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CC CC CC CCC CC: 4iC , CC CC CccCC C r c £ c c < c c c ccc cc < fee c C CCCXC C^:' c c c cc ccrvrc^ c CCccc CCccc CCCCC CCc< / CCCCff - CC'C fecC C C( ' i- c£ C cC C cC % CC C cC CCC c cc c cc c ^,c (CC "cc CCC cCc -°<33^S>x^c ^cbicaicb to tftc eFe/nicm» a+vc tftc eFttc*t&> of eircfan^. "Semper et Ubique Fideles." — Always and Everywhere Faithful. SECOND EIDITIO^T—ISE^riSEiD, Of WASHlVi^. ' GRAND RAPIDS, MICH.: STEAM PRESSES OF H. H. COLESTOCK, 2 PEARL, STREET. 1882. /UnU. ~K - TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE. BULL OF ADRIAN IV. . . . . . .78 Authorities on the Bulls 70 Introductory Remarks . . . . . . ' . 3 Letters of Niall the Grand and^Others . . 8 to 28 Artful Policy of the English' Government . . .28 Maynooth College endowed by England . 31 The Maynooth Oath 32 The Destruction of Ireland's Parliament ... 34 England's Attempt to enslave the Irish Church . . 3G Oath of the Emancipated Catholic Office-seeker . . 44 Ireland's Bondage ........ 46 The Church against Irish Freedom .... 48 Catholic Emancipation ....... 49 England's gratitude to the Church for helping- to en- slave Ireland . . . . . . . .52 The Fenians in the Field ...... 58 Persecutions of the National Color by priests . . 60 Felon -setting 60 Lifting the Cross for England ..... 61 Who Broke down the British Church . . .63 The English Clergy ....... 66 Waning Influence of Irish Catholic clergy in Elections, 70 The Election of John Mitchell 71 INTRODUCTORY. REMARKS. Fellow-countrymen, as myself exiles and victims of cre- dulity and of the tyrannical policy of England and* her allies, and also you men interested in the welfare of your fellow-creatures of whatever descent or nationality, I beg leave to explain to you the motives that impelled me to commence those letters of " Niall, the Grand," lately pub- lished in the Daily Democrat* and how the ungentlemanly misconstruction of the spirit of these letters by " Irish" and " Irish-Americans " caused me, instead of treating them with neglect as they deserved, to retaliate in kind. In my experience, I have met and talked with Irishmen who could relate with accuracy the principal incidents of English, French, Spanish, German, Russian and even Roman, Grecian, Persian and Egyptian histories, and yet knew nothing of their own country's history, except what they had learned from the erroneous fireside legends of old women, such as the counterfeit prophecies of Columkill, the great feats of fairies and ghosts, and the battles and conversations St. Patrick had with the snakes. These same men can tell you the name and merits of every story that has appeared in the New York Weekly, the Fireside Com- panion, etc., during the last ten years. It is a desire to awaken the minds of such men to the importance of Irish history that induces me to introduce Niall. If they begin to read and study this Irish history, they will find it as instructive as any other, and more romantic and thrilling than the trash they find in dime novels and story papers". Despite all the pains which the Danes and their kindred, the Norman-English, took to destroy it, and the extent to which they succeeded, we can still learn from it that a peo- ple capable of leading the world in arts, science and learn- ing may, when opposed by cunning fraud, become almost 4 REMARKS. the exact opposite of what nature has made them — that circumstances move the human mind as wind does the clouds, and that the more noble and intellectual is the mind, the more subject it is to bad as well as good influence. Countrymen, let us compare Ireland of 1,000 or 2,000 years ago with our sad and forsaken Ireland of the present, and see if the comparison flatters us. Our fathers a thou- sand years ago led the world in intellectual advancement, gave tuition and the necessaries and comforts of life free of charge to all that wished to partake ot them; and our fath- ers of two thousand years ago possessed not only learning and civilization but also valor and freedom. They were not afraid to measure swords with the soldiers of doughty Rome. That power invaded and easily conquered Eng- land, the inhabitants of which the Irish, judging from their neutrality, must have thought little of; but when she attempted the subjugation ot the Scotch she was met and foiled by Irish valor, and met not alone in Scotland; but, for her presumption in tampering with the rights and liberty of true Celts, encountered and defeated on her own soil. We may also congratulate ourselves on the fact that our Chris- tian forefathers were about the only people then that prac- ticed Christianity to the letter. They discountenanced the maxim ot treating people according to desert; and alas! to the sorrow of their progeny put in rigid practice that of doing good for evil ; while their neighbors believed in and practiced that and every other Christian precept as far as it enabled them to gain their selfish ends by deceiving others. Of equal truth is the fact that our forefathers, a thousand years ago, educated and civilized, so far as that was pos- sible, the very men in the unjust possession of whose pos- terity Ireland is now and has been more or less for the last seven hundred years ; while one-half of the rightful heirs, driven to America, have to keep the other half at home from starving; all of which we may contemplate with such emotious as are congenial to our dispositions. " Irish" has, with other unfounded pet names, called me REMARKS. a renegade Irishman. If, to be a renegade, it is necessary for one to. have the welfare of his native country at heart next to that of his family and to give her all the assistance in his power, then I accept the term renegade; for Ireland is next to my family in my love and anxiety. Oh Erin! my country, though sad and forsaken, I long to revisit thy sea-beaten shore; But, alas! in a far foreign land I awaken, And sigh for the friends that can meet me no more. If he applies the word on religious grounds, I say to him, though by no means willing to play the hypocrite, I believe myself at least as good a Catholic as he. I have nothing to say against the religious portion of Catholicity. Jt is the creed of every one belonging to me— the creed I was taught at the knees of a loving motTter ; but with that part of it that has become a political machine, to the injury of my country and its votaries, and would barter their liberty and their lives, I hold no sympathy. When a man combines in his person the character of a politician with that of an expounder and inculcator of Christian precepts and Chris- tian virtues— that is, when he uses or rather prostitutes the influence, attached to his position as moral teacher, in gain- ing his own selfish object or in gratifying his vanity, to the detriment of those the faithful guardian of whose interests he pretends to be, I cannot conscientiously approve of his worldly inclination or confide in his interpretation of Chris- tian or moral obligations. It has been strongly urged and is now asserted that God wills to have Irishmen persecuted, stoned and exiled, so as to Carry the faith to other countries ! Brother Irishmen, is it your belief that God has created us for this purpose— as victims to be sacrificed to the will of a few dozen English- men, who use our God-given property in practicing vices for which no language has names, and so revolting that to hear them described causes one's hair to stand on end with horror! Oh! let us not commit such a blasphemy as be- lieving such a damnable theory. If it be so, what a noble end is ours ! And do we propagate the faith to any re- markable extent ? Yes; the faith that Ireland has been 6 REMARKS. hoodwinked more by her supposed friends than her pro- fessed enemy; and this, anyone taking the trouble of inves- tigating the matter will find so, unless from prejudice he begins with the firm resolve to find it otherwise ; but instead of converting heretics they lose their own faith and with it their patriotism, as they consider each so blended with the other and locked together in the ecclesiastical magic-box that it is impossible to retain one and discard the other. T have no conception of an institution more worthy of Veneration than the Catholic Church, as a the- ological system ; but I feel far differently toward it as a mundane concern. "Render to the Lord what is the Lord's, and to Caesar what is Caesar's." When we see men, who have by vows dedicated them- selves to the service of God, make the commandments of that God subservient to the tactics of a pawnbroker or a ward politician, I do not understand why we are not justi- fied, in the eyes of God and of man, in renouncing his authority, especially the ungodly part of it, if Ave regard our own happiness and wish to preserve our religion from contamination. There "Is nought so good, but, strained from that fair use, Revolts from true birth, stumbling on abuse." There must be some reason why the valor and the genius, that have triumphed so in the battles and the cause of strange lands, have met with such signal failures, in Ireland. There must be some obstacle in the way ; and until we have removed it, it is useless to be agitating Irish grievances, unless to keep us conscious of our degradation. It is not expected that these remarks will remove the arbitrary despotism of Ireland's real and supposed enemies any more ejfectually than reverse the order of the universe; but still I consider it a duty incumbent on me to put a drop in the bucket, which I hope to God will soon be filled. I am well aware, that to be successful in trade, a man must not meddle with politics or religion, but I prefer principle REMARKS. 7 to profit; hence my course in this affair. If my efforts help the cause any, I will deem myself well paid for my trouble. If otherwise, I can rest satisfied with having done what I think is my duty and what I know to be right. Sursum corda — be not disheartened. N. T. G. LETTERS OF MALL THF GRAND. ST. PATRICK'S DAY. Editors Daily Democrat : Sirs : — It seems as if our Irish fellow-citizens are forget- ting to make any preparation to celebrate the anniversary of St. Patrick. Have the}>" come to the conclusion that there was no such person ? — that the whole business was an intrigue of Rome, to annul the interests of the African church, which was then (432) established in Ireland by Peladsius ? It is very true there are sixty-three histories extant on this saint, and now in the libraries of Cambridge and Oxford. Not one of the writers dare say where he was born, what country he could claim as his own, or how old he was when he died. Nor can any give any proof that he ever dreamed of Ireland or the Irish people, as is ' related of him in his vision (Vox Hibernijersium) ; or that he did actually consecrate 365 bishops — one for every day in the year — and 3,000 priests. It is light on this subject which we want. On that day to celebrate, let us have a fine concert or lecture, and send the proceeds to feed some of the poor of Ireland. A good lecture would afford instruction, and the money would help to feed the starving. Niall the Grand. (An answer to Niall the Grand.) ST. PATRICK'S DAY. Editors Daily Democrat : In reply to " Niall the Grand," I would say that " our Irish fellow-citizens " have not forgotten to consider the advisability of celebrating the 17th of March. They have "niall the grand." 9 not come to the conclusion that St. Patrick never existed ; all Christians believe that he introduced the Christian relig- ion into Ireland , even though, according to the authorities quoted by "Niall the Grand," there may be some doubt as to the exact date of both the birth and death of Ireland's apostle. With regard to the manner of celebrating the anniver- sary of St. Patrick, .why should he suggest any fine con- cert, etc., until he has time to read the works of some other historians, besides the sixty-three he mentioned; he might then be able to let his " Irish fellow-citizens " know when and how to celebrate. If he has any idea that his " Irish fellow-citizens " are neglecting their duty to the land of St. Patrick's vision (Vox Hibernijersium), I would inform him that they forwarded nearly five hundred dollars last week, in addition to what they had already sent to assist their struggling brothers in Ireland, and intend to continue the good work in spite of the sneers of the "Grand Niall." If he has any suggestions to make with regard to the celebra- tion he seems so anxious to take place, he can present them either personally or by proxy, at the next meeting of the only thorough Irish organization in this city, viz : the Land League. Irish American. I's Answer.) \ 7 IALL THE GRAND. st. patrick and the day we celebrate. Editors Daily Democrat : The old saying is: Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad. My suggestion, as to the apparent negligence of our Irish fellow-citizens, was in the most friendly spirit. Still, I am charged with sneering at the day we are going to celebrate. Are we to wait and consult my friend " Irish-American," before we venture to men- tion or question the powers that be? Oh ye gods! my letter made no reference to that good organization, the land 10 "niall the grand. 1 ' league, the members of which it is an honor to be acquainted with: still, I do not like to see them boasting of t^eir charity. Did " Irish-American " contribute $5 to it ? I think not. But to return to St. Patrick : The reader will see your correspondent only believes like the rest ; and so, without knowing, he is happy in the delusion. I think there is not another country on the face of the earth that has had more of this religion preachedto them and profited less. Let me draw your attention to a few facts: The missionaries of the third century not only preached but founded churches and colleges in Ireland. Among the names of these men are Holy Diana, Heber, founder of an academy at Big-lire in Leinster. St. Kieran and St. Declan also preceded St. Patrick, and founded churches. Ibarris protested against giving the supremacy and patronage of Ireland to anyone but a native. Enough! St. Patrick did not introduce Christianity into Ireland. But let us see how much social happiness Ireland has enjoyed since her con- nection with Rome. Ireland was free and happy. It was a land of milk and honey before her connection with that power. But in the 348 years between the arrival of St. Patrick and the Danish invasion (770) what had occurred ? When the Danes came, the Irish did not know how to defend themselves from a handful of pirates, allowing them to destroy the colleges and churches, and so absorbed in religion were we that we did not know the use of arms. We suffered the most galling and degrading slavery. Do you forget the nose-tax, in default of the money trib- ute, to be paid to the Danes ? Oh yes; why were not the Irish of that date united ? I will save you the mortifica- tion; they paid too much attention to the mandates of Rome. But if " Irish-American" will give a little more attention to the history of Ireland, he will see that the church is partly responsible for Ireland's slavery. Let me draw his attention to the bulls which were issued at different times from Rome ; for instance, Adrian IV. to Henry II. When Bruce led the Scottish and Irish army, the pope lent his "niall the grand. 11 11 aid to the English ; for we see O'Neill, Prince of Tyrone, making- the following remonstrance, in the year 1318 : " It is with difficulty we can bring ourselves to believe that the biting and venomous calumnies, with which we and all who espouse our cause have been invariably assailed by the English, should have found admittance also into the mind of your holiness. 1 ' [O'Halloran, p. 50, second div., chapter 9 ; J. Frost, vol. 2, page 281.] Speaking of the conquest of Ireland by Henry, having obtained a papal bull, etc., Sherlock (page 33) says Pope Adrian granted a license to Henry to invade and convert Ireland. Is it not time that irishmen should be honest enough to lay the cause of their misery where it properly belongs? I hold our present state of slavery is as much to be charged to the church- men as to the English ; and until Irishmen realize the fact, it is the honest conviction of your correspondent that this will continue. With many thanks for your valuable space, I remain yours, Niall the Grand. "IRISH" VS. "NIALL THE GRAND.' 1 ANOTHER CORRESPONDENT TAKES A HAND IN THE GAME. Grand Rapids, Feb. 24, 1882. Editors Daily Democrat : Sirs : — Will you please permit me to say, for the gratifi- cation of this newly-fledged genius, " Niall the Grand," who has been figuring in the Democrat within the past few days, how thankful, oh ! how very thankful the Irish people of Grand Rapids are for his noble conduct in thus demonstrating to them the wickedness of their ways by wilfully remaining in ignorance. And yet, look at the per- versity of those victims of Rome; for a great many of them have the ingratitude to say to their would-be benefac- tor that the proffered advice smells badly. And yet more wicked, they say it is rather late in this, the nineteenth century, to pay any attention to the ranting tirade of this most illustrious authority, who tells them that when " the 12 "niall the grand." Danes came, the Irish were not able to defend themselves from a handful of pirates." Well, for once, we will be honest, and say we were not able to defend ourselves ; anil why ? Not, as the great Niall would imply, but because there were then, as now, traitors and renegades, who pro- fessed to be our friends, ready and willing to do the dirty work of our enemies. More " wickedness " still ; for they add that there are some of the posterity of those same traitors and knaves in Grand Rapids to-day. " Most noble Niall," I pity you, after such abnegation, self-sacrifice and* trouble on your part, to be subject to such treatment from such "Rome-ridden slaves " as you say the Irish are. And a word in conclusion. It is the opinion of a num- ber of people, in this city, that the sooner you take your exit out of the public view as a historian and lecturer of the Irish people the better ; for it is proved beyond a doubt, by your own quotation of history, that either you or history — perhaps both — are wrong. So that, before you? take to yourself the liberty of correcting " Irish-American, ,T you ought to become more authentic yourself. You say that Henry obtained a papal bull or license to invade and convert Ireland, from Pope Adrian. Now, it has been proved, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that Henry never attempted to establish that he had received such authority till long after the pope's death, and why ? Because such authority nevei existed. And now, permit me to add that, as the Irish people have long since formed their opinion in regard to their religion and country, and as they are said to be a perverse people, it will take a more learned and logical authority than the celebrated Niall the Grand to change them ; for I think he might be reasonably suspected of being a traducer of both. I am sir, etc., Irish. "niall the grand." 13 " NIALL THE GRAND AGAIN.' 1 HE REPLIES PROMPTLY TO THE STRICTURES OF " IRISH. 1 ' Grand Rapids, February 25. Editors Daily Democrat : Sirs : — Niall the Grand has received another shot from 11 Irish. 11 " Irish-American " is hors de combat. Now I have only to deal with ignorant " Irish. 1 ' I say ignorant, because he has not proven me wrong ; nor did he have the intelligence to make any argument to contradict one single assertion of Niall the Grand. He is, like a great many, satisfied if a priest or Catholic writer denies anything ; it must be so. I thank him for his advice to leave the lecture and historical field; but before I drop this subject I will teach him more than he ever knew. You will notice, he makes the bold assertion that Henry the Second did not receive a bull from Pope Adrian, the spurious son of a fallen priest, and a beggar [Lives of the Popes] ; a scholar by charity, educated by Maurice O'Garman, a professor in Paris. Irish does not believe in this bull of Adrian. Oh no! My authorities are G. Gambensis chaplain to Henry, Dr. Leland, Dr. O'Connor, O'Halloran and T. Moore. But to make sure — doubly sure — here is Pope Alexander the Third's bull, which will speak for itself, and confirms Adrian's bull, and is as follows : " Alexander, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his dear son in Christ, the illustrious king of England, health and apostolical benediction : " Forasmuch as these things, which have been on good reasons granted by our predecessors, deserve to be con- firmed in the fullest manner ; and considering the grant of the dominion of the realm of Ireland by the venerable Pope Adrian, we, pursuing his footsteps, do ratify and con- firm the same, (reserving to St. Peter and to the holy Roman church, as well in England as in Ireland, the yearly pension of one penny from every house) provided that the abominations of the land being removed, that barbarous people, Christians only in name, may, by your means, be 14 "niall the grand.'" reformed, and their lives and conversation mended, so that their disordered church being thus reduced to regular dis- cipline, that nation may, with the name of Christians, lie so in act and deed. Given at Rome in the year of salva- tion 1172.' 1 How much it restrained the hands of the Irish, not only upon this, but upon future occasions, we may infer from the following remarkable words in a memorial from O'Neil, king of Ulster, presented in 1330 to John XXII, pope of Rome, in the name of the Irish people: " During the course of so many ages (three thousand years), our sovereigns preserved the independence of their country. Attacked more than once by foreign powers, they wanted neither force nor courage to repel the bold invad- ers ; but that which they dared do against force, they could not against the simple decree of your predecessors." Adrian, etc. I quote the following from John Q. Adams 1 address in the American House of Representatives, in 1845-6: "The pope was in the custom of giving away not only all barbar- ous countries, with their inhabitants, but at times civilized countries too. He dethroned sovereigns, laid their king- doms under interdict, and excommunicated them ; and all this was submitted to. And the government of Great Brit- ain, at this day, holds Ireland by no other title. Three hundred years before the grant of America to Ferdinand and Isabella, Pope Adrian gave Ireland to Henry the Sec- ond of England ; and England holds the island by that title now, unless indeed she sets up another title by con- quest ; but Ireland, if in form conquered, has been in almost perpetual rebellion ever since. England has been obliged to reconquer her some half-dozen times ; and if she means to do it now, she must begin soon. The question has been raised whether Ireland shall be independent, and if we get into a war, it will be a pretty serious matter for England to maintain her title. 1 ' We find a bull against the British, in favor of William the Conqueror, in 1066 ; one in 1311; and a bull of Pope Lucius in favor of John Cum- "niall the grand." 15 ming, who was elected archbishop of Dublin in 1180. [O'Halloran, a Roman Catholic writer, 2d Div., page 83.) Oh, Mr. Editor, I am full of those Irish bulls. I have another shot at "Irish." I hope to destroy his mean big- otry. I will hand you the black list of Irish bishops, priests and laymen, names very common in our city directory, as you will see ; not one of the name of your correspondent is to be found in the infamous record. I will also give you the names of the traitors from FitzPatrick of Ossory, 1014, to Bishop Moriarity of Kerry. In conclusion, Mr. Editor, I am s'till asking, as I did in my first letter, will some one who knows, tell me if St. Patrick ever lived ? The learned Doctor Ledwich, in his Antiquities of Ireland, says he did not live. Let us have light on the subject. Niall the Grand. " IRISH " VS. " NIALL THE GRAND." MORE ABOUT THE BOGUS BULL OF POPE ADRIAN. Grand Rapids, Feb. 27, 1822. Editors Daily Democrat : Sirs : — In reply to the latest scurrilous production of Niall the Grand, I would beg to say that only for the shame- ful and deliberate misstatements put forward, I would con- sider such "billingsgate" beneath notice. He says he has received another shot from " ignorant Irish." Most noble victim ! When Irish shoots, he prefers shooting at some- thing besides a shadow. Again he tells me, that before he is done with this matter that he will teach me more than ever I knew. Halt, Niall ! you have done so already ; for you have proved beyond doubt that no falsehood is too glaring, no mire too filthy for a renegade Irishman to indulge and crawl in. But to come to the point, behold the virtuous surprise of the august Niall at my denying the bull, which it is alleged Henry received from Pope Adrian. I would here remark, 16 . "niall the grand." with regard to the foul-mouthed calumny of this model writer in reference to the holy pontiff, that the assertion is as false as the audacity and malignity of Niall the Grand which make it ; for I defy him to point it out in the Lives of the Popes. But to return again, I do deny it, and have the best authority for doing so. And here let me draw the attention of the reader to the vacillating nature of this wonderful writer. First, he proposed proving the authen- ticity of the original bull. Does he do so ? No ; but he comes out with a flourish, and quotes one alleged to have been obtained years afterward, and from a different source. But more of that anon. Now, if the most learned Niall has read all the history which he says he has, he should have been in a position to give the date of this famous document. But no; he don't, nor neither do any of the celebrated authorities which he gives us. No, Niall, neither does any one historian ; and why ? For the very good reason that there never was any date to it. However, Francis Page, Rymer and others allege it was obtained in 1154; but this is incorrect, for Henry was crowned December 19th, 1154, and conse- quently could not have received it in that year. Of course I do not deny that a document of the kind did exist. What I do deny is the genuineness of it ; and I will give him my authority bye and bye. In the first place, as I remarked, the bull was never dated ; again, if Henry was so anxious "to obtain it, in order to obtain Ireland, it is singular that he should wait till long after the pope's death to present his credentials to the Irish people. Yet it is alleged that this precious epistle was obtained in 1154, and it never saw the light of day till 1174, and it was only when his (Henry's) authority was annihilated in Ireland, when this "hidden treasure" was held up to the gaze of the "ignorant Irish." So, so, Niall. Now, will you condescend to listen to what McGeoghey- an's and Mitchell's "Ireland" say? "In truth, were we to consider the circumstances and motives of the bull, it has the appearance of a fictitious one." (Page 246). More "niall the grand." 17 authority, Niall; just listen to what the same says of this same bull, and the one which you intend should demolish " ignorant Irish :" " These bulls have all the appearance of forgery. They are not to be met with in any collection. It appears, also, that Henry II. considered them so insufficient to strengthen his dominion in Ireland that he solicited Pope Lucius III., who succeeded Alexander, to confirm them ; but that pope was too just to authorize his usurpation, and paid no attention to a considerable sum of money sent him." Page 250. Now, I would direct the attention of the reader to the absurdity of " Niall the Grand," in the first place asking the Irishmen of Grand Rapids to celebrate the feast of St. Patrick, and in the same breath ask " Irish-American " or " ignorant Irish " to prove that there was such a man. Now the idea is so foolish that u Niall " might just as well ask me to prove that one and one make two, or that there were such places as America or Ireland. There is not a man in Ireland but believes it ; and unless I am much mistaken, there was a day when the skeptical Niall the Grand believed so too, but as for the change. If that is not enough, we have tradition handing it down to us. Yes ; and we have the Catholic church, the oldest and most reliable historian to all. She celebrates a feast in his honor. Again, we have her bishops and priests who read a special office in the mass of that day. What a lot of fools all those learned men must be to be practicing devo- tion in bonor of a saint who never existed ! Niall says he did not ; but Usher, Ware, Colgan, Dr. Lanegan and the Four Masters say he did. I leave to the public to judge whether Niall the Grand or they are the best authority. Now, in conclusion, this mighty Niall tells us because we are bound to Rome, we are and will be slaves so long as we keep up the connection. Most glorious Niall ! what a wonderful prophet you are ! You seem to forget our his- tory began with Christianity ; our glories were all inter- twined with our religion; our national banner was inscribed with the emblem of faith, "the green immortal shamrock. 1 ' 18 U NIALL THE GRAND." The brightest names in our history were all associated with our religion — Malachi dying in the midst of the monks, and clothed with their holy habit; Brian "the great king, 1 ' upholding the crucifix before his army on the morning of Clontarf, and expiring in its embraces before sunset. All those would Niall have us forget and become recreant to, like himself. Pardon me, Mr. Editor; Tve trespassed too much ; I shall not trouble you again. And as I now take leave of this modern luminary, Niall, I'll quote for him an adage from one of the old classic writers, which says : " Let the cob- bler stick to his last and the tailor to hie goose." That this is appropriate in the present case is the opinion of Yours sincerely, Irish. A NEW HAND AT THE BELLOWS. j. r. reviews "niall the grand," " irish " and " irish- american." Editors Daily Democrat : Sirs : In your issues of the 21st, 23d, 25th, and 26th, there appeared communications under the different nom de plumes of " Niall the Grand," "Irish-American" and "Irish." These gentlemen seem to think all they have said and written on the subject is the end ; and that we must perfect our happiness by creating disunion and doubt. All Christendom believes the early writers mentioned ; and even the authorities of Niall the Grand are all sufficient to prove that St. Patrick was the second bishop sent from Rome as primate to Ireland. [Usher's Church Hist., chap. 16, p. 800.] Protestant and Catholic alike look with contempt on any one who wants to destroy the faith and nationality of the people. A free manly discussion of any question relating to religion or one's history should be above meanness ; u NIALL THE GRAND. 11 19 men should not forget that they owe it to their neighbors to be dignified in talking, writing and dealing with their fellow-men. I hope I will satisfy Niall the Grand that Ire- land not only had one St. Patrick but two. The principal authors of the life of St. Patrick are Saint Secudinus or Seaghin, bishop of Domack Sechmald, new Donseachlin, in Meath ; he was a disciple of the saint, and his nephew by his sister Darerca, and composed hymns in honor of his master, which may be seen in Golgan. St. Loman, his disciple, and nephew by his sister Figrid, Bishop of Athrum, now Tim, in Meath ; St. Mel, bishop of Ordach, his disciple and nephew ; also, brother of St. Secundinus ; and a second St. Patrick, to whom the saint gave his own name, holding him over the baptismal font ; all three wrote the acts of his life. The last, after the death of his uncle, retired to the abbey of Glastonbury in Somer- setshire in England, where he ended his days. Saint Benignus, who succeeded St. Patrick in the see of Ardmach, is reckoned among the authors of his life. These four lives, says Jocelin, were written partly in Irish and partly in Latin, by his four disciples. St. Benignus, his successor, St. Mel and St. Loman, bishops, and St. Patrick, his godson. 11 [MitchelTs History of Ireland, part 2d, chap. 9, page 141.] St. Patrick, according to Usher, was a native of North Britain. He was born at a place now called Kirkpatrick, not far from the city of Glasgow, in the year A. D. 372. [Fitzgerald^ History of Limerick, vol. 1, page 124.] I will refer my friend Niall the Grand to Gidas, a disci- ple of St. Patrick, and one of the most ancient British his- torians, who is said to have presided over the college of Arnaugh, founded by St. Patrick. Among its students were Swithbert, the apostle of Westphalia; Willibrod, arch- bishop of Utrecht ; Zeargall, the philosopher and mathe- matician known as Virgil. Even Doctor Ledwich, quoted by Niall, expresses his astonishment at the advances learn- ing had made in Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries. 20 , "NIALL THE GRAND." Oh ! dear Niall, there are two sides to history. I prefer to look at the brightest side. I hope you will give us some- thing which will please and instruct — something that will unite us in the love of religion and nationality. As you are aware, disunity is and has been the curse of our race. Devote your historical knowledge to picturing Ireland in the days of her greatness ; cement together all who would fall away in doubt. We have a grand record — a proud his- tory older than the Gospel. If our people in the hour of temptation faltered, you must remember the words of our Lord, "Forgive them father; they know not what they do." " Irish-American," stop your scribbling. Go on with the good work of helping the good Christian man, Parnell, in his noble work. " Irish," I am sure, will ever be found to protect what is right. Never will a true Irishman forget the land of learning. What land can look at such a bright past in all her gloom and in all her confusion ? She has given to the world men and women who adorned every walk in life, and add new lustre to our religion and country. Readers, this year, it grieves my heart to tell, In battle three relations nobly fell, Fighting for king, religion, country, laws — Angels and men approve the glorious cause; Their mangled sides exhibiting to view The Virgin's white, the Martyr's purple hue. Well may the herald's emblematic lore Their bright achievments blazon o'er and o'er With dew-dropt lillies in a purple stream ; Marble, immortalize each hero's name. J. R. NIALL VS. IRISH. ANOTHER RED-HOT RLAST ON THE " BOGUS BULL BUSINESS. March 1, 1882. Editors Daily Democrat : Sirs : — In yours, of this morning's issue, appears the last of the correspondent " Irish." The lying fool did not give one single authority in contradiction of those " bogus " "niall the grand." 21 bulls in question. It is very evident he is mad, because he can not write in the spirit of his Irish Christianity. It wants another St. Patrick to convert this champion of the church. He as well as Niall knows the bull in question was issued in 1156; but he has not the spirit of truth or honor to say so. Oh! "Mr. Irish!" give us something worthy of your race ; and, if the heavens fall, truth will still prevail. Your heart says you should speak the truth ; but your cowardly tongue will flip. Oh ! what a fallen thing a man is, when he for any consideration barters away his manhood to the powers that be ! He quotes MacGeog- hegan. Now ■ that MacGeoghegan was a priest ; and he, knowing full well that those bulls would come in judgment and confound the people of Ireland, casts some doubts intentionally on them. Irish charges me with being foul-mouthed with audacity, malignity, calumny and illogicalness. I could say the same of him ; but I do not want to use such language to any man, when expressing his opinion, even if he be in error. I now draw his attention to the falsity of his charges against me ; and I will accept his challenge to prove {he truthfulness of my statement in reference to Adrian. Irish, your attention is called to the following, from S. 0. Hallo- ran's History of Ireland. O'Halloran was a Catholic wri- ter ; and he states, in book XIII., chap. 3d, page 307, "The validity of these bulls, I think, cannot be doubted ; it only remains to know how they were procured, and why bulls granted at such distances from each other, and for the same purpose, should appear at one and the same time?" " This investigation will be at the same time a refutation of the argument offered against them. Adrian was by birth an Englishman — the spurious offspring of a priest. Deserted by his father, he repaired to Paris, and was there instructed in philosophy and divinity by Marianus O'Gor- man, professor of the seven liberal sciences (so he is styled) as he himself acknowledges. In 1154 he was raised to the pontificate; and some time after Henry II. was proclaimed 22 , "niall the grand." king of England, he sent a formal embassy to congratulate the new pope on his elevation. This mark of attention in Henry was highly pleasing to Adrian. A strict friend- ship arose between them ; and this encouraged the young king, whose ambition was boundless, to request a grant of the kingdom of Ireland from the pope. It was a flattering circumstance to him as pontiff, as it was acknowledging the power, assumed by the see of Rome, of disposing of king- doms an.l empires. He, by this means, gratified the desire of aggrandizing his native country, added a fresh accession of wealth and power to Rome, and rendered a mighty prince one of her tributaries." " Such were the reasons that prevailed on Adrian to grant the kingdom of Ireland to Henry." And now, as to Adrian being a beggar, I draw Irish's attention to the Lives of the Popes, approved by all bish- ops and priests, page 95. [Walsh's Ecclesiastical History.] " Nicholas Breakspear was born at Abbot Langley, in Hertfordshire, England. He was the son of a beggar, and lived on Alms from the convent of St. Ruf, near Avignon." Niall not only quotes from authority to prove beyond a doubt ; but now he will draw on his reserve and satisfy " Irish." Father Lavalle, in his " Brian Boroimme, the Younger," page 23, says — " The republication of the bull granted by the pope made a great impression on the minds of the Irish, who, accus- tomed to a blind obedience to every mandate from Rome, refused on several occasions to fight the English, and even surrendered their arms at the orders of Cardinal Vivian, the pope's legate, who forbade them,!Junder pain of excom- munication to use them against the English." Will " Irish " ask himself how it came to pass that the MacArthy, of Desmond, was the first of the Munster princes who swore fealty to the English monarch. Then Donald, king of Thermond, and the prince of Ossory and Decies. How will "Irish" expjain away the synod of Cashel, which was splendid and numerous. Besides the "niall the grand." 23 legate, there appeared the archbishops of Munster, Leinster and Connaught, with their suffragans, and many abbots and inferior clergy. The bull of Adrian IV. was then produced. I now say that 1,773 men under Strongbow, Fitzgerald and Fitzmaurice could not have conquered Ireland with the help of the traitor, MacMurchad. Is there an Irishman living who will say the small English army could have conquered Ireland if they had not been armed with these bulls of Adrian and Alexander. More authority — Fleury, Ecclesiastical History, tome XV., p. 423 ; O'Halloran, p. 308. Alexander confirmed the donation of Adrian, in conse- quence of a request from the Irish clergy. The bishop and clergy of Wexford ordered the surren- der of the town to the British, to stop the effusion of Chris- tian blood. Has the church anything to do with this Irish slavery. That she had is proven beyond a doubt, except to such as my friend " Irish." Christian, bishop of Lismore, who had been for some time a Christian monk in the abbey of Clairvalle, under St. Bernard, was now constituted the pope's legate in Ireland, and in that capacity he presided at a synod held in the abbey of Mellifont in 1157. Mortogh IV., monarch of Ireland, with many of the Irish princes, attended this assembly, at which Dunchad O'Melaghlin, king of Meath, was excommunicated and deposed, and his territories given to his brother Dermond. The union of the Irish church with that of Rome seems now to have been completed ; for we find that, on the death of Gregory, Archbishop of Dublin, his successor, Lawrence O'Toole, was consecrated in Ireland ; for, befoie this, they as well as the prelates of Waterford and Limer- ick, as already hinted at, received their consecration from the archbishop of Canterbury. One of the first objects of Henry II., after his arrival in this country was to obtain the sanction of the Irish clergy to his ambitious designs. 24 ; "niall the grand." For this purpose, a synod was convened in his name, which assembled in Cashel in 1172, Christian, bishop of Lismore, the pope's legate, presiding upon that occasion. Several of the English clergy attended, on the part of Henry, and Brompton, abbot of Jerval in Yorkshire, intorms us that the king received from every archbishop and bishop charters with their seals pendant, whereby they constituted him and his heirs kings and lords of Ireland forever ; to which Roger Hoveden adds that the king sent a transcript of these charters to Pope Alexander, who by his apostolic authority confirmed the kingdom to him and his heirs. Leland, however, expresses some doubt whether this was a general assembly of the clergy, adding that the Pri- mate Gelasius certainly did not attend, excusing himself on account of age and infirmities ; and that the prelates of Ulster followed the example ot their metropolitan ; but Giraklus Cambrensis, in opposition to the Irish annalists, asserts that Gelasius came to Dublin soon after, and gave his full assent to the transactions and ordinances of this synod. The proposed design of the king, in convening this assembly, was to fulfill the wishes of Pope Adrian, as expressed in his bull. [Fitzgerald's Irish Antiquities, page 142.] Mr. Editor, I am now prepared to clip a little of " J. R." in my next. I hope he will prove himself better metal, more truthful and manly at least, and say something to instruct. In my next, I propose to give the cause of the quarrel between Henry, Becket and Adrian, all Englishmen, the feast of Easter, and the Independence of the old Irish church for five hundred years. From 494 to 994, Ireland had no connection with Rome. Niall the Grand. TYRO " TAKES A HAND. O "»T.A7T TnUTOHir,"" HE REVIEWS "NIALL THE GRAND, "IRISH AND "IRISH-AMERICAN. Grand, Rapids, March 3, 1882. Editors Daily Democrat : Sirs : — It is not at all gratifying to men of Irish or any "niall the grand." 25 other nationality, to see the manner in which " Niall the Grand," "Irish" and "Irish-American" are carrying on their discussion. If I understand Niall correctly, what he wishes to demonstrate to us, and firmly believes himself is, first, that the close connection which the popes of Rome maintain should exist between the spiritual and temporal authorities is detrimentalto the advancement of harmony and happiness, in Ireland particularly ; and has been a stumbling block to Irish freedom and felicity for the last seven hundred years; and secondly, that St. Patrick is a myth. What the object of " Irish " is, I wish himself would inform us. I sincerely agree with Niall, if he holds that religion and politics, bringing into consideration the many different shades of religious belief, should be practiced and admin- istered separately, and that a total separation of the two would be advantageous to each, and conducive to general good feeling. That the Roman Catholic church has been directly or indirectly the cause of nearly if not quite all the English-inflicted misery of Ireland, since the time of Pope Adrian the Fourth, can hardly be questioned by any man giving the subject anything like due and impartial investigation. That never-to-be-forgotten bull of pope Adrian to Henry the Second of England, authorizing that king to plunder Ireland, has caused much superfluous dis- cussion. Our forefathers saw the effect it had produced ; and we need not wonder that they were imposed upon as they were — were willing to believe Adrian or any pope of Rome incapable of committing so grievous a crime. How- ever, there have always been in Ireland those who would have shuddered at the thought of such an act, had there appeared to them the least improbability of the authentic- ity of the bull that admitted Adrian's grant of Ireland to England. None will, I think, doubt the erudition of T. D. McGee ; and he freely admits that Adrian presented Henry with the document in question. The celebrated Catholic historian, Dr. Lingard, whose only incentive here could have been the love of truth, speaks thus of the matter : 26 U N1ALL THE GRAND." " To justify the invasion of a free and unoffending people, his (Henry's) ambition had discovered that the civilization of their manners and the reform of their clergy were bene- fits which the Irish ought cheerfully to purchase with the loss of their independence. Within a few months after his coronation, John of Salisbury, a learned monk, was dis- patched to solicit the approbation of Pope Adrian. The envoy was charged to assure his holiness that Henry's principal object was to provide instruction for an ignorant people, to extirpate vice from the Lord's vineyard, and to extend to Ireland the annual payment of Peter-pence; but that, as every Christian island was the property of the holy see, he did not presume to make the attempt without the advice and consent of the successor of St. Peter. The pontiff, who must have smiled at the hypocrisy of this address, praised in his reply the piety of his dutiful son ; accepted and asserted the right of sovereignty which had been so liberally admitted ; expressed the satisfaction with which he assented to the king's request ; and exhorted him to bear always in mind the conditions on which that assent had been grounded." I quote Lingard before all others, because he is acknowledged by the strictest of Catholics as a historian of undoubted veracity and ability, and not at all likely to confirm an indelible stain on the character of Pope Adrian, his own countryman, for the mere love of falsehood — Adrian, too, being head of the church of which Lingard professed himself a sincere votary and devout priest. It is very probable that Adrian did not foresee, when he granted Henry permission to "civilize" Ireland, any abu&e of the conditions on which that permission was given ; for politics was not his forte any more than that of other ecclesiastics. Adrian's conditional gift of Ireland to England must be considered the first and greatest of an indefinite series of. ecclesistical burdens imposed on that credulous island. Every clerical interference in temporal affairs since that has proved a most bitter curse to it and its freedom, and cost thousands of Irish money and shed hogsheads of English as well as Irish blood. There seems "niall the grand." 27 to be a fatality attached to all priestly dabbling in politics. The meddling- of even the patriotic and holy O'Toole went hand in hand with disaster. It is admitted by ' all, except those whom it most concerns, that the pretensions of Rome to superiority in matters temporal as well as spiritual, in Ireland, were the principal weapons wielded by the soldiers and the undertakers, since the introduction thither of the reformation. And the reasons why non-Catholics there to- day are so unanimously English in legislative ideas is, as they say and believe, because home-rule means Rome-rule. Seeing that politics and religion are so different in nature, and that an inseparable union of them is equally imcom- patible with the best interests of each, it is a complete mystery to a great many outside the priesthood why the Catholic church insists so inveterately on continuing the union and on making one a mere tool for the other. An object of Christ was to promote the general welfare of the human family, and to ameliorate the condition of every living creature, if we are to judge from his principal com- mandment, "Love your neighbor as yourself," or "Do unto others as you would have others do unto you." He and His Father would not certainly ordain that we should waste time and labor building churches and attending serv- ices solely for the pleasure ot seeing us do so, as some of us, on a cold day, would glory in witnessing a dog swim for a stick wantonly thrown into the river. The philanthropic prop of Christianity is what supports it with such firmness, and not the sword and gibbet. Whether right or wrong, a great many Catholics and non-Catholics are strongly im- pressed with the belief that " love one' another " is the essential commandment, and that all others are only trib- utary to it. This is my faith, and I think something like the faith of Niall the Grand too ; and I believe also that the order or institution that wilfully retards human happiness, or even the comfort of the brute, is not indifferently Christian, but a perfect demon in the full meaning of that word. To wind up this matter, I will say that while Ireland gratefully 28 "niall the grand/' accepts the alternate slaps of Rome and England, as she does at present, she will be what she is. What object Niall has in asserting that St. Patrick is a myth is something too hard for me to penetrate. St. Pat- rick is said to have brought no army with him to scourge the inhabitants, and no weapons but good will toward man, and the salutary precepts of Christianity ; and, so far as I can judge, the simple doctrine introduced by him^into Ire- land was far from being the complex unintelligible concern, that some forms ot Christianity to-day are. St. Patrick is believed by a large majority of our learned men to have lived and taught in Ireland, and to have been one of the most amiable of men. What then induces Niall, to doubt his having existed? "J. R." indulges in the opposite extreme, and affirms that L there were two or three St. Pat- ricks. Bravo ! J. R. ; the more the better. Still, if it is all the same to J. R. and Niall, it would be highly pleasing to quite a few Irishmen if they compromise the matter and give us, for keeps, one respectable St. Patrick, in drinking to whose memory, next 17th, we can for a short time drown our sorrows. It is to be hoped, that, hereafter Nial the Grand and Irish will take a more courteous mode of settling their griev- ances than applying to each other such adjectives as " scur- rilous," " ignorant," etc. By giving the above insertion in your valuable paper, you will confer a favor on a number of your readers. Thankfully yours, Tyro. ARTFUL POLICY OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT. It has been the policy of the English government, when- ever it meditated any great wrong against the Irish people, to employ, first of all, some pliant priest to do the prepara- tory work. This was the trick of Henry II. No sooner had that monarch laid an evil eye, on Ireland, than he communicated his design to Giraldus Cambrensis, a priest ; " NIALL THE GRAND.'" 29 and this Giraldus Cambrensis, at the express command of his royal master, immediately set to work to write a "His- tory of Ireland," a book full of lies from cover to cover. In this " history of Ireland," the Irish are described as a savage, murderous and irreligious people. Transcripts of the book were made, and sent all over Europe. The book was sent to Rome also. The aim of Henry II. was appar- ent. It was to create an opinion unfavorable to the good name of the Irish, so that when he should undertake his invading enterprise, the act would find some show of palli- ation. Listen to what Abbe Geoghegan (History of Ireland, p. 18,) says: A PRIEST IN THE ENGLISH INTEREST WRITES A LYING HISTORY OF IRELAND, IN ORDER TO FURTHER ENGLISH INTRIGUE AT ROME. " Gerald Barry, a priest, and native of the country of Wales, in England, called Cambria in Latin, (from whence is derived the name of Cambrensis, under which he is known,) was the first stranger who undeatook to write the history of Ireland, in order to perpetuate the calumnies which his countrymen had already published against its inhabitants. Circumstances required that they should make the Irish pass for barbarians. The title of Henry the Second to Ireland was founded only upon a bull ob- tained clandestinely from Pope Adrian the Fourth, an Englishman by birth. The cause of this bull was a false statement, which Henry had given to the Pope, of the impiety and barbarism of the Irish nation. Cambrensis was then ordered to verify, by writing, the statement upon which the granting of the bull had been extorted. He did not fail to intermix his work with calumnies and groundless absurdities. However, the credit of a powerful king knew how to make even the court of Rome believe them. It was in this spirit that Cambrensis wrote his history; and from thence the English authors have taken the false color- ing under which ancient. Ireland has been represented." Here we find that the first man who wrote a history of Ireland in the English interest — the first model and proto- type of Froude in our day — was a priest. The first agent, 30 "niall the grand." too, employed by the British Government, at Rome, in the English interest, and against Ireland, was a priest. His name is John of Salisbury. Here is what the nun of Ken- mare, in her history of Ireland, (p. 274,) says of the trans- action : AN ENGLISH PRIEST IS SENT TO ROME, TO ASK IRELAND OF THE POPE, AS A GIFT FOR THE KING OF ENGLAND. " It has been already shown that the possession of Ire- land was coveted, at an early period, by the Norman rulers of Great Britain. When Henry II. ascended the throne in 1154, he probably intended to take the matter in hands at once. An Englishman, Adrian IV., filled the papal chair. The English monarch would naturally find him favorable to his own country. John of Salisbury, then chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury, was commissioned to request the favor. No doubt he represented his master as very zealous for the interests of religion, and made it ap- pear that his sole motive was the good, temporal and spiritual, of the barbarous Irish. At least, this is. plainly implied in Adrian's bull. 11 We have pointed out these two unscrupulous priests working in the English interest. Were they unscrupulous because they were priests? Certainly not. But it is be- cause they were priests — men wearing the cloak of relig- ion — that Henry II. deemed them the fittest instruments to employ in furthering his unscrupulous design. Some one, perhaps, will tell us that this bull of Adrian IV. is a forgery. Its authenticity has been denied by some few ecclesiastical orators of late ; but denial is not disproof. Be this as it may, however, the plottings of the English king against the rights and liberties of the Irish people — and the iniquitous service rendered him by his English priests — are indisputable. But the bull itself cannot be questioned. The story itself has the elements of proba- bility. It is undeniable that the power of taking away the government of a country from one man and giving it to another man was claimed and exercised by the pope in "null the grand. 1 ' 31 that age. It is shown that Henry II. sought to influence Rome in his behalf, in this transaction ; and it is he that based his claim on the bull of Adrian IV. [Nun of Ken- mare's History of Ireland.] IRISHMEN ! LOOK AND READ FOR YOURSELVES ! MAYNOOTH COLLEGE ENDOWED BY ENGLAND. The American revolution closed. Then arose the French revolution. This latter revolution was an uprising against tbe power of the aristocracy, and England— the most aris* tocratic nation in the world— trembled at the prospect. She feared these French revolutionists would stir up the Irish ; and so they did. Wolfe Tone, Napper Tandy, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, with others, had put themselves in communication with the French leaders, and were now active in organizing an insurrection in Ireland. With this danger staring them in the face, the astute statesmen of England, abandoning their former policy of hostility to the Catholic church, began to make friendly overtures to the Irish priests. Said these statesmen to the Irish bishops : li Why have you not a college in Ireland for the training of priests ? It doesn't look well to see ecclesiastical students go to France for their education. That's a bad country, you know, tor young Irishmen." So, in 1795, Maynooth College was founded. It received a government grant of $40,000 a year. After a while the government grant was raised to $150,000 a year, not to speak of $300,000 expend- ed by government, from time to time, by way of repairs on the college. This appears very generous in the British government; but the generous British government knew right well what it was driving at. Speaking of this May- nooth business, Sister Clare (History of Ireland, p. Ill,) says : THE MAYNOOTH GRANT A BRIBE FROM THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT TO LOYALIZE THE IRISH PRIESTS. " As the government had some apprehensions lest the 32 , U N1ALL THE GRAND. 11 Catholics should avenge themselves in any way for the duplicity with which they had been treated [in the rejec- tion of the* Catholic claims] it was proposed to establish the College of Maynooth. The excuse to those who objected to granting even the least favor to Catholics, had the advan- tages of being a plausible one. It was said that being edu- cated abroad tended to render them [the priests] disloyal ; and certainly to deny a man's education in his own coun- try, and oblige him to endure the labor and expense of expatriation in order to obtain it, was not naturally the best , method of inducing affection for the power which com- pelled this course. It was, moreover, believed that if gov- ernment endowed Maynooth, the Irish hierarchy would feel bound in return to suppoit the government. It was at least certain to all but the most obtuse, that a rebellion was imminent in Ireland ; and this seemed a probable means of enlisting the Catholic clergy on the side of England. 11 It was not to advance the Catholic faith, but to crush Irish nationality, that the British government gave its aid and support to Maynooth College. This is unquestionable. One hundred and fifty thousand dollars a year is a big sum; but England didn't give away this big sum for nothing. It was advance payment for loyal services to be performed. It was a bribe to the Irish bishops to hold Ireland — in co- operation with the British police and soldiery — a province of England. The millions of dollars, expended by the English government on Maynooth college, have been well and fully repaid. Every student entering that college had first, before he could be ordained priest, to take this oath : THE MAYNOOTH OATH, IN WHICH EVERY PRIEST SWEARS TO DISCLOSE ALL TREASONS AGAINST THE ENGLISH SOVEREIGN. I, A. B., do hereby declare that I profess the Roman Catholic religion. I, A. B., do sincerely promise and swear that I will be faithful, and bear true allegiance to his Majesty King George the Third, " and him will I defend to the "niall the grand." 33 utmost of my power AGAINST ALL CONSPIRACIES and attempts whatsoever that shall be made against his person, crown, or dignity ; and I will do my utmost endeavor to disclose and make known to His Majesty, his heirs and successors, ALL TREASONS and traitorous con- spiracies which may be formed against him or them ; and I do faithfully promise to maintain, support and defend, to the utmost of my power, the successor of the crown ; which succession, by an act entitled an act for the further limitation of the crown, and the better securing the rights and liberties of the subject, is and stands limited to the Prince Sophia, Electress and Duchess Dowager of Hanover and the heirs of her body, being Protestants : hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring obedience or pretending a right to the crown of these realms ; and I do swear that I reject and detest as an unchristian and impious position, that it is lawful to murder or destroy any person or persons what- soever, for or under pretense of their being heretics or infi- dels, and also that unchristian and impious principle that faith is not to be kept with heretics or infidels ; and I fur- ther declare that it is not an article of my faith, and that I do renounce, reject and abjure the opinion that princes, excommunicated by the pope and council or by any author- ity of the. see of Rome, or by any authority whatsoever, may be deposed and murdered by their subjects, or by any person whatsoever; and I do promise that I will not hold, maintain or abet any such opinion or any other opinion contrary to what is expressed in this declaration ; and I do declare that I do not believe that the pope of Rome, or any other foreign prince, prelate, state or potentate hath or ought to have any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm ; and I do solemnly, in the presence of God, profess, testify and declare that I do make this declaration, and every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of the words of this oath, without any evasion, equivocation or mental reservation whatever, and without any dispensa- tion already granted by the pope, or any authority of the 34 "niall the grand." see of Rome, or any person whatever, and without think- ing that I am or can be acquitted before God or man, or absolved of this declaration', or any part thereof, although the pope or any other person or authority whatsoever shall dispense with or annul the same or declare that it is null or void, so help me God." England paid $150,000 a year to the Irish hierarchy — the trustees of Maynooth — on condition that the ecclesias- tics educated there would act as spies and informers for England afterwards. This is the amount of the affair. Scores of noble young Irishmen — to their immortal honor be it said — crossed the seas, and paid for their education in France, in Spain, or in some other country, rather than subscribe to this humiliating oath. This oath was continued down to the accession of the present monarch, Queen Vic- toria, and far into her reign. THE DESTRUCTION OF IRELAND'S PARLIAMENT. The next maneuvre of the British government was to rob Ireland of her parliament ; and in the accomplishment of this design, English statesmen sought and received the aid of the Irish hierarchy. Lord Castlereagh — in whose hands the Catholic bishops were but as so many children — was the prime wirepuller in this plot. Says the Nun of Kenmare (History of Ireland, p. 220) : SERVICE RENDERED BY THE IRISH BISHOPS TO ENGLAND, IN HELP- ING TO CARRY THE " ACT OF UNION." " It is to be regretted that the Catholic bishops, who worked for the Union, did not see some of the private cor- respondence in which they were mentioned, and did not hear some of the private conversations which have been recorded and sent down to posterity. Sir J. Hippsley, who was specially employed to cajole the Catholics, wrote to Lord Castlereagh : " The Speaker told me, some time before, that Mr. Pitt "niall the grand." 35 had much approved the suggestions I had offered, with respect to the distinction and checks on the monastic clergy. Your lordship will permit me to quote a vulgar Italian proverb, which is this: 'One must be aware of a bull before, of an ass at his heels, and of a friar on all sides.' Seven years' experience on Catholic grounds con- vinced me that this adage was well imagined." "On the 5th of June, 1799, the Earl of Altamont wrote from Westport House: ' The priests have. all appeared to sign ; and though I am not proud of many of them as asso- ciates, I will take their signatures to prevent a possibility of a counter declaration.' " "On the 3d of June, 1799, Lord Castlereagh wrote to the Duke of Portland that the rebellion was managed by 'the inferior priests.' Theie were certainly some of the Catholic clergy who united with the rebels, in self-defense ; but a careful examination of the correspondence of the times will show at once that they were few in number, and that the government relied much on the co-operation of the priests, even at the very time that many of them were being treated with inhuman cruelty. On the 20th of July, 1799, Lord Cornwallis wrote, to the' Duke of Portland, that the clergy of the church, particularly the superior, coun- tenanced the measure ; and that the linen-merchants of the north were much too busy with their trade to think much on the subject." Lord Castlereagh deemed Catholic support " absolutely necessary " to the success of his infamous project. He so declared himself. Quoting from some of his private let- ters, Sister Clare (p. 244) writes : CASTLEREAGH WORKING FOR CATHOLIC INFLUENCE TO CARRY THE UNION. " Lord Castlereagh wrote a ' most private ' letter to the Right Honorable William Pitt, on the 1st of January, 1801, in which he puts the whole state of the case into the plain- est possible language, in which he showed how absolutely 36 "niall the grand.'" necessary the assistance of the Catholic body was in order to carry the union ; and how lie had been ordered to draw the Catholics on. The object was gained : and, if there was not another document in existence, besides this letter, to show how shamefully the Catholics were duped, it would be more than sufficient. At last, with considerable diffi- culty, the upper class of Catholics, (i. e., the bishops, priests and aristocracy) were made to understand how they had been treated. It. might have been supposed that they had learned a life-long lesson; but there are persons on whom experience is wasted." ENGLAND'S ATTEMPT TO ENSLAVE THE IRISH CHURCH. THE IRISH HIERARCHY CONSENT THAT THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT SHALL PENSION THE PRIESTS AND HAVE THE RIGHT TO VETO CANDIDATES FOR BISHOPS. At first England made war upon Ireland's nationality. Then England tore away from Ireland her parliament ; and now England comes forward, and with unblushing audacity asks the Catholic bishops of Ireland to recognize the Eng- lish king as the virtual head of the Catholic church in Ire- land; and, (will the astounding revelation be believed?) the four archbishops of Ireland, with six other bishops, trustees of Maynooth, accepted the proposition ! This they did after due deliberation in convention. Not only did they concede this, but they consented furthermore that the priests of Ireland should be lowered to the level' of pen- sioned officials of the British government. McGee tells of the transaction as follows, in his book entitled " Attempts to Establish the Protestant Reformation in Ireland," p. 284: " On the 17th, 18th and 19th of January, 1789, the bishops, who were Maynooth trustees, sat at Dublin, ' to deliberate on a proposal from government for an independ- ent provision (i. e. a pension) for the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland, under certain regulations not incompat- "niall the grand." 37 ible with their doctrine, discipline or just influence. 1 A minute of this meeting, signed by the four archbishops and the bishops of Meath, Cork, Kildare, Elphin, Ferns, and Ardagh, was approved and submitted to the ministers. The 1 certain regulations ' were, in a word, to control the ap- pointment of bishops, to give government a veto on bishops elect. The ten prelates just mentioned agreed to lay before government the names of the nominees ; they undertaking to ' transmit the name of said candidate, if no objection be made against him, for appointment to the holy see,' within a month of receiving it. Further the prelates agreed 1 If government have any proper objection against such candidates, the president of the election will be informed thereof within one month after the presentation, who in that case, will convene the electors to the election of an- other candidate.' By this undertaking, Primate O'Reilly and the hierarchy, in 1799, granted to the State what [another] primate O'Reilly and the hierarchy, in 1666, suf- fered exile and death rather than concede. Fortunately for the Irish church, the state neglected to conclude the com- pact at that time." " And here let us glance at the temporal evils inflicted on the Irish people through this outrage done to Ireland's nationality. But the injury done to the church itself was no less great. Says the Nun of Ken mare, referring to the EVIL EFFECTS OF IRELAND'S SUBJECTION TO ENGLISH DOMINATION; "One fearful evil followed from this Anglo-Norman inva- sion. The Irish clergy had hitherto been distinguished for the high tone of their moral conduct; the English clergy unhappily were not so rich in this virtue ; and their evil communication had a most injurious effect upon the nation whom it was supposed they should be so eminently capable of benefiting." It will be seen now that neither Ireland nor true relig- ion gained anything by the blow given to Ireland's nation- ality. NIALL THE GRAND. THE CHURCH'S LOSS. In 1836, Bishop England estimated the Catholic popula- tion of this country at 1,200,000. The total population of the United States then was fifteen millions. The number of persons lost to the church in fifty years, preceding 1836, was, says Bishop England, 3,750,000. " If I say," adds Dr. England, " upon the foregoing data, that we ought, if there were no loss, to have 5,000,000 of Catholics and that we have less than one million and a quarter, there must be a loss of three millions and three- quarters, at least; and the persons so lost are found among the various sects to the amount of thrice the number of the Catholic population of the whole country." — [Works of Bishop England, vol. 3, page 126-127.] Bishop England did not attempt to estimate the loss of the hundred and fifty years preceding 1836. The Catholic population of the United States to-day is some ten millions. But the number of persons who ought to be Catholics by right of descent from settlers in this country, from the beginning, and who to-day are to be found among the sects or in the ranks of Nothingarianism, is estimated at eighteen millions. — [See statistics and proofs in Irish World of July 25, 1874.] WE ARE ALWAYS GUARDED. CHARACTER OF THE ANGLO-CATHOLIC ARISTOCRACY — EVEN THE BEST OF THEM A MISERABLE SET. But the Catholic Englishman (we speak of the rule) is the cunning creature who, at Rome, always gives a bad name to Ireland's patriots, and who, whilst using the Irish for his own purposes, despises the Irish in the depth of his heart. We have no pleasure in saying this; but this is the fact ; and we cannot deny it. Listen to Father Burke. In his " sermons and lectures," p. 219, Father Burke, speak- "niall the grand." 39 ing of Englishmen — even English Catholics, his own per- sonal friends — says : " My friends, I know the English people well. Some of the best friends that I have in the world are in England. They have a great many fine qualities ; but there is a secret passive contempt for Ireland and for Irishmen." Hear what the Sister of Clare says of the English Cath- olics. The English Catholic aristocracy, even at the time they needed the political aid of the Irish most, scorned to associate with them ! Such was their utter contempt for the mere Irish. Sister Clare (Life of O'Connell, p. 424) says : " We have already said something of the political opin- ions of English Catholics. They made then the fatal mis- take of disassociating themselves from their Irish brethren. We have seen how some of them were even willing to forego the name of Catholic, and their self-respect along with it, for the miserable imaginary advantage of a higher social respectability. It is a matter of history, that the great majority — that, in fact, an overwhelming majority of English Catholics apostatized from their religion, to pre- serve their worldly goods. A noble few remained faithful ; but the leaven of worldliness was at work even amongst, these few ; and they readily listened to any specious plea which would tend to lessen that, isolation from their Prot- estant fellow-countrymen, which they felt to be, and which was, a social bar sinister." HOSTILITY OF ENGLISH CATHOLICS TO IRISH. In 1829, O'Connell won Catholic Emancipation. It was the English Catholic aristocracy, and not the Irish people, who gained anything by the measure. Yet when O'Connell began his repeal movement, the English Catholics became his most virulent enemies. In a letter written by Daniel O'Connell (Nov. 9, 1873,) to Archbishop MacHale, he says: "Dr. England was with me yesterday; he gave me some strong evidence of hostility of the English Catholics to 40 "niall the grand.' 1 those of Ireland. He has promised to give it to me in writing ; and I will send your grace a copy." The English Catholic is to-day as he has ever been. Such is the testimony of Bishop England. Such was O'ConnelTs. Such is the experience of every Irishman. Niall the Grand is not an exception. ' And now, let me say, with wealth and honors came in- trigues and conspiracies, and plottings for place among churchmen and princes, and general corruption in church and state. A king would thrust a creature of his own into the papal chair, and maintain him by force of arms. Some- times Christendom would be scandalized at the spectacle of three anti-popes. Spain would recognize one, France an- other, and Germany a third. All these anti-popes would be fulminating bulls and excommunications against one another. The minor priests, too, did as they liked. What was the result of all this? What does church history tell? Slavery among the people; ignorance among the clergy; strifes among the bishops as to who should be first ; rapac- ity and immorality amongst all classes ; continual wars among rulers, and heresies and schisms in the Universal church. These were the fruits of ecclesiastical wealth and honors ! Greece fell away from the church. With Greece may be counted that immense country, Russia, which now numbers sixty millions of people. The churches of Asia Minor, of Egypt, and other parts of Africa, as well as of other countries, had long since rotted and perished. Then in the sixteenth century followed Germany ; then Sweden ; then Norway ; then England ; then Scotland, with portions of France and Switzerland. All these countries aposta- tized because the priesthood were corrupt and worldly. His Eminence, Cardinal Cullen, in his time, in his lenten pastorals, denounced " sedition, revolution, Fenianism and Ribbonism," and orders that all persons, connected in any way with those who hold meetings, balls, etc., in support of such principles, shall be deemed by their spiritual direc- tors thereby guilty of sin. This was a widespread and an "niall the grand. 1 ' 41 astounding declaration against all of us who are laboring for a revolution — that is, a change in the political and social condition of four or five millions of Irishmen and women in Ireland. " Sedition !" If the word mean anything at all, it is the expression of people's dissatisfaction with some- thing that annoys, impedes, troubles, injures them. Lord Castlereagh, of glorious and pious memory, brought into the English parliament several acts to repress free speech, one of which was a bill to repress and punish sedition ; and " sedition " was defined by this bill to be " the uttering and publishing of words tending to bring the government and laws of the country into hatred and contempt." Well, there are the laws of England, operating in Ireland for 700 years past ; and you who speak in hatred and contempt of these laws must have been committing sin against God all the time : and those Cardinals tell you there is for you no sacramental forgiveness, unless you repent of the sin, and leave off speaking or writing in hatred of the laws which England has forced upon Ireland at the point of the bayo- net. Revolution was also denounced by His Eminence as sinful. Now, revolution means change. For instance : the change or revolution which, over one hundred years ago, converted the thirteen dependent colonies of England in North America into a glorious republic, the " United States of America," into which ten or twelve millions of His Eminence's countrymen have expatriated themselves, escap- ing from Ireland and the horrors of its English governors as best they could, and finding, as a result of that change, homes, wages, education, religious and political liberty, free lands and free schools, to ask for which at home was deemed rank sedition, a punishable crime ; the same now being in the eyes of His Eminence, Cardinal Cabe, a punishable sin. Yet, there is no place on the habitable globe where the religion of His Eminence is more respected, better observed and more substantially supported than in this glorious republic. His Eminence condemned " secret societies " as tending to generate immorality, sensuality, etc. It is a matter to 42 U NIALL THE GRAND." create surprise that there are some secret societies in the world which have received the blessings of the Catholic Church, through the precious hands of the holy father him- self. For instance, King Alfonso was called to the throne of Spain, a few years ago, by a thoroughly ' secret society ' composed of grandees, generals, priests, lawyers, and oth- ers of the Spanish aristocracy ; and the head of that secret society, as soon as they thought the "pear ripe" for pro- claiming him king, obtained the prompt blessing of the holy father. Don Carlos VII., of Spain, is head, also, of another secret society, in which many of the nobility and Catholic clergy of Europe are enrolled and are contributors, the object of which is to place Don Carlos, by force of arms, even to the point of the bayonet, on the throne of Spain, as ruler over an unwilling people, who prefer to rule them- selves and make their own laws without the assistance of such a red-handed legislator. His holiness, on April 12, 1874, blessed the wife of Don Carlos, on her safe delivery of a daughter, addressing and congratulating her as " your Majesty " — as Queen of Spain. There was another secret society established in France in the year 1874, whose object it was to bring over the Count de Chambord to rule the French people on the good old plans that prevailed under the " white flag " of his Bourbon ancestors ; which plans, if restored, would compel all the small landed-proprietors of France, of whom there are six millions, to resign their lands to the descendants of the old nobility of France, the "Emigres" of ^-'OS, and to become again their tenants and serfs, as in the good old times of the Louises. The Catholic Bishop of Orleans and the Catholic Archbishop of Paris commanded all their cures to call from their pul- pits upon their various congregations, on the holy Sabbath, to pray to God for the restoration of the Bourbon King. That was another " secret society " which the church did not condemn. All this appears incompatible with Cardinal .McCabe's dicta. Is there liberty in the church for kings, lords and bishops to conspire secretly to effect their pur- poses ; and is this liberty denied and punished by exclusion "niall the grand." 43 from religious sacraments, in the common people, who toil to produce the wealth which the others may appropriate by laws of their own making? Can this be regarded as the equity of religion ? The Fenians were condemned by their Eminences Gullen and McCabe, in their pastorals. Now the ten, who de- nounce the " Irish World " in Cincinnati, are of the same type. Why ? The Fenians conceived that a change was required in the laws — in their making and their administer- ing in Ireland. A conception growing from centuries of misrule — centuries of landlord oppression — growing from the destruction of two hundred and forty thousand peasant dwellings, the quenching of two hundred and forty thous- and hearth -fires in Ireland, within the last twenty years, and the scattering of millions of men, women and children ot Ireland over all parts of the globe, by forcible evictions from their homesteads, even by the aid of the police and army. The Fenians conspired to overthrow the heartless men, who compassed and effected these national outrages. They did some of the work which they contemplated. They broke down forever religious ascendancy in Ireland. The Irish Church establishment is gone, never to return ; and it was abolished by the Fenians, and by the Fenians alone. An incision has been made in the land monopoly, which will be widened, day by day, hereafter. Instead of gratitude for this, the Fenians have curses loud and deep ; for did not Cardinal Cullen excommunicate them from his church; and has not Bishop Moriarity judged them — yes, judged them — and condemned them to hell, regretting that hell was not hot enough nor eternity long enough to inflict sufficient punishment! The whole career of Cardinal Cullen as Archbishop and Cardinal, in Ireland, has been singularly marked by opposi- tion to every effort and aspiration of the Irish people to relieve themselves from the galling tyranny; and now Car- dinal McCabe, his blood relation, does the same service. Oh! "Irish!" 44 "niall the grand." OATH OF THE EMANCIPATED CATHOLIC OFFICE-SEEKER. " I, A. B., do sincerely promise and swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King George the Fourth, and will defend him to the utmost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatever which shall be made against his person, crown or dignity ; and I will do my utmost endeavor to disclose and make known to His Majesty, his heirs and successors, all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which may be formed against him or them ; and I do faithfully promise to maintain, support and defend, to the utmost of my power, the succession of the crown, which succession, by an act entitled l An act for the further limitation of the Crown, and better securing the rights and liberties of the subject,' is and stai.ds limited to the Princess Sophia, Electress of Hanover, and the heirs of her body, being Protestants, hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any obedience or allegiance unto any other person claiming or pretending a right to the crown of these realms ; and I do further declare that it is not an article of my faith, and that I do renounce, reject and abjure the opinion that princes excommunicated or deprived by the pope, or any other authority of the see of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects or by any person whatsoever ; and I do declare that I do not believe that the pope of Rome or any other foreign prince, prelate, person, state or potentate hath or ought to have any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm. I do swear that I will de- fend, to the utmost of my power, the settlement of prop- erty, within this realm, as established by the laws ; and I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any intention to subvert the present church establishment as settled by law within this realm ; and I do solemnly swear that I never will exercise any privilege to which I am or may become entitled, to disturb or weaken the Protestant religion or Protestant government in this kingdom : and I "null the grand." 45 do solemnly, in the presence of God profess, testify and declare that I do make this declaration, and every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of words of this oath, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental reserva- tion whatsoever." The heart of Erin everywhere to-day Throbs with the magic of a mighty love ; " God bless his life and death," the millions pray, " And crown him with celestial light above !" Aye, take him to your hearts, ye exiled band ; For who more worthy of the love of Gael Than he whose name is blest in every land — True patriot-priest, immortal Joiin McHale ! Sursurn Corda, (Be not disheartened). IRELAND'S BONDAGE. THE YOKE MADE TIGHTER BY POLITICO- RELIGIOUS AGENCIES. Can Ireland gain her independence so long as the influ- ence of the clergy is on the side of the English ? It is apparent to all liberal-minded men that O'Connell's failure was partly if not entirely caused by the influence of the clergy. That this influence has had its headquarters at Rome is evident from the testimony of the late Mr. Grevillo, who was for over forty years clerk of the English Privy Council. He has stated in his published memoirs that, during all his time, there never was a Catholic bishop appointed by the pope, in Ireland, with only one exception, who had not previously been approved and indicated to his holiness by the English agent in Rome — and the single exception, in forty years, was MacHale. Reader, if you are an Irishman, a little reflection on the following sad story of the great Fenian movement will be advantageous to you; therefore, save this hurriedly-written sketch of the history of our country. Are not the men such as Bishop Gilmore more dangerous to religion and morals than lay- men? The story of the failure of the Fenians is intro- duced, here, with all due respect for the men who upheld that godlike spirit of resistance to British rule in Ireland. HOW SHALL WE FREE IRELAND? This is a question that for many a long age has occupied the minds of the deepest thinkers of the Irish race. O'Con- nell, at one period of his life, had the freedom of Ireland in the palm of his hands. When he stood on Tara Hill, on the 15th of August, 1843, with a million men around him, "niall the grand." 47 with the English Chartists, the French Republicans and the whole American nation at his back, he might then have declared the independence of Ireland, and there was no force in England (as Peel admitted,) to restrain him. But, ambitious to establish a new force in political agitations, he rudely rejected the co-operation of the English Chartists; politely declined all aid from the French Republicans, though tendered to him by Ledru Rollin, their chief ; to the Southern Americans he flung back their money with scorn because it came from slaveholders ; and he denounced the sons and friends of the '98 men as miscreants. When Peel saw that O'Connell had thus cast away with contempt all promises of physical aid, he seized upon him, clapped him into prison, broke the spell which his voice and name had spread over the Irish race, and which he (O'Connell) never after re-established. From that day our cause and hopes declined ; and a whole generation has grown up in despair, in ignorance of their rights, and in fear almost of asserting any claim at all to national rights. Opposed to this general decline appeared, in the dark days of utter despair, THE FENIANS. Yes, they came to the front equipped only with resolve, with a remarkable daring, but defective organization. Even though badly led, they frightened England into some nom- inal concessions which are useful only in making us under- stand what could be won from her (England), if the Feni- ans had been able to concentrate their scattered forces in the Southern or Western mountains ; and if they had not been cursed from almost every Catholic altar, and set to the English enemy by many (too many) Catholic clergymen. It puzzles an Irishman to account for the hostility of the Roman Catholic bishops (with one or two exceptions) to our Irish National Independence. I have read, and never shall forget, the able review which appeared in the mem- orable Irish World of May 15th, where you say: " If you are a priest, and are placed over an Irish con- gregation, and if you see any Fenians perverting the people 48 "niall the grand." and saying that we, the Irish race in America, ought to do something for Ireland, fiercely denounce those bad men. Tell the people that the Irish ought to be loyal to England, even in persecutions. Tell them the Irish are persecuted in this world because they are good Christians. Tell them that those persecutions have proved wonderfully beneficial — that the expulsion of the mere Irish from their own homes, with their dispersion abroad, has brought the Mar- quis of Bute, the Earl of Ripon, and a score of gentlemen and superannuated countesses to the faith, (but of the mill- ions lost to the faith, the descendants of the mere Irish in England and America, you need not tell). Repeat these things again and again. Tell the people that they must not be too much troubled about the temporal interests of Ire- land — that patriotism is a deceptive sentiment — that this world anyhow, with all its vanity, will pass away ; and that therefore, as good Christians, they ought not to set their hearts upon it. This is the style of some priests and bishops. 11 AGAINST IRISH FREEDOM. You have described most truly, sir, in the above passage, the proceedings and ecclesiastical policy of certain Catholic bishops and priests in America. To this accurate guage, I would, with your permission, supplement a few plain facts from the British government side of the question. To the really zealous Nationalists, who desire to get poor old Ire- land re-established a nation among the nations, no imped- iment is so distressing, so unaccountable, so hard to be dealt with as the opposition, which comes from the Roman Catholic hierarchy and many of the priesthood, to every thorough, every substantial effort to emancipate our dear country. Why this unnatural hatred of our freedom exists I cannot pretend to answer; but, that it does exist and is actively propagated, I am in a condition to prove. Having spent a winter in Rome lately, I have learned considerable of English manipulations — what the French call " en plusie^s manieres " — something concerning their round- about methods of manufacturing chains in Rome to man- "niall the grand." 49 acle the Irish in Ireland. To explain how this is done, to the understanding of the common people — that is the toil- ing classes — I must ask liberal space in your precious col- umns. It had been the unconcealed desire of the govern- ing oligarchy of England — the landlords — for many years past, to get some control, little or much, in the appointment of the Catholic bishops of Ireland. In O'Connell's lifetime, during his struggle for CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION, the proposal was made to him that if he would consent to give the English government this desired control, it would pave an easy way to his Catholic emancipation. That great measure was kept back for years, because he and the bulk of the Irish people refused to the English government this veto privilege, which would, if granted, compel all candi- dates for bishops 1 mitres in Ireland to have their names submitted to the British monarch, and be approved by that monarch, before their acceptance and consecration by the pope in Rome. A second wing of security, sought to be added to the emancipation act, was a state payment of annual salaries to the Irish Catholic clergy ; and a third, the abolition of the voting powers of the forty-shilling free- holders. The first two O'Connell rejected ; the last he agreed to, which disfranchised at least five hundred thou- sand voters in Ireland ; for consenting to which he was afterwards sorry enough. O'Connell emancipated the Catholics of Ireland, England and Scotland, and the Dis- senters also ; for which some of the said English are not over grateful. Emancipation would have been still refused but for fear of an Irish insurrection. This is admitted in Sir Robert Peel's Memoirs, and by the Duke of Wellington in his speech introducing the measure in the House of Lords. THE FENIAN MEN. Now came a new generation of Fenian men, who saw nothing more in Catholic Emancipation than a road opened to enable Mr. and Mr. and Mr. — to 50 "niall the grand." enter parliament, make themselves heard there, get to be solicitors-general, attorneys-general, governors of colonies ; then assistant barristers, stipendiary magistrates ; then judges on the bench, and other offices of profit and honor, whereby they may dress in purple and fine linen, and sit in judgment, enabling the Irish landlords to dispossess the people of their lands according to law, while the millions of Catholics may go to the emigrant ship, to Hong Kong, or to the d 1 ! Now comes the Fenian agitation — an agitation somewhat different in its objects from the former. What could England do with that? It was, in the eyes of foreign powers, an ugly crack in the British breastplate, this Fenian cry for the land and for an Irish republic ! — a cry which O'Connell in his philosophy never dreamed of. Could she get Rome to do anything to stop it. Let us trace her tor- tuous policy in that city. FATHER CULLEN. About fifty-seven years ago, there came to Rome from Ireland a student for the priesthood, a son not of the peer- age but of the peasantry of Kildare, who has subsequently become a k ' personage " in the world. He entered the Irish College in Rome; and by his studious, careful and conservative habits, rose step by step to be superior of the college, whose average number of students ranged at about fifty ; whose course of education was pretty strictly con- fined to theology, and the histories, and the arguments springing therefrom. The position of superior of this Irish college the priest maintained for twenty years, in strict seclusion, which brought him the acquaintance of all the high dignitaries connected with the Sacred College of Car- dinals. This was Father Cullen, the Superior of the Irish College at Rome. I would next make the reader acquaint- ed with CARDINAL ANTONELLI, who has filled the post of Secretary to the College of Car- dinals — that is, Secretary of State to the Roman Catholic church throughout *the world — for at least thirty years past, "niall the grand." 51 through whom all the correspondence of all the ecclesias- tics and crowned heads throughout the world passes to the Pope, is registered, noted, brought. under consideration of the Sacred Council, and replied to. Now, this great per- sonage, though filling the highest office in, the Catholic Church next to the Holy Father, is not a priest in orders, and never was. But he is a very able linguist, is master of a score of languages, is able to do with little sleep and little food, can answer more letters, and does answer more let- ters, in a day than do all the British Ministers in the same space of time. This extraordinary man was in youth a poor boy from the mountains, who got into one of the col- leges as a servant, and swallowed all sorts of knowledge with unusual gusto. His sheer ability of mind and body brought him under the notice of the predecessor of Pius IX., who placed him in the correspondence department of the Holy See, in which office he was continued by the present Pope ; and without passing through the graditory steps of the eglise, was endowed with the commanding title of Cardinal. The Cardinal-Secretary is the dispenser of dignities, appointments, places and power throughout the whole church. All, who want favors from the Holy See, from the crowned head ruler of a nation^ down to the humble cure or priest of a parish, present their suit to the Cardinal. It is the custom, of those who seek favors at his hand, to propitiate^him with some present. The very rich give jeweled snuff boxes or gems of vast value ; the poorer suitors bring coined gold to his shrine. His palace is, next to the Vatican, the richest magazine of gems, jewels and works of art ot great value in Rome. His Eminence's engaged daily in arranging and classifying his wondrous store, which (it is said by clergymen) would purchase a principality. Of course, such a man is a strict conservator of " order," hates changes, and is, indeed, the chief man that arrested the reforming hand of Pius IX., in 1846, when His Holiness had joined the father of King Victor Emanuel in his attempt to drive the Austrians from Italian soil. In his mind, the powers that be are the powers to obey, pro- 52 "niall.the grand." vided those powers have in their veins any of the pure blood of kings. PETRE, THE ENGLISH AGENT. I would now introduce another important character in this painful story. There were in Rome twenty years ago, as there are at present, certain political agents of the Brit- ish Government — not open, recognized agents, mind you, but " tourists, 1 ' " artists," of the Sir Patrick O'Plenipo class, among whom was a young. Englishman, the Hon. Mr. Petre, son of Lord Petre, an English Catholic gentle- man who lived much in Rome ; for he was an ardent admirer and student of art. He was very intimate with Cardinal Antonelli and the other chief princes. To the Cardinal, the troubles of the English Government with the Irish revolutionary characters were made known. It was easily made manifest, to His Eminence, that revolutionary aspirations in Ireland would tend to ignite latent members of a similar nature in England, and elsewhere in Europe, and that, in the interests of "society" and "order," his aid was evoked to suppress, by the crushing power of the church, all such dangerous manifestations. The Irish bish- ops — aye, they were the springs of Irish sentiment, the channels, in tact, which must guide Irish thought in its flow — these were the keys to the heart of the Irish nation ; and in order to preserve the peace of Europe, they were to be influenced, even coerced, to suppress all " dangerous soci- eties" of whatsoever name or object in Ireland. BRITISH FRIENDSHIP IN RETURN. In return for His Eminence's interference, in the manner suggested, the Queen of England would become the active friend of the temporal power, and would discountenance and discourage, through her peers and commoners, and denounce, through all her magazines and newspapers, the Garibaldis and Mazzinis of Italian revolution. Nothing could be more reasonable and proper than all this to the minds of the Cardinal and his eminent brethren of the "niall the grand." 53 Sacred College, the majority of whom are always of Italian birth, and know about as much of Irish, history as they do of one of the South American republics. So the Irish priesthood were to be muzzled ; the Lavelles, the McQuaids, the Andersons, the Vaughans and the MacHales were to be put under the ban, and all their seditious mouths to be closed. Although they are witnesses — aye, eye-witnesses of the destruction of thousands of Irish dwellings, the eviction from their lands of hundreds of thousands of industrious Roman Catholic people, they are forbidden to open their * mouths in complaint against landlords who promote or the government which permits these calamitous outrages. FATHER CULLEN RAISED TO POWER. A most fortunate opportunity arrived to put this British policy into active operation. Dr. Curtis, primate of Armagh, died, a successor was duly and legally named by a convoca- tion of the clergy of the diocese. Three names were voted for by the convention, according to immemorial usage, and sent on to Rome with their respective characters appended to each, viz : Dignus (worthy, Dignoir (worthier), Dignissi- mus (most worthy), from which three His Holiness was, according to custom, to select one to fill the chair of Pri- mate of Ireland. But instead of this, His Holiness, at the promptings and advice of somebody in Rome, passed over and ignored the three clergymen sent to him by the Irish Diocese Convention, and took a priest of the Irish College in Rome from his books and his pupils and his solitude in St. Agatha's, and appointed him ARCHBISHOP AND PRIMATE, and sent him to rule over the heads of all the clergy of Ireland. This gentleman was Dr. Paul Cullen, the cele- brated public enemy of the Fenians and the private friend of the British Empire. This appointment suited the British government completely. The new Irish Primate was the second self of Cardinal Antonelli. The "Church" was to get privileges, in all the British colonies where the Catholic 54 "niall the grand." bishops and priests are stipendiaries of the British Govern- ment. The Bishops get from £500 to £700 a year ; the priests from £150 to £200 a year salaries, throughout the principal colonies of Her Majesty's empire. There are many other privileges also, which the "church" (that is the bishops) obtained as a consideration for yielding- up Ireland in chains to her relentless oppressor. CONDEMNS FRENCH ASSISTANCE. His first services to his new masters were performed by the new primate in the year 1859; and this is the manner and method of them. After the failure of the Young Ire- landers' attempt at insurrection, in 1848, many of the leaders were driven out of Ireland. Some were transported to the far off colonies ; some took refuge in New York, others in Paris, and some returned to their homes in obscu- rity, in the south of Ireland. Although the attempt at a rising was at the time suppressed, the aspiration for national independence was not stamped out. The signs most hope- ful of its ultimate success are found in the cool business- like manner in which the baffled, defeated Irish patriots go again to their work, as if nothing ill had happened to them in previous attempts ! Well, an organization was effected between the men in Ireland and their friends in Paris ami America, to make another attempt. The mode of the next move had not yet gotten shape. It was understood among the leaders, that the late Emperor of the French, Louis Napoleon, would favor the designs of the Irish "Phoenix men" — this being the appellation of the Irish patriots then. Napoleon had some negotiations on foot with England, touching the admission of French manufac- tures and French wines iulo England at a reduced duty, and the belter to help his negotiations, he built those fam- ous sea-monsters in Cherbourg, which created consterna- tion in England. But when he invited John Mitchell from America to Paris, this was the climax. All England was in a panic. The funds fell in price, when it was known that Mitchell had actually come to Paris. It was then that "niall the grand.' 1 55 Archbishop Cullen was wanted by the British Government, and speedily he came to their aid. In the nick of time he issued his celebrated " Pastoral " to the priests and people of Ireland, warning them against " French infidels," French " anarchists," and all that, saying to his flock, ex cathedra, that " he would rather see the Irish people suffer another seven years' famine than accept aid or political association from the infidel French !" and this, mind you, at the very time that Cardinal Antonelli had twenty thous- and French soldiers in Rome and its suburbs, supporting the kingly power of the Pope ! The French Emperor was stunned by the appearance of this remarkable pastoral, and feeling that to help the Irish in an insurrection against Eng- land, with the Catholic clergy against it, would be disas- trous to the design, he got chilled over the enterprise. In addition to his motives for holding back, Her Majesty, the Queen of England, journeyed over to France to meet the Emperor, and did meet him, and kiss him too! The kiss of a queen has, we know, a wondrous power. Even Julius Caesar, stern though he was known to be, was melted by the kiss of Cleopatra. Our queen, it is true, is not a Cle- opatra ; yet her kiss, together with the Archbishop's pastoral and the concessions to the Emperor of his inter- national dem'ands killed, for the time, in its embryonic state, the Phoenix insurrection. The pastorals of the Archbish- ops, at that time, had much greater weight and influence with the Irish than they have had latterly. THE MACMANUS FUNERAL. I will now advance in my mournful story. Terrence Bellew MacManus died in San Francisco sometime in the year 1861 — died in care of the Sisters of Mercy, in their hospital, having previously received the last sacrament of his church. The Irish of that city gave him a splendid funeral, laid him in the Catholic cemetery of Lone Moun- tain. A meeting was subsequently held in San Francisco, to erect a monument over his remains, at which meeting it was proposed, and, after some discussion, resolved to raise 56 "niall the grand/' the body and send it to Ireland for interment. It was to be taken to New York, where the Irish were to co-operate in taking charge of the body, and thence to Cork, where, on landing, the Cork men were to organize a slow funeral procession by the high road trom Cork to Dublin, to pause at intervals in the journey, and have orations pronounced over the dead rebel. That was the programme ; and it was pretty nearly carried out. These honors were offered to MacManus because, though no general, he bravely joined Smith O'Brien and the others in facing British power in the field; and here it must be noted that Smith O'Brien was totally unfitted, by nature or experience, to lead an armed insurrection against England, as was very quickly perceived by the common people in the South of Ireland, who de- clined to fight when they heard him proclaim that the army of insurrection was to purchase their rations with hard cash. But he was honored, nevertheless, and so were MacManus and Meagher, because they had risked life and were tried and condemned to death in Clonmel, to be there hanged, drawn and quartered for their attempt to free Ireland. THE IRISH RACE IN AMERICA and in Ireland had unanimously decreed funeral honors to the remains of MacManus. The body was received in the cathedrals b} 7 bishops, and a solemn mass for the dead was offered for the repose of the soul of him who risked life, liberty and lost trade and position for Ireland. When the body arrived on Irish earth, it was taken to the Catholic chapel in Queenstown, where it was received by Doctor Keene, at the chapel door, and there again a solemn sacri- fice of Holy mass for the dead was offered over the body. At every station between Cork and Dublin crowds of people appeared, anxious to take the body out of the railway car- riages and carry it on their shoulders, according to the original programme, which, I must say, they ought to have been permitted to do. Arrived in Dublin, thousands and tens of thousands were ready to take part in the great "mall the grand." 57 national funeral : but first, application was made to Arch- bishop Cullen, (who at this time had been translated from Armagh to Dublin,) to offer a- solemn mass for the dead over the body, at his cathedral, Marlborough street. To this very natural request, the Archbishop replied that he required twenty-four hour's consideration, before he could give an answer. "Twenty-four hours 1 consideration' 1 to study whether an Irish # Catholic child of the church, who died in its bosom in a foreign land, should obtain through the united prayers of his ten thousand friends, the benefits of their united prayers at holy mass, for the repose of his soul. The American conductors of the funeral 'soon saw through the mind of the Archbishop, and rightly read the excuse of the pro-English ecclesiastic, which was that " the funeral bore a political aspect, and he did not desire that he and the church should be mixed .up with it," whereupon FATHER LAVELLE issued his famous address, beginning : " Ireland ! Ireland ! has it come to this?" etc. The body of MacManus was taken to its resting place in Glasnevin ; the layman from San Francisco, in charge of it, a Colonel Smith, uttered a discourse over it; and Father Lavelle made the last prayer over the body as it was lowered down, which, it is hoped, was heard in Heaven's chancery. Father Lavelle was sum- moned to Rome, to account there for his contumacious comments on the Archbishop, on the occasion, and would doubtless have been imprisoned, but for the interference of JOHN MagHALE, the great Archbishop of the West; but the tongue of Father Lavelle, in all that relates to the polit- ical! interests of Ireland, has been considerably lied ever since. The next link in this mysterious story is furnished by the seizure of the Irish People newspaper and the imprisonment of all the gentlemen connected with it, on the information of Nagle, the informer. Rossa, Luby, O'Leary and several others were indicted for treason-felony and about to take their trial when, the very week before the trial was to take place, out comes a pastoral from Arch- 58 "niall the grand." bishop Culleri, in the Freeman's Journal, denouncing the untried prisoners as "revolutionists," "anarchists," "assas- sins," " infidels — men who would rob people of their prop- erty, and murder clergymen if they stood in their way !" This denunciation had the desired effect ; it poisoned and excited to panic the minds of all that middle class of citi-_ zens from which juries would be formed and made up. These prisoners were tried and condemned in the public press, by the Irish Roman Catholic Archbishop, before they were arraigned by the law-officers of England, in their courts of law in Ireland ! The chances for the prisoners, from a disagreement among the jury, were cut away, and their conviction rendered easy and certain by the early verdict pronounced on them by the head of the Catholic Church in Dublin! They were convicted of a "conspi- racy," and we all know how and what they suffered in the terrible dungeons of England, and how the Catholic bishop of Kerry, Moriarity, came out at the back of Dr. Gullen, proclaiming that " Hell was not hot enough " nor eternity long enough to punish these awful Fenian " infidels " "and "cut-throats." The English "interest" in Rome, grateful for the valuable help of the Archbishop in stamp- ing out Fenianism in Ireland, now contributed to lift the useful Archbishop in rank over all the bishops, archbishops and priests of Ireland. Cardinal Antonelli is again invoked, and at last out of the Vatican comes a Cardinal's hat, with robes of princely state, for Dr. Cullen, which gave him rank and command and authority over every priest, bishop and archbishop in Ireland, MacHale included. Here, again, the "fine. Roman hand" of England is apparent. The Cardinaljiad thenceforth given him power to suspend any one of the hierarchy or priesthood for disobedience of his commands — and this without appeal to Rome ! THE FENIANS IN THE FIELD. The Fenian organization was not, however, extinguished, either by the Cardinal's denunciations or by the state trials, or the tortures in the British dungeons: Although "niall the GRAND." 59 the tortures of hell were considered by His Eminence inad- equate punishment for those Fenians ; yet they went madly on all the same. Eighteen hundred and sixty-seven came, and with it an actual outbreak, mismanaged again, but. suffi- ciently frightful to the English powers to displace a Tory ministry and lift to power a " reform " government, whose platform cries were ''Justice to Ireland," "Ireland to be governed by Irish ideas," "tenant-right," and "equality in religion," and so on. This was a delusive platform, intend- ed only to cajole the Fenians, who in the meantime were to be put ouside the pale of the church— were to be excom- municated — were to be refused all the sacraments of the church, living or dying, including the sacrament of matri- mony ; and this by an Irish bishop, an Irish cardinal, who was the son of an Irish tenant-farmer, robed in frieze and corduroy ! When the great assembly of bishops was held n Rome, sometime in 1867, a movement was made in a certain chamber, in that city, between His Eminence Cullen and His Eminence Cardinal Antonelli and some other Card- jinals, to get up a decree of condemnation against the Fenian Brotherhood. No sooner thought of by these Emi- nent princes of the Church than it was done. A bull or decree was accordingly passed through the Sacred College, condemning the Fenian Brotherhood as "a society danger- ous to faith and morals," (a brief and convenient indict- ment) being bound by secret oaths, etc., etc., members of said organization to be refused all the sacraments until they withdrew from it; and so far as Cardinal Cullen could influ- ence the clergy in Ireland, England and Scotland, this con- demnation was carried generally into effect, as we shall see. There were many of the American bishops in Fionie at that time, who, when they heard of this decree, were half crazy with rage regarding it, and wrote to their priests in America, restraining them from putting this decree in force until their return. Worse still, when the Catholic mother of Thomas Clarke Luby lay on her death bed, while her son was yet in prison for only writing in behalf of Irish independence, the rites and sacraments of her •60 "niall the grand." church were refused her on his account, and her body was refused sepulture in the Catholic cemetery if any persons attending her remains to the grave wore green symbols of any kind upon their persons ; and the same sort of PERSECUTIONS OF THE NATIONAL COLOR was displayed at the great funeral of Edward Duffy to the same last resting place. To show the world how skillfully His Eminence exercises and extends his anti-Irish ideas through Ireland, in the interest of his English clients, let us contemplate the manner in which he filled up the vacancy in the See of Ossory. A chapter of the clergy of the dio- cese was held as usual. Three names were sent to Rome ; one of these names was that of Father Moran, the Cardi- nal's private secretary and relative, a priest not in any manner connected with the diocese — an outsider, so to say. •His Eminence had influence enough to get his secretary nominated by the Ossory convocation, whether as worthy, worthier or most worthy, none can tell ; but all can see that Father Moran obtained the appointment in Rome. And it is pretty evident that this partial nomination pro- duced the lamentable rupture between the Cardinal and Father O'Keefe. Each had a relative and favorite to can- vass for. Now, His Eminence has. drawn in as his secretary another clergyman, who will be, of course, a postulant for the next mitre that falls: and so on, step by step, by this method, the Irish-Catholic church and its faithful soggarths are to be West-Britonized. "FELON-SETTINC." 1 To show that this process of hunting down the Fenians has been undertaken by the Catholic Bishops, in conjunc- tion with the British police, I will adduce a few indisputable facts to show that those who labored for the independence of their native Ireland, and associate for that object, no matter under what name, are to be hunted as assassins, robbers, murderers, infidels, communists, socialists, etc., and this not only by the British oligarchy, its press, its police, but by their own trusted bishops and their clergy "niall the grand." 61 (always with the illustrious exceptions such as the incor- ruptible MacHale). There was an election to be held in the County Longford, in 1869. John Martin was candidate. On the 3d of December, the Most Rev. N. MacCabe, Bishop of Longford, writing from Rome, thus spoke to his fifty priests of the Longford diocese, in a letter addressed to Rev. J. Smyth : "As young Greville is the choice of the priests, I rely on the united efforts of priest and people to ensure his return., I have great fears lest Fenianism should get a footing in the diocese." Signed with the holy sign of the cross, by N. MacCabe. (f) JOHN MARTIN DEFEATED. John Martin was surely the mildest type of a Fenian, or any other man, that Ireland could produce. This Most Reverend letter-writer, however, prefers " young Greville," a captain in the British army and a lord of the Queen of England's bedchamber (whatever that may mean) to honest John Martin, whose life, labor, talents and fortune had been devoted ceaselessly to the elevation of his country. John Martin, notwithstanding his life-long services to Ireland, was defeated — defeated in a manner that will forever reflect disgrace upon this bishop and upon the clergymen who made themselves prominent leaders in the cause of the young English place-holder. At Edgeworthstown, in the County Longford, the friends of John Martin were gathered to a meeting ; a procession was formed and in motion to a central point, where a large meeting of the voters was about to be held. They had banners and symbols ; amongst them was a small green banner ; and upon this hated ban- ner the Rev. Father Murray — " soggarth aroon " of that parish — rushed with violent gestures, and dragging the National Flag from the hands of him who bore it, trampled it in the mud, and then waved a red pocket-handkerchief over his head ! LIFTING THE CROSS FOR ENGLAND. Before this saddening event, the clergy of Longford, with 62 "niall the grand." Father Reynolds at their head, had met at St. Mel's College to take steps respecting' the Longford election. Thirty priests were present there. They raised the holy cross at that meeting, and pledged the cross and their faith and honor to vote for " young Greville," the English captain, the officer of the Queen's household, and the true repre- sentative of England in the British parliament. The aforesaid captain, subsequent to this meeting, placed £3,000 in the hands of the aforesaid soggarth Reynolds, to be used as his reverence pleased in defeating the chances of Irish independence, to which the election of honest John Martin might in some sense contribute. THE COUNTY DRENCHED WITH WHISKY. The money was distributed among those persons in the county who too well acted the ruffian part in that contest. Kegs of whisky and barrels of porter were let loose in every direction, and distributed, with the object of exciting the inflammable portion of these people to turn on their fellow- citizens (fellow -slaves), to drive out, to bludgeon out and to stamp out " accursed Fenianism," according to their orders. " The country was drenched with whisky," said Baron Fitzgerald, who, on solemn investigation, declared the election of the English captain void. The priests were disgraced ; their religion suspected ; and Ireland hung down her head. Looking outside of Ireland, we shall see what useful allies of England too often are our Irish Catholic priests. We shall see how enthusiastically they uphold the government of England in Ireland. ALLIES IN AUSTRALIA About the month of October, 1869, fifteen Fenian pris- oners were released from penal servitude in Sydney, South Wales, by orders from Mr. Gladstone's Government. The Irishmen of Sydney offered these poor fellows some com- plimentary benefit, with a view to make up a little money to start them to some free land " where the flag of Eng- land would never more be seen." A pic-nic to a suburb of Sidney named Clontarf was proposed. But this must not "niall the grand. 1 ' 63 be. The two chief Catholic priests of Sydney (the bishop being then at Rome), the Very Rev. S. J. A. Sheehy, V. G., and the Very Rev. John Rigney, V. G., both Irishmen,) published an injunction from the altars of all the Catholic churches in Sydney, on Sunday, November 18th, 1869, warning and commanding all Catholics to abstain from attending said pic-nic. The British government in Sydney issued also a proclamation against the holding of the meet- ing; but these Sydney Irishmen were not to be frightened. To the clergy, the pic-nic committee thus replied : " We emphatically and earnestly repudiate the dictation of the Very Reverend gentlemen above, as to our meeting, which bears no religious aspect, and concerns only our rights as citizens. [Signed] Richard O'Sullivan,- T. O'Neil, B. Gaffray, John Spevin. 11 The aforesaid document will prove the existence of a semi-concordat between England and Rome, which oper- ates tar and wide, especially in the English colonies, in almost all of which the Catholic clergy are stipendiaries of the government of England. WHO BR'OKE DOWN THE BRITISH CHURCH? We will now take a second look at its operations nearer home. In the month of December, 1869, His Eminence Cardinal Cullen issued a pastoral, again condemning the Fenians, asking " What has their agitation and conspiracy produced? 11 He asked this question with wondrous sim- plicity, when it was patent, and avowed by Mr. Gladstone, Prime Minister of England, in his place in Parliament, that to " allay the Fenian excitement he had brought in his Church Bill and Land Bill " — when every newspaper in England that supported Gladstone argued that u the dis- turbed state of Ireland, 1 ' the " Fenian conspiracy, 11 required of the British parliament full and ample justice to allay : and John Bright, the popular member of Mr. Gladstone^ 64 "niall the crand." ministry, publicly declared at Birmingham, January 13th, 1870 : " They would have a new invasion of Ireland with good laws ; he will astonish Ireland herself with their land bill — one which would give the cultivators a hold of the land which they tilled, and take away all cause for Irish discontent and insurrection. 1 ' However, this land bill was and is the greatest kind of a delusion, as the experience of a few short years demonstrates — witness the evictions now going on all over Ireland and the subsequent discontent and the " insurrection " which laid the Protestant estab- lishment in ruins, overturned a Tory ministry and set up he Gladstone party, and not the countless intercourse with government of His Eminence Cardinal Cullen ; and no good measure will ever be gotten from England, except through a " disturbance " in Ireland. THE CARDINAL'S INFLUENCE. The active operations of His Eminence, Cardinal Cullen, in support of British power in Ireland are very remarkable. Every available bishop and priest in Ireland, England and Scotland has been seen or written to, or deputationed. Let us contemplate the evidence to this assertion. In Kerry, Bishop Moriarity has publicly uttered the blasphemy that " Hell is not hot enough nor eternity long enough to suffi- ciently punish the Fenians." That blasphemy was uttered some fifteen years ago, and the reverend utterer is not gone to* h — . He performs all the sacred functions of a Christian priest in Kerry to this day. In May, 1870, two town councillors of Limerick waited on the acting bishop of the diocese, Dr. Butler, at his palace in the city of Limerick to ask his permission to make a collection at the chapel gates, on a given day, for the families of the Fenian state prisoners. This was refused ; no Irish Fenians need apply. Archdeacon Sullivan, of Kenmare, writing to the Dublin Nation, April 15, 1871, boasts that in 1858 he extracted the Phoenix revolutionary oath from one of his postulant flock by a device which seems to the reverend gentleman to be satisfactory to his sacerdotal conscience. Catholic "niall the grand. 1 ' 65 clergy are bound by their vows not to reveal anything com- municated to them in the confessional. A young man had made his confession to the reverend gentleman, in the course of which he said nc was a member of the Phoenix Society, and that its object was the independence of Ire- land by armed insurrection. Being questioned concerning the rules of the society, he said the members were bound by oath to secrecy and obedience to their chiefs. After the interview at the confessional, the reverend gentleman took occasion to meet the young man in the street, and accost- ing the young man as if he, the priest, had apparently for- gotten something connected with the confession, said : u By the by, what was the nature of that oath which you men- tioned something about to me the other clay'? 1 ' The young man, thinking that he was still talking to his priest under the seal of the confessional, related to him, in the street, the nature of the Phoenix oath, which bound the members to fight for the death for Irish independence. The archdea- con, having now got out the secret in the street, sheltering his conscience by this arch device, hastened to communi- cate it to Dublin Castle, and actually boasted publicly that he had got there with the information before " old Trench, 1 ' the magistrate ; whereby the felon-setting priest " did " the felon-setting magistrate ! In the well-known rising of 1867, young Colonel O'Connor, an Irish-American officer from Massachusetts, got into the southern part of Kerry, where he had rapidly organized an insurrectionary force, and was proceeding to form a junction with another body of the same kind, in a place somewhat distant. About this in- tended move, the Catholic priest of the district got wind, and was the first person to send a dispatch to the Govern- ment authorities respecting the intended move of the rebel colonel, which frustrated his plans. The name of this rev- erend gentleman I have forgotten ; but he is known to many persons in Tralee, and particularly to Colonel O'Con- nor, who got 'back safely to America when all hope was lost. 66 "niall the crand. THE ENGLISH CLERGY. The Catholic clergy of England and Scotland, all the way up to and including Cardinal Manning, are dead against Ireland's independence — against all who preach such "revolutionary" doctrines. The clergy, officiating in general, take their cue from the bishops; and the English and Scotch bishops will not hear with patience a word in favor of Irish independence — will not allow any school under their control, though built, as their churches have mostly been, by the money of Irishmen, to be used for the purpose of talking even about that moderate, harmless myth known by the name of " Home Rule." Behold proof! At the Catholic chapel of Middleboro, in England, the Rev. Andrew Burns preached a sermon in May, 1870, in which he denounced the Fenians. On this occasion, some twenty or thirty of his hearers rose up and left the chapel. But the reverend gentleman went further in his denunciations than in the sermon in the chapel. He wrote a letter to the superintendent of the government works, where those who left the chapel were employed, gave their names, and denounced them as incendiaries, and unfit to be employed by the Government ; and gave to the govern- ment the names of the chiefs of circles who were in their employment. Mr. John Booth, of that village, was specially denounced, though he had been all his life the most active Catholic in the parish for helping the church ; and further, this Rev. Andrew Burns would not allow Booth's daughter to stand baptismal sponsor for a child which he was about to christen, because she had been to one of Mr. Meany's lectures, in the town hall, on Irish independence ! At Bradford, in the same week, the Rev. Father Lacey de- nounced from the altar all Fenians as incendiaries, " infi- dels," " anarchists." DENOUNCES THE PRESS. He also denounced all those who read the Irishman or Flag of Ireland, describing their editors as " Protestant Catb^cs." At Newcastle-on-Tyne, Father Perrin de- "null the grand. 67 nounced from the altar (during Mass, on January 15th, 1871), all those who sympathized with, or in any manner co-operated with the Fenian societies. He also denounced all those who sold, circulated or read the Irishman or Flag of Ireland. In Aberdeen, Father William Staganini preached from the altar (on Sunday, January 15th, 1871), to the congregation, on the evils of Fenianism, saying he " quite agreed with Bishop Moriarity that hell was hot hot enough, nor eternity long enough for the punishment of the Fenians." He denounced to the government the members of that society in Aberdeen, threatened all such with excommunication from the church, the refusal of sacra- ments, etc. In York, (on January 8th, 1871, at holy mass, the Rev. Father Holland denounced the Fenians with the pains of hell, using and endorsing the blasphemies of Bishop Moriarity as to the insufficiency of hell and eternity to punish the Fenians. " There were," he said, " now residing in York certain captains and leaders of the Fenians whom he was enabled to point out, and whom he would point out to the authorities and have arrested." After the execution of the " Manchester Martyrs," this reverend gen- tleman said in the church, in the course of his sermon, that those " martyrs very well DESERVED THE DEATH THEY MET WITH, and, if any of the congregation sympathized with them, he requested them to get up and leave the church," which many of them did. Bishop Ullathorne of Salford inter- posed to prevent the "Irish Home Rule League" holding any of their meetings in the school-rooms which their Irish money had erected, thus driving them to the public houses. The Catholic bishop and priesthood of Glasgow interposed in like manner, prohibiting their school rooms to be used for any Irish meeting connected with the political elevation of Ireland. The Irishmen, in all those crowded places, have therefore no place to meet in but the public houses. The same rule prevails in London. We dare not open our mouths about Ireland's freedom in any of the schools 68 "niall the grand." attached to the Catholic churches, though those same churches and those same schools would not be in existence but for the Irish laborers of London. At the great Patrick's day demonstration in Hyde Park, last March, the Catholic clergymen refused to the Irish the use of their temperance flags for the procession. Turn which way we will, we see the hands of Catholic clerics raised against the political enfranchisement of our country. The Irishman and Flag, which uphold the right of Ireland, are excluded from the reading rooms of the " Catholic Union of Ireland," whilst the London Times and London Punch are taken in by that most exemplary society! MORAL IN CONCLUSION. The reader, if he have had the patience to wade through this sad history, will find in it indubitable evidence of a compact between the British Government and certain influ- ential dignitaries of the Roman Catholic church, in Rome and Ireland, to stamp out of the Irish heart any and every aspiration for honest national government. For this pur- pose was the Bull against the Fenians procured at Rome : for this purpose were they excommunicated from the altars of their churches, charged with defiling with their dead the Catholic cemeteries; their immortal souls judged — aye, judged by mortal men — and consigned to hell (with delib- erate and repeated blasphemy) which it seems was not hot enough for their punishment. The British Government, taking its cue from our Cullens, our Moriaritys and our MacCabes, inflicted indescribable tortures upon the unfor- tunate Fenians whom they had gotten into their grasp, making them pretty nearly feel hell in their infernal dun- geons. This was a new departure in the traditions and practice of the church. We never, before heard of Roman bulls issued against Irish patriots who struggled for the object the Fenians had and have in view. In 1798 Catholic priests fought in the ranks of the " Irish rebels." Father Murphy, of Wexford, the rebel general and priest, will never be blotted from the grateful memory of. Irishmen; "niall the grand." 69 and I might go further back, oven to the times of the Kil- kenny Confederation, 1640, when we find POPE URBAN VIII sending arms, ammunition and money, by his Nuncio Renuncinni, in the frigate San Pietro, for the Irish Fenians of that day, who had confederated to drive the English gar- rison out of Ireland. We allege that this latter policy of the Cullens, the Moriaritys and the rest is a departure from the customs and traditions of the Catholic church — a wrenching of our holy religion to the purposes of British ascendancy — British tyranny — in our country — that the " infidels " they speak of have been made, not by Paine and Voltaire, but by those clergymen who cursed the Fenians from their pulpits, refused them sacraments at their altars, hunted them out of their churches, and marked them out to the police for incarceration. We further say that it has failed in its object. The whole policy and motion and labors of the aforesaid crusaders against the Fenians have shaken the confidence of the Irish people — Fenians and non-Fenians — in their clergy. A terrible result ; and a heavy burden of sin on the heads of those who destroyed this confidence. MacHALE FORETOLD IT. The great patriotic priest Archbishop MacHale foretold this. Fie told these political bishops that " If ever the Irish people shall withdraw their confidence from their clergy, the fault will not be the people's " and it is now verified, as I shall here prove in a few more lines. In the debate in the House of Lords on the Westmeath Coercion Bill, on May 2d, 1871, it came out that Captain Talbot, a chief of the Irish constabulary, gave the Westmeath committee, as a reason for his want of success in capturing Ribbonmen and Fenians "that the Catholic clergy are now-a-days told nothing by the people." One priest said to him : " Some- time ago I might have helped you hunt up a criminal ; but now the people do not let us know anything of their move- ments." 70 "niall the grand." 'WANING INFLUENCE IN ELECTIONS. Take the recent elections as evidence to the same pur- port. Let the reader go with me, in memory, to the court- house of Trim, in the county Meath, on a cold day in Jan- uary, three winters ago. There is an election for a member of Parliament. The building is crowded with the candi- dates and their friends. One side to be proposed is Hon. J. Plunkett, son of Lord Fingal, a scion of the oldest Catho- lic family in Ireland, a son of the Lord Killean that was for many years the fellow-laborer of Daniel O'Connell — the best of Irish landlords, a resident Irish gentleman and all that. He had pledged himself to the Catholic priesthood to oppose Gladstone if he declined to interfere to restore the Pope to the temporal sovereignty over Rome. At his back are Father Dowling and thirty Catholic priests of the county Meath. Father Dowling rises to propose the Hon. J. Plunkett, as a fit and proper person to represent the county of Meath in the Imperial Parliament of England. The priests speech is stopped by the outburst of popular inter- ruption which continued for an hour; and neither Father Dowling nor the Hon. Mr. Plunkett nor any one of the thirty Catholic clergymen was permitted to utter a wcrd in that court-house, though it was filled chiefly by Roman Catholics. And now, when the High Sheriff asks for " silence, 1 ' and demands to know if any other candidate is to be proposed, up stands a peasant farmer and NOMINATES JOHN MARTIN, our late distinguished countryman, as a fit and proper per- son to represent that great county in parliament — John Martin, who was not a Catholic but a frigid Presbyterian, who owned no land in the county — a convicted, trans- ported, unrepentant "Irish rebel," who had just come down from Dublin, after unveiling the statue erected there, in the public thoroughfare, to William Smith O'Brien, another convicted rebel. What cheering then welcomed the name of John Martin in that court-house ! What do those cheers for Martin tell us ? " What are those wild "niall the grand." 71 waves saying?"' Who is that audacious peasant who ven- tures his voice in the presence of and in opposition to the wealth of the land and the power of the priests ? He must have the impudence of William Tell. This peasant farmer is a genuine Irish patriot. The show of hands is called for. It is for Martin and Ireland's independence, and at the polls, next day, the voters roll up 1,200 votes for Martin, against 650 for the landlords and the clergy! Now that election demonstrated the mind of a large Catholic county. Those twelve hundred voters were not surely all infidels, nor assassins, nor robbers, nor Fenians ; and yet they voted for Irish independence all the same, and in utter defiance too of their landlords and their clergy. It demon- strates that all the tortuous movements of the anti-Irish in Rome, in London and in Ireland have gone for nought; and, as the London Times remarked at that time, " Cardinal Cullen's occupation at Dublin castle is going, quite gone !" And THIS IS GOD'S TRUTH, though uttered by the Times. The county Limerick elec- tion is another case in point. On the dissolution of the last parliament by Mr. Gladstone, the Catholic clergy of Limerick met — eighty priests with their bishop, Dr. Butler, and their political mentor, Dean O'Brien. They solemnly proposed a Mr. Kelley, a Catholic landlord of the county, whose family had evicted some tenants from their lands. The Fenians proposed one of their society, who had served his due time for that cause in British dungeons, — that was his qualification in the eyes of the people of the great county Limerick — and they elected him against the active opposition of the eighty Catholic priests, the bishop, the dean and all the landlords and "respectables" of the county, three to one ! Then there is THE ELECTION OF JOHN MITCHELL, a Protestant, a rebel, a Fenian, and even more — elected unanimously by the great Catholic county of Tipperary. If these signs and modern instances of the spirit of the Irish 72 "niall the grand." race' are not a sufficient reproof of the clerical crusades against their freedom, more will be exhibited from day to day, notwithstanding all the petty efforts that have been made in Ireland to suppress the pulsations of the national heart ; notwithstanding that only one bishop in Ireland — Most Rev. Thomas Nulty, of Meath — had the patriotism and gratitude to attend the MacHale jubilee ; notwithstand- ing that the students of Maynooth College are forbidden to present him an address : notwithstanding that Cardinal Cullen took himself off to Rome during the MacHale festi- val, thereby showing the petty spirit that moves him — not- withstanding all this, I say, the Irish heart beats a healthy beat for Irish Independence. CONCLUSION IN SORROW. This history of stupidity is written, not in malice or in a spirit of irreligion, but in sorrow. The writer hereof and the cardinals and the bishops will ere long be gathered to their native earth. Ireland will remain; her cause will remain and flourish, and triumph, for " Many a deed shall wake in praise That long hath slept in blame." This narrative will form a brick in the great structure of Irish history. It may warn fnture chiefs of the Catholic church against taking sides against their country, and ad- monish them that their faith cannot be strained and wrenched against the independence of their country with- out sore injury to the faith as well as to the country. N. T. G. "NULL THE GRAND. THE BULL OF ADRIAN IV. " Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his dearest son in Christ, the illustrious King of England greeting and apostolical benedictions : " Full laudably and profitably hath your magnificence con- ceived the design of propagating your glorious renown on earth, and completing your reward of eternal happiness in heaven ; while, as a Catholic prince, you are intent on enlarging the borders of the Church, teaching the truth of the Christian faith to the ignorant and rude, extirpating the roots of vice from the fields of the Lord; and, for the more convenient execution of this purpose, requiring the counsel and favor of the apostolic see, in which, the maturer your deliberation and the greater the discretion of your proced- ure, by so much the happier we trust will be your progress, with the assistance of the Lord, as all things are used to come to a prosperous end and issue, which take their beginning from the ardor of faith and the love of religion. "There is indeed no doubt but that England and all the islands on which Christ, the Sun of Righteousness hath shone, and which have received the doctrine of the Christ- ian faith, do belong to the jurisdiction ot St. Peter and the holy Roman church, as your excellency also doth acknowl- edge ; and, therefore, we are the more solicitous to propa- gate the righteous plantation of faith in this land, and the branch acceptable to God, as we have the secret conviction ot conscience that this is more especially our bounden duty. You, then, my dear son in Christ, have signified to us your desire to enter into the island of Ireland, in order to reduce the island to obedience under the laws, and to extirpate the plants of vice ; and that you are willing to pay from each a yearly pension of one penny to St. Peter, and that you will preserve the rights of the churches of this land whole and inviolate. We, therefore, with that grace 74 "niall the grand." and acceptance suited to your pious and laudable design, and favorably assenting to your petition, do hold it good and acceptable that, for extending the borders of the Church, restraining the progress of vice, for the correction of manners, the planting of virtue and the increase of relig- ion, you enter the island, and execute therein whatever shall pertain to the honor of God and welfare of the land ; and that the people of this land receive you honorably, and reverence you as their lord, the rights of their churches still remaining sacred and inviolate and saving to St. Peter the annual pension of one penny from every house. " If then you be resolved to carry the design you have conceived into effectual execution, study to form this nation to virtue and manners, and labor by yourself and others you shall judge meet for this work, in faith, word and life, that the Church may be there adorned, that the religion of the Christian faith may be planted and grow up, and that salvation of souls be so ordered, that you may be en- titled to the fullness of heavenly reward from God, and ob- tain a glorious renown on earth throughout all ages. Given at Rome in the year of salvation, 1166. 11 (O'Halloran Hist, of Ireland, page 305.) England has always acted from self-interest. She has at all times endeavored rather to change the mode of persecu- tion than to desist from worrying her victim. * * Ireland, rich in soil and blooming in culture, was made a prey to every species of tyrany and despotism, until her fertile plains resembled a charnel house from the executioner. * * In short, the annals of the world exhibit no parallel to the cruelty and perfidy by which England established her power in Ireland. Bishop England. No government, whether Christian, Mohamedan or Pagan, was ever sullied with more crime, or marked with more utter baseness, adroit diplomacy, low intrique, base selfish- "niall the grand.' 1 75 ness, insatiate rapacity, open treachery, high-handed spolia- tion and robbery. Cold-blooded cruelty antt persecution, and downright butchery have ever marked the policy of of England toward Ireland. Archbishop Spaulding. Martial law for the people, gold for the senate, a bayonet for the patriot who loved Ireland, and a bribe for the traitor who did not. Archb'p Hughes. The King of England, finding himself unable to reduce Ireland by force of arms, had resource to every stratagem, even to religion, to conquer this kingdom. Westmonasteriensir says that he solicited, through a solemn embassy, the new Pope Adrian, (confident of obtaining it of him, as he was an Englishman) for leave to enter Ireland in a hostile manner, to subjucate it. It is alleged, that he represented to him, that religion was almost extinct in the country, that the morals of the people were corrupted, and that it was necessary to remedy it, for the glory of Chris- tianity. In his zeal he offered to become an apostle for that end, on condition that his holiness would grand him the sover- eignty of the island, and also promised to pay Peter's pence for every house. The Pope, who was born his subject, readily granted him (Henry) his request ; and the liberty of an entire nation was sacrificed to the ambition of one through the complaisance of the other. Like an able states- man, Henry wanted a favorable opportunity to carry his project into execution. This presented itself in a civil war that broke out between the monarch and the king of Lein- ster, of which he took advantage to begin his mission ; and although, according to the law of God, it is not by dispoiling our neighbor of his property that we should convert him, still the missionaries whom Henry II employed were men with arms in their hands, and more intent upon converting 76 "niall the grand.' 1 the land to their riwn use, to the predjudice of the old pro- prietors, than gaining souls to God. (McGoeghegan and Mitchell's History of Ireland, p. 257, Chap. XVI. AUTHORITIES ON THE BULLS. If it should be enquired in this place upon what account Diarmuid, king of Leinster, chose to commit himself and his affairs under the protection of the king of England, rather than to the king of France, it must be understood that Donough, the son of Byron Borroimhe, was a prince very unacceptable to the principle nobility of Ireland, who, rather than pay obedience, unanimously came to a revolution to make a present of the whole island to Urbanus II, pope of Rome, which was done in the year of our redemption, 1092 : so that by this donation the popes laid claim to the sovereignty of Ireland, which they executed so far as to govern the nobility and clergy by wholesome laws, and to establish a regular discipline in the church. And the Popes maintained this authority til! Adrian, the fourth of that name, sat in St. Peter's chair, which was in the year of our Lord, 1154. This pope was an Englishman by descent, and his original name was Nicholas Brusber, or Breakspeire, Stone, the English annalist, asserts in his chronicle, that this pope bestowed the Kingdom of Ireland upon Henry II in the first year of his reign and Anno Domini, 1154. He also relates, that this donation was conferred upon the king, on condition that he would revive the profession of the Christian faith, which was dead throughout the Island ; that he should polish (?) the rude manners of the people, (?) defend and restore the rights and revenues of the church and clergy, and take especial care that every inhabited house in the kingdom should pay annually one penny to the Pope, under the name of St. Peter's penny. This grant of the Kingdom of Ireland to Henry, was drawn up in writing, which, when he received, he sent John, ".MALL THE GRAND." 77 bishop of Salisbury, with this instrument of the Pope's donation into Ireland. Upon his landing at Waterford, he sent to the bishops and the principle clergy of the island, and gave them an account of his commission. They attended upon him at Waterford, when he published the pope's grant of the Kingdom ot Ireland to Henry the II, King of England, with the conditions to be performed on bis part, and by all who succeeded in that crown. The clergy took the matter into consideration, and after some debate an instrument was drawn up, which contained their absolute submission to this donation of the Pope, and to this they all unanimously subscribed. The bishop returned with this confirmation of the Pope's grant by the clergy of Ireland, and the king of England sent the same prelate with the instrument to the Pope, who was well pleased with the submission of the Irish clergy, and sent a ring to king Henry as a confirmation of his former grant, by which he was established in the possession of the Irish Crown. Bellarnine, an eminent cardinal, agrees with this account. In a part of bis work are these words : "Adrian IV, Pope "of Rome, by birth an Englishman, a wise and pious man, "bath granted the island of Ireland to Henry II, king of '* England, upon condition that *he propagates virtues in " that island, and extirpates vice ; that he takes care that " one penny be paid yearly to St. Peter by every house, "and that he preserves the rights of the church inviolable: ki the diploma is extant in the 12th volume of Cardinal " Baronius." Stanehurst, in his chronicle, asserts the saint 1 thing, where he gives the account that Henry II, king of England, procured a bull from Adrian. Pope of Rome, which enjoined the clergy of Ireland, and likewise the nobility of the king- dom, to pay obedience to Henry II, upon the conditions and under the restrictions herein contained. The same 78 "null the grand." author likewise relates, that Alexander III sent a cardinal (whose name was Vivian) into Ireland, to inform the sub- jects of that kingdom to the grant that he and the prece- dent Pope made that kingdom to Henry II, king of Eng- land, by the tenor of which that crown was confirmed to Henry and his successors in St. Peter's chair, a yearly tribute of a penny from every house throughout the Island. It appears therefore, that the reasons why Diarmuid, king of Leinster, applied to the king of England rather than any other prince, was because the king of England laid claim to the kingdom of Ireland, by virtue of the donation from the popes above mentioned; and therefore that king had power, by his snperior authority, to adjust the pretences of the princes of Ireland, and to engage in their disputes, and con- sequently to interpose in the quarrels of the king of Leinster. and settle him in the possession of that province." (Butler's History of Ireland, p. 301-305.) Adrian IV, the Pontiff, who authorized Henry of England to annex Ireland to his crown, died by swallowing a fly in a cup of water. (Walsh's Eccles. History of Ireland, p. 109.) Pope Adrian, the Fourth, in the second year of his Pon- tificate 1155, granted to Henry the Second, of Ireland, a bull, authorizing the invasion of Ireland. Tlie authenticity of that bull is now universally admitted. (T. D. McGee's History of Ireland, p. 136, Chap. 4, Book 3, Vol.1.) The Irish princes did not act, unfortunately, (hat inde- pendent part which became men who lived in this crisis of their country's affairs. Divided among themselves, and submissive to the ordinances of the church, while we revere their feelings a Christians, we cannot but deplore their con- duct and tame submission as freemen. (Mooney's History of Ireland, p. 564.) NOTE. — T. Mooney's lectures, called Irish History, written in 1845, under the aus- pices of the clergy of New York, and others, he only casts doubt on the bulls, but confesses they were read at the synod of < laehel. I See page 561 . ) THE1 E^EiTTElFi© oe NiaLl the Grand and there, OInT r i Bulls of Adrian, Etc., Etc. "■Debiccitcfc to the eFcuiaus an& tftc SFtic.iS of flrcfanb. Semper et Ubique Fideles. "-Always and Everywhere Faithful. SIECO-TSTID EDITION-REVISED, COPYRIGHT SECURED. ^ IMlA '' GRAND RAPIDS, MICH : STEAM PRESSES OF H. H. 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