l^LiBRARY of Congress. 1 & & & ,£.5 ?3 Shelf... ® ^UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.^ S2i!lS 9—167 SiPS THE ODES OF PINDAR THE ODES OF PINDAR. TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH PROSE, BRIEF EXPLANATORY NOTES AND A PREFACE. / F. A. PA LET, M.A., EDITOR AND TRANSLATOR OF " AESCHYLUS," ETC., ETC. WILLIAMS AND NOEGATE, 14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON; AND 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH. CAMBEIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. 1868. <& ^*$> V 24543 STEPHEN AUSTIN, PRINTER, HERTFORD. /J,S of co* ( \899 V rA v OF WASW*> ^-\Z^tHZ PBEFACE. The translations of Pindar's Epinicia now pub- lished have been made at different times, and for the most part have been long lying by, through want of leisure on my part to revise them finally for the press. In the course of reading Pindar for many years past with pupils, I have often been compelled to complain of the unsatisfactory renderings which are given in commentaries ; and so, with at least a strong desire to do better, I have been in the habit of attempting occasionally the careful and close translation of an entire ode. By such experiments from time to time repeated the work has grown up, as it were, from small beginnings. I think an accurate translation of an author so very difficult as Pindar will be of use to students; and I do not know that, under the circumstances mentioned above, it is necessary to add a word on the question how far translations are or are not serviceable to the cause of sound scholarship. Pindar may be called in some VI PREFACE. respects an exceptional poet. Partly from the diffi- culty and somewhat archaic character of the Greek, partly from his highly figurative and " flowery" style, but chiefly from the nature of his subject, which is not human nature but human glory, he is not very extensively read in this country, nor per- haps by any but by students of the higher class ; and with them he is not commonly a great favourite. The fact is, that Pindar, to use a hackneyed phrase, must be known to be appreciated. And to know him well must be the work and the study of years. And yet, as the earliest genuine Greek poet of antiquity — which, with the grave doubts that hang over the composition of the Homeric and the greater part at least of the Hesiodic poems, 1 I think he may fairly be called — he well deserves to hold a foremost place in our curriculum of classical studies. Any one who attempts to render Pindar, with tolerable closeness, into readable English, will soon find that he has undertaken an extremely difficult, not to say a formidable task. It would be hard to conceive any two forms of literature more widely different than the chivalrous, sententious, highly florid style of the Greek lyric poet, and 1 There is, at all events, less reason to suspect the "cooking" process in the Odes of Pindar than in any other poet of antiquity. But there is great probability, I fear, that in the form in which we have them, the works attributed to Homer and Hesiod are but com- pilations and adaptations of earlier compositions. PREFACE. Vll the average prose- writings of our own times and country. If we try to translate a dozen lines of Pindar very literally, and word for word, we shall too often obtain a result that reads very like down- right nonsense. If we aim at a style and diction somewhat antiquated, and borrow the vocabulary of Spenser or the old English ballads, we fall into a forced artificial mannerism which, simply because it is unreal, savours strongly of quaintness, pedantry, and affectation. If we endeavour to represent the author's mind and meaning in the plain and clear terms which are the vehicle of modern thought, we run the serious risk of violating the very genius and essence of lyric poetry, and bringing it down almost to the level of ordinary dinner-table talk. Though well aware of the stupendous descent that must in this case be made, I have nevertheless preferred to make the attempt, and have endeavoured to repre- sent Pindar's mind and meaning, and the connexion of thought, in plain unvarnished Saxon English. In doing this, I have tried to give a tolerably literal, but not servile version, i.e., a version only so far free as to allow of Greek being exchanged for English idioms. For a translation which reproduces all the idioms of the original is but a travestie; it has no right to be called a translation (or transference) at all. 1 1 If the necessities of the case have caused me apparently to pass V1U PREFACE. I have ventured to call Pindar tlie most genuine of tlie early Greek poets ; and in the sense, that his extant works have come down to us on the whole less tampered with and less modernised than any others, I think this is true. In reading Pindar, we feel a well-founded confidence that we have before us the very words of one who lived at a known time and place. In Pindar too we have a poet mi generis. Standing widely apart from, — we can hardly say between, — the epic on one side and the dramatic on the other, — the lyric poetry of Pindar has the impress of a peculiar and quite unique genius. Chivalrous, if somewhat wanting in pathos, sen- tentious rather than philosophical, jealous of his own fame though genial to others, patriotic without being illiberal, and combining real piety and trust in a divine superintendence with an unquestioning credu- lity in the wildest legends, 1 he is totally absorbed in over some of those nicer shades of meaning which the Greek language can so well express, I must beg the student not too hastily to conclude that I was therefore ignorant of them. Sometimes they cannot be rendered without clumsy verbiage. 1 " Strange it may seem to us, that with all these clear perceptions the poet should yet retain in his teaching the wildest fictions of Hel- lenic theology. But these traditions, we must always remember, formed in those days an essential part of all poetic lore. Trained to receive them from its earliest years, a pious, reverential mind like Pindar's would be slow indeed to reject them wholly ; rather he would try to mould and blend them into something at least which resembled consistence with the higher truths of his discernment. For a man so loyal and generous, scepticism on points like these was a feeling all but impossible. Indeed that his worship of the gods was as genuine in practice as in theory, we know from the records of an ancient and credible historian." (The " Neniean Odes of Pindar," by the Rev. Arthur Holmes, 1867.) PREFACE. IX the one great idea, the contemplation of human glory as attained by the grace of the gods, in the great athletic contests of Hellas. In him we see reflected the intense admiration of the early Greeks for bodily strength, skill, beauty, endurance, and all those qualities which adorn the outer man and make him enviable in the sight of others. Additional value is imparted to works as early as Pindar's, viz., reaching back five centuries before our era, 1 by the knowledge that we have, in most cases, of the exact year in which the odes were composed, or at least, in which the victories they commemorate were gained. Contrasted with the utter vagueness and uncertainty attending the dates of the poems which have come to us under the names of Homer and Hesiod, this is a satisfactory circumstance. "We now for the first time in Grecian annals feel that we are fairly and safely within the historic period ; and though the historical facts are incidental, and generally subordinate to the legendary, they have this special interest, — the victors are real persons, whose country, parentage, clan, and in part, family history, are given us with circumstantial minute- ness. The localities are real, and the games, if mythical in their institution, were historical in their periodical recurrence. From these considera- tions alone we perceive how different is the posi- 1 The oldest extant ode, Pyth. x., dates b.c. 502. X PREFACE. tion which Homer and Pindar hold in Grecian literature. Of the many compositions attributed to Pindar, — hymns, dithyrambs, paeans, dancing-songs, and not a few others, 1 — it may seem remarkable that the Epinicia alone have descended to our times, and that these seem to be complete, with the exception, pro- bably, of a few which have been lost from the end of the Isthmia. 2 This may be partly due to the interest which, in later times, when these poems first began to be collected, the representatives of the old Doric clans felt in perpetuating the honours of their houses. There is not the slightest proof that the Odes of Pindar were originally written. On the contrary, there are several strong arguments to prove they were orally taught, and conveyed to their destination by ayyeXot, i.e., by persons in- structed by Pindar himself both in the words and the music, and commissioned to teach them to the local choruses by whom they were to be publicly performed. Not only is there no mention in Pindar of reading and writing (except the single allusion to a written name 3 under the words avayvcovai and ypdfaiv), but the oral conveyance by dyyeXot is often alluded to, 4 and the words in 01. vi. 91 seem abso- 1 Enumerated in p. 327 of Dr, Donaldson's edition. 2 Donaldson, p. 329. 3 01. xi. 1-3. Compare 01. iii. 30. 4 01. yi. 90 ; Pytk. iv. 279 ; 01. ix. 25, etc. PREFACE. XI lutely to admit of no other interpretation ; - for the poet there compares the person who is sent to impart the ode to a scytale or writing-staff, — a short wooden cylinder round which a paper was wrapped for penning brief messages. If the man carried with him the ode written, the comparison is utterly pointless. He is called a scytale because he performs the same part, vicariously, of communicating a mes- sage. It would be perfectly absurd to call an errand-boy figuratively " a note/' simply because he carried a note to a friend's house. I cannot here go into this question at length, though quite prepared to do so, and though it is one of the greatest im- portance and interest. I will merely state in few words my present conviction, — that a written litera- ture was entirely unknown to the Greeks even in the times of Pindar. The great value attached to a hymn of victory composed by a poet of note, is clear from many pas- sages. Pindar himself is conscious of his importance, and does not attempt to disguise it. Though only orally learnt, and orally perpetuated, an ode record- ing a great victory would not have been allowed to perish in any family. Every anniversary of the event would be duly solemnised by the per- formance or recitation of it. Pindar himself calls the comus-song " a long-lasting light of deeds of valour," "a much-talked-of hymn," "a much-ad- XU PREFACE. mired hymn," etc. 1 When the period arrived, some generations later, when the oral compositions of the earlier bards began to be consigned to writing, it was this class of odes which would be the most easily recovered and the most religiously preserved. To understand this the better, we must take a glance at the nature of the festivities held on the occasion of a victory (eiriviiaa), and at the per- formance of the comus-song itself. It seems that a grand banquet was given to the victor and his friends by the members of his clan, in which hired choruses, with players on the pipe and the lute, 2 were engaged to sing the victor's praises. This was done either by a procession through the streets (kw/jlo?) to the house of the victor or the temple of his patron- god, or by a chorus of boys or men who danced and sang to music in the front court (irpoOvpov) of the house, or before the temple, or perhaps at the banquet itself. The processional comus-song has its modern counterpart in the bands of country-people who in some, perhaps most, of the romance countries may be seen coming down from the mountains in companies, headed by a person with a guitar, singing and stamping out a tune to 1 01. i. 8 ; iv. 10 ; Ncm. vii. 81 ; Isthm. iii. 39. 2 Pindar mentions the two together in several passages ; but in 01. iii. 8, he speaks of a peculiar arrangement of words to the pipe and the lute as a recent invention of his own. PREFACE. Xlll the music. All Greek metre of the choral kind is in fact a dancing-step of some sort ; the beat to which an air was danced and sung. 1 Hence the metre is called irehCkov in 01. iii. 5. The terms strophe and antistrophe mean, that the same dance, consisting of a certain number of turns and figures, performed by one half of the chorus, was taken up responsively by the other half, in the way of part and counterpart. Pindar's metres in this respect do not differ in any essential particular from those of the Greek choruses, which were also performed to music, like our operas. Those odes which have the Doric beat are in fact extremely simple, being mere alternations of trochees with dactyls, as in the third Olympian and the fourth Pythian ode. The Aeolian or Aeolo-Lydian odes are distin- guished by combinations of short syllables, and they are more complex and less simple in their beat. The two first Olympian odes are Aeolian, the fourth is Aeolo-Lydian, and more nearly approaches the dactylic run of the Dorian. The simplest and oldest form of the comus-song 1 This, I conceive, was the fiv6fibs or "time" of the music. Dr. Donaldson's explanation of the word (Preface, p. xvi.) is to me some- what ohscure ; he says it was " either the relative duration of the sounds which enter into the composition of a piece of music, or the relative duration of the times occupied in pronouncing the syllables of averse." In other words, he says, it was "a regulating principle which connected the music with the metres." XIV PREFACE. was that described in 01. ix. 1, and alluded to in the last verse of the Acharnians of Aristophanes, T7]veXXa KctXkiviKov cfiovTes (re kol\ rbp ol(Tk6v. It consisted of three verses/ or rather of two with the addition of rrjveXKa KaXkLviice. These were sung without music ((frcovaev) but the word TrjveKKa was so pronounced as to imitate the sound of a harp- string (like our words ting or twang ; compare the Latin tinnulus). In the absence of a more elaborate ode, this seems to have been, so to call it, the regu- lation-song with which a victor was escorted either to the temple, to acknowledge the victory, or to his own home or that of his father. Much solemnity was added to these processions by the carrying of the newly-won crown, probably held aloft conspicuously on a pole, to be consecrated at the altar of some god. 2 This was called a arefyavr)- (fiopla, and was regarded at once as an act of piety and generosity in the victor ; it does not appear however to have been the rule, or even the ordinary practice. Yet from 01. xiii. 29, it might be inferred that the crown itself was usually exhibited in the procession, even when not intended as an offering. There is yet another circumstance that adds a peculiar interest to the Odes of Pindar, and it is one to which less attention has hitherto been directed 1 They are given in Dr. Donaldson's note on 01. ix. i. 2 See 01. ix. fin., Pyth. ii. 6, and Nem. v. fin. PREFACE. XV than it deserves. It is this ; that though he dwells much and often on Homeric themes and characters, it is only occasionally that he touches on scenes in our Iliad or Odyssey. 1 The fact is extremely sug- gestive, and raises grave doubts if Pindar could have known the Homeric poems in the form under which we now have them. As that form bears the clearest indications, both in diction and allusions, of an Asiatic hand, it is by no means improbable that, if they then existed at all in their present form (which appears to me far from certain, since it is not till the time of Plato, or very little before it, that we are able to identify them with certainty by quotations from them), they were unknown to a Doric poet of European extraction. Even if he did know them, it seems likely that he would be content to follow the local stories about Achilles which then prevailed at Aegina and Phthiotis, near his own native town of Thebes. And these stories, relating mainly to the early education of the hero by Chiron, and his more youthful exploits, are, as might be expected, in many, though not in all, respects different from his adventures as described in the Iliad, at an advanced period of the war. 2 1 I have pointed out this fact elsewhere, in the Preface to Yol. i. of the Iliad, p. xxvii., and in a paper on the date of those poems, pub- lished in the Transactions of the Camb. Phil. Soc. (vol. ix. part ii.) 2 Among many other passages I may refer the student to 01. ii. 81-3 ; ix. 71-9 ; Pyth. vi. 28 seqq. ; Nem. ill. 43 ; vi. 52 ; vii. 34 ; x. 7 ; Isth. iv. 39 ; yii. 50. XVl PREFACE. Those who maintain that because some of the allusions in Pindar to the story of Helen, Glaucus the Corinthian, Hector, Ajax, 1 etc., suit more or less well the narrative in our Iliad, therefore Pindar was acquainted with that poem, are bound to fur- nish a reasonable explanation of the wide discre- pancy that exists in other passages between the Pindaric and the Homeric accounts. In some of the former, e.g. in 01. ii. 79, we seem to have a strange combination of what is in our Homer with what is not. " Achilles was brought (viz., to the isles of the blest) by his mother, after she had persuaded the heart of Zeus by her prayers ; 2 that hero who proved himself more than a match for Hector, that sturdy pillar of Troy, and who gave Cycnus to death, and the Ethiopian son of the Morning (Memnon)." Again, in Isthm. iv. 39 the same characters are joined [with another non- Homeric one, " Say, who slew Cycnus, who Hector, and the undaunted leader of the Ethiopian hosts, Memnon of the brazen spear : who it was that wounded the brave Telephus with his spear by the banks of the Ca'icus." 3 What is more perplexing still, Pindar gives a detailed ac- count of events only just alluded to, and apparently epitomised, in our Homer. Thus, in Od. iv. 187, we read that a son of Nestor wept, " for he remembered 1 01. xiii. 59 ; ii. 79 ; Nem. ii. 14. 2 See II. i. 524. 3 Memnon is only once mentioned by name in the Odyssey, xi. 522. PREFACE. XV11 in his soul the valiant Antilochus, whom the hand- some son of the bright Morning (i.e., Memnon) slew." Now in Pyth. vi. 28-39 we have a full narrative of the whole affair. The very slight allu- sion to the suicide of Ajax, through his defeat in the contest for the armour of Achilles, in Od. xi. 545, cannot possibly have given rise to the fuller details in Nem. vii. 25 and viii. 23 seqq., and in the play of Sophocles. 1 In Nem. viii. 30 we find that Ulysses and Ajax both fought for the recovery of the body of Achilles ; whereas the death of that hero by Paris is only spoken of as " looming in the distance " in the Iliad. In Isthm. vii. 47 it is said that "the mouths of poets 2 showed forth to the inexperienced the valour of Achilles, who slew Telephus, secured the return of the Atridae, and killed Memnon, Hector, and other chiefs ; " and then he adds a passage nearly identical with that in Od. xxiv, 60 seqq., describing how the Muses came and wept over the pyre of Achilles. In fine, if any student will carefully compare (which he can easily 1 The common opinion is, that the fuller details were borrowed from post-Homeric poets. Thus Mr. Jebb (Preface to the Ajax, p. vi.) says, " In the interval between the Odyssey and Pindar, the episode of the contest for the arms was elaborated by two epic writers, of whom Proclns has preserved fragments ; by Arctinns of Miletus, circ. 780 b.c, in his Aethiopis ; and by Le'sches of Lesbos, circ. 700 b.c, in his Ilias Minor" 2 ov re defiev ktA. 14 ODE III. To the same Thero, and in honour of the same victory, as in the preceding Ode. This was sung at a feast held at Agrigentum called Theoxenia, which had some analogy to the supplicatio or lectisternia of the Romans, and was a kind of ideal entertainment given to the gods at the cost of some wealthy noble or citizen. The clan of the Emmenidae were devoted to the cultus of the Doric Dioscuri, SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT. The poet hopes that his ode will be welcome to the Dioscuri, the patron-gods of Agrigentum : for the occasion of Thero's victory demands from him a song. — The legend of Hercules bringing the olive-tree from the sources of the Danube to plant it on the bare plain of Elis. — The mention of him for that reason in connexion with the Dioscuri. — The success of Thero attributed to his piety and liberality in the worship of those gods. " I flatter myself I shall please the hospitable Tyndaridae and the fair-haired Helen, in paying to the far-famed Agrigentum a tribute of praise, by building up a hymn to the Olympic victory of Thero." — No sooner had I said this, than the Muse appeared at my side, just as I had invented a novel 5 " 2 °] OLYMPIAN ODE III. 15 method of adapting to the Dorian beat the vocal strains of the merry comus-song; for indeed the crowns fastened on his hair exact from me this di- vinely-appointed debt, to combine in a fitting manner for the son of Aenesidamus the variously-toned lyre with the loud notes of flutes and the setting of the words. Pisa, too, bids me raise my voice, since from it come to men strains allotted them by the god, when on the hair of some victor, and high above his brows, the crown of silvery olive has been placed by the im- partial umpire of the games, the Aetolian man, in carrying out the former behests of Hercules. 'Twas from the shady sources of the Danube that of yore the son of Amphitryon brought the tree, to become a most honourable memento of prizes won at Olympia, after persuading the nations of the far north, the worshippers of Apollo, by his words. 1 In friendly feeling he requested for the much-frequented racing- ground of Zeus a plant that should afford a shade for all men in common to enjoy, and which should be used as a crown for deeds of valour. For by this time, 2 the altars having been consecrated to his father, the full moon in the middle of the month had lighted irp 1 The olive was regarded as so sacred a plant, that to have stolen, or bought, or forcibly taken it away, would have been a reproach. SeeOed. Col. 693 seqq. For the "Hyperboreans," see note on 01. viii. 47. 2 The sense is, "for Hercules wished to avail himself of the lucky season of the full moon to institute in all its completeness the festival of the Olympian games, which were to recur every fifth, i.e., just after each fully- completed period of four years." 16 THE ODES OF PINDAR. 20-36] in the east the full eye of Evening with the gilded car, and he had instituted the just decision of the great games, and at the same time the quinquennial contest, by the sacred steeps of Alpheus. But that wild spot grew no fair trees in the glens of Pelops descended from Cronus ; and destitute of them it seemed to him that the enclosure was at the mercy of the keen rays of the sun. Then it was that his mind conceived the idea of sending him to the land of the Danube, where erst the horse-driving daughter of Latona had received him on returning from the ridges and crooked dells of Arcadia ; when through the messages of Eurystheus a stern command from his father had dispatched him to bring away the golden-horned doe, which once the maid Taygeta had dedicated to the Orthosian Artemis in gratitude for her safety, and inscribed it as sacred. In pursuit of it he had seen that land also that lay behind 1 the blast of cold Boreas. There he had stood and ad- mired the trees. Of these a sweet longing now pos- sessed him, that he might plant them round the end of the race-course of twelve heats for horses. And so he now comes with good- will to this festival in company with the godlike twin-sons of the deep- girdled Latona ; for to them he committed the trust, when he ascended to heaven, to preside at the spec- 1 The " Hyperborean" people were supposed (in the absence of all definite knowledge of geography) to lie beyond the cold blasts from the Rhiphean mountains, and so to enjoy a perpetually mild temperature. 27-45] OLYMPIAN ODE III. 17 tacle in the contest of prowess with men, and the rapid driving of the nimble car. At all events 1 , my mind prompts me to say, that glory has come to the Emmenidae and to Thero by the gift of the well- mounted Tyndaridae, because that family worships them with more hospitable entertainments 2 than any others among mortal men, observing with religious mind the rites of the blessed gods. Now if water is the best of elements, and gold is held in the greatest reverence of all possessions, now at least Thero has reached the furthest limit by his deeds of valour, and has touched the pillars of Hercules 3 in a long voyage from his home. "What lies beyond that is inacces- sible to the learned alike and the unlearned. I will not go in quest of it ; I should be disappointed 4 if I did. 1 Whether Hercules (who was also the god of luck) he present at this festival or not, still, etc. 2 That is, more frequently exhibits 0eo|ez>za in their name. 3 A proverb to express the attainment of all that man can hope to realize. Dr. Donaldson renders dtKoBev " "by his own innate virtues,'* as in Nem. iii. 31 ; vii. 32. 4 Or, " vain and empty-minded, ,s 18 [1-9 ODE IV. Psatjmis of Camartna gained a victory with the mule-car, B.C. 452. This short ode was composed for the comus, or procession of friends who escorted the victor to the altar of Zeus on the hill called Cronium. SUMMAEY OF THE AEGUMENT. Invocation of Zeus to receive favourably the ode and the victor, and a prayer for his future success. — Praise of Psaumis for his liberality and patriotism. — Though not very young, he has shown the strength and prowess of youth. — Anecdote of a similar exploit in one of the Argonauts. Supreme wielder of the untiring thunderbolt ! as thy season, Zeus, in its revolving cycle has sent me with a song, accompanied by the varied tones of the lute, to bear testimony to this most exalted of contests ; — and when friends are successful, the good 1 at once show delight at the pleasing news ; — do thou, son of Cronus, who hast Etna in thy keeping, the wind-swept mountain-load laid upon fierce Typhoeus' hundred heads, receive this procession to escort one who has gained a victory at Olympia by favour of 1 Opposed to the dov€po\ y those who are jealous of others' good fortune. 10-28] OLYMPIAN ODE IV. 19 the Graces, 1 — a lasting light of far-felt deeds of valour. For it hath, come 2 to thee on account of a victory of Psaumis in the mule-chariot, who with his head crowned with the olive of Pisa is anxious to raise up glory for Camarina. May heaven be pro- pitious to our prayers for him in future ! For I praise him 3 for his ready zeal in the breeding of horses, and for taking pleasure in general hospitality, and also for pursuing the path of peace in love for his city with honest 4 intentions. I will not tinge my tale with falsehood; 5 experience is the test of mor- tals ; it was this that delivered the son of Clymenus from the slight put upon him by the women of Lemnos. 6 For when victor in the race under brazen armour, he said to Hypsipyle as he went for his crown, "You see what I am in speed ; my hands 7 and my heart will match it. There grow oft-times even on young men grey hairs contrary to the natural law 8 of their age." 1 See xiv., 5-7. 2 That is, the procession (/cw/zos) has come to the altar of Zeus on the hill called the Cronium at Olympia. 3 Viz., though others hlame him for extravagance. 4 KaOapa yvdfiq, probably refers to his resolve to keep clear of rival factions. ■ 5 I will not say that the man is young, when in truth he is verging on old age. See the next ode, ver. 22. 6 Erginus, an Argonaut, was taunted with being elderly by the Queen of the Lemnians, before whom he had won the prize in a contest of speed. 7 The hands and the feet were believed to show the first symptoms of old age : Hesiod, Opp. 114. 8 Lit. " even beside the time of life likely for them." 20 ODE V. To the same Psaumis, and to commemorate the same victory: but this ode was sung at Camarina, which was then a new colony, (the old town haying been destroyed by Grelo,) and had not yet had the honour of a victory at the great games. The ode appears to have been sung at the temple cf Pallas TToXta? or 7to\lovxo<;, since she is specially addressed in ver. 10, in association with the nymph Camarina and Zeus the Preserver. SUMMAEY OF THE AKGUMENT. The honour paid by the victor to the presiding nymph of the new city. — Settlement of the colony on the banks of a river and lake, and the building of wooden tenements. — De- fence of Psaumis from the charge of extravagance. — Prayers to Zeus for his future success. This sweet reward of exalted deeds of valour and of crowns won at Olympia with patient-footed mules, receive, daughter of Ocean, 1 with gladsome heart, and likewise this gift of Psaumis. 2 For he, to ag- 1 The Nymph. Camarina, supposed to preside over the town of the same name. 2 From v. 8 inf. it seems that the victor dedicated his crown at the shrine of the nymph. 4 ~ 19 ] OLYMPIAN ODE V. 21 grandise thy city, Camarina, now rearing a new people, lias paid tribute at six double altars by most solemn feasts of the gods with sacrifices of oxen and contests of games kept up for five days, in horse and mule races, and the single riding-horse. To thee the victor has consecrated his proud reward, and has made known by the voice of the herald his father Acron and this his newly- founded city. And returning from the lovely station of Oenomaus and Pelops, he celebrates in song thy sacred grove, guardian goddess of our city, Pallas, the river Whanis, and the lake of our country, the sacred channels 1 too, by which the Hipparis gives water to the people, and is putting together 2 with all speed a high-storied group of immoveable houses, bringing from its difficulties into cheering hope the body of these citizens. In all cases in the pursuit of valorous deeds toil and expense have to contend with the un- certainty that covers success ; but when men have happily won it, 3 even their own townspeople think them clever. Zeus, guardian god that sittest high on the clouds and dwellest on the Cronian hill, and holdest in regard the broad- flowing Alpheus and Ida's holy grot, a suppliant to thee I come, uttering 1 Perhaps artificial, for conveying water to the town. 2 The art of carpentry (koXAS.) is here attributed to a river, probably because it conveyed the wood, of which the common houses in Greek cities appear to have usually been made. 3 I read eu 5e rvxopres for the vulg. ev 5e %x ovT ^' See Nem. i. 10, "or* Wiv eurux*? irav$o£ias &Kpov. 22 THE ODES OF PINDAR. [19-24 loud tones on Lydian flutes, to ask of thee to grace this city with a renowned race of brave people ; that you too, Olympic victor, delighting in your Nep- tunian 1 steeds may carry on a contented old age to the end, with your sons standing by. If any man makes free use 2 of reasonable wealth, being rich enough to afford it and adding thereto the credit for hospitality, let him not seek to become a god. 3 1 Poseidon was said to have sent up the horse out of the earth for the use of man. 2 Lit. " waters," i.e.y does not allow to dry up, and become barren and useless. 3 That is, he has all that can make a man happy. 23 ODE VI. This beautiful ode commemorates the victory of Agesias of Syracuse with, the mule-car, B.C. 468. It was sung by a chorus of citizens at Stymphalus in Arcadia, of which town Agesias possessed the citi- zenship, as well as of Syracuse. In the latter place he appears to have had enemies, to whose jealousy allusion is made in v. 7, 74, and 103. The victor was a member of a clan of the Iamidae, and held the dignified office of treasurer to the altar at Olympia. The Iamidae were a priestly family who exercised their functions both in Arcadia and at Olympia; one of the clan had also accompanied Archias in leading a colony from Corinth to Syracuse (ver. 6.) SUMMARY OF THE AKGUMENT. The commencement of the ode must be splendid, like the front of a new house, to set forth the victor's titles. — Agesias enjoys high repute, like Amphiaraus of old, both as a prophet and a warrior. — Legend of the preternatural birth of Iamus from Evadne by Apollo. — Ambition of the god-like youth to become the leader of a colony. — The present victory is referred to the cultus of the Arcadian Hermes by the victor's family. — Mythical relation between Thebes and Stymphalus. — Exhor- tation to Aeneas, the poet's messenger, to instruct the chorus well. — Good wishes for Hiero and the victor, who is con- gratulated on the advantage of having two homes. 24 THE ODES OF PINDAR. t 1 " 15 We will set gilt pillars under the well-propor- tioned front of our house in constructing our hymn, as when we build a stately mansion. 1 For in com- mencing the work we ought to make the fa9ade con- spicuous from afar. Now if a man be an Olympic victor, and treasurer to the prophetic altar of Zeus at Pisa, and a joint-founder of the renowned Syracuse; such an one cannot fail to be the theme of song, if his lot has fallen among citizens that have no jealousy against much- coveted strains. For let the son of Sostratus know that he has his fortunate foot in this sandal. 2 Deeds of valour unattended with risk are held in no regard either among men or in hollow ships ; whereas many speak of it, if a noble action has been done with trouble. For you, Agesias, the same praise is in store, which Adrastus of old so justly uttered in elo- quent language 3 in reference to Amphiaraus the seer, the son of Oecleus ; when he and his white steeds had been swallowed by the earth. For soon after, when the dead on seven pyres had been 1 The poet compares the magnificent honours and titles of the victor* as set forth in the beginning (v. 4-6), to the rich and elaborate street- front of a palace. 2 That is, that he has enemies among the citizens who are jealous of him. This is the sense to which the context seems to point. But others explain the phrase differently; "Let him know that he is as fortunate a man as I have described him." Dr. Donaldson thinks it alludes to the victor having driven his own car. 3 awb yXccco-as, i.e. in an elaborate funeral oration (see Eurip. Suppl. 857, seq.). Dr. Donaldson renders it "openly," referring to Pyth. iii. 2, a passage which I understand somewhat diiferently. 15-32[ OLYMPIAN ODE VI. 25 consumed, the son of Talaus delivered at Thebes a sentiment to this effect : "I miss the eye of my host, one who was both a good seer and a good fighter with the spear." And we may say the same 1 of the Syracusan man who is lord of this Comus. Without being contentious in a bad cause, or naturally fond of strife, this at least I will plainly attest in his favour even with a solemn oath; and the sweet- voiced Muses will allow it. Come, Phintis, yoke for me now with all speed your sturdy mules, that we may set our car on the clear high-road, and that I may come even to the pedi- gree 2 of these men. For they 3 know well, after their other journeys, how to lead the way in this, now that they have received crowns at Olympia. We must therefore throw open to them the portals of song ; for to Pitane by the stream of Eurotas I have this day to go betimes. She then, by union with Poseidon, son of Cronus, is said to have given birth to a girl with clustering auburn locks, Evadne. But her maiden travail she concealed by the folds of her dress ; and at the proper month for her delivery she sent her 1 For be is a fiduris, as ra/xtas /ta^y (v. 5), and a valiant man, either as a soldier by profession, or as a winner in the games. 2 He describes under the figure of a poetic journey, made with the same driver and mules that won the Olympic victory, the attempt to trace far back the legend of the birth of lamus, the founder of the clan Iamidce. 3 Viz. the mules. They are already versed, says the poet, in the ways of victory, and therefore they will go on this road, which is the road of praise of the victor's ancestors. 26 THE ODES OF PINDAR. [32-48 handmaids and bade them give the infant to the hero son of Elatus to bring up. For at that time he was king of an Arcadian people at Phaesane, and had obtained by lot the Alpheus to dwell upon. There brought up she tasted from Apollo the first sweets of love. But Aepytus 1 was not to be de- ceived by her the whole time in her attempt to conceal the pregnancy by the god ; but off he went to Delphi, suppressing in his mind by a painful effort a vexation too great for utterance, to consult the god about this intolerable woe. Meanwhile the girl had laid aside her girdle of scarlet threads and her silver pitcher, and under the shelter of a gloomy thicket was taken in labour with a heavenly- minded 2 boy. By her side the god of the golden locks at once stationed the kindly en- couraging goddess of childbirth and the Fates ; and from the womb by a happy travail 3 came Iamus at once to the light. Him in her anguish of mind she left on the ground ; but two glaring-eyed snakes by the will of the gods tended and fed him with the harmless venom of bees. But when the king re- turned from his drive to the rocky Delphi, he asked 1 The sense is, that though Pitane concealed her pregnancy up to the time of her delivery, Evadne, her daughter, was less successful in de- ceiving the son of Elatus, who discovered the mishap, and consulted the oracle ahout it. 2 That is, endowed by Apollo with the prophetic gift. 3 The phrase ipar^ o?5is is hard to render. Perhaps the poet meant * a travail resulting from an amour.' The ancients thought that divine births were rapid and easy (see Nem. i. 35. Plautus, Amphitryo, 879. 48-63] OLYMPIAN ODE VI. 27 all in the house about the child that Evadne had given birth to ; for he said that he was born of Phoebus as his sire, and was destined to be a seer, surpassing all mortals in skill, to the people of the country, and that his descendants should never fail. Thus he informed them ; but they on their parts pro- tested that they had neither heard of nor seen the child, though he had been born five days. And in truth he had been hidden by her in a reed-bed and an impenetrable brake, all glistering in his tender body with the pansy's yellow and purple gleam. And therefore did his mother prophetically say of him that he should be called for all time by this immortal name. 1 But when he had attained the ripeness of golden- crowned youth, he went down (the bank), and standing in the middle stream of Alpheus he called upon the widely-ruling Poseidon his grandsire, and the bow-bearing guardian of Delos the divine, craving for himself the honour of rearing some people, 2 in the night time under the canopy of the sky. And the infallible voice of his father answered, and asked where he was. 3 "Rise, my son, come this way to a spot that shall be common to all, following my direction/' Then 1 Viz. "lafxos from "top. 2 That is, of becoming a colonist. One of the clan had accom- panied Archias in after-times from Corinth to found Syracuse. 3 Dr. Donaldson's explanation of /-ieTaAAa