, in Credit Mobilier stock or stock of the Union Pacific Eailroad Company. MB. HENRY L. DAWES, OF MASSACHUSETTS. Mr. Dawes had, prior to December, 1867, made some small investments in railroad bonds through Mr. Ames. In December, 1807, Mr. Dawes applied to Mr. Ames to purchase a thousand-dollar bond of the Cedar Rapids road, in Iowa. Mr. Ames informed him that he had sold them all, but that be would let him have for his thousand dollars ten shares of Credit ^Mo- bilier stock, which he thought was better than the railroad bond. In answer to in- quiries by Mr. DaAves Mr. Ames said the Credit Mobilier Company had the con- tract to build (he Union Pacific road, and thouglit they would make money out of it, and that it would l)e a good thing; tliat he would guarantee that he should get 10 per cent, on his money, and that if at any time; Mr. Dawes did not want the stock he would pay back his money with 10 per cent, interest. Mr. Dawes made some fur- ther inquiry in relation to the stock of Mr. John B. Alley, who said he thought it was good sto(;k, but not as good as Mr. Ames thought, but that Mr. Ames's guarantee would make it a perfectly btife investment. Mr. Dawes thereupon concluded to pur- chase the ten shares, and on the 11th of January he paid Mr. Ames $800, and in a few days thereafter the balance of the price of this stock, at par and interest from July previous. In June, 18G8, Mr. Ames received a dividend of GO per cent, in money on this stock, and of it paid to Mr. Dawes $400, and applied the balance of §200 upon accounts between them. This $400 was all that was paid over to Mr. Dawes as a dividend upon this stock. At some time prior to December, 18G8, Mr. Dawes was informed that a suit had been commenced in the courts of Pennsylvania by former owners of the charter of the Credit Mobilier, claiming that those then claiming and using it had no right to do so. Mr. Dawes thereupon informed Mr. Ames that as there was a litigation about the matter he did not desire to keep the stock. On the 9th of December, 1868, Mr. Ames and Mr. Dawes had a settlement of their matters in which Mr. Dawes was al- lowed for the money he paid for the stock with 10 per cent, interest upon it, and ac- counted to Mr. Ames for the $400 he had received as a dividend. Mr. Dawes re- ceived no other benefit under the contract than to get 10 per cent, upon his money, and after the settlement had no further in- terest in the stock. MR. GLENNI W. SCOFIELD, OF PENN- SYLVANIA. In 1860 Mr. Scofield purchased some Cedar Rapids bonds of Mr. Ames, and in that year they had conversations about Mr. Scofield taking stock in the Credit Mobilier Company, but no contract was consummated. In December, 1867, Mr. Scofield applied to Mr. Ames to purchase more Cedar Rapids bonds, when Mr. Ames suggested he should purchase some Credit Mobilier stock, and explained generally that it was a contracting company to build the Union Pacific road ; that it was a Pennsylvania corporation, and he would like to have some P&nnsylvanians in it; that he would sell it to him at par and in- terest, and that he would guarantee he should get 8 per cent, if Mi-. Scofield would give him half the dividends above that. Mr. Scofield said he thought he would take $1,000 of the stock; but before any- thing further was done Mr. Scofield was called home by sickness in his family. On his return, the latter part of January, 18G8, he spoke to Mr. Ames about the stock, when Mr. Ames said he thought it was all sold, but he would take his money and give him a receipt, and get the stock for him if he could. Mr. Scofield there- upon paid Mr. Ames $1,041, and took his receipt therefor. Not long after Mr. Ames informed Mr. Scofield he could have the stock, but could THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 205 riot f^ivc him a certificate for it until he could ^et :i Lirj^i^r ccrliCifato diviilcml. Mr. Scofiold received tlie bond dividend ol' 80 per cent., which was payalilt; .January .'5, ISCtS, takinjz; a l)ond tor $l,()iiO and payinir Mr. Ames tlie diU'erenci". Mr. Amis re- ceived the ()0 per cent, casli dividend on the stock in .luiie, IStJS, and paid over to Mr. Scolield i^iiOK, the amount of it. Before the clo^e of tiiat session of Con- pre-is. wliicii was toward the end of July, ]\Ir. Scofield l)ecame, for some reason, dis- incHned to take the stock, iintl a settlement was made between them, by which Mr. Ames was to retain the Credit .'\Ii)l)ilier stock and Mr. Scolield took a thousand dollars Union I'acific bond and ten shares of Union Pacific stock. The precise basis of the settlement does not appear, neither Mr. Ames nor ]\Ir. 8cofieId havinj; any full date in reference to it; Mr. Scofiold thinks that he only re- ceiveii dividend of 60 per cent., which Mr. Ames also re- ceived. The proceeds of the bonds sold, and the cash dividends recfjivcd by Mr. Ames, amounted to $1,876. The par value of the stock and interest thereon from the previous .July amounted to'^i,0l7 ; so that, after paying for the stock, there was a balance of dividends due Mr. Kelley of S;529. On the 23d day of June, 18(58, Mr. Ames gave Mr. Kelley a cheek for that sum on the Sergcant-at-Arms of the House of Representatives, and Mr. Kelley re- ceived the money thereon. The committee find that ]\Ir. Kelley then understood that the money he thus re- ceived was a balance of dividends due him after paying for the stock. All the subsequent dividends upon the stock were either in Union l^ieific stock or bonds, and tliey were all received by Mr. Ames. In September, 1868, Mr. Kelley received from Mr. Ames $750 in money, which w:ia understood between them to be an advance to be paid out of dividends. There ha-s never bceu any ad- justment of the matter between them, and there is now an entire variance in the tes- timony of the two men as to Avhat the transaction between them was. but the committee are unanimous in finding the facts above stated. The evidouco reported to the House gives some subrfcauent con- versations and negotiations between Mr. Kelley and Mr. Ames on this subject. , The committee do n ,it deem it material to refer to it in their report. MR. JAME3 A. GARFIELi>, OF OHIO. The facts in regard to ]\Ir. Garfield, as found by the committee, are identical with the case of Mr. Kelley to the point of re- ception of the check for $320. He agreed with Mr. Ames to take ten share; of Credit Mobilier stock, but did n'>t pay for the same. Mr. Ames received t!;e 80 per cent, dividend in bonds and soUl them for 97 per cent., and also received the (;o per cent, cash dividend, which togct'ncr paid the price of the stock and interest, and left a balance of !?.'>29. This sum wa.s paid over to Mr. (tarfinld by a che^k on the Scrgeant- at-Arms, and Mr. Garfield then understood this sum W!i-s the balance of dividends after paying for the stock. Mr. Ames received 206 AMERICAN POLITICS. all the subsequent dividends, and the com- mittee do not find that, sinee the payment of the $329, there has been any communi- cation between Mr. Ames and Mr. Garfield on the subject until this investigation be- gan. Some correspondence between Mr. Garfield and Mr. Ames, and some conver- sations between them during this investi- gation, will be found in the reported testi- mony. The committee do not find that Mr. Ames, in his negotiations with the persons above named, entered into any detail of the relations between the Credit Mobilier Company and the Union Pacific Company, or gave them any specific information as to the amount of dividends they would be likely to receive further than has been al- ready stated. They all knew from him, or otherwise, that the Credit ^lobilier was a contracting company to build the Union Pacific road, but it does not appear that any of them knew that the profits and dividends were to be in stock and bonds of that company. The Credit Mobilier Company was a State corporation, not subject to ■congres- sional legislation, and the fact that its pro- fits were expected to be derived from building the Union Pacific road did not, apparently, create such an interest in that com]jany as to disqualify the holder of Credit Mobilier stock from participating in any legislation affecting the railroad company. In his negotiations with these members of Congress, Mr. Ames made no suggestion that he desired to secure their favorable influence in Congress in favor of the railroad company, and whenever the question was raised as to whether the ownership of this stock would in any way interfere with or embarrass them in their action as members of Congress, he assured them it woidd not. The committee, therefore, do not find, as to the members of the present House above named, that they were aware of the object of Mr. Ames, or that they had any other purpose in taking this stock than to make a profitable investment. It is appa- rent that those who advanced their money to pay for their stock present more the ap- pearance of ordinary investors than those who did not, but the committee do not feel at liberty to find any corrupt purpose or knowledge founded upon the fact of non- payment alone. it ought also to be observed that thoee gentlemen who sarrend-ered their stock to Mr. Ames before there was any public ex- citement upon the subject, do not profess to have done so upon any idea of impro- priety in holding it, but for reasons afiect- ing the value and security of the invest- ment. But tlie committee believe that they must have felt that there was some- thing BO out of the ordinary course of business in the extraordinary dividends they were receiving as to render the in- vestment itself suspicious, and that this was one of the motives of their action. The committee have not been able to find that any of these members of Congress have been affected in their official action in consequence of their interest in Credit Mobilier stock. It has been suggested that the fact that none of this stock was transferred to those with whom Mr. Ames contracted was a circumstance from which a sense of impro- priety, if not corruption, was to be infer- red. The committee believe this is capable of explanation without such inference. The profits of building the road, under the Ames contract, were only to be divided among such holders of Credit Mobilier stock as should come in and become par- tics to certain conditions set out in the contract of transfer to the trustees, so that a transfer from Mr. Ames to new holders would cut oft' the right to dividends from the trustees, unless they also became par- ties to the agreement; and this the com- mittee believe to be the true reasi n why no transfers were made. The committee are also of opinion that there was a satisfactory reason for delay on Mr. Ames's part to close settlements with some of these gentlemen for stock and bonds he had received as dividends upon the stock contracted (o them. In the fall of 1868 Mr. McComb commenced a suit against the Credit Mobilier Company, and Mr. Ames and others, claiming to be entitled to two hundred and fifty shares of the Credit Mobilier stock upon a sub- scription for stock to that amount. That suit is still pending. If McComb pre- vailed in that suit, Mr. Ames might be compelled to surrender so much of the stack assigned to him as trustee, and he was not therefore anxious to have the stock go out of his hands until that suit was terminated. It ought also to be stated tliat no one of the present members of the House above named appears to have liad any knowledge of the dealings of Mr. Ames with other members. The committee do not find that either of the above-named gentlemen, in contract- ing with Mn Ames, had any corrupt mo- tive or purpose himself, or was aware that I\[r. Ames had any, nor did either of them suppose he was guilty of any impropriety or^even indelicacy in becoming a purchaser of this stock. Had it appeared that these gentlemem were aware of the enormous di- vidends upon this stock, and how they were to be earned, we could not thus ac- quit them. And here as well as anywhere, the committee may allude to that subject. Congress had chartered the Union Pacific road, given to it a liberal grant of lands, -and promised a liberal loanof Oovernmeni THE CREDIT MOlilLIKll. 207 bonds, to be dcUvcrod fus fast as Hoctions of the road were cninplott'd. Ah tliL'se uloiu- miirlit not he sullicioiit to comi)Iete the roild, Coiiirross iiuthoriz('(l the comi)any to issue thfir own bonds for the deticit, and serurcd tlieiii by a niortiraixe upon the road, which .should he a lien prior to that of the Government. Congress never intended that tlie owners of tlie road should execute a inortg.ipe on the road prior to that of the (jovcriiMicnt, to raise money to put into tlu-ir own pockets, but only to build the road. The men who controlled the Unio'i Pacific seem to have adopted as the basis of their action the right to incumber the road by a Tuortgage prior to that of tlie Government to the full extent, whether the money was needed for the construction of the roatl or not. It was clear enough they could not do this directly and in terms, and therefore they resorted to the device of contracting with themselves to build the road, and fix a price high enough to reeiuire the issue of bonds to the full extent, and then divide the bonds or the proceeds of them under the name of profits on the contract. All those acting in the matter seem to have been fully aware of this, and that this was to be the elfect of the transaction. The sudden rise of value of Credit Moliilier stock was the result of the adoption of this scheme. Any undue and unreasonable profits thus made by themselves were as much a fraud upon the (rovernment as if they had sold their bonds and divided the money without going through the form of donomiaating them profits on building the road. Now hid these facts been known to these gentlemen, and had they understood they were to share in the proceeds of the scheme, they would have deserved the severest censure. Had they known only that the profits were to l)e paid in stock and bonds of the Union Pacific Company, and so make them interested in it, we cannot agree to the doctrine, which has been urged before us and elsewhere, that it was perfectly legiti- mate for members of Congress to invest in a corporation deriving all its rights from and subject at all times to the action of Congress. In such case the rule^ of the TTouse, as well as the rules of decency, would require such member to abstain from voting on any question affecting his interest. But, after accepting the position of a member oi' Congress, we do not think he has the right to disqualify himself from acting upon subjects likelv to come before Con- gress without some higher and more urgent motive than merely to make a profitable investment. But it is not so much to be feared that in such case an interested mem- ber would vote as that Jio would exerci.se his influence by pcrHonal appeal to his fel- low-mciiihers, and by other modes, which often is I'ar more iiotiiit than a single silent voti'. \Ve do not think any member ought to feel so confident of his own strengtii as to allow hini-^elf to be brought into this temp- tation. We think Mr. Ames judgerooks to be the real and substantial owner, and that Neilson's ownership is merely nominal and colorable. In June, 1868, there was a cash dividend of $9,000 upon this one hundred and fifty shares of stock. Neilson received it, of course, as the stock was in his name ; but on the same day it was paid over to Mr. Brooks, as Neilson savs, to pay so much of the $10,000 advanced by Mr. Brooks to pay for the stock. This,'tlien, repaid all but $1,000 of the loan; but Mr. Brooks continued to hold $16,000 of Union Pacific bonds, which Neilson says he gave him as collateral security, and to draw the interest upon all but $5,000. The interest upon the others, Neilson says, he was permitted to draw and retain, but at one time in his testimony he sj)oke of the amount he was allowed as being Christmas and New Year's presents. Neilson says that during the last summer he borrowed $14,000 of iMr. Brooks, and he now owes jNIr. Brooks nearly as much as the collaterals ; but, ac- cording to his testimony, Mr. Brooks for four years held $16,000 in bonds a- security for $1,000, and received the inter- est on $11,000 of the collaterals. No ac- counts appear to have been ke])t between Mr. Brooks and Neilson, and doubtless what sums he has received from Mr. Brooks, out of the dividends, were intended as presents rather than as deliveries of money belonging to him. Mr. Brooks's efforts procured the stock; his money paid for it; all the cash divi- dends he has received ; and he holds all the bonds, exce[)t those Dillon received, which seem to have been applied toward paying for the fifty shares. Without 210 AMERICAN POLITICS. further comment on the evidence, the committee find that the one hundred and fifty shares of stock apjiearing on the books of the Credit Mobilier in the name of Neilson were really the stock of Mr. Brooks, and subject to his control, and that it was so understood by both the par- ties. Mr. Brooks had taken such an inter- est in the Credit Mobilier Company, and was so connected with Dr. Durant, that he must be regarded as having full knowledge of the relations between that company and the railroad company, and of the contracts between them. He must have known the cause of the sudden increase in value of the Credit Mobilier stock, and how the large expected profits were to be made. We have already expressed our views of the propriety of a member of Congress be- coming the owner of stock, possessing this knowledge. But Mr. Brooks was not only a member of Congress, but he was a Government director of the Union Pacific Company. As such it was his duty to guard and watch over the interests of the Govern- ment in the road and to see that they were protected and preserved. To insure such faithfulness on the part of Government directors. Congress wisely provided that they should not be stockholders in the road. Mr. Brooks readily saw that, though becoming a stockholder in the Credit Mobilier was not forbidden by the letter of the law, yet it was a violation of its spirit and essence, and therefore had the stock placed in the name of his son-in-law. The trans- fer of the Oakes Ames contract to the trustees and the building of the road un- der that contract, from which the enormous dividends were derived, were all during Mr. Brooks's official life as a Government director, must have been within his know- ledge, and yet passed without the slightest opposition from him. The committee be- lieved this could not have been done without an entire disregard of his official obligation and duty, and that while ap- pointed to guard the public interests in the road he joined himself with the pro- )iioters of a scheme whereby the Govern- ment was to be defrauded, and shared in the spoil. In the conclusions of fact upon the evidence, the committee are entirely agreed. In considering what action we ought to recommend to the House upon these facts, the committee encounter a question which has been much debated : Has this House power and jurisdiction to inquire concern- ing offenses committed by its members prior to their election, and to punish them by cen- sure or ex|)ulsion? The committee are unanimous upon the right of jurisdiction of this House over tlie cases of Mr. Ames and Mr. Brooks, upon the facts found in regard to them. Upon the question of jurisdiction the committee present the fol- lowing views : The Constitution, in the fifth section of the first article, defines the power of either House as follows : " Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concur- rence of two-thirds expel a member.' It will be observed that there is no qual- ification of the power, but there is an im- portant qualification of the manner of its exercise — it must be done " with the con- currence of two-thirds." The close analogy between this power and the power of impeachment is deserv- ing of consideration. The great purpose of the power of im- peachment is to remove an unlit and un- worthy incumbent from office, and though a judgment of impeachment may to some extent operate as punishment, that is not its principal object. Members of Congress are not subject to be impeached, but may be expelled, and the principal purpose of expulsion is not as punishment, but to re- move a member whose character and con- duct show that he is an unfit man to par- ticipate in the deliberations and decisions of the body, and whose presence in it tends to bring the body into contempt and dis- grace. In both cases it is a power of purgation and purification to be exercised for the public safety, and, in the case of expulsion, for the protection and character of the House. The Constitution defines the causes of impeachment, to wit, " treason, bribery, or other high crimes and mis- demeanors." The office of the power of expulsion is so much the same as that of the power to impeach that we think it may be safely assumed that whatever would be a good cause of impeachment would also be a good cause of expulsion. It has never been contended that the power to impeach for any of the causes enumerated was intended to be restricted to those which might occur after appoint- ment to a civil office, so that a civil officer who had secretly committed such offense before his appointment should not be sub- ject upon detection and exposure to be convicted and removed from office. Every consideration of justice and sound policy would seem to require that the public in- terests be secured, and those chosen to be their guardians be free from the pollution of high crimes, no matter at what time that pollution had attached. If this be so in regard to other civil of- ficers, under institutions which rest upon the intelligence and virtue of the people, can it well be claimed that the law-making Re]iresentative n»ay be vile and criminal i with impunity, provided the evidences of THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 211 his corruption are found to antedate his election ? In the report made to the Senate by John Quincy Adams in Decemhor, 1807, upon the case of John Smith, of Ohio, the fol- lowing language is used: "The power of expelling a member for misconduct results, on the principles of common sense, from the interests of the nation that the high trust of legislation shall be invested in pure hands. AVhen the trust is elective, it is not to be presumed that the constitu- ent body will commit the deposit to the keeping of worthless characters. But when a man whom his fellow-citizens have hon- ored with their confidence on a pledge of a spotless repution, has degraded himself by the commission of infamous crimes, which become suddenly and uaexpectedly revealed to the world, defective indeed would be that institution which should be impotent to discard fi-om its bosom the con- tagion of such a member; which should have no remedy of amputation to apply until the poison had reached the hoart." The case of Smith was that of a Senator, who, after his election, but not during a 8e.ssion of the Senate, had been involved in the treasonable conspiracy of Aaron Burr. Yet the reasoning is general, and was to antagonize some positions which had been taken in the case of Marshall, a Senitor from Kentucky ; the Senate in that case having, among other reasons, de- clined to take jurisdiction of the charge for the reason that the alleged offence had been committed prior to the Senator's election, and was matter cognizable by the criminal courts of Kentucky. None of the com- mentators upon the Constitution or upon parliamentary law assign any such limita- tion as to the time of the commission of the offense, or the nature of it, which shall control and limit the power of expulsion. On the contrary they all assert that the power in its very nature is a discretionary one, to be exercised of course with grave circumspection at all times, and only for good cause. Story, Kent, and Sergeant, all seem to accept and rely upon the ex- position of Mr. Adams in the Smith case as sound. May, in his Parliamentary Practice, page 59, enumerates the causes for expulsion from Parliament, but he no- where intimates that the offense must have been committed subsequent to the election. When it is remembered that the framers of our Constitution were familiar with the parliamentary law of England, and must nave had in mind the then recent contest over Wilkes's case, it is impossible to con- clude that they meant to limit the discre- tion of the Houses as to the causes of ex- pulsion. It is a received principle of con- struction that the Constitution is to be in- terpreted according to the known rules of law at the time of its adoption, and there- fore, when we find them dealing with a recognized subject of legislative authority, and while studiously qualifying and re- stricting the manner of its exercise, assign- ing no limitations to the subject-matter itself, they must be assumed to have in- tended to leave that to be determined ac- cording to established principles, as a high prerogative power to be exercised accord- ing to the sound discretion of the body. It was not to be apprehended that two- thirds of the Representatives of the people would ever exercise this power in any capricious or arbitrary manner, or trifle with or trample upon constitutional rights. At the same time it could not be foreseen what necessities for self-preservation or self-purification might arise in the legisla- tive body. Therefore it was that they did not, and would not, undertake to limit or define the boundaries of those necessities. The doctrine that the jurisdiction of the House over its members is exclusively con- fined to matters arising subsequent to their election, and that the body is bound to re- tain the vilest criminal as a member if his criminal secret was kept until his election was secured, has been supposed by many to have been established and declared in the famous case of John Wilkes before al- luded to. A short statement of that case will show how fallacious is that supposi- tion. Wilkes had been elected a member of Parliament for Middlesex, and in 1764 was expelled for having published a libel on the ministry. He was again elected and again expelled for a similar offense on the 3d of Februarv, 1769. Being again elected on the 17th of February, 1769, the commons passed the following resolution: " That John Wilkes, Esq., having been in this session of Parliament expelled this house was and is incapable of being elected a member to serve in this present Parlia- ment." Wilkes was again elected, but the House of Commons declared the seat va- cant and ordered a new election. At this election Wilkes was again elected by 1,143 votes, against 296 for his competitor, Lut- trell. On the 15th of April, 1769, the house decided that by the previous action Wilkes had become ineligible, and that the votes given for him were void and could not be counted, and gave the seat to Luttrell. Subsequently, in 1783, the House of Com- mons declared the resolution of February 17, 1769, which had asserted the incapacity of an expelled member to be re-elected to the same Parliament, to be subversive of the rights of the electors, and expunged it from the journal. It will be seen from this concise statement of Wilkes's case that the question was not raised as to the power of the house to expel a member for offenses committed prior to his election ; the point decided, and afterward most 212 AMERICAN POLITICS. properly expunged, was that expulsion per »e rendered the expelled member legally ineligible, and that votes cast for him could not l)e counted. Wilkes's offense was of purely a political character, not involving moral turpitude; he had attacked the ministry in the press, and the proceedings against' him in Parliament were then claimed to be a partisan political persecu- tion, subversive of the rights of the people and of the liberty of the press. These proceedings in Wilkes's case took place during the appearance of the famous Juni- us letters, and several of them are devoted to the discussion of them. The doctrine that expulsion creates ineligibility was at- tacked and exposed by him with great force. But he concedes that if the cause of expulsion be one that renders a man unfit and unworthy to be a member, he may be expelled for that cause as often as he shall be elected. The case of Matteson, in the House of Representatives, has also often been quoted as a precedent for this limitation of juris- diction. In the proceedings and debates of the House upon that case it will be seen that this was one among many grounds taken in the debate ; but as the whole sub- ject was ended by being laid on the table, it is quite impossible to say what was de- cided by the House. It appeared, how- ever, in "that case that the charge against Matteson had become public, and his letter upon which the whole charge rested had been published and circulated through his district during the canvass preceding his election. This fact, we judge, had a most im])ortant influence in determining the action of the House in his case. The committee have no occasion in this report to discuss the question as to the power or duty of the House in a case where a constituency, with a full knowledge of the objectionable character of a man, have selected him to be their Representative. It is hardly a case to be supposed that any constituency, with a full knowledge that a man had been guilty of an offense involv- ing moral turpitude, would elect him. The majority of the committee are not pre- l)ared to concede such a man could be forced upon tlie House, and woiild not con- sider the expulsion of such a man any vio- lation of the rights of the electors, for while the electors have rights that should be respected, the House as a body has rights also that should be protected and preserved. But that in such case the judgment of the constituency would be entitled to the great- est cojisideration, and that this should form an ini]!Ort;uit element in its determination, is r-'adily a." At the same session — 1871-73, acts were pa-ssed to abolish the franking privilege, to increase the President's salary from $25- 000 to $50,000, and tlint of Senators and Representatives from 85,000 to ;?7,500. The last proved quite unpopular, nud was gene- rally denounced as " The Salary Grab," l)e("uise of the feature which made it ap- ply to the Congressmen who passed the bill, and of course to go backward to the beginning of the term. This was not new, as earlier precedents were found to excuse it, but the people were neverthe- less dissatisfied, and it was made an issue by both parties iu the nomination and election of Representatives. Many were defeated, but probably more survived the issue, and are still enjoying public life. Yet the agitation was kept up until the obnoxious feature of the bill and the Con- gressional increase of salary were repealed, leaving it as now at the rate of $5,*^00 a year and mileage. A House committee, headed by B. F. Butler, on Feb. 7th, 1873, made a report which gave a fair idea of the expenses un- der given circumstances — the increase to be preserved, but the franking privilege and mileage to be repealed. We quote the figures : Increase of President's salary $25,000 00 Increase of Cabinet ministers' salary 14,000 00 Increase of salary of judges United States Supreme j Court 18,500 00 | Increase of salary of Senators, Members, and Delegates... 972,000 00 Total increase $1,029,500 00 Saving to the Government, ac- cording to the ofiicial state- ment of the Postmaster- General, per annum, by the abolition of the franking privilege $2,543,327 72 Saving to the Government by abolition of mileage, sta- tionery, postage, and news- paper accounts (estimated) 200 000 00 $2,753,327 72 I 1,029,500 00 ■' Total net saving $1,713,827 72 The House passed a bill for the aboli- tion of mileage, but in the Senate it was referred to the Committee on Civil Service and Retrenchment, and not again heard from. So that the increased pay no longer obtains, the franking ]^rivilege only to the extent of mailing actual Congressional documents, and mileage remains. The following curious facts relating to these questions we take from Hon. Edward McPherson's admirable compilation in his " Hand-Book of Politics " for 1874. statement of Compeusatlon and 3Iileage. Dnui-n hy U. S. Senators ttnder the various Compensation Acts. Mr. Gorham, Secretary of the Senate, prepared, under date of January 3, 1874, a statement, in answer to a resolution of the Senate, covering these points : COMPENSATION AND MILKAGK, 215 I. — The several rates of rompensation fixed by oarinus laws, and the eauet in whieh the same were retroactive, and for what length of time. 1. By the act of September 22. 17S!), tlie compensation of Senators and Kepresenta- tives in CJonucress was fixed at six dollars a day, ami tliirty eents a mile for travelinj!; to and from tiie seat of Government. Tiiis rate was to continue until March 4, 17'.!.'). The same act lixed the compensation from March 4, 17i)'), to Alarcli 4, 179(i, (at wiiich last-named date, by it^ terms, it ex- pired,) at seven dollars a day. and thirty- five cents a mile for travel. This act was retroactive, extending back six months and eigliteen days, namely, to March 4, I7s;). 2. The act of March 10, 1796, fixed the compensation at six dollars a day, and thirty cents a mile for travel. (This act extended back over six days only.) 3. The act of March 19,' 1816, fixed the compensation at$l,")00 a year, "instead of the daily com{)ensation," and left the mile- age uin'hanged. This act was retroactive, extending back one year and fifteen days, namely to March 4, 1815. (This act was repealed by the act of February 6, 1817, but it was expressly declared that no former act was therebv revived. ) 4. The •let of January 22, 1818, fixed the compensatiou at eight dollars a day, and forty cents a' mile for travel. This act was retroactive, extending l)ack fifty-three days, namely, to the assembling of Congress, December 1, 1817. 5. The act of August 16, 1856, fixed the compensation at $8,000 a year, and left the mileage unchanged. This act was retroac- tive, extending ])ack one year, five months, and twelve days, namely, to March 4, 18")5. 6. The act'of July '28, 1866, fixed the compensatit)n at §5,000 a year, and twenty cents a mile for travel, (not to aifect mile- age accounts already accrued.) This act was retroactive, extending liack one year, four months, an;2,980 ; George W. Campbell, $2,950 ; Dud- ley Chace, $3,000 ; John Condit, $2,980 ; David Daggett, $3,000 ; Samuel W. Dana, $2,640 ; Elegius Fromentin, $3,00'» ; John Gaillard, President, $6,000; Robert H. Goldslwrough, $2,840 ; Christopher Gore, $1,940; Alexander Contee Hanson, $530; 3Iartin D. Hardin, $900 ; Robert G. Har- per, si, 450; Outerbridge Horsev, $3,000; Jeremiah B. Howell, $3,000; William Plunter, $2,930; Rufus King, $2,660; Abner Lacock, $3,000 ; Nathaniel Macon, $2,946 ; Jeremiah Mason of New Hamp- shire, $2,6S0 ; Armistead T. Mason of Vir- irinia, $2,360 ; Jeremiah Morrow, $3,000 ; James Noble, $920; Jonatbiui Roberts, $3,000 ; Benjamin Ruggles. $3,000 ; Nathaa Sanford, $2,720; William Smith, $540; Montfort Stokes, $810; Charles Tait, ^;3.000; Isham Talbot. $2,730; John Tay- lor of S(mth Carolina, $1,990 ; Waller Tay- lor of Indiana, $920; Thomas W. Thomp- son, !=;2,850 ; Isaac Tichenor. $"..000 ; Georgo M. Trouj), $830 ; James Turner, $2,060 ; Joseph B. Varnum, .':S,00i» ; AVilliam H. 216 AMERICAN POLITICS. Wello, $2,610; John Williams, $3,000; James J. Wilson, $3,000. Act of 1818. — Under the retroactive provision of the act ol' January 22, 1818, the following named Senators drew the amounts for compensation and mileage op- posite their respective names : Messrs. Eli T. Aslunun, $668 ; James Barbour, $520 ; James Burril, $762 ; George W. Campbell, $1,008 ; John J. Crittenden, $1,007.20 ; David Daggett, $690.40 ; Samuel W. Dana, $283.20; Mahlon Dickerson, $628.80; John W. Eppes, $584; James Fisk, $848 ; Elegius Fromentin, $1,393.60 ; John Gaillard, $880 ; Robert H. Golds- borough, $483.20; Outerbridge Horsey, $485.60 ; William Hunter, $543.20 ; Henry Johnson, $1,273.60 ; Rufus King, $627.20 ; Abner Lacock, $649.60; Walter Leake, $1,384 ; Nathaniel Macon, $600 ; David L. Morril, $876 ; Jeremiah Morrow, $776 ; James Noble, $918.40 ; Harrison Gray Otis, $792.80 ; Jonathan Roberts, $564.80 ; Ben- jamin Ruggles, $688; Nathan Sanford, $616 ; William Smith, $774.40 ; Montfort Stokes, $745.60 ; Clement Storer, $875.20 ; Charles Tait, $952; Isham Talbot, $872; Waller Taylor, $1,080; Isaac Tichenor, $784; George M. Troup, $952; Van Dyke, $380.80; Thomas H. Williams of Mississippi, $1,433.60; John Williams of Tennessee, $861.60 ; James J. Wilson, $568. Act of 1856. — Under the retroactive provision of the act of August 16, 1856, the following named Senators drew the amounts opposite their respective names : Messrs. Stephen Adams, $2,243.77 ; Philip Allen, $2,202.79 ; James A. Bayard, $2,088.03; James Bell, $1,083.93; John Bell, $2,268.36; J. P. Benjamin, $2,210.99 ; Aki Biggs, $2,161.81 ; William Bigler, $1,- 594.24; Jesse D. Bright, president pro tempore, $6,772.40; R. Brodhead, $2,251.- 97 ; A. G. Brown, $2,251.97 ; A. P. Butler. $2,202.70 ; Lewis Cass, $2,251.97 ; C. C. Clay, jr., $2,251.97 ; J. M. Clayton, $2,292.- 95 ; J. Collamer, $2,219.18 ; J. J. Critten- den, $2,243.79 ; H. Dodge, $2,292.95 ; S. A. Douglas, $2,268.36 ; C. Durkee, $2,235.56 ; J. J. Evans, $2,121.70 ; W. S. Fessenden, $2,276.56 ; H. Fish, $2,237.28 ; B. Fitzpat- rick, $2,194.59; S. Foot, $2,292.94; L. F. S. Foster, $2,112.62 ; H. S. Gever, $2,276.- 56 ; J. P. Hale, $887.10; H. Hamlin, $1,- 989.68; J. Harlan, $2,268.36; S. Houston, $2,292.95; R. M. T. Hunter, 2,210.99; A. Iverson, $2,210.99; C. T.James, $2,210.99; R. W. Johnson, $632.21 ; G. W. Jones, $2,235.58; J. C. Jones, $2,047.05; S. R. Mallory, $2,276.56; J. M. Mason, $2,170; J. A. Pearce, $2,1*1.59 ; T. G. Pratt, $2,- 129.02 ; G. E. Pugh, $2,096.21 ; D. S. Reid, $2,235.58 ; T. J. Rusk, $2,292.95 ; W. K. Sebastian, $2,137.22 ; W. H. Seward, $2,- 292.95: John Slidell, $2,276.56; C. E. Stuart, $2,292.95; C. Sumner, $2,292.95; J. B. Taoaipson, $2,235.57; John R. Thomson, ip2,022.46 ; Robert Toombs, $2,- 006.07 ; Isaac Toucey, $2,292.65 ; L. Trum- bull, $2,251.97 ; B. F. Wade, $2,202.79 ; J. B. Weller, $2,251 97 ; H. Wilson, $2,178.- 20 ; W. Wright, $2,120.82 ; D. L. Yulee, $2,194.59. Act of 1866. — Under the retroactive provision of the act of July 28, 1866, the following named Senators received the amounts ojjposite their respective names : Messrs. H. B. Anthony, $2,805 56 ; B. Gratz Brown, $2,805 56 ; C. R. Buckalew, $2,805 56 ; Z. Chandler, $2,805 56 ; D. Clark, $2,805 56 ; J. Collamer, $1,366 15 ; J. Conness, $2,805 56 ; E. Cowan, $2,- 805 56 ; A. H. Cragin, $2,805 56 ; J. A. J. Creswell. $2,805, 56 ; G. Davis, $2,805 56 ; J. Dixon, $2,805 56; J. R. Doolittle, $2,- 805 56; W. P. Fessenden, $2,805 56; S. Foot, $2,136 76 ; L. F. S. Foster, President pro tempore, $261 93 ; J. W. Grimes, $2,- 805 56 ; J. Guthrie, $2,805 56 ; I. Harris, $2,805 56 ; J. B. Henderson, $2,805 56 ; T. A. Hendricks, $2,805.56 ; J. M. Howard, $2,805 56 ; T. O. Howe, $2,805 56 ; R. John- son, $2,805 56; H. S. Lane, $2,805 56; J, H. Lane, $2,710 49 ; James A. Mc- Dougall, $2,805 56; E. D. Morgan, $2,- 805 56 ; L. M. Morrill, $2,805 56 ; J. W. Nesmith, $2,805 56 ; D. S. Norton, $2,- 805 56 ; J. W. Nye, $2,805 56 ; S. C. Pome- roy, $2, 805 56 ; A. Ramsev, $2,805 56 ; G. R. Riddle, $2,805 56 ; W. Saulsburv, $2,- 805 56 ; J. Sherman, $2,805 56 ; W. M. Stewart, $2,805 56 ; C. Sumner, $2,805 56 ; L. Trumbull, $2,805 56 ; P. G. Van Winkle, $2,805 56; B. Wade, $2,805 56; W. T. Willey, $2,805 56 ; G. H. Williams, $2,- 805 56 ; H. Wilson, $2,805 56 ; W. Wright, $2,805 56 ; R. Yates, $2,805 56 ; J. Harlan, $350 ; L. P. Poland, $1,361 ; John P. Stock- ton, $2,131 20; S. J. Kirkwood, $2,361 10; G. F. Edmunds, ^^^ciii 66 ; E. G. Ross, $180 40. Act of 1873. — Lender the retroactive provision of the act of March 3, 1873, the following named Senators received the sums set opposite their respective names : Messrs. A. Ames, $2,840 ; J. L. Alcorn, $2,312 39 ; J. T. Bayard, $4,865 60 ; F. P. Blair, $3,76160; A. L Boreman, $4,514; W. G. Brownlow, $4,588 ; A. Caldwell, $2,-' 647 60 ; S. Cameron, $4,856 ; M. H. Cai* penter, $3,887 60 ; E. Casserly, $970 40 ; 7^ Chandler, $3,906 80; P. Clavton, $2,600; C. Cole, $970 40; H. Cooper, $3,760 ; H. G. Davis, $4,635 20 ; O. S. Ferry, $4,652 ; T. W. Ferry, $3,920; J. W. Flanagan, $2,- 000; A. Gilbert, $3,680; George Goldth- waite, $3,924 80 ; M. C. Hamilton, $2,480 ; Joshua Hill, $4,083 20 ; P. W. Hitchcock, $2,852 80 ; T. O. Howe, $3,689 60 , J. W. .Johnston, $4,705 60 ; John T. Lewis, $4,- S04 40; John A. Logan, $3,800; W. B. Machen, $552 98; L. M. Morrill, $4,190; J. S. Morrill, (draft in favor of the treas- RETURNING BOARDS. 217 urer of the State of Vermont,) $4,386 80 ; T. M. Norwood, $4,l(il> ()(» ; J. W. Nve, *2,- 07t) HO; T. W. Osborii, $:?,440 ; J. W. ]»ut- terson, $4,280; 8. C. Poinerov, $.S,;i20 ; John Pool, $4,(J20 80 ; M. W. Riinsom, $4,- 817 (50; B. F. Rice, $.'{,200; T. J. Robert- sou, $4,874 80; F. A. Sawyer. $4,21>4 4<» ; George E. Spencer, .'?4,10(); W. Sprague, $4,508; W. .M. Stewart, $1,48(3 40; J. 1*. Stockton, $4,7;K> ; T. W. Tipton, *:j,8r)8 ; Lvnian Triunbull, $8,080; G. Vickers, $4,- 880 ; J. K. West, $2,4<)8 80. III. — Xtimes of Senators who covered into the Treasury amounts due them under re- troactive provisions of law, ivith date of such action. There is no record in my office showing that any Senator coveretl into the Trea- sury any money to which he was entitled by the retroactive provisions of either of the acts of September 22, 1789, March 10, 181(J, January 22, 1818, August 16, 1856, or July 28, 18()6. The following Senators covered into the Treasury the amounts due them under the retroactive provision of the act of March 8, 1873, namelv : 1873.— May 26, H. B. Anthony, $4,497 20 ; June 28, W. A. Buckin-ham, $4,553 60 ; Mav 21, R. E. Ponton, $4,184; June 2, F. T. Frelinghuysen, $4,644 80 ; May 19, H. Hamlin, $4,186; August 14, O. P. Morton, $3,922 40 ; April 9. D. D. Pratt, $4,121 60 ; August 25, A. Ramsey, $3,041 40 ; March 28, C. Schurz, $3,761 60 ; May 9, John Scott, $4,733 06 ; July 11, John Sherman, $4,336 40 ; May 2, U. Sumner, $4,445 60 ; May 22, A. G.Thurman, $4,359 20 ; March 28, Henrv Wilson, $4,448 ; September 6, George G. Wright, $8,140 80. NoTK. — Several of these Senators, as well as others who have not either drawn or covered into the Treasury the amounts due them under the retroactive provision ofthe actof 1878, expressed tome their intention to allow the money to lapse into the Trea.sury by the ordinary operation of law, which they supposed would occur July 3, 1873. After learning that it could not be covered in, except by their order, before July 8, 1875, some gave me written instructions to anticipate the latter date. I am unable to furnish from any informa- tion in my office the names of Senators who themselves paid into the Treasury Siilary drawn under the act of 1878 or pre- vious acts. I have not furnished the names of Senators who have left increased salary undrawn, as this information was not called for in the resolution. IV. — A Comparative Statement. Total compensation and allowance of Senators, under act of Julv 28, 1866, from March 4, 1871, to March" 3, 1872: Com- pensation, $370,000 ; mileage, $87,041 20 ; •iationery and aewspapei-s, $9,250; total. $416,29120; average per Senator, $5,- 625 55 1 ^. Under same act, from March 4, 1872, to March 3, 1878, during which year memb'ere of the Senate received mileage for attend- ing the special session of the Senate, held in May, 1872, the following aiiujunts were paid: Compensation, $870,000; mileage, $59,002 80 ; newspapers and stationery, $9,- 250 ; total, $488,252 80 ; average per Sen- ator, $5,922 28J?. Total compensation and allowance of Senators under act of March 8, \ST.i: Compensation, $555,000; traveling ex- penses, based upon the certificates of forty- six Senators, (twenty-eight having pre- sented none,) amounting to $4,607 95, giv- ing an average of $100 17x74==$7,412 58; total, $562,412 58; average per Senator. $7,600 17. In connection with this were statements, prepared by the Secretary of the Senate, and laid before that body bv Senator Cameron, January 9, 1874, of the amounts of mileage paid in dollars (cents omitted) at particular dates under the acts of 1856 and 1866, are given. The act of 1856 fixed mileage at forty cents per mile each way, and the act of 1866 fixed it at twenty cents per mile each way. Returning Boards. At the second session of the 42d Con- gress that body, and the President as well, were compelled to consider a new question in connection with politics — an actual con- flict of State Governments. There had al- ways been, in well regulated State govern- ments, returning boards, but with a view the better to guard the newly enfranchised citizens of the South from" intimidation, the Louisiana Republicans, under very bold and radical leaders, had greatly strengthened the powers of her returning boards. It could canvass the votes, reject the returns in part or as a whole of parishes where force or fraud had been used, and could declare results after such revision. The Governor of Louisiana had made several removals and appointments of State officers for the purpose mainly of making a friendly majority in the return- ing board, and this led to the ai)i)ointment of two bodies, both claiming to be the le- gitimate returning board. There soon followed two State governments and legis- latures, the Democratic headed by Gover- nor John McEnery, the Republican by Governor Wm. Pitt Kellogg, later in the U. S. Senate. Kellogg brought suit against the Democratic officers before Judge Durell, of the Federal District Court, and obtained an (jrder that the U. S. Marshal (S. B. Packard, afterwards Governor), should seize the State House and prevent the meetings of the ^IcEnery 218 AMERICAN POLITICS. legislature. Then botli governments were hastily inaugurated, and claimed tlie re- cognition of Congress. The Senate Com- mittee reported tliat Judge Durell's deci- sion was not warranted, but the report refused a decisive recognition of either government. A bill was introduced de- claring the election of Nov. 4, 1872, on which this condition of affairs was based, null and void, and providing for a new election, but this bill was defeated by a clo.-e vote. Later on, Louisiana claimed a large share in National politics. Some- what similar troubles occurred in Alabama, Arkansas, and Texas, but they were settled with far greater ease than those of Louisi- ana. The correspondence in all of these cases was too voluminous to reproduce here, and we shall dismiss the subject until the period of actual hostilities were reached in Louisiana. The Orangers. So early as 1867 a secret society had been formed first in Washington, known as the Patrons of Husbandry, and it soon I succeeded in forming subordinate lodges or granges in Illinois, Wisconsin, and other States. It was declared not to be politi- cal ; that its object was co-operation among farmers in purchasing supplies from first hands, so as to do away with middle-men, but, like many other secret organizations, it was soon perverted to political purposes, and lor a time greatly disturbed the politi- cal parties of the Western States. This was especially true of the years 1873-74, when the Grangers announced a contem- plated war on railroad corporations, and succeeded in carrying the legislatures of Illinois and Wisconsin, and inducing them subsequently to pass acts, the validity of which the Supreme Courts of the State, under a temporary popular pressure which was apparently irresistible, could not sus- tain. The effect of these laws was to al- most bankrupt the Illinois Central, there- tofore wealthy, toint in the same direction over an equal distance of the same railroad ; all such dis- criminating rates, charges, collections, or receipts, whether made directly or by means of any rebate, drawback, or other shift or evasion, shall be deemed and taken against such railroad corporation as prima facie evidence of the unjust discriminations prohibited by the provisions of this act, and it shall not be deemed a sufficient ex- cuse or justification of such discriminations on the })art of such railroad corporation, that the railway station or point at which it shall charge, collect, or receive the same or le.'^s rates of toll or compensation for the transportation of such passenger or freight, or for the use and transportation of such railroad car the greater distance than for the shorter distance, is a railway station or point at which there exists competition with any other railroad or means of trans- portation. This section shall not be con- strued so as to exclude other evidence tend- ing to show any unjust discrimination in freight and passenger rates. The i)ro- visions of this section shall extend antlap- ply to any railroad, the branches thereof, and any road or roads which any railroad corporation has the right, license, or per- mission to use, operate, or control, wholly or in part, within the State: /'roriited. /toirrijcr, That nothing herein c iiitained shall be so construeil as to prevent railroad corporations from issuing commutation, excursion, or thousand mile tickets, as the same are now issued by such corporations. Si'X". 4. Any such railroad cor])(»ration guilty of extortion, or (jf making any un- just discrimination as to passenger or freight rates, or the rates for the use and transportation of railroad cars, or in re- ceiving, handling, or delivering freights shall, ui>on conviction thereof, be fined in any sum not less than one thousand dol- lars ($1,1)00) nor more than five thousand dollars ($5,000 j for the first olfense; and for the second offense not less than five thousand dollars ($5,000) nor more than ten thousand dollars ($10,000;) and for the third offense not less than ten thousand dollars ($10,000) nor more than twenty thousand dollars ($20,000;) and for every subsc({uent offense and convic- tion thereof shall be liable to a fine of twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000:) Provided, That in all cases under this act either party shall have the right of trial by jury. Sec. 5. The fines hereinbefore provided for may be recovered in an action of debt in the name of the people of the State of Illinois, and there may be several counts joined in the same declaration as to extor- tion and unjust discrimination, and a.s to passenger and freight rates, and rates for Ihe use and transportation of railroad cars, and for receiving, handling, or delivering freights. If, upon the trial of any case instituted under this act, the jury shall find for the people, they shall assess and return with their verdict the amount of the fine to be imposed upon the defendant, at any sum not less than one thousand dollars (81,000) nor more than five thou- sand dollars ($5,000,) and the court shall render judgment accordingly; and if the jury shall find for the people, and th:it the delendant has been once before convicted of a violation of the provisions of this act, they shall return such finding with their verdict, and shall assess and return with their verdict the amount of the fine to be imposed upon the defendant, at any sum not less than five thousand dollars ($5,000) nor more than ten thousand dollars ($10,- 000,) and the court shall render judgment accordingly; and if tiie jury shall find for the people, and that the defendant has been twice before convicted of a violation 220 AMERICAN POLITICS. of the provisions of this act, with respect i to extortion or unjust discrimination, they shall return sucli finding with their ver- dict, and shall assess and return with their verdict the amount of the fine to be im- posed upon the defendant, at any sum not less than ten thousand dollars' ($10,000) nor more than twenty thousand dollars ($20,000;) and in like manner for every subsequent oti'ense and conviction such de- } fendant shall be liable to a fine of twenty- five thousand dollars ($25,000.) Provided, ' That in all cases under the provisions of i this act a preponderance of evidence in ; favor of the people shall be sufficient to 1 authorize a verdict and judgment for the j people. Sec. 6. If any such railroad corporation shall, in violation of any of the provisions of this act, ask, demand, charge, or receive of any person or corporation, any extor- tionate charge or charges for the transpor- tation of any passengers, goods, mer- chandise, or property, or for receiving, handling, or delivering freights, or shall make any unjust discrimination against any person or corporation in its charges therefor, the person or corporation so of- fended against may for each offense re- cover of such railroad corporation, in any form of action, three times the amount of the damages sustained by the party ag- grieved, together with cost of suit and a reasonable attorney's fee, to be fixed by the court where the same is heard, on ap- peal or otherwise, and taxed as a part of the costs of the case. Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the rail- road and warehouse commissioners to per- sonally investigate and ascertain whether the provisions of this act are violated by any railroad corporation in this State, and to visit the various stations upon the line of each railroad for that purpose, as often as practicable ; and whenever the facts in any manner ascertained by said commis- sioners shall in their judgment warrant such prosecution, it shall be the duty of said commissioners to immediately cause suits to be commenced and prosecuted against aiiy railroad corporation which may violate the provisions of this_ act. Such suits and j)rosecutions may be insti- tuted in any county in the State, through or into which the line of the railroad cor- poration sued for violating this act may extend. And such railroad and ware- house commissioners are hereby author- ized, when the facts of the case presented to them shall, in their judgment, warrant the commencement of such action, to em- ploy counsel to assist the Attorney General in conducting such suit on behalf of the State. No such suits commenced by said commissioners shiill be dismissed, except said railroad and warehouse commissioners and the Attorney General shall consent thereto. Sec. 8. The railroad and warehouse commissioners are hereby directed to nuike for each of the railroad corporations doing business in this State, as soon as practi- cable, a schedule of reasonable maximum rates of charges for the transportation of passengers and freight and cars on each ot said railroads ; and said schedule shall, in all suits brought against any such railroad corporations, wherein is in any way in- volved the charges of any such railroad corjioration for the transportation of any passenger or freight or cars, or unjust dis- crimination in relation thereto, be deemed and taken, in all courts of this State, as prima facie evidence that the rates therein fixed are reasonable maximum rates of charges for the transportation of passen- gers and freights and cars upon the rail- roads for which said schedules may have been respectively prepared. Said commis- sioners shall, from time to time, and as often as circumstances may require, change and revise said schedules. When such schedules shall have been made or revised as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of said commissioners to cause publication thereof to be made for three successive weeks, in some public newspaper published in the city of Springfield in this state : " Provided, That the schedules thus prepared shall not be taken as prima facie evidence as herein provided until schedules shall have been prepared and published as aforesaid for all the railroad companies now organ- ized under the laws of this State, and until the fifteenth day of January, A. D. 1874, or until ten days after the meeting of the next session of this General Assembly, provided a session of the General Assembly shall be held previous to the fifteenth day of January aforesaid." All such schedules, purporting to be printed and published as aforesaid, shall be received and held, in all such suits, as prima facie the schedules of said commissioners, without further proof than the production of the paper in which they were published, together with the certificate of the publisher of said paper that the schedule therein contained is a true copy of the schedule furnished for publication by said commissioners, and that it has been published the above speci- fied time ; and any such paper purporting to have been published at said city, and to be a public newspaper, shall be j^resumed to have been so published at the date thereof, and to be a public newsjiaper. Sec. 10. In all cases under the provi- sions of this act, the rules of evidence shall be the same as in other civil actions, ex- cept as hereinbefore otherwise provided. All fines recovered under the ])r()visions of this act shall be paid into the county treasury of the county in which the suit is SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL RIGHTS HILL, 221 tried, by the penson rollcrtiiij; tlio same, in the manner now provifk'd l>y law, to be used for county purposes. The remedies hereby ^iven shall be regarded as cunuila- tive to the remedies now given by law against railroad corporations, and this act shall not be construed as repealing any statute giving such remedies. Suits com- menced under the provisions of this act shall have |)rccedcnce over all other busi- ness, except criminal business. Sr.c. 11. The term "railroad corpora- tion," contained in this act, shall be deemed and taken to mean all corpora- tions, companies, or individuals now own- ing or operating, or which may hereafter own or operate any railroad, in whole or in part, in this State; and the provisions of this act shall apply to all persons, firms, and companies, and to all associations of per-^ons, whether incorporated or other- wise, that shall do business as common carriers upon any of the lines of railways in this State (street railways excepted) the same as to railroad corporations therein- before mentioned. Skc. 12. An act entitled " An act to pre- vent unjust discriminations and extortions in the rates to be charged by the different railroads in this State for the transporta- tion of freight on said roads," approved April 7, A. D. 1871, is hereby repealed, but such repeal shall not affect nor repeal any penalty incurred or right accrued under said act prior to thq time this act takes effect, nor any proceedings or prose- cutions to enforce such rights or penalties. Approved May 2, 1S73. S. "M. Cullom, Speaker House of Bepresentaiives. John Early, President of the Senate. John L. Beveridge, Governor. The same spirit, if not the same organi- zation, led to many petitions to Congress for the regulation of inter-state commerce and freight rates, and to some able reports on the subject. Those which have com- manded most attention were by Senator Windom of Minnesota and Representative Reagan of Texas, the latter being the au- thor of a bill which commanded much rnnsideration from Congress in the sessions of 1878-'80, but which has not yet secured favorable action. In lieu of such bill Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, intro- duced a joint resolution for the appoint- ment of a Commission to investigate and report upon the entire question. Final action has not yet been taken, and at this writinij: interest in the subject seems to have flagged. The disastrous political action attem])ted by the Grangers in Illinois and Wisconsin, led to such general condemnation that sub- He(|uent att(;mpts were abandoned save in isolated cases, and as a rule the society haw passed away. The i)rinciple upon which it was l)a.sed was wholly unsound, and if strictly carried out, would destroy all home improvements and enterprise. Parties and societies based uj)on a class, and directed or perverted toward i>olitical objects, are very hapj)ily short-lived in this Republic of ours. If they could thrive, the Kei>ub- lic could not long emlure. Supplementary Clvi] Rljt;htH Bill. Senator Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights Bill was passed by the second ses- sion of the 43d Congress, though its great author had died the year before — March 11th, 1874. The text of the Act is given in Book V. of this volume, on Existing Political Laws. Its validity was sustained by the U. S. District Courts in their in- structions to grand juries. The first con- viction under the Act was in Philadelphia, in February, 1876. Rev. Fields Cook, pastor of the Third Baptist colored church of Ah'xandria, Virginia, was refused sleep- ingand eating accommodations at the Bing- ham House, by Upton S. Newcomer, one of its clerks ; and upon the trial of the case, in the U. S. District Court, JoHX Cadwalader, Judge, instructed the jury as follows: The fourteenth amendment of the Con- stitution of the United States makes all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, citizens of the United States, and provides that no State shall make or en- force any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State '^ * * deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. This amendment expressly gives to Congress the power to enforce it by appropriate legislation. An act of Congress of March 1, 1875, enacts that all persons within the jurisdiction of the United St.ates shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities and privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theatres and other places of public amusement, subject only to the conditions and limitations established by law, and applicable alike to citizens of every race and color, and makes it a crimi- nal offense to violate these enactments by denying to any citizen, except for reasons by law applicable to citizens of every race and color, * * * the full enjoyment of any of the accommodations, advantages, facili- ties or privileges enumerated. As the law of Pennsylvania had stood until the 22d of March, 1807, it was not wrongful for inn- keepers or carriers by land or water to dia- 222 AMERICAN POLITICS. criminate against travelers of the colored race to such an extent as to exclude them from any part of the inns or public con- veyances which was set apart for the ex- clusive accommodation of white travelers. The Legislature of Pennsylvania, by an act of 22d of March, 1867, altered the law in this respect as to passengers on railroads. But the law of tlie State was not changed as to inns by any act of the State Legisla- ture. Therefore, independently of the amendment of the Constitution of the United States and of the act of Congress now in question, the conduct of the de- fendant on the occasion in question might, perhaps, have been lawful. It is not ne- cessary to express an opinion upon this point, because the decision of the case de- pends upon the effect of this act of Con- gress. I am under opinion that under the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitu- tion the enactment of this law was within the legislative power of Congress, and that we are bound to give effect to the act of Congress according to its fair meaning. According to this meaning of the act I am of opinion that if this defendant, being in charge of the business of receiving travelers in this inn, and of providing necessary and proper accommodations for them in it, re- fused such accommodations to the witness Cook, then a traveler, by reason of his color, the defendant is guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted. If the case depended upon the unsupported tes- timony of this witness alone, there might be some reason to doubt whether this de- fendant was the person in charge of this part of the business. But under this head the additional testimony of Mr. Annan seems to be sufficient to remove all reason- able doubt. If the jury are convinced of the defendant's identity, they will con- sider whether any reasonable doubt of his conduct or motives in refusing the accom- modations to Fields Cook can exist. The case appears to the court to be proved ; but this question is for the jury, not for the court. If the jury have any reasonable doubt, they should find the defendant not guilty ; otherwise they will find him guilty. The jury brought in a verdict of guilty, March 1, 1876, and the Court imposed a fine of $500. Tlie Morton Amendment. In the session of '73, Senator Morton, of Indiana, introduced an amendment to the Constitution providing for the general choice of Presidential Electors by Con- gressional districts, and delivered several speeches on the subject which attracted much attention at the time. Since then many amendments have been introduced on the subject, and it is a matter for an- nual discussion. We quote the Morton Amendment as the one most likely to com- mand favorable action : " Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of each House concurring therein:) That the fol- lowing article is hereby proposed as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the Constitution, to wit: " Article — . " I. The President and Vice-President shall be elected by the direct vote of the j^eople in the manner following: Each State shall be divided into districts, equal in number to the number of Representa- tives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress, to be composed of con- tiguous territory, and to be as nearly equal in population as may be ; and the person having the highest number of votes in each district for President shall receive the vote of that district, which shall count one pres- idential vote. " II. The person having the highest number of votes for President in a State shall receive two presidential votes from the State at large. " III. The person having the highest number of presidential votes in the United States shall be President. " IV. If two persons have the same number of votes in any State, it being the highest number, they shall receive each one presidential vote from the State at large ; and if more than two persons shall have each the same number of votes in any State, it being the highest number, no presidential vote shall be counted from the State at large. If more persons than one shall have the same number of votes, it being the highest number in any district, no presidential vote shall be counted from that district. " V. The foregoing provisions shall ap- ply to the election of Vice-President. " VI. The Congress shall have power to provide for holdnig and conducting the elections of President and Vice-Pi-esident, and to establish tribunals for the decision of such elections as may be contested." VII. The States shall be divided into districts by the legislatures thereof, but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter the same. The present mode of election is given in Book V. of this volume. The WlilBkjr Rln|^. During 1875 an extensive Whiskj^ Ring, organized to control revenue legislation and avoidance of revenue taxes, was dis- THE WHITE LEAGUE. 223 covered in the West. It was an a.ssocia- tion of distillers in collusion with l'\'arish, and pro- scribed for his political sentiments only. It is more than probable that if bad gov- ernment has existed in this State it is the result of the armed organizations, which have now crystallized into what is called the White League ; instead of bad government developing them, they have by their ter- rorism prevented to a (onsiderable extent the collection of taxes, the holding "f courts, the punishment of criminals, and vitiated public sentiment by familiarizing it with the scenes above described. 1 am now engaged in compiling evidence for a THE WHITE LEAGUE. 225 detailed report upon the above subject, but it will be KOine time before I can obtain all the requisite data to cover the ciwea that have occurred throu;,diout the State. I will also report in due time ujion tlie same subject in the States of Arkansaa and Mis- sissippi. P. H. SlIEUIDAX, LitutenaiU- Uaieral. ' • President Grant said in a special mes- jBuge to C;on;j;ress, January 13, 1875: — " It h:n been bitterly and persistently alleged that Kellogg was not elected. Whether he was or not is not altogether certain, nor is it any more certain that his competitor, McEnery, w;U:? chosen. The ' election was a gigantic fraud, and tliere are no reliable returns of its result. Kellogg obtained possession of the oflice, and in my opinion had more right to it than his competitor. "On the 20th of Februar\', 1873, the Committee on Privileges and Elections of the Senate made a report, in which they say they were satisfied by testimony that the manipulation of the election machinery by Warmoth and others was equivalent to twenty thousand votes ; and they adil, to recognize the McEnery government 'would be recognizing a government based upon fraud, in defiance of the wishes and intention of the voters of the State.' As- suming the correctness of the statements in this report, (and they seem to have been generally accepted by the country,) the great crime in Louisiana, about which so much has been said, is, that one is holding the office of governor who was cheated out of twenty thousand votes, against another whose title to the office is undoubtedly based on fraud, and in defiance of the wishes and intentions of the voters of the State. "Misinformed and misjudging as to the nature and extent of this report, the sup- Eortera of McEnery proceeded to displace y force in some counties of the State the appointees of Governor Kellogg; and on the 13th of April, in an effort of that kind, a butchery of citizens was committed at Colfax, which in blood-thirstiness and bar- barity is hardly surpassed by any acts of savage warfare. " To put this matter beyond controversy, I quote from the charge of Judge Woods, of the United States circuit court, to the jury in the case of the United States rs. Cruikshank and others, in New Orleans, in March, 1874. He said : " ' In the case on trial there are many ficts not in controversy. I proceed to Ktate some of them in the presence and hearing of counsel on both sides; and if I state as a conceded fact any matter that is disputed, they can correct me.' - ' After stating the origin of the diffi- 15 culty, which grew out of an attempt of white person.s lo drive the parish juye, Charles Foster, William Walter Phelps, Clarkson N. Potter, and Samuel S. Marshall, who are hereby authorized to examine and determine the same upon the equities of the several cases ; and when such awards shall be made, we hereby severally agree to abide by the same: And such of us as may become members of the House of Representatives, under this arrangement, hereby severally agree to sustain by our influence and votes the joint resolution herein sot forth. I Here follow the signatures of the Demo- crats who claimed that their certificates of ele.'tion as members of the House of Re- presentatives had been illegally withheld by the Returning Board.] And the undersigned claiming to havef been elected Senators from the Eighth and Twenty-Second Senatorial Districts, hereby agree to submit their claims to the lore- going award and arbitrament, and in all respects to abide the results of the same. [Here follow the signatures of the Demo- crats, who made a like claim as to seats in the Senate.] And the undersigned, holding certifi- cates of election from the Returning Board, hereby severally agree that upon the com- ing in of the award of the foregoing arbi- trators they will, when the same shall have been ratified by the report of the Commit- tee on Elections and Qualifications of the body in session at the State House claim- ing to be the House of Representatives, attend the sitting of the said House for the purpose of adopting said report, and if said report shall be adopted, and the mem- bers embraced in the foregoing report shall be seated, then the undersigned seve- rally agree that immediately upon the adoption of said report they will vote for the following joint resolution : [Here follow the signatures of the Demo- cratic members of the House of Represen- tatives in relation to whose seats there was no controversy.] JOINT RESOLUTION. Resolved, by the General Assettihh/ of the Stute of Lovisimia, That said Assembly, without approving the same, will not dis- turb the present State Government claim- ing to have been elected in 1872, known as the Kellogg Government, or seek to im- peach the Governor for any past official acts, and that henceforth it will accord to said Governor all necessary and legitimate support in maintaining the laws and ad- vancing the peace and prosperity of the peo]de of this State : and that the House of Representatives, as to its members, as constituted under the award of George F. Hoar, W. A. Wheeler, W. P. Frye, Charles Foster, Samuel S. Marshall, Clarkson N. Potter, and William Walter Phelps, shall remain without change except by resignation or death of mendiers until a new general election, and that the Senate, as now organized, shall also remain un- changed except so far a.s thak body shall make changes on contests. TEXT OF TUE WHEELER COMPROMISE, 227 TEXT OF THE AWARD. New Yuuk, March 13, 1875. The undersigned huvinj^ been reiiuested to examine the claims of tlie persons here- inafter nanud to seats in the Senate and ! House of Representatives of the SUite ■ of Louisiana, and havinj^ examined the re- turns and tile evidence relating to such | claims, are of opinion, and do hereby liiid, i award and determine, that F. S. (Joode is entitled to a seat in the !r^cnate from the Twenty-secoml Senatorial District ; and i that J. B. Klara is not entitled to a seat in ' the Senate from the Eighth Senatorial District; and that the following named persons are entitled to seats in the House of Representatives from the following named jnirishes respectively : From the Parish of Assumption, R. R. Beaseley, E. F. X. Dugas; from the Parish of 15ien- ville, James Bricc ; frona the Parish of De Soto, J. S. Scales, Charles Schuler; from the I'arish of Jackson, I-]. Kidd ; from the Parish of Rapides, James Jeflries, R. C. Luckett, G. W. Stafford ; from the Parish of Terrebone, Edward McCollum, W. H. Keves ; from the Parish of Winn, George A. 'Kelley. And that the following named persons are not entitled to seats which they claim from the following named parishes respectively, but that the persons now holding seats from said parishes are entitled to retain the seats now held by them ; from the Parish of Avoyelles, J. O. C^uinn ; from the Parish of Iberie, W. F. Schwing ; from the Parish of Caddo, A. D. Land, T. R. Vaughan, J. J. Iloran. We are of opinion that no person is en- titled to a seat from the Parish of Grant. In regard to most of the cases, the undersigned are unanimous ; as to the otliera the decision is that of a majority. George F. Hoar, W. A. Wheeler, W. P. Frye, Charles Foster, Clarkson N. Potter, William Walter Phelps, Samuel S. Marshall. This adjustment and award were accept- ed and observed, until the election in No- vem ~er, 1876, when a ccmtroversy arose as to the result, the Republicans claiming tlie ekcLion of Stephen B. Packard as Govern- or by about ;^,')()0 majority, and a Republi- can Legislature ; and the Democrats claim- ing the election of Francis T. Nicholls as Governor, by about 8,000 majority, and a Democratic Legislature. Committees of gentlemen visited New Orleans, by request of President Grant and of various politi- cal organizations, to witness the count of the votes by the Returning Board. And in December, 1876, on the meeting of Con- gress, committees of investigation were ap- pointed by the Senate and by the House of Representatives. Exciting events wero now daily transpiring. On the 1st of Jan- uary, l'^77, the l„egislature organized in the State House without exhibitions of vio- lence. The Democrats did n-niocrats went so far as to say that the House (which was Democratic, with Samuel J. Randall in the S])eaker's chair) could lor itself decide when the emergency had arrived in which it was to elect a President. There was grave danger, and it was as- serted that the Democrats, fearing the I'resident of the Senate would exercise the power of declaring the result, were preparing first to forcibly and at least with secrecy swear in and inaugurate Tilden. Mr. Watterson, member of the House from 'Kentucky, boasted that he had completed arrangements to have 100,000 men at Washington on inauguration day, to see tliat Tihlen was installed. President Grant and Secretary of War Cameron, thought the condition of aftaii-s critical, and both made active though secret preparations to secure the safe if not the peaceful inaugu- ration of Hayes. Grant, in one of his sen- tentious utterances, said he " would have j)eace if he had to fight for it." To this end he sent for Gov. Ilartranft of Penn- sylvania, to know if he could stop any at- tempted movement of New York troops to Washington, as he had information that the j>urpos(! was to forcibly install Tilden. Gov. Hartranft replied that he could do it with the National Guard and the Grand Army of the Republic. He was told to return to Harrisburg and prepare for such an emergency. This he did, and as the Ijegislature was then in session, a Repub- lican caucus was called, and it resolved, without knowing exactly why, to sustain any action of the Governor with the re- sources of the State. Secretary Cameron also sent for Gen'l Sherman, and for a time went on with comprehensive prepa- rations, which if there had been need for comijletion, would certainly have put a speedy check upon the madness of any mob. There is a most interesting unwrit- ten history of events then transpiring which no one now living can fully relate without unjustifiable violations of political and personal confidences. But the danger was avoided by the patriotism of prominent members of Congress representing both of the great political parties. These gentle- men held several important and private conferences, and substantially agreed upon a result several days before the exciting struggle which followed the introduction of the Electoral Commission Act. The leaders on the part of the Republicans in these conferences were Conkling, Edmunds, Frelinghuysen ; on the part of the Demo- crats Bayard, Gordon, Randall and Hewitt, the latter a member of the House and Chairman of the National Democratic Committee. The Electoral Commission Act, the basis of agreement, was supported by Conkling in a speech of great power, and of all men engaged in this great work he was at the time most suspected by the Rcjniblicans, who feared that his admitted dislike to Hayes would cause him to favor a bill which would secure the return of Tilden, and as both of the gentlemen were New Yorkers, there was ihv several days grave fears of a combination between the two. The result showed the injustice done, and convinced theretofore doubting Republi- cans that Conkling, even as a partisan, was faithful and far-seeing. The Electoral Commission measure was a Democratic one, if we are to judge from the character of the votes cast for and against it. In the Senate the vote stood 47 for to 17 against. There were 21 Republicans for it and 16 against, while there were also 26 Demo- crats for it to only 1 (Eaton) against. In the House much the same proportion was maintained, the bill passing that body by 191 to 86. The following is the text of the ELECTORAL COMMISSION ACT. An act to provide for and regulate the counting of votes for President and Vice- President, and the decision of questions arising thereon, for the term commencing March fourth, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and seventy-seven. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Rfyrcsentatives of the United States of America in Congress assenihled, That the Senate and House of Representatives shall meet in the hall of the House of Represen- tatives, at the hour of one o'clock post THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 231 moridian, on the first Thursday in Ft-bru- ary, Aaiu) Domini eif^Iitern huiuiroil luul si'vcnty-sovon ; llie IVcsidcnt ol" the Senate shall he thi'ir [)rt"si(lin;^(inici'r. Two tellers shall he previously uppointed on the part of the Senate, and two on the part of the II nier8 of tlie Commtssloiu Hon. Nathan Ci-ifford, Associate Jut- tice Sujjreine Court, First Circuit. THE TITLE OF PRESIDENT HAYES. 233 Hon. William SrKoy!0, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Third Circuit. Hon. Sa.aiukl F. Miller, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Eightk Circuit. Hon. .Sti:1'I!KN J. ViEi.o, Associate Jus- tice Sajirciiie Court, Ninth Circuit. Hon. Joseph P. Bradley, Associate Justice Sii])rctiie Court, Fijlli Circuit. Hon. (iEOKUE F. EI)MUNDS, United Stiites Sritator. Hon. Oliver P, Mortok, United States Senator. Hon. FREPKRirK T. Frelingiiuysex, United States Senator, Hon. Alle.v G. Thurmax, United States Senator. H)n. Thomas F. Bayard, UnitcdStates Senator. Hon. ITen'ry B. Payne, United States Represcntatice. lion. Epi'A Huntox, United States Rep- rescntatice. H )ii. JosiAH G. Abbott, United States Reprrscnlative. Hon. James A. Garfield, United States Rcpresentatice. Hon. George F. Hoar, United States Representative. Tho Electoral Commission met Febru- arv Isi, and by uniform votes of 8 to 7, cle- cided all objections to the Electoral votes of Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Oregon, in favor of the Republicans, and while the two Hou-^es disagreed on nearly all of thsse points by strict party votes, the clecUjral votes were, under the provisions of the law, given to Hayes and Wheeler, and the fi;ial result de'dared to be 183 electors for Hayes and Wheeler, to 181 for Tilden an I Hendricks. Questions of eligi- bility hid been raised against individual elect irs from Michigan, Nevada, Ponn'^yl- vania, Rhode Island, Vermont and Wis- consin, but the Commission did not sustain any of them, and as a rule they were un- supported by evidence. Thus closed the gravest crisis which ever attended an elec- toral count in this country, so far as the Nation was concerned ; and while for some weeks the better desire to peacefully settle all dilFerences prevailed, in a few weeks partisan bitterness was manifested on the part of a great majoritv of Northern Demo- crats, who believed their party liad been deprived by a partisan spirit of its right- ful President. Tbe Title of President Ilay-es. The uniform vote of 8 to 7 on all im- portant propositions considered by the Electoral Commission, to tlieir minds shnved a partisan spirit, the existence of which it was difficult to deny. The action of the Republican " visiting statesmen " in Louisiana, in practically overthrowing the Packard or Republican govornmont there, caused di■^trust and diss;itisfalainiy manil'ested by Pre.si(k-nt Hayes on the day of his inauguration ami lor two vc.irs thereafter. He took early occasion to visit Atlanta, Ga.,and while at that point and en route there made the most concilia- tory sjieeches, in which he called those who had engaged in the Rebellion, " broth- ers," " gallant soldiers," etc. These .'speech- es excited much attention. They had lit- tle if any effect uimn the South, while the more radical Republicans accused the President of "slopping over." They did not allay the hostility of the Democratic party, anouisiana and Florida, which were counted for Rutherford B. Hayes and William A. Wheeler, fraudulent and void, and that the legal electoral votes of said States were cast for Samuel J. Tilden as Pre-sident, and Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice President, and that by virtue there- of and of LS4 votes cast by other States, of which 8 were ca-st by the State of Mary- land, the said Tilden and Hendricks were 234 AMERICAN POLITICS. duly elected, and praying said Court to decree accordingly. y It was this resolution which induced the Clarkson N. Potter resolution of investi- gation, a resolution the passage of which was resisted by the Republic;ins through filibustering for many days, but was finally passed by 14(5 Democratic votes to 2 Demo- cratic votes (^Nlilis and Morse) against, the llepublicans not voting. The Cipher Despatches. An amendment offered to the Potter resolution but not accepted, and deieated by the Democratic nuijority, cited some fair specimens of the cipher dispatches exposed by the New York Tiibmie. These are matters of historical interest, and con- vey inibrmation as to the methods which politicians will resort to in desperate emer- gencies. We therefore cpiote the more per- tinent portions. RisiAred, That the select committee to whom this House has committed the in- vestigation of certain matters jiflV'ctin?;, as is alleged, the legal title of the President of the United States to the high office which he now holds, be and is hereby in- structed in the course of its investigations to fully inquire into all the facts connected with tiie election in the State of Florida in November, 1876, and especially into the circumstances attending the transmission and receiving of certain telegraphic dis- patches sent in said year between Tallahas- see in said State and New York City, viz. : "Tallahassee, November 9, 1876. " A. S. Hewitt, New York : "Complv if possible with my teletrram. " Geo. P." Rakey." Also the following : " Tallahassee, Decemhcr 1, 1S76. " W. T. Pelton, New York : "Answer Mac's dispatch immediately, or we will be embarrassscd at a critical time. Wilkinson Call." Also the following: " Tallahassee, December 4, 1876. "W. T. Peltox: "Things culminating hero. Answer Mac's desjiatch to-day, W. Call." And also the facts connected with all telegraphic dispatches between one John F. Coylo and said Pelton, under the lat- ter's real or fictitious name, and with any and all demands for money on or about December 1, 1876, from said Tallahassee, on said Pelton, or said Hewitt, or with any attempt to corrupt or bribe any official of the said State of Florida by any person acting for said Pelton, or in the interest of Samuel J. Tilden as a presidential candi- date. Also to investigate the charges of in- timidation at Lake City, in Columbia county, where Joel Niblack and other white men put ropes around the necks of colored men and proposed to hang them, but released them on their promise to join a Democratic club and vote for Samuel J. Tilden. Also the facts of the election in Jackson county, wiiere the ballot-boxes were kept out of the sight of vott-rs, who voted through openings or holes six feet above the ground, and where many more Republican votes were thus given into the hands of the De- mocratic inspectors than were counted or returned by them. Also the facts of the election in Waldo precinct, in Alachua coitnty, wdiere the passengers on an emigrant-train, passing through on the day of election, were al- lowed to vote. Also the facts of the election inlNIanatee county, i-eturning 235 majority for the Tilden electors, where there were no county officers, no registration, no notice of the election, and where the Republican party, therefore, did not vote. Also the facts of the election in the third precinct of Key West, giving 342 Demo- cratic majority where the Democratic in- spector carried the ballot-box home, and pretended to count the ballots on tlie next day, outside of the precinct and contrary to law. Also the fiicts of the election in Hamil- ton, where the election-oificers exercised no control over the ballot-box, but left it in unauthorized hands, that it might be tampered with. Also the reasons why the Attorney- General of the State, Wm. Archer Cocke, as a member of the Canvassing Board, offi- cially advised the board, and himself voted, to exclude the Hamilton county and Key West precinct returns, thereby giving, in any event, over 500 majority to the Re- publican electoral ticket, and afterwards protested against the result which he had voted for, and whether or not said Cocke was afterward rewarded for such protest by being made a State Judge. OREGON. And that said committee is further in- structed and directed to investigate into all the facts connected with an alleged at- tempt to secure one electoral vote in the State of Oregon for Samuel J. Tilden for President of the United States, and Thom- as A. Hendricks for Vice-President, by un- lawfully setting up the election of E. A. Cronin as one of such presidential electors elected from the State of Oregon on tlie 7th of November, the candidates for the THE CIPHER DESPATCHES. 235 presidential electors on the two tickets be- injl UH I'oUowh: On tlie l{»-i)ul)lican ticket: W. C. Oilell, J. ('. Cart \\T. gilt, and John W. Watts. On the OciiiocTatic titkut : IC. A.Cronin, W. .\. Laswell, and Henry Klippel. The votes rt-i'iivcd hy cacli candidate, as shown hy the ollirial vote as canvassed, declared, and certified to hy the Secretary of State under the seal of tlie vState, — the Secretary l)eing umler tlie laws of Oregon sole canvassing-olHcer, as will he shown liereafter, — heing as follows: W. K. Odell received 15,20G vote- John 0. Cartwright received....]"), 214 " John W. Watts received 15,2(>(; " E. A. Cronin received 14,1">7 " W. A. Laswell receiyed 14,149 " Henry Klippel received 14,13(> " And hy the unlawful attempt to bribe one of said legally elected electors to recognize Baid Cronin as an elector for l*resident and Vice-President, in order that one of the elect<"»ral votes of said State might be cast for .said Samuel J.Tilden a.s President and for Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice-Presi- dent ; and especially to examine and inquire into all the facts relating to the sending of money from New York to some ]>lace in .said Oregon for the purposes of such briber}', the parties .sending and receiving the same, and their relations to and agency for said Tilden, and more ])articu- larly to investigate into all the circum- stances attending the transmission of the following telegraphic despatches : " PoRTL-4 N'D, Oregon, Xov. 14, lS7o. *' Gov. L. F. Grover : " Come down to-morrow if possible. " W. H. ErFiXGER, "A. MOI.TNER, "C. P. Bellinger." " Portland, November 16, 1876. "To Gov. Grover, Salem : " We want to see you particularly on account of despatches from the East. " WiLLi.\M Strong, S. H. Reed, '"C. P. Bellinger, W. W. Thayer, " C. E. Bronaugh." Also the following cipher despatch sent from Portland, Oregon, on the 2Sth day of November, 1876, to New York City : "Portland, November 28, 1876. "To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park, New York : " By vizier association innocuous negli- gence cunning minutely previously read- mit doltish to jnirchase afar act with cunning afar sacristy unwciglied afar pointer tigress cattle superannuated sylla- bus dilatorinesi misapprehension contra- band Kountz bisulcuous top usher spin ifer- oua answer. J. H. N. Patrick. " I fully endorse this. " Jame.s K. Kelly." Of which, when the key was discovered, the following was found to he the true in- tent and meaning: "Portland, Novemhcr 28, 1870. " To W. T. Pelton, No. If) (Jramcrcy Park, New York : ''Certificate will be issucri:itions for the siipport of tlieCJovenimc'iit, llio(|uostion was jirosi-nted wliethcr the attoiu|)t uuuU' in the hist Con- gress to cn;:raft, ny eonstnietioii, u now prineiple ui)()n the Constitution shonhl be persisted in or not. This Congress lias amjile opi)ortunity and time to pass the appropriation hills, and also to enact any jxilitical measures which may \)r. deter- mined upon in separate bills by the usual and onlci'ly methods of proceetling. Ikit the majority of both Houses have deemed it wise to adlior;^ to the principles asserted and maintained in the bust Congress by tlie majority of the llou-e of Ilepresentntives. That principle is that the House of lleprc- sentatives has the solo right to originate bills for raising revenue, and therefore has the right to withhold approjiriations upon which the existence of the Crovernment may depend, unless the Senate and the Presi- dent sh ill give their assent to any legisla- tion which the llou-e may see fit to attach to appnipriation bills. To establish this principle is to make a radical, dangerous, and unconstitutional change in the charac- ter of our institutions. The various De- partments of the Government, and the Army and Navy, are established by the Constitution, or by laws pa.ssed in pursuance thereof. Their duties are clearly defined, and their support is carefully provided for by law. The money required for this pur- pose has been collected from the people, anil is now in the Treasury, ready to be paitl out as so m as the apjiropriation bills are passed. Whether appropriations are made or not, the collection of the taxes will go on. The public money will accu- mulate in the Treasury. It was not the in- tention of the framcrs of the Constitution that any single branch of the Government should have the power to dictate conditions upon which this treasure should be applied to the purpose for which it was collected. Any such intention, if it had been enter- tained, would have been plainly expressed in the Constitution." The vote in tlie House on this Bill, not- withstanding the veto, was 148 for to 122 against — a party vote, save the division of the Nationals, previously given. Not re- ceiving a two-thirds vote, the Bill failed. The other appropriation bills with po- litical riders shared the same fate, jus did the bill to prohibit military interference at elections, the modification of the law touch- ing supervisors and marshals at congre-s- sional elections, etc. The debates on these measures were bitterly partisan in their character, a.s a few quotations from the Congressional Record will show : The Republican view was succinctly and very eloquently stated by General Garfield, when, in his speech of the 29th of March, 1879, he said to the revolutiouary Demo- cratic House : " The last act of Democratic dominatioa in this Caj)ilol, eighteen years ago, wa« striking and (Iramatic, perhiips heroic. Then the Democratic partv said totheKc- l)u!)lieans, ' If you elect ilie man of your choice as rresiilent of the I'nited Slates we will shoot your ( Joveriimcnt to death ; ' and the j)eople of this country, refusing to be coerced by threats or violence, voted its they pleased, and lawfully elected Abra- ham Lint States. icolu President of the United "Then your leaders, though holding a majority in the other branch of Congress, were heroic enough to withdraw from their scats and lling down the gage of mortal battle. We called it rebellion; but we recognized it as courageous and manly to avow your purpose, take all the risks, "and fight it out on the open field. Notwith- standing your utmost efl'orts to destroy it, the (Jovernment was saved. Year by year since the war ended, those who resisted you have come to believe that you have finally renounced your purpose to destroy, and arc willing to maintain the Government. In that belief you have been permitted to re- turn to power in the two Houses. "To-day, after eighteen years of defeat, the book of your domination is again opened, and your first act awakens every unhapiiy memory and threatens to destroy the confidence which your professions of patriotism inspired. You turned down a leaf of the history that recorded your last act of power in 1861, and you have now signal- ized your return to power by beginning a second chapter at the same l>age ; not this time by a heroic act that declares war on the battle-field, but you say if all the legis- lative powers of the Ciovernment do not consent to let you tear certain laws out of the statute-book, you will not shoot our Government to death as you tried to do in the first chai)ter ; but you declare that if we do not consent against our will, if you cannot coerce an indei)endent branch of this Government against its will, to allow you to tear from the statute-books some laws put there by the will of the people, you will starve the Government to death. [Great applause on the Republican side.) " Between death on the field and death by starvation, I do not know that the American people will see any great differ- ence. The end, if successfully reached, would be death in either case, (icntlemen, you have it in your power to kill this Gov- ernment ; you have it in your power, by withholding these two bills, to smite the nerve-centres of our CNmstitution with the paralysis of death ; and you have declared your purpose to do this, if you cannot break down that fundamental element of free consent which up to this hour has always ruled in the legislation of this Govern- ment." 240 AMERICAN POLITICS. The Democratic view was ably given by Repre^^entative Tucker of Virginia, April 3, 1879 : " I tell you, gentlemen of the Ilouse of Representatives, the Army dies on the aOfh day of June, unless ice resuscitate it by legislation. And what is the question here on this bill ? Will you resuscitate the Army after the 30th of June, with the power to use it as keepers of the polls ? That is the question. It is not a question I of repeal. It is a question of re-enact- ment. If you do not appropriate this money, there will be no Army after the 30th of June to be used at the polls. The only way to secure an Army at the polls is to apjjropriate the money. Will you ap- propriate the money fur the Army in order that they may be used at the polls f We say no, a thousand times no. * * * The gentlemen on the other side say there must be no coercion. Of whom ? Of the Presi- dent? But what right has the President to coerce us? There may be coercion one way or the other. He demands an uncon- ditional supply. We say ice will give him no supply but upon conditions. * * * When, therefore, vicious laws have fas- tened themselves upon the statute-book which imperil the liberty of the people, this House is bound to say it will appro- priate no money to give effect to such laws until and except upon condition that they are repealed. [Applause on the Demo- cratic side.] * * We will give him the Army on a single condition that it shall never be used or be present at the polls when an election is held for members of this House, or in any presidential election, or in any State or municipal election. * * * Clothed thus with unquestioned power, bound by clear duty, to expunge these vi- cious laws from the statute-book, ibllowing a constitutional method sanctioned by venerable precedents in English history, we feel that we have the undoubted right, and are beyond cavil in the right, in de- claring that with our grant of supply there must be a cessation of these grievances, and we make these appropriations condi- tioned on securing a free ballot and fair juries for our citizens." The tSenate, July 1, passed the House bill placing quinine on the free list. The extra session finally passed the Ap- propriation bills without riders, and ad- journed July 1st, 1879, with the Republi- can party far more firmly united than at the beginning of the Hayes administra- tion. The attempt on the part of the Demo- crats to pass these political riders, and their threat, in the words of Garfield, who had then succeeded Stevens and Blaine as the Republican Commoner of the House, re- awakened all the partisan animo.-^ities which the administration of President Hayes had up to that time allayed. Even the President caught its spirit, and pLiinly manifested it in his veto messages. It was a losing battle to the Democrats, for they had, with the view not to "starve the gov- ernment," to abandon their position, and the temporary demoralization which fol- lowed bridged over the questions pertain- ing to the title of President Hayes, over- shadowed the claims of Tilden, and caused the North to again look with grave con- cern on the establishment of Democratic power. If it had not been for this extra session, it is asserted and believed by many, the Republicans could not have so soon gained control of the lower House, which they did in the year following ; and that the plan to nominate General Han- cock for the Presidency, which originated with Senator Wallace of Pennsylvania, could not have otherwise succeeded if Til- den's cause had not been kept before his party, unclouded by an extra session which was freighted with disaster to the Demo- cratic party. Tbe 'ScgTo £xodiu. During this summer political comment, long after adjournment, was kept active by a great negro exodus from the South to the Northwest, most of the emigrants going to Kansas. The Republicans ascribed this to ill treatment, the Democrats to the opera- tions of railroad agents. The people of Kansas welcomed them, but other States, save Indiana, were slow in their manifes- tations of hospitality, and the exodus soon ceased for a time. It was renewed in South Carolina in the winter of 1881-82, the de- sign being to remove to Arkansas, but at this writing it attracts comparatively little notice. The Southern journals generally advise more liberal treatment of the blacks in matters of education, labor contracts, etc., while none of the Northern or West- ern States any longer make efforts to get the benefit of their labor, if indeed they ever did. Closing Hoars of tlie Haj'es AdmLnlstra^ tlon. At the regular session of Congress, which met December 1st, 1879, President Hayes advised Congress against any further legis- lation in reference to coinage, and favored the retirement of the legal tenders. The most important political action ta- ken at this session was the passage, for Congress was still Democratic, of a law to prevent the use of the army to keep the peace at the polls. To this was added the Garfield proviso, that it should not be con- strued to prevent the Constitutional use of the army to suppress domestic violence in a State — a proviso which in the view of the Republicans rid the bill of material partisan objections, and it was therefore CLOSING HOURS OF HAYES' ADMINISTRATION. 241 Passed and a;»prove])ortant decision, which upheld it-s con- stilutinnalily. Like all sessions under the adiniuistra'.ion of President JIayes and since, nothing was done to provide perma- nent and safe mctiiods for completing tlic electoral count. On this question each party seemed to be afraid of the other. The session adjourned June Kith, 1880. The second session of the 4()th Congress began December 1st, 1880. Tho last an- nual message of President Hayes recom- mended the earliest practicable retirement of the legal-tender notes, and the mainte- nance of the jiresent laws for the accumula- tion of a sinking fund sufficient to extin- guish the]niblic debt within a limited peri- od. The laws against polygamy, he said, should be lirmly and cflectively executed. In the course of a lengthy discussion of tho civil service the President declared that in his opinion " every citizen has an equal right to the honor and profit of en- tering the public service of his country. The only just ground of discrimination is the measure of character and capacity he has to make that service most useful to the people. Except in cases where, upon just and recognized principles, as upon the theory of pensions, offices and promotions are bestowed as rewards for past services, their bestowal upon any theory which dis- regards personal merit is an act of injus- tice to the citizen, as well as a breach of that trust subject to which the appointing power is held. Considerable space was given in the Message to the condition of the Indians, the President recommending the passage of a law enabling the govern- ment to give Indians a title-fee, inaliena- ble for twenty-tive years, to the farm lands assigned to them by allotment. He also repeats the recommendation made in a former message that a law be passed admit- ting the Indians who can give satisfactory proof of having by their own labor sup- ported their families for a number of years, and who are willing to detach themselves from their tribal relations, to the benefit of the Homestead Act, and authorizing the government to grant them patents contain- ing the sarne provision of inalienability for a certain period. The Senate, on the 19th, appointed a committee of five to investigate the causes of the recent negro exodus from the South. On the same day a committee was appoint- ed by the House to examine into the sub- ject of an inter-oceanic ship-canal. 16 The payment of the award of the Hali- fax Fisheries Cummission — $.'i,.0i)(),(M^O — to the British government w:ls maile by tiio American minister in London, November 2'{, ISJ'J, accomjtanied by a communica- tion protesting against the j)ayment being understood as an acqu!(vscence in the re- sult of the Commission " as furnisliing any just measure of the value of a jiarticijia- tion l)y ourcitizcns in the inshore fishericij of the I'ritish Provinces." On the 17tii of December 1870, gold waa sold in New York at ])ar. It was first sold at a jjremium January 13, 18(12. It reached, its highest rate, $2.85," July 11, 18G4. The electoral vote was counted without any partisan excitement or disagreement. Georgia's electoral college had met on the • second instead of the first Wednesday of December, as required by the Federal law. She actually voted under her old Confed- erate law, but a.s it could not change the result, both parties agreed to the count of the vote of Georgia " in the alternative," /. e. — " if the votes of Georgia were counted . the number of votes for A and B. for Presi- dent and Vice-President would be sa many, and if the votes of Georgia were not counted, the number of votes for A and B. for President and Vice-President would be so many, and that in either case A and B are elected." Among the bills not disposed of by this session were the electoral count joint rule; the funding bill ; the Irish relief bill ; the Chinese indemnity bill; to restrict Chijiese immigration; to amend the Constitution, as to the election of President ; to regulate the pay and number of supervisore of elec- tion and special deputy-marshals; to abro- gate the Clayton-Ruhver Treaty ; to pro- hibit military interference at elections ; to define the terms of office of the Chief Su- pervisors of elections; for the appointment of a tariflf commis.sion; the political assess- ment bill ; the Kellogg-Spollbrd case ; and the Fitz-Johu Porter bill. The regular appropriation bills were all completed. The total amount appropria- ted was about $18!;,000,000. Among the si)ecial sums voted were $30,000- for the cen- tennial celebration of the Yorktown vic- tory, and $100,000 for a monument to com- memorate the same. Congress adjourned March 3d, 1881, and President Hayes on the following day re- tired from office. The effect of his admin- istration w.'us, in a political sense, to strengthen a growing independent senti- ment in the ranks of the Republicans — an element more conservative generally in itj views than thosp represented by Conkling and Blaine. This sentiment began with Bristow, who while in the cabinet made a show of seeking out and punishing all cor- ruptions in government office or service. On this platform and record he had con- 242 AMERICAN POLITICS. tested with Hayes the honors of the Presi- dential nominations, and while the latter was at the time believed to well represent the same views, they were not urgently pressed during his administration. Indeed, without the knowledge of Hayes, what is believed to be a most gigantic "steal," and which is now being prosecuted under the name of the Star Route cases, had its birth, and thrived so well that no import- ant discovery was made until the incoming of the Garfield administration. The Hayes administration, it is now fashionable to say, made little impres:, for good or evil upon the country, but impartial historians will give it the credit of softening party as- perities and aiding very materially in the restoration of better feeling between the North and South. Its conservatism, al- ways manifested save on extraordinary oc- casions, did that much good at least. The Campaign of 1880. The Republican National Convention met June 5th, 1880, at Chicago, in the Ex- position building, capable of seating 20,000 people. The excitement in the ranks of the Republicans was very high, because of the candidacy of General Grant for what was popularly called a "third term," though not a third consecutive term. His three powerful Senatorial friends, in the face of bitter protests, had secured the in- structions of their respective State Conven- tions for Grant. Conkling had done this in New York, Cameron in Pennsylvania, Logan in Illinois, but in each of the three States the opposition was so impressive that no serious attempts were made to substi- tute other delegates for those which had previously been selected by their Congres- sional districts. As a result there was a large minority in the delegations of these States opposed to the nomination of Gene- ral Grant, and the votes of them could only be controlled by the enforcement of the unit rule. Senator Hoar of Massachusetts, the President of the Convention, decided against its enforcement, and as a result all of the delegates were free to vote upon ei- ther State or District instructions, or as they chose. The Convention was in session three daj-s. We present herewith the Ballots. BALLOTS. 2 3 Ballots. 7 8 9 10 11 12 Grant, 305 306 308 305 305 304 lihiine, 281 284 282 282 281 283 Sherman, 94 91 90 91 62 93 Edmunds, 32 31 31 30 31 31 VVashburne,3I 32 32 22 32 33 Windom, 10 10 10 10 10 10 Garfield, 1 1 1 2 2 1 Hayes, 1 2 Ballots, 13 14 15 16 17 18 Grant, 305 305 309 306 303 305 Blaine, 285 285 281 283 284 283 Sherman, 89 89 88 88 90 92 Edmunds, 31 31 31 31 31 31 Washburne, 33 35 36 36 34 35 Windom, 10 10 10 10 10 10 Garfield, 1 Hayes, 1 1 Davis, 1 McCrary, 1 Ballots, 19 20 21 22 23 24 Grant, 305 308 305 305 304 305 Blaine, 279 276 276 275 274 279 Sherman, 95 93 96 95 98 93 Edmunds, 31 31 31 31 31 31 Washburne, 31 35 35 35 36 35 Windom, 10 10 10 10 10 10 Garfield, 1 1 1 1 2 2 Hartranft, 1 1 1 1 Ballots, 25 26 27 Grant, 302 303 306 Blaine, 281 280 277 Sherman, 94 93 93 Edmunds, 31 31 31 Washburne, 36 35 36 Windom, 10 10 10 Garfield, 2 2 2 Grant, 304 305 305 305 305 305 Blaine, 284 282 282 281 281 281 Sherman, 93 94 93 95 95 95 31 31 ]0 2 Edmunds, 34 32 32 32 32 Washburne ,30 32 31 31 31 Windom, 10 10 10 10 10 Garfield, 1 1 1 2 garrison, .1 There was little change from the 27th ballot until the 36th and final one, which resulted as follows : Whole rtumber of votes 755 Necessary to a choice 378 Grant 306 Blaine 42 Sherman 3 Washburne 5 Garfield 399 As shown. General James A. Garfield, of Ohio, was nominated on the 36th ballot, the forces of General Grant alone remain- ing solid. The result was due to a sudden union of the forces of Blaine and Sherman, it is believed with the full consent of both, for both employed the same wire leading from the same room in Washington in telegraphing to their friends at Chicago. The object was to defeat Grant. After (Jarfield's nomination there was a tempo- rary adjournment, during which the friends of the nominee consulted Conkling and his leading friends, and the result was the selection of General Chester A. Arthur THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880. 243 of New York, for Vicc-rrcsident. The object of this selection was to curry New York, the jireut State which Wiis then al- most universally believed to hold the key to the Tresidential position. The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati, June 22d. Tilden had up to the hohling of tiie Pennsylvania State Convention been one of the most prominent canditlates. In this Convention there was a bitter Ktru,ir!atform — " a tarilf for revenue oidy." Iowa, (Jhio, and lutliana, all elected the Rej)ublican SUite tickets with good margins; West Virginia went Democratic, but the result wa.s, not- withstanding this, reasonably iussured to the Republicans. The Democrats, how- ever, feeling the strong pi'rsonal popularity of their leailing camlidate, i)ersisted with high courage to the end. In Novendjer all of the Southern States, with New .Icr- sey, California,* and Nevada in the North, went Democratic; all of the others Re- publican. The (ireenbackers held only a balance of })Ower, whicli tiicy could not exercise, in California, Indiana, and New Jersey. The electoral vote of Garfield and Arthur was 214, that of Hancock and Eng- lish 155. The popular vote wits Republi- can, 4,442,950; Democratic, 4,442,(j;!5; Greenback or National, 30(3, SG7 ; scatter- ing, 12,576. The Congressional elections in the same canvass gave the Republicans 147 members; the Democrats, 136; Greeu- backers, 9 ; Independents, 1. Fifteen States elected Governors, nine of them Republicans and six Democrats. General Garfield, November 10, sent to Governor Foster, of Ohio, his resignation as a Senator, and John Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury, was in the win- ter following elected as his successor. The third session of the Forty-sixth Congress was begun December 6. The President's Message was read in both Houses. Among its recommendations to Congress were the following : To create the oflice of Captain-General of the Army for General Grant; to defend the inviola- bility of the constitutional amendments; to promote free popular education by grants of public lands and appropriations from the United States Treasury ; to ap- propriate S25,000 annually for the expen- ses of a Commission to be appointed by the President to devise a just, unitbrm, and efficient system of conij)etitivc exami- nations, and to supervise the application of the same throughout the entire civil service of the government; to p:iS3 a law defining the relations of Congressmen to appointments to office, so as to end Coa- gressional encroachment upon the appoint- ing power ; to repeal the Teniire-of- office Act, and pass a law protecting office- holders in resistance to political a.ssesa- ments ; to abolish the present system of executive and judicial government in Utah, and substitute for it a government by a commission to be appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, or, in case me present government is con- tinued, to withhold from all who practice • Onp Pemocrntic elortor was defculod, being cut by over MX) vutvn ou a local insue. 244 AMERICAN POLITICS. polygamj'^ the right to vote, hold office, and sit on juries ; to repeal the act authorizing the coinage of the silver dollar of 412] grains, and to authorize the coinage of a niew silver dollar equal in value as bullion with the gold dollar; to take favorable ac- tio:! on the bill providing for the allotment of lands on the difl'erent reservations. Two treaties between this country and China were signed at Pekin, November 17, ISSl, one of commerce, and the other se- curing to the Uuited States the control and regulation of the Chinese immigration. President Hayes, February 1, 1881, sent a iness'ige to Congress sustaining in the main the findings of the Ponca Indian Goinmission, and approving its recom- mendation that they remain on their reser- vation in Indian Territory. The Presi- dent suggested that the general Indian policy for tlie future should embrace the fbllowin^r ideas: First, the Indians should be prepared ibr citizenship by giving to their young of both sexes that industrial and general education which is requisite to enable them to be self-supporting and capable of self-protection in civilized com- munities; second, lands should be allot- ted to the Indians in severalty, inalienable for a certain period; third, the Indians should have a fair compensation for their lands not required for individual allot- ments, the amount to be invested, with suitable safeguards, for their benefit; fourth, with these prerequisites secured, the Indians should be made citizens, and invested with the rights and charged with the rcdponsibilities of citizenship. Tlie Senate, February 4, passed Mr. Slorgan's concurrent resolution declaring that t!ie President of the Senate is not in- vested by the Constitution of the United States with the right to count the votes ol' electors f-r President and Vice-President of the United States, so as to determine what votes shall be received and counted, or what votes shall be rejected. An amendment was added declaring in effect that it is the duty of Congress to pass a lav»' at once providing for the orderly counting of the electoral vote. The House concurred February 5, but no action by bill or otherwise has since been taken. Senator Pendleton, of Ohio, December 15, ISSl, introduced a bill to regulate the civil service and to promote the efficiency thereof, and also a bill to prohibit Federal officers, claimants, and contractors from making or receiving assessments or contri- butions for political purposes. The IJurnside Educational Bill passed the Senate December 17, 1881. It pro- vides that the proceeds of the sale of pub- lic land and the earnings of the Patent Office shall be funded at four per cent., and the interest divided among the States in proportion to their illiteracy. An amendment by Senator Morgan provides for the instruction of women in the State agricultural colleges in such branches of technical and industrial education as are suited to their sex. No action has yet been taken by the House. On the 9th of February the electoral votes were counted by the Vice-President in the presence of both Houses, and Gar- field and Arthur were declared elected President and Vice-President of the United States. There was no trouble as to the count, and the result previously stated was formally announced. The Three Per Cent. Funding BlU. The 3 per cent. Funding Bill passed the House March 2, and was on the following day vetoed by President Hayes on the ground that it dealt unjustly with the Na- tional Banks in compelling Ihem to accept and employ this security for their circu- lation in lieu of the old bonds. This fea- ture of the bill caused several of the Banka to surrender their circtilation, conduct which for a time excited strong political prejudices. The Republicans in Congress as a rule contended that the debt could not be surely funded at 3 per cent. ; that 3'} was a salcr figtxre, and to go below this might render the bill of no effect. The same views were entertained by President Hayes and Secretary Sherman. The Dem- ocrats insisted on 3 per cent., until the veto, when the general desire to fund at moie favorable rates broke party lines, and a 3.} per cent, funding bill was iiassed, with the feature objectionable to the National Banks omitted. The Republicans were mistaken in their view, as the i-esult proved. The loan was floated so easily, that in the session of 1882 Secretary Sherman, now a Senator, him- self introduced a 3 per cent, bill, which passed the Senate Feb. 2d, 1882, in this shape : — Be it enacted, &c.. That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to receive at the Treasury and at the office of any Assistant Treasurer of the United States and at any postal money order of- fice, lawful m(,ney of the United States to the amount of fifty dollars or any multiple of that sum or any bonds of the United States, bearing three and a-half per cent, interest, which are hereby declared valid, and to issue in exchange therefore an equal amount of registered or coupon bonds of the United States, of the denom- ination of fifty, one hundred, five hundred, one tliousand and ten thousand dollars,_of such form as he may prescribe, bearing in- terest at the rate "three per centum per annum, payable either quarterly or semi- annually, at the Treasury of the United iIISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 245 States. Such bonds shall be exempt from ail taxation by or uiuler state authority, and be i)ayable at tbe pleasure of tlie United State-i. " Provided, That the bonds herein auth')rized shall not be called in and pai 1 so lon^ as any bonds of the United Htates hereto lore issued bearinjr a higher rate of interest tiian three per centum, ami wliioh shall be redeemable at the ple;isure of thj United States, shall be ouLstanding and uncalled. The last of the said bond.-. ori;^inally issued and their substitutes uu ler this a>;t shall be first called in and this ord-T of payment shall be followed until all shall have been paid." The money deposited under this act sh.iU bo prom )tly applieil solely to the re- demption of the bonds of the United States beinng three and a-half per centum in- terest, and the aj^gre:^ate amount of de- posits made and bonds issued under this act shall not exceed the sum of two hun- dred million d )llars. The amount of law- ful money so received on deposit, us afore- said, shall n )t exceed, at any time, the sam of twenty-five million dollars. Be- fore any deposits are received at any pos- tal money office uider this act, the post- mister at such offi ;e shall file with the Se M'etiry of the Treasury his bond, with satisfactory security, conditioned that he will promptly transmit to the Treasury of th3 LFnitei States the money received by hi;n in conf)rmity with regulations to be proscribed by such secretary ; and the de- posit with any postmaster shall not at any time, exceed the amount of his bond. Section 2. Any national banking asso- ciation now organized or hereafter or- ganized desiring t) withdraw its circulat- ing notes up)n a deposit of lawful money with the Troisury of the United States as provided in section 4 of the Act of June 21, 1874, entitled " An act fixing the amount of United Stat m notes providing for a re listribu'ion of National bank cur- rency and for ofclur purposes," shall be re- QTiired to give thirty diys' notice to the Controller of the Carrcncy of its intention to deposit lawful mousy anl withdraw its circulatin.; mtis; provided that not more than five million of dollars of lawful m>neyshill be deposited during any cal- ender month f )r this purpose; and pro- vided further, that the provisions of this sejtion shall not apoly to bonds cdled for redemption by the Secretary of the Trea- Burv. SBorrov 3. That nothing in this .act shall be so construed :ls to authorize an in- crease of the public debt. In th) past few years opinions on the rates of interest have undergone wonderful changes. Many supposed — indeed it was a "standard" argument — that rates must ever be higher in new than old countries. that these higher rates comported with and aided the higher rates paid for commodi- ties and labor. The funding operations since the war have dissipated this belief, and so shaken political theories that no f>arty can n(j\v claim a monopoly of bound financial doctrine. So high is the credit of the government, and so abundant are the rescuirces of our people after a eoin- paratively short period of general pro-^per- ity, that tiiey seem to have jdenty of ^ur- plus funds with which to aid any funding onrration, however low the rate of intercjit, il the government — State or National — shows a willingness to j)ay. As late as February, 1X82, rennsylvania funded seven millions ofher indebtedness at o, ;ij and 4 per cent., the two large r sums commanding premiums sufficient to cause the entire debt to be floated at a little more than 8 per cent., and thus floating commands an additional premium in the money ex- changes. History of the National Liouns. In Book VII of this volume devoted to Tabulated History, we try to give the read-> or at a glance some idea of tiie history of our National finauces. An attempt to go into details would of itself fill volumes, for no class of legislation has taken so much time or caused such a diversity of opinion. Yet it is shown, by an admirable review of the loans of the United States, by Rafael A. Bayley, of the Treasury Department published in the February fl882) number of the Into- national Remew, that the "finan- cial system of the government of the United States has continued the same from its organization to the i)resent time." Mr. Bayley has completed a history of our Na- tional Loans, which will be j)ublished in the Census volume on " Public Debts." From his article in the Review we con- dense the leading facts bearing on the his- tory of our national loans. The financial system of the United States, in all its main features, is simple and well defined, and its very simplicity may proba- bly be assigned as the reason why it ap- pears so difficult of comprehe ision by many people of intelligence and education. It is based upon the principles laid down by Alexander Hamilton, and the practical adoption of the fundamental maxim which he regarded as the true secret for render- ing public credit immortal, viz., " that the creation of the debt should always be ac- companied with the means of extinguish- ment." A faithful adherence to this sys- tem by his successors has stood the test of nearly a century, with the nation at pcoc-e or at war, in prosperity or adversity ; eo that, with all the change that progress has entailed upon the people of the age, tk) valid grounds exist for any change here. " During the colonial period, and under 246 AMERICAN POLITICS. the confederation, the financial operations of the Government were based on the law of necessity, and depended for success upon the patriotism of the ])eople, the co- operation of the several States, and the assistance of foreign powers friendly to our cause. " It was the willingness of the people to receive the various kinds of j^aper money iseiied under authority of the Continental Congress, and used in payment for services and su})plies, together with the issue of similar obligations by the different States, lor the redemption of which they assumed the responsibi.ity ; aided by the munificent gift of money from Louis XVI. of France, tollowed by loans for a large amount from both France and Holland, that made vic- tory possible, and laid the foundations for the rejmblic of to-day, with its credit un- impaired, and with securities command- ing a ready sale at a high premium in all the principal raai'kets of the world. " Authorities vary as to the amount of paper money issued and the cost of the war for independence. On the 1st of Septem- ber, 1779, Congress resolved that it would ' on no account whatever emit more bills of credit than to make the whole amount of such bills two hundred millions of dol- lais.' Mr. Jefferson estimates the value of this sum at the time of its emission at $36,367,719.83 in specie, and says ; ' If we estimate at the same value the like sum of 8200,000,000 supposed to have been emitted by the States, and reckon the Federal debt, foreign and domestic, at about $43,000,000, and the State debt at $25,000,000, it will form an amount of $140,000,000, the total sum which the war cost the United States. It continued eight years, from the battle of Lexington to the cessation of hostilities in America. The annual expense was, therefore, equal to about $17,500,000 in specie.' " The first substantial aid rendered the colonies by any foreign power was a free gill of money and military supplies from Louis XVI. of France, amounting in the aggrearate to 10,000,000 livres, equivalent to $1,815,000. "These supplies were not furnished openly, for the rea.son that France was not in a position to commence a war with Great Britain. The celebrated Caron de Beaumarchais was employed as a secret agent, between whom and Silas Deane, as the political and commercial agent of the United States, a contract was entered into whereby the former agreed to furnish a large amount of military supplies from the arsenals of France, and to receive Ameri- can produce in payment therefor. " Under this arrangement supplies were fiirnished by the French Government to the amount of 2,000,000 livres. An addi- tional 1,000,000 was contributed by the Government of Spain for the same pur- pose, and through the same agency. The balance of the French subsidy was paid through Benjamin Franklin. In 1777 a loan of 1,(100,000 livres was obtained from the ' Farmers General of France ' under a contract for its repayment in American tobacco at a stipulated price. From 1778 to 1783, additional loans were obtained from the French King, amounting to 34 - 000,000 livres. From 1782 to 1789, loans to the amount of 9,000,< 00 guilders were negotiated in Holland, through the agency of John Adams, then the American Minis- ter to the Hague. " The indebtedness of the United States at the organization of the present form of government (including interest to Decem- ber 31, 1790) may be briefly stated, as fol- lows : Foreign debt $11,883,315.96 Domestic debt 40,256,802.45 Debt due foreign officers... 198,208.10 Arrears outstanding (since discharged) 450,395.52 Total $52,788,722.03 To this should be added the individual debts of the several States, the precise amount and character of which was then unknown, but estimated by Hamilton at that time to aggregate about $25,000,000. "The payment of this vast indebtedness was virtually guarantied by the provisions of Article VI. of the Constitution, which says : ' All debts contracted, and engage- ments entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution as under the confederation.' On the 21st of September, 1789, the House of Repre- sentatives adopted the following resolu- tions : Resolved, That this House consider an adequate provision for the support of the public credit as a matter of high import ance to the national honor and prosperity. Itesolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to prepare a plan for that purpose, and to rej.ort the same to this House at its next meeting. " In reply thereto Hamilton submitted his report on the 9th of January, 1790, in which he gave many reasons for assuming the debts of the old Government, and of the several States, and furnished a plan for supporting tlie public credit. His rec- ommendations were adopted, and embodied in the act making provision for the pay- ment of the debt of the United Statea, approved August 4, 1790. "This act authorized a loan of $12,000,- 000, to be applied to the payment of the foreign debt, })rincipal and interest; a loan equal to the full amount of the domestic debt, payable in certificates issued for its HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 247 amount acconlin;; to their specie vuluf, and c()iTi{)ULiiig the interest to DeceinluT 31, 17U1, uj)oii siieh a.s bore interest; iiiul si further loan of $2 1, .000,000, payal.le in the principal and iatiTL-st ol'the eerti(i"ates or note-s which, prior to January 1, 171)0, were issued by tiie respective States as evi- dences of iniiebtcdncss incurred by thcni for the ex[)ensc3 of the kite war. ' In tlie case of th^' debt of the UnitiMl States, in- terest Ui^on two-thirds of the i)riiKipal only, at G per cent., was immediately paiil; interest upon the remainin;.; third was de- ferred for ten yeirs, and only three j>er cent. wa.s allowed u[)on tiie arrears of in- terest, making one-third of the whole debt. In the case of the separate del)ts of the States, interest upon four-ninths only of the entire sum was immediately paid ; in- terest upon two-ninths was dei'erred for ten years, and only ;> per cent, allowed on throe- ninths.' Under this authority (5 per cent, stock was isuied to the amount of $;)0,0G0,- 511, and deferred 8 per cent, stock, bear- ing interest from January 1, ISOO, amount- ing to $14,035,386. This stock was made subject to redemption by payments not ex- ceeding, in one year, on account both of principal and interest, the proportion of eight dollars upon a hundred of the sum mentioned in the certificates ; $19,719,237 was issued in 3 per cent, stock, subject ti> redemption whenever provision should be made by law for that purpose. " The money needed for the payment of the principal and interest of the foreign debt was procured by new loans negotiated in Holland and Antwerp to the amount of $9,400,000, and the issue of new stock for the balance of $2,024,900 due on the French debt, this stock bearing a rate of interest one-half of one per cent, in ad- vance of the rate previously paid, and re- deemable at the pleasure of the Govern- ment. Sub'^eijuent legislation provided for the establishment of a sinking fund, under the management of a board of com- missioners, consisting of the President of the Senate, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, and Attorney General, for the time being, who, or any three of whf>m. were authorized, under the direction of the President of the United States, to make purchases of stock, and otherwise provide for the gradual liquidation of the entire debt, from funds set apart for this purpose. On a-<-;uming the position of Secretary of the Treasury, Hamilton found himself en- tirely without funds to meet the ordinarj- expenses of the Government, except by borrowing, until such time as the revenues from duties on imports and tonnage began to come into the Trea-sury. Under these circumst mces, he was forced to make ar- rangements with the Bank of New York and the Bank of North America for tem- j)orary loans, and it w.as from the moneys received from these banks that Ik; paid the first installment of salary due Prt-siflcnt Washington, Senators. ReprescutativeJ* and officers of C )ngress, during the first nm- sion under tlie ( Vjiistitntion, whirh began at the city of New York, March 4, 17«9. "The iirst ' IJank of the L' ni ted States ' ajijiears to have been ])ropose(i by Alex- andt r Hamilton in December, 1790, and it was incorporated by an act of Congress, approved Feiirnary 2"), 1791, with a capi- tiil stock of J10,000,000 divided into 2/5,- 000 shares at $400 eacii. The government subscription of $2,000,000, under authority of the act, was paid bv giving to the bank bills of exchange on lioUand equivalent to gold, and borrowing from the bank a like sum for ten years at 6 per cent, inter- est. The bank went into operation very soon after its charter was obtained, and declared its first dividend in July, 1792. It was evidently well managed, and was of great benefit to the GovernnuMit and the people at large, assisting the Government by loans in ca.ses of emergency, and forc- ing the 'wildcat' banks of the country to keep their issues ' somewhere within reasonable bounds.' More than $100,000,- 000 of Government money was received and disbursed by it without the loss of a single dollar. It made semi-annual divi- dends, averaging about 8i per cent., and its stock rose to a high price. The stock belonging to the United States was sold out at different time-s at a profit, 2,220 sliares sold in 1S02 bringing an advance of 45 per cent. The government subscription, vv-ith ten years' interest amounted to $3,200- 000, while there was received in dividends and for stock sold $3,773,580, a profit of neatly 28.7 per cent. In 1796 the credit of the Government was very low, as shown by its utter failure to negotiate a loan for the purpose of paying a debt to the Bank of the United States for moneys boiTowed and used, partly to pay the expenses of sup- pressing the whisky insurrection in Penn- sylvania and to buy a treaty with the pirates of Algiers, On a loan authorized for $-5,000,000, only $80,000 could be ob- tained, and this at a discount of 12i per cent.; and, there being no other immediate resource, United States Bank stock to the amount of $1,304,260 was sold at a pre- mium of 25 per cent. " Under an act approved June 30, 1798, the President was authorized to accept such vessels jis were suitable to be armed for the public service, not exceeding twelve in number, and to issue certificates, or other evidences of the public debt of the United Stat^?s, in payment. The ships Georapcr of the suspend- ed and doubtful State banks. These issues were therefore considered more desirable than the issue of adilitional stock, wliieli could be reali/.ed in cash only by the payment of a ruinous dis- count. The whole amount of Treasury notes issued during the war period was $oO,G80,7iH. The Commissioners of the Sinking Fund wore authorized to provide for their redemption by purcha.se, in the same manner as for other evidences of the public debt, and by authority of law $10,- 575,738 was redeemed by tiie issue of cer- tificates of funded stock, bearin'2; interest at f.om G to 7 per cent, per annum, redeema- ble at any time after 1824. " During the years 1812-13 the sum of $2,9S4,747 of the old G per cent, and de- ferred stocks were refunded into new 6 per cent. stock redeemable in twelve years ; and by an act approved March 31, 1814, Con- gress having authorized a settlement of the Yazoo claims ' by an issue of non-interest- bearing stock, payable out of the first re- ceipts from the sale of public lands in the Missisipi territory, $4,282,037 was is-iued for this purpose. On the 24th of February, 1815, Secretary Dallas reported to Congress that the public debt had been increased, in consequence of the war with Great Bri- tain, $68,783,122, a large portion of which was due and unpaid, while another con- sideraM ; prop jrtion was fast becoming due. These unpaid or accruing demands were in part for temporal y loans, and the balance for Treasury noies either due or maturing daily. To provide for their pay- ment a new loan for the full amount needed w.us authorized by act of iMarch 3, 1815, and six per. cent stock redeemable in fifteen year:*, was issued in the sum of $12,2S8,14S. This stock was sold at from 95 per cent. t« par, and was nearly all re- deemed in 1S20 by purchases made by the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund. " The Government became a stockholder In the second Bank of the United States, to the amount of 70,000 shares, umlcr the act of incorporation, approved April 10, 1816. The capital stock was limited to $35,000,000. divided into 35:),000 shires of $109 each. The Government subscription wa.s paid by the issue of 5 per cent, stock to the amount of $7,000,000, redeemable at the pleasure of the Government. This was a profitable investment for the United States, as in ad- dition to $1,500,000 which the bank paid a<» a bonus for its eiiarier, the net r .'ceipls over and above disljur^ianenls isinounted to i<4,'J03,lti7. Tiie available fumls in the Treasury on the 1st of .J:inuary, iSiiO, were less than ^2oO,000, und the e-^tiniated dt-li- cii-ncy for the year amounted to nearly .■i;4,00(),0(l'l. Tiiis 8tate olatl'airs was owing partly to the disastrous e(le-ts of the eom- inercial crisis of l.Sl'.), heavy payments for the redemption of the public >, and large outstan ling claims, amounting to over $.".0,000,000, re-ulling from the late war with Great Britain. To meet the emer- irenev, a loan was authorized bvactof M.iy 15. 1820. and $l)99.ir.»l). 13 wis borrowed at 5 [)er cent., redeeuiablc in twelve vears, and .v2,00O0,0J0 at C per cent., reimbursable at pleasure, this lytfcer stock realizing a nre- ininm of 2 per cent. By act of Slarcn 3, 1S21, 5 per cent, stock amounting to $4,735,- 27G was i-ssued at a premium of over 5! per cent., and tlie pro -eeds used in payment of the princijial atid interest of the public debt falling due within the year. " An effort wa-s made in 1822 to refund a portion of the 6 per cent, war loans of 1812-14 into 5 per cents., but only $5t),705 could be obtained. Two years later the Government was more successful, and, un- der the act of May 2t>, 1824, G i)er cent, stock of 1813 to the amount of $4,454,728' w;is exchanged for new stock bearing 4J per cent, interest, redeemable in 1833-34. During the same year $5,000,000 was bor- rowed at 4^ i)er cent, to provide for the payment of the awards made by the Com- missioners under the treaty with Spain of February 22, 1819, and a like amount, at the same rate of interest, to be applied in paying off that part of the 6 per cent. stock of 1812 redeemable the following year. The act of March 3, 1825, author- ized a loan of $12,000,000, at 4} per cent, interest, the money borrowed to be applied in p.aying ofl' prior loans, but only $1,539,- 33G was exchanged for an equal amount of G per cent, stock of 1813. " In the year 1836 the United States w.os, for the first time in the history of the coun- try, practically out of debt. Secretiiry Woodbury, in his report of December 8, 1836, estimated the amount of public debt still ontstandi n',' at about $328, 5S2, and this remained unpaid solely because payment had not been demanded, ample funds to meet it having been deposited in the United States Bank and loan ottires. The debt outstanding consisted mainly of un- claimed interest and dividenf the Treasury iiii')rnuil (Jongres.s that, owing to the ai>|ir()[>riatii)ns havinjr been increa.seJ by le^;slatiuii nearly 5*lU,()iM»,Oi»0 over the eHtiniate4, while the eu^toins revenue had I'alL'u oil" to a like an\i)urit, it w )uld be neees^ary to provide some means to meet the delicit. In these eireumslances, a new loan was authorize 1 by act <)1" .June 14, 1S')S, and o per cent, bonds amounting to $2'),i)Jtl,0JI), redeemable in fifteen years, were sold at an average premium of over 3V per cent. Under the act of December 17, 1873, $13,9J7,00:) iu bonds of the loan of 1881, and $2oO,000 in br)uds of a loan of l!)(7, were issued in exchange for a like amount of bonds of this lo in. "The act of June 22, 18G0, authorized the President to borrow $21,0i).),000 on the credit of the United States the money to be used only in the redempuoa of Trea- sury notes, and to replace any amount of such notes in tlie Treasury which should have been paid in for public dues. (Jnly $7,022,00i) was borrowed at 5 per cent, in- terest, the certificates selling at from par to 1.45 per cent, premium. The failure to roili/.e the \vh )le loan was caused by the p ditical troubles which culminated in the civil war. In Sijptember, bids were in- vited f)r $10,0)0,00), and the whole amount o.Tered was speedily taken. It so )n be- ca'ue evident, however, that war was inevi- table, and a commercial crisis ensued, dur- ing whieh a portion of the bid lers forfeit- ed their deposits, and the balance of the loan w;is withdrawn from the market. Au- th )rity was granted by the act of Decem- ber 17, 1830, for a new issue of Treasury notes, redeemable in one year from date, but not to exceed $10,000,000 at any one time, with interest at such rates as might be offered by the lowest responsible bid- ders after advertisement. An unsuccess- ful attempt was made to pledge the receipts fr)inthe sale of public iands specifically fi')r their redemption, Th-? whole amount of notes issued under th's act was .^10,010,- 9)0, of which 84,810,000 bore interest at 12 per cent. Additional offers followed, ranging from lo to 33 per cent., but the Tre.isury deelined to accept them. " Up to this period of our national exist- ence the obtaining of the money necessary for carrying on the Government and the preservation inviolate of the public credit had been comparatively an easy task. The people of the several States had contributed in pr )portion to their financial resources ; and a strict adherence to the fundamental maxim laid down by Hamilton had been maintained by a judicious system of taxa- tion to an extent amply sufficient to pro- vide for the redemption of all our national securities as they became due. But the time had come when we were no longer a united people, and the means required for 'defr.aying the ordinary exjx'nses of the ; Government wire almost immediately cur- I tailed and ji'ooardi/.ed by llie attitude of the States wiiiili altemptid to .secede. The confusion which fuilowi'd ihu inauguration of the administration of I'resident Lincoln demonstial>'d the lUHes-iily of providing unusual resources without Uiday. A sys- tem of internal levenut; taxation w.ts in- troduced, and the tarifl" adjusted with a : view to increased revenues from customs. As the Government had not only U) exiit and pay its way, but also to provide for an army and navy constantly increasing in numbers and e(|uipment, new and extiaor- dinary methods were resorted to for the purpose of securing the money which must be had in order to preserve the integrity of the nation. Among the.->e were the issue of its own circulating medium in the Ibrin of United States notes* and circulating notes, t for the redemption of wliich tlie faith of the nation was solemnly pledged. New loans were authorized to an amount never before known in our history, and the success of our armies was a.ssured by the determination manifested by the peo- ple themselves to sustain the Government at all hazards. A brief review of the loan transactions during the period covered by tlie war is all that can be attempted within the limited space atfordedthis article. The first war loan may be considered as having been negotiated under the authority of an act api)roved Februarys, 18(jl. The cred- it of the Government at this time was very low, and a loan of $18,415,000, having twenty years to run, with G per cent, inter- est, could only be negotiated at a discount of $2,019,770.10, or at an average rate of 889.03 per one hundred dollars. From this time to June 30, 1865, Government se- curities of various descriptions were issued under authoritv of law to the amount of $3,888,laccs, and these protests were ln-t.iit d by the President. With a view to meet tlieni, and, doubtless, to (piiet the spirit of faction rapidly developing between the (Jrant and anti-(>rant elements of tlie party in New York, the name of Judge RoberLson wits sent in for the (JoUectorship. He had but- tled against the unit rule at Chicago, dis- avowed the instructions of his State Con- vention to vote for Grant, and led the Blaine delegates from that State while Blaine was in the field, and when with- drawn went to (iarfield. Senator ( 'onkling nowsimght to confirm his I'ricnds, and hold back his enemy from confirmation; but these tactics induced Garlield to withdraw the nomination of Conkling's friends, and in this way Judge Robertson's name was alone presented for a time. Against thi.s course Vice-President Arthur and Senators Conkling and Piatt remonstrated in a let- ter to the President, but he remained firm. Senator Conkling, under the plea of " the privilege of the Senate," — a courtesy and custom which leaves to the Senators of a State the right to say who shall be con- firmed or rejected from their respective States if of the same party — now sought to defeat Robertson. In this battle he had arrayed against him the influence of his great rival, Mr. Blaine, and it is presumed the whole power of the administration. He lost, and the morning following the secret vote, May 17th, ISSl, his own and the resignation of Senator Piatt were read. These resignations caused great excitement throughout the entire country. They were prepared without consultation with any one — even Vice-President Arthur, the in- timate friend of both, not knowing any- thing of the movement until the letters were opened at the chair where he pre- sided. Logan and Cameron — Conkling's colleagues in the great Chicago battle — were equally unadvised. The resignations were forwarded to Gov. Cornell, of "Sew York, who, by all permissible delays, sought to have them reconsidered and withdrawn, but both Senators were firm. The Senate confirmed Judge Robertson for Collector, and General Merritt as Con- sul-General at London, May 18th, Prei^i- dent Garfield having wisely renewed the Conkling list of a])pointees. most of whom declined under the changed condition of affairs. These events more widely separated the factions in New York — one wing calling itself "Stalwart," the other "Half-Breed," a term of contempt flung at the Indepen- dents by Conkling. Elections must follow to fill the vacancies, the New York Legis- lature being in session. .These vacancies ^ave the Democrats for the time control of the United States Senate, but they thought it unwise to pursue an advantage which 254 AMERICAN POLITICS. would compel them to show their hands for or against one or other of the opposing Republican factions. The extra session ol the Senate adjourned May 20th. The New Yoric Legislature began ballot- ing for successors to Senators Conkling and Piatt on the 31st of May. The majority of the Republicans (Independents or " Half- breeds") supported Chauncey M. Depew as the successor of Piatt for the long term, and William A. Wheeler as the successor of Conkling for the short term, a few sup- porting Cornell. The minority (Stalwarts) renominated Messrs. Conkling and Piatt. The Democrats nominated Francis Kernan for the long term, and John C. Jacobs for the short term ; and, on his withdrawal, Clarkson N. Potter. The contest lasted until July 22, and resulted in a compro- mise on Warner A. Miller as Piatt's suc- cessor, and Elbridge G. Lapham as Conk- ling's successor. In Book VII., our Tabu- lated History of Politics, we give a correct table of the ballots. These show at a sin- gle glance the earnestness and length of the contest. The factious feelings engendered thereby were carried into the Fall nominations for the Legislature, and as a result the Demo- • crats obtained control, which in part they subsequently lost by the refusal of the Tammany Democrats to support their nominees for presiding officers. This De- mocratic division caused a long and tire- some deadlock in the Legislature of New York. It was broken in the House by a promise on the part of the Democratic candidate for Speaker to favor the Tam- many men with a just distribution of the committees — a promise which was not satisfactorily carried out, and as a result the Tammany forces of the Senate joined hands with the Republicans. The Repub- lican State ticket would also have been lost in the Fall of 1881, but for the inter- position of President Arthur, who quickly succeeded in uniting the warring factions. This work was so well done, that all save one name on the ticket (Gen'l Husted) succeeded. The same factious spirit was manifested in Pennsylvania in the election of U. S. Senator in the winter of 1881, the two wings takjng the names of " Regulars " and " In- dependents." The division occurred be- fore the New York battle, and it is trace- able not alone to the bitter nominating contest at Chicago, l)ut to the administra- tion of President Hayes and the experi- ment of civil service reform. Administra- tions which are not decided and firm upon political issues, invariably divide their parties, and whih; these divisions are not always to be deplored, and sometimes lead to pood results, the fact that undecided administrations divide the parties which they represent, ever remuina. The exam- jiles are plain : Van Buren's, Tyler's, Fill- more's, Buchanan's, and Haves'. The lat- ter's indecision was more excusable thau that of any of his predecessors. The in- exorable firmness of Grant caused the most bitter partisan assaults, and despite all his ellbrta to sustain the " carpet-bag govern- ments " of the South, they became unpopu- lar and were rapidly supplanted. As they disappeared, Democratic representation from the South increased, and this increase continued during the administration of Hayes — the greatest gains being at times when he f-howed the greatest desire to con- ciliate the South. Yet his administration did the party good, in this, that while at first dividing, it finally cemented through the conviction that experiments of that kind with a proud Southern people were as a rule unavailing. The re opening of the avenues of trade and other natural causes, apparently uncultivated, have ac- complished in this direction much more than any political effort. In Pennsylvania a successor to U. S. Senator Wm. A. Wallace was to be chosen. Henry W. Oliver, Jr., received the nomi- nation of the Republican caucus, the friends of Galusha A. Grow refusing to enter after a count had been made, and declaring in a written paper that they would not participate in any caucus, and would independently manifest their choice in the Legislature. The following is the first vote in joint Convention • OLIVER. WALLACE. Senate 20 Senate 16 House 75 House 77 Total 95 Total 93 GROW. AGIvEW. Senate 12 Senate 1 House 44 House Total 56 Total 1 BREWSTER. BAIRD, Senate Senate House 1 House 1 Total 1 m'veagh. Senate House 1 Total, Total. Whole number of votes cast, 248 ; ne- cessary to a choice, 125. On the 17th of January the two factions issued opposing addresses. From these we quote the leading ideas, which divided the factions. The " Regulars " said : "Henry W. Oliver, jr., of Allegheny county, was nominated on the third ballot, receiving 79 of the 95 votes present. Un- der the rules of all parties known to the REPUBLICAN FACTIONS. 255 pre-icnt or past hisfon' of our (■(niiitrv, a majority of those ])arLici|)iitiii;^ .should liavo been suHkrioiit; but sui-h wius tho(h:sirr lor party harmony and lor absDhito lairiioH, that a majority ol' all tin; Uo[)ublicaii mem- bers of the Senate and House \v;us recjuired to nominate. The eileet of this was to give those remaining out a ne;.;ative voice in the {)r()ceedin,L's, the extent of aiiv priv- ilege given them in regular legislative ses- sions by the Constitution. In no other caueus or convention has the minority ever found such higii consideration, and we be- lieve there remains no just cause of com- plaint against tiie result. Even Cii[)tious laulthnding can linil no place upon whicli to hang a sensible objection. Mr. Oliver was, therefore, fairly nominated by the only body to which is delegated the power of nomination and by methods which were more than just, which, from every stand- point, must be regarded as generous; and in view of these things, how can we, your Senators and Representatives, in fairness withhold our support from him in o(>cn sessions ; rather how can we ever abandon a claim established by the rules regulating the government of all parties, accepted by all as just, and which arc in exact harmony with that fundamental principle of our Government whicli proclaims the right of the majority to rule? To do otherwise is to confess the injustice and the failure of that principle — something we are not pre- pared to do. It would blot the titles to our own positions. There is not a Senator or member who does not owe his nomina- tion and election to the same great prin- ciple. To profit by its acceptance in our own cases and to deny it to Mr. Oliver would be an exhibition of selfishness too flagrant for our taste. To acknowledge the right to revolt when no unfairness can be truthfully alleged and when more than a majority have in the interest of harmony been required to govern, would be a tra- vesty upon every American notion and upon that sense of manliness which yields when fairly beaten." The "Independent" address said: " First. We recognize a public senti- ment which demands that in the selection of a United States Senator we have regard to that dignity of the office to be filled, its important duties and functions, and the qualifications of the individual with refer- ence thereto. This sentiment is, we un- derstand, that there are other and higher qualifications for this distinguished posi- tion than business experience and success, and reckons among these the accomplish- ments of the scholar, the acquirements of the student, the mature wisdom of experi- ence and a reasonable familiarity with public affiiirs. It desires that Pennsylva- nia shall be distinguished among her sister Commouwealths, not only by her populous cities, her prosperous cf>mmnnitios, her vast material wealth ami diversiliud inilus- tries and resources, but that in the wis- dom, sagacity and statesmanship of \u:r representative hhe shall occujiy a corres- ponding rank and inlluence. To meet this public expectation and demand we are and have at all times i)cen willing to su- bordinate our jiersonal preferences, uW h^cal consiorlant and essential qualilieations. It was only when it became apparent that the party caucu.s was to be used to defeat this popular desire and to coerce a nomination which is con- spicuously lacking in the very essentials which were demanded, that we determined to absent ourselves from it. * * * * " /^second, Having declined to enter the caucus, we adhere to our determination to defeat, if possible, its nominee, but only by the election of a citizen of unquestioned fidelity to the principles of the Rei)Ubli- can party. In declaring our independency from the caucus domination we do not forget our allegiance to the party whose chosen representatives we are. The only result of our policy is the transfer of the contest from the caucus to the joint con- vention of the two houses. There will be afforded an opi)ortunity for the expression of individual preferences and honorable rivalry for an honorable distinction. If the choice shall fall upon one not of ap- ])roved loyalty and merit, the fault will not be ours." After a long contest both of the leading candidates withdrew, and quickly the Reg- ulars substituted General James A. Beaver, the Independent Congressman, Thomas M. Bayne. On these names the dead-lock remained unbroken. Without material change the balloting continued till Febru- ary 17th, when both Republican factions agreed to appoint conference committees of twelve each, with a view to selecting by a three-fourths vote a compromise candi- date. The following were the respective committees: For the Independents: Sena- tors Davis, Bradford ; Lee, Venango; Stew- art, Franklin ; Lawrence, Washington ; Representatives Wolfe, Union ; Silver- thorne, Erie ; Mapes, Venango ; ^IcKee, riiiladelphia; Slack, Allegheny; Stubs, Chester; Niles, Tioga; and Derickson, Crawford. For the Regulars: Senators Greer, Butler; Herr, Dauphin; Smith, Philadelphia; Kcefer, Schuylkill; Cooper, Delaware; Representatives Pollock, Phila- del]>hia; Moore, Allegheny; Marshall, Huntingdon; Hill, Indiana; Eshleman, Lancaster ; Thomson, Armstrong ; and Billingsley, Washington. The joint convention held daily sessions and balloted without result until February 256 AMERICAN POLITICS. 22d, when John I. Mitchell, of Tioga, Congressman I'rom the IGth district, was unanimously agreed upon as a compro- mise candidate. lie was nominated by a full Republican caueus on the morning of February 23il, and elected on the lirst bal- lot in joint convention on that day, the vote standing: Mitchell, 150; Wallace, 92; MacVeagh, 1 ; Brewster, 1. The spirit of this contest continued until fall. Senator Davies, a friend of Mr. Grow, was a prominent candidate for the Repub- lican nomination for State Treasurer. He was beaten by General Silas M. Baily, and Davies and his friends cordially made Baily's nomination unanimous. Charles S. Wolfe, himself the winter before a can- didate for United Stales Senator, was dis- satisfied. He suddenly raised the Inde- pendent flag, in a telegram to the Phila- delphia Press, and as he announced was "the nominee of a convention of oue" for State Treasurer. After a canvass of re- markable energy on the part of Mr. Wolfe, General Baily was elected, without sufler- ing materially from the division. Mr. Wolfe obtained nearly 50,000 votes, but as almost half of them were Democratic, the result was, as stated, not seriously affected. The Independents in Pennsylvania, however, were subdivided into two wings, known as the Continental and the Wolfe men — the former having met since the election last fall, (State Senator John Stewart, chairman) and proclaimed them- selves willing and determined to abide all Republican nominations fairly made, and to advocate " reform within the party lines." These gentlemen supported Gen. Baily and largely contributed to his suc- cess, and as a rule they regard with dis- favor equal to that of the Regulars, what is known as the Wolfe movement. These divisions have not extended to other States, nor have they yet assumed the shape of third parties unless Mr. Wolfe's individual canvass can be thus classed. Up to this writing (March 10, 1882,) neither wing has taken issue with President Arthur or his appointments, though there were some temporary indications of this when Attor- ney General MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania, persisted in having his resignation ac- cepted. President Arthur refused to ac- cept, on the ground that he desired Mac- Veagh's services in the prosecution of the Star Route cases, and Mr. MacVeagh with- drew for personal and other rea.sona not yet fully explained. In this game of po- litical fence the position of the President was greatly strengthened. Singularly enough, in the only two States where factious divisions have been recently manifested in the Republican ranks, they effected almost if not quite as seriously the Democratic party. There can be but one deduction drawn from this, to wit: — That a number in both of the great parties, were for the time at least, weary of their allegiance. It is possible that nothing short of some great issue will restore the old partisan unity, and partisan unity in a Republic, where there are but two great parties, is not to be deplored if relieved of other than mere political dif- ferences. The existenf e of but two great parties, comparatively free from factions, denotes government health ; where divi- sions are numerous and manifest increas- ing growth and stubbornness, there is grave danger to Republican institutions. We need not, hov.-ever, philosophize Avhen Mexico and the South American Repub- lics are so near. THe Canciis. Both the "Independents" of Pennsyl- vania and the " Half-Breeds " of New York at first proclaimed their opposition to the caucus system of nominating candidates for U. S. Senators, and the newspapers in their interest wrote as warmly for a time against " King Caucus" as did the dissat- tisfied Democratic journals in the days of De Witt Clinton. The f-ituation, however, was totally different, and mere declamation could not long withstand the inevitable. In Pennsylvania almost nightly " confer- ences " were held by the Independents, as indeed they were in New York, though in both States a show of hostility was kept up to nominating in party caucus men who were to be elected by representative, more plainly legislative votes. It was at first claimed that in the Legislature each man ought to act for himself or his constituents, but very shortly it was found that the cau- cuses of the separate wings were as binding upon the respective wings as they could have been upon the whole. Dead-locks were interminable as long as this condition of affairs obtained, and hostility to the caucus system was before very long quietly discouraged and finally flatly abandoned, for each struggle was ended by the ratifi- cation of a general caucus, and none of them could have been ended without it. The several attempts to find other means to reach a result, only led the participants farther away from the true principle, under republican forms at least, of the right of the majority to rule. In Pennsylvania, when Mr. Oliver withdrew, fifty of his friends assembled and informally named General Beaver, and by this action sought to bind the original 95 friends of Oliver. Their conduct was excused by the plea that they represented a majority of their fac- tion. It failed to bind all of the original number, though some of the Independents were won. The Independents, rather the original 44, bound themselves in writing not to change their course of action unless THE CAUCUS. 257 there wa.sscourei) who suiiportc'il Mr. li.iyuc. Then wlu-ii the joint ciuiiiiiittce of U4 was agrrc'd U[ion, it was hound by a rulo re- auiriug tiirc'c'-fourllis Iv) nxoiuaiLiul ii cun- idate. All ot' tlii'se wrre nhiiu di-purluri's from a great [iriiiciple, and tho deeper tiie contest becuMio, the j^roalor the departure'. True, these were but voluntary I'onns, but they were indel'ensiUle, and are only re- ferred to now to show tlie ilanger ot" mad assaulted upon great priueiph-s wheu ])er- sonal and lactiou-s aims are at stake. Op- position to the early Congressional caucus was plainly right, since one departniont of the (lovernment was by voluntary agencies actually controlling another, while the law gave legal forms which could be more pro- perly initiated through voluntary action. The writer believes, and past contests all confirm the view that the voluntary action can only be safely employed by the power by the law with the right of selection. Thus the people elect township, county and State olhcers, and it is their right and duty by the best attainable voluntary action to indicate their choice. This is done through the caucus or convention, the latter not differing from the former save in extent and po-sibly breadth of representation. The same rulo applies to all offices elective by the peoj)le. It cannot properly apply to appointive offices, and while the attempt to apply it to the election of U. S. Senators shows a strong desire on the part, frequently of the more public-spirited citizens, to ex- ercise a greater share in the selection of these officers than the law directly gives thera, yet their representatives can very properly be called upon to act as they would act if thoy had direct power in the pre- mises, and such action leads them into a party caucus, where the will of the majority of their respective parties can be fairly ascertained, and when ascertained re- spected. The State Legislatures appoint U. S. Senators, and the llcpresentative? and Senators of the States are bound lo consider in their selection the good of the entire State. If this comports with the wish of their respective districts, very well ; if it does not, their duty is not less plain. Probably the time will never come when the people will elect United States Senators ; to do that is to radically change the P'ederal system, and to practically de- stroy one of the most important branches of the Government; yet he is not a careful observer who does not note a growing dis- f»osition on the part of the people, and argely the people of certain localities, and imaginary political sub-divisions, to control these selections. The same is true of Presidential nominations, where masses of people deny the right of Stiite Conventions to instruct their delegates-at-large. In many States the people composing cither of the great parties now select their own rej)resentative delegates to National Conventions, and where their seleclioua are not respected, grave piirty danger is sure to follow. There is noihing wnjiigin this, since it points to, and is but j)uving the way for a more pojnilar selection ot Presidents and Vice i're-idents — to an eventual selection of Presidential electf)r3 probably by Congressional districts, '^'et those to be selecteil at large must through practical voluntary forms be nomi;iated in that way, and the partisan State Conven- tion is the be>t metlKxl yet devised for this work, and its instructions should be as binding a.s those of the people upon their rej)resentatives. In this government of ours there is voluntary and legal work delegated to the people directly ; there is legal work delegated to appoiniing powers, and an intelligent discrimination should ever be exercised between the two. " Ren- der unto Cajsar those things which are Caesar's," unless there be a plain desire, backed by a good reason, to promote popu- lar reforms as enduring as the i)ractices and I)rinciplcs which they are intended to support. Fredrick W. Whitridge, in an able re- view of the caucus system published ■ in La- lor's Eiici/dnpa'dia of Political Science, says : "A caucus, in the political vocabulary of the United States, is primarily a private meeting of voters holding similar views, held prior to an election for the purpose of furthering such views at the election. With the development of parties, and the rule of majorities, the caucus or .some equivalent has become an indispensable adjunct to party government, and it may now be defined as a meeting of the majority of the electors belonging to the same party in any political or legislative body held j)relirainary to a meeting thereof, ibr the purjiose of selecting candidates to be voted for, or for the purpose of de- termining the course of the party at the meeting of the whole body. The candidates of each party are univer- sally selected by caucus, either directly or indirectly through del-egates to conven- tions chosen in caucuses. In legislative bodies the course of each party is oftea predetermined with certainty in caucus, and often discussion between parties has been, in consequence, in some degree superseded. The caucus system is, in short, the basis of a complete electoral svstein which has grown up within each party, side by side with that whi'h is alone contemplated by the laws. This condition has in recent years attracted much atten- tion, and has been bitterly announced as an evil. It was, however, early foreseen. John Adams, in 1S14. wrote in the "Tenth * By Eand Jt McNully, Chiciigo, III., 1884 258 AMERICAN POLITICS. Letter on Government :" " They have invented a balance to all balance in their caucuses. We have congressional caucuses, state caucuses, county caucuses, city cau- cuses, district caucuses, town caucuses, parish caucuses, and Sunday caucuses at church doors, and in these aristocratical caucuses elcctiuns have been decided." The caucus is a necessary consequence of majority rule. If the majority is to define the policy of a party, there must be some method within each party of ascertaining the mind of the majority, and settling the party programme, before it meets the op- posing party at the polls. The Carlton and Reform clubs discharge for the Tories ajid Liberals many of the functions of a congressional caucus. Meetings of the members of the parties in the reichstag, the corps legislatif and the chamber of deputies are not unusual, although they have generally merely been for consulta- tion, and neither in England, France, ' Germany or Italy, has any such authority . been conceded to the wish of the majority of a party as we have rested in the deci- sion of a caucus. What has been called a caucus has been established by the Liberals of Birmingham, England, as to which, see a paper by W. Eraser Rae, in the " International Review " for August, 1880. The origin of the term caucus is obscure. It has been derived from the Algonquin word Kaiv-kaw-ums — to con- sult, to speak — but the more probable derivation makes it a corruption of caulkers. In the early politics of Boston, and particularly during the early difficul- ties between the townsmen and the British troops, the seafaring men and those em- ployed about the ship yards were promi- nent among the town-people, and there were -numerous gatherings which may have- very easily come to be called by way of reproach a meeting of caulkers, after the least influential class who at- tended .them, or from the caulking house or caulk: house in which they were held. "What was at first a derisive description, came to be an appellation, and the gather- ings of so-called caulkers became a cau- cus. John Pickering, in a vocabularj' of words and phrases peculiar to the United States (Boston, 1816), gives this derivation of the word, and says several gentlemen mentioned to him that they had heard this derivation. Gordon, writing in 1774, says: "More than fifty years ago Mr. Samuel Adams' father and twenty others, one or two from the north end of the town where all the shi > business is carried on, used to meet, make a caucus and lay their plan for introducing certain persons into places of trust and power. When they had settled it they separated, and each used their particular influence within his own circle. He and.hi« friends would furnish themselves with ballots, including the names of the parties fixed upon, which they distributed on the days of election. By acting in concert, together with a care- ful and extensive distribution of ballots, they generally carried their elections to their own mind. In like manner it was that Mr. Samuel Adams first became a representative for Boston." [History oj the American devolution, vol. i., p. 365.) February, 1763, Adams writes in his diary : "This day I learned that the cau- cus club meets at certain times in the gar- ret of Tom Dawes, the adjutant of the Bos- ton regiment. He has a large house and he has a movable partition in his garret which he takes down and the whole club meets in his room. There they smoke tobacco until they cannot see one end of the room from another. There they drink flip, I suppose, and there they choose a moderator who puts questions to the vote regularly ; and selectmen, assessors, col- lectors, wardens, fire wards and representa- tives are regularly chosen in the town. Uncle Fairfield, Story, Ruddock, Adams, Cooper, and a rudis indigcsfaqiics moles ol others, are members. They send commit- tees to wait on the merchants' club, and to propose in the choice of men and measures. Captain Cunningham says, they have of- ten solicited him to go to the caucuses ; they have assured him their benefit in his business, etc." (Adams' h'orks, vol. ii., p. 144.) Under the title caucus should be considered the congressional nominating caucus ; the caucuses of legislative assem- blies ; primary elections, still known out- side the larger cities as caucuses ; the evils which have been attributed to the latter, and the remedies which have been pro- posed. These will accordingly be men- tioned in the order given. " The democratic system is the result of the reorganization of the various anti- Tammany democratic factions, brought about, in 1881, by a practically self-ap- pointed committee of 100. Under this sys- tem primary elections are to be held annu- ally in each of 678 election districts, at which all democratic electors resident in the respective districts may participate, pro- vided they were registered at the last gene- ral election. The persons voting at any primary shall be members of the election district association for the ensuing year, which is to be organized in January of each year. The associations may admit demo- cratic residents in their respective districts, who are not members, to membership, and they have general supervision of the inte- rests of the party within their districts. Primaries are held on not less than four days' public notice, through the newspa- jters, of the time and place, and at the ap- Sointed time the mcefing is called to order y the chairman of the election district as- THE CAUCUS. 259 gociation, [)rovi(lod twenty persona be pre- i sent; if that number sliall not be present, j the meeting miiy be ealled to order with u j les3 number, at the end of (ift^'en minutes. | The first business of the meeting; is to se- lect ii ehuirman, and all eleetions oJ dele- gates or eoinmitteemen shall take [>!aee in open meetiii'^. E;u'h person, as heoders to vote, states his name anil residence, which mav be com|)ared with the refjistration list at the hust election, and each person shal' Htute for whom he votes, or he may hand to the judges an open ballot, iiavinj; desi^rnated thereon the persons for whom he votes, and for what positions. Nominations are ail niat at a caucus in ordiT to ascertain the will of the majority, without thereby being bound to follow it; and the theory is .so deeply rootcil that, under the caucus and primary election .system, it lias been extended to cases in which the ma- J!)rities are such only in form. " The remedies as well as the evils of the caucus and nominating system have been made the subject of general discussion in connection with civil service reform. It is claimed that that reform, by giving to pub- lic officers the same tenure of their positions which is enjoyed by the employes of a cor- poration or a. private business house, or during the continuance of efficiency or good behaviour, would abolish or greatly dinu- nish the evils of the caucus system by de- priving public officers of the illegitimate incentive to maintain it under which they now act. Ot-Jjej more si)eculative remcdiea have been suggested. It is proi)osed, on the one hand, to very greatly diminish the number of elective officers, and, in order to do away with tlie pre-determination of elec- tions, to restrict the political action of the peoi)le in their owa persons to districts so small that they can meet together and act as one body, and that in all other affaii-s than those "of these small districts the people should act by delegates. The the- ory here se^ms to be to get rid of the ne- cessity for election and nominating ma- chineVy. (See 'A True Repuhlic,' by Al- bert Strickney, New York, 1870; and a se- ries of articles in Scribner's Monthly for 1881, by the same writer). On the other hand, it is proposed to greatly increase the number of elections, by taking the whole primary .system under the protection of the law.* This plan proi)oses: 1. The direct nomination of candidates by the members of the respective jiolitical parties in place of nominations by delegates in conventions. 2. To apply the election laws to primary elections. 3. To provide that both politi- cal jiarties .shall participate in the .same j)rimary election instead of having a dificr- ent caucus for each party. 4. To provide for a final election to be held between two cindidates, each representative of a party » This wn<< partially done by the Legislature of 260 AMERICAN POLITICS. who have been selected by means of the primary election. This plan would un- doubteiUy do away with the evils of the present caucus system, but it contains no guarantee that a new caucus system would not be erected for the purpose of influ- encing ' the primary election' in the same manner in wnich the present primary sys- tem now influences the final election. (Hee however ' The Elective Franchise in the United States,' New York, 1880, by D. C. McClellan.) — The effective remedy for the evils of the caucus system will probably be found in the sanction of primary elections by law. * * * Bills lor this purpose were introduced by the Hon. Erastus Brooks in the New York Legislature in 1881, which provided substantially for the system pro- posed by Mr. McClellan, but they were left unacted upon, and no legislative attempt to regulate primaries, except by providing for their being called, and for their pro- cedeure, has been made elsewhere. In Ohio what is known as the Baber law pro- vides that where any voluntary political association orders a primary, it must be by a majority vote of the central or control- ling committee of such party or association ; that the call must be published for at least five days in the newspapers, and state the time and place of the meeting, the autho- rity by which it was called, and the name of the person who is to represent that au- thority at each poll. The law also provides for challenging voters, for punishment of illegal voting, and for the bribery or inter- vention of electors or judges. {Rev. Stat. Ohio, sees. 291G-2'J21.) A similar law in Missouri is made applicable to counties only of over 100,000 inhabitants, but by this law it is made optional with the volun- tary political a.ssociation whether it Mill or not hold its primaries under the law, and if it does, it is provided that the county shall incur no expense in the conduct of such elections. {Lavs of Missouri, 1815, p. 54.) A similar law also exists in Cali- fornia. {Laws of Cali/nrnia, 18(55-1806, p. 438.) Tbese laws comprise all the existing legislation on the subject, except what is known a.s the Landis Bill of 1881, which requires primary officers to take an oath, and which punishes fraud." Assassination of President Garfield. At 9 o'clock on the morning of Satur- day, July 2d, 1881, President Garfield, ac- companied by Secretary Blaine, left the Executive jMansion to take a special train from the lialtimore and Potomac depot for New England, where he intended to visit the college from which he had gradu- ated. Arriving at the depot, he was walk- ing arm-in-arm through the main waiting- room, when Charles J. Guiteau, a i)ersist- ent applicant for an office, who had some time previously entered through the maia door, advanced to the centre of the room, and having reached within a few feet of his victim, fired two shots, one of which took fatal effect. The bullet was of forty- four calibre, and striking the Presideiat about four inches to the right of the spinal column, struck the tenth and badly shat- tered the eleventh rib. The President sank to the floor, and was conveyed to a room where temporary conveniences were attainable, and a couch was improvised. Dr. Bliss made an unsuccessful effort to find the ball. The shock to the President's system was very severe, and at first appre- hensions were felt that death would ensue speedily. Two hours after the shooting, the physicians decided to remove him to the Executive IMansion. An army ambu- lance was procured, and the removal ef- fected. Soon after, vomiting set in, and the patient exhibited a dangerous degree of prostration, which threatened to end speed- ily in dissolution. This hopeless condition of affairs continued until past midnight, when more favorable symptoms were ex- hibited. Dr. Bliss was on this Sunday morning designated to take charge of the case, and he called Surgeon -General Barnes, Assistant Stirgeon-General Wood- ward, and Dr. Reyburn as consulting phy- sician. To satisfy the demand of the country, Drs. Agnew, of Philadelphia, and Hamilton, of New York, were also sum- moned by telegra|)h, and arrived on a special train over the Pennsylvania Kail- road, Sunday afternoon. For several days immediately succeeding the shooting, the patient suffered great inconvenience and j)ain in the lower limbs. This created an ap])rehension that the spinal nerves h;id been injured, and death was momentarily expected. On the night of July 4th a favorable turn Avas observed, and the morn- ing of the 5th brought with it a vague but undefined hope that a fiivorable issue might ensue. Under this comforting con- viction, Drs. Agnew and Hamilton, after consultation with the resident medical at- tendants, returned to their homes; first having published to the country an in- dorsement of the treatment inaugurated. During July 5th and Gth the i)at ent con- tinued to improve, the pulse and respira- tion showing a marked approach 1o the condition of ■ healthfulness, the lormef being reported on the morning of the 6th at 98, and in the evening it only increased to 104. On the 7th Dr. Bliss became very confident of ultimate tr'uniph over the malady. In previous bulletins meagre hope was giren, and the chances for reco- very e.-tinuited at one in a liundred. From .luly 7th to the 16th there was a slight but uninterrupted improvement, and the country began to entertain i confident hope that the patient would recover. "BOSS RULE, 261 Hope and foar altorniitcd from d ly to day, amid tlio iiio-t piiiiilul fX( itnia-iit. On the 8th of August Drs. Aguesv and Hamilton had to pt'itbrm thrir si-coini operation to alh)w u free How ot" pus from the would. This resulted in an iuiportaMt discovery. It was ascertained that the track of the huHet had turned from its downward ilellection to a forward course. The operation histed an hour, and ether Wits adniiiiisteretl, the etiect of whicii was very unfortntiato. Nausea succeeded, and vomi in;:; foHowed every effort to achninis- tor nourisiiment for some time. However, he soon rallied, and the operation w:us pro- nounced successlnl, and, on the following day, the Pre-s'd.-nt, for the first time, wrote his name. On the 10th he signed an im- portant extradition paper, and on the 11th wrote a letter of hopefulness to his aged mother. On the l^th Dr. Hamilton ex- pre.^^ed the ojiinion that the further at- ttindmce of him-iclf and Dr. Agnew was unnecess.iry. The stomach continued weak, however, and on the loth nausea re- turned, and the most menacing physical prostration followed the frequent vomiting, and the evening bulletin announced that " the President's couditiou. on the whole, is ies-! satisfiU'tory." Next a new complication forced itself upon the attention of the physicians. This was described as " inllammation of the right parotid gland." On August 2-4th it w.is decided to make an incision below and forward of the right ear, in order to prevent supjjuration. Though this opera- tion was i>r.)nounced satisfactory, the pa- tient grailually sank, until August 2oth, when all hope seemed to have left those in attendance. Two d lys of a dreary watch ensued ; on the 27th an improvement inspired new hope. This continued throughout the we3k, but failed to build up the system. Then it was determined to remove the pa- tient to a more favorable atmosphere. On the 6th of September this design was exe- cuted, he having been conveyed in a car arranged for the purpose to Long Branch, where, in a cottage at Elberon, it was h >ped vigor would return. At first, indi- cations justified the most sanguine expec- tations. Ou the 9th, however, fever re- turned, and a cough came to harass the wast<»d sufferer. It was attended with purulent expectoration, and became so troublesome as to entitle it tth, IXKI, aiid our nation m lurned, as it had only done once before, , when Abraham Lincoln also fell by the hand of an assassin. The assiussiu Guiteau was tried and convicted, the jury rejecting his plea of insan.ty. Pretildeut Artlinr. Vice-President Arthur, during the long ill.'ie^s of the President, and at the time of his death, deoorted himself so well that he won the good opinion of nearly all cla.s.se8 of the people, and hai)i)i!y for weeks and months all tactions or partisan spirit w;i3 hr.shed by the nation's great calamity. At midnight on the lUth of Sey>tember the Cabinet telegra])hed him from Long Branch to take the oath of ofllice, and this he very jn'operly did before a local judge. The Government cannot w'sely be left without a head for a single day. He was soon afterwards again sworn in at Washing- ton, with the usual ceremonies, and took occasion to make a speech which improved the growing better feeling. The new President requested the Cabinet to hold on until Congress met, and it would have remained intact had Secretary Windom not found it necessary to resume his place in the Senate. The vacancy was offered to ex-Crovernor Morgan, of New York, who was actually nominated and confirmed before he made up his mind to decline it. Judge Folger now fills the ]>lace. The several changes since made will be found in tlie Tabulated History, Book VII. It his thus far been the effort of Presi- dent Arthur to allay whatever of factious bitterness remains in the Repuldican party. In his own State of New York the terms " Half-Breed " and "Stalwart" are pa.s8- ing into comparative disuse, as are the terms "Regulars" and "Independents" in Pennsylvania. << Boss Rule." The complaint of" Boss Rule" in these States — by which is meant the control of certain leaders — still obtains to some ex- tent. Wayne MacVeairh was the author of this very telling political e])ith(>t, and he used it with rare force in his distribute Northern or Re- imblican patronage. So far as dividing the South was concerned, the scheme w;\8 a flat failure. The next and mo"*! quiet and effectual effort was made by (Jen'l Simon Cameron. Ex-Senator from Pennsylvania. He started on a brief Southern tour, ostensibly for health atid enjoyment, but really to meet Gen'l Mahone, his leading Readjuster friends, and the leading Republicans Conferences were held, and the union of the two forces was made to embrace Na- tional obiccts. This was in the Fall of 1879. 264 AMERICAN POLITICS. Not long thereafter Gen'l Mahone consult- ed with Senator J. Don. Cameron, who was of course familiar with his father's movements, and he actively devised and carried out schemes to aid the new combi- nation by which the " Solid South " was to be broken. In the great State campaign of ISSl, when the Bourbon and anti-Bour- bon candidates for Governor, were stump- ing the State, Gen'l Mahone found that a large portion of his colored friends Avere handicapped by their inability to pay the taxes imposed upon them by the laws of Virginia, and this threatened defeat. He sought aid from the National administra- tion. President Garfield favored the com- bination, as did Secretary Windom, but Secretary Blaine withheld his support f(»r several months, finally, however, acceding to the wishes of the President and most of the Cabinet. Administration influences caused the abandonment of a straight-out Republican movement organized by Con- gressman Jorgensen and others, and a movement which at one time threatened a disastrous division was overcome. The tax question remained, and this was first met by Senator J. Don. Cameron, who while summering at Manhattan Island, was really daily engaged in New Yorlc City raising funds for Mahone, with which to pay their taxes. Still, this aid was insuf- ficient, and in the heat of the battle the revenue officers throughout the United States, were asked to contribute. Many of them did so, and on the eve of election all taxes were paid and the result was the election of William E. Cameron (Read- juster) as Governor by about 20,000 ma- jority, with other State officers divided be- tween the old Readjusters and Republi- cans. The combination also carried the Legislature. In that great struggle the Readjusters became known as the anti-Bourbon move- ment, and efforts are now being made to extend it to other Southern States. It has taken root in South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Arkansas, Mississippi, and more recently in Kentucky, where the Union War Democrats in State Convention as late as March 1, 1882, separated from the Bourbon wing of the party. For a better idea of these two elements in the South, the reader is referred to the recent speeches of Hill and Mahone in the me- morable Senate scene directly after the latter took the oath of office, and cast his vote with the Re[)ubl leans. These speeches will be found in Book HI of this volume. Suppressing MormonlsTn. Polygamy, lastly denounced as "the true relic of barl)arism " while slavery ex- isted, hai< ever since the settlement of the Mormons in Utah, been one of the vexed questions in American politics. Laws passed for its suppression have proved, thus far, unavailing ; troops could not crush it out, or did not at a time when battles were fought and won ; United States Courts were powerless where juries could not be found to convict. Latterly a new and promising ellbrt hius been made for its sup- pression. This was begun in the Senate in the session of 1882. On the 16th of February a vote was taken by sections on Senator PMmunds' bill, which like the law of 1862 is penal in its provisions, but di- rectly aimed against the crime of poly- gamy. President Arthur signed the Edmunds anti-polvgamy bill on the 23d of March, 1882. Delegate Cannon of Utah, was on the floor of the Senate electioneering against the bill, and he plead with some success, for several Democratic Senators made speeches against it. The Rej-ublicans were unanimously for the bill, and the Demo- crats were not solidly against it, though the general tenor of the debate on this side was against it. Senator Vest (Democrat) of Missouri, said that never in the darkest days of the rule of the Tudors and Stuarts had any measure been advocated Avhich came so near a bill of attainder as this one. It was monstrous to contend that the people of the United States were at the mercy of Congress without any appeal. If this bill passed it would establish a precedent that would come home to plague us for all time to come. The pressure agiiinst poly- gamy to-day might exist to-morrow against any church, institution or class in this broad land, and when the crested waves of prejudice and pnssion mounted high they would be told that the Congress of the United States had trani] led upon the Con- stitution. In conclusion, he s;;i(i : "lam prepared for the abuse and calumny that will follow any man who dares to criticise any bill against polygamy, and yet, if my official life had to terminate to-morrow, I would not give my vote lor the unconsti- tutional principles contained in this bill." Other speeches were made by Messrs. Mor- gan, Brown, Jones, of Florida, Saulsbury, C-all, Pendleton, Sherman, and Lamar, and the debate was closed by Mr. Edmunds in an eloquent fifteen-minutes' speech, in which lie carefully reviewed and contro- verted the objections urged against the bill of the committee. He showed great anxiety to have the measure disposed of at once and met a re- quest from the Democratic .'^ide for a post- pr)nement till other features should be em- bodied in the bills with the remark that this was the ]iolicy that had hitherto proven a hindrance to legislation on this subject SUPPRESSING M R M N I S M . 2G5 and that ho was tired of it. In the bill a-* anionilcd llie following section j)rov()k»'d more oi»;)o.sition than any other, alth(ju,i;h the Senators refrained I'rom niakinj:; any partieular mention of it: "That if any male ])erson in a Territory or other i)laee over wliieh the Unitetl Slates have exein- sive jnrisdietion hereafter tohai)its with more than one woman ho shall he deemed puilty of a mis^denieanor, and on eonvietion tiiereof he shall ho pnnisheil hy a fine of not more than 80OO or by imprisonment for not more than six months, or by both said [lunishmonts in the di.>;eretion of the conrt." The bill passed viva voce vole after a re-arranu:ement of its sections, one of tlie ehanges bei;ig that not more thr.n three of the eoniniis-;ioners shall be mem- bers of the same ])arty. The fact that the yeas and nays were not called, shows that there is no general desire on either side to make tlie bill a partisan measure. The Edmu!ids Bill passed the House March It, 1882, without material ainend- mont, the Republican majority, refusing to allow the time asked by the Democrats tor discussion. The vote was 19'> for to only 4') against, all (jf the negative votes being De:nocratic save one, that of Jones, Green- backer from Texas. The only question was whether the hill, as pa.v-ed by the Senate, would accomplish that object, and whether certain provisions of tliis liiU did not provide aremedy which was worse thant'.ie disease. ]\[any Demo- crats thought that the precedent of inter- fering with the right of sufl'rage at the polls, Avhcn the voter had not been tried and convicted of any crime, was so dan- gerous that they could not bring them- selves to vote for the measure. Among these de:nocrat.s were P)elmoiit and Hew- itt, of New York, and a number of others c [ually prominent. But they all professed their rcadines-i to vote for any measure which woidd affect the abolition of poly- gamy wi'.h'iut impairing the fuTidamc'ital rights of citizens iu other parts of the coun- try. THE TEXT OF THE BILL. Be it enacted, d'c., That section .'),312 of the Revised Statutes of the United States be, and the same is hereby amended so as to read as follows, namely: " Every person who has a husband or wife living who, in a Territory or other place over which the United States have exclusive jurisdiction, liereafter marries anotlier, whether married or single, and any man who hereafter simultaneously, or on the same day, marries more than one woman, in a Territory or other place over which the United States has exclusive jurisdiction, isguilty of polygamy, and shall be Mini-hed by a fine of not more than $500 and by imprisonment for a term ofuut more than five years ; }>ut this section vljall not exteMn Cliurcii into a i)()ily politic ami corporate, and by thi' thirl .section of the act ^ave it supreme authority over its members in everythiu'i; temporal and spiritu;il, and as- signed as a reason lor so doing tliat it \v;ls because the powers confirmed were in "support of morality and virtue, and were founded 0:1 the revelations of the Lord." Uniler thisp )\ver to make laws and punish and forgive ollenses, to hear and determine between brethren, the civil law was sujjcr- seded. The decrees of the courts of this church, certified under seil, have been ex- amined by the writer, and lie found them exercising a jurisdiction witliout limit ex- cept tliat of appeal to the President of the church. That the ass:issinations of apos- tates, the massacres of the Morrisites at Morris Fort and of the Arkansas emigrants at Mountain Me idows, were all in pursu- ance of church decrees, more or less formal, no one acjuainted with the system doubts. This act of incorporation was passed Febru- ary 8, lS-51, a:ul is f )und in the latest com- pilation of Ut di statutes. It is proper also to observe that, for many years after the erection of the Territorial Government by Coagre-js, the '' State of Deseret " organiza- tion was maintained by the Mormons, and collision was only prevented because Brig- ham was Governor of both, and found it unaecessarv for his purpose to antagonize either. His church organization made both a shadow, while that was the sub- stance of all authority. One of the earli- est of their legislative act} was to organ- ize a Survevor GeaeraFs Department,^ and title to land was declared to be in the per- sons who held a certificate from that offije.^ Having instituted their own system of government and taken possession of the land, and assumed to distribute that in a system of their own, the next step was to vest certain leading men with the control of the timbers and waters of the country. By a series of acts granting lands, waters and timber to individuals, the twelve ; apostles became the practical proprietors of the better and more desirable portions of the country. By an ordinance dated Octo- ber 4, 1831, there was granted to Brigham Young the "sole control of City Creek and Canon for thesumof five hundred dollars." By an ordinance dated January 9, 18')(), the " waters of North Mill Creek and the 1 waters of the Canon next north " were granted to Heber C. Kimball. On the same day was granted to George A. Smith the "sole control of the canons and timber of the east side of the ' West Mountains." On the ISth of January. 18')1, the North Cottinwo )d Can in was granted exclusively to Williard Richards. On the 15th of Janu- > Act of March 2, 1S50. «Act of January 19, 1866. lary, ISol, the waters of the "main chaa- nel " of Mill Cn-elc were donated to Brig- h im Young. On the iUii of December, l.sr)i», tilcre w:i.s granted to Ezra T. Ben.son the exclusive control of the waters of Twin S])rings and R')ck Springs, in Tooelle Val- ley ; and on the 11th of January, IS.'il, to the same person was g'-anled the contnd of all the cafions of the " West Mountain" and the timber therein. By the ordinance of September 14, iSoO, a " general ron- fer(!ncc of the Chundi of Latter Day Saints" was authorized to elect thirteen men to become a corporation, to be called the Emigration Com|»any ; and to this com- pany, elected exclusively by the church, was secured and a|>|)ropriated the two islands in Salt Lake known as Antelope and Stausberry Islands, to be under the exclusive control of President Brigham Young. These examples are given to show that the right of the Uniteil States to the lands of Utah met no recognition by these peo[de. They ai)propriated them, not only in a way to make the people slaves, but indicated their claim of sovereignty as superior to any. Young, Smith, Benson and Kimball were apostles, llichardj was Brigham Young's counsel t . By an act of December 28, 18-35, there was granted to the " University of the State of Deseret" a tract of land amounting to about five hundred acres, inside the city limits of Salt Lake City, without any reservation to the occupants whatever; and everywhere was the authority of the United States over the country and its soil and people utterly ignored. Not satisfied with making the grants re- ferred to, the Legislative Assembly entered upon a system of municipal incor[)orations, by which the fertile lauds of the Territory were withdrawn from the operation of the preemptive laws of Congress; and thus while Mey occupied these without title, non- Mormons were unable to make settlement on them, and thev were thus engrossed to Mormon use. From a report made by the Commissioner of the General Land Of- fice to the United States Senate,' it appears that the municipal corporations covered over 400,000 acres of the public lands, and over 600 square miles of territory. These lands' are not subject to either the Home- stead or Preemption laws, and thus the non- Mormon settler was prevented from attempt- ing, except in rare instances, to secure any lands in Utah. The spirit which prompted this course is well illustrated by an instance which was the subject of an invi^stigation in the Land Department, and the proofs are found in the document just referred to. George Q. Cannon, the late Mormon dele- gate in Congress, was called lo exercise his 'Senate doc. 181, 4Rfh ConjjresBL » Sec. 2, 2J8, Kcv. Stat. U.S. 268 AMERICAN POLITICS. duties as an apostle to the Tooelle "Stake" at the citv of Cirantville. In a discourse on Sunday, the 2t)th day of July, 1875, Mr. Cannon said : ' " Clod has given us (mean- ing the Mormon people) this land, and, if any outsider shail come in to take land wliifh we claim, a jiiece six feet by two is all they are entitletl to, and that will last them to all eternity." By measures and threats like these have the "Mormons unlawfully controlled the ag- ricultural lands of the Territory and ex- cluded therefrom the dissenting settler. The attempt of the United States to es- tablish a Surveyor-General's office in Utah in ISoo, and to "survey the lands in view of disposing of them aceor.ling to law, was met by such opposition that Mr. Burr, the Surveyor-General, was compelled to fly for liiC. The monuments of surveys made by his order were destroyed, and the records were supposed to have met a like fate, but were atterwards restored by Brigham Young to the Government. The report of his experience by I\Ir. Burr was instru- mental in causing troops to be sent in 1857 to assert the authority of the Government. When this army, consisting of regular troops, was on the way to Utah, Brigham Young, a.s Governor, issued a jiroclamation, dated September 15, 1857, declaring mar- tial law and ordering the people of the Territory to hold themselves in readiness to marcii to repel the invaders, and on the 29th of Septemlier following addressed the commander of United States forces an or- der forbidding him to enter the Territory, and directing him to retire from it by the same route he had come. Further evidence of the Mormon claim that they were inde- pendent is perhaps unnecessary. The trea- sonable character of the local organization is manifest. It is this organization that controls, not only the people who belong to it, but the 30,000 non-Mormons who now re- side in Utah. Every member of the territorial Legisla- ture is a Mormon. Every county officer is a Mormon, Every territorial officer is a Mormon, except such as are appointive. The schools provided by law and supported bv taxation are Mormon. The teachers are ]\Iormon, and the sectarian catechism af- firming the revelations of Joseph Smith is regularly taught therein. The municipal corporations are under the control of Mor- mons. In the hands of this bigoted class all the material interest,s of the Territory are left, subject only to such checks as a Federal Governor and a Federal judiciary can impose. From beyond the sea they im- port some thousands of ignorant converts anrmally, and, while the non-Mormons are increasing, they are overwhelmed by the muddy tide of fanaticism shipped in upon 1 Acccirdliig to the aflidavits of Samuel UowurJ and others, liage 14. them. The suffrage has been bestowed upon all classes by a statute so general that the ballot box is filled with a mass of votes which repels the free citizen from the ex- ercise of that right. If a Gentile is cho- sen to the Legislature (two or three such instances have occurred), he is not admit- ted to the seat, although the act of Congress (June 23, 1874) requires the Territory to pay all the expenses of the enforcement of the laws of the Territory, and of the care of persons convicted of offenses against the laws of the Territory. Provision is made for jurors' fees in criminal cases only, and none is made for the care of criminals.^ While Congress pays the legislative ex- penses, amounting to $20,000 per session, the Legislature defiantly refuses to comply with the laws which its members are sworn to support. And the same body, though failing to protect the marriage bond by any law whatever requiring any solemnities for entering it, provided a divorce act which practically allowed marriages to be annulled at will.^ Neither seduction, adultery nor incest find penalty or recognition in its legal code. The purity of home is destroyed by the beastly practice of plural marriage, and the brows of innocent children are branded with the stain of bastardy to gratify the lust which cares naught for its victims. Twenty-eight of the thirty-six members of the present Legislature of Utah are re- ported as having from two to seven wives each. While the Government of the Uni- ted States is paying these men their mile- age and pe7- diem as law-makers in Utah, those guilty of the same ofl'ense outside of Utah are leading the lives oi' felons in con- vict cells. For eight years a IMormon dele- gate has sat in the capitol at Washington having lour living wives in his harem in Utah, and at the same time, under the shadow of that capitol, lingers in a felon's prison a man who had been guilty of mar- rying a woman while another wife was still living. For thirty years have the Mormons been trusted to correct these evils and put them- selves in harmony with the balance of civilized mankind. This they have refused to do. Planting themselves in the heart of the continent, they have iiersistently defied the laws of the land, the laws of modern society, and the teachings of a common humanity. They degrade woman to the office of a breeding animal, and, after depriving her of all property rights in her husband's estate,* all control of her children,* they, with ostentation, bestow upon her the ballot in a way that makes it a nullity if contested, and compels her to use it to perpetuate her own degrada- tion if she avails herself of it. 1 Sec Rpport of Atfcrnpv-flencriil VwWof^ S(a,(os. 1SS0-S1. 2 Act of Jlnn-li n. is(y. :i Act of lM'l)ru.ir.v IG, 1S72. * Sees. 1 aud 2, act of February 3, 1S62. THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 269 No power has been piveii to the Mor- mon Hierarchy thai lum not heon abu.ie'i. The ri^^ht of rei)restntation in tlie k'gisla- tive councils has bi'cn viohited in the ap- portionment of members su as to disfran- chise the non-Mormon class. ^ Tlie system of revenue and taxation was lor twenty- five years a system of confiscation and ex- tortion.-' The courts were so organized and controlled that they were but the orjjjans of the church oppressions and ministers of its vencjeance.^ The legal profession was abolished by a statute that prohibited a lawyer from recovering on any contract for service, and allowed every person to appear ju* an attorney in any court.* The attorney was compelled to present " all the facts in the c:use," whether for or against his client, and a refusal to disclose the confidential communications of the latter subjected the attorney to fine and imprison- ment.* No law hook e.\cept the statutes of Utah and of the United States, " when applicable," was permitted to be read in any court by an attorney, and the citation of a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, or even a quotation from the Bible, in the trial of any cause, sub- jected a lawyer to fine and imprisonment.'' The practitioners of medicine were equally assailed by legislation. The use of the most important remedies known to mo», s'C. 14, 'Acts of .Ian 21, l«v?, and of January, 1855, sec. 29. <.\ctof February !.>*, 1S-.2. ' Act of FcbniarT l^*. 1S.=i2. •Act of .Tanuavv 14. IS.54. ' S«c. 106, Act aiarch 0, 1852. lived he intended to makr his administra- tion lir.Uiaiitat home and abroad — a view confirnieil by the uolicy coiice'Ved by Secretary lUaine ami .sanclion8 sensiiive llian he i.s to tiie sacred duty of making every endeavor to do away witii the chaiues (jf fratritidal strife, and he looks with hopeful coniiileiice to buch active Jis.si.stance from them an will serve to show the broadness of our common hu- manity, the Htrength of tlie ties wiiich bind us all together as a great and har- monious system of American Common- wealths, A GENERAL CONGRESS PROPOSED. Imjjressed by these views, the President extends to all the independent countries of North and South America an earnest in- vitation to participate in a general (Jon- giess, to be held in the city of Washing- ton, on the 22d of November, 1882, for the I)urpose of considering and discussing the methods of preventing war between the nations of America. He desires that the attention of the Congress shall be strictly confined to this one great object; and its sole aim shall be to seek a way of per- manently averting the horrors of a cruel and bloody contest between countries oftenest of one blood and speech, or the even worse calamity of internal commotion and civil strife; that it shall regard the burdensome and far-reaching consequences of such a struggle, the legacies of exhau.sted finances, of oppressive debt, of onerous taxation, of ruined cities, of paralyzed in- dustries, of devastated fields, of ruthles.s conscriptions, of the slaughter of men, of the grief of the widow and orphan, of em- bittered resentments that long survive those who provoked them and heavily afflict the innocent generations that come after. THE MISSION OF THE CONGRESS. The President is especially desirous to have it understood that in putting forth this invitation the United States does not as- sume the position of counseling or attempt- ing, through the voice of the Congress, to counsel any determinate solution of exist- ing questions which may now divide any of the countries. Such questions cannot properly come before the Congress. Its mission is higher. It is to provide for the interests of all in the future, not to settle the individual differences of the present. For this reason especially the President has indicated a day for the assembling of the Congress so far in the future as to leave good ground for the hope that by the time named the present situation on the South Pacific coast will be happily termi- n.ated, and that thoH<» engaged in the con- test may take peaceable part in the discus- sion and solution of the general nuestion affecting in an equal degree the well-being of all. It seems also desirable to disclaim in ad- 272 AMERICAN POLITICS. vance any purpose on the part of the United States t > prejudge the issues to be presented to the Congress, ll is fur from the intent of ihis Government to appear before the Congress as in any sense the protector of its neighbors or the predestined and necessary arbitrator of their disputes. The United States will enter into the deliber- ations of the Congress on the same looting as other powers represented, and with the .loyal determination to ai^proach any pro- posed solution, not merely in its own inter- est, or with a view to asserting its own power, but as a single member among many co-ordinate and co-equal States. So far as the influence of this Government may be potential, it will be exerted in the direction of conciliating whatever con- flicting interests of blood, or government, or historical tradition that; may necessarily come together in response to a call embracing such vast and diverse ele- ments. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE MINISTERS. You will jircsent these views to the Minister of Foreign Atla'rs of Costa Pdca, enlarging, if need be, in such terms as will readily occur to you ujjon the great mission which it is within the power of the proposed Congress to accomplish in the in- terest of humanity, and the firm jjurpose of the United States of America to main- tain a position of the most absolute and impartial friendship toward all. You will, therefore, in the name of the President of the United States, tender to his Excel- lency, the President of , a Ibrmal invitation to send two commissioners to the Congre s, jn-ovidcd with su.h powers and instructions on behalf of their Govern- ment as wiil enable them to consider the questions brought before that body within the limit of submission contemplated by this invitation. The United States, as well as the other Eowers, will in like manner be represented y two commissioners, so that equahtyand impartiality will -be amply secured in the proceedings of the Congress. In delivering this invitation through the Minister of Foreign Affairs, you will read this despatch to him and leave with him a copy, intimating that an answer is desired by this Government as promptly as the just consideration of so important a pro{)0- sition will permit. I am, sir, your obedient servant, James G. Blaine. Minister liogan'a Rrplj^. The following is an abstract of the re- ply of Minister Logan to the above. " From a full review of the situation, as heretofore detailed to you, I am not clear as to being able to obtain the genuine co- operation of all the States of Central America in the proposed congress. — Each, 1 have no doubt, will ultimately agree to send the specilied number of commission- ers and assume, outwardly, an appearance of sincere co-ofieration, but, as you will perceive from your knowledge of the ])0S- ture of allhirs, all hope of effecting a union of these States except upon a basis the leaders will never permit— that of a free choice of the whole people — will be at an end. The obligation to keep the peate, imjiosed by the congress, will bind the United States as well as all others, and thus prevent any efforts to bring about the desired union other than those based upcn a sim])le tenderof good offices — this means until the years shall bring about a radical change — must be as inefficient in the future as in the past. The situation, as it ap- pears to me, is a difficult one. As a means of restraining the aggressive tendency of Mexico in the direction of Central Ameri- ca, the congress would be attended by the happiest results, should a full agreement be reached. Put as the Central American States are now in a chaotic condition, politi- cally considered, with their future status wholly undefinecl, and as a final settlement can only be reached, as it now appears, through the operation of military lorces, the hope of a Federal union in Ctntral America would be crushed, at least in the immediate present. Wiser heads than my own may devise a method to harmonize these difficulties when the congress is ac- tually in session, but it must be constuntly remembered that so far as the Central American commissioners are concerned they will represent the interests and posi- tive mandates of their respective govern- ment chieis in the strictest and most abso- lute sense. While all will probably send commissioners, through motives of ex]»edi- cncy, they may possibly be instructed to secretly defeat the ends of the convention. I make tln^se suggestions that you may have the whole field under view. " I may mention in this connection that I have received information that uj) to the tenth of the present month only two Ricm- bcrs of the proposed convention at Pana- ma had arrived and that it was considered as having failed." Contemporaneous with these movements or suggestions was another on the j art of Mr. Blaine to secure from England a mod- ification or abrogation of the Clayton- P.ulwer treaty, with the object of giving to the United States, rather to the Keiniblics of North and South America, full super- vision of the Isthmus and Panama Canal when constructed. This branch of the correspondence was sent to the Semite on the 17th of February. Lord Granville, in his despatch of January 7th to Minister West in reference to the Clayton-Bulwer THE SOUTU AMHIIICAN QUESTION. 278 Treaty controversy, denies any analogy ' it has yrt hei-n found i)ri;fiTal)le to arrive between the cases of the Panama and ' at a solution as to those details rather than Suez Canals. He cordially concurs in Mr. lilaine's statement in rej^ard to the unex- ampled development of the Pacific Coast, but (ionics that it was unexpected. lie says the declaration of President Monroe anterior to the treaty show that he and his Cabinet had a clear prevision of the great future of that region. The de- to sacrifice the general bases of the en- gagement, it must surely be allowed thit such a fact, far from being an argument against that engagement, is an argument distinctly in its favor. It is equally jjlain that either of the contracting i)arties which hail abandoned its own contention Ibr the l)urpose of preserving the agreement in its velopment of the interests of the British entirety would have reason to conijiiain if f>ossessions also continued, though possibly ess rapiilly. The Government are of the opinion that the canal, as a water way be- tween the two great oceans and Europe and Eastern Asia, is a work which concerns not only the American Continent, but the whole civilized world. With all deference to the considerations which prompted Mr. Blaine he cannot believe that his propo- sals will be even beneficial in themselves. He can conceive a no more melancholy spectacle than competition between nations in the construction of fortifications to com- mand the canal. He cannot believe that any South American States would like to admit a foreign power to erect fortifications on its territory, when the claim to do so is accompanied by the declaration that the canal is to be regarded as a part of the American coast line. It is difficult to be- lieve, he says, that the territory between it and the United States conld retain its pres- ent independence. Lord Granville believes tJiat an invitation to all the maritime states to participate in an agreement based on the stipulations of the Convention of 1850, would make the Convention adequate for the purposes for which it was designed. Her Majesty's Government would gladly see the United States take the initiative towards such a convention, and will be prepared to endorse and support such action in any wav. provided it aoes not conflict with the Clayton-Bulwcr treaty. Lord Granville, in a subsequent despatch, draws attention to the fact that Mr. Blaine, in using the argument that the treaty has been a source of continual difficulties, omits to state that the questions in dispute which related to points occupied by the British in Central America were removed in 18(50 by the voluntary action of Great Britain in certain treaties concluded with Honduras and Nicaragua, the settlement being recognized as perfectly satisfactory by President Buchanan. Lord Granville says, further, that during this controversy America disclaimed any desire to have the exclusive control of the canal. The Earl contends that in cases where the details of an international agreement have given rise to difficulties and discus- sions to such an extent as to cause the contracting parties at one time to contem- plate its abrogation or modification as one of several possible alternatives, and where 18 nip the ditierences which had been settled by its concessions were alterwanls urged jus a reason for essentially modifying those other jjrovisions which it had made tliis sacrifice to maintain. In order to strengthen these arguments, the Earl reviews the corres- pondence, quotes the histf)rical points made by Mr. Blaine and in many instances in- troduces additional data as contradicting the inferences drawn by Mr. Blaine and supporting his own position. The point on which I\Ir. Blaine laid particular stress in his despatch to Earl Granville, is the objection made by the government of the United States to any- concerted action of tlie European powers for the purpose of guarantying the neu- trality ot the Isthmus canal or determin- ing the conditions of its use. CHILI A>-D PERU. The entire question is complicated by the war between Chili and Peru, the latter owning immense guano deposits in which American citizens have become financially interested. These sought the friendly in- tervention of our government to prevent Chili, the conquering Republic, from ap- propriating these deposits as part of her war indemnity. The Landreau, an original French claim, is said to represent $125,- 000,000, and the holders were prior to and during the war pressing it upon Calderon, the Peruvian President, for settlement; the Cochet claim, another of the same class, represented $1,000,000,000. Doubt- less these claims are speculative and largely fraudulent, and shrewd agents are inter- ested in their collection and preservation. A still more preposterous and speculative movement was fathered by one Shipherd, who opened a correspondence with Minis- ter Hurlburt, and with other parties for the establishment of the Credit Industriel, which was to pay the $20,000,000 money indemnity demanded of Peru by Chili, and to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitratea and guano deposits. THE SCAND.\L. All of these things surround the ques- tion with scandals which probably fail to truthfully reach any prominent officer of our government, but which have neverthe- less attracted the attention of Congress to 274 AMERICAN POLITICS. such an extent that the following action has been already taken : On February 24th Mr. Bayard offered in the Senate a resolution reciting that where- as publication has been widely made by the public press of certain alleged public commercial contracts between certain com- panies and copartnerships of individuals relative to the exports of guano and nitrates from Peru, in which the mediation by the Government of the United States between the Governments of Peru, Bolivia and Chili is declared to be a condition for the effectuation and continuance of the said contracts ; therefore be it resolved, that the Committee on Foreign Relations be instructed to inquire whether any promise or stipulation by which the intervention by the United States in the controversies ex- isting between Chili and Peru or Chili and Bolivia has been expressly or impliedly given by any ])erson or persons officially connected with the Government of the United States, or whether the influence of the Government of the United States has been in any way exerted, promised or inti- mated in connection with, or in relation to the said contracts by any one officially con- nected with the Government of the United States, and whether any one officially con- nected with the Government of the United States is interested, directly or indirectly, with any such alleged contracts in which the mediation as aforesaid of the United States is recited to be a condition, and that the said committee have power to send for persons and paper and make report of their proceedings in the premises to the Senate at the e:^rliest possible day. Mr. Edmunds said he had drafted a resolution covering all the branches of " that most unfortunate affair " to which reference was now made, and in view of the ill policy of any action which would commit the Senate to inquiries about de- claring foreign matters in advance of a careful investigation by a committee, he now made the suggestion that he would have made as to his own resolution, if he had offered it, namely, that the subject be referred to the Committee on P'oreign Re- lations. He intimated that the proposition prepared by himself would be considered Dv the cominittee as a suggestion bearing upon the pending resolution. Mr. Bayard acquiesced in the reference with the remark that anything that tended to bring the matter more fully before the country was satisfactory to him. The resolution accordingly went to the Committee on Foreign Relations. In the House Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, offered a rc-artiei- I)ation in the profits prowinp out of this eontract a series of lawsuits resulted and a paper war cnsue>l in whieh C'ochet was oalHed. In vain he called the attention of the . vance of official inquiry. None of the governments invited to the Congress had accepted formally, and in view of obstacles thrown in the way by the present adminis- tration, it is not probable they will. Accepting the proposition of Mr. Blaine as stated in his letter to President Arthur, as conveying his true desire and meaning, it is due to the truth to say that it compre- hends more than the Monroe doctrine, the text of which is given in President Mon- roe's own words in this volume. While he contended against foreign intervention with the Ilepublics on this Hemisjdiere, he ne- ver asserted the right of our government to j)articipate in or seek the control either of the internal, commercial or foreign policy of any of the Republics of America, by ar- THE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL, 277 bitnition or otlicrwisc. 80 that Mr. Blaine irt tlic autlior ot'an advanco iqxm llic jMoii- ri)0 (loftriuc, and wliat seems at this time a radical advance. What it may he when the United States seeks to "spread itstlf" by an aggressive foreign poliey, and hy aggrandizement of new uvennes of trade, jvtssilily new acquisitions of territory, is anotlier question. It is a policy brilliant lu'vond any examples in our history, and a new (le[iarture from the teac-liings of Washington, who advised absolute non-in- tervention in foreitrn affairs. The new doctrine might thrive and acquire great popularity under an administration friendly to it; but President Arthur has already intimated his hostility, and it is now be- yond enforcement during his administra- tion. The views of Congress also seem to be adverse as far as the debates have gone into the question, though it has some warm friends who may revive it under more favo- rable auspices. The Star Ronte ScAndal. Directly after Mr. James assumed the position of Postmaster-General in the Cabinet of President Garfield, he disco- vered a great amount of extravagance and probably fraud in the conduct of the mail service known as the Star Routes, author- ized by act of Congress to further extend the mail facilities and promote the more rapid carriage of the mails. These routes proved to be very popular in the West and South-Avest, and the growing demand for mail facilities in these sections would even in a legitimate way, if not closely watched, lead to unusual cost and extravagance ; but it is alleged that a ring was formed headed by General Brady, one of the Assistant Postmaster-Generals under General Key, by which routes were established with the sole view of defrauding the Government — that false bonds were given and enormous and fraudulent sums paid for little or no service. This scandal was at its height at the time of the assassination of President Garfield, at which time Postmaster-General James, Attorney-General MacVeagh and other officials were rapidly preparing for the prosecution of all charged with the fraud. Upon the succession of President Arthur he openly insisted upon the fullest prosecution, and declined to receive the r&signation of Mr. MacVeagh from the Cabinet because of a stated fear that the prosecution would suffer by his withdrawal. Mr. MacVea,gh, however, withdrew from the Cabinet, believing that the new Presi- dent should not by anv circumstance be prevented from the official association of friends of his own selection ; and at this Writing Attorney-General Brewster is push- ing the prosecutions. On the 24th of March, 1882, the Grand [Jury sitting at Washinpfton proHcnted in- I dictmentd lor consjjiracy in connection with the St;ir Itoute mail service against tlie fol- 1 lowing named persons: Tiiomas J. Bradv, t J. W. Dor^ey, Henry I\I. Vail, .John W. l)or-;ev, .John U. Miner, .loliti .\I. Peck, M. I". lUrdell, .1. L. Sanderson, \Vm. 11. Tur- ner. Also against Alvin < ). Buck, Wm.S. Barringcr and .AHxTt K. Itoonc, and airainst Kate M. Armstrong lor perjury. 'Jhe in- dictment against Brady, I)or-ey and others, which is very voluminous, rcciii-s the ex- istence, on starch 10, l.ST'.t, of the Post Of- fice i)ei>artment, Postma.ster-(ieneral an(i three assistants, and aSixth Auditor's office and Contract office and division. I "To the latter was subject," the indict- ment continues, " the arrangement of the I mail service of the United States and the letting out of the same on contract." It then describes the duties of the inspecting division. On March 10, 1879, the grand jurors represent, Thomas J. Brady was the lawful Second Assistant Postma.s"ter-(iene- ral engaged in the performance of the du- ties of that office. \Villiam H. Turner was a clerk in the Second Assistant Postmaster- General's office, and attended to the busi- ness of the contract division relating to tlie mail service over several post routes in Ca- lifornia, Colorado, Oregon, Nebraska, and the Territories. On the 16th of March, 1879, the indictment represents Thomas J, Brady as having made eight contracts with John W. Dorsev to carrv the mails from July 1. 1878, to'June 80,' 1882, from Ver- million, in Dakota Territory, to Sioux Falls and back, on a fourteen hour time schedule, for $398 each year ; on route from Whito River to Rawlins, Colorado, once a week of 108 hours' time, for 81,700 a year; on route from Garland, Colorado, to Parrott City, once a week, on a schedule of 1G3 hours' time, for $2,743; on route from Ou- ray, Colorado, to Los Pinos, once a week, in 12 hours' time, for $348; on route from Sil- verton, Colorado, to Parrott City, twice a week, on 3(3 hours' time, for $1,488; on route from Mineral Park, in Arizona Ter- ritory, to Pioche and back, once a week, in 84 hours' time, $2,982 ; on route from Trea Almos to Clifton and back, once a week, of 84 hours' time, for $1.5(;8. It further sets forth that the Second As- sistant Postmastor-General entered into five contracts with John R. Miner on June 13, 1878, on routes in Dakota Territory and Colorado, and on March 1"), 1879, with John M. Peck, over eight post routes. In the space of sixty days after the making of tnese contracts thevwere in full force. On March 10, 1879, John W. Dorsey, John R. ^liner, and John M. Peck, with Stophm W. Dorsey and Henry M. Vaile, M. G. Rerdell and J, L. Sanderson, mutually in- terested in these contracts and money, to be paid by the United States to the three 278 AMERICAN POLITICS. parties above named, did unlawfully and maliciously combine and conspire to I'raud- ulently write, sign, and cause to be written and signei], a large number of fraudulent letters and communications and false and fraudulent petitions and applications to the Postmaster-General for additional service and increase of expenditure on the routes, Avliich were purported to be signed by the people and inhabitants in the neighborhood of the routes, which were filed with the papers in the office of the Second Assistant Postmaster-General. Further that these parties swore falsely in describing the num- ber of men and animals required to perform the mail service over the routes and States as greater than was necessary. These false oaths were placed on file in the Second Assistant Postmaster-General's office; and by means of Wm. H. Turner falsely making and writing and endorsing these papers, with brief and untrue state- meiits as to their contents, and by Turner preparing fraudulent written orders for al- lowances to be made to these contractors and signed by Thomas J. Brady fraudu- lently, and for the benefit and gain of all the parties named in this bill, the service was increased over these routes ; and that Brady knew it was not lawfully needed and required. That he caused the order for in- creasing to be certified to and filed in the Sixth Auditor's oflice for fraudulent addi- tional compensation. That Mr. Brady gave orders to extend the service so as to include other and difierent stations than those men- tioned in the contract, that he and others might have the benefits and profits of it : that he refused to impose fines on these contracts for failures and delinquencies, but allowed them additional pay for the ser- vice over these routes. During the conti- nuance of these contracts the parties ac- quired unto themselves several large and excessive sums of money, the property of the United States, fraudulently and un- lawfully ordered to be paid them by Mr. Brndy. Tlicse are certainly formidable indict- ments. OLhers are pending against persons in riuladelphia and other cities, who are chaTfred with complicity in these Star Route I'rauds, in giving straw bonds, &c. The Star Iloute service still continues, the Post Oificc Department under the law having Ecnt out several thousand notifications this year to cfintractors, informing them of the official acceptance of their proposals, and some of these contractors are the same nyiTicd above as under indictment. This well ex'iinplifies the maxim of the law re- lative to innocence until guilt be shown. The Comlnp; States. Bills arc pending before Congress for the admission of Dakota, Wyoming, New Mexico and Washington Territories. The Bill for the admission of Dakota divides the old Territory, and provides that the new State shall consist of the territory in- cluded within the following boundaries : Commencing at a ])oint on the west line of the State of Minnesota where the forty- sixth degree of north latitude intersects the same; thence south along the west boun- dary lines of the States of Minnesota and Iowa to the point of intersection with the northern boundary line of the State of Nebraska ; thence westwardly along the northern botmdary line of the State of Nebraska to the twenty-seventh meridi.'in of longitude west from Washington ; thence north along the said twenty-seventh degree of longitude to the forty-sixth degree of north latitude ; to the place of beginning. The bill provides for a convention of one hundred and twenty delegates, to be chos-en by the legal voters, who shall adoj^t the United States Constitution and then pro- ceed to form a State Constitution and gov- ernment. Until the next census the State shall be entitled to one representative, who, with the Governor and other ofiicials, shall be elected ui)on a day named by the Con- stitutional Convention. The report tets apart lands for school jmriioses, and gives the State five per centum of the proceeds of all sales of pviblie lands within its limits subsequent to its admission as a State, ex- cluding all mineral lands from being thus set apart for school purposes*. It provides that portion of the the Territory not in- cluded in the pro])oscd new State thall continue as a Territory under the name of the Territory of North Dak(,ta. The proposition to divide comes from Senator McMillan, and if Congress sus- tains the division, the portion admitted would contain 100,000 inhabitants, the en- tire estimated population being 175,000 — a number in excess of twenty of the present States when admitted, exclusive i,{ the original thirteen ; while the division, which shows 100,000 inhabitants, is still in excess of sixteen States when admitted. Nevada, with less than Gr;,000 popula- tion, was admitted before the close Presi- dential election of 1876, and it may be said that her majority of 1,075, in a total poll of 19,091 voks, decided the Presidential result in favor of Hayes, and these votes counteracted the plurality of nenrly 300,000 received by Mr. Tilden elsewhere. This fact well illustrates the power of States, as States, and however small, in controlling the afl'airs of the country. It also accounts for the jealousy with whii'h closely balanced political parties watch the incoming States. Population is but one of the considera- tions entering into the question of admit- ting territories. State sovereignty does not rest upon population, iis in the make-up of the U. S. Senate neither population, TUE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL. 279 size, nor resources arc takon into account. Rliodc IsIjhkI, the sniallfst of all the 8tiite.H, and New York, the j,^reat Enijjire State, with over r),(l()(),()0O of iniiabitunts, stiind ui)OU an equality in the conservative hraneh of the Government. It is in the House of Renreseiitatives tliat the popula- ti'in is considered. Such is the jealousy of the hirger States of their rei)resentation in the U. S. Senate, that few new ones w>)u!d be admitted without long and con- tinuous knocking if it were not for partisan interest-;, and yet where a fair number of pe )])le demand State (lovernment there is no ju-it c;iuse for denial. Yet all questions of population, natural divibion, area and resources should be given their proper weight. The area of the combined territories — Utah, Wasliington, New Mexico, Dakota, Arizona, Montana, Idaho, Wyoming and Indian is about 1)00,000 square miles. We exclude Alaska, whicii has uot been sur- veyed. Indian Territory and Utah are for some years to come excluded from admission — the one being reserved to the occupancy of tlie Indians, while the other is by her peculiar institution of polygamy, generally thrown out of all calculation. And yet it may be ibmul that polygamy can best be made amenable to the laws by the corapul- Bory admission of Utah as a State — an idea entertained by not a few who have given consideration to the question. Alaska may also be counted out for many years to come. There are but 30,000 inhabitants, few of these permanent, and Congress is now con- sidering a ])etition for the establishment of a territorial government there. Next t ) Dakota, New Mexico justly claims admission. The lands comprised within its original area were acquired from Mexico, at the conclusion of the war with that country, by the treaty of Guadalu{)e Hidalgo in 1848, and by act of September 9, ISoO, a Territorial government was or- ganized. By treaty of December 30, 1853, the region south of the Gila river — the Gadsden purch:vse, so called — was ceded by Mexico, and by act of August 4, 1854, added to the Territory, which at that time included within its limits the present Ter- ritory of Arizona. Its prayer for ailmis- siou was brought to the serious attention of Congress in 1874. The bill was pre- sented in an able speech by Mr. Elkins, then delegate from the Territory, and had the warm support of many membei's. A Viill to admit was also introduced in the Senate, and passed that body February 25, 1875, by a vote of thirty -two to eleven, two of the present members of that body, Messrs. Ingalls and Windom, being among its supporters. The matter of admission came up for final action in the House at the same session, just prior to adjournment, and a motion to suspend the rules, in order to j)Ut it upon its limil passage, was lost by a vote of one hundred and lilty-four to eighty-seven, and the earnest clforts to hc- curo the admission of New Mexico were thus defeated. A bill for its julmissiou is now a^ain before Congress, and it is a mat- ter of interest to note the represcntatioiiH as to the condition of the Territory then made, ami the facts jis tlicy now exist. It has, according to tiic census of 1880, a I)opulation of 119,5(>5. It had in 1870 a population of 91,874. It was claimed by the more moderate advocates of the bill that its population then numbered ].'}5,000 (15,435 more than at present), while others placed it as high as 145,000. Of this pop- ulation, 45,000 were said to be of American and European descent. It was stated by Senator Hoar, one of the opponents of the bill, that, out of an illiterate population of 52,220, by far the larger part were native inhabitants of Mexican or Spanish origin, who could not speak the English language. Tliis statement seems to be in large degree confirmed by the census of 1880, which shows a total native white population of 108,721, of whom, as nearly as can be as- certained, upward of 80 per cent, are not only illiterates of Mexican and Spanish extraction, but as in 1870, speaking a for- eign language. The vote for Mr. Elkins, Territorial Delegate in 1875, was rei)orted as being about 17,000. The total vote in 1878 was 18,806, and in 1880, 20,397, show- ing a comparatively insignificant increase from 1875 to 1880. The Territory of Washington was con- stituted out of Oregon, and organized as a Territory by act of March 2, 1853. Its population by the census of 1880 was 75,- 116, an increase from 23,055 in 1870. Of this total, 59,313 are of native and 15,803 of foreign nativity. Its total white popu- lation in the census year was 67,119; Chi- nese, 3,186; Indian, 4,105; colored, 326, and its total present population is probably not far from 95,000. Its yield of precious metals in 1880, and for the entire period since its development, while showing re- sources full of promise, has been much less than thatof any other of the organized Ter- ritories. Its total vote for Territorial Dele- gate in 1880, Avhile exceeding that of the Territories of Arizona, Idaho, and Wyo- ming, was but 15,823. The Territory of Arizona, organi.-'.ed out of a portion of New Mexico, and provided with a territcH'ial government in 18(13, con- tains al)out 5,000,000 acres less than the Territory of New Mexico, or an acreage exceeded by that of only five States and Territories. Its total population in 1870 was 9,(558, and in 1880, 40,440, 351,60 of whom wore whites. Of its total population in the census year, 24,391 were of native and 16,049 of foreign birth, the number of 280 AMERICAN POLITICS, Indians, Chinese, and colored being 6,000. Idaho was originally a part of Oregon, from which it was separated and provided with a territorial government by the act of March 3, 1863. It embraces in its area a little more than 55,000,000 acres, and had in 1880 a total population of 32,610, being an increase from 14,999 in 1870. Of this population, 22,636 are of native and 9,974 of foreign birth ; 29,013 of the total inhabi- tants are white, 3,379 Chinese and 218 In- dians and colored. The Territory of Montana, organized by act of May 26, 1864, contains an acreage larger than that of any other Territory save Dakota. While it seems to be inferior in cereal producing capacity, in its area of valuable grazing lands it equals, if it does not excel, Idaho. The chief prosperity of the Territory, and that which promises for it a future of growing importance, lies in its extraordinarj'- mineral wealth, the pro- ductions of its mines in the year 1880 hav- ing been nearly twice that of any other Territory, with a corresponding excess in its total production, which had reached, on June 30, 1880, the enormous total of over $53,000,000. Its mining industries represent in the aggregate very large in- vested capital, and the increasing products, •with the development of new mines, are attracting constant additions to its popula- tion, which in 1880 showed an increase, as compared with 1870, of over 90 per cent. For particulars see census tables in tabu- lated history. Wyoming was constituted out of the Territory of Dakota, and provided with territorial government July 25, 1868. Ly- ing between Colorado and Jilontana, and adjoining Dakota and Nebraska on the east, it partakes of the natural characteris- tics of these States and Territories, having a fair portion of land suitable for cultiva- tion, a large area suitable for grazing pur- poses, and a wealth in mineral resources whose development, although of recent be- ginning, has already resulted in an en- couraging yield in precious metals. It is the fifth in area. Henry Randall Waite, in an able article in the March number of the International Review (1882,) closes with these interest- ing paragraphs: 'It will be thus seen that eleven States organized from Territories, when author- ized to form State governments, and the same number when admitted to the Union, had fi-ee populations of less than 60,000, and that of the slave States included in this number, seven in all, not one had the required number of free inhabitants, either when authorized to take the first steps to- W!ird admission or when finally admitted ; and that both of these stejia were taken by two of the latter States with a total popu- lation, free and slave, below the required number. Why so many States have been authorized to form State governments, and have been subsequently admitted to the Union with populations so far below the requirements of the ordinance of 1787, and the accepted rules for subsequent ac- tion may be briefly explained as follows; 1st, by the ground for the use of a wide discretion atlbrded in the provisions of the ordinance of 1787, for the admission of States, when deemed expedient, before their population should equal the required number; and 2d, by the equally wide dis- cretion given by the Constitution in the words, 'New States may be admitted by Congress into this Union,' the only provi- sion of the Constitution bearing specifical- ly upon this subject. Eflbrts have been made at various times to secure the strict enforcement of the original rules, with the modification resulting from the increase in the population of the Union, which pro- vided that the number of free inhabitants in a Territory seeking admission should equal the number established as the basis of representation in the apportionment of Representatives in Congress, as determined by the preceding census. How little suc- cess the efforts made in this direction have met, may be seen by a comparison of the number of inhabitants forming the basis of representation, as established by the dif- ferent censuses, and the free population of the Territories admitted at corresponding periods. "At this late date, it is hardly to be ex- pected that rules so long disregarded will be made applicable to the admission of the States to be organized from the existing Territories. There is, nevertheless, a growing disposition on the part of Con- gress to look with disfavor upon the forma- tion of States whose population, and the development of whose resources, render the expediency of their admission ques- tionable; and an increasing doubt as to the propriety of so dividing the existing Territories as to multiply to an unneces- sary extent the number of States, with the attendant increase in the number of Repre- sentatives in the National Legislature. "To recapitulate the facts as to the pre- sent condition of the Territories with re- ference to their admission as States, it may be said that only Dakota, Utah, New Mexico and Washington are in possession of the necessary pojmlation according to the rule requiring 60,000 ; that only the three first named conform to the rule de- manding a population equal to the present basis of representation ; that only Dakota, Utah and Washington give evidence of that intelligence on the part of their in- hiibitants which is essential to the proper exenise, under favorable conditions, of the extended rights of citizenship, and of that THE CHINESE QUESTION, 281 prog;rP9S in the development of their re- sources \vhieh makes srlf-irovoruniciit cs- Hoiiti;(l, sale, or in any way desirable; and tliat only Dakota can be said, urnnK-stion- ably, to possess all of the requirements wbieh, by the dictates of a sound poliey, should be demanded of a Territory at this tiine seekinjj: admission to the rnion. " Whatever the re.spon-^e to the Terri- torial me^sengei-s now waiting at the doors of Con<;ress, a few years, at most, will bring an an-^wer to their prayers. The stars of a dozen proud and prosperous States will soon be added to those already blazoned upon the blue tield of the Union, and the term Territory, save as aj^plied to the frozen regions of Alaska, will disappear frum lb'.' map of the United States." TIic Clilncsc Q,nrstton. Since 1S77 the agitation of the prohibi- tion of Chinese immigration in California and other States and Territories on tlie Pacific slope has been very great. This led to many scenes of violence and in some iu'^tances bloodshed, when one Dennis Kearney ledthe Workitigmen'sparty in San Francisco. On this issue an agitator and preacher named Kalloch w;is elected Mayor. The issue was carried to the Leg- islatui'e, and in the vote on a constitu- tional amendment it was found that not onlv the labor but nearly all classes in California were opposed to the Chinese. The constitutional amendment did not meet the sanction of the higher courts. A bill wa-! introduced into Congress restrict- ing Chin-'se immigrants to fifteen on each vessel. This passed both branches, but was vetoed by President Hayes on the ground that it was in violation of the spirit of treaty stipulations. At the sessions of 1881-82 a new and more radical measure was introduced. This prohibits immigra- tion to Chinese or Coolie laborers for twen- ty years. The discussion in the U. S. Senate began on the 28th of February, 1882, in a speech of unusual strength by Senator John F. Miller, the author of the Bill. From this we freely quote, not alone to show the later views entertained by the people of the Pacific slope, but to give from the lips of one who knows the lead- ing facts in the history of the agitation. Abstracts from the Text of Senator Miller's Speecli. On hUi Bill to Prohibil Chinese Immigrniinn, In the Senate, Feb. 2Sth, 1882, Mr. Miller said : " This measure is not a surprise to the Senate, nor a new revelation to the country'. It has been before Congrcs.s more than once, if not in the precise form in which it is now presented, in .substance the same, and it has passed the ordeal of analytical debate anri ducc that result.' " These are the declarations of the two groat political parties, in whose rimks are enrolled nearly all the voters of the United States ; and whriever voted at the last Presidential election voted for the adop- tion of the principles and policy expressed by those declarations, whether he voted with the one or the other of the two great ])arties. Both candidates for the Presidency were pledged to the adoption and execu- tion of the policy of restriction thus de- clared by their respective parties, and the candidate who Avas successful at the polls, in his letter of acceptance, not only gave expression to the sentiment of his party and the country, but with a clearness and conciseness which distinguished all his ut- terances upou great public questions, gave the reasons for that public sentiment." He said : " ' The recent movement of the Chinese to our Pacific Coast partakes but little of the qualities of an immigration, either in its purposes or results. It is too much like an importation to be welcomed with- out restriction ; too much like an invasion to be looked upon without solicitude. We cannot consent to allow any form of servile labor to be introduced among us under the guise of immigration.' " In this connection it is proper also to consider the probable eflect of a failure or refusal of Congress to pass this bill, upon the introduction of Chinese coolies into the United States in the future. An adverse vote upon such a measure, is an invitation to the Chinese to come, It would be in- terpreted to mean that the Government of the United States had reversed its policy, and is now in favor of the unrestricted im- ])ortation of Chinese; that it looks with favor upon the Chinese invasion now in lirogress. It is a fact well known that the iiostility to the infiux of Chinese upon the Pacific coast disj)layed by the people of California has oj)erated as a restriction, aud has discouraged the importation of THE CHINESE QUESTION. 283 Chinese to such a degree that it is prohabU' I tliat there are not a tentli pari tlie number I of Chinese in the country tliere would ' have been had this detirinined hostility never boeu shown. Despite tiie inliospi- talitv, not to say resistance, of the Cali- fornia j)eople to the Chinese, sometimes while waiti:\>;; for the action of the General G )vernnu'nt diiiicult to restrain within the bounds of pi'aceable Jissertion, they have poured through the Golden Gate in con- stantly iiicri-ased nuiubers during tlie j)ast year, tiie total uuiuber *)f arrivals at .San Francise:) alone during 1881 being 18,r)Gl. Nearly t\v > ntontlis have elaj)scd since the 1st of Jaiuiary, uiul tlicre have arrived, as the n,jw;paners show, about four th(nisand more. "The defeat of this measure now is a shout of welcome across the Pacific Ocean to a myriad host of these strange people to come and occupy the land, and it is a re- buke to the American citizens, who have so 1 )ng stiod guard upon the western shore of this continent, and who, seeing the dan- ger, h ive with a fortitude and forbearance most admirable, raised and maintained the only barrier agiinst a stealthy, strategic, but peaeef il invasion as destructive in its results and more potent for evil, than an invasion by an army with banners. An adverse vote now, is to commission under the broad seal of the United States, all the speculators in hum in labor, all the im- porters of human muscle, all the traffickers in liumau llesh, to j)ly their infamous trade with')ut impediment under the protection of the Americ.in Hag, and em])ty the teem- ing, seething slave pens of China upon the soil of Calilbrnia! I forbear further spec- ulation upon the results likely to How from such a vot \ for it ])resents pictures to the mind which one would not willingly con- template. "These couslderation3 which I have presented ou^ht to be. it seems to me, de- cisive of the action of the Senate upon this mevsure; and I should regard the argu- ment as close! did 1 not know, that there still remain those v/ho do not consider the Question as settled, and who insist upon urthor in [u;ry into the reasons f )ra policy of restriction, as applied to the Chinese. I am n')t one of th).se who would place the consi.leration of consistency or mere ap- pearances above consideration of right or justice ; but since no change has taken place in our relations with China, nor in our domestic concerns wdiich renders a re- versal of the action of the government proper or necessary, I insist that if the measure of re friction was right and good policy whei Congress passed the fifteenth passenger bill, and when the late treaty with China was negotiated and ratified, it is ri'zht and expedient now. "This measure had its origin in Cali- fornia. It has been |)ress('d witli (^reat vigor by the Kepresentativi-s of the I'acilio coast in Congress, for many yeai"s. It had not been urged with wild vehement decla- mation by tliouglitless men, at the behest of an ignorant untliinking, prejudiced con- stituency. It has been supported by in- controvertible fact and passionless rea.son- ing and enforced by the hjgic of events. Behind these Ki'presentatives was an in- telligent, conscientious public sentiment — universal in a constituency as hom-st, gen- erous, intelligent, courageous, and humane as any in the llepnblic. '■ It had been said that the atlvocatc.s of Chinese restriction were to be found only among the vicious, unlettered foreign ele- ment of California society. To show the fact in respect of this contention, the Leg- islature of California in 1878 provided for a vote of the people ui)on the question of Chinese immigration (so called) to be had at the general election of 1879. The vote was legally taken, without excitement, and the resp(mse wa;< general. When the bal- lots were counted, there were ibund to be 8S;{ votes for Chinese immigration and ir)4,6:58 against it. A similar vote w.'ls tak- en in Nevada and resulted as follows: 183 votes for Chinese immigration and 17,259 votes against. It has been said that a count of noses is an ineffectual and illusory method of settling great que-tions, but this vote of these two States settled the conten- tion intended to be settled; and demon- strated that the peojile of all others in the United States who know most of the Chinese evil, and who are most competent to judge of the necessity for restriction are jiractically unanimous in the support of this measure. " It is to be supposed that this vote of California was the eflect of an hysterical spasm, which had suddenly seized the minds of 154,000 voters, representing the sentiment of 800,000 people. For nearly thirty years this people had witnessed the ellect of coolie importation. For more than a quarter of a century these voters had met face to face, considered, weighed, and discussed the great question upon which they were at last called ujjon, in the most solemn and deliberate manner, to express an opinion. I do not cite this extraordinary vote aa a conclusive argument in favor of Chinese restriction ; but 1 pre-ent it as an important fact sugge.stive of argument. It may be that the people who liave been brought face to face with the Chinese in- vasion are all wrong, and that those who liave seen nothing of it, who have but heard something of it, are more competent (being disinterested) to judge of its pos- sible, probable, and actual etlects, than those who have had twenty or thirty years of actual continuous experience and con- tact with the Chinese colony in America; 284 AMERICAN POLITICS, and it may be that the Chinese question is to be settled upon considerations other than those practical common sense reasons and principles which form the basis of po- litical science. " It has sometimes happened in dealing with great questions of governmental policy tiiat sentiment, or a sort of emotional inspiration, has seized the minds of those engaged in the solution of great problems, by which they have been lilted up into the ethereal height-^ of moral abstraction. I trust that while we attempt the path of in- quiry in this instance wo shall keep our feet firmly upon the earth. This question relates to this planet and the temporal government of some of its inhabitants; it is of the carih earthly; it involves prin- ciples of economic, social, and political science, rather than a question of morals ; it is a question of national policy, and should be subjected to philosophical analy- sis. Moreover, the question is of to-day. The conditions of the world of mankind at the present moment are those with which we have to deal. If mankind existed now in one grand co-operative society, in one universal union, under one system of laws, in a vast homogeneous brotherhood, serenely beatified, innocent of all selfish aims and unholy desires, with one visible temporal ruler, whose judgments should be justice and whose sway should be eter- nal, then there would be no propriety in this measure. " But the millennium has not yet begun, and man exists now, as he has existed always — in the economy of Providence — in societies called nations, separated by the peculiarities if not the antipathies of race. In truth the history of mankind is for the most part descriptive of racial con- flicts and the struggles between nations for existence. By a perfectly natural process these nations have evolved distinct civ- ilizations, as diverse in their characteristics as the races of men from which they have sprung. These may be properly grouped into two grand divisions, the civilization of the East and the civilization of the West. These two great and diverse civiliza- tions have finally met on the American shore of the Pacific Ocean. " During the late depression in busi- ness affairs, which existed for three or four years in California, while thousands of white men and women were walking the streets, begging and pleading for an oppor- tunity to give their honest labor for any wages, the great steamers made their regu- lar arrivals from China, and discharged at the wharves of San Francisco their ac- customed cargoes of Chinese who were conveyed through the city to the distribu- ting dens of the Six Companies, and with- in three or fi')ur days after arrival every Chioamaa was in his place at work, and the white people unemployed still went about the streets. This continued until the white laboring men rose in their des- peration and threatened the existence of the Chinese colony when the infiux was temporarily checked ; but now since busi- ness has revived, and the pressure is re- moved, the Chinese come in vastly in- creased numbers, the excess of arrivals over departures averaging about one tlu usand per month at San Francisco alone. The importers of Chinese had no difficulty in securing openings for their cargoes now, and when transportation from California to the Eastern States is cheapened, as it soon will be, they will extend iheir opera- tions into the Middle and Eastern States, unle-s prevented by law, for wherever there is a white man or woman at work for wages, whether at the shoe bench, in the factory, or on the farm, there is an opening for a Chinaman. No n;atter how low the wages may be, the Chin::njan can afford to work for still lower wages, and if the competition is free, he will ti.ke the white man's place. " At this point we are met by the query from a certain class of political econo- mists, 'What of it? Suppose the Chinese work for lower wages than white men, is it not advantageous to the country to em- ploy them ? ' The first answer to such question is, that by this process white men are supplanted by Chinese. It is a sub- stitution of Chinese and their civilization for white men and Anglo-Saxon civiliza- tion. This involves considerations higher than mere economic theories. If the Chi- nese are as desirable as citizens, if they are in all the essential elements of man- hood the peers or the superiors of the Cau- casian ; if they will protect American in- terests, foster American .institutions, and become the patriotic defenders of republi- can government ; if their civilization does not antagonize ours nor contaminate it; if they are free, independent men, fit for liberty anel self-government as European immigrants generally are, then we may begin argument upon thequestion whether it is better or worse, wise or unwise, to permit white men, American citizens, or men of kindred races to be supplanted and the Chinese to be substittited in their places. Until all this and more can be shown the advocates of Chinese importa- tion or immigration have no base upon which to even begin to build argument. "The statistics of the manufacture of cigars in San Fiancisco are still more sug- gestive. This business was formerly car- ried on exclusively by white people, many hundreds finding steady and lucrative em- ployment in that trade. I have here the certified statement fiom the office of the collector of internal revonue at San Fran- cisco, showing the number of white people THE ClIINKSE QUESTION. 285 and Chinese, relatively, employed on the Ist of" November last in the uianufaeture of cigars. The statement ia as I'ollowa : Number of white men emj)loye(l 41).'} Number ot white women employed. 17U Total whites iW.] Number of Chinese employed 5 l^ii " The f;uts of this statement were eare- fully ascertained by three deputy eollee- tors. The Han Francisco Assembly of Trades certify that there are 8,2G') Cliinoe employed in iaumlries. It is a well-known fact that white women who formerly did tliis work have been quite driven out of that employment. The same authority certifies that the number of Chinese now employed in the manufacture of clothing in San Francisco, is 7,510, and the num- ber of wliites so employed is 1,000. In many industries the Chinese have entirely supplanted the white laborers, and thou- sands of our white people have quit Cali- fornia and soui^ht immunity from this grindiui^ C'Mupetition in other and better- favored regions." "If you would 'secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity,' there must be some place reserved in wliicli, and upon which, posterity can exist. Whar will the blessings, of liberty be worth to posterity if you give up the country to the Chinese? If China is to be the breed- ing-ground for peopling this country, what chanco of American posterity? We of this age hold tliis land in trust for our race and kindred. We hold republican govern- ment and free institutions in trust for American posterity. That trust ought not to be betraved. If the Chinese should in- vade the Pacific coast with arms in their hands, whit a magnificent spectacle of martial resistance would be presented to a startled world ! The mere intimation of an attempt to make conquest of our west- ern shore by force would rouse the nation to a frenzy of enthusiasm in its defense. For years a peaceful, sly, strategic con- quest has been in progress, and American statesmanship has been almost silent, until the people have demanded action. " The land which is being overrun by the orient'il invader is the fairest portion of our heritage. It is the land of the vine and the fig tree; the home of the ornnze, the olive, and the pomegranate. Its winter is a perpetu il sprinsr, and its summer is a golden harvest. There the northern jnne peacefully swavs against the southern palm ; the tender azalea and the hardy rose min- gle their sweet perfume, and the tropic vine encircles the sturdy oak. Its valleys are rich and glorious with luscious fruits and waving grain, and its lofty MuiintiilDH like t;lnnt9 8tnn>t, Tu B<,-utiiiul tbu vuciiuuuxl l.tnd " I would see its fertile j)lains, iu so- (juestered vales, its vine-clad hiiis, its deep blue canons, its furrowed mountain-sides, dotted all over with American honjew — the h(nnes of a free, happy people, reso- nant with the sweet voices of fiaxcn-haired eiiildren, and ringing with the joyous laughter of maiden fair — .Soft o-i lior cliiiio, auJ sunny lu lior Bklea — like the homes of New Enghmd ; vet lirigliter and better far shall be the hon'jes which are to Ite builded in tiiat wonih-r- land by tlie sunset sea, the homes of a race from which shall spring The (iDWor of mon, To serve as modfl fir tlict mighty world, Auii be the fair bi'ginuiiig uf u timo." Reply of Senator Geo. F. Hoar. Senat(jr Hoar, of Massachusetts, replied to Senator Miller, and presented the sup- posed view of the Eastern States in a mas- terly manner. The ftj)eech covered twenty- eight {)amphlet pages, and w;us referred to by the newspaper as an efll'ort equal to some of the best by Charles Sumner. We make liberal extracts from-the text, as fol- lows : " Mr. President : A hundred years ago the American people founded a nation upon the moral law. They overthrew by force the authority of their sovereign, and separated themselves from the country which had planted them, alleging as their justification to mankind certain j)roposi- tions which they held to be self-evident. " They declared — and that declaration is the one foremost action of human his- tory — that all men equally derive from their Creator the right to the pursuit of happiness; that equality in the right to that pursuit is the fundamental rule of the divine justice in its application to man- kind ; that its security is the end for which governments are formed, and its destruc- tion good cause why governments should be overthrown. For a hundred years this principle has been held in honor. Under its beneficent ojioratinn we have grown al- most twenty-fold. Thirteen States have become thirty-eight; three million have become fifty million ; wealth and comfort and education and art have flonrisjied in still larger proportion. Every twenty vears there is added to the valutition of this country a wealth enonirh to buv the whole German Empire, with its buildings and its ships and its invested property. This has been the magnet that has drawn immigration hither. The human stream, hemmed in by banks invisible but impassa- ble, does not turn toward Mexico, which can feed and clothe a world, or South America^ which can feed and clothe a hun- 2SG AMERICAN POLITICS. dred worlds, but seeks only that belt of States where it finds tliis law in operation. The marvels of comfort and happiness it has wrought for us scarcely surpass what it has done for other countries. The im- migrant sends back the message to those he has left behind. There is scarcely a nation in Eurojjc west of Russia which has not felt the force of our example and whose institutions are not more or less slowly ap- proximating to our own. " Every new State as it takes its place in the great family binds this declaration as a frontlet upon its forehead. Twenty-four of the States, including California herself, declare it in the very opening sentence of their constitutions. The insertion of the phrase ' the pursuit of happiness,' in the enumeration of the natural rights for secur- ing which government is ordained, and the denial of which constitutes just cause for its overthrow, was intended as an explicit affirmation that the right of every human being who obeys the equal laws to go everywhere on the surface of the earth that his welfare may require is beyond the rightful control of government. It is a birthright derived immediately from him who ' made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times be- fore appointed and the bounds of their habi- tation.' He made, so our fathers held, of one blood all the nations of men. He gave them the whole face of the earth whereon to dwell. He reserved for himself by his agents heat and cold, and climate, and soil, and water, and land to determine the bounds of their habitation. It has long been the fashion in some quarters, when honor, justice, good faith, human rights are appealed to, and especially when the truths declared in the opening sentences of the Declaration of Independence are in- voked as guides in legislation to stigmatize those who make the appeal as sentimenta- lists, incapable of dealing with practical affiiirs. It would be easy to demonstrate the falsehood of this notion. The men who erected the structure of tliis Government were good, practical builders and knew well the quality of the corner-stone when they laid it. When they put forth for the consideration of their contemporaries and of posterity the declaration which they thought a decent respect for the opinions of mankind required of them, they weighed carefully the fundamental proposition on which their immortal argument rested. Lord Chatham's famous sentence will bear repeating again : When your lordships look at the papers transmitted to us from America, when you consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause and wish to make it your own. For myself I must declare and avow that in all my reading and observation — and it has been my favorite study, I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the world — that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under such a com- plication of difficult circumstances, no na- tion or body of men can stand in preference to the general Congress assembled at Philadelphia. The doctrine that the pursuit of happi- ness is an inalienable right with which men are endowed by their Creator, asserted by as religious a people as ever lived at the most religious period of their history, pro- pounded by as wise, practical, and far- sighted statesmen as ever lived as the vin- dication for the most momentous public act of their generation, was intended to commit the American people in the most solemn manner to the assertion that the right to change their homes at their plea- sure is a natural right of all men. The doc- trine that free institutions are a monopoly of the favored races, the doctrine that op- pressed people may sever their old alle- giance at will, but have no right to find a new one, that the bird may fly but may never light, is of quite recent origin. California herself owing her place in our Union to the first victory of freedom in the great contest with African slavery, is pledged to repudiate this modern heresy, not only by her baptismal vows, but by her share in the enactment of the statute of 1868. Her constitution read thus until she took Dennis Kearney for her law- giver : We, the people of California, grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure its blessings, do establish this con- stitution. PECLARATION OF EIGHTS. Section 1. All men are by nature free and independent, and have certain inalien- able rights, among which are those of enjoy- ing and defending life and liberty, acquir- ing, possessing, and defending property, and pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness. * -X- * * * * * Sec, 17. Foreigners who are or who may hereafter become bona fide residents of this State, shall enjoy the same rights in respect to the possession, enjoyment, and inheritance of property, as native born citizens. In the Revised Statutes, section 1999, Congress in the most solemn manner de- clare that the right of expatriation is be- yond the lawful control of government: Sec. 1999. Whereas the right of expa- triation is a natural and inherent right of all people, indispensable to the enjoyment of the rights of life, liberty, and the pur- suit of happiness; and THE CHINESE QUESTION. 287 Whereas in the rocognitinn nf thN prin- ci[)le this Ctoveriiinent has freely received eiiiigriiiits from all nations, and invcsteil them with the rights of eiti/enshii). This is a re-enaetment, in part, of the statute of l>ledge3 us not ab.solutely to prohibit it. The bill is intended absolutely to prohibit it. " The second article of the treaty is this : " Chinese .subjects, whether procecling to the United States as traders, students, or merchants, or from curiosity, together with their body and hou-jehold servants, and Chinese laborers, who are now in tlie Uni- ted States, shall be allowed to go and come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which are ac- corded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored nations. " Yet it is difficult to believe that the com- plex and cumbrous pa.ssport system pro- vided in the last twelve sections of the bill was not intended a.s an evasion of this agreement. Upon what other nation, fa- vored or not, is such a burden imposed? This is the execution of a promise that thev may come and go 'of their own free will.' " What has happened within thirteen years that the great Rejiublic should strike its flag? What change has come over us that we should eat the bravest and th(> tru- est words we ever spoke? From L^oSto 1880 there was added to the population of the country 42,000 Chinese. " I give "a table from the census of 18S0 .showing the Chinese population of each State : Sfnfrrjienf nhnwiixfj the Chinese population in each Sfafr, and Territori/, accord itifj to the United Stata censuses of 1870 and of 1880. .\labama 1 Alaska Arizona 20 1,630 288 AMERICAN POLITICS. Arkansas 98 134 Calilornia 49,310 75,025 Colorado 7 (JlO Connecticut 2 124 Dakota 238 Delaware 1 District of Culunibia 3 13 Florida 18 Georgia 1 17 Idaho 4,274 3,378 Illinois 1 210 Indiana 33 Iowa 3 47 Kansas 19 Kentucky 1 10 Louisiana 71 481 Maine 1 9 ilaryland 2 5 Massachusetts 97 237 Michigan 2 27 Minnesota o3 Misssissippi It) 52 Missouri 3 94 Montana 1,949 1,764 Nebraska 18 Nevada 3,152 5,420 New Hamp.'-hirc 14 New Jersey 15 176 NewMexico 65 New York 29 924 North Carolina Ohio 1 114 Oregon 3,330 9,513 Pennsylvania 14 160 Rhode Island 27 South Carolina 1 9 Tennessee 26 Texas 25 141 Utah 445 501 Vermont Virginia 4 6 Washington 234 3,182 West Virginia 14 Wisconsin 16 Wyoming 143 914 Total 63,254 105,463 " By the census of 1880 the number of Chinese in this country was 105,000 — one five-hundredth part of the whole popula- tion. The Chinese are the most easily governed race in the world. Yet every Chinaman in America has four hundred and ninety-nine Americans to control him. The immigration was also constantly de- creasing for the last half of the decade. The Bureau of Statistics gives the num- bers as follows, (for the first eight years the figures are those of the entire Asiatic im- migration :) The number of immigrants from Asia, as reported by the United States Bureau of Statistics is as follow.s, namely: 1871 7.236 1872 7,825 1873 20,326 1874 13,857 1875 16,498 1^76 22,943 1877 10,640 1878 9,014 Total 108,339 And from China for the year ended June 30 — 1879 9,604 1680 5,802 Total 15,406 Grand Total 123,745 " See also, Mr. President, how this class of immigrants, diminishing in itself, di- minishes still more in its proportion to the rapidly increasing numbers who come from other lands. Against 22,943 Asiatic immigrants in 1876, there are but 5,802 in 1880. In 1878 there were 9,014 from Asia, in a total of 153,207, or one in seventeen of the entire immigration ; and this in- cludes all persons who entered the port of San Francisco to go to any South American country. In 1879 there were 9,G04 from China in a total of 250,565, or one in twenty-six. In 1880 there were 5,802 from China in a total immigration of 593,359, or one in one hundred and two. The whole Chinese population, then, when the cen- sus of 1880 was taken, was but one in five hvuidred of our people. The whole Chinese immigration was but one in one hundred and two of the total immigration ; while the total annual immigration quadrupled from 1878 to 1880, the Chinese was in 1880 little more than one-half what it was in 1878, and one-fourth what it was in 1876. " The number of immigrants of all nations was 720,045 in 1881. Of these 20,711 were Chinese. There is no record in the Bureau of Statistics of the number who departed within the year. But a very high anti-Chinese authority places it above 10,000. Perhaps the expection that the hostile legislation under the tret:ty would not affect persons who entered before it took effect stimulated sonuwhr.t their coming. But the addition to the Chinese population was less than one seventy- second of the whole immigration. All the Chinese in the country do not exceed tlie population of its sixteenth city. All the Chinese in California hardly turpasa the number which is easily governed in Shanghai by a police of one hundred men. There are as many pure blooded Gypsies wandering about the country as there are Chinese in California. What an ins-ult to American intelligence to ask leave of China to keep out her people, because this little handful of almond-eyed Asiatica threaten to destroy our boasted civiliza- THE CHINESE QUESTION. 289 tion. Wc go boasting of our democracy, arid our siiporir)rity, and our strciij^th. Tlio flag bears the stars of liopo to all nations. A hundiXHl tliousiind t'liinose land in California and cverythini;; is cliani:;o(l. (iod has not niaco- ple. Much of the evil I believe might be cured by State and municipal authority. Congress may rightfully be called upon to go to the limit of the just exercise of the powers of government in rendering its aid. *' We should have capable and vigilant consular officers in the Asiatic ports from which these immigrants come, without whose certificate they should not be re- ceived on board ship, and who should see to it that no person excejit those of good character and no person whose labor is not his own property be allowed to come over. Especiallv should the trade in human labor under all disguises be suppressed. Filthy habits of living niu-t surely be with- in the control of municipal reeulati(m. Every State may by legislation or by muni- cipal onlinance in its towns and cities pre- .seribc the dimension of dwellings and limit the number who may occupy the same t.'iiemcnt. "But it is urcred — and this in my judg- ment is the greatest argument for the bill— 290 AMERICAN POLITICS. that the introduction of the labor of the Chinese reduces the wages of the American hiborer. ' We are ruined by Chinese cheaj) labor " is a cry not limited to the class to whose representative the brilliant humor- ist of California first ascribed it. I am not in favor of lowering any where the wages of any American labor, skilled or unskilled. On the contrary, I believe the maintenance and the increase of the purchasing power of the wages of the American working man should be the one principal object of our legislation. The share in the product of agriculture or manufacture which goes to hibor should, and I believe will, steadily increase. For that, and for that only, ex- ists our protective system. The acquisition of wealth, national or individual, is to be desired only for that. The statement of the accomi)lished Senator from California on this point meets my heartiest concur- rence. I have no sympathy with any men, if such there be, who favor high protection and cheap labor. " But I believe that the Chinese, to whom the terms of the California Senator attri- bute skill enough to displace the American in every field requiring intellectual vigor, will learn very soon to insist on his full share of the product of his work. But whe- ther that be true or not, the wealth he cre- ates will make better and not worse the con- dition of every higher class of labor. There may be trouble or failure in adjusting new relations. But sooner or later every new class of industrious and productive labor- ers elevates the class it displaces. The dread of an injury to our labor from the Chinese rests on the same fallacy that op- posed the introduction of labor-saving ma- chinery, and which opposed the coming of the Irishman and the German and the Swede. Within my memory in New Eng- land all the lower places in factories, all places of domestic service, were filled by the sons and daughters of American farm- ers. The Irishmen came over to take their places; but the American farmer's son and daughter did not suffer ; they were only elevated to a higher plane. In the in- creased wealth of the community their share is much greater. The Irishman rose from the bog or the hovel of his native land to the comibrt of a New England home, and placed his children in a New England school. The Yankee rises from the loom and the spinning-jenny to be the teacher, the skilled laborer in the machine shop, the inventor, the merchant, or the opulent landholder and farmer of the West. A letter from F. A. Bee, Chinese Con- sul, approving the management of the es- tate, accompanied the report of the re- feree : "Mr. President, I will not detain the Senate by reading the abundant testimony, of which this is but the sample, of the pos- session by the people of this race or the possibility of a development of every qua- lity of intellect, art, character, which fits them for citizenship, for republicanism, for Christianity. " Humanity, capable of infinite depths of degradation, is capable also of infinite heights of excellence. The Chinese, like all other races, has given us its examples of both. To rescue humanity from this degradation is, we are taught to believe, the great object of God's moral government on earth. It is not by injustice, exclusion, caste, but by reverence for the individual soul that we can aid in this consummation. It is not by Chinese policies that China is to be civilized. I believe that the immor- tal truths of the Declaration of Indepen- dence came from the same source with the Golden Rule and the Sermon on tha Mount. W^e can trust Him who promul- gated these laws to keep the country safe that obeys them. The laws of the universe have their own sanction. They will not fail. The power that causes the compass to point to the north, that dismisses the star on its pathway through the skies, pro- mising that in a thousand years it shall re- turn again true to its hour and keep His word, will vindicate His own moral law. As surely ns the path on which our fathers entered a hundred years ago led to safety, to strength, to glory, so surely will the path on which we now propose to enter bring us to shame, to weakness, and to peril." On the 3d of March the debate was re- newed. Senator Farley protested that un- less Chinese immigration is prohibited it will be impossible to protect the Chinese on the Pacific coast. The feeling against them now is such that restraint is difficult, as the people, forced out of employment by them, and irritated by their constantly in- creasing numbers, are not in a condition to submit to the deprivations they sufl'er by the presence of a Chinese population im- ported as slaves and absorbing to their own benefit the labor of the country. A remark of Mr. Farley about the Chinese led Mr. Hoar to ask if they were not the inventors of the printing press and of gunpowder. To this question Mr. Jones, of Nevada, made a brief speech, which was considered remarkable, princiiially because it was one of the very few speeches of any length that he has made since he became a Senator. Instead of agreeing with Mr. Hoar that the Chinese had inv-ented the printing press and gunpowder, he said that information he had received led him to believe that the Chinese were not entitled to the credit of either of these inventions. On the con- trary, they had stolen them from Aryans or Caucasians who wandered into the king- THE CHINESE QUESTION. 291 dom, Mr. Iloar smiled incredulously and made a remark to the cH'uct thai he had never heard of those Aryans or Caucasians before. C'ontinulng his remarks, Mr. Farley ex- pressed his belief that should the Mongo- lian population increase and the Chinese come in contact with the Africans, the con- tact would result in tlenioralization and bloodshed which the laws could not pre- vent, rig-tailed Chinamen would take tiie place every where of the working girl unless Congress extend(Hl its])rotcctiou to C!alili)r- nia and her white people, who had by their votes demaiuk'd a ]jrohibition of Chinese immigration. i\Ir. Maxiy, interpreting the Constitution in such a way as to bring out of it an argument against Chinese immi- gration, said he found nothing in it to jus- tify the conclusion that the framera of it intended to bring into this country all na- tions and races. The only people the fathers had in view as citizens were those of the Caucasian race, and they contempla- ted naturalization only for such, for they had distinctly set forth that the heritage of freedom was to be for their posterity. No- body would pretend to express the o[>inion that it was"expected that the American peo- ple should become mixed up with all sorts of races and call the result " our posterity." While the American people had, in conse- quence of their Anglo-Saxon origin, been ible to withstand the contact with the Af- rican, the Africans would never stand be- fore the Chinese. Mr. Maxey opposed the Chinese because they do not come here to be citizens, because the lower classes of Chinese alone are immigrants, and because by contact they poison the minds of the less intelligent. Mr. Saulsbury had something to say in favor of the bill, and ]\Ir. Garland, who vo- ted against the last bill because the treaty had not been modified, expressed his belief that the Government could exercise proper- ly all the powers proposed to be bestowed bv this bill. Some time was consumed by Mr. Ingalls in advocacy of an amendment offered by him, proposing to limit the sus- pension of immigration to 10 instead of 20 years. Mr. Miller and Mr. Bayard op- posed the amendment, Mr. Bayard taking the ground that Congress ought not to dis- regard the substantially unanimous wish of the people of California, as expressed at the polls, fir absolute prohibition. The debate wa.s interrupted by a motion for an executive session, and the bill went over un- til Monday, to be taken up then as the un- finished business. On March Gth a vote was ordered on Senator Ingalls' amendment. It was de- feated on a tie vote — yeas 23, nays 23. The vote in detail is as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, Brown, Cockrell, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, Ivlmunds, Frj'e, Harris, Hoar, In- galls, Jackson^ Laphain, McDill, McMil- lan, Mitchell, Morrell, Saunders, Sewcll, Sherman and Teller — 23. Nays— Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Came- ron of Wisconsin, Coke, Fair, Farlcv, Gar- land, CJeorge, Hale, Hampton, Hill of ('olora back to tlie me*^!! ods of his ancest )rs. This, he added, may be here-;y, but I believe it to be the truth. If, ^Yhen the first shipload of African slaves came to this cainrry the belief had spread that they would be the cau-^c of political agitation, a civil war, and the future had been fore-een, would they have been al- lowed to land? How much of this country would now ' be worth preserving if tlie North had been coveretl by Africans as is South (Carolina I to-day, in vi«'W of tlieir non-a.ssiMnlative } cliaracter? The wisest policy would have been to exclude them at the outset. So we say of the Chinese to-day, he exclaim- ed, and for greater reason, becausr- tlieir skill makes them more formidable compe- titors than the negro. Subtle ami adeiit in manipulation, the Ciiinaman can oe jiut into almost any kind of a factory. His race is as obnoxious to us and as impossi- ble lor us to assimilate with as was tiie ' negro race. His race has outlived every I other because it is homogeneous, and for that reason alone. It has imj)osed its re- ligion and peculiarities upon its conqucr- , orsandstill lived. If the immigration is not checked now, when it is within man- ageable limits, it will be too late to check it. What do we find in the condition of the Indian or the African to induce us to admit another race into our midst? It is because the Pacific coast favor our own civilization, not that of another race, that they discourage the coming of these pco- i i)le. They believe in the homogeneity of j our race, and that upon this depends the progress of our institutions and everything on which we build our hopes. ]\Ir. Morrill, (Rep.) of Vt., said he ap- jireciated the necessity of restricting Chi- nese immigration, but desired that the bill should strictly conform to treaty require- ments and be po perfected that questions arising under it might enable it to pass the ordeal of judicial scrutiny. Mr. Sherman, (Rep.) of Ohio, referring to the passport S3'stem, said the Idil adopt- ed some of the most offensive features of European despotism. He was aven-e to hot haste in applying a policy foreign to the habits of our peojde, and regarded the measure as too sweeping in many of its ]>rovisions and as reversing our immigra- tion p(dicy. After remarks by Messrs. Ingalls, Far- ley, Maxey, Brown and Teller, the amend- ment of Mr. Farley, wdiich provides that hereafter no court shall admit Chinese to cit'zcnship, was adopted — yeas 25, nays 22. The following is the vote : Yeas — ^Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- eron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair, Farley, Garland, George. Gorman, Harris, I Jackson, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Maxey, Morgan, Pugh, Ransom, Slater, Teller, Vance, Vest, Voorhees and AValker — 25. Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison. Blair, Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, Edmunds, Frye, Hale, Hill of Colorado, Hoar. Ingalls', Lapham, McDill. McMil- lan, Miller of New York, Mitchell, ."Mor- rill, Plumb, Saundere and Sawyer — 22. 'Mr. (Jrover's amendment construing the words " Chinese laborei-s," wherever used in the act, to mean both skilled and un- 294 AMERICAN POLITICS. skilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining prevailed by the same vote — yeas 25, nays 22. Mr. Brown, (Dem.) of Ga., moved to strike out the requirement for the produc- tion of passports by the permitted classes whenever demanded by the United States authorities. Carried on a viva voce vote, the Chair (INIr. Davis, of Illinois) creating no little merriment by announcing, "The nays are loud but there are not many of them." MR. INGALLS' AMENDMENT. Upon the bill being reported to the Sen- ate from the Committee of the Whole Mr. Ingalls again moved to limit the suspen- sion of the coming of Chinese laborers to ten years. Mr. Jones, of Nevada, said this limit would hardly have the effect of allaying agitation on the subject as the discussion would be resumed in two or three years, and ten years, he feared, would not even be a long enough period to enable Congress intelligently to base upon it any future policy. Mr. Miller, of California, also urged that the shorter period would not measura- bly relieve the business interest of the Pacific slope, inasmuch as the white immi- grants, who were so much desired, would not come there if they believed the Chi- nese were to be again admitted in ten years. Being interrupted by Mr. Hoar, he asserted that that Senator and other republican leaders, as also the last repub- lican nominee for President, had hereto- fore given the people of the Pacific slope good reason to believe that they would se- cure to them the relief they sought by the bill. Mr. Hoar, (Eep.) of Mass., briefly re- plied. The amendment was lost — yeas 20, nays 21. The vote is as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, Bi'own, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawos, J^dmunds, Frye, Hale, Hoar, Ingalls, Lnp- ham, McDill, McMillan, Mahone, Morrill, Plumb, Sawyer and Teller — 20. Nays — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- eron of Wisconsin, Coke, Fair, Farley, Garland, George, Gorman, Jackson, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Miller of California, Miller of New York, Morgan, Ransom, Slater, Vance, Voorhces and Walker — 21. Messrs. Butler, Camden, IMcPberson, Johnston, Davis of West Virginia, Pendle- ton and Ransom were {paired with Messrs. Hawlcy, Anthony, Sewell, Piatt, Van Wyck, Windom and Sherman. Messrs. Hampton, Pugb, Vest, Rollins and Jones of Florida were paired with absentees. PASSAGE OF THE BILL. The question recurred on the final pas- sage of the bill, and Mr. Edmunds closed the debate. He would vote against the bill as it now stoud, because he believed it to be an infraction of good faith as pledged by the last treaty ; because he believed it injurious to the welfare of the people of the United States, and particularly the people on the Pacific coast, by preventing the development of our great trade with China. The vote was then taken and the bill was passed — yeas 29, nays 15. The following is the vote in detail : — Yeas — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- eron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair, Farley, Garland, George, Gorman, Hale, Harris, Hill of Colorado, Jackson, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Miller of California, Miller of New York, Morgan, Pugh, Ran- som, Sawyer, Teller, Vance, Vest, Voor- hees and Walker — 29. Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, Edmunds, Frve, Hoar, Ingalls, Lapham, McDill, McMillan and Morrill— 15. Pairs were announced of Messrs. Cam- den, Davis of AVest Virginia, Grovcr, Hampton, Butler, McPherson, Johnston, Jones of Florida and Pendleton in favor of the bill, with Messrs. Anthony, Win- dom, Van Wyck, Mitchell, Hawley, Sewell, Piatt, Rollins and Sherman against it. Mr. Frye, (Rep.) of Me., in casting his vote, stated that he was paired with Mr. Hill, of Georgia, on all political questions, but that he did not consider this a politi- cal question, and besides, had express per- mission from Senator Hill to vote upon it. Mr. Mitchell, (Rep.) of Pa., in an- nouncing his pair with Mr. Hampton stated that had it not been for that fact he would vote against the bill, regarding it as un-American and inconsistent with the principles which had obtained in the gov- ernment. The title of the bill was amended so as to read, " An act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to Chinese," though Mr. Hoar suggested that " execute " ought to be stricken out and " violate " inserted. The Senate then, at twenty minutes to six, adjourned until to-morrow, provisions of the bill. The Chinese Immigration bill as passed provides that from and after the ex]iirution of ninety days after the passage of this act and until the expiration of tAventy years after its ]iassage the coming of Chinese la- borers to the United States shall be sus- jjended, and prescribes a penalty of im- j)risonment not exceeding one year and a fine of not more than $500 against the master of any vessel Avho brings any Chi- nese laborer to this country during that THE CHINESE QUESTION. 295 period. It further provides that tlio chis-tes of Chinese excepted hy the treaty from Bucli [)rohibition — .such asmercliaiits, teaeii- er8, stu(k'iits, travek-rs, diplomatic aj^eiUs and Cliiuese laborers who were in tlie L'ni- teil States on the 17th of November, 18S0 — shall be recpiired, as a condition for their admission, to procure ]);Lss[>()rts from the iXovernmeiit of China personally identify- in:^ them and showinp; that liiey individ- ually beloni; to one of the permitted classes, which passports must have been indorsed liy the diplomatic representative of the United States in China or by the United States Consul at the port of departure. It also provides elaborate nuichinery for car- rying out the purposes of the act, and ad- ditional sections prohibit the admission of Chinese to citizenship by any United States or State court and construes the words "Chinese laborers" to mean both skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese em- ploved in mining. The sentiment in favor of the passage of this bill has certainly greatly increased since the control of the issue has passed to abler hands than those of Kearney and KaUoch, wdiose conduct intensified the opposition of the East to the measure, which in 1879 was denounced as " violat- ing the conscience of the nation.'' Mr. Blaine's advocacy of the first bill limiting emigrants to fifteen on each vessel, at the time excited much criticism in the Eastern states, and w;i.s there a potent weapon against him in the nominating struggle for the Presidency in 1880 ; but on the other hand it is believed that it gave him strength in the Pacific States, Chinese immigration and the attempt to restrict it present-s a question of the gra- vest importance, and was treated as such in the Senate del)ate. The friends of the bill, under the leadership of Senators Mil- ler and Jones, certainly stood in a better and stronger attitude than ever before. The anti-Chinese bill passed the House just Its it came from the Senate, after a somewhat exonded debate, on the 23d of March, 1882. Yeas 167, nays G5, (party lines not being drawn) as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Aikin, Aldrich, Armfield, Atkin-^, Bayne, I'elford, Belmont, Berry, Bingham, Blackburn, Blanchard, Bliss, Blount, Brewer, Brumm, Buckner, Burrows, of Miss'Hiri; l'>utterworth. Cabell, Cald- well, Calkins, Campbell, Cannon, Casser- lev, Caswell, Chalmers, Chaoman, Clark, Clements, Cobb, Converse, Cook, Cornell, Cox, of New York ; Cox, of North Caro- lina; Covington, Cravens, Culbertson, Cur- tin, Darrell, Davidson; Davis, of Illinois; Davis, of Missouri ; Demotte, Deuster, Dezendorf, Dibble, DibroU, Dowd, Dugro, Ermentrout, Errett, Farwell, of Illinois; Finley, Flowers, Ford, Forn'>y, Fulkerson, Garrison, Geddes, George, Gibson, Guen- thcr, Guntor, Hammond, of Georgia ; Har- dy, llarmir, Harris, of New .Jersey ; Ilascl- line, llatcli, Jlazelton, Jleilman, Jlerndon, Hewitt, of New York; Hill, Jliscock, Hoblitzell, Hoge, HoUmaii, Horr, Houlc, House, lluhbell, Hulibs, Hutchins, .Jones, of TexiLs ; .Jones, of Arkansas; .iorgenson, Kenna, King, Elotz, Ivnott, Ladd, Lei'- ilom, Lewis, Marsh, Martin, Matsoii, Mc- Clure, Mc('ook,MeKenzie, McKinley, Mc- Lane, McMillan, Miller, Mills, of Texas ; Money, Morey, Moulton, Munh, Mulchler, O'Neill, Pacheco, Page, Paul, Payson, Pealse, Phelps, Phister, Pound, Kaiidall, Reagan, Jlicc of Missouri, llichardson, Robertson, Robinson, Rosecrans, Scran- ton, Shallcnbcrger, Sherwin, Simonton, Singleton, of Mississippi, Smith of Penn- sylvania, Smith of Illinois, Smith of New York, Sparks, Spaulding, Spear, Springer, Stockslager, Strait, Talbott, Thomas, Thompson of Kentucky, Tillman, Town- send of Ohio, Townsend of Illinois, Tucker, Turner of Georgia, Turner of Kentucky, Updegrafi', of Ohio, Upson, Valentine, Vance, Van Horn, Warner, Washburne, Webber, Welborn, Whitthorne, Williams of Alabama, Willis, Willctts. Wilson, Wise of Pennsylvania, Wise of Virginia, and W. A. Wood of New York— 167. The nays were Messrs. Anderson, Barr, Bragg, Briggs, Brown, Buck, Camp, Cand- ler, Carpenter, Chase, Crapo,Cuilen, Dawes, Deoring, Dingley, Dunnell, Dwight, Far- well of Iowa, Grant, Hall, Hammond, of New York, Hardenburgh, Harris, of Mas- sachusetts, Haskell, Hawk, Henderson, Hepburn, Hooker, Humphrey, .Jacobs, Jones of New Jersey, .foyce, Kasson, Ketchum, Lord, McCoid, Morse, Norcross, Orth, Parker, Ramsey, Rice of Ohio, Rico of Massachusetts, Rich, Richardson of New York, Ritchie, Robinson of Massachusetts, Russel, Ryan, Sluiltz, Skinner, Scooncr, Stone, Taylor, Thompson of Iowa, Tyler, Updegraff of Iowa, Urner, ^Vadsworth, Wait, Walker, Ward, Watson, White and Williams of Wisconsin — (!5. In the House the debate was partici- pated in by Messrs. Richardson, of South Carolina; Wise and Brumm, of Pennsylva- nia; Joyce, of Vermont; Dunnell, of 3I;n- ncsota; Orth, of Indiana; Sherwin, of Illi- nois ; Hazclton, of AVisuonsin ; I'acheco, of California, and Townsend, of Illinois, and others. An anumdment olfercd by Mr. Butterworth, of Ohio, reducing the period of suspension to fifteen years, was rejected. Messrs. Robinson, of Massachusetts; Cur- tin, of Pennsylvania, and Cannon, of Illi- nois, spoke ui)on the bill, the two latter sup- porting it. The speech of Ex-Governor Curtin was strong and attracted much at- tention. Mr. Page closed the debato in favor of the measure. An ame'idmcnt r>f- fered by Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, re'iucing tiio time of suspension to ten ycai-s, was re- 29G AMERICAN POLITICS. jectecl — yeas 100, nays 131 — and the bill was passed exactly as it came from the Senate by a vote o:' lo7 to G5. The House theu adjourned. Oiir Mercliant Marine. An important current issue is the increase of the Navy and the improvement of the merchant Marine, and to these questions the National Administration has latterly given attention. The New York Herald has given much editorial ability and re- search to the advocacy of an immediate change for the better in these respects, and in its issue of March 10th, 1882, gave the proceedings of an important meeting of the members of the United States Naval Insti- tute held at Annapolis the day before, on which occasion a prize essay on the subject — " Our Merchant Marine ; the Cause of its Decline and the Means to be Taken for its Kevival," was read. The subject was cho- sen nearly a year ago, because it was the belief of the members of the institute that a navy cannot exist without a merchant marine. The naval institute was organized in 1873 for the advancement of profession- al and scientific knowledge in the navy. It has on its roll 500 members, principally naval officers, and its proceedings are pub- lished quarterly. Rear Admiral C. R. P. Rodgers is president ; Captain J. M. Ram- say, vice president ; Lieutenant Command- er C, ]M. Thomas, secretary ; Lieutenant Murdock, corresponding secretary, and Paymaster R. W. Allen, treasurer. There were eleven competitors for the prize, which is of $100, and a gold medal valued at $50. The judges were Messrs, Hamilton Fish, A. A. Low and J. D. Jones. They awarded the prize to Lieutenant J. D. J. Kelley, U, S. N., whose motto was " Nil Clarius ./Equore," and designated Master C, T, Cal- kins, U. S. N., whose motto was " Mais il faut cultiver notre jardin " as next in the order of merit, and further mentioned the essays of Lieutenant R. Wainwright, Uni- ted States Navy, whose motto was " Causa latet, vis est notissima," and Lieutenant Commander J. E. Chadwick, United States Navy, whose motto was " Spes Meliora," as worthy of honorable mention, without being entirely agreed as to their compara- tive merits. STRIKIXG PASSAGES FROM THE PRIZE ESSAY. From Lieut. Kelley's prize essay many valuable facts can be gathered, and such of these as contain information of permanent value we quote : "So far as commerce influences this countrv" has a vital interest in the canying trade, let theorists befog the cool air as they may. Every dollar paid for freight im- ported or exported in American vessels ac- crues to American labor and capital, and the enterprise is as much a productive in- dustry as the raising of wheat, the spinning of fibre or the smelting of ore. Had the acquired, the ' full ' trade of 1860 been maintained without increase $80,000,000 would have been added last year to the na- tional wealth, and the loss from diverted shipbuilding would have swelled the sum to a total of $100,000,000. " Our surplus products must find foreign markets, and to retain them ships controlled by and employed in exclusively American interests are essential instrumentalities. Whatever tends to stimulate competition and to prevent combination benefits the producer, and as the prices abroad estab- lish values here, the barter we obtain for the despised one-tenth of exports — $665,- 000,000 in 1880— determines the profit or loss of the remainder in the home market. During the last fiscal year 11,500,000 gross tons of grain, oil, cotton, tobacco, precious metals, &c., were exported from the United States, and this exportation increases at the rate of 1,500,000 tons annually; 3,800,000 tons of goods are imported, or in all about 15,000,000 tons constitute the existing com- merce of this country. " If only one-half of the business of car- rying our enormous wealth of surplus pro- ducts could be secured for American ships, our tonnage would be instantly doubled, and we would have a greater fleet engaged in a foreign trade, legitimately our own, than Great Britain has to-day. The United States makes to the ocean carrying-trade its most valuable contribution, no other nation giving to commerce so many bulky tons of commodities to be transported those long voyages which in every age have been so eagerly coveted by marine peoples. Of the 17,000 ships which enter and clear at American ports every year, 4,600 seek a cargo empty and but 2,000 sail without ob- taining it. " Ships are profitable abroad and can be made profitable here, and in truth during the last thirty years no other branch of industry has made such progress as the carrying trade. To establish this there are four points of comparison — commerce, rail- ways, shipping tonnage and carrying power of the world, limited to the years between 1850 and 1880 :— Inn'enfe Per CetU. 1850. 18S0. Commraorco of all na- tions $4,280,000,000 S14,4'22,' (lO :W8 Shipiiing tonnage 6.9(;5,000 1S,7J0,<>(i() seamen, whose industry is thercf )re eciuivalcnt to £.'>00 per man, as compared with £VJO for each of the factory operatives. The freight enrned by all flags for sea-borne merchandise is $.iOO,000,od, or about 8 per cent, of the value transported. Hence the toll whieli all nations pay to England for the carrying trade is equal to 4 per cent (nearly) ot the exported values of the earth's products and manufactures ; and pessimists who declare that ship owners are losing money or making small proiits must be wrong, for the merchant marine is expanding every year. "The maximuli tonnage of this country at any time registered in the foreign trade was in ISGl, and then amounted to 5,539,- 813 tons ; Great Britain in the same year owning 5,895,3G0 tons, and all the other nations 5,800.707 tons. Between 1835 and 18G0 over l,8u0,0U0 American tons in ex- cess of the country's needs were employed by foreigners in trades with which we had no legitimate connection save a.s carriers. In 1S51 our registi^red steamships had grown from the 16.000 tons of 1848 to G3,- 1)20 tons — almost eijual to the 65,920 tons of England, and in 1835 this had increased to 115,000 tons and reached a maximum, for in 1862 we had 1,000 tons less. In 1855 we built 388 vessels, in 1856 306 ves- sels and in 1880 26 vessels — all for the foreign trade. The total tonnage which entered our ports in 1856 from abroad amounted to 4,464,038, of which American built ships' coiLstituted 3,194,375 tons, and all others but 1.259,762 tons. In 1880 there entered from abroad 15,240,534 tons, of which 3,128,374 tons were American and 12,112,000 were foreign — that is, in a ratio of seventy-five to twenty-five, or actually 65,901 tons less than when we were twenty- four years young9r as a nation. The grain fleet sailing last year from the port of New York numbered 2,897 vessels, of which 1,822 were sailing vessels carrying 59,822,- 033 bushels, and 1,075 were steamers laden with 42,426,533 bushels, and among all these there were but seventy-four Ameri- can sailing vessels and not one American steamer. " While this poison of decay has been eating into our vitals the possibilities of the country in nearly every other industry have reached a plane of development be- yond the dreams of the most enthusiaistic thcorizors. We liave spread out in every direction and the promise of tlie futuro beggars imaginations attuned even U) tho key of our |>rcsent and past development. We have a timber area of 560.000,000 acre^, and aiross our Canadian border tiicre aro '.iO(),(iUi»,UUO more acres; in coal and iron production wc arc approaching the n Quarterly liecieio.'" From this wc quote some very attractive paragraphs, and at the same time escape the necessity of de- scriptions and predictions generally be- lieved to be essential in rounding off a po- litical volume, but which are always dan- gerous in treating of current affairs. Speak- ing of the conduct of both parties on the question of Civil Service Reform, the writer says: " What have they done to overthrow the celebrated Jacksonian precept, * to the victors belongs the spoils ? ' What, in fact, is it passible for them to do under the present system? The political laborer nold-! that he is worthy of his hire, and if nothing is given to him, nothing will he give in return. There are tens of thou- sands of ofBces at the bestowal of every administration, and the persons who have helped to bring that administration into power expect to receive them. ' In Great Britain," once remarked the American paper which enjoys the largest circulation 4n the country, ' the ruling classes have it all to themselves, and the poor man rarely or never gets a nibble at the public crib. Here we take our turn. W^e know that, if our political rivals have the opportunity to-day, we shall have it to-morrow. This is the philosojthy of the whole thing com- pressed into a nutshell.' If President Arthur were to begin to-day to distribute ulliees to men who were niost worthy to receive them, without reference in j>oliti- cal services, his own ])arty would rebel, and assunnlly his oath would not bo strewn with roses, lie was himself a vic- tim of a gross injustice perpetrated under the name of reform. He tilled the impor- tant post of Collector of the Port of New York, and filled it to the entire satisfaction of the mercantile community. President Hayes did not consider General Arthur sulliciently devoted to his intensts, and he removed him in favor of a conlirmed wire- puller and caucus-monger, and the admin- istration j):ipors had the address to repre- sent this as the outcome of an honest etibrt to reform the Civil Service. No one really supposed that the New York Cus- tom House was less a jiolitical engine than it had been before. The rule of General Arthur had been, in point of fact, singu- larly free from jobbery and corruption, and not a breath of suspicion was ever attached to his personal character. If he had been less faithful in the dischargeof his difficult duties, he would have made fewer enemies. He discovered several gross case> of fraud upon the revenue, and brought the perpe- trators to justice; but the culprits were not without influence in the press, and they contrived to make the worse appear the better cause. Their view was taken at second-hand by many of the English jour- nals, and even recently the public here were gravely assured that General Arthur represented all that was base in American politics, and moreover that he was an enemy of England, for he had been elected by the Irish vote. The authors of these foolish calumnies did not perceive that, if their statements had been correct. General Garfield, whom they so much honored, must also have been elected by the Irish vote ; for he came to power on the very same 'ticket.' In reality, the Irish vote may be able to accomplish many things in America, but we may safely predict that it will never elect a President. General Arthur had not been many weeks in power, before he was enabled to give a remarkable proof of the injustice that had been done to him in this particular respect. The salute of the English flag at Y'orktown is one of the most graceful incidents recorded in American history, and the order origi- nated solely with the President. A man with higher character or, it may be added, of greater accomplishments and fitness for his office, never sat in the Presidential chair. His first appointments are now ad- mitted to be better than those which were made by his predecessor for the same posts. Senator Frelinghuysen, the new Secretary 300 AMERICAN POLITICS. of Sta1>e, or Foreign Secretary, is a man of greiit ability, of most excellent judgment, and of the liighest personal character. He stands far beyond the reach of all un- worthy inlluences. Mr. Folgcr, the Secre- tary of the Treasury, possesses the confi- dence of the entire country, and the nomination of the new Attorney-General was received with universal satisfaction. All this little accords with the dark and forbidding dcscrijitions of President Arthur whicli were j)laced before the j)ublic here on his ac'.essidn to otlice. It is surely time that English writers became alive to the danger of accepting without question the distorted views Avhich they find ready to their hands in the most bigoted or most malicious of American journals. "Democrats and Republicans, then, alike profess to be in favor of a tV^orough reform in the Civil Service, and at the present Baoraent there is no other very prominent question which could be used as a test for the admission of members into either party. The old issue, which no one could possibly mistake, is gone. How much the public really care for the new one, it would be a difficult point to decide. A Civil Ser- vice system, such as that which we have in England, would scarcely be suited to the " poor man," who, as the New York paper says, thinks he has a right occasionally to ' get a nibble at the public crib.' If a man has worked hard to bring his party into power, he is apt, in the United States, to think that he is entitled to some ' recogni- tion,' and neither he nor his friends would be well pleased if they were told that, be- fore anything could be done for liim, it would be necessary to examine him in modern languages and mathematics. More- over, a service such as that which exists in England requires to be worked with a sys- tem of pensions; and pensions, it is held in America, are opposed to the Republican idea.* If it were not for this objection, it may be presumed that some provision would have been made for more than one of the ex-Presidents, whose circumstances placed them or their families much in need of it. President Monroe spent his hist years in wretched circumstances, and died bankrupt. Mrs. Madison 'knew what it was to want bread.' A negro ser- vant, who had once been a slave in the family, used furtively to give her ' small Bums' — they must have been very small — out of his own pocket. Mr. Pierce was, we believe, not far removed from in- * Enormous gums are, howevor, given to BoMiers who were woumled (luring the war, or vlin prutend that they were— for johb'My on an unlieaid of scale is practised in connection wiUi lliese pensions. It is estimated that ?r2(V (X),(iOO ('J4 (li)0,nfH)i.) will have to be paid dnrini: the present fiscal yar, for arrears of iiension, and the niim- Ler of claimauta ia constantly iticrca>in_', (The writer evidently got these "facta" from Bcusational bouiccb] — Am. I'vL ' digence ; and it has been stated that after Andrew Johnson left the White House, he was reduced to the necessity of follow- ing his old trade. General Grant was much more fortunate; and we have re- cently seen that the American i>eople have subscribed for Mrs, Garfield a sum nearly equal to £70,000. But a pensiim system for Civil Servants is not likely to be adopted. Permanence in office is another principle which has found no favor with the rank and file of either party in America, although it has sometimes been introduced into party platforms for the sakt: of producing a good etliect. The plan of 'quick rotation' is far more at- tractive to the popular sense. Divide the spoils, and divide them often. It is true that the public indignation is sometimes aroused, when too eager and rapacious a spirit is exhibited. Such a feeling was dis- played in 1873, in consequence of an Act passed by Congress increasing the pay of its own members and certain officers of the Government. Each member of Congress was to receive $7,500 a year, or £1,500. The sum paid before that date, down to 1805, was $5000 a year, or £1000, and ' mileage ' free added — that is to say, members were entitled to be paid twenty cents a mile for traveling exj)enses to and from Washington. This Bill soon became known as the 'Salary Grab' Act, and ]'0}ular feeling against it was so greatthat it was repealed in the following Session, and the former pay was restored. As a general rule, however, the ' spoils ' system has not been heartily condemned by the nation ; if it had been so condemned, it must have fallen long ago. " President Arthur has been admonished by his English counsellors to take heed that he follows closely in the steps of his predecessor. General Garfield was not long enough in office to give any decided indications of the policy which he intend- ed to pursue ; but, so far as he had gone, impartial observers could detect very little difference between his course of conduct in regard to patronage and that of former Presidents. He simply preferred the friends of Mr. Blaine to the friends of Mr. Conkling ; but Mr. Blaine is a politician of precisely the same class as Mr. Conkling — both are men intimately versed in all the intricacies of ' primaries,' the ' caucus,' and the general working of the ' machine.' They are precisely the kind of men which American politics, as at present practised and understood, are adajjted to produce. Mr. Conkling, however, is of more impe- rious a disjiosition than Mr. Blaine ; the first disappointment or contradiction turns him from a friend into an enemy. Presi- dent Garfield removed the Collector of New York — the most lucrative and most coveted post in the entire Union — and in* CURRENT POLITICS. 301 gleaJ of nominatinj^ a friend of Mr. Conk- liiii^'s for the vucaiicy, lie iioiuiiiatcil a frioiitl of Mr. IMaiiic's. Now ISIr. Conk- liiii; luul doiii' niiuli to .secure Mew York Hlat'.' for tlii^ Uepublieiiiis, and thus gave tlieni till! vietDry; and lie tliou^lit hiuisdl' ■entitled to better treatment than he re- eeived. But was it in the .spirit of true ru- finn to rem )ve the CoUeetor, again>t wh im no com|)hiint iiad been made, uuTely fur th.' purpose of creating a vacancy, and then of putting a friend of Mr. I5laine's int) it — a friend, moreover, wiio liad been hirgely instrumental in .securing CJeneral Garfield's own nomination at Chicago? ^' Is tliis all that is meant, wlien the Reform party talk of the great elianges which they desire to see carried out? Again, the new President has been fairly warned by his advisers in this country, th it he must abolish every abuse, new or old, connected with the distribution of jiatronage. If ho is to execute this commission, not one term of olfice, nor three terms, will be sufficient for him. Over every appointment there will inevitably arise a dis;)Ute; if a totally untried man is chosen, he will be suspected as a wolf coming in sheep's clothing; if a well known partizan is nominated, he will be denounced as a mere tool of the leaders, and there will be another outcry against 'machine politics.' 'One party or other,' eaid an American journal not long ago, 'must begin the work of administering the Government on business principles,' and the writer admitted that the work would ' cost salt tears to many a ])olitician.' The honor of making this beginning has not yet been sought for with remarkable eagerness by either party ; but seems to be deemed necessary to promise that some- thing shall be done, and the Democrats, being out of power, are naturally in the position to bid the highest. The reform will come, as we have intimated, when the people demand it; it cannot come before, for few, indeed, are the politicians in the United States who venture to trust them- selves far in advance of public opinion. And even of that few, there are some who have found out, by hard experience, that tliere is little honor or profit to be gained by undertaking to act as pioneers. " It is doubtless a step in advance, that both parties now admit the absolute ne- cessity of devising mea.sures to elevate the character of the public service, to check the progress of corruption, and to intro- duce a better class of men into the otHces which are held under the Government. The necessity of great reforms in these re- speets has been avowed over and over again by most of the leading journals and inlluential men in the country. The most * The unfleni:iWe facts of Um caso were as wo havn briefly iiidUareil above See. for example, a letter tu the 'New' York Natiou,' Kuv. a, 18{il. radical of the Republicans, and the most conservative of tile Democrats, are of one mind on liiis i)oint. Mr. Wendell Phil- lips, an old abolitionist and lialete fuil- ure.* An eipi.dly good Radical, the late Mr. Horace (ireeley, nnide the following still more candid statement: — 'There are jirobably at no time less than twenty thousand men in this city [New York J who would readily commit a safe murder for a hundred dollars, break open a hou.so for twenty, and take a false oath for five. Most of these are of European birth, though we have also native miscreants who are ready fbrany crime that will nay.' f Strong testimony against the working of the suffrage — and it must have been most unwilling testimony — was given in 187o by a politician whose long familiarity with caucuses and ' wire-i)u!ling' in everv form renders him an undeniable autjiority. Let it be widely proclaimed,' he wrote, ' that the ex]>ericnce and teachings of a republican form of government prove nothing so alarmingly suggestive ot and pregnant with danger as that cheap suf- frage involves and entails cheap represen- tation.']: Another Republican, of high character, has stated that ' the methods of politics have now become so repulsive, the corruption so open, the intrigues and per- sonal hostilities are so shameless, that it is very difficult to engage in them without a sense of humiliati'm.' " ^ Passing to another question, and one worthy of the most intelligent discussion, but which has never yet taken the shape of a political demand or issue in this country, this English writer says: "Although corruption has been suspect- ed at one time or other in almost every Department of the Government, the Pres- idential office has hitherto been kept free from its stain. And yet, by an anomaly of the Constitution, the President has some- times been exposed to suspicion, and still more frequently to injustice and misrepie- sentation, in con-equence of the practical irresponsibility of his Cabinet officers. They are his chief advisers in regard to the distribution of places, as well as in the higher affa'rs of State, and the discredit of any mismanagement on their part falls up >n him. It is true that he chooses them, and may dismiss them, with the concur- rence of the Senate ; but, when once ap- pointed, they are beyond reach of all effec- tive criticism — for newspaper attacks are easily explained by ihesnggi^stion of party malice. They cannv)t bo questioned in * Sppoili ill N"ew York, March 7 I«SI. t 'N.-H York Tril.iiiiV Kch :.. IhTii I teller ill New V..rk i«»;iT>i, Feb. J", iC'i. J Mr. George \> illiam ^.'urtia, in ' Uarjier'a Mogazln*,* 1870. 302 AMERICAN POLITICS. Congress, for they are absolutely pro- hibited from sitting in either House. For months together it is quite possible fur the Cabinet to pursue a course which is in direct opposition to the wishes of the people. This was seen, among other oc- casions, in 1873-4, when Mr. Richardson was Secretary of the Treasury, and at a time when his management of the finances caused great dissatislactiou. At last a par- ticularly gross case of negligence, to use no harsher word, known as the ' Sanborn contracts,' caused his retirement ; that is to say, the demand ior his withdrawal be- came so persistent and co general, that the President could no longer refuse to listen to it. His objectionable policy might have been pursued till the end of the Presiden- tial term, but for the accidental discovery of a scandal, which exhausted the patience of his friends as well as his enemies. Now had Mr. Richardson been a member of either House, and liable to be subjected to a rigorous cross-questioning as to his pro- ceedings, the mismanagement of which he was accused, and which was carried on in the dark, never could have occurred. Why the founders of the Constitution should have thrown this protection round the per- sons who happen to fill the chief offices of State, is difficult to conjecture, but the clause is clear : — ' No person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his con- tinuance in office.'* Mr. Justice Story de- clares that this provision ' has been vindi- cated upon the highest grounds of public authority,' but he also admits that, as ap- plied to the heads of departments, it leads to many evils. He adds a warning which many events of our own time have shown to be not unnecessary : — ' if corruption ever eats its way silently into the vitals of this Republic, it will be because the peo- ple are unable to bring responsibility home to the Executive through his chosen Min- isters. They will be betrayed when their suspicions are most lulled by the Execu- tive, under the guise of an obedience to the will of Congress.'t The inconveniences occasioned to the public service under the present system are very great. There is no official personage in either House to ex- plain the provisions of any Bill, or to give information on pressing matters of public business. Cabinet officers are only brought into communication with the nation when they send in their annual reports, or when a special report is called for by some un- usual emergency. Sometimes the Presi- dent himself goes down to the Capitol to talk over the merits of a Bill with mem- bers. The Department which haj)pens to be interested in any particular measure • Article T. Bf ct. vi. 2. •j- ' ComnicntarieB, 'I., book iii. sect. 869; puts it under the charge of some friend of the Administration, and if a member par- ticularly desires any further information respecting it he may, if he thinks proper, go to the Department and ask for it. But Congress and Ministers are never brought face to fr.ce. It is possible that American 'Secretaries' may escape some of the in-' convenience which English Ministers are at times called upon to undergo ; but the ' most capable and honest of them forfeit | many advantages, not the least of which is the opportunity of making the exact na- ture of their work known to their country- men, and of meeting party misrepresenta- tions and calumnies in the most effectual way. In like manner, the incapable mem- bers of the Cabinet would not be able, under a different system, to shift the bur- den of responsibility for their blunders up- on the President. No President suffered more in reputation for the faults of others than General Grant. It is true that he did not always choose his Secretaries with suf- ficient care or discrimination, but he was made to bear more than a just proportion of the censure which was provoked by their mistakes. And it was not in Gen- eral Grant's disposition to defend himself. In ordinary intercourse he was sparing of his words, and could never be induced to talk about himself, or to make a single speech in defense of any portion of his conduct. The consequence was, that his second term of office was far from being worthy of the man who enjoyed a popu- larity, just after the war, which Washing- ton himself might have envied, and who is still, and very justly, regarded with re- spect and gratitude for his memorable ser- vices in the field. " The same sentiment, to which we have referred as specially characteristic of the American people — hostility to all changes in their method of government which are not absolutely essential — will keep the Cabinet surrounded by irre>iponsible, and sometimes incapable, advisers. Contrary to general supposition, there is no nation in the world so little disposed to look favor- ably on Radicalism and a restless desire for change, as the Americans. The Constitu- tion itself can only be altered by a long and tedious process, and after every State in the Union has been asked its opinion on the question. There is no hesitation in enforcing the law in case of disorder, as the railroad rioters in Pennsylvania found out a few years ago. The state of affairs, which the English Government has per- mitted to exist in Ireland for upwards of a year, would not have been tolerated twenty- four hours in the United States. The maintenance of the law first, the discussion of grievances afterwards ; such is, and al- ways has been, the policy of every Ameri- can Government, until the evil day of CURRENT POLITICS. 303 James Buchanan. The governor of every ' State i.s a real ruler, ami not a mere nrna- i ment, undjthe President wieMs a liuiulnd- fold more power than has been left to the Sovereign of (treat Ikitain. Both parties as a rule, eombino to uphold hia authority, ' and, in the event of any dispute with a [ foreign Power, all party distinctions disaj)- Eear as if by magic. Tliere are no longer ►emocrats and Republicans, but only • Americans. The species of politician, who endeavors to gain a reputation for himself by destroying the reputation of his country i was not taken over to America in the ' May- flower,' and it would be more diiruult than ever to establish it on American ground ' to-day. A man may hold any opinions ' that may strike his fancy on other subjects, I but in reference to the Government, he is expected, while he lives under it, to give it his hearty support, especially as against foreign nations. There was once a faction called the ' Know Nothings,' the guiding principle of which was inveterate hostility to foreigners ; but a party based upon the opposite principle, of hostility to one's own country, has not yet ventured to lift up its head acrosj the Atlantic. That is an in- vention in politics which England has introduced, and of which she is allowed to enjoy the undisputed monopoly, * * * " Display and ceremonial were by no means absent from the Government in the beginning of its history. President Wash- ington never went to Congress on public business except in a State coach, drawn by six cream-colored horses. The coach was an object which would excite the admira- tion of the throng even now in the streets of London. It was built in the shape of a hemisphere, and its panels were adorned with cupids, surrounded with flowers worthy of Florida, and of fruit not to be equalled out of California. The coachman and postillions were arrayed in gorgeous liveries of white and scarlet. The Phila- delphia 'Gazette,' a Government organ, regularly gave a supply of Court news for the edification of the citizens. From that the people were allo\^M^d to learn as much as it was deemed proper for thorn to know about the President's movements,^and a fair amouRt of space^was also devoted to Mrs. "Washington — who was not referred to as Mrs. Washington, but as ' the amiable con- sort of our beloved President. ' When the President made his appearance at a ball or public reception, a dais was erected for him upon which he might stand apart from the vulgar throng, and the guests or visitors bowed to him in solemn silence. ' Repub- lican simplicity' has only come in later times. In our day, the hack-driver who takes a visitor to a public reception at the White House, is quite free to get off his box, walk i'.^side by side with his fare, and I shake hands with the President with as much familiarity as anybody cNc. Very few persons presumed to offer to shake hands with General Washington. One of his friends, Gouverneur Morris, ntshly undertook, for a foolish wager, to go up to him and slap him on the shoulder, .saying, ' My dear General, I am hajijiy to see' you look so well.' The monient lixed ii\Kin arrived, and Mr. Morris, alreat irt partial repeal. The Republicans thought that the moral senti- ment of the country would favor the re- tention of the internal taxes upon spirits and tobacco (the latter having been pre- viously reduced) but if there was any such sentiment it did not manifest itself in the fall elections. On the contrary, every form of discontent, encouraged by these great causes, took shape. While the TaritTCommiHsion, by active and very in- telligent work, held out continued hope to the more confident industries, those which had l)een threatened or injured by the failure of the crops in 1881, and by the assassination of President Garfield, saw only prolonged injury in the probable work of the CommissioD, for to meet the 20 close Democratic sei'timent and to unite that wliich it was hopeil would be gene- rally friendly, moderate tariff rates had to be fixed; notably upon iron, steel, and many clas-ses of manufactured goods. Manufacturers of the cheaper gradea of cotton gooils were li-eling the pressure of competition from the iSi,uth--wncre gooda could be made from a natural product close at hand — while tlwrse of the North found about the same time tha; tuc tastes of their customers had imjiroveii, and henc« their cheaper grades were no longer in such general demand. There wasover- I)roduction, as a conse(|uence grave depres- sion, and not all in the business could at once realize the cause of the trouble. Doubt anil distrust prevailed, atid early in the summer of 1882, and indeed until late in the fall, the country seemed upon the- verge of a business panic. At the same time the leading journals of the country seemed to have joined in a crusade against all existing political methods, and against all statutory and political abuses. The cry of " Down with Boss liulc ! " was heard in many States, and this rallied to the swelling ranks of discontent all who are naturally fond of pulling down leaders — and the United States Senatorial election* of 1883 quickly showed that the blow was aimed at all leaders, whether they were- alleged Bosses or not. Then, too, the forms of discontent which could not take practical shape in the great Presidential contest between Garfield and Hancock^ came to the front with cumulative force after the assassination. There is little use in philosophizing and searching for sufl5- cient reasons leading to a fact, when the fact itself must be confessed and when its force has been felt. It is a jilain fact that many votes in the fall of 1882 were deter- mined by the nominating struggle for the Presidency in 1880, by the quarrels which followed Garfield's inauguration, and by the assassination. Indeed, the nation had not recovered from the shock, and numy very good people looked with very grave suspicion upon every act of President Arthur after he had succeeded to the chair. The best informed, broadest and most liberal political minds saw in his course an honest effort to heal existing differences in the Rei)ublican i)arty, but many acts of recommendation and ai)iioint- ment directed to this end were discounted by the few which coulil not thus be traced, and suspicion and discontent swelled the chorus of other injuries. The result was the great jiolitical changes ot 1882. It be- gan in Ohio, the only important and de- batable October State remaining at this time. The causes enumerated above (save the assassination and the conflict between the friends of Grant and Blaine) operated 306 AMERICAN POLITICS. with less force in Ohio than any otlier sec- tion — for here leaders had not been held up as " Bosses ;" civil service reform had many advocates among them; the people were not by interest specially wedded to high tariff duties, nor were they large payers of internal revenue taxes. But the liquor issue had sprung up in the Legislature the previous winter, the Republicans attempt- ing to levy and collect a tax from all who sold, and to prevent the sale on Sundays. These brief facts make strange reading to the people of other States, where tlie sale of liquor has generally been licensed, and forbidden on Sundays. Ohio had previ- ously passed a prohibitory constitutional amendment, in itself defective, and as no legislation had been enacted to enforce it, those who wished began to sell as though the right were natural, and in this way be- came strong enough to resist taxation or license. The Legislature of 1882, the ma- jority controlled by the Republicans, at- tempted to pass the Pond liquor tax act, and its issue was joined. The liquor in- terests organized, secured control of the Democratic State Convention, nominated a ticket pledged to their interests, made a platform which pointed to unrestricted sale, and by active work and the free use of funds, carried the election and reversed the usual majority. Governor Foster, the boldest of the Republican lead- ers, accepted the issue as presented, and stumped in favor of license and the sanc- tity of the Sabbath ; but the counsels of the Republican leaders were divided, Ex- Secretary Sherman and others enacting the role of ' confession and avoidance." The result carried with it a train of Republi- can di.-iasters. Congressional candidates whom the issue could not legimately touch, fell before it, probably on the principle that " that which strikes the head injures the entire body." The Democratic State and Legislative tickets succeeded, and the German element, which of all others is most fevorable to freedom in the observ- ance of the Sabbath, transferred its vote almost as an entirety from the Rei)ublican to the DeiTiOcratic party. Ohio emboldened the liquor interests, and in their Conventions and Societies in other States they agreed as a rule to check and, if possible, defeat the advance of the prohibitory amendment idea. This started in Kansas in 1880, under the lead of Gov. St. John, an eloquent temperance advo- cate. It was passed by an immense majority, and it was hardly in force be- fore conflicting accounts were scattered throughout the country as to its effect. Some of the friends of temperance con- tended that it improved the public con- dition ; its enemies all asserted that in the larger towns and cities it produced free and irresponsible instead of licensed sale. The latter seem to have had the best of the argument, if the election re- sult is a truthful witness. Gov. St. John was again the nominee of the Repub- licans, but while all of the remainder of the State-ticket was elected, he fell under a majority which must have been j)ro- duced by a change of forty thousand votes. Iowa next took up the prohibitory amend- ment idea, secured its adoption, but the result was injurious to the Republicans in the Fall elections, where the discontent struck at Congre»-8men, as well as State and Legislative officers. The same amendment had been pro- posed in Pennsylvania, a Republican House in 1881 having passed it by almost a solid vote (Democrats freely joining iu its support), but a Republican Senate de- feated, after it had been loaded down with amendments. New York was co- quetting with the same measure, and as a result the liquor interests — well-organized and with an abundance of money, as a rule struck at the Republican party in both New York and Pennsylvania, and thus largely aided the groundswell. The same interests aided the election of Genl. B. F. Butler of Massachusetts, but from a different reason. He had, in one of his earlier canvasses, freely advocated the right of the poor to sell equally with those who could pay heavy license fees, and had thus won the major sympathy of the interest. Singularly enough, Massachu- setts alone of all the Republican States meeting with defeat in 1882, fails to show in her result reasons which harmonize with those enumerated as making up the elements of discontent. Her people most do favor high tariffs, taxes on liquors and luxuries, civil service reforms, and were supposed to be more free from legal and political abuses than any other. Massa- chusetts had, theretofore, been considered to be the most advanced of all the States— in notions, in habit, and in law — yet Butler's victory was relatively more pro- nounced than that of any Democratic candidate, not excepting that of Cleve- land over Folger in New York, the Democratic majority here approaching two hundred thousand. How are we to explain the Massachusetts' result? Gov. Bishop was a high-toned and able gentle- man, the type of every reform contended for. There is but one explanation. Massachusetts had had too much of re- form ; it had come in larger and faster doses than even her progressive people could stand — and an inconsistent discon- tent took new shape there — that of very plain reaction. This view is confirmed by the subsequent attempt of Gov. Butler to defeat the re-election of Geo. F. Hoar to CURRENT POLITICS. 307 the U. S. Senate, by a combination of Democrats with dissatislioJ Republicans. The movement failed, but it c;iine very near to success, and lor ilays the result was in doubt. Hoar hail been a Senator of advanced views, of broad and com- jireheiisive statesnuuK-hip, but that com- munistic sentiment which occasionally crops out in our politics and strikes at all leailers, merely from the pleasure of ns-ierl- inii; the right to tear down, assailed him with a vigor almost cipial to that which struck Windom of ^linnesota, a statesman of twenty-lour years' honorable, able and sometimes brilliant service. To prejudice the people of his State against him, a photograph of his Wasiiiugton residence liad been scattered broadcast. The print in the photograph intended to prejudice being a coach with a liveried lackey It might have been the coach and lackey of a visitor, but the elfect was the same where disconteut had run into a fever. Political discontent gave unmistakable manifestations of its existence in Ohio, Massachusetts, New York (where Ex- Governor Cornell's nomination had been defeated by a forged telegram), Michigan, Nebra.ska, Kansas, Iowa, Connecticut, California, Colorado, Pennsylvania, and Indiana. The Republican position was well maintained in New Hampshire, Ver- mont, Rhode Island, Minnesota, Illinois, and Wisconsin. It was greatly improved in Virginia, where Mahone's Republican Readjuster ticket carried the State by nearly ten thousand, and where a United States' Senator and Congressman-at-large were gained, as well as some of the District Congressmen. The Republicans also im- proved the situation in North Carolina and Tennessee, though they failed to carry either. They also gained Congress- men in Mississippi and Louisiana, but the Congressional result throughout the country was a sweeping Democratic vic- tory, the 48th Congress, beginning Marcli 4, 1883, showing a Democratic majority of 71 in a total membership of 325. In Pennsylvania alone of all the Northern States, were the Republican elements of discontent organized, and here they were as well organized as pos- sible under the circumstances. Charles S. Wolfe had the year j)revious proclaimed what he called his "independence of the Bosses," by declaring himself a candidate for State Treasurer, " nominated in a con- vention of one." He secured 49,984 votes, and this force was used as the nucleus for the better organized Independent Repub- lican movement of 1882. Through this a State Convention was called which placed a full ticket in the field, and which in many districts nominated separate legisla- tive candidates. The complaints of the Independent Rei)ublicans of Pennsylvania were very much like those of dissatisfied ReifUb- licans in other Northern Stalt-ft^where no adverse organizations were set up, and these can best be understood by giving the ollicial [lapers and corre-snondence con- nected with the revolt, and tiie uttetnnts to conciliate and suppress it by the regulur he was one of the principals in the negotia- tions, but formulated complaints, methods and principh'S i)eculiar to the time can be better understood as presented by organ- ized and oflicial bodies, than where mere oinnions of cotemporaneous writers and speakers must otherwi.-e be given. A very careful summary has been made by Col. A. K. McClure, in the Philadelphia Times Alinannc, and from this we (juote the data connected with the — The Indcpenclciit RrpiiT>Ilcau Revolt In Pennsylvania. The following call was issued by Chair- man McKee, of the committee which con- ducted the Wolfe campaign in 1881 : Headquarters State Committee, Citizens' Republicaii As.sociatio.\', Giraud House, Philadelphia, December IG, 1881. To the Independent Eepublieana of Pcnn- si/h'ania : You are earnestly requested to send re- presentatives from each county to a State conference, to be held at Philadelphia. Thursday, January 12th, 1882, at 10 o'clock A. M., to take into consideration the wis- dom of placing in nomination proper per- sons for the offices of Governor, Lieuten- ant Governor, Secretary of Internal Atfaii-s and Supreme Court Judge, and sucli other matters as may come before the confer- ence, looking to the overthrow of " boss rule," and the elimination of the pernicious " spoils system," and its kindred evils, from the administration of public affairs. It in of the utmost importance that those fifty thousand unshackled voters who supported the independent candidacv of Hon. Charles S. Wolfe for the office of State Treasurer as a solemn protest against rin-m, and the evils of the spoils system, wliiih animated a ublican ticket, the convention was reconvened June 21st, for the purpose of filling the vacancy, and while in session, instructed the State Central Committee to use all honorable means to secure harmony between the two sections of the party. Accordingly, the Republican State Com- mittee was called to meet in Philadelphia, July 13th. At this meeting the following proj^ositions were submitted to the Inde- pendents : Pursuant to the resolution passed by the Harrisburg Convention of June 21st, and authorizing the Republican State Com- mittee to use all honorable means to pro- mote harmony in the party, the said com- mittee, acting in conjunction with the Re- publican candidates on the State ticket, respectfully submit to the State Committee and candidates of the Independents the following propositions : First. The tickets headed by James A. Beaver and John Stewart, respectively, be submitted to a vote of the Republican electors of the State, at primaries, as here- inafter provided for. Second. The selection of candidates to be voted for by the Republican party in November to be submitted as aforesaid, every Republican elector, constitutionally and legally qualified, to be eligible to nomination. Tliird. A State Convention to be held, to be constituted as recommended by the Continental Hotel Conference, whereof Wharton Barker was chairman and Francis B. Reeves secretary, to select candidates to be voted for by the Republican party in November, its choice to be limited to the candidates now in nomination, or unlimit- ed, as the Independent State Committee may prefer. The primaries or convention referred to in the foregoing propositions to be held on or before the fourth Wednesday of August next, under regulations or ap- portionment to be made by Daniel Agnew, H:imi)ton L. Carson, and Francis B. Reeve-;, not in conflict, however, with the acts of Assembly regulating primary elec- tions, and tlu! candidates receiving the highest popular vote, or the votes of a majority of the members of the convention, to receive the united support of the party. Resolved, That in the opinion of the Re- publican State Committee the above pro- positions fully carry out, in letter and spirit, the resolution passed by the Harris- burg Convention, June 21st, and that we hereby pledge the State Committee to carry out in good faith any one of the foregoing propositions which may be ac- cepted. liraolved, That the chairman of the Re- publican State Committee be directed to forward an official copy of the proceedings of this meeting, together with the forego- ing propositions, to the Independent State Committee and candidates. Whereupon, General Reeder, of North- ampton, moved to amend by adding a further proposition, as follows. Fourth. A State Convention, to be con- stituted as ])rovided for by the new rules adopted by the late Republican State Con- vention, to select candidates to be voted for by the Republican party in November, provided, if such convention be agreed to, said convention shall be held not later than the fourth Wednesday in August. Which amendment was agreed to, and the preamble and resolutions as amended were agreed to. This communication was addressed to the chairman of the Independent State Committee, I. D. McKee, who called the Independent Committee to meet July 27th, to consider the propositions. In the meantime the Independent candidates held a conference on the night of July 13th, and four of them addressed the fol- lowing propositions to the candidates of the Stalwart wing of the party : Philadelphia, July 13th, 1882. To General James A. Bearer, Hon. William T. Davies, Hon. John M. Oreer, William Henry llawle, Esq., and 3Iarriott Brosius, Esq. Gentlemen : By a communication re- ceived from the Hon. Thomas V. Cooper, addressed to us as candidates of the Inde- pendent Republicans, we are advised of the proceedings of the State Committee, which assembled in this city yesterday. Without awaiting the action of the In- dependent State Committee, to which we have referred the communication, and at- tempting no discussion of the existing differences, or the several methods pro- posed by which to secure party unity, we beg to say that we do not believe that any of the propositions, if accepted, would pro- duce harmony in the party, but on the contrary, Avould lead to wider divisions. We therefore suggest that the desired re- sult can be secured by the hearty co-op- eration of the respective candidates. We have no authority to speak for the great body of voters now giving their support to the Independent Republican ticket, nor CURRENT POLITICS. 311 can we include them by any action we n»ay take. Wo are perfectly free, however, to act in our indivuiual capacity, and de- sire to assure you tliat wc are not only williuj::, but anxious to co-operato with you in the endeavor to restore peace and liarniony to our i)arty. That this can be aeeoniplishod l)eyoiid all doubt we feel en- tirely assured, if ynu, gentlemen, are pre- jiared to yield, with us, all pt-rsonal con- siderations, and agree to the following pn)|)()sitii)iis : * Firxt. The v.-ithrinciples, and will support the cause which represents them. I will not withdraw or retire unless events hereafter shall give assurance that ne- cessary reform in the civil service shall be adopted ; assessments made upon ofBce- holders returned, and not hereafter exact- ed ; boss, nuichine, and spoils methods forever abandoned; and all our public offices, from United States Senator to the mo* uuimi)ortant officials, shall be filled only by honest and capable men, who will represent the peoj)lc, and not attempt to dictate to or control them. I shall go on with the fight, asking the supportofall my fellow-citizens whobelievo in the principles of the Independent Re- publican Convention of May 24th. Yours truly, William JIcMiciiael. To these propositions General P>eaver and his colleagues replied in the following communication : Philadelphia, July 15th, 1882. lion. Thomas V. Cooper, (Viairman Rejnib- lican State Committee, Philadelphia, Fa. Sir : We have the honor to acknowledge the receipt through you of a communica- tion addressed to us by the Hon. John Stewart, Colonel Levi Bird Duff, Major G. W. Merrick, and George Junkin, Esq., in response to certain propositions submitted by the Republican SUite Committee, re- presenting the Republican party of Penn- sylvania, looking to an amicable and hon- orable adjustment of whatever ditferences there may be amonsr the various elements of the party. Without acceptino: any of the propositions submitted by your com- mittee, this communication a^ks us, nn a condition precedent to any recommenda- tion on the jiart of the writers thereof, to declare that in the event of the callintr of a new convention, we will severally forbid the Republicans of Pennsylvania to cill upon us for our services aa candidates for the various positions to be filled by tho people at the coming election. To say 312 AMERICAN POLITICS. that in the effort to determine whether or not our nomination was the free and un- biased choice of the Republican party we must not be candidates, is simply to try the question at issue. We have no de- sire to discuss the question in any of its numerous bearings. We have placed our- selves unreservedly in the hands of the Hepublicans of Pennsylvania. We have pledged ourselves to act concurrently with your committee, and are bound by its ac- tion. AVe therefore respectfully suggest that we have no power or authority to act in- dependently of the committee, or makeany declaration at variance with the proposi- tions submitted in accordance with its ac- tion. There ought to be and can be no such thing as personal antagonism in this contest. We socially and emphatically disclaim even the remotest approach to a feeling of this kind toward any person. We fraternize with and are ready to sup- port any citizen who loves the cause of pure Republicanism, and with this decla- ration we submit the whole subject to your deliberate judgment and wise considera- tion. James A. Beaver. William Henry Rawle, Marriott Brosius. W. T. Davies. John M. Greer. At the meeting of the Independent State Committee, July 27th, the propositions of the Regular Committee were unanimously rejected, and a committee appointed to draft a reply, which was done in the fol- lowing terms : Thomas V. Cooper, Esq., Chairman Repub- lican State Committee. Dear Sir : I am instructed to advise you that the Independent Republican State Committee have considered the four sug- gestions contained in the minutes of the proceedings of your committee,forwarded to me by you on the 12th instant. I am directed to say that this committee find that none of the four are methods fitted to obtain a harmonious and honora- ble unity of the Republican voters of Pennsylvania. All of them areinadequate to that end, for the reason that thoy afford no guarantee that, being accepted, the principles upon which the Independent Republicans have taken their stand would be treated with respect or put into action. All of them contain the probability that an attempt to unite the Republicans of the State by their means would either result in reviving and strengthening the political dictatorship which we condemn or would permanently distract the Rei)ui)lican body, and insure the future and continued triumph of our common opponent, the Democratic party. Of the four suggestions, the first, second and fourth are so inadequate as to need no separate discussion: the third, which alone may demand attention, has the fatal defect of not including the withdrawal of that " slated ■' ticket which was made up many months ago, and long in advance of the Harrisburg Convention, to represent and to maintain the very evils of control and abuses of method to which we stand op- posed. This proposition, like the others, supposing it to have been sincerely put forward, clearly shows that you miscon- ceive the cause of the Independent Repub- lican movement, as well as its aims and purposes. You assume that we desire to measure the respective numbers of those who support the Harrisburg ticket and those who find their principles exj^ressed by the Philadelphia Convention. This is a complete and fatal misapprehension. We are organized to promote certain reforms, and not to abandon them in pursuit of votes. Our object is the overthrow of the " boss system " and of the " spoils system." In behalf of this we are willing and anxious to join hands with you whenever it is assured that the union will be honestly and earnestly for that purpose. But we cannot make alliances or agree to com- promises that in their face threaten the very object of the movement in which we have engaged. Whether your ticket has the support of many or few, of a majority or a minority of the Republican voters, does not affect in the smallest degree the duty of every citizen to record himself against the abuses which it represents. Had the gentlemen who compose it been willing to withdraw themselves from the field, as they were invited to join in doing, for the common good, by the Independent Republican candidates, this act would have encouraged the hope that a new con- vention, freely chosen by the people, and unembarrassed by claims of existing can- didates, might have brought forth the needed guarantee of party emancipation and public reform. This service, however, they have de- clined to render their party ; they not only claim and receive your repeated assurances of support, but they permit themselves to be put forward to secure the use of the In- dependent Republican votes at the same time that they represent the "bossism," the " sjjoils " methods, and the " machine " management which we are determined no longer to tolerate. The manner in which their candidacy was decreed, the means employed to give it convention formality, the obligations which they incur by it, the political methods with which it identifies them, and the political and personal plans for which their official influence would be required, all 'oin to make it the most im- CURRENT POLITICS 313 perativc public duty not to pivc thcni sup- port at this election uudeT uiiy circum- stances. In closing tliirf note, thin committee must express its regret, that, having con- sidered it desinible to make overtures to the Inde|)oiuleiit l{e[)ublicaii8, you should have so far misapprehended the facts of the situation. It is our desire to unite the lie])ublican ])arty on the sure ground of principle, in the coiifidence that we are thus serving it with the highest fiilelity, and preserving for the future service of the Commonwealth that vitality of Repub- licanism which has made the i)arty useful ill the l>ast, and which alone coiil'cra upon it now the riixlit of continued existence. The only method which promises this re- sult in the ajiproaehing election is that proposed by the ln"CE THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS UNCONSTITU- TIONAL, AND TO DEFINE THE RIGHTS OF THE STATES. Virginia Resolutions of 1798. Pronotinritig the Alii'n and Sedition Lawt to he ttnconnlitu- titmil, mid Definimj the rijUts of tlie StiUes. — Drawn hi) Mr. ilMlison, In the Virginia Hon-ie af DeUq'ites, Friday, Lee. 'll, 1798. Iie.svJvcd, That the General Assembly of Virginia doth unequivocally express a firm nvolution to maintain and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the constitution of this state, against every aggression t'^ lei jl reign or domestic; and that thoy ff' A support the government of the Unite*. States in all measures war- ranted by tlie furmer. That this Assembly most solemnly de- clares a warm attacliment to the Union of the states, to maintain which it pledges its powers ; and, that for this end, it is their duty to watch over and oppose every in- fraction of those principles which consti- tute the only basis of that Union, because a faithful ol)servance of them can alone secure its existence and the public happi- ness. That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government, as re- sulting from the compact to which the states are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument con- stituting that compact, as no farther valid than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact ; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dan- gerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said comp.act, the states, who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose, for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits the authori- ties, rights, and liberties appertaining to them. That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has, in sundry instances, been manifested by the fed^n-al government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the con- stitutional charter which defines them ; and, that indications have appeared of a design to expound certain general phra-sea (which, having been copied front the very limited grant of powers in the former Ar- ticles of Confederation, were the less liable to be misconstrued) so as to destroy the meaning and eifect of the particular enumeration which necessarily explains, and limits the general phrases, and so as to consolidate the states by degrees into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable result of which would be, to transform the present republican system of the United States into an absolute, or at best, a mixed monarchy. That the General Assembly doth par- ticularly protest against the jialpable and alarming infractions of the Constitution, in the two late cases of the "Alien and Sedition Acts," pa.ssed at the last session of Congress; the first of which exercises a power nowhere delegated to the federal government, and which, by uniting legis- lative and judicial powers to those of executive, subverts the general jirineiplea of free government, as well as tlie particu- lar organization and positive provisions of the Federal Constitution; and the other 3 AMERICAN POLITICS. of which acts exercises, in like manner, a power not delegated by the Con.stitution, but on the contrary, expressly and posi- tively forbidden by one of the amendments thereto ; a power which, more than any other, ought to produce universal alarm, because it is levelled against the right of freely examining public characters and measures, and of free communication among the people thereon, which has ever been justly deemed the only etliectual guardian of every other right. That this state having by its Conven- tion, which ratified the Federal Constitu- tion, expressly declared, that among other essential rights, " the liberty of conscience and the press cannot be cancelled, abridged, restrained, or modified by any authority of the United States," and* from its extreme anxiety to guard these rights from every {)ossible attack of sophistry and ambition, laving with other states recommended an amendment for that purpose, which amend- ment was, in due time, annexed to the Constitution, it would mark a reproachful inconsistency, and criminal degeneracy, if an indifference were now shown to the most palpable violation of one of the rights, thus declared and secured ; and to the establishment of a precedent which may be fiital to the other. That the good people of this common- wealth, having ever felt, and continuing to feel the most sincere affection for their brethren of the other states; the truest anxiety for establishing and perpetuating the Union of all : and the most scrupulous fidelity to that Constitution, which is the pledge of mutual friendship, and the in- strument of mutual happiness; the General Assembly doth solemnly appeal to the like dispositions in the other tStates, in confi- dence that they will concur with this com- monwealth, in declarinjr, as it does hereby declare, that the acts aforesaid are uncon- stitutional ; and, that the necessary and proper measures will be taken by each for co-operating with this state, in maintain- ing unimpaired the authorities, rights, and iiberties, reserved to the states, respectively, or to the people. That the governor be desired to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to the executive authority of each of the other states, with a request that the same may be communicated to the legislature thereof; and that a copy be furnished to each of the Senators and Representatives representing this state in the Congress of the United States. Attest, John Stewaht. 1798. December 24th. Agreed to by the Senate. H. Brooke. A true copy from the original deposited in the office of the General Assembly. Joux Stewart, Keeper of Rolls. Extracts from the Address to the People, which accompanied the foregoing resolu- tions : — Fellow - Citizens : Unwilling to shrink from our representative responsibility, conscious of the purity of our motives, but acknowledging your right to supervise our conduct, we invite your serious attention to the emergency which dictated the sub- joined resolutions. Whilst we disdain to alarm you by ill-founded jealousies, wej recommend an investigation, guided by the coolness of wisdom, and a decision bot- tomed, on firmness but tempered with moderation. It would be perfidious in those intrusted with the guardianship of the state sover- eignty, and acting under the solemn obliga- tion of the following oath : " I do swear, that I will support the Constitution of the United States," not to warn you of encroach- ments, which, though clothed with the pretext of necessity, or disguised by argu- ments of expediency, may yet establish precedents, which may ultimately devote a generous and unsuspicious peojile to all the consequences of usurped power. Encroachments, springing from agovern- ment whose organization cannot be main- tained without the co-operation of the states, furnish the strongest incitements ujion the state legislatures to watchfulness, and impose upon them the strongest obliga- tion to preserve unimpaired the line of partition. The acquiescence of the states under in- fractions of the federal compact, would either beget a speedy consolidation, by precipitating the state governments into impotency and contempt ; or prepare the way for a revolution, by a repetition of these infractions, until the jieople are aroused to appear in the majesty of their strength. It is to avoid these calamities, that we exhibit to the people the momen- tous question, whether the Constitution of the United States shall yield to a construc- tion which defies every restraint and over- whelms the best hopes of republicanism. Exhortations to disregard domestic usur- pations until foreign danger shall have passed, is an artifice which may be for ever used ; because the possessors of power, who are the advocates for its extension, can ever create national embarrassments, to he successively employed to soothe the people into sleep, whilst that power is swelling silently, secretly, and fatally. Of the same character are insinuations of a foreign in- fiuence, which seize upon a laudable en- thusiasm against danger from a broad, and distort it by an unnatural application, so as to blind your eyes against danger at home. The sedition act presents a scene which was never expected l>y the early friends of the Constitution. It was then admitted POLITICAL PLATFORMS. that the state sovereipjnties were only di- minished by powers speeiliculiy eiiiiiiier- ated, or uecessary to earry the sixeilied powers into ellect. Now i'e(h'ral iuithority IS deduced ironi iini)lieation, and from the existence of state hiw it is inferred that Congress possesses a similar power of legis- hition ; wiience Congress will be endowed with a jiower of legislation in all cases whatsoever, and the states will be stript of every right reserved by the concurrent claims of a paramount legislature. The sedition act is theollspring of these tremene'>ple themselves, hy a solemn compact, rive exclusively committed their national coiu-erns : That, although a lioeral and enlightened vigilance among the people is always to ho cherished, yet an unrc.tsona- hle jealousy of the men of their choice, aud a recurrence to measures of extremity, upon groundless or trivial pretexts, have a strDng tendency to destroy all rational lib- erty at home, and to deprive the L'nited Stiitcs of the most essential advantages in their rcUitions abroad : That this legisla- ture are persuaded that the decision of all cases in law and ecjuity, arising under the Constitution of the United States, and the construction of all laws made in pursu- ance thereof, are exclusively vested by the people in the judicial courts of the United States. That the people in that solemn compact, which is declared to be the supreme law of the land, have not constituted the state legislatures the judges of the acts or mea- sures of the federal government, but have confided to them the i)ower of proposing such amendments of the Constitution, as shall appear to them necessary to the in- terests, or conformable to the wishes of the people whom they represent. That by this construction of the Con- stitution, an amicable and dispa-ssionate remedy is pointed out for any evil which experience may prove to exist, and the peace and prosperity of the United States may be preserved without interruption. But, should the respectable state of Vir- ginia persist in the assumption of the right to declare the acts of the national government unconstitutional, and should she oppose successfully her force and will to those of the nation, the Constitution would be reduced to a mere cipher, to the form and pageantry of authority, without tlie energy of power. Every act of the federal government which thwarted the views or checked the ambitious projects of a particular state, or of its leading and in- fluential members, would be the object of opposition and of remonstrance ; while the people, convulsed and confused by the conflict between two hostile jurisdictions, enjoying the proteeticm of neither, would be wearied into a submission to some bold leader, who would establish himself on the ruins of both. 21 The h'gislature of Mas-*achusotts, al- though they ilo not themselves claim the right, nor ailmit the authority of any of the state goveriimeuts, to decide upon the constitutionality of the acts of the federal govcriimeut, still, lest their silence should be construed into disajjprobation, or at best into a doid)t of the constitutionality of the acts relerred to by the State of Vir- ginia ; and, Its the (Jeneral .\ssend)ly of N'irginia has called for an expres.-tion of their sentiments, do explicitly declare, that they consider the acts of Congress, com- monly calleil '"the alien and sedition acts," not only constitutional, but ex|)edient and necessary : That the former act resj)ect8 a description of persons whose rights were not particularly contemplated in the Con- stitution of the United States, who are en- titled only to a temporary j)rotection, while they yield a temporary allegiance; a protection which ought to be witlidrawn whenever they become "dangenms to the public safety," or are found guilty of " treasonable machination " against the government : That Congress having been especially intrusted by the peo[de with the general defence of the nation, had not only the right, but were bound to protect it against internal as well as external foes. That the United States, at the time of pass- ing the act concerning aliens, were threat- ened with actual inva-sion, had been driv- en by the unjust and andjitious conduct of the French government into warlike pre- parations, expensive and burthensome, and had then, within the bosom of the coun- try, thousands of aliens, who, we doubt not, were ready to co-operate in any ex- ternal attack. It cannot be seriously believed, that the United States should have waited till the poignard had in fact been plunged. The removal of aliens is the usual preliminary of hostility, and is justified by the invari- able usages of nations. Actual hostility had unhappily long been experienced, and a formal declaration of it the government had reason daily to expect. The law, therefore, was just and salutary, and no oftieer could, with so much propriety, be intrusted with the execution of it, as the one in whom the Constitution has reposed the executive power of the United States, The sedition act, so called, is, in the f)pinion of this legislature, equally defen- sible. The General Assembly of Virginia, in their resolve under consideration, ob- serve, that when that stitc by its conven- tion ratified the Federal Constitution, it expressly declared, " T'hat, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be cancelled, abridged, re-strained, or modified by any authority of the United States," and from its extreme anxiety to guard the*e rights from every possible attack of soi>histry or 8 AMERICAN POLITICS, ambition, with other states, recommend an amendment for that purpose : Avhich amendment \va.s, in due time, annexed to the Constitution ; but they did not surely expect that the proceedings of their state convention were to explain the amend- ment adopted by the Union. The words of that amendment, on this subject, are, " Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of s])ecch or of the press." The act complained of is no abridgment of the freedom of either. The genuine liberty of speech and the press, is the lib- erty to utter and publish the truth ; but the constitutional right of the citizen to utter and publish the truth, is not to be confounded with the licentiousness in speaking and writing, that is only em- ployed in propagating falsehood and slan- der. This freedom of the press has been explicitly secured by most, if not all, the state constitutions ; and of this provision there has been generally but one construc- tion among enlightened men ; that it is a security for the rational use and not the abuse of the press ; of which the courts ol law, the juries, and people will judge; this right is not infringed, but coutirnied and established by the late act of Congress. By tlu Constitution, the legislative, ex- ecutive, and judicial departments of gov- ernment are ordained and established ; and general enumerated powers vested in them respectively, including those which are prohibited to the several states. Cer- tain powers are granted in general terms by the people to their general government, for the purposes of their safety and protec- tion. The government is not only em- powered, but it is made their duty to re- pel invasions and suppress insurrections ; to guaranty to the several states a repub- lican form of government ; to protect each state against invasion, and, when applied to, against domestic violence ; to hear and decide all cases in law and equity, arising under the Constitution, and under any treaty or law made in pursuance thereof; and all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction, and relating to the law of na- tions. Whenever, therefore, it becomes necessary to effect any of tlie objects de- signated, it is perfectly consonant to all just rules of construction, to infer, that the usual means and powers necessary to the attainment of that object, are also granted : But the Constitution has left no occasion to resort to implieation for these powers ; it has made an express grant of them, in the 8th section of the first article, which ordains, "That Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and [>roper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by the Constitution in the govern- ment of the United State.s or iu any de- partment or officer thereof." ' This Constitution has established a Su- preme Court of the United States, but has made no provisions for its protection, even against such improper conduct in its pres- ence, as might disturb its proceedings, un- less expressed in the section before recited. But as no statute has been passed on this subject, this protection is, and has been for nine years past, uniformly found in the application of the principles and usages of the common law. The same protection may unquestionably be afforded by a stat- ute passed in virtue of the before-men- tioned section, as necessary and proper, for carrying into execution the powers vested in that department. A construction of the different parts of the Constitution, per- fectly just and fair, will, on analogous principles, extend protection and security against the offences in question, to the other departments of government, in dis- charge of their respective trusts. The President of the United States is bound by his oath " to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution," and it is ex- pressly made his duty, " to take care that the laws be faithfully executed; " but this would be impracticable by any created being, if there could be no legal restraint of those scandalous misrejircsentations of his measures and motives, which directly tend to rob him of the public confidence. And equally impotent would be every other public officer, if thus left to the mercy of the seditious. It is holdeu to be a truth most clear, that the important trusts before enumerated cannot be discharged by the government to which they are committed, without the power to restrain seditious practices and unlawful combinations against itself, and to pi'otect the officers thereof from abusive misrepresentations. Had the Constitution withheld this power, it would have made the government responsible for the effects without any control over the causes which naturally produce them, and would have essentially failed of answering the great ends for which the people of the United States declare, in the first clause of that in- strument, that they establish the same, viz: "To form a more perfect union, es- tablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general warfare, and secure the bless- ings of liberty to ourselves and posterity." Seditious practices and unlawful combi- nations against the federal government, or any officer thereof, in the j)erl'ormance of his duty, as well as licentiousness of speech and of the press, were punishable on the principles of common law in the courts of the United States, before the act in ques- tion was passed. This act then is an ame- lioration of that law in favor of the party accused, as it mitigates the punishment which that authorizes, and admits of any POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 9 investigation of public men Jinil measures wiiich is rep:;ul:itc(l by trutii. It is not in- tended to protect men in otlkc, only ius tlicy iin* uj^i'iits of tlic people. It.-;olijeet is to iill'ord le;i;;il security to j)ai)lie ollicis ;ind trusts created for tlie sak-ty and luip- |)iue;s of the peo[)le, and therefore the se- curity tleriveii from it is for the benefit of (ho people, and is their rij^ht. The constrncti(jn of the C'onstitntion aiul of the existing; law of the land, ;ts well ;ls tlie act coniplaineil of, the lef:;islature of Massachusetts mostdeliI)erateIy and lirnily believe result.s frninajust and full view ol the several parts of the Constitution: and they consider that act to he wise and ne- cessary, as an audacious and unjjrincipled spirit of falseiiood and abuse had been too lon^ unreniittinLrly exerttxl for the pur- pose of pervertin'j: public opinion, and threatened to undermine and destroy the whole fabric of }:;overniaent. The legislature further declare, that in the fore,troinix sentiments they have ex- pressed the general opinion of their consti- tuent's, who have not only acquiesced without complaint in those particular measures of the federal government, but iiave given their explicit approbation by re-electing those men who voted for the adoption of them. Nor is it apprehended, that the citizens of this state will be ac- cused of supinencss or of an indiirerenee to their constitutional rights ; for while, on the one hand, they regard with due vi- gilance the conduct of the government, on the other, their freedom, safety and liappi- ne.ss require, that they should defend that government and its constitutional mea- sures against the open or insidious attacks of any foe, whether foreign or domestic. And, lastly, that the legislature of Mas- Bacnusetts feel a strong conviction, that the several United States are connected by a common interest which ought to ren- «ler their u.iion indissoluble, and that this Ftate will always co-operate with its con- federate states in rendering that union pro- ductive of mutual security, freedom, and ha'.piness. iisent down for concurrence. ;>AMUEL Philips, President. In the House of Representatives, Feb. 13, 1799. Read and concurred. Edavaud II. RoBBiNS, Speaker. A true copy. Attest, JoHX Avery, Secretary. State of New Youk. — In Senate, March 5, 1790. — Whereas, the people of tiie United St;ites have established for themselves a free and independent national government: And whcrciis it is essential to the existence of every government, that it have authority to defend and preserve its constitutional powers inviolate, inau- much as every infringement tlureof tend.s to its subviision: .\iiil whcn-xs the judi- cial power extends expressly l>> all ca-ies of law and e<[uity arising under the Omsti- tution and the laws of the United States whereby the interference of the legislatures of the particular states in those casi's ia manifestly excluded : And whereas our peace, prosperity, and hapi)iiu\ss, eminent- ly dei)end on tlie preservation of the Union, in order to which, a reasonable conhdenro in the constituteil authorities antl chosen representatives of the people is indispen- sable : Ami whereas every measure calcu- lated U) weaken that confidonee has a tea- dency to destroy the uselulnessof our pub- lie functiouaries, and to excite jealousies ecjually hostile to rational liijerty, and the principles of a good republican govern- ment: And wherciis the Senate, not per- ceiving that the rights of the particii!ar states have been violated, nor any uncon- stitutional powers assumed by the gcner.il government, cannot forbear to express th»3 anxiety and regret with which they observe the inflammatory and pernicious senti- ments and doctrines which are containeur- jixcs, deli'gated to that lioveriiiiuMiI ecrlain deliiiile powers, resiTvinjr, eacli stati- to it- self, the residuary mass of ri exchisive or tinal juf religious princijiles and exercises, and retained to themselves the riglitof protecting tlwKame, * as this, stated by a law [lasH-d on the gen- eral demand of its citizens, had already pnjtected them from all huuian restraint or interference: and that, in addition lo this general jirinciple and express declaration, another and more special [tr.'visi'in Irw been made l)y one of the amendments to the Constitution, which expressly decdarca, that "Congress shall make no laws respect- ing an establishment of religion, or i)ro- hibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press," thereby guarding in the same sen- tence, and under the same words, the free- dom of religion, of speech, and of the press, insomuch that whatever violates either, throws down the sanctuary which covers the others ; and that libels, talse- hood. and defamation, equally with heresy and false religion, are withheld from the cognisance of federal tribunals. That there- fore the act of the Congress of the United States, passed on the 14th of July, 1798, entitled " An act in addition to the act en- titled An act for the punishment of certain crimes ag;iinst the United States," which does abridge the freedom of the press, is not law, but is altogether void and of no force. 4. Resolved, That alien friends are under the jurisdiction and jjrotection <(f the laws of the state wherein they are : that no power over them has been delegated to the United States, nor prohibited to the indi- vidual states distinct from their power over citizens ; and it being true, as a general principle, and one of tlie amendments to the Constitution having also declared, that ■' the pi)erlainin^ to the relation whieh binds a dutiful eiti/.t n to his coun- try ; and that in withdrawinj>; the tender of service, whieh silence, in my siluati(»n, luiLrht ini|)ly, I am intlueneed by no diini- nntioii of zeal lor your future intercls; no detlciencY of grateful n'spect of your past kindness; but am supported by a full con- viction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your sul- frajrcs have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I eon- stantly hoped that it would have been nuuh earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I w;us not at liberty to disreirard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my iiKlinatif)ii to do this, pre- vious to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature rcllection on the then per[)lexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my conhdence, imjielled me to abandon the idea. I re-joice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer ren- ders the pursuit of inclination incompati- ble with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, wdiatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions with wdiich I first un- dertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my own eye.-^ — perhaps still more in the eyes of ollurs — has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the in- creasing weight of years admonishes me. morj and more, that the abode of retire- ment is as necessary to me as it will be widcome. Satisfied that if any circum- stances have given peculiar value to my .services, they were temporary, I have the coasolaiion to bi lieve that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the politi- cal ."^rene, patriotism clocs not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment wliirh is intended to terminate the lariir of iny pul)lic life, my let lings do not permit me to suspend (he deep aeknowiedgment of that debt of gratitude whieh I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon mc; still more for tlio .«teailfitst confidence with whieh it ha.* supported tnc; and for the o|iportunitie.; 1 have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable altachment, by services faithful and nersevering, though in usefulne-s un- c(pntl to my zeal. Jf benefits iiave re- sulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direc- tion, were li;'.ble to mislead; amidst ai>- pearances sometimes dubi(ius, vicissitudes of fortune often discouniging ; in situations in wdiich, not nnfrequently, want of suc- cess has countenanced the spirit of criti- cism, — the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efibrts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were edccted. Proioundly penetrated by this new idea, I shall carry it wi'li mc to my grave, as a strong incitement to un- ceasing vows, that IJeaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its benefi- cence; that union and brotherly afiection may be j»erpetual ; that the free Constitu- tion, which is the work of your hands, may be .sacredl.v maintained ; that its ad- ministration, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that in fine, the happiness of the jieople of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preser- vatio!i and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recom- mending it to the a|>]dause. the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare, wdiich cannot end but with my life, and the apprehen- sion of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the jire^seiit, to offer to your solemn eontemnlation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of mu( h reflection, of no inconsiderable oli- servation, and which apjiear to me all-im- portant to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afforded tcyou with the more freedom, as you can only .see in them the disinterested warning of a parting friend, who can pos.-ibly have no personal motive to l)i:is his counsel ; nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiment.s on a farmer and not dissimilar onoa.-atri- otism, more than appellations derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the independence and liberty you ]iosse«s are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dan- gers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are generally outweighed by those which a.p- {>ly more immediately to your interest; lere every y)ortion of our country finds the most comnninding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained inter- course with the South, j)rotected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great ad- ditional resources of maritime and com- mercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse benefiting by the agency of the Norih, sees its agriculture grow, and its cf)mmerce expanded. Turn- ing partly into its own channels the sea- men of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated ; and while it con- tributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protec- tion of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the West, already finds, and ill the progressive improvement of in- terior communication, by land and by water, will nnu-e and more find, a valuable I vent tor tne commociitieswhicli eacfi brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The I West derives Irom the East sup])lies re- I quisite to its growth or comfort, and what I is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoy- I ment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interests as one nation. Any other tenure by ^vhich tlie West can liolii this essential advantage, whether derived from its ov*'n se})arate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically pre- carious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular in- terest in union, all the parts combined can- not fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent inter- ruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalship alone would be sufRcient to produce, but which op]iosite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown militai-y establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regtirded as particularly hostile to re- publican liberty ; in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main i)rop of your liberty, and that the love of one ought to endear to you the pre- servation of the other. Those considerations speak a persuasive language to every rellec ting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic de- sire. Is tb.ere a doubt, wdiether a conmion government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were criminaL POLITICAL TLATFORMS. 17 We arc authorized to hone, that a proper orgaui/.aliou of the whole, witli the aux- iliary ajreiicv it' j;()vernineiits lor tlie ro- .■<[)eitivc subdivisions, will allord u hapj)y issue to the experiment. It U well worth a I'uir and lull experiment, ^\'ith .such powerful and obvious motives to rnion, nlfeetinj; all parts of our country, while ex- perieiuf shall not have demonstrated its im])racti lability, there will always be rea- son to tlistrust the patriotism oftho.se who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished ior characterizing parties by geographical discriminations — S'orthcrn and Southern — Atlantic and Western : whence designing men may en- de.ivor to excite a belief that there is a real ditl'erencc of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire in- fluence within particular districts, is to misrepres-ent the opinions and aims of oth- er districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart- burnings win; h spring from these misrep- resentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by i):;ternal allection. The inhabi- tants of our Western country have lately had a useiul lesson on this head ; they have seen in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event through- out the United States, decisive proof how unibunded were t"ae suspicions propagated among them, of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interest in regard to the Mississippi — that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperitv. Will it not be their wi.s- dom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if .such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? To the ellijaey and permanency of your Union a government of the whole is indis- pensable. No alliance, however strict be- tween the parties, can be an adequate sub- stitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interrujitions which all alliances, in all time, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your fir.-t essay, by the adoption of a (^Constitution of govern- ment, better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the effica- cious management of your common eon- ceras. This government, the offcpring of j our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed I — adopted upon full investigation and ma- ture deliberation, coinpUlely free in its l)rinciples, in tiic distributiun of its powers { — uniting security with ciierL'y, unh-, is.sacred- I ly obligatory upon all. Tiie very idea of the power and right of the jieople to estab- lish government, j)resupposes the duty of every individual to obey the e-stablished government. All obstruction to the execution of laws, all combinations and a.ssociations under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular dcliberati- dermine what cannot be directly over- thrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time aad 18 AMERICAN POLITICS. habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country'; tiiat facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion ex- Tioses to perpetual change, Irom the end- less variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, especially, that for tlic efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a govern- ment of as much vigor as is consistent witli the perfect security of li])erty is indispen- sable. Lioerty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distri- buted, and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too leeble to withstand the "etitcrprise of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits de- scribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state with particu- lar reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against tlie baneful eflccts of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists^under difierent shapes in all govern- ments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, shari)ened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissensions, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, at length, to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and re- pose in the absolute power of an indi- vidual ; and sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than" his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own ele- vation on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking lorward to an ex- tremity of this kind (wliich, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and eontinual mischii'fs of the spirit of party are sulficient to liiake it the interest and duty of a wise people to dis- courage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public adminis- tration. It agitates the community with ill-fouuded jculousics and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign infiuence and corruption, which find a ' i'acilitated access to the government itself, thnmgh the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and tlic will of one coun- try are subjected to the policy and Avill of another. There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the ad- ministration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical ca.st, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of part}'. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary pur})ose. And there being constant dan- ger of excess, the efibrt ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is im])ortant, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should in- spire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves with- in their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encmach ujton another. The spirit of enerorichmcnt tends to con- solidate the powers of all the departments ia one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and prone- ness to abuse it, which p)-edominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by divi'iing and distributing it into difierent deposito- ries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experi- ments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our f>wn country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as neces- sary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the }»eople, the distribution or modification of the constitutinnal powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it l)e cor- rected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instru- ment of good, it is the customary weapon l)y which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always grei'tly over- l)alancc, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit whicii the use can at any time yield. POLITICAL PLATKORMS. i^ Of ill! the ilispositioiis utul Ii.ihils which lend to political proHpcrily, ivlij:;i(»a ami morality arc i!iatriolism, who shouM lalmr to huhvcrl these ^reat pillars ot" hnniaii hapj)iin's-i, thi;-tc iiriia'st props ol" the duties of men and eiti/.i'U-i. The mere politician, eipiaily with the pious man, ou,i;lit to respect and elierish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and puh- lic felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense ot relii^ious ohiiication desert tiie oaths which are t!ie instruments of investiujation in courts of justice? And let us with I'aulion indulj^e the supposition, that moralitv can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the inihieneeof relined eilucation on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experi- ence both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of re- li :;hius principles. It is substantially true, t!iat virtue or morality is a necessary sprin;! of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every ?j)ecie3 of free government. Who, th:it is a sincere friend to it, can look with indilfcrcir.'e upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diiiusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force tj public opinion, it is essential that pub- lic opinion slioulJ be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and secnritv, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as spar- ingly ;is possible, avoiding oi;casions of eM;j)cnse bv- cultivating pence, but romeni- bering also that timely disbursements to l)repare for da ig?r frequently prevent miicl\ greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but bv vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts ■which un- avoidable wars may have occasioned; not nagenerouslv tUrotving upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your re oresentitives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of tlieir er objects (which is alwavs a choice of dithoulties) ou^ht to be a decisive moment for a can- did coosta'uction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for h s|.irit of aci|uiertcence in the measure for obUiin- ing rcveruic, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. ()l)scrve good laith and ju.stico towurd.i all nations; cultivate luace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin llii.s conduct; and can it be that go<)d policv does not eijually enjoin it? It will be worthy of a tree, enlightened, and at no distant neriod a great nation, to give U} maidcind the magnanimons and too novel example of a peo]de always guided by an exalttrd justice and benevolence. SVho can doubt that, in the course of time and tl.'ngs, the Iruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steaermanent felicity of a na- tion witli its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, in- veterate antipathies against particular na- tions, and passionate attachniv'ut lor others, should be excluded: and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its ani- mosity or to its affection ; either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slightcausesof umbrage, and to be haughty and untractable, when accidental or trilling occasions of dispute occur. Hence fre- quent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloodv contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impeU to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through piussion, what reiuson would reject; at other tim(.>3 it makes the animosity of the nation sub- servient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicicms motives. The peace ollen, some- times ])erhaj)s the liberty, of nations has been the victim. So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation to another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite na- tion, facilitating the illusion of an im- aginary common interest, in castas where no real common interest exists, and infas- ing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducimient or justification. It leads also to concessiona to the favorite 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to rt'taliate, in the parties Ironi whom equal i)rivileges are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- luded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interest of their own country, without odium ; sometimes even with pojju- larity ; gilding with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commend- able deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal lor public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corrup- tion, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in in- numerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlight- ened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do thoy aflFord to tamper with domestic I'actions, to practice the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils? Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free peo- ple ought to be constantly awake ; since liistory and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful loes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be usei'ul, mu.st be impar- tial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dis- like for another, cause those whom they actuate to sec danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on the other. Real i)atriots, who mav resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the ap- plause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in re- gard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have Avith them a.s little political connexion as possi- ble. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. There let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent contnjvcrsies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us i/D implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitud(!S of her politics, or the ordinary cond^inalions and collisions of her friendships or eumitics. Our detached and distant situation in- vites and enables us to pursue a difl'erent course. If we remain one people under an eflicient government, the period is not far ofl' when we may defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, Avill not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so pecu- liar a situation? AVhy quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by in- terweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambi- tion, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as Ave are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the nuixim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is al- ways the best policy. I repeat it, there- fore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our com- mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking n(ir grant- ing exclusive favors or preferences; con- sulting the natural cause of things; difliis- ing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, by forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers so disjiosed, in order to give trade a stable course, to de- fine the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinions will jjermit, but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for dis- interested favf)rs from another ; that it must i>ay, with a portion of its independ- (>nce, for Avhatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of hav- ing given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingrati- tude for not giving more. There can be POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 21 no greater error than to expect, or calru- liiti' u])on, roal favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion \vliicli (.'XixTii-nce must cur*', wliirli a just pritii- ou^Mit to discard. In oM'erin^^ to you, my i-ountrymiii, tlu'si> counsels of an oUl and affcctioiuito friend, I dart' not hope they will make the stron^r and lastinj;: impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the pji.'isions, or ])revcnt our nation from run- ning the course wl ich has liitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if I nuiy even flatter myself that they may be jiroduetive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of j)arty spirit, to warn against the misehiefs of foreign in- trigue-!, to guard against the impostures of j)retended patriotism; this hope will be a liill recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. How far. in the discharge of my oHieial duties. I have been guided by the princi- ples which have been delineated, the pub- lic records, and other evidences of my con- duct, must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance of my own con- science is, that I have at le;ist believed my- self to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 23d of April, 17i>3, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, un- influenced by any attempts to deter or di- vert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain. I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and inter- est to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with mod- eration, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- sary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understand- ing of tlie matter, that right, so far from being denii-d by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which ju.stice and hu- manity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain invio- late the relations of peace and unity to- wards other nations. The inducements of interests, for observ'- ing that conduct, will best be referred to your own refiections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progres.s, without interruption, to tliat degree of strength and consislcricy wliieli is neee.ssary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of iUs own for- tunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconseious of intentiomd error; I am, nevertheless, too .sensilile of my defects not to think it jm)- l>able that 1 may have committed nianv errors. ^Vhat«•ver they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may t^'iid. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my coun- try will never come to view them with in- fliilgence; and that, aftright zeal, the faalts of ineompetent abilities will be consigned tu oblivion, an myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Kelying on it.s kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticij>ate, with pleasing ex- pectation, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of jmrUiking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence f)f good laws under a free government — the ever favorite object of my heart — and happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. George Wasiiixgton. United States, 17th of Sept., 17%. 1800.— No Federal Platform. Republican Platform, Philadelphia. Adopted in Congrts^iomd C\iu^iiii. 1. An inviolal)le preserv.ation of the Federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who, therefore, became its enemies. 2. Opposition to monarchizing its fea« tures by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a transition, first, to a president and senate for life; and, secondly, to an hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. 3. Preservation to the stdtes of tlie pow- ers not yielded bv them to the T'nion. and to the legislature of the Union its constitu- tional share in division of powers ; and re- si-stance. therefore, to existing movements for transferring all the powers of the states 22 AMERICAN POLITICS. to the general government, and all of those of that government to the executive branch. 4. A rigorously frugal administration of the government, and the ai)plication o:''all the possible savings of the public revenue to the liquidation of the j'ublic debt; and resistance, therefore, to all measures look- ing to a multiplication of oflicers and sala- ries, merely to create partisans and to aug- I nient the public debt, on the principle of ius being a public blessing. 5. Keliance for internal defense solely upon the militia, till actual invasion, and lor such a naval tbrce only as may be suf- licient to protect our coasts and harbors from depredations ; and opposition, there- ibre, to the policy of a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the pub- lic sentiment, and to a navy, which, by its own expenses, and the wars iti wliich it will implicate us, will grind us with pub- lic burdens and sink us under them. 6. Free commerce with all nations, po- litical connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment. 7. Opposition to linking ourselves, by new treaties, with the quarrels of Europe, entering their fields of slaughter to pre- serve their balance, or joining in the con- federacy of kings to war against the princi- ples of liberty. 8. Freedom of religion, and opposition to all maneuvers to bring about a legal as- cendency of one sect over another. 9. Freedom of speech and of the press; and opposition, therefore, to all violations of the constitution, to silence, by force, and not by reason, the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their j)ublic agents. 10. Liberal naturalization laws, under which the w ell disposed of all nations who may desire to embark their fortunes with us "and share Avith us the public burdens, may have that oppportunity, under mode- rate restrictions, for the development of honest intention, and severe ones to guard against the usurpation of our flag. 11 Encouragement of science and the arts in all their branches, to the end that the American people may perfect their in- dependence of all foreign monopolies, in- stitutions and influences. 1801— 1811.— No Platforms. {No Convention or Cauctis hold.) 1812.— No RepnUlcan Platform. No Federal Platform. Cllntonlan Platform. New York, Attest 17. 1. Opposition to nominations of chief magistrates by congressional caucuses, as well because such practices are the exer- cise of undelegated authority, as of their re])Ugnance to the freedom of elections. 2. Opposition to all customs and usages in both the executive and legislative de- partments which have for their object the maintenance of an otficial regency to pre- scribe tenets of political faith, the line of conduct to be deemed fidelity or recreancy to republican principles, and to perj)etuate in themselves or families the offices of the Federal government. 3. Opposition to all efforts on the part of particular states to monopolize the princi-- pal offices of the government, as well be- cause of their certainty to destroy the har- mony which ought to prevail amongst all the constituent parts of the Union, as of their leanings toward a form of oligarchy entirely at variance with the theory of re- publican government; and, consequently, particular oi)pjosition to continuing a citi- zen of Virginia in the executive office an- other term, unless she can show that she enjoys a corresponding monopoly of talents and patriotism, after she has been honored with the presidency for twenty out of twenty-four years of our constitutional ex- istence, and when it is obvious that the practice has arrayed the agricultural against the commercial interests of the country. 4. Opposition to continuing public men for long periods in offices of delicate trust and weight}' responsibility as the reward of public services, to the detriment of all or any particular interest in, or section of, the country ; and, consequently, to the continuance of Mr. Madison in an office which, in view of our pending difficulties with Great Britain, requires an incumbent of greater decision, energy and efficiency. r>. Opposition to the lingering inadequa- cy of prejiaration for the war with Great liriiain, now about to ensue, and to the measure which allows uninterrupted trade with Si>ain and Portugal, which, as it can not be carried on under our flag, gives to Great Britain the means of sup])lying her armies with provisions, of which they would otherwise be destitute, and thus af- fbnling aid and comfort to our enemy. H. Averment of the existing necessity for placing the country in a condition for aggre-sive action for the conquest of tlie Bri- tish American Provinces and for the defence of our coasts and ex])osed frontiers: and of the propriety of such a levy of taxes as will raise the necessary funds for the emergency. 7. Advocacy of the election of De Witt Clinton as the surest method of relieving the country from all the evils existing and P L 1 Tl C A L P L A T 1-" (J It M .> . •K\ prospective, for tlie reason that his great talents and inllexibi(^ patriotism guaranty a lirui and unyielding niaintenaiici' of our national sovcroignty, and the proteetion of those coninieri'ial interests which were (lagging under the weakness and imbecility of the administration. 1815.— RpMoIiitlouN paMsrcI by tlie Hartford Coiivfutiuii, .Taiiiuiry -l. Resolrcd, That it be and is hereby re- commended to the legislatures of the seve- ral states represented in this convention, to adopt all such measures as may be neces- sarv eH'eetually to jirotect the citizens of said states from the operation and elfects of all acts which have been or may be passed bv the Congress of the United States, which sliall contain provisions subjecting tlie militia or other citizens to forcible drawls, conscriptions, or impressments not authorized by tlie constitution of the United States. Resolved, That it be and is hereby re- commended ta the said legislatures, to au- thorize an immediate and an earnest ap- plication to be made to the government of the United States, requesting their consent to some arrangement whereby the said states may, separately or in concert, be empowered to asre than sixty days; Fourth. Congre-ss shall nut have j)ower, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, to interdict the er)nniiercial intercourse between the United States and any foreign nation or the dependencies thereof; Fifth. Congress shall not make nor de- clare war, nor authorize acts of hostility against any foreign nation, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, except such acts of hostility be in defense of the territories of the United States when actually invaded ; Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized shall be eligible as a member of the Senate or House of Ilepresentative.-; of the United States, or capable of holding anv civil office under the authority of the United States; Seventh. The same person shall not be elected President of the United States a second time, nor shall the President be elected from the same state two terms in succession. Resolved, That if the application of these states to the government of the United States, recommended in a foregoing resolu- tion, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be concluded, and the defense of these states should be neglected, as it has been since the cimmencement of the war, it will, in the opinion of this convention, be expedient for the legislatures of the several states to appoint delegates to an- other convention, to meet at IJostnn, in the state of ^Massachusetts, on t!ie third Mon- day of June next, with .>-ueh powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may remiire. Resolved, That the Honorable George Cabot, the Honorable Chauncey Goodrich, the Honorable Duiiel Lyman, or any two of them, be authorized to call another 24 AMERICAN POLITICS. meeting of this convention, to be holden in Boston at any time before new delegates shall be chosen as recommended in the above resolution, if in their judgment the situation of the country shall urgently re- quire it. From 1813-1839.— No Platforms toy either polltlc;al party, except that at Hartford by Federalists, glvcM above. 1830.— Antl-niasonlc resolution, Philadelphia, Se;plember. Resolved, That it is recommended to the people of the United States, opposed to secret societies, to meet in convention on Monday, the 26th day of September, 1831, at the city of Baltimore, by delegates equal in number to their representatives in both Houses of Congress, to make nominations of suitable candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, to be sup- ported at the next election, and for the transaction of such other business as the cause of Anti-Masonry may require. 183!3.— Natioual Democratic Platform, adopted at a ratification Meeting at Washinglun City, May 11. Resolved, That an adequate protection to American industry is indispensable to the prosperity of the country ; and that an abandonment of the policy at this period would be attended with consequences ruin- ous to the best interests of the nation. Resolved, That a uniform system of in- ternal improvements, sustained and sup- ported by the general government, is calcu- lated to secure, in the highest degree, the harmony, the strength and permanency of the republic. Resolved, That the indiscriminate remo- val of ])ul)lic officers for a mere difference of political opinion, is a gross abuse of power ; and that the doctrine lately boldly ])reached in the United States Senate, that " to the victors belong the spoils of the vanquished," is detrimental to the interests, corrupting to the morals, and dangerous to the liberties of the country. 1836.— «< tocofoco " Platform, New York, January. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created free and equal ; tliat they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of liajipiiK'ss ; that the true foundation of re- publican government is the equal rights of every citizen in his person and property, and in their management ; that the idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society we give up any natural right ; that the rightful power of all legislation is to declare and enforce only our natural rights and duties, and to take none of them from us ; that no man has the natural right to commit aggressions on the equal rights of another, and this is all from which the law ought to restrain him ; that everj' man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities of society, and this all the law should enforce on him ; that when the laws have declared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their functions. We declare unqualified hostility to bank notes and jiaper money as a circulating medium, because gold and silver is the only safe and constitutional currency; hostility to any and all monopolies by legislation, because they are violations of equal rights of the peojile ; hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of vested rights or prerogatives by legislation, be- cause they are usurpations of the people's sovereign rights ; no legislative or other authority in the body politic can rightful- ly, by charter or otherwise, exempt any man or body of men, in any case whatever, from trial by jury and the jurisdiction or operation of the laws which govern the community. We holtl that each and every law or act of incorporation, passed by preceding le- gislatures, can be rightfully altered and re- I)ealed by their successors ; and that they should be altered or repealed, when neces- sary for the public good, or when required by a majority of the people. 1836.— Whig Resolutions, Albany, N. Y., February 3. Resolved, That in support of our cause, we invite all citizens opposed to Martin Van Buren and the Baltimore nominees. Resolved, That Martin Van Buren, by intriguing with the executive to obtain his influence to elect him to the presidency, has set an example dangerous to our free- dom and corrupting to our free institutions. Resolved, That the support we render to William H. Harrison is by no means given to him solely on account of his brilliant and successfiil services as leader of our armies during the last war, but that in him we view also the man of high intellect, the stern patriot, uncontaminated by the machinery of liackneyed politicians — a man of the school of Washington. Resolved, That in Francis Granger we recognize one of our moat distinguished fellow-citizens, whose talents we admire, i> U L 1 1' 1 C A L 1' L A r b^ (J li M S , 26 whose patriotism wo trust, ami whose priu- ciples we sanction. 1830.— Abolition Resolution, H'liriKiic, iV. 1'., Soiiinlier II!, Resolved, That, in our judgment, every consideration of duty and exjjediency which ought to control the action of Chris- tian freemen, requires of the Abolitionists of the United States to organize a distinct and independent political party, emhracing all the necessary means for nominating candidates for oilice and sustaining them by public suffrage. Abolition Platforms. The first national platform of the Aboli- tion party ui)on which it went into the contest in 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and Territories ; the inter-state slave-trade, and a general opposition to slavery to the full extent of constitutional power. In 1848, that jiortion of the party which did not suj)j)ort the Bull'alo nominees took the ground of aliirming the constitutional authority and duty of the General Govern- ment to abolish slavery in the States. Untler the head of " Buffalo," the plat- form of the Free Soil party, which nomi- nated Mr. Van Buren, will be found. 1840. — Democratic Platform, Bnore, May 5. Resolved, That the Federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power shown therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government, and that it is inexpe- dient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 2. Resolved, That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements. 3. Resolved, That the constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal government, directly or indirectly, to as- sume the debts of the several states, con- tracted for local internal improvements or other state purposes ; nor would such as- sumption be just or expedient. 4. Resolved, That justice and sound po- licy forbid the Federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detri- ment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common countn,' — that every citizen and every section of the country h;us a right to (jcniaml and iii>i^t upon an equality of rights and privileges and to complete and atnpic nroteclion of [K-xyouH and j)r()perty from domestic violence or foreign aggression. f). Resolved, That it is the duty of ev»'ry branch of tiie government to enforce anon it, can be truly democratic or per- manent. 2. L'rsolved, That the Liberty party, placing itself upon this broad principle, will demand the absolute and unqualified divorce of the general government from slavery, and also the restoration of equal- ity of rights among men, in every state where the party exists, or may exist. 3. Resolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized for any temporary pur- pose by interested politicians, _ but has arisen from among the people in conse- quence of a conviction, hourly gaining ground, that no other party in the country represents the true principles of American liberty, or the true spirit of the constitu- tion of the United States. 4. Resolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized merely for the over- throw of slavery ; its first decided effort must, indeed, be directed against slave- holding as the grossest and most revolting manifestation of despotism, but it will also carry out the principle of equal rights into all its practical consequences and applica- tions, and support every just measure con- ducive to individual and social freedom. 5. Resolved, That the Liberty party is not a sectional party but a national party ; was not originated in a desire to accom- jdish a single object, but in a comprehen- sive regard to the great interests of the wliolr n)untry ; is not a new party, npr a third partv, Init is the party of 1776, re- viving the principles of that memorable era, and striving to carry them into prac- tical application. . 6. Resolved, That it was understood in the times of the declaration and the constitu- tion, that the existence of slavery in some of the states was in derogation of the prin- .•ij)lcs of Aiiierican liberty, and a deep stain upon the character of the country, -pxl the implied faith of the states and the ,iati<)!i wa^i pledged that slavery should never be extended bey<>n«l it^ tluMi exist- ing limits, but should be gradually, and yet, at no distant day, wholly abolished by state authority. 7. Resolved, That the faith of the states and the nation thus pledged, was most nobly redeemed by the voluntary aboli- tion of slavery in several of the states, and by the adoption of the ordinance of 1787, for the government oi' the territory north- west of the river Ohio, then the only ter- ritory in the United States, and conse- quently the only territory subject in this respect to the control of Congress, by which ordinance slavery was forever ex- cluded from the vast regions which now compose the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and the territory of Wisconsin, and an incapacity to bear up any other than freemen was impressed on the soil itself. 8. Resolved, That the faith of the states and the nation thus pledged, has been shamefully violated by the omission, on the part of many of the states, to take any measures whatever for the abolition of slavery Avithin their respective limits ; by the continuance of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the territories of Louisiana and Florida ; by the legislation of Congress ; by the protection afforded by national legislation and negotiation to slaveholding in American vessels, on the high seas, employed in the coastwise Slave Traffic ; and by the extension of slavery tar beyond its original limits, by acts of Congress admitting new slave states into the Union. 9. Resolved, That the fundamental truths of the Declaration of Independence, that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- ness, was made the fundamental law of our national government, by that amend- ment of the constitution which declares th;it no person shall be deprived of life, lilierty, or property, without due process of law. 10. Resolved, That we recognize as sound the doctrine maintained by slaveholding jurists, that slaveiy is against naturi',1 rights, and strictly local, and that its ex- istence and continuance rc'sts on no other support than state legislation, and not on any authority of Congress. 11. Resolved, That the general govern- ment has, under the constitution, no pow- er to establish or continue slavery any- where, and therefore that all treaties and acts of Congress establishing, continuing or favoring slavery in the District of Co- lumbia, in the territory of Florida, or on the high seas, are unconstitutional, and all attempts to hold men as property within the limits of exclusive national jurisdic- tion ought to be prohibited by law. 12. Resolved, That the provisions of the i rOLITlCAL PLATFORMS. 27 fOii>ititiition i)t' the Uiiitfl Slates wliivli confers fxtnionliiiary ])()litifiil powers on the owners ot" slaves, and tlierelty eonsti- tutiiiir the two hundred and lifty thousand shiveliohk'rs in the slave states a privi- leged aristocracy ; and the i)rovisi(>ns for the reclamation of fugitive slaves from service, are anti-reitulilican in their char- acter, dangerous to the liberties of the peo- ple, and ought to he atirogated. IM. IifSdlrcd, That the practical opera- tion of the second of these provisions, is seen in the enactment of the act of Con- gress respecting persons escajjing from their mjvsters, which act, if the construc- tion given to it by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies the ha- beas corpus acts of all tlie states takes away the whole legal security of per- sonal freedom-, and ought, therefore, to be immediately n'pealcd. 14. Resolved, That the peculiar patron- age and support hitherto extended to slavery and slaveholding, by the general government, ought to be immediately with- drawn, and the example and influence of national authority ought to be arrayed on the side of liberty and free labor. 15. Jicsolved, That the practice of the general government, which prevails in the slave states, of employing slaves upon the public works, instead of free laborers, and paying aristocratic masters, with a view to secure or reward political services, is utterly indefensible and ought to be abandoned. 16. Resolved, That freedom of speech and of the press, and the right of petition, and the right of trial by jury, are sacred and inviolable ; and that all rules, regula- tions and laws, in derogation of either, are oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be enaured by a free people. 17. Resolved, That we regard voting, in an eminent degree, as a moral and reli- gious duty, which, when exercised, should be by voting for those who will do all in their power for immediate emancipation. 18. Resolved, That this convention re- commend to the friends of liberty in all those free states where any inequality of rightii and privileges exists on account of color, to employ their utmost energies to remove all such remnants and effects of the slave system. Whereas, The constitution of these Uni- ted States is a series of agreements, cove- nants or contracts between the ])eople of the United States, each with all, and all with each ; and, Whereas, It is a principle of universal morality, that the moral laws of the Crea- tor are paramount to all human laws ; or, in the language of an Apostle, that " we ought to obey God rather than men ; " and, Wherriis, The princijile of commim law — that any contract, oivenant, resentatives, until the judgment of the people can l)e obtained thereon, and which has saved the American })eople from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United States, and from a cor- rupting system of general internal im- provements. PULiTlCAL I'l.A'l'i'URMS. 29 1'). Resolced, That the war with Mexi- co, provoked on hor part by years of insult and injury, was eomnieneed hy her army erossinji; the Rio Grande, attacking the American trooj)s, and invadiiifj: our .sister •state of Texas, and upon all the ])rincii)les of patriotism and the laws of nations, it is a just and necessary war on our part, in which every American citizen should have shown himself on the sitle of hifi country, and neither morally nor physically, by word or by deed, have given " aid and com tort to the enemy. " IG. Jie.tolrrtl, That we would be rejoiced at the assurance of peace with Mexico, founded on the just i)rinciples of indem- nity for the past aiul security for the fu- ture; but that while the ratification of the liberal treaty otTered to ^lexico remains in doubt, it is the duty of the country to sus- tain the administration and to sustain the country in every measure necessary to pro- vide for the vigorous prosecution of the war, should that treaty be rejected. 17. li'e.'iolrcil, That the officers and sol- diers who have carried the arms of their I'ountry into Mexico, have crowned it with imperishable glory. Their unconquerable courage, their daring enterprise, their un- faltering perseverance and fortitude when assailed on all sides by innumerable foes and that more formidable enemy — the diseases of the climate — exalt their devoted patriotism into the highest heroism, and give them a right to the i)rofound grati- tude of their country, and the admiration of the world. 18. Resohied, That the Democratic Na- tional Convention ofthirty states composing the American Republic, tender their fra- ternal congratulations to the National Con- vention of the Republic of France, now as- sembled as the free sutfrage I'epresentative of the sovereignty of thirty-five millions of Republicans, to establish government on those eternal principles of equal rights, for which their La Fayette and our Washing- ton fought side by side in the struggle I'or our national independence ; and we would es|)ecially convey to them, and to the whole people of France, our earnest wishes f>r the cons )lidation of their liberties, tlirough the wisdom that shall guide their councils, on the b;isis of a democratic con- stitution, not derived from the grants or concessions of kings or dynasties, but orig- inating fromtheonly true source of political ])ower recognized in the states of this Union — the inherent and inalienable right of the people, in their sovereign capacity, to make and to amend their forms of gov- ernment in such manner as the welfare of the community may require. 19. Rpunlrrd, That in view of the recent develoimieut of this grand political truth, of the sovereignty of the peo]>le and their c-jvpacity and jiower for self-government. which is prostrating thrones and erecting republics on the rums of despotism in the old world, we feel that a high and sacred duty is devolved, witli incrcii-st'd respejiisi- bility, upon the Democratic party of this country, asthejiarty of the people, to sustain and advance among us constitulioinil lib- erty, equality, and fraternity, by continu- ing to resist all monopolies and exelu-sive legislation ibr the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adhcreiire to those princij)le« and comiiromises of the constitution, which are broad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the I'nion ius it was, the Union h a monarchy ; no such nower can be found among those specifically conferred by the constitution, or derived by just implication from them. 6. Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal gresentatives be not suffered to betray them. There must be no more compromi.ses with slavery ; it made, they must be repealed. 10. Resi lived, That we demand freedom and established institutions for our breth- ren in (Jregon, now exposed to hardships, peril, and ma.s.sacre, by the reckless hos- tility of the slave power to the establish- ment of free government and free territo- 32 AMERICAN POLITICS. ries ; and not only for them, but for our brethren in California and New Mexico. 11. Jiesolved, It is due not only to this occasion, but to the whole people of the United fcftates, that we should also declare ourselves on certain other questions of na- tional policy ; therefore, 12. liesuived, That we demand cheap postage for the people ; a retrenchment of the expenses and patronage of the Federal government ; the abolition of all unneces- sary offices and salaries ; and the election by the people of all civil officers in the service of the government, so far as the same may be practicable. 13. Resolved, that river and harbor im- provements, when demanded by the safety and convenience of ccnnuerce with for- eign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern, and that it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional power, to provide there- for. 14. Resolved, That the free grant to actual settlers, in consideration of the ex- penses they incur in making settlements in the w-ildei-ness, which are usually fully equal to their actual cost, and of the pub- lic benefits resulting therefrom, of reason- able portions of the public lands, under suitable limitations, is a wise and just measure of public policy, which will pro- mote in various ways the interests of all the states of this IJnion ; and we, there- fore, recommend it to the favorable con- sideration of the American People. 15. Resolved, That the obligations of honor and patriotism require the earliest practical payment of the national debt, and we are, therefore, in favor of such a tarifi' of duties as will raise revenue adequate to defray the expenses of the Federal govern- ment", and to pay annual installments of our debt and the interest thereon. in. Resolved, That we inscribe on our banner, " Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men," and under it we will fight on, and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions. 1853.- Democratic Platform. Baltimore, June 1. Resolutions 1, 2, 8, 4, 5, 6 and 7, of the platform of 1S4.S, were ri'affinned, to which were added the following: 8. Resolved, Tliat it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in con- ducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual but certain extinction of the public del)t. 9. Resolved, T\\aX Congress has no powir to charter a National Bank ; that we be- lieve such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the coun- try, dangerous to our lepublicun institu- tions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concen- trated money power, and that above the laws and will of the people ; and that the results of Democratic legislation, in this and all other financial measures, upon which issues have been made between the two political parties of the country, have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all parties, their soundness, safety, and utility, in all business pursuits. 10. Resolved, That the separation of the moneys of the government I'rom banking institutions is indispensable I'or the safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the people. 11. Resolved, That the liberal princijjles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of the soil among us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit that swept the alien and sedition laws from our stattite books. 12. Resolved, That Congress has no jjower under the constitution to interfere Avith, or control, the domestic institutions of the several states, and that such states are the sole and proper judges of every- thing appertaining to their own aflairs, not prohibited by the constitution; that all efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with ques- tions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calctilated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous conse- quences ; and that all stich efibi'ts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happi- ness of the people, and endanger the sta- bility and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 13. Resolved, That the foregoing propo- sition covers, and is intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery^ agitation in Congress ; and therefore the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this na- tional platform, will abide by, and adhere to, a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise measures settled by last Congress, "the act for reclaiming fugi- tives from service labor " included ; which act, being designed to carry out an ex- press provision of the constitution, can not, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so changed as to destroy or impair its (.•Hiciency. 14. Resolved, That the Democratic party I'OI.I TICA I. I'L A TKOllMS. 33 will resist all attempts ut reiiewiiijj in C'2 and 171>S, aiul in the re{>ort of .Mr. Madison to the Vir- ginia Le;,Mslature in 179!l; that it adopts those i>riiu'iples as eonstituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, anil is resolved to carry them out in their ob- vious meaning and import. IS. Resolved, That the war with Mexico, upon all the principles of patriotism and the law of nations, was a just and necessary war on our part, in which no American citizen shoukl have shown himself opposed to his country, and neither morally nor physically, by word or deed, given aid and comfort to the enemy. li). Resolved, That we rejoice at the re- storation of friendly relations with our sister Republic of Mexico, and earnestly desire for her all the blessings and pros- perity which we enjoy under republican institutions, and we congratulate the American people on the results of that war which have so manifestly justified the policy and conduct of the Democratic party, and insured to the United States indemnity for the past and security for the future. 20. Besdlred, That, in view of the condi- tion of popular institutions in the old world, a high and sacred duty is devolved with increased responsibility upon the De- mocracy of this country, as the party of the people, to uphold and maintain the rights of every state, and thereby the union of states, and to sustain and advance among them constitutional liberty, by con- tinuing to resist all monopolies and exclu- sive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and con.stant adherence to tho.se principles and compromises of the consti- tution which are broad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it is, and the Union as it .should be, in the full expansion of the energies and ca- pacity of this great and progressive people. 1853. -Whig Platform. Baltimore, June 16. The Whigs of the United States, in con- vention assembled adhering to the great conservative principles by which they are controlled and governed, and now Jis ever relying upon the intelligence of the Ameri- can people, with an abiding confidence in their capacity for self-government and their devotion to the constitution and the Union, do i)rochiim the following its the political sentiments and determination for the establishment and maintenance of which their national organization as a party was etfeeted : First. The government <»f the United States is of a limited character, and is con- lined to the exercise of powers expressly granti'd by the constitution, and such u» may be necessary and proper for carrying tin- granted powers into full execution, and that powers not granted or neces.sarily implied are reserved to the states respec- tively and to the pecjple. Second. The state governments should be held secure to their reserved rights, and the General (Tovernment sustained in its constitutional powers, and that tlie Union should be revered and watched over as the palladium of our liberties. Third. That while struggling freedom everywhere enlists the warmest sym])athy of the Whig party, we still adhere to the doctrines of the Father of his Country, as announced in his Farewell Addres.s, of keeping ourselves free from all entangling alliances with foreign countries, and of never quitting our own to stand upon for- eign ground ; that our mission as a rejmb- lic is not to propagate our oi)inions, or im- pose on other countries our forms of gov- ernment, by artifice or force, but to teach by exam}de, and show by our success, moderation and justice, the blessings of self-government, and the advantages of free institutions. Fourth. That, as the people make and control the government, they should obey its constitution, laws and treaties as they would retain their self-respect and the re- spect which they claim and will enforce from foreign powers. Fifth. Uovernments .should be conduc- ted on the principles of the strictest econo- my ; and revenue sufficient for the expen- ses thereof, in time of peace, ought to be derived mainly from a duty on imports, and not from direct taxes; and on laying such duties sound policy requires a just discrimination, and, when j)racticable, by specific duties, whereby suitable encour- agement may be afi'orded to American in- dustrj', equally to all classes and to all portions of the country. Sixth. The constitution ve.sts in Con- gress the i>ower to o[>cn and repair har- bors, and remove obstructions from navi- gable rivers, whenever such improvements are necessary for the common defense, and for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign nations or among the states, said improvements being in ever}' instance national and general in their character. Seventh. The Federal and stjite govern- ments are parts of one system, alike neces- sary for the common prosjjerity, peace and u AMERICAN POLITICS. .security, and ought to be regarded alike with a cordial, habitual and iunnovable at- tiichment. Respect for the authority of each, and acquiescence in the just consti- tutional measures of each, are duties re- quired by the plainest considerations of national, state and individual welfare. Eighth. That the series of acts of the 32d Congress, the act known as the Fugi- tive Slave Law included, are received and acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and excit- ing questions which they embrace ; and, no far as they are concerned, we will main- tain them, and insist upon their strict en- forcement, until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legis- lation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand and the abuse of their powers on the other — not impairing their present efficiency ; and we deprecate all further agitation of the question thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all eflfbrts to continue or renew such agitation whenever, where- ever or however the attempt may be made ; and we will maintain the system as essen- tial to the nationality of the Whig party, and the integrity of the Union. 1S)6!S.— Free-soil Platform. PitUburg, Aiigtist 11. Having assembled in national conven- tion as the free democracy of the United States, united by a common resolve to maintain right against wrong, and freedom against slavery ; confiding in the intelli- gence, patriotism, and discriminating jus- tice of the American people; putting our trust in God for the triumph of our cause, and invoking His guidance in our endea- vors to advance it, we now submit to the candid judgment of all men, the following declaration of principles and measures: 1. That governments, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, are instituted among men to secure to all those inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, with which they are endowed by their Creator, and of which none can be deprived by valid legislation, except for crime. 2. That the true mission of American democracy is to maintain the liberties of the people, the sovereignty of the states, and the perpetuity of the Union, by the impartial application of public affairs, without sectional discriminations, of the I'und.'iniental principles of human right.s, .'rotest against, and hy all pro- per means to prevent, the intervention of kings and emoerors against nations seek- ing to establish lor tln'mselves repuhlican or constitutional governments. 17. That the imlependiiiee of Hayti ought to he recogni/.ed l)y our government, and our commercial relations with it i)lacea on the footing of the most liivored nations. 18. That as by the constitution, " the citizens of each state shall be entitled U> ail the privileges and immunities of citi- zens in the .several states," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other .states, while the vessels to which they belong lie in ])ort, and refusing the exercise of the right to bring such ca.ses before the >Su- ])reme Court of the United State-s, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a fla- grant violation of the constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, utterly inconsistent with the ])rofessions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the constitu- tion faithfully observed by every state in the Union. 19. That we recommend the introduc- tion into all treaties hereafter to be nego- tiated between the United States and for- eign nations, of some provision for the amicable settlement of difficulties by a re- sort to decisive arbitrations. 20. That the free democratic party is not organized to aid either the Whig or Democratic wing of the great slave com[)ro- mise party of the nation, but to defeat them both ; and that repudiating and re- nouncing both as ho[)elessly corrupt and utterly unworthy of confidence, the pur- pose of the Free Democracy is to take pos- session of the Federal government and ad- minister it for the better protection of the rights and interests of the whole people. 21. That we inscribe on our banner Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men, and under it will fi^ht on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall rewanl our exertions. 22. That upon this platform, the eon- ventiim presents to the American people, a.s a candidate for the office of President of the United States, John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the office ot Vice-President of the United States, George W. Julian, of Indiana, and earnestly commend them to the .support of all freemen and all parties. 1856.— The American PlatfonM. Adopted nt FhiUidelphi-i Febnuny 21. 1. An humble acknowledgment to thft 36 AMERICAN POLITICS. Supreme Being -or Tlis protecting care vouchsafed to our lathers in their success- ful revohitionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in the preservation of the liberties, the indepen- dence, and the union of these states. 2. The perpetuation of the Federal Union and constitution, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the only sure bulwarks of American independ- ence. 3. Americans must rule America ; and to this end native-horn citizens should be se- lected for all state, federal, and municipal offices of government employment, in pre- ference to all others. Nevertheless, 4. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens. 5. No person should be selected for polit- ical station (whether of native or foreign birth), who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize the federal and state constitu- tions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, as rules of political ac- tion. 6. The unequaled recognition and main- tenance of the reserved rights of the several states, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good-will between the citizens of the several states, and, to this end, non- interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual states, and non-intervention by each state with the affairs of any other state. 7. The recognition of the right oj native- born and naturalized citizens of the Uni- ted States, permanently residing in any territory thereof, to frame their constitu- tion and laws, and to regulate their domes- tic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the fed- eral constitution, with the privilege of ad- mission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one Eepresentative in Congress: Provided, al- ways, that none but those who are citizens of the United States under the constitu- tion and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such territory, ought to participate in the formation of the con- stitution or in the enactmeut of laws for said territory or state. 8. An enforcement of the principles that no state or territory ought to admit others than citizens to the right of suffrage or of holding political offices of the United States. 9. A change in the laws of naturaliza- tion, making a continued residence of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided for, an indispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all paupers and persons convicted of crime from landing upon our shores ; but no in- terference with the vested rights of for- eigners. 10. Opposition to any union between church and state ; no interference with religious faith or worship ; and no test- oaths for office. 11. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in jjub- lic expenditures. 12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitutionally enacted, until said laws shall be repealed, or shall be de- clared null and void by competent judicial authority. 13. 0]iposition to the reckless and un- wise policy of the present administration in the general management of our national affairs, and more especially as shown in removing "Americans" (by designation) and conservatives in jirinciple, from office, and placing foreigners and ultraists in their places ; as shown in a truckling sub- serviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker powers ; as shown in reopening sectional agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise ; as shown in granting to un- naturalized foreigners the right of suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in its vacillating course on the Kansas and Ne- braska question ; as shown in the corrup- tions which pervade some of the depart- ments of the government ; as shown in dis- gracing meritorious naval officers through prejudice or caprice ; and as shown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations. 14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils and prevent the disastrous consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build up the " American Party " upon the principles hereinbefore stated. 15. That each state council shall have authority to amend their several constitu- tions, so as to abolish the several degrees, and substitute a pledge of honor, instead of other obligations, for fellowship and admission into the party. 16. A free and open discussion of all political principles embraced in our plat- form. 1856. — Democratic Platform^ Adopted at Oinciyinati, June 6. Resolved, That the American democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and discriminating justice of the American people. Resolved, That we regard this as a dis- tinctive feature of our political creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world as a great moral element in a form of government springing from and upheld by the popular will ; and we con- I'OIJTH'A I. I'l.A'l'KOliMS. :J7 triLst it with the creed and practice of federalism, under whatever name or form, wiiiih seeks to palsy the will of the eon- stilueiit, and which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity. Eesvlred, there/are, That entertaining^ these views, the Democratic party of this I'nion, through their delegates, assembled in general convention, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doc- trines and faith of a free repri'-^entative government, and appealing to their fellow citizens for tlie rectitude of their intentions, renew and reassert, before the American people, the declaration of principles avowed by them, when, on former occa- sions, in general convention, they have presented their candidates for tlu' po})ular suffrage. 1. That the Federal government is one I if limited power, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power made therein ought to be strit'tly construed by all the departments and agents of the gov- ernment, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitu- tional powers. '2. That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements. 8. That the constitution doCvS not confer authority upon the Federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several states, contracted for local and internal improvements or other state ])urposes; nor would such assumption be just or expedient. 4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one })ortion of our common country ; that every citizen and every section of the country ha.s a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and a complete and ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence and foreign aggression. 5. That it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting our public aflfairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to de- fray the necessary expenses of the govern- ment and gradual but certain extinction of the public debt. 6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the constitution, and that we are opposed to any law for the dis- tribution of such proceeds among the states, as alike inexpedient in policy and repug- nant to the constitution. 7. That Congress has no power to char- ter a national bank ; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of this country, danger- ous to our rei)ublican institutions iinon which issues have been made between the two jtolitical parties erson3 within its exclusive jurisdiction ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the con- stitution against all attcmjits to violate it for the purpose of establishing slaverj' in any territory of the United States, by posi- tive legi.slation, prohibiting its existence or extension therein. That we deny the au- thority of Congress, of a territorial legis- lature, of any individual or association of individuals, to give legal existence to sla- very in any territory of the llnited States, while the present constitution shall be maintained. Resolved, That the constUutioBPConfers upon Congress sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the im- perative duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbar- ism — ^polygamy and slavery. 40 AMERICAN POLITICS. Resolved, That while the constitution of the United States was ordained and estab- lished, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, j)rovide for the common de- fense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty, and contains ample provisions for the protection of the life, liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have been fraudulently and violently taken from them ; their terri- tory has been invaded by an armed force ; spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive officers have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, sus- tained by the military power of the govern- ment, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced ; the rights of the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of an extraordi- nary and entangling nature have been im- posed, as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding office ; the right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied ; the right of the people to be se- cure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, has been violated ; they have been deprived of life, liberty, and property with- out due process of law ; that the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridg- ed ; the right to choose their representa- tives has been made of no effect ; murders, robberies, and arsons have been instigated or encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished ; that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement of the present national administration ; and that for this high crime against the constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the ad- ministration, the President, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and acces- sories, either before or after the facts, be- fore the country and before the world ; and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious out- rages, and their accomplices, to a sure and condign punishment hereafter. Resolved, That Kansas should be im- mediately admitted as a state of the Union with her present free constitution, as at once the most efl'ectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil strife now raging in her territory. Resolved, That the highwayman's plea that "might makes right," embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any government or people that gave it their eanction. Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific ocean, by the most central and practicable route, is imperatively demanded by the in- terests of the whole country, and that the Federal government ought to render im- mediate and efficient aid in its construc- tion, and, as an auxiliary thereto, the im- mediate construction of an emigrant route on the line of the railroad. Resolved, That appropriations of Con- gress for the improvement of rivers and harbors of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of oui existing commerce, are authorized by the constitution, and justified by the obligation of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. Resolved, That we invite the afliliation and co-operation of the men of all parties, however differing from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein de- clared ; and believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well as the constitution of our country, guarantees liberty of con- science and equality of rights among citi- zens, we oppose all proscriptive legislation affecting their security. 1856 Wliig Platform. BaUitnore, September \'6. Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States, now here assembled, hereby de- clare their reverence for the constitution of the United States, their unalterable at- tachment to the National Union, and a fixed determination to do all in their power to preserve them for themselves and their posterity. They have no new princi- ples to announce ; no new platform to es- tablish ; but are content to broadly rest — where their fathers rested — upon the con- stitution of the United States, wishing no safer guide, no higher law. Resolved, That we regard with the deepest interest and anxiety the preseiit disordered condition of our national af- fairs — a portion of the country ravaged by civil war, large sections of our population embittered by mutual recriminations; and we distinctly trace these calamities to the culpable neglect of duty by the present national administration. Resolved, That the government of the United States was formed by the conjunc- tion in political unity of wide-spread geo- graphical sections, materially differing, not only in climate and products, but in social and domestic institutions ; and that any cause that shall permanently array the different sections of the Union in political hostility and organize parties founded only on geographical distinctions, must inevit- ably prove fatal to a continuance of the National Union. Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States declare, as a fundamental article of POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 41 political faith, an absolute necessity for avoiding gi-ographical jjurtii's. Tlu' dan- cer, Ko clearly discerned \>y the Fallicr of his Country, luij. now become feartuliy apparent in the agitation now convulsing the nation, and must he arrested at once if we would preserve our constitution and our Union from dismemberment, and the name of America from being blotted out from the family of civilized nations. Jiesolred, Tiiat all who revere the con- stitution ami the Union, must look with alarm at the jiarties in the held in the present [>residential campaign — one claim- ing only to represent sixteen northern states, and the other appealing mainly to the passions and prejudices of the southern states; that the success of either faction must add fuel to the flame which now threatens to wrap our dearest interests in a common ruin. Resolved, That the only remedy for an evil so appalling is to support a candidate pledged to neither of the geogra})hical sec- tions nor arrayed in political antagonism, but holding both in a just and equal regard. We congratulate the friends of the Union that such a candidate exists in jMillard Fillmore. Resolved, That, without adopting or re- ferring to the peculiar doctrines of the party which has already selecteil Mr. Fill- more as a candidate, we look to him as a well tried and faithful friend of the consti- tution and the Union, eminent alike for his wisdom and firmness — for his justice and moderation in our foreign relations — calm and pacific temperament, so well be- coming the head of a great nation — for his devotion to the constitution in its true spirit: — his inflexibility in executing the laws but, beyond all these attributes, in possessing the one transcendent merit ofj being a representative of neither of the two sectional parties now struggling for political supremacy. Resolced, That, in the present exigency of political affairs, we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of ad- ministration in the exercising of the con- stitutional powers of the government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging. and that the Union is in peril ; and we proclaim the conviction that the restora- tion of Mr. Fillmore to the presidency will furnish the best if not the only means of restoring peace. IS60.— Conatltatlonal Union Platform. Baltimore, iliiy 9. Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties ; therefore, Resolved, That it is both the part of natriotism and of duty to rermjuize no po- litical principles other than Tilt: CoN.sTi- TUTIOX OV THE (JOUNTKV, TIIK UnIU.VOP TICK StATKH, and TIIK E.NTOUf K.MK.VT OF tuhLaws; and that as repre-entitiveaof the t'onstitutiftnal Union men of the coun- try, in national convention assembled, we herel)y pleilge ourselves to maintain, jiro- tect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great princijiles of public liberty and national safetv against all enemies at liome and abroad, believing that thereity peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights of the neople ami of the states re-established, ana the government again placed in that condition of ju-tice, frater- nity, and equality, which, under the exam- ple and constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquil- lity, provide for the common defense, pro- mote the general welfare, and seciu-e the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. I860.— Republican Platform, Chtciigv, May 17. Resolved, That we, the delegated repre- sentatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations: 1. That the history of the nation, dur- ing the last four years, has fully e.-tablish- ed the projiriety and necessity of the or- ganization and perpetuation of the Re- publican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent ia their nature, and now, more than ever be- fore, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- pendence and embodied in the federal constitution, " That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienal)Ie right.s; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to seeure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our republican institu- tions; and that the federal constitution, the rights of the states, and the union of the states, must and shall be preserved. 3. That to the union of the states this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of 42 AMERICAN POLITICS. material resources, its rapid augmentation of weultli, its happiness at home and its honor abroad ; and we hold in abliorrence all schemes for disunion, come from what- ever source they may ; and we congratulate tlie country that no "Republican member of Congress has utteied or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by De- mocratic members, without rebuke and »A-ith ajjplause from their political associ- ates ; and we denounce those threats of dis- union, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric de- pends; and we denounce the lawless in- vasion, by armed force, of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 5. That the present Democratic admini- stration has far exceeded our worst ap- prehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton constitu- tion upon the protesting people of Kansas ; in construing the personal relations be- tween master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons ; in its at- tempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Con- gress and of the federal courts, of the ex- treme pretensions of a purely local interest ; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people. . 6. Thatthepeople justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal govern- ment; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor- ruptions at the federal metropolis, show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 7. That the new dogma, that the consti- tution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporane- ous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent — is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our natioiuil territory, ordained that " no per- son shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legis- lature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against human- ity and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and eflScient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their federal governors, of the acts of the legis- latures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibit- ing slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted De- mocratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. 11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a state under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. 12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the general government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage the development of the indus- trial interest of the whole country ; and we commend that policy of national ex- changes which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence. 13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the homestead policy which re- gards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House, 14. That the republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any state legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immi- grants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all POLITICAL P L A T V il M S . 43 cliusscj* of citizens, whetlicr iiativo or na- turaliztHl, both at hoinc and ahroatl. 15. That appropriations by ('(iiii,^rc.ss for river atiil iiarbor iin]irovcnK'nt.H of a na- tional character, reipiireii for tiie at'coniino- dation and secnrity of an existini^ coni- merce, are authorized by the constitution and Justified l)y the ohli,u;ations of •govern- ment to protect tlie lives and projierty of its citizen.^. IG. That a railroad to the Paeitk; ocean is imperatively demanded by the int<.'rest of the whole country ; that the Federal government oui:;lit to render immediate and cHicient aid in its construction ; and that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail shoulil be promptly established. 17. Finally, haviiijj; thus set forth our distinctive principles anil views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differinj:; on other questions, who substan- tially agree with us in their allirmauce and mipport. I860.— Democratic (Don^laa) Platform, Charletlon, Ajiril 2:}, and Baltimore, June Is. 1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in convention assembled, here- by declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a Platform of principles by the Democratic convention at Cincinnati, in the year ISoG, believing that democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when ajiplied to the same subject-matters ; and we recom- mend, as the only further resolutions, the following : Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the constitution of the United States, over the institution of sla- very within the territories: 2. Rcaolvcd, That the Democratic party •will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of constitutional law. 3. Ees(drcd, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. 4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal ]>oint of view, is speedy communi- cation between the Atlantic and I'acitic states; and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional government aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coiist at the earliest practicable period. 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party arc in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honor- able to ourselves and just to Spain, (). Rrsolved, That thoonactmentHof Htato legislatures to defeat the I'aithful exi-cntiou of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their elfect. 7. Ji'es(dved, That it is in accordancse with the trm- interpretation of the Cincin- nati platform, that, — Democratic ^Breckinridge) Platform. Ctiarleslon and Ballimore. Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be af- firmed, with following explanatory resolu- tions : 1. That the government of a territory, organized by an act of Congress, is pro- visional and temporary ; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle, with their property, in the territory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial lesrislation. 2. That it is the duty of the Federal government, in all its depiirtnients, to pro- tect, when necessary, the rights of per- sons and property in the territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 3. That when the settlers in a territory having an adequate population form a state constitution in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and, be- ing consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other states, and the state thus organized ought to be admit- ted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the in- stitution of slavery. 4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earli- est practicable moment. 5. That the enaetmvnts of state legisla- tures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their etTect. G. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative dutv of this government to protect the natural- 44 AMERICAN POLITICS. ized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same ex- tent as its native-born citizens. Whereas, One of the greatest necessi- ties of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a 8j)eedy commnnication between the Pa- cific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it Eesolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitu- tional authority of Congress, for the con- struction of a Pacific railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. 1864.— Radical Platform. Cleveland, May 31. 1. That the Federal Union shall be pre- served. 2. That the constitution and laws of the United States must be observed and obeyed. 3. That the Eebellion must be sup- pressed by force of arms, and without com- promise. 4. That the rights of free speech, free f)re83 and the haJbeas corpus be held invio- ate, save in districts Avhere martial law has been proclaimed. 5. That the Rebellion has destroyed slaveiy ; and the federal constitution should be so amended as to prohibit its re-establishmcnt, and to secure to all men absolute equality before the law. 6. That integrity and economy are de- manded, ?t all times in the administration of the government, and that in time of war the want of them is criminal. 7. That the right of asylum, except for crime and subject to law, is a recognized principle of American liberty ; and that any violation of it can not be overlooked, and must not go unrebuked. 8. That the national policy known as the " Monroe Doctrine " has become a re- cognized principle ; and that the estab- lishment of an anti-republican govern- ment on this continent by any foreign power can not be tolerated. 9. That the gratitude and support of the nation are due to the faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army and navy, for their heroic achievements and deathless valor in defense of our im- periled country and of civil liberty. 10. That the one-term policy for the pre-idency, adoi)tcd by the people, is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, and sliould be maintained by con- stitutional amendment. 11. That tlie constitution should be so amended that the President and Vice- President shall be elected by a direct vote of the people. 12. That the question of the reconstruc- tion of the rebellious states belongs to the people, through their representatives in Congress, and not to the Executive. 13. That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a mea- sure of justice. 18C4:.— Republican Platform. Baltimore, June 7. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintain, against all their enemies, the integrity of the union and the paramount authority of the constitution and laws of the United States ; and that, laying aside all difier- ences of political opinions, we pledge our- selves, as Union men, animated by a com- mon sentiment and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the government in quelling, by force of arms, the Rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the pun- ishment due to their crimes the rebels and trait(n-s arrayed against it. Resolved, That we approve the determi- nation of the government of the United States not to compromise with rebels, nor to offer them any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an " uncondi- tional surrender " of their hostility and a return to their allegiance to the constitu- tion and laws of the United States ; and that we call upou the government to main- tain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the Rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing pa- triotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to the country and its free institutions. Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be always and everj'where hostile to the principles of re- publican government, justice and the na- tional safety demand its utter and com- plete extirpation from the soil of the Re- public ; and that we uphold and maintain the acts and proclamations by which the government, in its own defense, has aimed a death-blow at the gigantic evil. We are in favor, furthermore, of such an amend- ment to the constitution, to be made by the people in conformity with its provis- ions, as shall terminate and forever pro- hibit the existence of slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the United States. Resolved, That the thanks of the Amer- ican people are due to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their lives in defense of their POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 4-j country and in vindication of the honor of its flag ; that the nation owes to thciii some permanent recognition of tlieir i)a- triotism and their vaior, and junple and permanent provision for those of tlieir survivors who liave received disahling iind honorable wounds in the service of the country; and that the memories of those who have fallen in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remem- brance. liesolvcd, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the unselfish patri- otism, and the unswerving fidelity to the constitution and the principles of Ameri- can liberty with which Abraham Lincoln h:is discharged, uiuler circumstances of unuarallelcd dilhculty, the great duties and responsibilities of the presidential olfice ; that we ajiprove and indorse, as demanded by the emergency and essential to the preservation of the nation, and a-s within the provisions of the constitution, the me:isurcs and acts which he has adopt- ed to defend the nation against its open and secret foes; that we approve, especial- ly, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the emjiloyment, as Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in slavery ; and that we have full conlidence in his deter- mination to carry these, and all other con- stitutional measures essential to the salva- tion of the country, into full and complete effect. Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as worthy of public confidence and ofiicial trust those only who cordially in- dorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of the government. Resolved, That the government owes to all men employed in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full pro- tection of the laws of war ; and that any violation of these law.-", or of the usages of civilized nations in the time of war, by the rebels now in arms, should be made the subject of prompt and full redress. Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of power to this nation — the asy- lum of the oppressed of all nations — should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the railroad to the Pacific coa.st. Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of the public debt, must be kept inviolate ; and that, for this pur- pose, we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public expenditures and a vigorous and just system of taxa- tion ; and that it is the duty of every loyal state to sustain the credit and promote the use of the national curreney. Jiesolved, 'Ihat we iijiiirovc the position taken by the government, that the peoj)Io of the Lnited States eim nciver regard with inditference the attempt of any Eurojiean power to overthrow by foree, or t/i sup- plant by fraud, the institutions of any re- l)ublican governmertt on the western con- tinent, and tliat they will view with ex- treme jealousy, as menacing to the {)ca<'e and inde^>endence of this, o.ir country, the efi'orts ol any such power to obtain new footholds for monarchical governments, sustained by a foreign military force, ia near proximity to the United States. ISC'!.— 'Democratic Platform. Chicago, Augu$t 'JO. Resolved, That in the future, as in tho past, we will adhere with unswerving fidel- ity to the Union under the constitution, as the only solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a poo- ple, and as a frame-work of government equally conducive to the welfiire and j)ro3- perity of all the states, both northern and southern. Resolved, That this convention does ex- plicitly declare, as the sense of the Ameri- can people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity of a war power higher than the constitution, the constitution it- self has been disregarded in every j>art, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate eflbrts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all the states, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the federal union of all the states. Resolved, That the direct interference of the military authority of the United Suites in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Marjland, Missouri, and Delaware, w;is a shameful violation of the con.stltution ; and the repetition of such acts in the ap- proaching election will be held as revolu- tionary, and resisted with all the means and power under our contrel. Resolved, That the aim ami object of the Democratic party is to jjrcserve the Fede- ral L^nion and the rights of the state? un- impaired ; and they hereby declare that they consider the administrative usurpa- tion of extraordinary and dangerous pow- ers not granted by the constitution, the subversion of the civil by the military law in states not in insurrection, the arbitrary 46 AMERICAN POLITICS. military arrest, imprisonment, trial, and sentence of American citizens in states where civil law exists in full force, the buppressiou of freedom of speech and of the press, the denial of the right of asy- lum, the open and avowed disregard of state rights, the employment of unusual tost-oaths, and the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear arms in their defense, as calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the gov- erned. Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the administration to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now are, and long have been, prisoners of war, in a suflTering condition, deserves the severest reproba- tion, on the score alike of public policy and common humanity. Resolved, That the sympathy of the De- mocratic party is heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and the sailors of our navy, who are and have been in the field and on the sea under the flag of their country ; and, in the event of our attaining power, they will receive all the care and protection, regard and kind- ness, that the brave soldiers of the Kepub- lic have so nobly earned. 186S. RepHbllcaii Platform. Cliicago, May 20. 1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the reconstruction poli- cy of Congress, a.s evinced by the adoption, in the majority of the states lately in rebel- lion, of constitutions securing equal civil and political rights to all ; and it is the duty of the government to sustain those institutions and to prevent the people of such states from being remitted to a state of anarcliy. 2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the south was demanded by every consideration of pub- lic safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained ; while the question of suffrage in all the loyal states properly be- longs to the people of those states. 3. Wc denounce all forms of repudiation aa a national crime ; and the national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not only according to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which it was con- tracted. 4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized and re- duced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. 5. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preservation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption ; and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon whenever it can be honest- ly done. 6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debts is to so improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long as re- pudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or suspected. 7. The government of the United States should be administered with the strictest economy ; and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical re- form. 8. We profoundly deplore the tragic death of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the accession to the presidency of Andrew Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged to support ; who has usurped high legislative and judicial functions; who has refused to execute the laws ; who has used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the laws; who has employed his executive powers to render insecure the property, the peace, liberty, and life of the citizen ; who has abused the pardoning power ; who has denounced the national legislature as un- constitutional ; who has persistently and corruptly resisted, by every means in his power, every proper attempt at the recon- struction of the states lately in rebellion ; who has perverted the public patronage into an engine of wholesale corruption ; and who has been justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and pro- perly pronounced guilty thereof by the vote of^thirty-five Senators. / 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard by the United States, as a relic of feudal times, not au- thorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to pro- tection in all their rights of citizenship aa though they were native-born ; and no citizen of the United States, native or na- turalized, must be liable to arrest and im- prisonment by any foreign power for acta done or words spoken in this country ; and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of the government to interfere in his behalf. 10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there were none entitled to more s])ecial honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who eodured the hardships of cami)aign and cruise, and imperiled their lives in the service of the country. The POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 47 bountiea and pensions pmvided by the laws for tlit'sc lirave tlolciKU-rs of tlie na- tion are oblijrations never to be forjijotten ; the widowrt and orphans of the gallant dead are tiie wards of the people — asucred legacy be(iueatlied to the nation's protect- ing; care. IL Foreign immigration, which in the past luus added so nuieh to the wealth, de- velopment, and resonrees, and increase of power to tills Rcpul)lic, the asylnin of the oppressed of all nations, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. 12. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed people who are struggling for their rights. 13. That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forbearance with which men who have .served in the Rebel- lion, but who now frankly and honestly co-operate with us in restoring the peace of the country and reconstructing the southern state governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are re- ceived back into the communion of the loyal people ; and we favor the removal of the disqualifications and restrictions im- posed upon the late rebels, in the same measure ius the spirit of disloyalty shall die out, ami as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people. 14. That we recognize the great princi- ples laid down in the immortal Declara- tion of Independence, as the true founda- tion of democratic government ; and we hail with gladness every eflbrt toward making lhe.se principles a living reality on every inch of American soil. 1868.— Democratic Platform. New York, July 4. The Democratic party, in national con- vention a.ssembled, reposing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discrimi- nating justice of the people, standing upon the constitution as the foundation and limitation of the powers of the government and the guarantee of the liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of slavery and secession as having been set- tled, for all time to come, by the war or voluntary action of the southern states in constitutional conventions a.ssembled, and never to be revived or reagitated, do, with the return of peace, demand — 1. Immediate restoration of all the states to their rights in the Union under the con- stitution, and of civil government to the American people. 2. Amnesty for all past political offenses, and the regulation of the elective franchise in the state.s by their citizens. 3. Payment ot all the public debt of the United States oa rapidly aa practicable — all money drawn from the people by taxiu tion, e.xei'pt .so much as is rc(piivitf fur tho necessities of the government, ei'on puni.sh them for alleered crimes committed beyond their jurisilic- tion. In demanding these measures and re- forms, we arraign the Kadi':al party for its 48 AMERICAN POLITICS. disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its career. After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of botli Houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the government and the j)rescrvation of the Union under tlie constitution, it has repeatedly violated the most sacred pledge under which alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten states, in time of profound peace, to mili- tary despotism and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by jur}-^; it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of liberty ; it has overthrown the freedom of speech and press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, and military trials and secret star-chamber inquisitions, for the consti- tutional tribunals ; it has disregarded, in time of peace, the right of the people to be free from searches and seizures ; it has entered the post and telegraph offices, and even the private rooms of individuals, and seized their private papers and letters, without any specific charge or notice of affidavit, as required by the organic law. It has converted the American capitol into a bastile ; it has established a system of spies and official espionage to which no constitutional monarchy of Europe would now dare to resort. It has abolished the right of appeal, on important constitutional questions, to the supreme judicial tribu- nals, and threatens to curtail or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevoca- bly vested by the constitution ; while the learned Chief Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and parti- san charges preferred against the Presi- dent. Its corruption and extravagance have exceeded anything known in history; and, by its frauds and monopolies, it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created by the war. It has stripped the President of his constitutional power of ■appointment, even of his own cabinet. Under its repeated assaults, the pillars of the government are rocking on their base ; and should it succeed in November next, and inaugurate its President, we will meet, as a subjected and comiucred people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the constitution. And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the United States threw off all subjection to the British crown, the privilege and trust of sufirage have belonged to the several states, and have been granted, regulated, and con- trolled exclusively by the political power of each state respectively ; and that any attempt by Congress, on any pretext what- ever, to deprive any state of this right, oi interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power which can find no warrant in the constitution, and, if sanc- tioned by the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only end in a single, centralized, and consolidated, gov- ernment, in which the separate existence of the states will be entirely absorbed, and an unqualified despotism be established in place of a federal union of co-equal statc-s. And that we regard the construction acts (so called) of Congress as usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void. That our soldiers and sailors, Avho car- ried the flag of our country to victory against the most gallant and determined foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution. That the public lands should be dis- tributed as widely as possible among the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre-emption of homestead lands or sold in reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by the government. When grants of public lands may be al- lowed, necessary for the encouragement of important public improvements, the pro- ceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, should be so applied. That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggres- sions of Congress upon the constitutional rights of the states and the people, is en- titled to the gratitude of the whole Ameri- can people ; and, on behalf of the Demo- cratic party, we tender him our thanks for his patriotic eiforts in that regard. Upon this platform, the Democratic party appeal to every patriot, including all the conservative element and all who de- sire to support the constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past differences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle for the liberties of the peo- ple ; and that to all such, to whatever party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand of fellowship, and hail all such, co-operating with us, as friends and brethren. Resolved, That this convention sympa- thizes cordially Avith the workingmen of the United States in their efibrts to protect the rights and interests of the laboring classes of the country. Resolved, That the thanks of the con- vention are tendered to Chief Justice Salmon P. Ch.ase, for the justice, dignity, and impartiality with which he presided over the court of impeaclunent on the trial of President Andrew Johnson. POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 49 187!3.— IiiiT>or Rrform Platform. C'oluuihtu, t'lhruiiry 21. We hold that all pulitical power is in- herent in the people, and free "Government founded on their authority and estahlished for their beiu>lit ; that all citizens are eipial in politieal ri^dit--^, entitled to the lar^'est reliy capitalist^i in large luimlurs for servile use Ih hii evi! entailing want and iUs attendant train of misery and crime on all chiMsi's of the .Vmerican i>eople, and should be prohib- ited by legislation. 7. That we a.sk for the enactment of a law by which all mechanics and dav-la- borcrs employed l)y or on bclialf ol' tlie government, whether directly or indirectly, through piTsons, firms, or corjiorations, contracting with the state, shall conform to the reduced standard of eight hours a day, recently adojjted by (.'ongress for na- tional employes; and also for an amend- ment to the acts of incorporation for cities and towns, by which all laborers and me- chanics employed at their expense shall conform to the same number of hours. 8. That the enlightened sjiirit of the age demands the abolition of the system of contract labor in our prisoiLs and other re- formatory institutions. 9. That the jirotection of life, liberty, and property are the three cardinal prin- ciples of government, and the first two are more sacred than the latter; therefore, money needed for prosecuting wars should. a« it is required, be assessed and collectea from the wealthy of the country, and not entailed as a burden on posterity. 10. That it is the duty of the govern- ment to exercise its power over railroads and telegraph corporations, that th«y shall not in any case be privileged to exact such rates of freight, transportation, or charges, by whatever name, as may bear unduly or unequally upon the producer or consumer. 11. That there should be such a reform in the civil service of the national govern- ment as will remove it beyond all partisan influence, and place it in the charge and under the direction of intelligent and com- petent business men. 12. That as both history and experience teach us that power ever seeks to perpetu- ate itself by every and all means, an(l that its prolonged possession in the hands of one person is always dangerous to the in- terests of a free people, and believing that the spirit of our organic laws and the sta- bility and .safety of our free institutions are best obeyed on the one hand, and .secured on the other, by a regular constitutional change in the chief of the country at each election ; therefore, we are in favor of limiting the occupancy of the presidential chair to one term. 13. That we are in favor of granting general amne-sty and restoring the Union at once on the basis of equality of rights and privileges to all, the impartial adminis- tration of justice being the only true bond of union to bind the states together and re- store the government of the people. 14. That we demand the subjection of 50 AMERICAN POLITICS. the military to the civil authorities, and the confinement of its operations to nation- al purposes alone. 15. That we deem it expedient for Con- gress to supervise the patent laws so as to give labor more fully the benefit of its own ideas and inventions. IG. That fitness, and not political or per- sonal considerations, should be the only recommendation to public office, either ap- pointive or elective ; and any and all laws looking to the establishment of this prin- ciple ai"e heartily approved. 1873.- Prohibition Platform. Columbus, Ohio, February 22. The preamble recites that protection and allegiance are reciprocal duties ; and every citizen who yields obediently to the full commands of government should be pro- tected in all enjoyment of personal security, personal liberty, and private property. That the traflic in intoxicating drinks greatly impairs the personal security and personal liberty of a great mass of citizens, and renders private property insecure. That all political parties are hopelessly un- willing to adopt an adequate policy on this question : Therefore, as a national conven- tion, we adopt the following declaration of principles: That while we acknowledge the pure patriotism and profound statesmanship of those patriots who laid the foundation of this government, securing at once the rights of the states severally and their in- separable union by the federal constitution, we Avould not merely garnish the sepulchres of our republican fathers, but we do hereby renew our pledges of solemn fealty to the imperishable principles of civil and reli- gious liberty embodied in the Declaration of Independence and our federal constitu- tion. That the traffic in intoxicating beverages is a dishonor to Christian civilization, a political wrong of unequalled enormity, subversive of ordinary objects of govern- ment, not capable of being regulated or re- strained by any system of license whatever, and imperatively demands, for its suppres- sion, effective legal prohibition, both by state and national legislation. That there can be no greater peril to a nation than existing party competition for the liquor vote. That any party not op- posed to the traffic, experience shows will engage in this competition — will court the favor of criminal classes — will barter away the public morals, the purity of the ballot, and (;very object of good government, for party success. That, Jis prohibitionists, we will individ- ually use all cflbrta to persuade men from the use of intoxicating liquors ; and we in- vite all persons to assist in this movement. That competence, honesty, and sobriety are indispensable qualifications for holding oflice. That removals from public office for mere political diflerences of opinion are wrong. That fixed and moderate salaries of pub- lic officers should take the places of fees and perquisites ; and that all means should be taken to prevent corrugation and encourage economy. That the President and Vice-President should be elected directly by the people. That we ore in favor of a sound national currency, adequate to the demands of bus- iness, and convertible into gold and silver at the will of the holder, and the adoption of every measure compatible with justice and public safety to appreciate our present currency to the gold standard. That the rates of ocean and inland post* age, and railroad telegraph lines and water transportation, should be made as low as possible by law. That we are opposed to all discrimination in favor of capital against labor, as well as all monopoly and class legislation. That the removal of the burdens imposed in the traffic in intoxicating drinks will emancipate labor, and will practically pro- mote labor reform. That suffrage should be granted to all persons, without regard to sex. That the fostering and extension of com- mon schools is a primary duty of the gov- ernment. That a liberal policy should be pursued to promote foreign immigration. 1873.— Liberal Republican Platform. Cincinnali, May 1. We, the Liberal Republicans of the United States, in national convention as- sembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the follow- ing principles as essential to just govern- ment. 1. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty of government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or political. 2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these states, emancipation, and enfranchisement, and to oppose any re- opening of the questions settled by the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amend- ments of the constitution. 3. We demand the immediate and abso- lute removal of all disabilities imposed on accountof theRebellion, which was finally subdued seven years ago, believing that POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 51 univeraal amnesty will result in complete pacilication in all sections of the coimfry. 4. Local self-,:r'>veriinioiit, witli iinimrtial sudrage, will guard the rights of all citi- zens more securely than any central i/.ctl power. The public welfare reipiires tin- supremacy of the civil over the military authority, and the freedom of person under the protection of the fnibais corpus. We demand for the individual the largest lih- erty consistent with i)ul)lic onler, for the state self-government, and lor the nation a return to the methods of peace and the constitutional limitations ot power. 5. The civil service of the government has become a mere instrument of partisan tyranny and ])ersonal ambition, and an ob- ject of selfish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free institutions, and breeds a demoralization dangerous to the per- petuity of republican government. We, therefore, regard a thorough reform of tlie civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour ; that honesty, ca- pacity, and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to public employment; that the of- fices of the government cease to be a mat- ter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public station shall become again a post of honor. To this end, it is impera- tively required that no President shall be SL candidate for re-election. 6. We demand a system of federal taxa- tion which shall not unnecessarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which shall provide the means necessarj' to pay the expenses of the government, economi- cally administered, the pensions, the inter- est on the public debt, and a moderate re- duction annually of the principal thereof; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respective sys- Items of protection and free trade, we remit fthe discussion of the subject to the people in their congressional districts and the de- cision of Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation. 7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we denounce repudiation in every form and guise. 8. A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike by the highest considera- tions of commercial morality and honest government. 9. We remember with gratitude the hero- ism and sacrifices of the soldiers and sailors of the Republic ; and no act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned fame or the full rewards of their patriotism. 10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to actual settlers. 11. We hold that it is the duty of the government, in its intercourse with foreign nations, to cultivate the friendships of peace, by treating with all on fair and equal terms, reganling it alike dishonorublo either to ilrmaiid what i.i not rigiit or sub- mit to what is wrong. 12. For the promotion and success of the.se vital jirinciplcs and tlic supi)ort of the candidates nominated by this conven- tion, we invite and cordially welcome tho co-operation of a'l patriotic citizens, with- out regard to previous political alliliatioua. 187!3.— Democratic Platfonn, BiUlimore, July 0. We, the Democratic electors of the United States, in convention assembled, do present the following princi{)les, already- adopted at Cincinnati, as cs.sential to jost government : [Here followed the "Liberal Republican Platform ;" which see above.] 1873.— Republican Platform, PhiladelphUt, June 5. The Republican party of the United States, assembled in national convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th and 6th days of June, 1872, again declares its foith, appeals to its history, and announces its position upon the questions before tho country"- ; 1. During eleven years of supremacy it has accepted, with grand courage, the sol- emn duties of the time. It suppressed a gigantic rebellion, emancipated four mil- lions of slaves, decreed the equal citizenship of all, and established universal sutlrage. Exhibiting unparalleled magnanimity, it criminally punished no man for political offenses, and warmly welcomed all who proved their loyalty" by obeying the laws and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily decreased, with firm hand, the resultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a wise and humane policv toward the Indians. The Pacific railroad and similar vast enterprises have been gener- ously aided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers, immigration protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledgment of the natural- ized citizen's rights .secured from European powers. A uniform national currency has been provided, ref)udiation frowned down, the national credit sustained under the most extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower rates. The rev- enues have been carefully collected and honestly applied. Despite annual large reductions of the rates of taxation, the public debt has been reduced during Gen- eral Grant's jiresidcncy at the rate of a hundred millions a year, great tiuanci;U 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. crises have been avoided, and peace and plenty prevail throughout the land. Me- nacing lorcign difficulties have been peace- fully and honorably compromised, and the honor and power of the nation kept in high respect throughout the world. This glorious record of the past is the party's best pledge for the future. We believe the people will not intrust the government to any party or combination of men composed chietly of those who have resisted every step of this beneficent progress. 2. The recent amendments to the national constitution should be cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be intrusted only to the party that secured those amendments. 3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and public rights should be established and effectually maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate state and federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit any discrimination in respect to citizens by reason of race, creed, color, or previous condition of servitude. 4. The national government should seek to maintain honorable peace with all na- tions, protecting its citizens everyAvhere, and sympathizing with all peoples who strive for greater liberty. 5. Any system of civil service under which the subordinate positions of the government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing ; and we, therefore, favor a reform of the system, by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage, and make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential quali- fications for public positions, without prac- tically creating a life tenure of office. 6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to corporations and mo- nopolies, and demand that the national domain be set apart for free homes for the people. 7. The annual revenue, after paying cur- rent expenditures, pensions, and the inter- est on the public debt, should furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the principal ; and that revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors, should be raised by duties upon importations, the details of which should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to labor, and promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole country. 8. We hold in undying honor the sol- diers and sailors whose valor saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation, and the widows and orphans of thoae who died for their country are en- titled to the care of a generous and grate- lul people. We favor such additional legis- lation as will extend the bounty of the government to all our soldiers and sailors who were honorably discharged, and who in the line of duty became disabled, with- out regard to the length of service or the cause of such discharge. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers concerning alle- giance — "once a subject always a subject" — having at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, and the American idea of the individual's right to transfer allegiance having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens against the as- sumption of unauthorized claims by their former governments, and we urge contin- ued careful encouragement and protection of voluntary immigration. 10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and a way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the rela- tions of capital and labor ; and the Re- publican party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full pro- tection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the mutual profits of these two great ser- vants of civilization. 12. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violence and treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and for the protection of the ballot-box ; and, therefore, they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the bal- ance, and confidently expect that our ex- cellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment. 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom. Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction ; and the honest demand of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful considera- tion. 15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. 16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved by the people to POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 53 themselves as carefully as the powers dele- f;atocl by them to the states ami to the ederal government. It disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the pur- pose of removinf^ evils, by interference with rifihts not surrendered by tlie peojjle to either tlie state or national government. 17. it is the duty of the general govern- ment to adopt such measures iia may tend to encourage and restore American com- merce and sliip-building. 18. We believe that tbe modest patriot- ism, the earnest purpose, the sound judg- ment, the practical wisiloin, the incorrupti- ble integrity, and the illustrious .services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him to the heart of the American people; and with him at our head, we start to-day upon a new march to victory. 19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Presidency, known to the whole land from the early days of the great struggle for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legislator and representative man of American insti- tutions, is worthy to associate with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge our best efforts to bestow upon them 187!3.— Democratic (Stralght-oiit) Platform, Louisville, Ky., Sepletnher 3. Whereas, A frequent recurrence to first principles and eternal vigilance against abuses are the wisest provisions for liberty, which is the source of progress, and fidelity to our constitutional system is the only protection for either : therefore. Resolved, That the original basis of our whole political structure is consent in every part thereof. The people of each state voluntarily created their state, and the states voluntarily formed the Union ; and each state provided by its written constitu- tion f )r everything a state could do for the protection of life, liberty, and property within it; and each state, jointly with the others, provided a federal union for foreign and inter-state relations. Resolved, That all governmental powers, whether state or federal, are trust powers coming from the people of each state, and that they are limited to the written letter of the constitution and the laws passed in pursuance of it; which powers must be exercised in the utmost good faith, the constitution itself stating in what manner thev may be altered and amended. Resolved, That the interests of labor and capital should not be permitted to conflict, but should be harmonized by judicious legislation. While such a conflict con- tinues, labrr, which is the parent of wealth, is entitled to paramount consideratioo. Resolvedj That we prorhiim to tlic world that f)rinci|iii' is to be prefcrn-d to jiower; that the Di-mocratic j)arly is held together by the coiiesion of time-honored jirinci- ples, which tluy will never surrender in exchange for all the odicos whirh Presi- dents can confer. The pangs of tiiu mi- norities arc doubtless excruciating; i»ut we welcome an eternal minority, under the banner insrribed with our jirincipii-s, rather than an almighty ami ever];Lstiug, majority, i)ur(li:Lsed by their abandonment. Jifsolrrd, That, having been betrayey=ential to the honor and safety of our nation. 11. And, finally, we demand for the American people the abolition of electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President , and Vice-President of the Unit«ii States, 54 AMERICAN POLITICS. [Their cnndidates were James B. Walker, Whcaton, Illinois, for President: and Don- ald Kirkputrick, Syracuse, New York, for Vice-Presideut.J 1876.— Prolilbltlon Reform Platform, CUeeliuid, Ohio, May 17. The Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized in the name of the people, to revive, enforce, and perpet- uate in tlie government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, submit, in this centennial year of the republic, for the Buffrages of all good citizens, the following platform of national reforms and measures : First. The legal prohibition in the Dis- trict of Columbia, the territories, and in every other place subject to the laws of Congress, of the importation, exportation, manufacture, and traffic of all alcoholic beverages, as high crimes against society ; an amendment of the national constitu- tion, to render these prohibitory measures universal and permanent ; and the adoj)- tion of treaty stipulations with foreign powers, to prevent the importation and exportation of all alcoholic beverages. Second. The abolition of class legisla- tion, and of special privileges in the gov- ernment, and the adoption of equal suffrage and eligibility to office, without distinction of race, religious creed, property, or sex. Third. The appropriation of the public lands, in limited quantities, to actual set- tlers only ; the reduction of the rates of inland and ocean postage ; of telegraphic communication ; of railroad and water transportation and travel, to the lowest practical point, by force of laws, wisely and justly framed, with reference, not only to the interest of capital employed, but to the higher claims of the general good. , Fourth. The suppression, by laws, of 'lotteries and gambling in gold, stocks, pro- duce, and every form of money and pro- perty, and the penal inhibition of the use of the public mails for advertising schemes of gambling and lotteries. Fifth. The abolition of those foul enor- mities, polygamy and the social evil ; and the protection of purity, peace, and hap- fiiness of homes, by ample and efficient egislation. ^Sixth. The national observance of the Christian Sabbath, established by laws prohibiting ordinary labor and business in all departments of public service and private employment (works of necessity, charity, and religion excepted) on that day. Seventh. The establishment, by manda- tory provisions in national and state con- stitutions, and by all necessary legislation, of a system of free public schools for the universal and forced education of all the youth of the land. Eighth. The free use of the Bible, not as a ground of religious creeds, but as a text-book of the purest morality, the best liberty, and the noblest literature in our public schools, that our children may grow up in its light, and that its spirit and prin- ciples may pervade our nation. Ninth, The separation of the govern- ment in all its departments and institu- tions, including the public schools and all funds for their maintenance, from the con- trol of every religious sect or other asso- ciation, and the protection alike of all sects by equal laws, with entire freedom of religious faith and worship. Tenth. The introduction into all treaties hereafter negotiated with foreign govern- ments of a provision for the amicable set- tlement of international difficulties by arbitration. Eleventh. The abolition of all barbar- ous modes and instruments of punishment; the recognition of the laws of God and the claims of humanity in the discipline of jails and prisons, and of that higher and wiser civilization worthy of our age and nation, which regards the reform of criminals as a means for the prevention of crime. Twelfth. The abolition of executive and legislative patronage, and the election of President, Vice-President, United States Senators, and of all civil officers, so far as practicable, by the direct vote of the peo- ple. Thirteenth. The practice of a friendly and liberal policy to immigrants from all nations, the guaranty to them of ample protection, and of equal rights and privi- leges. Fourteenth. The separation of the money of government from all banking institu- tions. The national government, only, should exercise the high prerogative of issuing paper money, and that should be subject to i^rompt redemption on demand, in "gold and silver, the only equal stand- ards of value recognized by the civilized world. Fifteenth. The reduction of the salaries of public officers in a just ratio with the decline of wages and market prices ; the abolition of sinecures, unnecessary offices, and official fees and perquisites ; the prac- tice of strict economy in government ex- penses ; and a free and thorough investi- gation into any and all alleged abuses of public trusts. 1876.— Independent (GreenbacU) Platform* Indianapolis, hid.. May 17. The Independent party is called into existence by the necessities of the people, whose industries are prostrated, whoss labor is deprived of its just reward by a POLITICAL PL A T F () R M S . 55 ruinous policy which the Kcpublican uiul Democnitic imrtics refuse to i liaii^'e ; ami, in view of the t'aihire of tiiesi" |)arties to funiisli relief to the ilepressetl iiuhistries of tiie eoiintry, tlierehy disappoiiitiiif^ the just hopes and e.\j)etlations of tlie siill'er- ing people, we delare our prineiides, and invite all iiideiieiident and patriotic ineii to join our ranks in this niovenuMit for ii- nancial reform and industrial enianeipation. Firal. We demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the specie resump- tion act of January 14, 187;'), and the res- cue of our industries from ruin and disas- ter resultinjr from its enforcement; and \ye call upon all patriotic men to orj,^anize in every contJiressional district of the country, with a view of elcetiniz; representatives to Congress who will carry out the wishes of the people in this regard and stop the present suicidal and destructive policy of contraction. Second. We believe that a United States note, issued directly hy the government, and eonvertihle, on ^Jemand, into United States obligations, bearing a rate of inter- est not exceeding one cent a day on each one hundred dollars, and exchangeable for United States notes at par, will afford the best circulating medium ever devised. Such United States notes should be full legal tenders tor all purposes, except for the payment of such ooligations as are, by existing contracts, especially made paya- ble in coin ; and we hold that it is the duty of the government to provide such a circulating medium, and insist, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, th;it " bank t taper must be suppressed, and the circu- ation restored to the nation, to whom it belongs." Third. It is the paramount duty of the government, in all its legislation, to keep in view the full development of all legiti- mate business, agricultural, mining, manu- facturing, and commercial. Fourlk. We most earnestly protest against any further issue of gold bonds for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made, for a long period, " hewers of wood and drawers of water " to Ibr- eigners, especially as the American ])eople would gladly and ])romptly take at par all bonds the government may need to sell, provided they are made payable at the op- tion of the holder, and bearing interest at 3.65 per cent, per annum or even a lower rate. Fifth. We further protest against the sale "of government bonds for the purpose of purchasing silver to be used as a sub- stitute for our more convenient and less fluctuating fractional currency, which, al- though well calculated to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in operation it will still further oppress, in taxation, an already overburdened people. 24 lN7n.-Ui'|itibIlrRn Platform, f.'iMcinfuj/i, i_>hiuf June 14, When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged of liuman slavery, and wlieii the strength of the gov- ernment of the people, by the people, and for the people, was to be demonstrated, iho Republican party came into power. lU deeds have p: ssed into history, and we look back to them with pride. Incited by their memories to high aims for the good of our country a'ld mankind, ami locking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope, and purpcse, we, the representatives of the party, in national convention a.s- semblcd, make the following declaration of princii)les : \. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By the combined workings of the national and state govern- ments, under their respective constitu- tions, the rights of every citizen are se- cureil, at home and abroad, and the com- mon welfare promoted. 2. The Republican party has pre-^erved these governments to the hundredth anni- versary of the nation's birth, and they are now embodiments of the great truths spo- ken at its cradle — '' That all men are cre- ated er^ual ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that for the at- tainment of these ends governments have been instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned." Until these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforced, the "work of the Republican party is un- finished. 3. The permanent pacification of the southern section of the Union, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican party stands sa- credly pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the princijjles embodied in the recent constitutional amendments ia vested, bv those amendments, in the Con- gress of the United States; and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legis- lative and executive departments of the government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their constitutional l)owers for removing any just causes of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all "civil, political, and public rights. To this end we imiHTatively de- mand a Congress and a Chief Executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are phued bevond dispute or recall. 4. In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant, the national government assumed to remove anv doubt of iis pur- 56 AMERICAN rOLITICS. pose to discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, and "solemnly pledged its lailh to make provision at the earliest practicable period for tlie redemption of the United States notes in coin." Com- iuerclal prosperity, }>ublie morals, and na- tional credit demand that this promise be fuifilled by a continuous and steady pro- gress to specie payment. 5. Under the constitution, the President and heads of departments are to make nominations for office, the Senate is to ad- vise and consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best in- terest of the public service demand that these distinctions be respected; that Sena- tors and Representatives who may be judges and accusers should not dictate ap- pointments to office. The invariable rule in appointments should have reference to the hone;;ty, fidelity, and capacity of the appointees, givii5g to the party in power those ])laces where harmony and vigor of administration require its policy to be rep- resented, but permitting all others to be tilled by persons selected with sole refer- ence to the efficiency of the public service, and the right of all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful service to the country. 6. We rejoice in the quickened con- science of tiie people concerning political aflairs, and will hold all public officers to d rigid responsibility, and engage that the prosecution and punishment of all who be- tray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, and unsparing. 7. The public school system of the several states is the bulwark of the American Re- public ; and, with a view to its security and permanence, we recommend an amend- ment to the constitution of the United States, forl)idding the application of any public funds or property for the benefit of any scliools or institutions under sectarian control. 8. The revenue necessary for current exjiciiditures, and the obligations of the public debt, must be largely derived from duties upon importations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to promote the interests of Anu'rican labor and ad- vance the prosperity of tlie whole country. 9. We reaffirm our opjiosition to further grants of ijie public lands to corporations and monojiolies, and demand that the na- tional domain be devoted to free homes for the peojile. 10. It is the imperative duty of the gov- ernment so to modify existing treaties with European governments, that the same pro- tection shall be afforded to the adopted American citizen that is given to the na- tive-born; and that all necessary laws should be passed to protect emigrants in the absence of power in the states for that purpose. 11. It is the immediate duty of Con- gress to fully investigate the effect of the immigration and importation of Mongo- lians upon the moral and material in- terests of the country. 12. The Republican party recognizes, with approval, the substantial advances recently made towards the establishment of equal rights for women by the many important amendments effected by Repub- lican legislatures in the laws which con- cern the personal and property relations of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the appointment and election of women to the superintendence of education, charities, and other public trusts. The honest de- mands of this class of citizens for addi- tional rights, privileges, and immunities, should be treated with resjjectful consider- ation. 13. The constitution confers upon Con- gress sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their government; and in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to j.mhibit and extirjiate, in the territories, that relic of barbarism — polygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end and the supremacy of American institu- tions in all the territories. 14. The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those who imperiled their lives for the country's preservation in the kindest remembrance. 15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies. We, therefore, note with deep solicitude that the Demo- cratic party counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the electoral vote of a united south, secured through the efforts of those who were recently arrayed against the na- tion ; and we invoke the earnest attention of the country to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would reopen sec- tional strife, and imperil national honor and human rights. 16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in chnracterand spirit as when it sympathized with treason ; with making its control of the Hou^se of Repre- sentatives the triumph and opportunity of the nation'3 recent foes ; with reasserting and ajiplauding, in the national capital, the sentiments of unrepentant rebellion ; with sending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting Confederate soldiers to the front ; with deliberately proposing to repu- diate the plighted faith of the government; with being equally false and imbecile upon the overshadowing financial questions; with thwarting the ends of justice by its partisan mismanagement and obstruction of investigation; with proving itself rOLITICAL PLATFORMS. 57 throiip:li the period of its ascendeney in the hiwor house of Congress, utterly in- competent to udniiniHter tiie p>vernnient ; and we \v irn tiie eountry ap^ainst trustinir a party thus alilie unworthy, reereant, and in -apable. 17. The national administration merits eo nmeiuiat On for its iionorable worlc in the manatrenient of domestie and foreign affairs, and ['resident (Jrant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the Ameri- can people lor iiis patriotism and his emi- nent scrviees in war and in peace. 18. We present, as our eandichites for President and Viee-Presitk'nt of the United States, two distinsruislied statesmen, ol eminent ability and character, and con- spicuously fitted for those hitrh oHices, and we confiilently appeal to the American j)eople to intrust the administration of their public affairs to Rutherford li. Hayes and William A. Wheeler. 1870.— Democratic Platform. .S(. Louis, Mo., June 27. We, the delegates of the Democratic party of the I'nited States, in national con- vention assembled, do hereby declare the administration of the Federal government to be in uri;ent need of immediate reform ; do hereby enjoin upon the nominees ol this convention, and of the Democratic party in each state, a zealous effort and co- operation to this end ; and do hereby ap- peal to our fellow-citizens of every former political connection to undertake, with us, this first and most pressing patriotic duty. For the Democracy of the whole coun- try, we do here reaffirm our faith in the per- manence of the Federal Union, our devo- tion t') the constitution of the United States, with its amendments universally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engendered civil war, and do here re- cord our steadfast confidence in the per- petuity of republican self-government. In absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority — the vital principle of repub- lics; in the supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; in the total separation of chureh and state, for the sake alike oi civil and religious freedom ; in the equal- ity of all citizens before just laws of their own enactment ; in the liberty of indi- vidual conduct, unvexed by sumptuary laws; in the faithful education of tlie ris- ing generation, that they may preserve, enjoy, and transmit these best conditions of human happiness and hope — we behold the noblest products of a hundred years of changefid history; but while upho'ding the bond of our I'nion and great charter of these our rights, it behooves a free peo- ple to practice also that eternal vigilance which is the price of liberty. Reform is necessary to rebuild and e«- tablisb in the hcartu of the wiiole peop!o the Union, ek'v»n yearw ago hapj»ily nw- cue(l fnnu the danger of a seeession of states, but now to i)t* saved from a corrupt centralism which, after inflicting upurposcs, and Mongolian men, held to ])erlorm servile labor contracts and demand such modification of the treaty with the Chinese Empire, or such legisla- tion within constitutional limitations, as shall prevent further importation or immi- gration of the Mongolian race. Reform is necessary, and can never be elTected but by making it the controlling issue of the elections, and lifting it above the two false issues with which the office- holding class aud the party in power seek to smother it : 1. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian strife in respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and support belongs exclusively to the several states, and which the Democratic party has cherished from their foundation, and is resolved to maintain, without preju- dice or preference for any class, sect, or creed, and without largesses from the trea- sury to any, 2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew the dying embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged, but now reunited in one indivisible re- public and a common destiny. Reform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves that efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief re- ward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public employ ; that the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men, nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, prosniscs, falsified in the per- formance, attest that the party in power can work out no practical or salutary re- form. Reform is necessarv^ even more, in the higher grades of the public service. Presi- dent, Vice-President, Judges, Senators, Representatives, Cabinet officers — these, and all others in authority — are the people's servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite ; they are a public trust. When the annals of this Republic show the dis- grace and censure of a Vice-President ; a late Speaker of the House of Representa- tives marketing his rulings as a presiding officer ; three Senators profiting secretly by their votes as law-makers ; five chairmen of the leading committees of the late House of Representatives exposed in jobbery ; a late Secretary of the Treasury forcing ba- lances in the public accounts; a late At- \ torney-General misappro])riating public \ funds ; a Secretary of the Navy enriched, , or enriching friends, by percentages levied . off the profits of contractors with his de- partment ; an Ambassador to England con- cerned in a dishonorable speculation ; the POLITICAL r L A T F U U M S . President's private se(Tct;iry barely esoap- iiiarty, lest the disease of one poli- tical orLrani/.ati(»n infeet the body politic, and lest by niakini; no ehanjxe of men or parties we jiet no change of measures and no real ref(U"m. All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes — the product of sixteen years' ascendency of the liepunlican party — create a necessity for reform, confessed by the Republicans themselves; but their reformers are voted down in convention and displaced from the cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the 80,000 office-hold- ers, its leaders and guides. Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a change of system, a change of administration, a change of parties, that we may have a change of measures and of men. Resolved, That this convention, repre- senting the Democratic party of the United States, do cordially indorse the action of the present House of Representatives, in re- ducing and curtailing the expenses of the Federal government, in cutting down sa- laries and extravagant appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and places not required by the public necessities; and we shall trust to the firmness of the Democra- tic members of the House that no commit- tee of conference and no misinterpretation of the rules will be allowed to defeat these wholesome measures of economy demanded by the country. Rcsah-ed, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the widows and or- phans of those who have fallen in battle, have a just claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude of their fellow-citizens. 1878. -National Platform. Toledo, OhiofFtbrmiry 22. Whereas^ Throughout our entire country the value of real estate is depreciated, in- dustry paralyzed, trade depressed, business incomes and wages reduced, unparalleled distress inflicted upon the poorer and mid- dle ranks of our people, the land fdled with fraud, embezzlement, bankruptcy, crime, suffering, pauperism, and starvation ; and Whereax, This state of things has been brought about by legislation in the interest of, and dictated by, money-lenders, bankers and bondholders ; and Whprea.t, While we recognize the fact that the men in Congress connected with (he old political [>arties liavo stood up man- fully for the ri'/hts of the ])cople, and met (he threats of the money jiower, and ther capita of the I)0[)ulation as near as may be, and other- wise regulatin;; its value by wise and equi- table provisions of law. so that the rate of interest will secure to labor its ju-t reward. Fifth. It is inconsistent with the genius of popular government that anv a;iecies of private property should be exempt frcm 60 AMERICAN rOLITICS. bearing i;s proper share of the public burdeus. Govenunent bon(L-i uiid money should be 'axed precisely as other jn-operty, and a graduated income tax should be levied lor the sup])ort of the government and the payment of its debts. Sixth. I'u'olic lands are the common property of the wlude people, and should not be sold to speculators nor granted to railroads or other corporations, but should be donated to actual settlers, in limited quantitie-;. Seventh. The government should, by gen- eral enac'.meuts, encourage the develop- ment of our agricultural, mineral, mecha- nical, manufacturing, and commercial re- sources, to the end that labor may be fully and profitably employed ; but no monopo- lies should be legalized. Eighth. All useless offices should be abol- ished, the mo.jt rigid economy favored in every branch of the public service, and severe punishment inflicted upon public officers who betray the trusts reposed in them. Ninth. As educated labor has devised means for multiplying productions by in- ventions and discoveries, and as their use requires the exercise of mind as well as body, such legislation should be had that the number of hours of daily toil will be reduced, giving to the working classes more leisure for mental improvement and their several enjoyments, and saving them from premature decay and death. Tenth. The adoption of an American monetary system, as proposed herein, will hariuonize all differences in regard to tariff and federal taxation, reduce and equlize the cost of transportation by land and water, distribute equitably the joint earn- ings of capital and labor, secure to the f>roducer3 of wealth the results of their abor and skill, and muster out of service the vast army of idlers, who, under the existing system, grow rich upon the earn- ings of others, that every man and woman may, by their own efforts, secure a compe- tency, so that overgrown fortunes and ex- treme poverty will be seldom found within the limits of our re}aiblic. Eleventh. lioth national and state govern- ments should establish bureaus of labor and industrial statistics, clothed with the power of gathering and publishing the same. Twelfth. That the contract system of em- ploying labor in our prisons and reforma- tory institutions works great injustice to our mechanics and artisans, and should be prohibited. l^.iirtecnih. The importation of servile labor into the United States irom China is a problem of the most serious importance, and we recommend legislation looking to its suppreSvsion. Fourteenth. We believe in the supremacy of law over and above all perishable ma- terial, and in the necessity of a party of united people that will rise above old party lines and itrcjudiccs. We will not affiliate in any degree with any of the old parties, but, in all cases and localities, will organize anew, as united National men — nominate for office and official positions onlj"^ such persons as are clearly believers in and identified with this our sacred cause ; and, irrespective of creed, color, place of birth, or past condition of political or other serv- itude, vote only for men who entirely abandon old party lines and organizations. 1879.— National Liberal Platform. Cincinnati, Ohio, Septemlwr 14. 1. Total separation of Church and State, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution ; including the equitable taxation of church property, se- cularization of the public schools, abroga- tion of Sabbatarian laws, abolition of chap- laincies, prohibition of public appropria- tions for religious purposes, and all mea- sures necessary to the same general end. 2. National protection for national citi- zens in their equal civil, political, and re- ligious rights, to be guaranteed by amend- ment of the United States constitution and alTorded through the United States courts. 3. Universal education, the basis of uni- versal suffrage in this secular Republic, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution, requiring every state to maintain a thoroughly secularized public school system, and to permit no child within its limits to grow up without a good elementary education. 1880.— Independent Republican Principles. I. Independent Republicans adhere to the republican principles of national supre- macy, sound finances, and civil service re- form, expressed in the Republican plat- form of 1876, in the letter of acceptance of President Hayes, and in his nnssnge of 1879; and they seek the reali/:ation of those principles in practical laws and their efficient administration. This requires, 1. The continuance on the statute-book of laws protecting the rights of voters at national elections. Cut national supre- macy affords no pretext for interference with the local rights of communities; and the development of the south from its pre- sent defective civilization can be secured only under constitutional methods, such aa those of President Hayes. 2. The passage of laws which shall de- prive greenbacks of their legal-tender quality, as a first step toward their ulti- POLITICAL PLATFORMS. Gl mate witlulrawal and canct'Uatinn, and shall iriaiiitaiii all coins made kj^al tender at siuh weij^ht and fineness as wdl enabU- tiiem to 1h' used witliout f>iieaiits for noiuiiiatitm or appointment to all non-political oflices. II. Independent Republicans believe that local issues should oe indei)endent of l)arty. The words Kepub'.iean and Demo- crat should have no weight in detenuining whether a school or city shall be adminis- tered on business principles by capable men. With a view to this, legislation is asked which shall prescribe for the voting for local and for state officers upon sepa- rate ballots. III. Independent Rcimblicans assert that a political party is a co-operatioa of voters to secure the ])ractical enactment into legislation of political convictions set forth as its [>latl'orm. Every voter accejit- ing that platlbrni is a member of that party; any rejjrcscntativeof that party op- posing the principles or evading the pro- mises of it.5 platform forfeits the support of its voters. No voter should be held by the action or nomination of any caucus or convention of his party against his private judgment. It is his duty to vote against bad mea Hires and unfit men, as the only means of obtaining good ones; and if his party no biiiger represents its professed princii)les in its practical workings, it is his duty to vote against it. IV. Independent Republicans seek good nominations through participation in the primaries and through the defeat of bad nominees ; they will labor for the defeat of any local Republican candidate, and, in co-operation with those holding like views elsewhere, for the defeat of any general Republican candidate whom they do not deem tit. 18S0. Repnbllcan Platform. ChiC(ujo, lUinoU, June2. The Republican party, in national con- Tention assembled, at the end of twenty years since the Federal government was first committed to its charge, submits to the poojilc of the United States its brief report of its administration : It sun])ressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million of men to subvert the national authority. It reconstructed the union of the states with freedom, in- stead of slavery, as it« corner-st-ono. It transformed f0,000,000 in the same time ; and our exports, whiL'h were !^20,- 000,000 less than our imports in \W), were $2G4,000,000 more than our imports in 1879. Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary ex- penses of government, besides the accruing interest on the public debt, and disbursed, annually, over $30,000,000 for soldiers' pensions. It has paid $888,000,000 of the I)ublic debt, and, by refunding the balance at lower rates, has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly :f-lol,(;U0,000 to less than $89,000,000. All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire coun- try there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed. Upon this record, the Republican party asks for the continued confidence and sup- port of the people; and this convention submits for their approval the following statement of the i)rinciples and ])urposc3 which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts : 1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty years has been such as to com- mend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the fruits of the costly victories whieh we have achieved, through immense diffi- culties, should lie preserved; that the peace regained should be cherished; that the dissevered Union, now ha]>i>ily restored, should be perpetuated, and that the liber- ties secured to this generation should be transmitted, undiminished, to future gene- rations; that the order established and the credit acquired should never be impaired; that the pensions promised shonhl be paid; that the debt so much reduced .should be extinguished by the full payment of every ilollar thereof; that the revivimr industrica should be further promoted ; and that the 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. commerce, already so great, should be steadily encouraged. 2. The constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a mere contract ; out ol' confederate states it made a sove- reign nation. Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are denied to states ; but the boundary between the pow- ers delegated and those reserved is to be determined by the national and not by the state tribunals. 3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the several states, but it is the duty of the national government to aid that work to the extent of its constitu- tional ability. The intelligence of the na- tion is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the several states ; and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the genius of any one state, but by the aver- age genius of all. 4. The constitution wisely forbids Con- gress to make any law respecting an es- tablishment of religion; but it is idle to hope that the nation can be protected against the influences of sectarianism while each state is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recommend that the constitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibi- tion upon the legislature of each state, to forbid the appropriation of public funds to the iiupport of sectarian schools. 5. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 187G, that the duties levied for the pur- pose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor American labor ; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to any railway or other corporation ; that slavery having perished in the states, its twin barbarity — polygamy — must die in the territories ; that everywhere the pro- tection accorded to citizens of American birth must be secured to citizens by Ameri- can adoption. That we esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and im[irove our v.'a'er-courses and harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private persons or cor- porations must cease. That the obliga- tions of the republic to the men who pre- served its integrity in the day of battle are undiminished by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory — to do them perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the grateful privilege and sacred duty of the American people. 6. Since the authority to regulate immi- gration and intercourse between the United States and foreign nations rests with the Congress of the United States and its treaty-making powers, the Republican ))arty, rejrarding the unrestricted immigra- tion of the Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of that power to restrain and limit that immigra- tion by tlieenactmentof such just, humane, SI nd reasonable provihious as will j^roduce that result. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the early career of Ruther- ford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the thoughts of our immediate pre- decessors to select him for a presidential candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as chief executive, and that history will accord to his administration the honors which are due to an efiicient, just, and courteous discharge of the public business, and will honor his interposition between the people and proposed partisan laws. 8. We charge iipon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of j^atriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office and patronage. That to ol:)tain pos- session of the national and state govern- ments, and the control of place and position, they have obstructed all effi)rts to promote the purity and to conserve the freedom of suffrage ; have devised fraudulent certifi- cations and returns ; have labored to un- seat lawfully-elected members of Congress, to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a ma- jority of the states in the House of Repre- sentatives ; have endeavored to occupy, by force and fraud the places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by the courageous action of jNIaine's pa- triotic sons ; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, at- tached partisan legislation to apjiropria- tion bills, upon whose passage the very movements of government depend ; have crushed the rights of the individual; have advocated the principle and sought the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable results of nationality, personal freedom, and individual equality. Equal, steady, and complete enforcement of the laws, and protection of all our citizens in the enjoymetit of all privileges and im- munities guaranteed by the constitution, are the first duties of the nation. The dan- ger of a solid south can only be averted by the faithful performance of every promise which the nation made to the citizen. The execution of the laws, and the punishment of all those who violate them, are the only safe methods by which an enduiing peace can be secured, and genuine pn^perity es- tablished throughout the south. What- ever promises the nation makes, the na- tion must perform ; and the nation can not with safety relegate this duty to the states. The solid south must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all opinions must there find free expression ; and to this end honest voters must be pro- tected against terrorism, violence, or fraud. And we affirm it to be the duty and the purpose of the Republican party to use all legitimate means to restore all the states of this Union to the most perfect harmony POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 03 which may be practicable ; and we submit to the |.ractiLal. soiisible people of tliu United St.it(.-s to say wlietlier it would not l>e dan- gerous t I the dearest interests of our eoun- try, at this time to surrender tlie adminis- tration ot" tlu' national [government to a jKirty which si-eks to overthrow the exist- injij polie/, under which we are so prosper- ous, and thus bring distrust and contusion where there is now order, conhdence, and hope. 1>. The Repu')liean ]>:'rty, ailhering to a princ'ple atiirmeil by its last national vnn- vention, of respect for the constitutional rule eovering appointments to oiiiee, atlopts the declaration of President Hayes, tiiat the ref irm of tlic civil service sliould be thorough, radical, j\nd complete. To this end it dem.iiuls the co-operation of the legislative with the executive dejiartment of the government, and that Congress shall so legislate tliat fitness, ascertained by proper i)ractical tests, shall admit to the public service ; and that the power of re- moval for cause, with due responsibility for the good conduct of i-uhordinates, shall accompany the power of appointment. 18S0.— National (Greriiljack) Platform, CViMdjo, IUiiioL\. June 9. The civil gnvernnienc should guarantee the divine right of every laborer to the re- sults of his toil, thus enabling the pro- ducers of wealth to provide themselves with the means for physical comtbrt, and facilities for mental, social, and moral cul- ture; and we condemn, as unworthy of our civilization, the barbarism which imposes upon wealth-producers a state of drudgery as the price of a bare animal existence. Notwithstanding the enormous increase of productive power by the universal intro- duction of labor-saving machinery and the discovery of new agents for the increase of wealth, the task of the laborer is scarcely lightened, the hours of toil are but little shortened, and tew producers are lilted from jtoverty into comtbrt and pecuniary indepen lence. The associated monopolies, the international syndicates, and other in- come classes demand dear money, cheap labor, and a strong government, and, hence, a weak people. Corporate control of the volume of money has been the means of dividing society into hostile classes, of an unjust distribution of the products of labor, and of buildin<^ up monopolies of associat^'d capital, endowed with power to confiscate private property. It has kept money scarce ; and the scarcity of money enforces debt-trade, and public and cor- porate loans ; debt engenders usury, and usury ends in the bankrui)tcy of the bor- rower. Other results are — deranged mar- kets, uncertainty in manufacturing enter- prises ami agriculture, precarious and intermitient ini|doymeiit for tiie lahopT. indu-ifrial war, increasing pauperism and crime, and tlie eonseipu-nt intimid.ition ami dislVanchisemeiit oi' tlie producer, and a rapid deelensifiu into corporate feudalism. Tlierefore, we d'clare — Firxt. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign power, to be main- taimtl by the people tor tiieir common heiieht. The delegation of thi.s right to corporations is a surrender of the central attrihnle of sovereignty, void of constitu- tional sanction, and conferring u|)on a sub- ordinate and irresponsilile power an abso- lute dominion over industry and commerce. All money, whether metallic or paper, should be issued, and its volnme c<)ntrolled, liy till' government, and not by or through haidcing corjiorations ; ami, when so issuetl, slKuUd be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private. Srcfuid. That the bonds of the United States should not be refunded, but jiaid as rapinth. ^Ve denounce as dangerous the efforts everywhere manifest to restrict the right of sutfrage. Eleventh. We are opposed to an increase , of the standijig army in time of peace, and the insidious scheme to establish an enor- mous military power under the guise of militia laws. Ticelfth. We demand absolute democra- tic rules for the government of Congress, placing all representatives of the people upon an equal footing, and taking away from committees a veto power greater than that of the President. Thirteenth. AVe demand a government of the people, by the people, and for the peo- ple, instead of a government of the bond- holder, by the bondholder, and for the bondholder; and we denounce every at- tempt to stir up sectional strife as an effort to conceal monstrous crimes against the people. Fourteenth. In the furtherance of these ends we ask the co-operation of all fair- minded people. We have no quarrel with individuals, wage no war on classes, but only against vicious institutions. ^V^e are not content to endure further discipline from our present actual rulers, who, having dominion over money, over transportation, over land and labor, over the i>ress and the machinery of government, wield unwar- rantable power over our institutions and over life and property. ISSO.— Prohibition Reform Platform, Cliyveland, Ohio, Jnne 17. The prohibition Ileform party of the United States, organized, in the name of the iieople, to revive, enforce, and perpetu- ate in the government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, submit, for tin* suffrage of all good citizens, the follow- ing platform of national reforms and mea- sures : In the examination and discussion of the temperance question, it has been proven, and is an accepted truth, that alcoholic drinks, whether iermented, brewed, or dis- tilled, are poisonous to the healthy human body, the drinking of which is not only needless but hurtful, necessarily tending to form intemperate habits, increasing greatly the lumiber, severity, and fatal termina- tion of diseases, weakening and deranging the intellect, polluting the atfectious, hard- ening the heart and torruijting the morals, depriving many of reason and still more of its healthful exercise, and annually bring- ing down large numbers to untimely graves, producing, in the children of many who drink, a predisposition to intemperance, insanity, and various bodily and mental diseases, causing diminution of strength, feebleness of vision, fickleness of purpose, and premature old age, and inducing, in all future generations, deterioration of moral and physical character. Alcoholic drinks are thus the implacable foe of man as an individual. First. The legalized importation, manu- facture, and sale of intoxicating drinks ministers to their use, and teaches the erro- neous and destructive sentiment that such use is right, thus tending to produce and perfietuate the above mentioned evils. Second. To the home it is an enemy — • proving itself to be a disturber and de- stroyer of its peace, prosperity, and happi- ness ; taking from it the earnings of the husband ; depriving the dependent wife and children of essential food, clothing, and education ; bringing into it profanity, abuse, and violence ; setting at naught the vows of the marriage altar; breaking up the family and sundering the children from the parents, and thus destroying one of the most beneficent institutions of our Cre- ator, and removing the sure foundation of good government, national j^rosperity, and welfare. Third. To the community it is equally an enemy — producing vice, demoralization, and wickedness ; its places of sale being resorts of gaming, lewdness, and debauch- ery, and the hiding-jjlace of those who })rey upon society ; counteracting the efficacy of religious effort, and of all means of intellectual elevation, moral purity, social hap])iness, and the eternal good of mankind, without rendering any counter- acting or comj)ensating benefits; being in its inlluence and effect evil and only evil, and that continually. Fourth. To the state it is equally an enemy— legislative inquiries, judicial inves- tigations, and official reports of all penal, reformatory, and dependent institutions showing that the manufacture and sale of such beverages is the promoting cause o£ I'ljLmCAL PL ATI' oil M.S. 65 iiitein;>"rimi'0, criino, and ])au]>iri>in, ami ni' (L'liianls upon pulilic ami private charily, i:nj)()>in,j: tlio larj^i-r part of taxation, jiara- ly/.ing tnrift, industry, inanulactures, and ciiinnit'rcial lilt", wliicli, Init tor it, would be unnecessary ; di>iurliin<^ the peace ni streets and highways; filling prisons and poor-houses; corrupting politics, legisla- tion, anil the execution (jl'thc laws; short- ening lives; diniinishing healtii, industry, and productive power in nianulacturcs and art; and is manifestly unjust as well as injurious to the cunununity upon which it is imposed, and is contrary to all just views ot" civil liberty, as well as a violation of the fundamental maxim of our common law, to use your own proi)erty or liberty so as not to injure otliers. Fiftk. It is neither right nor politic for the state to afford legal protection to any traffic or any system which tends to waste the resources, to corrupt the social habits, and to destroy the heauii and lives of ihe people; that tiie importation, manufacture, au'l sale of intoxicating beverages is proven to be inimical to the true interests of the individual home, community, and state, and destructive to the order and wel- fare of society, and ought, tlierefore, to be classed among crimes to be prohibited. Sixth, In this ti;no of profound peace at home and abroad, the entire separation of the general govemnii-nt from the drink- traffic, and its prohibition in the District of Columbia, territories, and in all places and ways over which, under the constitu- tion, Congress has control and power, is a political issue of the lirst importance to the peace and prosperity of the nation. There can be no stable peace and protection to personal liberty, lif?, or property, until secured by national or state constitutional provisions, enforced by adequate laws. Seventh. All legitimate industries require deliverance from the taxation and loss which the liquor traffic imposes upon them ; and financial or other legislation could not accomplish so much to increase production and cause q demand for labor, and, as a result, for the comforts of living, as the suppression of thi^ traffic would bring to thousands of homes as one of its blessings. Eighth. The administration of the gov- ernment and the execution of the laws are through piditical parties ; iind we arraign the Republican party, which has been in continuous power in tlic nation for twenty years, as being false to d'.it}% as fal>e to loudly-proclaimed principles of equal jus- tice to all and special favors to n me, and of protection to the we ik and dependent, insensible to the mischief which the trade in liquor has constantly inflicted upon in- dustry, trade, commerce, and the social happiness of the people ; that 5,6")2 dis- tilleries, 3,830 breweries, and ir5,"Jtj(3 places for the sale of these poisonous liquors, in- volving an annual waste to th" nttion of one million live huiulred thousantancc has an original prohibitory law been pa-wed by any state that was controlled by it, while in four states, so governed, the laws f<>ua(l on its advint to jjower have been repealed. .\t its national cnnvention in 1.S72, it de- clared, as part of all ages, climes, an 1 conditions of men, declaring their bu.siness destructive of all good — finding no support in the Bible, morals, or reason — aj)i)cal to misapplied law for their justification, and intrench themselves behind the evil cle- menta of politic-al party for defen.se, party tactics and party inertia become battling forces, pr.tectlng this evil. Eleventh. In view of the foregoing f.'.cts ■ind history, we cordially invite all voters, without regard to former party affiliations, to unite with lis in the use of the billot f'r the alxditionof the dripking .system, under the authority of our national and st:ite governments. We also dcjnand, as a right, that women, having the privileges of citi- zens in other respecti, be clothed with the 66 AMERICAN POLITICS. ballot for their protection, and as a rightful means for the proper settlement of the liquor question. Ihceljih. To remove the apprehension of some wlu) allege that a loss oi public rev- enue wuuld follow the suppression of the direct tj-ade, we confidently point to the experience of governments abroad and at home, which sliows that thrift and revenue from tiie consumption of legitimate manu- lactures and commerce have so largely fol- lowed the abolition of drink as to fully su]i[>ly all loss of liquor taxes. Tidrtcenth. We recognize the good provi- dence of Almighty God, who has preserved and prospered us as a nation ; and, asking lor His Spirit to guide us to ultimate suc- cess, we all look for it, relying upon His omnipotent arm. 1880.— Democratic Platform, Cincinnali, Ohio, June 22. The Democrats of the United States, in onvetition assembled, declare : First. We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and traditions ot the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings and examples of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots, and embodied in the platform of the last na- tional convention of the party. Second. Opposition to centralization, and to th.'it dangerous spirit of encroach- ment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the forn; of government, a real despotism ; no sumptuary laws ; separation of the church and state for the good of each ; common schools fostered and protected. Tiiird. Home rule; honest money, con- sisting of gold and silver, and paper, con- vertible into coin on demand ; the strict maintenance of the public faith, state and national ; and a tariff for revenue only ; the subordination of the military to the civil power ; and a general and thorough reform of the civil service. Fnurih. The right to a free ballot is a right preservative of all rights ; and must and shnll be maintained in every part of the United States. Fifth. The existing administration is the rei")resentativc of conspiracy only ; and its claim of right to snrround the ballot-boxes •with troops and deputy marshals, to in- timidate and obstruct the elections, and the unjirecedented use of tlie veto to main- tiiin its corrupt and despotic jtower, insults the people and imperils their institutions. We execrate the course of this iidministra- tion in making f)laces in the ( ivil service a reward for political crime ; and demand a reform, by statute, which shall make it for- ever impossible for a defeated candidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting villains U2)on the peoi)le. Sixth. The great fraud of 187G-7, by which, upon a false count of the electoral votes of two states, the candidate defeated at the polls was declared to be President, and, for the first time in American history, the will of the })e()i)le was set aside under a threat of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representa- tive government. The Democratic party, to preserve the country irom the horrors of a civil war, submitted for the time, in the firm and patriotic belief that the people would iiunish the crime in 1880. This is- sue precedes and dwarfs every other. It imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of the Union than ever addressed the con- sciences of a nation of freemen. Scoenth. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden, not again to be a candidate for the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority of his countrymen, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of the Itcpublican party, is received by the Democrats of the United States with deep sensibility ; and they declare their confi- dence in his wisdom, patriotism, and in- tegrity unshaken by the assaults of the common enemy ; and they further assure him that he is followed into the retirement he has chosen for himscli by the sympathy and respect of his fellow-citizens, who re- gard him as one Avho, by elevating the standard of the public morality, and adorn- ing and purifying the public service, merits the lasting gratitude of his country and his [tarty. Eighth. Free ships, and a living chance for American commerce upon the seas ; and on the land, no discrimination in favor \J of transportation lines, corporations, or monopolies. Ninth. Amendments of theBurlingame treaty ; no moi"e Chinese immigration, ex- cept for travel, education, and foreign com- merce, and, therein, carefully guarded. Tenth. Public money and public credit for public purposes solely, and public land for actual settlers. Eleventh. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike against the cormorants and the commune. Twelfth. We congratulate the country upon the honesty and thrift of a Demo- cratic Congress, which has reduced the public expenditure $10,000,000 a year; upon the continuation of prosjierity at home and the national honor abroad; and, above all, upon the promise of such a change in the administration of the govern- ment as shall insure a genuine and lasting refonn in every department of the public service. POLITICAL P L A T F I : M S . 67 Virginia Republican. [Adopted Auffwit 11.] Whereas, It is proper tluit wlu'ii tho people a.-4sonil)lo in convention they .^lii^uld uvow distinctly the principles of govern- ment on which they stund ; now, thurutbrc, he it, licnoh'cd. That wo, tlie Piepublicans of Virginia, horcl)y make a declaration of onr allegiance and adhesion to the princijiles of the Jvcpnhlican party dI' the conntry, and our determination to stand s(juarely by the oriianization of the Kennblican party of Virginia, always defemling it against the assaults of all persons or parties what- soever. Sccand. That amongst the principles of the Kepublican ]>arty none is of more vital importance to tlie welfare and interest of the country in all it,s parts than that which pertains to the sanctity of Government contracts. It therefore becomes the special duty and j)rovince of the Republican party of Virginia to guard and protect the credit of our time-honored .State, which has been besmirched with repudiation, or received with distrust, by the gross mismanagement of various factions of the Democratic party, which have controlled the legisla- tion of the State. Third. That the Republican party of Virginia liereby pledges itself to redeem the State from the discredit that now hangs over her in regard to her just obligations for moneys loaned her for constructing her internal improvements and charitable in- stitutions, which, permeating every quarter of the State, bring benefits of far greater value th m their cost to our whole people, and we in the most solemn form pledge the Republican party of the State to the full payment of the whole debt of the State, less the one-third set aside as justly falling on "West Virginia ; that the industries of the country sliould be fostered through ])ro- tective laws, so as to develop our own re- sources, employ our own labor, create a home market, enhance values, and promote the happiness and prosperity of the people. Fi>iir(h. That the public school system of Virginia is the creature of the Repub- iicaa party, and we demand that every dollar the Constitution dedicates to it shall be sacredly applied thereto as a means of educating the children of the State, with- out reg.ird to condition or race. Fifth. That tiie elective franchise as an equal right should be based on manhood qualification, and that we favor the repeal of the ref revenue for the support of the public ttchuold with* out its disfranchising ell'ect.s. Stxlh. That we fav(»r the repeal of tho disciualilication for tlie elective franchise by a convicti(jn of petty larceny, and of the infamous laws which place it in tlie power of a single justice ot the peace (ofl- tiines being more corrupt than the criminal before him) to disfranchise his fellow-man. SWcnfh. Finally, that we urge the repeal of the barbarous law permitting tjie im- position of strijjcs as degrading and inhu- man, contrary to the genius of a true an„crely Virginia invites all men into her borders as visitors or to become citizens without fear of social or jjolitical ostracism ; that every man, from whatever j section of country, shall enjoy the fullest freedom of thought, speech, politics and religion, and that the State which first formulated these principles as fundamental in free government is yet the citadel for their exercise and j)rotcction. Virginia Democratic. [Adopted August 4.j The Conservative Democratic party of Virginia — Democratic in its Federal rela- tions and Conservative in its State policy — assembled in convention, in view of the present condition of the Union and of this Commonwealth, for the clear and distinct assertion of its political principles, doth declare that we adopt the following articles of political faith : First. Equality of right and exact jus- tice to all men, special privileges to none; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of the person under the pro- tection of the habeas corpus ; of trial by juries impartially selected, and of a pure, upright and non-partisan judiciaiy ; elec- tions by the people, free from force or fraud of citizens or of the military and civil of- ficers of Government ; and the selection for public offices of those who are honest and best fitted to fill them ; the support of the State governments in all their rights as the most competent administrations of our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies ; and the preservation of the General Govern- ment in its whole constitutional vigor as the best sheet-anchor of our peace at home and our safety abroad. Second. That the maintenance of the public credit of Virginia is an essential means to the promotion of her prosperity. We condemn repudiation in every shape and form as a blot upon her honor, a blow at her permanent welfare, and an obstacle to her progress in wealth, influence and power ; and that we will make every effort to secure a settlement of the public debt, with the consent of her creditors, which is consistent with her honor and dictated by justice and sound public policy; that it is eminently desirable and proper that the several classes of the debt now existing should be unified, so that equality, which is equity, may control in the annual pay- ment of interest and the ultimate redemp- tion of principal ; that, with a view of se- curing such equality, wc pledge our party to use all lawful authority to secure a settle- ment of the State debt so that there shall be but one class of the public debt; that we will use all lawful and constitutional means in our power to secure a settlement POLITICAL I'LATl-'ORMS. 69 of the State debt upon the basis of a 3 per cent, bund, and that the Couservative- Deinocratic party ph'd;jjes itself, as a part of its polity, ni)t to increase the present rate ol' taxation. Third. Tliat we will Uphold, in its full constitutional inte>:;rity and ellicieney, our j)ul)lic-seh()ol system lor the education of i)oth white and colored children — a system inaui^uraled by the Constitution of the State and established by the action of the Conservative party years before it was re- auired by the Constitution ; and will take le most effectual means for the faithful execution of the same by applyinji^ to its support all the revenues set apart for that object by the Constitution or otherwise. Fourth. Uj)on this declaration of prin- ciples we cordially invite the co-operation of all Conservative Democrats, whatever may have been or now are their views upon the public debt, in the election of the nominees of this Convention and in the maintenance of the supremacy of the Democratic party in this State. Resnh-cd, fnrther, That any intimation, coming from any (Quarter, that the Con- .servative-D.'mocratic party of Virginia has been, is now, or proposes to be, opposed to an honest ballot and a fair count, is a calumiy upon the State of Virginia asun- fountled in fact as it is dishonorable to its authors. That special efforts be made to foster and encourage the agricultural, mechanical, mining, manufacturing and other indus- trial interests of the State. That, in common with all good citizens of the Union, we reflect with deep abhor- rence u,ion the crime of the man who aimed a blow at the life of the eminent citizen wlio was called by the constitutional voice of fifty millions of people to be the President of the United States ; and we tender to him and to his friends the sym- pathy and respect of this Convention and of those we represent, in this great calam- ity, and our hearty desire for his complete restoration to health and return to the dis- charge of his important duties, for the wel- fare and honor of our common country. COMPARISON OF PLATFORM PLANRS ON GREAT POLITICAL QUESTIONS. General Part}' Doctrine*. DEMOCRATIC. 1806— That the liberal principles embodied by Jeffer- son in the Declara- tion of Independ- ence, and sanctioned in the Constitutii>n, which makes ours REPUBLICAN. 1856— That the maintenance of the principles promul- gated in the Decla- ration of Independ- ence and embodied in the Federal Con- stitution, is essential PEMOrUATIC. Uie land of liberty and the axijhim of the oppressed o f every nation, have ever been cardin:il principles in t h c Democratic faith; ami every attempt to abri be filled by persons selected witli sole reference to the effi- ciency of the i)ublic service, and the right of all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faith- ful service to the country. [Plank .0. 1S80 — The Re- pul)lican party, ad- hering to the nrin- ciple.s affirmed by its last National Convention of re- spect for the Consti- tutional rules gov- erning ap po i nt- ments to office, adopts the declara- tion of President Hayes, that the re- form of the civil ser- vice should be tho- rough, radical and complete. To this end it demands the co-operation of the legislative with the executive d e j) art- ments of the Gov- ernment, and that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by pro- per praitical teats, shall admit to the public service. 80 TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTOR AL VOTE. 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' d. d. o. «o t- O C< !?* c^ o lO lO lO O O lO .— 1 1-H 1-H 1-H 1— 1 Cl C^ C* CO •* CO 1 o * ^ - ,. o «=; »>OOOOiMOO cL cL -• o o oooooo»oo p2 1 ^ ^ "^ IM CO ^ CO CO CO CO CO ^ 5 o o o o CO eo CO CO ^ ^ . -.H . -O a a a a a a a ^ o o . > . . ■• - • o >. >. ^ ^ a> (h o . . « - '-"•■* J - s. ■• - o (i4 ^H ^ ^< -• « ;h V Oi a> p* . V. V •« ■• ^ 5 -2 ^ , 0) a<»._o, . , , o - - - - o oo--**- - - - ^H kl a. b "^ t" it (1. -*» ftp, p. kOU30vOiO>Ot-000»-l rH rH O Ci d ^ ^ a> _^^_^COiq(M«» ■M (» a 7<> f^ "3 OD 3 6 (^ 00 00 ^H 3 3 O a — ." 1-H a> m - p, S . Oi . . . p, - - - : ^ g rot)" ^(i' g 1 Si CQ «OC^IN!MOO c^ooo lO o o OOO^O-^JflMO^OOOO rt rt _ C^ (M :(( (M cj ir< * 1-H (M _ ,-H rH ,H ^ ;2 £ ti) I § P. ; 3 c : i - J - 3 ; ; Q> p. : ■: 3 oo £ - 2 ; - - 5 o u, o eOOOOOOOOOQOOOtO iCOvO o U3 vO O "5 1-H f-H I— ( 1-H T- H i-H ,-1 05 IM CS CS rt 1-H M C^ ^ £ fi : r r ; - - ; - : " :: a> (i : : : - " - - i -*»T»<^ioiavoioo>oiou5 !M -* <* lO lO c^ 1— £ «J x> ^ jQ J3 : a '^ a — r- : a, - - : : ' : = - : ; = * "-So--"" : oi fc" P« 3 a O -2 a. rn • M « O. U O. ^ ^ " -•l HP« -4n Hn -*< - ^ ■^ CD OC 8 2 c>^ 00 -H ^ J3 ^ ^ 2 ■* 00 00 00 c 0( t-l 00 -^fi 1-H 00 ?^ s ^ - s S S 1 00 2 2 c?! « w 2 4> rl Zi ^ 1-H —1 l-H ^ J, r^ M C^ -H cc OC ■>* a CO «o ^- .a o o 3 £ . « o .^ 3 ^ aj u >» £ > * 'C >. >. > ■» i 3 : 6C td < S £ < 1Z e ■3 < .•5 ►^ < 3 *5 •< «^ 3 s 1 if 1 ■= H ■o H J) • 5 a 9 i Ik • T3 C 1 g j9 86 AMERICAN POLITICS. STATUTES OF lilMITATIONS. State Laws with reference to limitations of actions, show- ing the limit of time on which action may be brought. States and Tebritoeies. Yrs 1 1 3 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 3 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 3 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 Nevada ] 2,6 New Hampshire 1 New Jersey 2 New Mexico 1 New York 1 North Carolina 1 Ohio 1 Ontario (U. Canada); 1 Oregon t 2 Pennsylvania j 1 Quebec (L. Canada): 1,2 Rhode Island ! 1 South Carolina 2 Tennessee 1 Texas 1 Utah 1 Vermont i 2 Virginia ; 6 Washingron Tertryl 2 West Virginia 5 Wisconsin , 2 Wyoming , 1 AlabaTia Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Dakota Delaware Dist. of Columbia.. Florida Georgia Idaho Illinois , Indiana , Iowa Kansas Kentucky , Louisiana. Maine , Maryland Ma.«sachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi , Missouri , Montana Nebraska . Yrs. 3 3 2 2 6 6 3 3 5 4 2 5 6 5 3 5 3 6 3 6 6 6 3 4 2 6 6 6 3 6 3 6 5 1 6 5 6 6 6 2 2 6 5 3 5 6 6 Yrs. 6 5 4 2 6 6 6 3 3 6 4 10 20 10 5 5 5 20 3 20 6 6 6 5 4 20 20 6 10 15 10 15 5 6 6 5 6 6 6 4 4 14 5 6 6 6 15 Yrs. 20 10 5 3 6 20 20 12 20 7 6 20 20 20 5 15 10 20 12 20 10 10 7 6 5 20 20 10 20 10 15 10 15 30 10 20 30 20 20 20 10 5 8 10 9 10 20 10 4* £ 2 Yrs. 10 10 5 3 17 20 20 12 20 20 5 10 20 10 15 15 20 20 12 20 10 20 7 10 4 10 20 10 20 10 15 10 15 30 20 20 30 20 20 10 7 8 20 20 10 20 21 The Recent American TarlfTs, under Re- -vised Statutes, Sec. 3491, et seq. COMMODITIES. KATE OF DUTY. Ale, porter, and beer — in bottles.... 35 c. per gall. " " " in casks 25 c. per gall. Aniline dyes or colors {andSS^p.'c.'} Animal!), living — cattle, hogs, horses, sheep, etc 20 per cent. Barley 15 c. per bush. Books and other prmted matter.... 25 per cent. Hraids of straw .'$0 per cent. Brushes 40 per cent. Buttons 30 per cent. Cheese 4 c. per lb. China, porcelain and parian ware, plain, white, and not decorated in any manner 45 per cent. Do. gilded, ornamented or deco- rated in any manner 50 per cent. Do. other earthen, stone, or crock- ery ware, white, glazed, edged, printed, or dipped, or cream colored 40 per cent. Coal, bitumen, and shale 75 c. per ton. Corsets and corset-cloth, valued at |6 per dozen, or less $2 per doz. Do. valued over $fi per dozen 35 per cent. Cotton, manufactures of — plain bleskched, value 20 cents or less pw square y»rd b% c. per sq. yd. COMMODFTIES. EATE OF DUTY. Do. printed or colored, value 25 ('534 c. per sq. > cents or less per square yard \ yd. A 20 p. c. j Do. Hosiery 36 per cent. Do. LacPB, cords, braids, gimps, galloons and cotton laces, colored and insertings 35 per cent. Do. Thread-yarn, warps, or warp- yarn noi wound on spools, valued at over 60 and not exceeding 80 f 30 c. per lb.) cents per pound 1 and 20 p. c./ Cotton, valued at over 80 cents per 140 c. per lb. ) pound t and 20 p. c. | Do. Velvet, velveteens, velvet bind- ings, ribbons, and vestings 35 per cent. Currants, Zante, or other 1 c. per lb. Diamonds (cut), cameos, mosaics, gems, pearls, rubies, and other precious stones, not set 10 per cent Dolls 35 per cent. Embroideries, of cotton or wool.... 35 per cent. Fans 35 per cent. Feathers, ostrich, cock, and other ornamental 25 per cent. Feathers and fiowers, artificial and ornamental, not otherwise pro- vided for 50 per cent. Figs 21^0. per lb. Fire-crackers, in boxes of 40 packs, not exceeding 80 to the pack $1 per box. Flax linens, valued at 30 cents or less per square yard 35 per cent. Do. valued at above 30 cents per square yard 40 per cent. Do. Burlaps, and like manufac- tures of flax, jute, or hemp, of which either shall be the com- Eonent of chief value (except agging for cotton 30 per cent Do. Duck, canvas, paddings, cotton bottoms, diapers, crash, hucka- backs, handkerchiefs (not hem- med), lawns, or other manufac- tures of flax, jute, or hemp, valued at 30 cents or less per square j'ard 35 per cent. Do. valued at above 30 cents per sqnare yard 40 per cent. Do. Thread, twine and pack-thread 40 per cent. Do. all other manufacture^ of flax not otherwise provided for 40 per cent. Fruits and nuts : — Almonds, not shelled 6 c. per lb. " shelled 10 c. per lb. Filberts and walnuts 3 c. per lb. Prunes 1 c. per lb. Raisins 2}4 c. per lb. Furs, and manufactures of 20 per cent. Glass-ware : — Porcelain, Bohemian, cut, en- graved, painted, colored, printed, stained, silvered, or gilded, not including plate-glass silvered, or looking-glass plates 40 per cent, Plate-glass, east, polished, not silvered, above 24 by 30, and not above 24 by 60 25 c. per sq. ft. Above 24 by 60 50 c per sq. ft. Window-glass, cylinder, crown, or common, unpolished, above 10 by 15 and not above 16 by 24 2 c. per lb. Above 16 by 24 and not above 24 by 30 '. 2^ C. per lb. Above 24 by 30 3 c. per lb. Manufactures of, not otherwise specified 40 per cent. Hats, bonnets, and hoods, straw.... 40 per cent. Hemp, jute, and other fibre:— Bflgs, cotton-bags, and bagging (except bagging for cotton) 40 per cent. .Tute and sunn-hemp 816 per ton. Jute butts - »6 per ton. Manila, India, and other like sub- stitutes for hemp 825 per ton. India Rubber, manufactures of:— Braces, webbing, etc 35 per cent. Iron and steel, manufactures of: — In slabs, blooms, loop.s, etc 35 per cent. Pig-iron S7 per ton. Scrap-iron, old, wrought 88 per ton. Manufactures of iron, not other- wise provided for 35 per cent TABULATED HISTORY— AMERICAN TARIi TS. 87 COMMODITIM. tAT« OF DUTT. Iron and stocl, riianufaottirea of: — Stool, and iniiiuit'aotiirtv* of |H'»f<0'' 35 por cent. In inijot.M, bars, coils, slicfts. umi 8t«el-wlro, not less tlian l^ inch diamoter, valued at 7 cents por pound or loss 214 C- por lb. Valued at above 7 CBiit.s and not over U cents per pound 3 c. per lb Mu^^U^ts, riflea, and other (iro- a"""?," ■ 35 per cent. lljulway bar, or rails, wholly of «t"el Ij^ c. per lb. Man utac lures of steel, not other- wise provided for 45 per cent Jewelry of Rold, silver, or other metal, or imitations ol. 25 per cent. L^ad, and tnanufaotures of: — Piss and bars, ami molten 2 c. per lb. Leather, and manufactures of: — Calf-skin», tanned, or tanned and dres-ed 25 por cent. Gloves, of kid or leather, of all descriptions 50 per cent. Upper leather of all kinP"^ c. per lb. Salt, in bags, sacks, barrels, or other packages 12 c. per ino lbs. Salt in bulk 8 c. per 100 lbs. Sardines and anchovies, packed in oil or otherwi.se 4 c. per box. Seed», flaxs. or lius. (56 lbs. to bush ) 20 c. per bush. Silk : — Braids, laces, fringes, galloons, buttons, and ornaments, dress and piece goods „ 60 per cent. velvets CO per cent. Ribbons oo per cent. Ribbons (edge of cotton) 50 per cent. Silk manufactures not otherwise provided for, made of silk, or of which .'"ilk is the component or chief value CO per cent. Manufactures of, which have as a component thereof 25 per cent., or over, In value of cotton, flax, wool, or worsted 60 per c^nt. Soda caustic li^ c. per lb. SoJa ash U c. per lb. Spices: Cassia, and Cassia Vera 10 o. per Ih. Nutmegs 20 c. per lb. Pepper, black and white grain ... 5 c. per lb. Spirits and wines: — Brandy, proof $2 per gall. ' Cordials, liqueurs, arrack, ab- sinthe, kirschwasser, ratafia 82 per gall. Spirits, other, manufactured or distilled from grain 82 per gall. Spirits, other (except brandv), manufa<'tured or distilled from other •iiat*>riRls 82 per pall. Cologne-wati'r and other pe--- (St per >rall. ) funaery, of which alcohol forms -^ and 5o per c. V the principal ingredient I. per gall. J 26 COMMODITIEa. Sugar and moliLsMen:— .Molll.HseM MolasHBH concentrated, toiik-uVt- loiiiM, Hirup of HUKurH:aiio, ni;d a*T« or BtTr, 6 r. plu< •/.■» p<'r ci-ni. J« r lb. i y "'"''"1" t 2.'.V. p.;rlb > •^"^'»r: / ix/ ,. ..1... All notabove No. 7 Dutch standard Above No. 7 and not aboru .Nu. lAi 1 i'< p pill* p lb Aoovo .>o. 7 and not aboru .Nu. f 2 c. p|,i„ -/.i \*{ V.--" •, iP- <•. |M.r lb. ■ Above No. 7 iind not above .No. ID i ,• p,.r lb Above No. l:i and not above No. ('J^i r. pluoi', » -p'" ■ I p. e. p..rlb. r Tartar, cream of f,j ,. jl^^ n, ' Tartar, argols, other than crude..... S c. per lb I in, plates or nheets i mo „. p«r"lU lobac(!o, and maniifactureH of: - Loaf, unmanufactured and not "'•""nod 34 e. p*r Ih. Cigars, cigarettes, and cherooU.. J and r. p. c. V Toys, wooden and other ») pl-r ,.^'„t. Watches, of gold or silver 25 pep ceal. \\ men, (-'hampagne, and all other sparkling, in bottles, cd'htalnina not more than 1 pint ea'.-h and more than J^ pint Wines, Champagne, and all other spsrkling, in bottles, contuiiiing not more than 1 quart ainl nn.rn than 1 pint dozins " .Still wines, in casks galls. " in bottles, containing each not more than 1 quart and not more than 1 pint doz. bots. Wood : Hoard.i, planks, deals and other lumber M. ft. " -Manufactures of, not otherwise provided for , Wools, hair of the alpaca, goat, etc. : Raw and manufactured, Class No. 1, clothing wool, value 32 cents or less per lb lbs. 93 per dozen. i<> per , and real or imitation Italian cloths, weighing 4 ounces and over per square yard lbs. " Hosier^', valued at alx)ve 80 cents per pound lbs. " Manufactures not otherwi.xo speiMfied, valued at above 80 cents p«r pound - lbs. Wool cloths „..Ib8. 3 c. per lb. 8 c. per lb. 60 per cent, \ J 44 c. per sq. ] I yd.&.^-.p.c.J i2S c. per .-q. i yd. A 35 p.c. J 40 o. per sq yd. A 36 p.c. ! fl c. per sq. I yd. A 35 p. c. I fs c. per sq. » I yd. A 40 p.c. J I 50 c. per lb. ! 1 A 35 p. c. r f .Vi p. por lb. I 1 A 35 p. c. / J .Wic. per lb.) 1 A.T3p. c. j" /.Vic. per lb. ) 1 A.^5p. o { f .Vi o. \H'r lb. a. i A .15 p. o.. (less 10 p. r. " Clothing-articles Of wear lbs. | ■'*'A''4,r^'" j.'' " Clothing-ready-made lbs. { ^ '40'^.'' c!"' Cloths - lb.« 88 AMERICAN POLITICS. OOMMODITIRS. Wool, manufactures wholly or in part of, not otherwise provided for lbs. *• Shawls, woolen lbs. " Worsted, etc., not otherwise pro- vided for lbs. BATE OF DUTY. ( COMMODITIES. HATE OF DUTY. "Webbings, beltines, bindings, ( ^,^ ,, ) braids, galloons, fringes, cord- } ^V;,?®"" ^- > buttons, etc lbs! ( * ^^ P" ""■ i " Yarns, valued at above 80 cents )50 c. per lb.) per pound lbs. \ & 5() p. c. j Zinc, in sheets 234 c. per lb. THE CUSTOMS TARIFF OF GREAT BRITAIN. ' No protective duties are now levied on goods imported, Customs duties being charged solely for the sake of revenue. Formerly the articles subject to duty numbered nearly a thousand ; now they are only twen- ty-two, the chief being tobacco, spirits, tea, and wine. The following is a complete list: Articles. Duty. £ s. d. Ale or beer, spec, gravity not exceeding lor,5°, per hl.l 8 Ale or beer, spec, gravity not exceeding 1090°, per bbl 11 Ale or beer, spec, gravity exceeding 1090°, per bbl 16 Beer, Mum, per bbl 110 Beer, spruce, spec, gravity not exceeding 1190°, per bbl 110 Beer, spruce, exceeding 1190°, per barrel.. 14 Cards, playing, per doz. packs 3 9 Chickory (raw or kiln-dried), cwt- 13 3 Chicorv "(roasted or ground), lb 2 Chloral hydrate, pound 13 Chloroform, pound 3 Cocoa, pound 1 Cocoa, cwt., husks and shells 2 Cocoa paste and chocolate, pound 2 Coffee, raw, cwt OHO Coffee, kiln-dried, roasted or ground, per p und 2 Collodion, gallon 14 Essence of spruce, 10 per cent, ad valorem Ethyl, iodide of, gallon 13 Ether, gallon 1 ,5 Fruit, dried, cwt _ 7 Articlks. Duty. £ s. "s. Malt, per quarter 14 9 Naphtha, purified, gallon 10 5 Pickles, in vinegar, gallon 1 Plate, gold, ounce 017 Plate, silver, ounce 16 Spirits, brandy, Geneva, rum, etc., gallon. 10 H Spirits, rum, from British Colonies, gallon 10 2 Spirits, cologne water, gallon.. IG 6 Tea, pound 6 Tobacco, unmanufactured, 11) 3 1?^ Tobacco, containing less tljan ten per ct. of moisture, lb 3 6 Cavendish or Negro head 4 6 Other manufactured toViacco 4 Snuff, containicg more than 13 percent. of moisture, lb 3 9 Snuff, less than 13 per cent, of moisture, lb. 4 6 Tobacco, cigars, ponnd ."i Varnish, coniaining alcohol, gallon 12 Vinegar, gallon 3 Wine, containing less than 26° proof spi- rit, gallon 10 Wine, containing more than 20° and less than 42 spirit, gallon 2 6 Wine, for each additional degree of strength beyond 42°, gallon 3 PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. Terra *1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 H 12 13 14 14a 15 16 10a 17 18 19 20 tOa 21 22 2S 24 24a PRESIDENTS. Name. Qualified. VICE-PRESIDEETS. Name. Qualified. George Washington April 30,1789 " " March 4, 1793 John Adams March 4,1797 Thomas Jefferson March 4, IBnl " " March 4,1805 James Madison March 4,1809 " " March 4, 1813 James Monroe March 4,1817 " March 5,1821 John Q. Adams March 4,1825 Andrew Jackson March 4, 1829 " " March 4, 1833 Martin Van Buren March 4,1837 Wm. H. Harrison March 4,1841 John Tyler April 6,1841 James K. Polk March 4, 1845 Z.achary Tavlor M.areh .5, 1849 Millard Fillmore July 10,1,1.^.0 Franklin Pierce March 4, 1853 JameR Buchanan March 4,18.57 Abraham Lincoln March 4, ISiU " March 4, isr.5 Andrew Johnson April 15,1805 Ulysses S. Grant March 4, lsr,9 " " March 4, 1873 Rntherford B. Hayes March 5, 1877 James A. Garfield March 4,1881 Chester A. Arthur Oct. 20,1881 John Adams - June 3, " " Dec. 2, Thomas JefTerson March 4, Aaron Burr March 4, George Clinton Marcli 4, " " March 4, Elbridge Gerry March 4, John Gaillard Nov. 2.5, Daniel D. Tompkins March 4, " '• March 5, John C. Calhoun March 4, " " March 4, Martin Van Buren JIarch 4, Richard M. Johnson March 4, John Tyler March 4, •tSamuel L. Southard April 6, fWillie P. Mangum May 31. George M. Dallas March 4, Millard Fillmore March 6. tWilliam R. King Inly 11, William R. King March 4, tDavid R. Atchih-on April 18, tJesxo D Bright Dec. 5, John C. Breckinridge JIarch 4, Hannibal Hamlin March 4, Andrew Johnson March 4, fLafavette S. Foster April 15, tBenfamin F. Wade March 2, Schuyler Colfax .-» March 4, Henrv Wilson March 4, fThofnas W. Ferry Nov. 22. William A. Wheeler March 5, Che!,t>^r A. Arthur oMarch 4' tThomas F. Bayard Oct. 12, flJavid Davi.s Oct. 13, 1789 1793 1797 1801 1805 1809 1813 1814 1817 1821 1825 1829 1S33 1837 1841 1841 1842 1S45 1,140 18.50 1853 1853 ^^■rA 18,57 1801 IXH.i 1805 18G7 181:9 1873 1.V75 1877 1881 1881 1881 *The figures in this column mark the terms held by the Presidents. \ Acting Vice-President and President pro tern, of the Senate, TABULATED IIISTO R Y— IM) 1> L' I, A II VoTK. 89 SUMMAHY OP POPULAR, A:VI» KI.KiTOHAI. VOTKS IN IMlIiSIDEXTlAl. KL.l!:CTIO.\'S, 17HU INNU. o • _ o '^ 4) Piirty. CandidatM. 1 3 CO Popular Vote. 1 > i ITS'J 10 15 10 IG 73 135 133 138 Oworgi' WHHlilngtuD OS 9 ■* "■ .Idliii Jav *****'** U U. fliirri'hn KiitliMluH ~ J.." « 4 tteorjjc (,'lititiin 3 a 2 1 1 1 4 l.Ti Ivlwiid Telfair ' 1792 Foderalist Federalist 77 Kepuhlicim Rcpulilioaa M 4 1 I 3 179G Fodoralist •Tolin Ailatn^ 1 71 1 C4 Fi'denilist 69 30 IS 11 7 6 3 2 2 2 1 1800 73 J 73 1 63 1 M Federalist John Jay t 1 1S04 1308 1816 1824 24 17fi Party. For President. Republifaii [Thomas .letfeison 15 Federalist 'Ctias. C. Pinckiiey 2 Repulilioan. Republieaii.. Feiloralist ... iJames Madison I 12 Georce Clinton I Chas. C Pinctcney ' 5 Vacancy.. Ippuhlioan James Madison I 11 Federalist JDe Witt Clinton | 7 ' Vacancy llepuhliean., Federalist. .i.Iames Monroe 10 .iRiifus Kiii« 3 Vacancies.. Republican., 'v'^pn'ilie'»n.. Repiihliem.. R'>publiean., Republiean. James Monroe.. John Q- Adams. Vaeancie.s., ,Andrew JneUs'-in.. iJMiii Q. Ariams.... jWm. ri Crawford. Henrv Clay 24 Popular Vote. 1.V..R72 1(15 :»J1 44,'.'82 '40,587 U For Vice-President. Ifii'GeorKe Cliiilori (i'ZiieorKe L,niiii)ri i io'4 14iRufus King ! U 122|GeorKe Clinton. (iLlames Madison. 47|Kufii» Kin;: , |.li)hn Langdon.. James Monroe.. 1, 128 Elbridfio Gerrv. BOiJared Ingersoll. 11 18310. D.Tompkins.. 34lJolin E. Howard I.Iames Ross John .Marshall ... Roht. O. Harper. 4 231 D. D Tompkins— lIRieh. Stockton.... l>aniol Rodnev .... Roht. G. Hirpir.. , Richard Rush 113 3 4T 9 3 1 131 86 1 183 23 5 4 3 4 218 8 4 1 I S W> .Tohn C. Cidhotin „..j IW ^ Nathan Sanfnrd » •♦''Nathaniel M'leon ..| " '1, \ndrewr Jneksnn _.. !•* M. Van Biiren | • Henry Clay -.» * 90 AMERICAN POLITICS. SUMMARY OP POPULAR AND EliECTORAL VOTES.— [Continuel.l >• "o IB _ o '1 Party. For President. Popular Vote. > o s For Vice-President. 1 > M2S 24 24 20 20 26 30 31 31 33 30 37 37 33 38 201 28 s 294 294 275 290 296 290 303 314 317 306 309 309 15 9 647,231 509,097 178 83 171 Nat. Republican Kieliiird R jsIi 83 7 1«^? LVmocratic Andrew Jackon 15 7 1 1 687,50_' 5; 10, 1 89 .33,108 219 49 7 11 189 Nat. Republican Henrv Clay 49 William Wirt 7 e Henrv Lee William Wilkin'^ 11 30 761,549 [ 736,656 1,275,017 1,1-8.702 7,059 2 170 73 26 14 11 2.34 00 2 )83G Democratic Martin Van Buren \Vm. H. Harrison 15 7 2 1 I 19 7 R. M. Johnson 147 Whig 77 Huph L. White Daniel Webster Jchn Tyler.. 47 23 1840 Whig John Tyler 234 Martin Van Buren 48 1 . W. Tazewell 11 James K. PulL Geo M. Dallas T. Frelinghuysen. 1 1844 15 11 1,33-' ,243 1,299,068 62,300 1.360,101 1,220, '44 291,2'J3 1 601,474 1.3!-6,.57S 156,149 1.838,169 1,34 1.204 874,534 1,860,352 845,763 1,375,157 689,581 ?,21fi,nr,7 l,s08,726 170 105 170 Whig 105 1848 Whig Zaeharv Taylor 15 15 27 4 103 127 254 42 174 114 8 180 72 12 39 212 21 81 214 80 23 280 ■■■42 18 2 1 Millard Fillmore 103 Wm. 0. Butler 127 Free Soil Martin Van Buren Chas. F. Adams 1852 Wm. R. King 2.54 Whig Winfield Scott 42 Free Democracy Democratic John P. Hale Geo. W. Julian 185G 19 11 1 17 11 2 3 22 3 11 26 8 3 31 6 J. C. Breckinriiige 174 114 8 1860 ISO J. C. Breckinridge Joseph Lane 72 Democnitic •'Const. Union " 12 John Bell Edward Everett 39 1864 Abraham Lincoln Geo. B. McOlellan Andrew Johnson 212 Geo. H Pendleton ''I 81 1868 Ulysses S. Grant 3,015,071 2,709,013 Schuvler Colfax ''U Democratic F. P. Blair, Jr 80 ?3 1872 Ulvsses S. Orant 3,597,070 2.834,079 29.408 5,008 286 Dem. and Lib. Rep... 47 John Q. Adams A. H. Colquite 5 T. A. Hendricks John M. Palmer 3 B. Gratz Brown Geo. W. Julian 5 T. F. Bramlette 3 W. 8. Groesbeck 1 Willis B. Machen 1 N. P. Banks 1 17 185 184 214 14 1876 R. B. FTave.'' 21 17 .4.033,950 4,284. .885 81.740 9,5J2 4,442.9.50 4,442.035 3or,,S67 12.,576 Wm. A. Whp'ler 185 Deinoc'ratic S J Tilden T. A. Hendrick.-^ 184 8. F. Carv R. T. Stewart 18W) 19 19 Chester A. Arthur 214 W. S. Hancock, 155 Wm. H. Enelish 1,55 B. J. Chambers Scattering * Not voting— .Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia. Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. t Not voting — Mississippi, Texas, and Virgini.a. t Seventeen votes reiected, viz. : 3 from Georgia for Horace Greeley (dead), and 8 from Louisiana, and 6 from Arkansas for U. 8. Grant TABULATED II I STO II Y -C A IJ I N KT () I'F 1 C KUS, 91 CABIXICT OKPICURM UK TIIK AOMi:VI8TIlATIUaril. Gbobqb Wasiiinoton, Prosidont. I. and II.; l7.s'J-17U7. fie.cretnri/ of State, Thonuii Jflforson, Virninla, fiej.UMJil).-r 2r,th, 17v.( ; Kdiiiiiiiil Rundolph, Viruiniii, Jrtniiiiry 2d, 17'J4; Timothy I'ii'koiinK. l'<-niiHylvi»niii, Deooiniier llllii, 17'.>'). Sfcrrtnn/ of Treaxuni, Ah-.x- nndcr Hamilton, N-nv Vork, Soplptiilxir Uili, 178'J; Olivi'i- Wolooit, t'oiin.-ctieuij Ki'biiitry 'id, 17'.l.'). Sccrtlary of' tViir, Hi-nry Knox, Mus^iiclniMftlH, 8-pttMiii>or IJtIi, 17*.); Tirnnihy rii'UiTiii);, IVmiii- Nylv*i)i:i, .Iiiuimry ".id, I7U.>; Jiimos MniU-iirv, Miiry- liind, Iiiiumrv '^701, IT'.W. Altornen Oencnil, fMmuiid Kii'iii.)lpi<, VirKiiiiii, S'ptemiior 2r,tli, 17H0; William Bradf'ir. Pu.itnt'tslcr- OenernI,* Samui'l Osgood, Massiiohu'^i'tls, Suptt-tn- ber 2('.th, 178'j; 'PiiriDi iy Pii-korinit, Pt-nu-ylviinin, Au>?UNt 12lh, 17!)1 ; Josepli llubcrtiham, Oeorgiu, February 25th, 1795. John .Xbams, President. III.; 17!)7-1801. Secretary of Stale, Timothv Piokerinir, eonlinuftd ; Joii'i Marshall, Virgiuiii, .May l;lth, 1800. Sa-retani of Trea-surt/, Oliver Woloot contiiiUHii; .Kamiiol Dexter, .MiiHsaohusetts. .January 1st, 1801. Sonlan/ of Wiir, James MeHiMiry, eoiitinued; Samuel Oex- ter, Alivisachusetts, May 13ih, ISki; R.)v;fr (J'iswold, Connecticut, February 3d, 18ol. .S'TrcMn/ of iVaix/.t George Cahot, Massachusetts, .May 3d, 1798: B^mja- min Stod'lert, Maryland, .May 21st, 1798. Attnrru'n- Oencral, Charles Lee, continued; The iphilus I'ar- Bons, Massachusetts, February 20th, 1801. P^jst- master- General, Joseph Habersliam, continued. Thomas jErFEnsojJ, President. IV. and v.; 1801-1809. Serrrtari/nf Slate, James Madi-mn, Vir'.;ini.a, March 6th, 18(11. '.SVcnyrtn/ of Trcusuni, Saiii'lel I)xtor, enntinu' (1; Albert Gallatin, Penn.syl ania, IMay llih, 1801. Sxrelari/ of War, Henry Pearhorn, Mas-a'-hu- petts. March 5th, 1801. Secrctnri/ of Navi/, B'njamin Stxddari, eon inued: Robert Smith, Maryland, .Inly 15th, isoi ; Jac'ibCrowninshield, Massachusetts, May, 3d, 18'i5. Attorney-Ocneral. Levi Lincoln, Massa- chusetts. March 5th, ISoi; Robert Smith, Marylaml, March 3d, 1805; John Hreckinridg", Kentucky, Au/ust7tu, 1805; Coesar A. Rodnev, Pcnnsvlvani", January 2:1tli, 1807. Postmastcr-Oe^iera/' J o:, March 7th, 1809; Wi Ham Jones, Pennsyl- vania, January 12th, 1813; H. W. Cro- ninshield. Massachu.sett.s, December 191*), 181 1. Attorncii-f'ieii- era', C. A. Rodnev, continu -rl ; William Pincknev, Maryland, December lltli, 18il; Richard Rush, Peunivlvania, February loih, 181'. P >.ftmaster-Oen- eral. Giileon Graniter, contmued; Return J Meig;*, Ohio, March 17th, 1814. ♦Not a Cabinet officer, but a subordinate of tlie Trea.sury Department until 1829. t N >v:d affairs were under the control of the Sec- retary of War until asepnrat'* Navy DepartTii-iit was organze i by Act of April .30th, " 179S. T'le A>'ls organizing the oihT D-'parlments were of the f>l- l^win■4 dates: Slate, Sentember 15th, 17K9: Treaxnrn, September 2d, 17W; War, Augu-t 7th, 1789 The Attornm'-G^neral's dotie.s were rouulated by the JuJiciary Act of September 24th. 1789. .Iamm Munboe, PreRtdeDi. VIII. and IX ; 1HI7-IH;U. Seeretary of State, John Uuliicy Adntnn, Ma* arh» «ptts, March 5lh, 1H17. .Sr |i, Hls; JoIid Rogers, MatHaehu-i'tiH, .S.-pti-inlM-r Ut, H.'t, H.tiuui-1 \.. Soulliard, .New Jur->v, Svpi.-rii-KT l>.lh \KJX Allorncu-di-neral, Rii-hard 11111111 continued . Wlllliira Wirt, VirKiiiia, Niv». ii'-ssee, March 9tlp, 182t); Lewis ('asx, ^Iiciiigar^ August 1st, 1831; Benjamin F Butler, .N.-w Yorn. March 3d, 18.J7. Secrctaru of iV'tui/, John Brancfi, North Carolina. March 9th, 18J.t ; Levi Wo..|bury, .New Hami.Bliire, May 2:)d, 1831 ; .Mahlon DieUer?.or», New Jersey, June 30th, 1.S.34. Allornei-Oefrra/, J.)l.l> .M. Berrien, (icorgia. March 9th. l«2'.t; Roger H. Tanev, Mctrvlananiel Websfer, Ma«»"a'"hii«eft/», .March Sth,■ls^l: Hueb .S. Legtr-. .'J.viith Carolbia, May 9t'i, 1843; A. P Cp-hur. Virginia, Inly 24lh, 1813; .John C. Calhoun. South Carolina, March fth, 1844. Sccretaru of Trecvoirji, Thomas Emni:, Ohi«^ Mandi 5th, ISM : Waller Forward, Pennsvlva-ila, September 13th, ISIl ; John C. Spen-er, New York, .March 3(1,1811; (J -orge M. Bibb, Kent-i.-kv. Jiil»e 1.5tli, 1S44. Sicretartj of Hnr. John Bell, Tenne« e«, March .' ih, 1841 ; John Mcl^enn, Ohio, Sepleml^r 13th, 1841 ; J din C. Sp ncer. New Y >rk. Otof-r I2th, 1811 ; James .M. Porter, Pennsvhanii. M'i'ch 8th, isl't; William Wilkin", Pennsvlvania, Fel*- ruarv 15th, ISI4. Sfcrel'iry of Savii.C. K. BaHi'cr, North Carolina, .Mnreh 5th, ISO : A. P I'pshur, Vir- ginia, September 13th, 1841: Imvi.l Henshnw, Mw^ -.achusetfi, Julv 21th, 18^3: T. W. Gilmer. VInfinia, Febroarv 15th', |.s44: John Y. Ma«"n. Vinf>nls March llth, 1S14. Altnrncy,■Ge■^rrnt..^ >\\n I. Pritt-n- den, Kentiiekv, March "th. HII Hos'> 9 I,^e-.r^, South Carolin.a, <''ptemVr 13th Hii ; J..hn Ne|«nQ, Marvland, Jnlv l-f. 1«I3. fa\fmMtrrGe,trral. Fra'.- cH Ctranvrer. N 'W York. Mar-h it I'. HH : Charles K. Wickliffe, Kentucky, September 13th, li»*l. 92 AMERICAN POLITICS. James K. Polk, Presidext. XV. ; 1845-1849. Sccretan/ of State'Ji\mea Buchanan, Pennsylvania, March 0th, 184'). Secrc.tnrij of Treasury, Robert J. Walker, Mi-sissippi, Man^'n 0th, 184.""). Sccretarii of WuT. William L. M:ircy, New York. March 6th, 18t.l Necretari/ of Xavi/, Gjoige Bancroft, Massachusetts, March loth, 1845; John Y. Mason, Septemher 9th, 1846, Attorneii-Qeneral, John Y Mason, Virginia, Ma;vh 5t,h, 1845; NatliHii ClifTord, Maine, Oetober 17lh, 1846. Postmaster- Ocneral, Cave Johnson, Ten- neisee, March 6th, 1845. Zachakt Taylob and Millard Fillmobe, Presidents XVI.; 1849-1853. (Secretary of State, John M. Clayton, Delaware, March 7th, 1840; Daniel Webster," aiassachuselts, July 22I52. Secretari/ of Treasury. W. M. Meredith, Pennsylvania, March 8th, 1><4!) ; Thomis Corwin, Ohio, July 23il, 18.iO. Secretary or War, George W. Crawford, Georgia, March '8th, 1849; Winiield Scott {ad iiiterini). .July 2.id,\8i>0 ; Charles M. Conrad, Louisiana, August 15ih, 1850. Secretary of Nairn, \Villiam B. Preston, Virginia, March Stti, 1849; William A. Grahatn, North Carolina, July 22d, 18)1); J. P. Kennedy, Maryland. July 22d, 1852. Sec- re.tani of Interior, Thoina-i H. Bwing, Ohio, March 6th, 1849: A. H. H. Stuart, Virginia, September 12th, 1850. Attorney Oeneral., Reverdy Johnson, Mary- land, March 8th,is49; John J. Crittenden. KentU''ky, July 22d, 18.50. Post master -Oeneral, Jacob ('ollamer, Vermont, March 8th, 1849; Nathan K. Hall, Ne'* York. July 2:5d, 1850; S. D Hubbard, Cunuecticut, August 31st, 1852. Franklin Piebce, President. XVII.; 1853-18.57. Secretary of State, Williain L. Marcy, New York, March 'ith. 18'>3. Secretari/ of TVeasury, James (fUthie, Ken uckj', March 7lh, 1853. Secretary <,f War, Jetterson Davi-i, Mis.sissippi, March 7th, I8.i3 Secretary of Navy, Jam^-s C. Dobbin, North Carolina, March 7'th, 1855. Secretari/ of Inti-rior, Robert McClelland, MichigHn, March 7th, 1K53; Jacob Thompson, Mis-issippi,"March Oth, 1850. Attorney-Oeneral, Caleb Custiing, Massachusetts, March 7th, 1853. Postmaster Oe-'cral, James Camp- bell, Pennsylvania, Marcli 7th, 1853. James Buchanan, President. XVIII.; 1857 1861. Secretary of State. Linvis Cass, Michigan, March 6th, 1857; J. S. Black, Pennsylvania, December 17th, IWio. Secretary of Treasury,' \ii'>viA[ Cobb, Georgia, March oth, 1x57 ; Philip F. Thomas, Maryland, Dc^cembcr Hth, 1860; John A. Di.x, New York.'janu- hry lltn. 1801. Secretari/ of War, John E. Floyd, Vir- ginia, March Ot.ti, 18.57: Joseph Holt. Kentn''ky, January 18ih,1801. Secretari/ of A^«r;/, Isaac Toueey, Connecticut. March Oth, 1857. Secretary of Interior Jacob Thompson, continued. Attorneu-General, J. S. Black, Pennsylvania, March Oth, 1857; E. M. Stan- ton, Pennsylvania, December 20th, 1860. Postmaster- Gen^rai, Aaron V. Brown, Tenn ssee, March Oth, 1857; Joseph Holt, Kentucky. March 14th, 1859; Horatio King, Maine, February 12th, 1861. Abraham Linco'n and Andhbw Johnson, Presidents. XIX. and XX.: 18011809. S-.n-etari/ of State, \\\\V\Am II. Seward, New York. March 5th, 1801. Sem-lan/ of Treasun/, S. P. Chase, 0»ii'i, March 5tli, 18 ;i : ' W. P. F.-ssonden, Maine, July 1st, 1804: HuL'h McCnlloch. Indiana, M^trch 7th, 1805. Sex-retar// of Tar, Simon Cameron, Penn- syhaiiia, March 5th, 1801 ; Edwin M. Stanton, Penn- sylvania, January 15th, 1802; U.S firsLni {ad interim), August 12tn, 1867; Edwin M. Stanton (reinstated), .lanuary 14th 18l!8; J. M. Schoticld; lIliRois, May 2Sth, 1808. Sea-etary of Navy, (i\di:^o\\ Welles, Con- necticut, March 5th. 1801. Secretary of Interior, Caleb P. Smith, March 5th, 1801 ; John P. Usher. In- diana. January 8tli, 1803; James Harlan, Iowa, May 15th, 1805: O. H. Browning, Illinois, July 27th, 1^06. AtforiieyOeneral, Edward Bates, Missouri, March 5th, 1861; Titian J. Cortee, June v:2il, 1803; James Speed, Kentucky, December 2d. 1864; Henry Stan- I'cry, Ohio, July 2Sd, 1860; William M. Evarts, New York, July 15th, 1808. Postma^ter-Oe-eral, Mont- gomery Blair, Maryland, March 5th, 1801 : Williara Dennison, Ohio, September 24th, 1S64; Alexander W. Randall, Wisconsin, July 25th, 1830. Ulysses S. Grant, President. XXI. and XKII. ; 1869-1877. Secretary of State, E. B. Washburne, Illinois, March 5th, 1869; Hamilton Fisn, New York, March 1 Ith, 1809. Secretary of Treosiiri/, George S. Boutwel!, Massachusetts, March lith, 18ii9; William A.Rich- ardson, Massachusetts, March 17th. 1873 ; Benjamin H. Bristow, Kentucky, June 2d, 1S74 ; Lot M. Mor- rill, Maine, June 21st. 1870. Secretary of W'rrr, John A. Rawlins, Illinois. March 11th, 1809; William T. Stierman, Ohio, September 9th, 1869; William W. Belknap, Iowa, October 25th, 1809; Alphonso Taft, Ohio, March 8ch, 1870; J. D. Cameron, Pennsylvania, May 22d, 1870. Secretary of Navy, Adolph E. Borie, Pennsylvania INIarch 5th, 1809; George M. Robeson, New Jersey, June 25th. 1809. Secretary of Interior, Jacob D. Cox, (Jhio, March 5th, 1869; Columhm Delano. Ohio, November 1st, 1870; Zachariah Chan- dler. MichiRft'i, October 19th, 1875. Attorneii General, R. R. Hoar,' Massachusetts, March 5th, 1809; Amos T. Akerman, Georgia, June 23d, 1870; George H. Williams, Oregon, December, 14th, 1871 ; Edward.') Pi-rrepont, New York, April 20th, 1875; Alphonso Taft, Ohio. M■^y 22d, 1870. Post master- General, J. A. J. Crcwell, Maryland. March ftth, 1869; Mar hall Jewell, Connecticut, August 24th. 1874; James M. Tyner, Indiana, July 12ih, 1876. RuTiiEEFORD B. Hayes, President. X.XIII.; 1877-1881. Secretary of State, WiUiam M. Evarts, New York, March 12tli,''877. Secretary of Treasury, .lohn Sher- man, (Jhio, March 8th, 1877. Secretary of H'l?-, George W. McCrary, Iowa, March 12th, 1877; Alexander Ramsey, Minnesota. December 12th, 1879. Sca-etary of Navy, Richard W. Thompson, Indiana, March 12th, 1877; Nathan Goff, Jr., West Virginia, January Oth, 1881. S-cretary of Interior, Ca.r\ Schurz. Mis- souri, March 12th,' 187". Attorney-General, Charl'-s Devens, Massachusetts, March l2th, 1877. Post- master-General, David M. Key, Tennessee, March 12th, 1877; Horace Maynard, Tennessee, August 25th, 1880. jAimCS A. GAEFIfLD AND CHESTER A. ABTHUE. Presidents. XXIV.; 1881-1885. Secretary of State. James G. Blaine, Maine, March 5th, 1881; Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, New Jersey, December 12th, 1881. Secretary of'Tieasury, William H Windom, Minnesota, March 5th. 1881; Charles J. Folgfr. New York, October '27th, 1881. Secretary of War, Robert T. Lincoln, Illinois, March 5th, 1881. Secretary of Navv, W. H. Hunt, Louisiana. March 5th, 18SI. Secretary of Interior, S. J. Kirkwood, Iowa, March 5th, 1881. Attorney-General, Wayne MacVeagh, Pennsylvania. March 5th, 1881 ; Benja- min H. Brewster. Pennsylvania, December ICth, 1881. Postmaster-General, Thomas L. James, New York, March 5th, 1881; Timothy 0. Howe, Wiscon- sin, December 2uth, 1881, FORKIGN IMMIGRATION SINCE 1870, BY FISCAL, YEARS.- Official. Years. Number. Years. Number. Y'ears. Number. IK70 387,203 321 ,3r.O 401.80(5 4.59,803 313,339 227,498 169,986 141,857 1878 138,409 1K71 1875 1879 177,826 1K7 > 1870 1880 457.257 1877 1881 609,431 Of the arrivals in 1881,410,729 were malesand 2.58,702 females. There were 153.718 from Great Britain fltid Ireland; 210,485 from Germany; 21.109 from Austria: ll,89o from China; 102,922 from Quebec and Onfario: '4,4:!7 from Ni>va 9coti« : 49.700 from Sweden ; 22,705 from Norway; 15,387 from Italy ; 5,227 from France; 9,117 from Denmark, and 11,293 from Switzerland. TABULATKD 11 ISTO RY— PATENT PICKS. 93 SIGNHRS OP THE DECLARATION OK INOKPENDEXCK. l.\ COXCiRRSH AS.SICN- UL.Ki> jij'ky 4Ut, ma. ThefolIo\?ing list of members of the CniitlnonUI <".)nKr<''«!i, wlm slRnoil the I>e<-lanti*on of ln(lcpen'irnst>n, Mhri., 27 S \>t \TJr2 Bartleit, JuNJah Vm»"'biiry, .Mass.. in Nov. nj-J. Braxton, (barter Newinston, \'ii , In Mi-iil. I7:ir. .. Carroll, Ohiis of Carrollton.. AIlnllpoli^, .Md., at S.-ia 17.»7... Cna«e, Siimiiol Somorst't t'o., Md., 17 Apr. 17-41 Clarl{, ANraliam lOli/.abitlitosvii, .\. J., 1.") Feb. 17Ji CIvtner. <{.'orj;e I'oil.ididphiii I'a., In 17:i!» Ellerv, William .N'mvport, U. I., Ji I>.-o. I7'27 Floyd, Williuin .Sotlolk Co , N. Y., 17 Dec 17X1 Franklin, BiMijaiiiin lio.ston, Ma.ss., 17 Jan. 17ii') , Gerry, Elbridice Marldidicad, Mas.s., 1 July 1714.. . Owinnet, Button IOn){laiid, in 17:t2 Hall, l.,yinan Connociicuf, in 17:!l Hancock, John Brainlrco, Mass., in 17;!7 Harrison, Benjamin BiMklev, Va., Hart, John Hopewldl, N. J., in 1715 Dbluiatbo Fkoh DtB*. Hoyward, Thomas, Jr St. Lidio's, S, C, in 174G Hewe.', Joseph Kingston, N. J., in 17:ji> Hooper, William lioston, Alasg., 17 June, 1742... Hopkins, Stephen 8'Mtuate, !\Iass., 7 .M;ir., 17o7.... Huntiiii;lon, Samuel Windham, tlonn., 3 July 1732 . HookinsoM, Franci.s I'hiladelphia, Pa., in 17.'i7 JetftTson, Thomas .Sliadwell, Va,, 1< Apr. 17.'U Lee, Richard Henrv Stratford, Va.. 20 Jan. 17:12 Lee, Francis LiRhtfoot [Stratford. Va , 14 ()(;t. 1734 Lewis, Francis P 'Lindatf, W;dHS, in .Mar. 1713.. Livingston, Philip I Albany, N. V., b") Jan. 1716 Lynch, Thomas, Jr St. (ieorge's, .S. C, 5 Aug. 174'J. >fcKean, Thomas Chester Co.. Pa., 10 Mar 1734 . Middleton, Arthur JMiddieton Place, S.C., in 1743. Morris, Lewis Morrissianna, N. V., in 17215.... Morris, Robert i.ancashiro, Enc, Jan. 1733-4., Morton, John Ridley, Pa., in 1724 NelsoiijThom.as, Jr -...iVorlc, Va., 2R Dec. 17:W P.-ica, Wm Wye-Hill, Md ,31 O-t. 1740 .... Paine. Robert Treat lioston, JIass., in 1731 Penn, John Caroline Co , Va., 17 May 1741., Read, Georpe 'Cecil Co.. Md., in 1734 Rodney, Ciesar [Dover, Del., in 1730 , Ross, George iNew Castle, Del. in 1731J , Rush, Benjamin, M.U iByberry. Pa., 24 Dec. 1745 , Rutledge, Edward l^'hariesUm, S.C, in Nov. I74J.. Sherman, Roger 'Newton, Mass., 19 Apr. 1721.... Smith, James ' , Irelail, Stockton, Richard Princeton, N. J., 1 Oct. 1730 Stone, Thomas ICharles Co., Md., in 1742 Taylor, George , Ireland, in 1710 Thornton, Matthew ' , Ireland, in 1714 Walton George iFreilerick Co., Va., in 1740 Whipple, Wm Kittery, Maine, in 1730 Williams, Wm Lebanon, Conn., 8 Apr. 1731 Wibaohnfr, 1704. Pennsvlvaniu '23 Jan. Imij. , R. I. & I'rov. Pi 115 Feh. iKji. .New York ' 4 Aim Js.'l. , Penn.sylvania., 1I7 April, 1790. .Massachusetts iJ Novemlrt-r, 1814 , lieorgia -27 Mny, 17T7. , (ieorgia j— Feb I70(». .M>is.sacliusuti>i 8<»ct 17'.»3. . Virginia |— April, 17uL , New Jersey |I8WI. South Carolina — Slarch, 180ft ,'. North Canilina 'lOttrM. 1779. i.N'orthCarolina — Oct. 17!Ht. , R. I. & Prov. PI 13 July, 17*5. ;Coiinecticut 5 Jan. l7'Jti [New Jersey 9 May, I7H0. Virginia 4 July. H20. j Virginia 10 June, 1791. ■ Virginia — April, 1797. LVew York :«• Dee. ItUU. 'New York 12 Juno, 1778. South Carolina 'Lost at sen, 1779 Delaware 24 June, 1M17. South Carolina ■ 1 Jan. I7M7. .New York 22 Jan. 1708. I Penn.sylvania 8 May, 1N(»C Pennsylvania i — April, 1777. I Virginia 4 Jan. I7*J. I Maryland ' . 1799. [M.-iNsachusettd Ill May. I8i)4. i North Carolina 120 Oct. IKOO. iDelaware I , 1798. I Delaware I , I78i. Pennsylvania I — July, i779. PennsyLania 19 April. 1813. South Carolina 2.3 Jan. 1*0. 'Connecticut '2;i July, 170.3. Pennsylvania 11 July, 18ec 1707. Virginia | 8 June, 1806. AI»TE-\VAR DEBTS OF THE SEVERAL. ST.ATES. Table showing the Debts of the several States before the war (ISCOGI). Maine New Hampshire _ Vermont Massachusetts Rhode Island _ Connecticut New York „ New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Ohio 1 14 2.vi,l73 Indiana 7,770,233 Michigan I '2,38.'»,h43 Illinois ' ll),277,I';l Wisconsin H)ii,o(ni Minnesota 2.5u,ikio In 1860-61. Seoo.-ioo 31,069 none. 7.132,627 none, none. 34,182,070 1(I4,(KX1 37,004,002 none. Iowa 2no.one Missouri 24,7»4n«io Kansas l.W.fWP Kentucky 4,7a,«J4 California - Oregon _ ."^^.372 Virginia .33,248.141 North Carolina 9.ia»/i05 South Carolina 3,09I,A74 Georgia 2,070.710 Florida .vcnrtt Alabama \<4Mli« Mississippi iion«'. Loui-iana i W,(iz\^>m Texas 1 — Arkansas ~..l 3,o«,<-*i Tennessee lo.Ota,*!'-* In t8G»Cl 94 AMERICAN POLITICS. CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT, Since the adoption of the Faleral Constitution, March 1st, 1789. The following is « list of the Piesidents and Vice-Presidents of thR United States, as well as those who werp candidates for each office, since tlie organization of the Uovernment: {vide pp. 21-2r>, 62.) 1780— George Wnshingion* and John Adams, two iernisi, n— John Qiiiney Adams and John C. Calhoun :* b<^ating .\ndrew Jackson,* Henry Clay,* and Wil- liam H. Crawford :* there being four candidates for President, and Albert Gallatin for Vice President. 1829— Andrew Jackson* and John C. Calhoun*; beating John Quincy Adams and Richard Kufin. 1833— Andrew Jackson* and Martin Van Biiren ; bfating Henry Clay,* John Floyd,* and William Wirt for President; and William Wilkins, John Sergeant, and Hen'v Lee* for Vice President. 1837— Martin Van Buren and Richard M. John- 6on*: beating William H. Harrison, Hugh L. White, and Daniel Webster for President, and John Tyler* for Vice President. 1841 — William H. Harrison and John Tyler* ; beat- ing Martin Van Buren and Littleton W. Tazewell.* * Candidates from Harrison died one month after his inauguration and John Tyler* became President for the re.st of the term. 1845— James K. PolU* and George M. Dallas ; beat- ing Henry (May* and Theodore Frelinghiiy~en. lS4t»-Zachary Taylor* and MilUr.3— F-ianklin Pierce and William R. King*; beating Wintield Scott and William A. Graham.* 18a7— Jaines Buchanan and John C. Breckin- ridge*; lieating John C. Fremont and Millard Fill- more for President, ami William L. Dayton and A. J. Donaldson* for Vice President. 18tU— .Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin; heating John Bell, Stephen A. Douglas, and J. C. Breckinridge* for President. 186.") — Abraham Lincoln and ^ ndrew Johnson,* Union candidates; beating G. B. MoClellan and G. H. Pendleton. IhfiO — Ulysses S Grant and Schuyler Colfax; beat- in:; Horatio Seymour and Fr^nk P. Blair, jr. 1873— Ulysses S. Grant and Henry Wdson ; beating Horace Greeley and B. Gratz Brown, for President and Vice Prrsident. 1877— Rutherford B. Hayes and Wm. A. Wheeler; beating Samuel Tild' n and Thomas A. Hendricks. 1881 — James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur; beating General W. S. Hancock and W. H. English. .\rthur succeeded Garfield, after his death from as- sassination, Sept. lit, 1881, and David Davis is uovr Acting Vice President. Southern States. KUMBER OF ELECTORATE VOTES TO AVHICH EACH STATE HAS BEEN ENTI- TliED. AT EACH ELECTION, 1789-1876. States. S § 8 00 00 i 00 QO 00 00 00 s 00 3 00 oo 00 00 00 s 1 1 i (M CO 1 3 5 5 7 7 3 7 3 9 3 9 3 9 4 4 9 4 4 9 4 4 8 6 5 8 6 5 10 6 6 6 3 6 3 it 21 15 11 5 12 8 7 8 13 11 5 8 15 3 3 5 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 12 8 5 11 5 10 3(,9 38 1^ 7 8 1 3 7 3 9 3 9 3 9 3 9 3 9 3 9 4 9 4 9 4 8 3 8 a 8 3 8 3 6 3 6 3 3 10 9 12 4 6 I !'■' 13 4 6 3 3 10 11 13 4 6 3 3 10 11 13 4 6 3 3 9 16 13 h 3 11 7 7 7 12 8 4 7 11 6 3 3 9 16 13 8 iV 7 7 7 12 8 4 7 11 3 3 5 7 33 9 21 3 ili c 6 10 5 8 317 37 6 3 4 11 21 15 11 5 12 8 7 8 13 11 5 8 15 3 3 5 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 'I 5 11 5 366 37 R 3 3 3 Florida 4 5 4 4 4 6 6 8 8 8 3 3 9 3 6 9 3 5 11 5 9 11 6 9 11 5 9 10 9 12 ^?. Illinois - 9-?. 3 15 13 9 4 4 4 8 8 12 3 12 3 12 3 9 11 15 14 5 9 11 15 14 5 9 11 15 15 6 10 10 14 15 6 1(> 10 14 3 15 5 10 10 14 3 12 6 9 8 12 6 12 6 9 8 12 5 12 C 8 8 13 12 6 8 8 13 6 12 6 8 8 13 6 4 7 9 13 8 G 8 10 1(1 IG 10 10 10 16 11 19 U] 11 19 22 11 22 8 14 13 7 3 3 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 7 6 7 7 9 7 9 9 10 5 3 5 7 33 9 21 3 20 4 G 10 G 5 10 5 8 314 36 3 New Hamp.sliirc New Jersey 6 8 7 G 7 12 12 6 7 12 12 6 7 12 12 7 8 19 14 3 7 8 19 14 3 8 8 29 15 8 8 8 20 15 8 8 8 2;t 15 8 8 8 36 15 16 7 8 4,- 7 8 42 15 21 7 8 42 15 21 6 7 36 11 23 6 7 30 11 23 5 7 35 10 23 5 7 35 10 23 5 7 3a 111 23 3 27 4 8 12 4 15 ...„ 303 33 4 9 30 North Carolina OIno 15! 15 10 21 11 ?.3 3 10 3 7 15 4 8 15 4 8 3 15 4 8 3 20 4 10 6 20 25 25 ll 8 25 4 11 8 28 4 11 11 28, 30 4 4 11 11 11 15 11 15 30 4 11 15 2G 4 9 13 20 4 9 13 4 6 17 ...„ 290 1 27 4 8 12 4 5 15 ...„ 296 31 27 4 8 12 4 5 15 ...„ 296 31 30 Rhode Island 4 in 5 4 n 8 4 9 12 13 4 21 4 21 4 1 6 24 G 24 8 25 8 25 a 25 7 24 7 7 7 23 7 2.3 6 17 4- Virginia West Virginia 12 24 23 12 6 11 Total 91 13 1,35 15 138 16 138 16 176 17 17G 17 218 18 221 235 24 ?61 ?,61 28 "^ 294 294 26 275 26 401 Number of States.... 24 24 2. 38 \