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THE 
 
 I lEPORT AND PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OP 
 
 THE FIRST ANNUAL MEETING 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 Brief Exposition of tlie Principles and 
 Purposes of the Abolitionists. 
 
 PROVIDENCE: 
 
 H. H. BROWN, MARKET-SQUARE. 
 
 1833. 
 

rinsT •f.T.lTVIl/ RErOUT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PROVIDENCE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY 
 
 The Providence Anti- Slavery Society was 
 organized on the 7th of June last. It was then de- 
 termined that the annual meetings should be held on 
 the second Friday of November. That time has 
 arrived; and although only five months have elapsed 
 since our formation, many events have transpired to 
 encourage us greatly in the work we then began. 
 We associated that we might co-operate together, 
 and with others, in the use of all Christian means 
 for the Abolition of Slavery in our land. The glad 
 tidings have since reached us, that, by the persever- 
 ing use of such means, the philanthropists of Great 
 Britain have at leiiffth achieved the overthrow of the 
 same abomination, so long upheld by that govern- 
 ment. And we rejoice this day in being able to 
 report that hundreds in our country have espoused 
 the same righteous cause, since the date of our As- 
 sociation. Within the past five months, an Anti- 
 Slavery Society has been formed in Andovcr, Mass.; 
 another by the Young Men in Boston ; a third in 
 Portland, Maine ; a fourth in New Haven ; a fifth 
 in Plainfield, Conn.; a sixth at Hudson, in the 
 Western Reserve, Ohio; <i. seventh in Paint Valley, 
 Ohio; an eighth in New York City, and a 7i//i//i in 
 Pittsburgh, Penn. We have moreover every reason 
 to believe that a National Anti-Slavery Society will 
 be instituted ere lone:- Numerous excellent tracts 
 
and larger works, on Slavery, have been issued dur- 
 ing the brief term of which we have been speaking; 
 and every where throughout our country the news- 
 papers and other periodicals have ventured to broach 
 this hitherto interdicted subject. Well may these 
 things animate usf They do indeed strengthen our 
 hands and encourage our hearts to go on and labor 
 more abundantly in the cause we have espoused. 
 
 Are there any here who would damp our ardor by 
 reminding us that every where the project, in which 
 we have engaged, is opposed — the very name we 
 bear cast out as evil, and our sentiments denounced 
 as fanatical, incendiary and treasonable? Let them 
 tell us, if they can, what great moral reformation was 
 ever undertaken, which did not arouse opposition, 
 violent in proportion to the inveteracy of the wick- 
 edness to be overborne, and the determination with 
 which its strong holds were assailed ! It is indeed 
 the best proof we can have, that the proper means to 
 reform a public vice have been devised, when those 
 who are implicated in that vice are disturbed. How 
 patient and uncomplaining were the votaries and 
 abettors of Intemperance, under the discourses which 
 were from time to time delivered from the pulpit, 
 and the essays which occasionally appeared in our 
 periodicals, upon the sin of drunkenness in the ab- 
 stract. But when the Temperance Association was 
 formed, then was heard the voice of angry opposi- 
 tion — and why ? Because, forsooth, that Association 
 struck at the root of the vice, and the blow was felt 
 through all its branches. 
 
 When Clarkson and Wilberforce commenced 
 their labors for the suppression of the Slave Trade, 
 they were reviled and execrated. The life even of 
 Clarkson was repeatedly threatened, and several 
 times in imminent peril, from the malice of his foes, 
 who were the men engaged directly or indirectly in 
 the atrocious traffic he had determined to suppress. 
 
We might adduce several other striking illustra- 
 tions, but we need mention only the signal example 
 in the history of our Lord Jesus Christ. Though 
 now he is ackno^^ledged by all to have been the Suil 
 of Righteousness, the Anointed of God, the Savior 
 of the world, } et was he despised and rejected of 
 men, and persecuted even unto death, because he 
 preached the truth, exposed wickedness wherever it 
 existed, and labored to redeem men from all their 
 sins. 
 
 Let it not then be thought that the opposition 
 which is shown to our project, and the opprobrious 
 epithets that are so liberally bestowed upon those 
 who are engaged in it, are any evidence that the 
 Anti-Slavery cause is unworthy of the patronage of 
 the wisest and best. No. All history shows that 
 the opposite inference ought rather to be drawn. 
 
 The only points, upon which rational and moral 
 men can consistently require to be satisfied, are,y?/"5^, 
 whether the principles of the Anti-Slavery Societies 
 are correct and accordant with the Christian religion. 
 Secondly, whether the means they propose to use are 
 lawful, worthy and judicious. Every one, whom we 
 call upon to unite with us to abolish Slavery, may 
 very properly demand of us to satisfy them that we 
 are not laboring to disseminate erroneous sentiments, 
 and unnecessarily stirring up strife. What then, let 
 it now be explicitly stated, are our sentiments ? 
 
 We believe, and would do all in our power to con- 
 vince others, that " God hath made of one blood all 
 nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the 
 earth." The numerous physical, intellectual and mo- 
 ral diversities, which are found to subsist in the hu- 
 man race, we believe to be incidental, not originally 
 inherent. We do not and cannot know what was 
 the complexion, or the stature, or the precise form, of 
 the first parents of mankind ; and therefore we can- 
 not know which of all their descendants have depart- 
 
 Bta 
 
ed most, and which least, from a resemblance to 
 them. 
 
 We believe, and would disseminate as widely as 
 J)ossible the belief, that " God is no respecter of per- 
 sons, but that in every nation he that feareth him and 
 Worketh righteousness, is accepted with him." We 
 cannot persuade ourselves that anything else is of 
 so much value in the sight of God, or that anything 
 (clse should be so highly valued among men as right- 
 eousness. Incalculable mischief is done to the cause 
 of human happiness, no less than to human virtue, by 
 the undue estimation which is so generally placed 
 upon the possession of wealth, of beauty, of elegant 
 accomplishments, and upon the color of the skin. 
 
 We believe, and would do all in our power to per- 
 suade our countrymen to believe, that " all men are 
 created free and equal, and are endowed by their Creator 
 with certain inalienab/e rights, among which are life, 
 liberty and the pursuit of happiness." This momen- 
 tous doctrine is indeed very solemnly announced in 
 our Declaration of Independence ; and our nation 
 vaunts itself as the champion of this doctrine ; yet 
 there is not a nation in the world that has so grossly 
 violated the rights of man as we have done, and are 
 doing this moment ! More than two millions of our 
 fellow beings, more than one sixth of the inhabitants 
 of this land, are held in the most abject bondage! 
 
 We believe, yes, w^e peremptorily declare, and 
 shall resolutely maintain that no man can have a right 
 of property in human creatures. No individual or 
 community can have a good title to the liberty of 
 men, excepting only where liberty has been forfeited 
 to society by crime. This follows as an unavoida- 
 ble inference, if the previous doctrine be true. If 
 one is self-evident, the other is equally so. 
 
 We therefore do not think it enough to call Slav- 
 ery in the United States a national evil — we denounce 
 it as an atrocious national sin — a sin for which we 
 
can ot'fev less excuse than any people on earth — a sin 
 which is bringing upon us the contempt of the world, 
 the high displeasure of Heaven, and, if it be persist- 
 ed in, must ere long cause our ruin. 
 
 We believe that men cannot leave off sinning too 
 soon — that it cannot be dangerous to cease from do- 
 ing evil at any moment. 
 
 We insist that the colored inhabitants of our land 
 have as good a right to the privileges and immunities 
 of American citizens, as any other class of our inhab- 
 itants. Those who were born here, i. e. a large pro- 
 portion of the colored people, are Americans by birth. 
 They are no more Africans, than we are Europeans. 
 The United States is their home, as much as ours. 
 It is heinous wickedness, it is cruel persecution, in 
 us so to treat them as to make them wish to flee 
 from their country. And to insist, that their removal 
 from the land of their birth should be the condition 
 of their emancipation from Slavery, is an outrageous 
 violation of our most sacred civil as well as religious 
 prmciples. All the colored people who possess the 
 qualifications which are demanded of others, ought 
 to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the 
 same privileges, and the exercise of the same prero- 
 gatives as others. x\nd all of them who do not pos- 
 sess such qualifications, ought to have every facility 
 afforded for attaining them as soon as possible. They 
 ought not to be held as property, and treated as 
 brutes a moment longer. All laws derogatory to 
 them as rational and moral beings, ought to be repeal- 
 ed. They should no longer be left at the mercy of 
 their petty tyrants — liable to be bought and sold like 
 cattle — denied the protection of public justice — with- 
 held from the lights of knowledge and of religion. 
 They should be in subjection only to the civil arm — 
 and that arm ought to hold over them and their white 
 brethren the equal scale of justice. The life and lib- 
 erty of colorecl men should lie as sacred as our own ; 
 
8 
 
 and they ought to be fitted as soon as they may be 
 to exercise and enjoy all the prerogatives of freemen. 
 These changes in their condition surely cannot be 
 effected too soon. Let therefore such measures only 
 be adopted, as will tend directly to produce them. 
 Let us not temporize about the highest interests — 
 the inalienable rijihts of more than two millions of 
 the inhabitants of our land ! ! 
 
 Such are our principles. Is there one of them 
 which any rational man, especially if he be a Christ- 
 ian, will venture to controvert ? 
 
 We now proceed to the inquiry of those, who de- 
 mand of us by what means we propose to accomplish 
 our purposes? We answer, by means precisely like 
 those which have been employed with so much effect 
 towards the subversion of Intemperance. We propose 
 to circulate Tracts urging upon the consciences of 
 our fellow-citizens the heinous wickedness of Slave- 
 ry — exposing the perpetual injustice, and the occa- 
 sional cruelties which are tolerated and enforced by 
 the laws of our land — exhibiting also without a veil 
 the loathsome vices which are prevalent wherever 
 the Institution of Slavery is upheld. 
 
 We intend, so soon as we may be able, to send out 
 living agents to cry aloud and spare not, to lift up their 
 voices like trumpets, and show this people their great 
 transgressions, and the fearful calamities which im- 
 pend over them. 
 
 Respecting Slavery in the District of Columbia, 
 and other portions of our territory, which are under 
 the immediate government of Congress, we mean to 
 petition Congress, and reiterate our petitions year 
 after year, until at least the place where our national 
 legislators convene, is purified. We shall labor, in 
 co-operation with others, so to correct public opinion, 
 and arouse public feeling in New England, that she 
 will utter herself in the cause of the oppressed, as it 
 would become her to do ; and instruct her Repre- 
 
9 
 
 sentatives in Compress on all occasions to announce 
 her sentiments, and urge her wishes in opposition to 
 Slavery. 
 
 Thus it will be seen that we rely wholly on moral 
 power — the power of tJie truth. "Who is there that 
 will dare say this is not a proper, legitimate, Christ- 
 ian-like, republican mode of proceeding? Is not this 
 the mode provided in the very Constitution of the 
 United States, by which we are to correct the evils, 
 that may exist under the government, of which that 
 Constitution is the basis; or even to amend the de- 
 fects of that instrument itself? Is not the freedom of 
 speech and of the press secured to us in that charter 
 of our liberties? Is it not acknowledged by all, who 
 understand the genius of a republican government, 
 that the right of thinking for ourselves, and of speak- 
 ing, writing and printing our opinions, is fundamen- 
 tal? Without this, the evils, which are incident to this 
 form of society, cannot be corrected; no — nor our 
 freedom long preserved. 
 
 The Anti-Slavery Societies wish for no other means 
 than these. We have hitherto used only these ; nor 
 can we ever have need to resort to any other. 
 
 Our numbers, in this Providence Society, are com- 
 paratively, few; but we have not therefore been idle 
 nor timid in our appropriate sphere of duty. Assured 
 of the justice of our cause, we have labored in it as 
 we were able. Our first public meeting was held on 
 the 4th of July, when an Address was delivered in 
 the afternoon in this city, by Rev. Thomas ^Vil- 
 liams, and repeated in the evening of the same dav, 
 at Pawtucket. The audiences assembled at both 
 places were highly respectable ; and a collection of 
 about twenty dollars was taken in aid of our funds. 
 
 The next quarterly meeting of the Society was 
 
 held on the 13th of September, when a public address 
 
 was delivered by Rev. Samuel J. May, of Brooklyn. 
 
 We have purchased and distributed one hundred 
 
10 
 
 copies of Stuart's " West India Question," a pam- 
 phlet published in England, showing in the most con- 
 clusive manner, the duty, safety and good economy 
 of the Immediate Emancipation of Slaves. Also, 
 one hundred copies of " Prejudice Vincible," a letter 
 from James Cropper of Liverpool to the venerable 
 Clarkson, showing that the prejudices against our 
 colored brethren may be and ought to be overcome. 
 Also, one hundred and sixty-eight copies of Rankin's 
 Letters, exposing some of the abominations of Slav- 
 ery in our own country. Besides these, we have 
 distributed several hundreds of other tracts, which 
 have been given us by benevolent individuals ; and 
 we have lately ordered four hundred copies of J. G. 
 Whittier's excellent pamphlet entitled " Justice and 
 Expediency." 
 
 Such, friends and fellow-citizens, is our Report 
 In conclusion, we beg of you to examine thoroughly 
 the Tracts we have issued — and, scrutinize, as close- 
 ly as you may, every sentiment contained in them. 
 We shrink not from the investigation of our opinions. 
 If they are erroneous, let it be made to appear as 
 soon as possible. 
 
 We intreat those of you who are thoroughly con- 
 vinced of the correctness of our views and senti- 
 ments, to come without delay and unite with us to 
 deliver more than two millions of our countrymen 
 from Slavery and degradation; and redeem our be- 
 loved country from her greatest iniquity. 
 
P R O C E E tH jv G S 
 
 FIRST ANNUAL MEE>^jjy^ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PROVIDENCE ANTI-SLAVERY ^jexy 
 
 Holden at Mechanics' Hall, in Providence, on the^^. , 
 
 of November, 1S33. " ^^y 
 
 The meeting was called to order by the Presidei 
 at half past six o'clock. 
 
 The proceedings of the last meeting were read by 
 the Secretary. 
 
 The Executive Committee then presented their 
 Annual Report which was read and unanimously 
 accepted. 
 
 The following Resolution was presented by Rev. 
 Thomas Williams, to wit : 
 
 Resolved, That the immediate and unconditional 
 Abolition of Slavery throughout the United States is 
 imperiously demanded, not less for the national safety, 
 than by the dictates of Republicanism and Philan- 
 throphy. 
 
 The meeting was addressed by Rev. Mr. Williams, 
 after which the Resolution was seconded and sup- 
 ported by Rev. George Bourne, of New York city, 
 and unanimously passed. 
 
 The following Resolution was presented by Mr. 
 
 Charles C. Burleigh, of Brooklyn, Conn, to wit: 
 
 Resolred, That the pretence of the Colonization 
 Society to be in intention and effect an Ami-Slavery 
 Society, is false and unfounded. 
 
 Mr. Burleigh addressed the meeting at gome 
 
Ti 
 
 length, in support of -'lis Resolution, uliicli was sec- 
 onded and passed »vith one dissenting voice. 
 
 The follov""S Resolution was offered by Mr. 
 
 Bourne, t^ ^''^' 
 
 Resolv^'^ y/irt/! the improvement of the condition of 
 
 fj rol' "^'^ P^^P^^ ^'^ ^he United States is a debt of 
 
 , dugnitude, vjhich is owing by us to that class of 
 
 ^erican citizens, the full and prompt payment of 
 
 Jiich is enforced by all the claims of justice and the 
 
 Christian religion. 
 
 On the passage of this Resolution, Rev. Mr. Bourne 
 addressed the meeting in an energetic and able man- 
 ner, and the Resolution passed unanimously. 
 
 The following gentlemen were then elected Offi- 
 cers of the Society, to wit: 
 
 PRESIDENT, 
 Mr. jo si ah CADY. 
 VICE-PHESIDENT, 
 
 Rev. ray potter. 
 
 TREASURER, 
 
 Mr. JOHN PRENTICE. 
 
 CORRESFONI>INa SECRETARY, 
 
 Mr. gilbert RICHMOND. 
 
 RECORDING SECRETARY, 
 
 Mk. henry E. BENSON. 
 
 COUNSEI.I.ORS, 
 
 Messrs. HENRY GUSHING, 
 
 MARTIN ROBINSON, 
 WYLLYS AMES, 
 WILBOR TILLINGHAST 
 JOHN EDWIN BROWN 
 
 '['he rneetini: w;is tlien ndjourufd. 
 
13 
 
 CONSTITUTION. 
 
 We the undersigned, believe that a difference in 
 the human complexion forms no just exception to 
 the principle which assumes that " all men are cre- 
 ated equal, and are endowed by their Creator with 
 certain unalienable rights." Hence, we believe, that 
 every slave is entitled to imm.ediate emancipation 
 from bondage ; and that the people of color are enti- 
 tled to the same natural and political privileges with 
 other persons. 
 
 And since our colored brethren and sisters, with 
 few exceptions, are in no condition to assert their 
 own rights, we believe it to be the solemn duty of 
 those who are in the full enjoyment of these sacred 
 privileges, to advocate their cause by all peaceful 
 and lawful measures. Other means than these we 
 disclaim, and will give no countenance to violence or 
 insurrection. With such vie^^ s and intentions, we 
 agree to form ourselves into a Society, under the 
 following Constitution. 
 
 Article 1. The Society shall be called the Pro- 
 vidence Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 Art. 2. The objects of the Society shall be to en- 
 deavor by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and 
 religion, to effect the immediate Abolition of Slavery 
 in the United States — to improve the character of the 
 free people of color — to inform and correct public 
 opinion in relation to their situation and rights — and 
 to obtain for them equal civil and political privileges 
 with the white iuhal)itants of the land. 
 
14 
 
 Art. 3. Any person by signing the Constitution, 
 and paying the Treasurer twenty-five dollars as a life 
 subscription, or one dollar annually, shall be a mem- 
 ber of the Society. 
 
 Art. 4. There shall be a President, Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Treasurer, Corresponding Secretary, Recording 
 Secretary and five Counsellors, who shall perform all 
 the duties usually incident to the respective offices. 
 They shall be annually chosen by ballot at the regu- 
 lar meeting of the Society in November. These ten 
 officers shall together constitute an Executive Com- 
 mittee, authorized to fill vacancies in their own num- 
 ber, five of whom shall form a quorum, to carry into 
 effect the resolutions of the Society and manage its 
 funds, subject in all cases to the control and direction 
 of the Society. 
 
 Art. 5. There shall be in each year a regular 
 meeting of the Society on the second Friday of every 
 month from September to April inclusive, and on the 
 fourth day of July; special meetings may be called 
 by the officers when they shall judge it necessary, 
 or on application to them from seven members in 
 writing. Thirteen members shall constitute a quo- 
 rum to transact business. 
 
 Art. 6. The Constitution may be altered, with 
 the exception of the second article, at any regular 
 meeting of the Society, by a vote of two thirds of 
 the members present, or a majority of all the mem- 
 bers, such alteration having been proposed at the 
 preceding regular meeting. 
 
The attention of the British public having been drawn to the Ame- 
 rican Colonization Society, by a recent visit iiom one ot its aj^cnts, 
 several distinguished statesmen and philanthropists availed of the 
 occasion to make the following expression of their opinion of its 
 merits. 
 
 PROTEST. 
 
 We the undersigned, having observed with regret that the " Aine- 
 rican Colonization Society^' appears to be gaining some adherents in 
 this country, are desirous to express our opinions respecting it. 
 
 Our motive and excuse for thus coming forward are the claims 
 which the Society has put forth to Anti- Slavery support. These 
 opinions are, in our opinion, wholly groundless, and we feel bound 
 to affirm, that our deliberate judgment and conviction are, that the 
 professions made by the Colonization Society of promoting the abo- 
 lition of Slavery, are altogether delusive. 
 
 As far as the mere Colony of Liberia is concerned, it has no doubt 
 advantages of other trading establishments. In this sense, it is ben- 
 eficial both to America and to Africa, and we cordially wish it well. 
 We never required of that country to assist us in Sierra Leone ; we 
 are heavily burdened by our own connection with Slavery ; and we 
 do maintain that we ought not to be called on to contribute to the 
 ex»-onses of a Colony, which, though no doubt comprising some ad- 
 vantages, was formed chiefly to indulge the prejudices of American 
 Slave-holders, and which is regarded with aversion by the colored 
 population ot the United States. 
 
 With regard to the extinction of the Slave Trade, we apprehend 
 that Liberia, however good the intentions of its supporters, will be 
 able to do little or nothing towards it, except on the limited extent of 
 its own territories. The only effectual death blow to that accursed 
 traffic, will be the destruction of slavery throughout the world. To 
 the destruction of slavery throughout the world, we are compelled to 
 say that we believe the Colonization Society to be an obstruction. 
 
 Our objections to it are, therefore, briefly these : — While we be- 
 lieve its pretexts to be delusive, we are convinced that its real efTects 
 are ot the most dangerous nature. It takes its root from a cruel pre- 
 judice and alienation in the whites oi America against the colored 
 people, slave or tree. This being its source, the effects are what 
 might be expected; that it fosters and increases the spirit of caste, al- 
 ready so unhappily predominant : that it widens the breach between 
 the two races — exposes the colored people to great practical persecu- 
 
16 
 
 tion, in order [o force them to emigrate; and finally is calculated to 
 swallow up and divert that feeling wiiicli America as a Christian and 
 free country, cannot but entertain, that slavery is alike incompatible 
 with the law of God, and with the well being of man, whether of Iho 
 enslaver or the enslaved. 
 
 On these grounils, therefore, and while we acknowledge the Colony 
 of Liberia, or any other colony on the coast of Africa, to be in itself 
 a good thing, we must be understood utterly to repudiate the princi- 
 ples of the American Colonization Society. That Society is, in our 
 estimation, not deserving of the countenance of the British public. 
 
 Wm. Wilberforce, Suffield, 
 
 Wm. SiMITH, S. LUSHINGTON, M. P. 
 
 Zackary Macauly, Thos. Fowell Buxton, M P 
 
 Wm. Evens, M. P. James Cropper, 
 
 Samuel Gurnev, William Allen, 
 
 George Stephen, Daniel O'Connell, M, P. 
 Londiin, July, 1833, 
 
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