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j SPEECH 
 
 />/>' C^^c^. 5^"^ /^" 
 
 OF 
 
 ^ 
 
 ■ / 
 
 HON. WILLIAM B. ST 
 
 Vj^ 
 
 OF TENNESSEE, 
 
 THE STATE OF THE UNION. 
 
 DELIYBKED 
 
 N THE HOUSE OF REPHESENTATIYES, 
 
 FEBRUARY 1, 1861. 
 
 W A S H I N Cx T N : 
 
 TRINTSD 3Y LEMUEL TOWERS. 
 1861. 
 

SPEECH 
 
 CI 
 
 HOI. WILLIAM B. . 
 
 OF TElSriSrESSEE, 
 
 
 THE STATE OF THE UNION. 
 
 DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF EEPEESENTATIVES, FEBEUAET 1, ISCl. 
 
 The House baving under consideration the report of the 
 Select Committee of thirty-three— Mr. STOKES said : 
 
 Mr. Spe.\ker: I feel tliat there is less neces- 
 sity for me to address the House on the pend- 
 ing propositions, since I have iioard the elo- 
 qiient, unanswerable speech just made by the 
 honorable geutleiaau from Texas, (Mr. Hamilton ;) 
 but, as a Union man, as a lover of my whole 
 country, I deem it my imperative duty to my 
 jininediate constituents and to the people of Ten- 
 nessee to speak out frankly and fearlessly the 
 earnest convictions of my heart, and to warn 
 them of the dangers which lie before iliem. It 
 is not my purpose to reply particularly to any 
 of the various gentlemen who have preceded me 
 in debate. I will seek no issues with any mem- 
 ber. My desire is to do and contribute whatever 
 I may toward the adjustment of the unhappy 
 differences that afflict the country ; to allay as 
 far as possible the storm that howls about us, and 
 to restore, as best we may, peace and harmony to 
 the American people I'shall treat the questions 
 at issue honestly, fairly, truthfull}-. 1 shall en- 
 deavor to speak the trnth; yes, sir, the whole 
 truth will! speak although the heavens fall. Gen- 
 tlemen who have prec'eded me have indulged 
 freely in crimination and recrimination. Each 
 party has endeavored to affix all blame and re- 
 sponsibility on the other. Such a course I will 
 not attempt to imitate. I propose to consider 
 the alleged causes for the agitation and excite- 
 ment under which this Union totters to its fall, 
 for the country is shaken and convulsed as it 
 never was before. A little more than a year 
 ago it reposed in peace and prosperity. What 
 has since occurred to distract and drive it to the 
 verge of revolution and ruin? What are the 
 causes of all this wild commotion and wide- 
 spread alarm? 
 
 It is said, sir, that the Republican party is 
 opposed to the further extension of slavery into 
 
 [ the free territories of the United, States. This 
 : is true; and if I had the time I could read reso- 
 lution after resolution adopted by the Democratic 
 ' party of the northern States in conventions, and 
 Legislatures in which they, too, declared it to be 
 the duty of the Government to oppose the ex- 
 tension of slavery. Some Democratic conven- 
 tions and Legislatures went so far as to declare it 
 ' to be their ultimate design to eradicate slavery 
 j from the States where it now exists, by restrict- 
 ! ing its further extension, and such other lawful 
 ! means as might finally lead to its extinction. If 
 I opposition to the further spread of slavery is 
 nov: a cause for overthrowing the Gove; nment, 
 ; was it not a sufficient cause then when the Demo- 
 cratic party had the control of it? But at that 
 time our southern brethren, who have since se- 
 ceded, stood shoulder to shoulder, cheek by jowl, 
 '■ with those very northern men, announcing that 
 1 the northern Democracy were the only men in 
 that section who were faithful to the rights oi 
 the South. I opposed these men then as now. 
 [ fought them with all my power. If, however, 
 the refusal to permit the extension of slavery 
 into free territories then, was not a cause for 
 breaking up this LTnion, certainly it ought not tc 
 be 80 regarded now, 
 
 I begin with the State of Michigan, at that 
 time one of the strongest and most reliable Demo 
 cratic States in the Union. In 18i7, her Legis- 
 lature resolved : 
 
 "Tli.it, in the acquisition of any new territory, whethe: 
 by purchase, conquest, or otherwise, we deem it the dut; 
 
 i oi' the General Government to extend over the same Ihi 
 or.linance of 17S7, with all its rights and privilcsces, con 
 
 j ditions and immunities." 
 
 In 18-19, the following resolutions, offered bj 
 ; Hon. E. H. Thomson, were adopted : 
 
 i " Reaolced hy the Senate and IToum of Representative 
 
 ' oftlie State of Micldgan, That we consider the result c 
 
 the late war with Mexico, in the acquisition of the Terri 
 
 tories of New Mexico and California, as an euJurli^ 
 
4 
 
 - • ! »■ ■ ^ — 
 
 moshment to the honor of our gallant army, regulars and 
 volnnteers, officers ami soldiers; and that we rejoice in 
 tlu- prospect of extendinc: «ver that country the beneficent 
 lawi and institulions of a free people. 
 
 •• liesoleed. That we are in favor of the fundamental 
 principles of the ordinance of 17s7; and allhous;h we re- 
 spect the opiulons of many eminent statesmen arid jurists, 
 that slavery is a mere local institution, which cannot exist 
 without positive laws authorizing its existence, yet we be- 
 lieve that C )ng:res8 has the power, and that it is their 
 (iutj-, to prohiljit, hy legislative enactment, the introduc- 
 t!i>D or existence of slavi-ry within any of the Territories 
 of the Uiiited States, now or hereafter to be acquired 
 
 " /^V^•y?«e(', That our Sedators in Gougress be instruct- 
 ed, and our lUpresentatives requested, to use all honora- 
 ble means to ac oiupiish the objects expressed in the fore- 
 gociig resolutions; and that the Governor of this State be 
 requested to forward copies of these resolutions to onr 
 Seualors and Ilepresentalives in Congress." 
 
 In the same year, the Democratie Sliile Con- 
 vention, which Qomiiifited a Governor and State 
 officers, passed unanimously the following: 
 
 ^^Eeaolred, That we are opposed to the exten^on of 
 shivery into the Territories of New Mexico find Califor- 
 nia, believing them to be now free in virtue of the laws of 
 Mcjcico, and that its establishment in either of tliose Ter- 
 ritories ought to be prevented." 
 
 In the year 1847, the Legislature of jS'ew 
 Hamtishire, then largely Democratic, resolved : 
 
 "Thafin all territory which shall hereafter be added to, 
 or acquired by, the United Stales, where slavery does not ' 
 exist at the time of such addition or acquirement, u«ithcr 
 slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for the punisli- 
 meiit of crime, whereof the p:irty has been duly convict- 
 ed, ought ever to exist, but the same should ever remain 
 free.:; and we are opposed to the extension of slavery over 
 any «;.,-,h tfciriiory: and that we also approve the vote of 
 ov.r SenatOiS and Representatives In Congress in favor of 
 the Wilmot proviso." 
 
 In 1818 the Legislature of that State, which 
 had an overwhelming Democratic niajoritj, re- 
 Eolved as follows: 
 
 '•That we are ia favor of the passage of a law, by Con- 
 gnafc forever prohibiting slavery in iN'ew Mexico and 
 O.-tnpiraia, and in all other Territories now aoipiired, or 
 bereitttter to be acquired, by th«i Uniteii States, in which 
 slav&y does not exist at the time of such »cquisiliou." 
 
 And in 1819, the Nevr Ilamiishirc Legislature, 
 still strongly Democratic, unanimously adopted 
 the following resolutions: 
 
 •■■ Sciiolred by the Senate and Ifoiu-eof liepreneKta- 
 tire^, in General Court, convene(f, That, opj-.osed to 
 cvefy form of oppression, Uie peoi)le of New Hampshire 
 have ever viewed with deep regret the existence of sla 
 very in this Union ; that while they have steadfastly .lup- 
 I'Orte'i a* sections in their constitutional rights, they have 
 not only lamented its oxisteneo as a gre:!t social evil, but 
 regarded it as fraught with danger lo the peace and wel- 
 fare of the nation. 
 
 •• /Resolved, That while we resjjeet the rights of the 
 sUveholdiag as well as the free portion of this Union, 
 while we vi-ill not willingly consent that wro)ig be done 
 to any member of the glorious Confederacy to which we 
 b(,-lqng, we are flrraly and unalterably oppose.! to the ex- 
 tension of slavery over any portion of Anierioau soil now 
 free: 
 
 •• Mesoh-cd, That, In our opinion, Congress has the con- 
 
 tltullonal power to abolish Uie slave trade, and slavery in 
 
 t!ie District of Columbia: and that our Senators be in- 
 
 sinu<jed, and our Representatives be requested, to take all 
 
 eon-Slitutional measures to accoinplioh these objects." 
 
 The Democratic Stat* Committee of New 
 H;wj?jj')shir«. iii Ooober, 1847, passed the follow- 
 ing fdsolution: ' - ! 
 
 ''• Ec!iOlved, That we (!iocTare'l't'e»!i5''Soi?fnii •con-tnctibn, 
 as tJi,Q Democrali* parly have heretofore done,, that nei 
 ther iiavery nor involuntary servitude should here.nfter 
 fcXi^lu any territory whirh Uiav be licquired by, or an- 
 nex®' to, 'the Uuited States ; s::d that we approve of the 
 
 votes of our delegation in Congress in favor of the Wil 
 mot proviso." ij 
 
 Id the j'ear 1847, resolutions were passed by 
 the Legislature of Rhode Island — 
 
 "Against the acquisition of territory, by conquest or 
 otherwise, beyond the present limits of the United Stales, 
 for the j.urpose of establishing therein slaveholding 
 States," &c. 
 
 By the LtgislatuBe of New Yort : 
 
 " That if any territory is hereafter acquired by the Uni- 
 ted States, or annexed thereto, the act by which such ter- 
 ritory is acquired or annexed, whatever such act may be, 
 shouhl contain an unalterable fundamental article orpro- 
 vision, whereby slavery or involuntary servitude, except 
 as a punishment for.crime, shall be forever excluded from 
 the territory acquired or annexed." 
 
 By the Legislature of New Jersey : 
 
 "That the Senators, &c., be requested to use their best 
 efforts to secure, as a»V>indamental provision to, or proviso 
 in, any act of annexation of any territory hereafter to be 
 acquired by the United States, Ac.,' that slavery or invoi- 
 untary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, shall 
 bo forever excluded from the territory to be annexed. ' 
 
 By the Legislature of Pennsylvania: 
 
 "Against any measure whatever, by which territory 
 will accrue to the Uilion, unless as a part of the funda- 
 mental law. upon which any compact or treaty for this 
 purpose is based, slavery or involuntary servitude, except 
 for crime, shall be forever excluded." 
 
 B\" the Legislature of Ohio: 
 
 "For the passage of measures in that body. [Congress.] 
 providing for the exclusion of sla^iery from the Territory 
 of Oregon, and also from any other Teriitury th^t now is, 
 or hereafter may be, annexed to the United States." 
 
 By the Legislature of Vermont: 
 
 "Against the admission into the Federal Union of any 
 new State whoso Constitution toleratx^s slavery." 
 
 By the Legislature of Connecticut: 
 
 "That if any Territory shall hereafter be acquired by 
 the T'nited Slates, or annexed tbeBtto, the act by which 
 such Territory is acquired or annexed, whatever sueh-act 
 may be. should contain an unalterable fundamental article 
 or p,rovision whereby slavery or involuntary servitude, ex- 
 cept as a punislmient for crime, shall be forever excluded 
 from the Territory acquired or annexed." 
 
 And in 1S50, the following: 
 
 " Whereas the people of Connecticot have liercfo'ore, 
 through their Senators and Representatives in GenersI 
 Assembly convened, solemnly and deliberately avowed 
 their purpose to resist, in all constitutional and proper 
 ways, the extension of slavery into the national Terri- 
 tories, and the admission of new slave States into the Fed- 
 eral Union ; and also to seek, in a peaceable and ci^nsiita- 
 tional way, the .-ibolislimeut jif the slave trade and of sla- 
 very in the District of Columbia; and when as the Im- 
 pirtant question now before the country tJuching these 
 matters makes it desirable that thtse convictions and de- 
 terminations should be reaffirmed in the most solemn and 
 public manner: Tlierefore, 
 
 " Meaolrcd, That Congress has full constitutional power 
 to prohibit slavery in the Territories of the United Slates 
 by legislative euaclment, and that it is the duty of Con- 
 gress' to pass, without unnecessary delay, such strict and 
 positive laws as will elTectually shut out slavery from 
 Bvery portion of these Territories." 
 
 By the Legislature of Msssachusetls, in 1849: 
 
 " Resolved, That Congress has full power to legislate 
 upon the snbjcct qf ' slavery in- the Territories of the 
 Union ; that itbas fre^^i.exercised such power from the 
 adoption of the Constiwninto the present time; and that 
 it 18 its dniy to exercise fiie power for the perpetual cx- 
 elrision of the institution from those Territories tlial are 
 free, and for ihe exlincl^cn of the same' in Territories 
 whevt* it exist'3. . '' ' ,' 
 
 '^Jlefolixed, Thai, Mben Cotigrees fn^Jl!^^e8 govern- 
 
5' 
 
 ments for the Terrilories of Cnlifomia an<l Now Mexico, 
 it will be its duty lo establisli therein the I'liiiilaniontal 
 principle of the ordinance of 17S7 ujion tiie subject of sla- 
 very, to the end that the institution may be pcviietnaily 
 excluded therefi-oin, beyond every cliauce and uncertain- 
 ty." 
 
 At a State Convention of the Democratic party 
 in Massacliiisetts, composed of more than six 
 hundred meuiber^, in 1849, the foliowing resolu- 
 tions, introduced by Hon. B. F. nallet.t, then 
 chnirnmn of the National D.^mocratic Cin-.mittee, 
 and of (he State Democratic Comraittee, were 
 adopted unanimoubly, a? appears from tlie Bee- 
 ton Post, the organ of the party in Xe-s% Eng- 
 land: 
 
 " Hesolved, That we are opposod to slave-ry In every 
 form and color, and in favor of freedom and free suil 
 wherever man lives, tlirouarhout God's heritage. 
 
 " Hcsolred., That, by common law and eoininnn sense, 
 as well as by the dl^eision of the Supreme Houri of the 
 United States, (in Prigfr rs. Pennsylvania, 10 Peters.) 
 ' the state of slavery is a mere municipal regtiiation, 
 founded upon and limited to the verge of the territorial 
 law ;' that is, the limits of the State creating it. 
 
 ^'■jiesolreif, t/ierefore. That, as slavery does not exist 
 by any municipal law in the new Territories, and Congress 
 has no power to institute it, the local laws of any State 
 authorizing sl:!vcry can never be transported there; nor 
 can slavery exist there but by a local law of tlie Territo- 
 ries, sanctioned by Congress." 
 
 This, sir, is pretty good Republican doctrine, 
 coming from high Democratic authority. 
 In 1848, the Legislature of Ohio resolved: 
 
 "That the provisions of ihe ordinance of Congress of 
 ITST, so far as the same relates to slavery, should be ex- 
 tended to any territory that may be acquired from Mexico 
 by treaty or olherv.-ige." 
 
 In 1S49, Illinois resolved : 
 
 "That our Senators in Congress be ir.strucled, and our 
 Representatives requested, to use all honorable means in 
 their power to ])rocure the enactment of such laws by 
 Congress for the government of the countries and Terri- 
 tories of the United Slates, acquired by the treaty of peace, 
 friendship, limits, and settlement, with the Republic of 
 Mexico, concluded February 2, A D. 1S48, as shall con- 
 tain the express declaration ' that there shall be neither 
 slavery nor involuntary servitude in said Territories, 
 otherwise than in the punishment of criaies, whcrco? the 
 party shall have been duly convicted.'"' 
 
 The same year, the foUowiiig was adopted in 
 "VTisconsin : 
 
 "That our Senators in Congre.'js be, and they are here- 
 by, instructed, and our Representatives requested, first, to 
 oppose the passage of any act for the government of New 
 Mexico and ('alifornia, or any other Territory now be- 
 longing to the United States, or which may hereafter be 
 aequired. unless it shall contain a provision forever pro- 
 hibiting the introduction of slavery or involuntary servi- 
 tude into said Territories, except as a punishment for 
 crimes; second, to oppose the admission of any more 
 slave States into the Federal Union." 
 
 In 1850, the following was adopted by the 
 General Assetubly of the State of Indiana : 
 
 " That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our 
 Represenlalives requested, so to cast their voles and ex- 
 tend theii* influence as to have ^dtrafted upon any law 
 that may be passed for the organizalirm of llie Territory 
 recently acquired from Mexico, a provision forever exclu- 
 ding from such territory slavery and involu:ilary servi- 
 tude, otherwise than in the punishment ofirimcs, where- 
 of the party has been duly convicted." 
 
 By the Legislature of New York : 
 
 '■'■ lic^oleel, Tiiat the determination indicated by the 
 Governors' messages and resolutions of the Legislatures 
 of various of the "slaveholdinir States, and iiy the Repre- 
 sentatives of such States in Congress, to extend domestic 
 
 slavery over the territory acquired by the late treaty of 
 peace with the Republic of Mexico, we feel bmind to op- 
 pose by all constitutional means ; and recognising the 
 constitutional power of Congress to prohibit, by positive 
 enactment, Ike extension of slavery into free territory, our 
 Senators in Congress are hereby instructed and ourRep- 
 reseutatives requested to use their best etforts to insert 
 such a positive prohibitioa info any law they may pass lor 
 tlie government of the Territories in question." 
 
 In IS47, Governor Dana, of Maine, a promi- 
 nent Democrat, in his message to (he Legislature, 
 in speaking of th.e right of slaveholders lo hold 
 their slaves in the Territories,- said : 
 
 "On the other hand, the slave States claim thatlliis ter- 
 ritory will be acciuireil. if acquired at all, by the blood and 
 treasure of all the Siates of the Union, to become the.jcant 
 property of all ; lo be held for the benefit of all. And 
 they emj)l]atical!y ask, ' is it consistent v/iUi justice ?' His 
 right to acqnire and possess property is one of the inhe- 
 rent rights of man, independent of laws ami Constitu- 
 tions. Not so with the right to his slave; that is an un- 
 natural, an artificial, a statute right; and when lie volun- 
 tarily pas.ses with a slave to a Territory, wuere the statute 
 recognizing the riirht does not exist, then at once the right 
 ceases to exist. The slave becomes a free man, with just 
 as much right to claim the masicr, as the master to ckiira 
 the slave." 
 
 In 1849, the Democratic partj^ in Maine held .«i 
 State Convention, .it which Hon. John Hubbard 
 was nominated iov Governor. This Convention 
 was composed of six hundred delegates, at which 
 the following resolution was passed, onlj" one 
 solitary member voting against it: 
 
 "iJ^so/reif, That the institution of human slavery is at 
 variance with the theory of our Government, adhorrent 
 to the common sentiment of mankind, and fraught with 
 danger to all who come w ithin the .sphere of its influence ; 
 that the Federal Government possesses adequate p5wer 
 to inhibit its existence in the Territories of the Union; _ 
 that the constitutionality of this power to inhibit its ex- ~ 
 isf euee in the Territories of the Union : th:'.t the constitu- 
 tionality of this power has been settled by judicial con- 
 struction, by cotemporaueous expositions, and by repeat- 
 ed acts of legislation ; and that we enjoin upon our Sen- 
 ators and Representatives in Congress to make every exer- 
 tion, and employ all their iafluence, to procure tiie passage 
 of a laiv forever excluding slavery from the Territories 
 of California arttl New Mexico." 
 
 And the Legi.slature, largely Democratic, pass- 
 ed the fvdlowing: V 
 
 " ResoIrecJ. That the sentimerit of this State is profour d, 
 sincere, and almost universal; that the influence of sla- 
 very upon productive energy is like the blight of mildew f 
 that it is a moral and social evil ; tliat it does violenee to 
 the rights of man, as a thinking, reasonable, and respon- 
 silile being. Influenced by such considerations, this State 
 will oppose the introduction of slavery into any territory 
 which may be acquired as a!i indemnity for claims upon 
 Mexico." 
 
 x\t a State con venl ion in Pennsylvania, Colo- 
 nel Samuel Black, of Pittsburgh, o2\red tlie fol- 
 lowing resolution, which was adojited unani- 
 mously : 
 
 '■^ Resolved. That the Democratic party adheres now, as 
 it ever has done to the Constitution af the count r.v. Its 
 letter and spirit they will neither weaken nor destroy; 
 and they redeclare tliat slavery is a domestic local insii- 
 tulioit of the South. sul)jeet to State legislation alone, 
 and with which the General Government has nothing to 
 do. "Wherever the State law extends its jurisdiction, the 
 local iustituion can c<mtinue to exist. Esteeming it a 
 violation of State rights tocarryit beyond State limits, we 
 deny the power of any citizen to extend the area of bond- 
 age beyond its present dominion ; nor do wo consider it 
 a part of tlie compromises of the Constitution that slavery 
 should forever travel with the advancing columns of oar 
 territorial progress." 
 
 This same Colonel Black is now Governor of 
 Nebraska, and recently vetoed a bill, which iiad 
 
been passed by the Legislature, prohibiting sla 
 veiy in that Territory. Tiie exact progress of 
 Democracy in eleven years is here made quite 
 apparent. 
 
 Tiie Democratic members of the Legislature of 
 the State of iS'ew York, in 1848, in a series crl' 
 resolutions, included the following: 
 
 " Ri-^olre'T, Tliat while the Democracy of New Tork 
 will faithfully adhere to all the C();iipriiiii"isc8 of the Con- 
 f^litution, and maintain all the reserved rl,','tit3 of the States, 
 they declare— since the crisis ha^ .-irrived when that ques- 
 tion must be nii^t— their uncoui|>ri)mising hostility to the 
 extension of slavery in territory now free, which has been 
 or may be lioreafter acquired by any action of the Govern- 
 meRl of the United States." 
 
 Similar resolutions were adopted the same 
 year at Utiea, in which Hon. John Van Buren 
 and Hon. ,[oun Cochrane participated. 
 
 At a State convention of the Democratic party 
 of Ohio, in the year 1848, the following resolu- 
 tion was adopted : 
 
 " J?t'.so?,-«'', That the people of O'lio uow, as they have 
 always done, looking upon the institution of slavery as an 
 evil, unfavorable to the full devel.i]iment of our institu- 
 tions ; and thai, entertain! n<j; these sentiments, they will feel 
 it to be their duty to use all the powers consistent with the 
 national conii)aet to prevent its increase, to mitigate, and 
 fiually eradicate it." 
 
 It is said by gentlemen on the other side that, 
 because we refer to these and other sirr.ilar facts, 
 ■we tliereby defend the Republican party. Such 
 imputation will not restrain me from my duty, 
 nor cause tne to wit.lihold such unquestioned 
 facts as are a ]>art of the political history of the 
 countrj'. At a time like this the public welfare 
 should be above all parties or party interests. I 
 am not tlie apologist of auy party, 3-el 1 would 
 willingly do justice to all. 
 
 Ml'. Speaker, the southern States Avhieh liave 
 seceded declare that they are separate and dis- 
 tinct sovereignties, because of tlieir alleged with- 
 drawal from t!us Union. Sir, the right of seces- 
 sion I Avill not discuss at this time, for I have 
 already placed myself on record in regard to it 
 in some remarks I made during the lar.t session, 
 l^^ow, T need only say that if a State has any 
 riglit to \7ithdravv' from«the Union, it is the right, 
 iiot of secession, but of revolution. A constitu- 
 tional right of secession is a monstrous paradox. 
 Every State, however, that has suffered oppres 
 sion or tyranny until it is no longer tolerable, 
 hiiB the inalienable right to protect itself, and, if 
 needs be, to resoT-t to that remedy whioli is above 
 all cotistitutions — the right of revolution. 
 
 I shall not now furtlier discuss the question of 
 secession. I concur in opinion with the gentle- 
 man frof.i Texa?, (Mr. Hamiltox,) in the opinion 
 just expressed by him, that no State can riglit- 
 fully or constitutionally secede without the coti- 
 seat of the other States. I liave been taught to 
 believe that the doctrines and opinioris oi Wash- 
 ingto.i, Madison, Jefferson, and Jackson were! 
 right, and I fiud^no sutncient reason for abandon- ' 
 ing them now. On the contrary, I find in the 
 events of the day mucli to cause me to adhere! 
 more closely to tiicir teachings. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, si.\ States have passed ordinances 
 decJariug themselves free and independent sov- 
 ereiisrnties; and what do we find to be the fruits , 
 of this "peaceable" right of secession? Forts,' 
 
 arsenals, dock-yards, arms and munitions of war, 
 public monies and property of various descrip- 
 tions belonging to the United States have been 
 seized by lawless mobs and bands of arined men. 
 N'ot only that. The flag — the flag of Tennessee 
 as svell as of Pennsylvania — the flag of all the 
 States — has been gvosslj- insulted and fired ui)ou 
 as it waved over an unarmed ship bearing pro- 
 visions to our owu soldiers, in the service of the 
 Governmetit, while occujjying and defending the 
 property of the United States. In doing this, 
 these seceding States, or the armed bodies of 
 men who perpetrated these outrages, have been 
 guilty of a violation of the laws of the land, and 
 have made open war against the United States, 
 as I will show. And thej' have violated and 
 defied the plainest provisions of the Constitution. 
 I will read a few clauses from the Constitu- 
 tion. Section ten, article first, of the Constitu- 
 tion, says: 
 
 "No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or con- 
 federation." * * * "No State shall", wit^Kiiit the con- 
 sent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or 
 ships of war in time of peace, enter into any atcreement 
 or compact with another State, or with a foreign power." 
 
 Article sis, section three, says: 
 
 "The Senators and Representatives * * * sh;ill be 
 bound by oath or afflnnatioH to support this Constitu- 
 tion," which is elsewhere declared lo be '■'■the supreme 
 law of t!ie huLd." 
 
 Kow, Mr. Speaker, wlien I came to this Con- 
 gress, and after a struggle of two months iii organ- 
 izing the House, I repaired to that desk and took 
 a solemn oath to support the Constitution and 
 the laws passed in pur.'uance thereof; and, sii-, I 
 sa}- here in my place, that there is no p'ower on 
 earth that can ever induce or force me to utter 
 one word or do any act wliatever in any way 
 that will aid any State in going out of the Union. 
 On the contrary, I intend to keep that oath faith- 
 fully and honestly as a member of this House ; 
 and 1 h.ope and trust 1 shall be able to keep it and 
 live up to it, so long as I remain upon the earth. 
 
 I say I v.'ill do nothing nor say anything whicli 
 will encourage any State to secede from this 
 Union. But yesterday I saw it announced in 
 the Memphis Avulanclie and the McmpJih Apjjeal, 
 papers [niblished in my own State, tlmt the Mis- 
 sissippi river was blockaded. This is but an- 
 other of the evil fruits of secession. We find, 
 also, in an ordinance just passed by one of the 
 seceding States, Louisiana, a resolution which 
 reads as follows: 
 
 "That we, the i)cop]e of Louisiana, recognize the free 
 navigation of the Mississippi river and itn tributaries by 
 ali j'riendlij Stuttis bordering thereou." 
 
 What does all this mean? I un(ferstand frohi 
 it that all the States which &Y&fri'::nd!y to aeces- 
 don, or which shall secede hereafter, may freely 
 navigate the Mis^^Rlppi river. I represent a 
 coiistiiuency that has an interest in the free nav- 
 igation of that great Father of Waters atid all its 
 tributaries. A portion of m\' constitu.ents reside 
 upon streams whielv are tributary to the Missis- 
 sippi, and they are interested in the novigatioa 
 of that river. Now, I say liero, that I do not 
 believe Tennessee will secede. I hope she will 
 not; aad 1 iatetid to do all in mj pov/er to pre- 
 
vent her doing so. And should she remain in 
 the Union, as her interests constrain her to do, 
 the waters of the Mississippi must be kept free 
 to all the people of that State. 
 
 Mr. RUST. The gentleman saj-s the Missis 
 sippi is blockaded. 
 
 Mr. STOKES. I told the gentleman my au- 
 thorit}' was the Mniiplus Avalanche and the Ap- 
 peal, both Democratic, disunion newspapers. 
 
 Mr. RUST. You did not quote the paragraphs 
 from those papers. I deny that the Mississippi 
 is blockaded. 
 
 Mr. STOKES. But here is the ordinance of 
 Louisiana, which declares that the Mississippi 
 shall be free to all States which are friendly to 
 them. Of course it is not to be free to those States 
 which are tmfriemVji. 
 
 Sir, while both sides of the House are trying 
 to compromise and heal our unhappy difficulties, 
 I am free to say that I, for one, will vote for any 
 compromise which may be put forward compe- 
 tent to meet the crisis through which the coun- 
 try is now passing. I care little about mj'self 
 politically, because I want no political honors 
 unless I can have them in the Union, and under 
 the stars and stripes of my whole country. (Ap- 
 plause in the galleries.) How, I ask, can we 
 heal these difficulties? One of my colleagues, 
 (Mr. THOiiAS.) has said that we can " be content 
 •with no adjustment that will not unite the South 
 with us." 'Xow, I appeal to gentlemen here and 
 ask them how is it possible that we can agree 
 upon any terms which will, at this time, bring 
 back South Carolina when she has declared em- 
 phatically that she will not come back upon any 
 terms whatever, and that her secession from this 
 Union is final and forever. Then a compromise, 
 ■which shall be now satisfactory to South Caro- 
 lina, and, perhaps, other of the cotton States, is 
 impossible. Isaw today, in the72ic7/»t07iJ Whig, 
 an extract taken from the Charleston Jfercnry 
 to the same effect, stating that she does not in 
 tend to accept any compromise, and does not in- 
 tend to return to her allegiance to the Federal 
 Union. 
 
 These cotton States have gone out and sever- 
 ed their connection with the Federal Govern- 
 ment, as thej' say, and for what ? What are 
 their grievances? 
 
 First. They allege that the North has passed 
 personal liberty bills. 
 
 Second. That the fugitive slave law has not 
 beau faithfully executed. 
 
 y/(ir(i. That the Republican p.irty is opposed 
 to the further extension of slavery into the free 
 Territories, 
 
 Fourth. That the Republican party intend to 
 abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and 
 in the dock-yards, arsenals, and navy yards, un- 
 der the e.xclusive jurisdiction of the United 
 States. 
 
 Fifth. That they intend finally to abolish sla- 
 verj' in the States. 
 
 Sixth. That the Republican party hates sla 
 very; that Garrison, Phillips and others de- 
 
 nounce slavery, and that we are in danger of in- 
 vasions similar to that which John Brown made 
 upon the soil of Virginia. 
 
 You are all familiar -with the John Brown af- 
 fair ; but we know that no party in the North, 
 unless it be the few radical Abolitionists, justifies 
 the concuct of John Brown. Tiien there was 
 the alleged buriMugs of habitations and villages 
 in Texas during the last year. An intelligent 
 gentleiaan, long a resident of Texas, a few days 
 ago, furnished me with a map and other particu- 
 lars concerning these fires in Texas. From him 
 I learned that'most of them occurred many miles 
 apart, on the same day and about the same hour 
 of the day, to M-it: at two o'clock, p. m., on the 
 8th of August last, when the thermometer was 
 standing at 113°. From information derived 
 from him, I am satisfied that these fires wfrenot 
 the work of incendiaries, yet it is charged that 
 the North are sending their missionaries out 
 there to burn up and destroy the property and 
 habitations of the people of that State. 
 
 Another grievance complained of is the elec- 
 tion of Lincoln by a sectional party. He, it is 
 said, has no sympathy with the South, and there- 
 1 fore we are justified in precipitating a dissolution, 
 of the Union. It is said that Lincoln will oppose 
 the further extension of slavery into Territories 
 which are now free. Let me here read an ex- 
 tract from a speech of Mr. Buchanan, now Pres- 
 ident of the United States, which he made upon 
 the proposition for the admission of Texas. He 
 said : 
 
 •' In arriving at the conclusion to support this treaty, 
 (ths annexation of Texas.) I had to encounter but one se- 
 rious obstacle, and this was the question of slavery. 
 Whilst I ever maintained, and ever shall maintain in 
 their full force and vigor, the eonstitutsonal rights of the 
 snuihern States over their slave property. 1 yet feel a 
 strono' repugnance by any act of mine to extt-iid the pre- 
 sent limits of the Union over a new slaveholding Terri- 
 tory After mamre refiectiou, however, I overcame these 
 scruples, aud now believe that the acquisition of Texas 
 
 win 'be the means of limiting the domain of slavery. 
 * * ♦ '-That the ac iuisiti^>n of Texas would, ere long, 
 convert Murvland, Virarinia, Kentucky, and Missouri, and 
 probablv others of the more northern slave States into free 
 jijates— ^I entertain not a doubt." 
 
 I ask, then, if opposition to the extension of 
 slavery is a cause for a dissolution of the Union, 
 why it was not done when Mr. Buchanan was 
 elected? for this extract proves him to have been 
 as much opposed to the extension of slavery as 
 it was possible for him to be. I say it was no 
 sufficient cause when Mr. Buchanan was elected, 
 and it furnishes only a pretext now. 
 
 Six States have already seceded, and one mem- 
 ber from another State, (Mr. Reagan,) has gone 
 home to the S':ate of Texas. Thirty -one south- 
 ern members of this House have retired from 
 this Hall, and twelve Senators have vacated their 
 seats in the Senate. They have left us, their 
 southern brethren, to fight the battle _ alone. 
 Now, although Mr. Lincoln is eleeted, it is well 
 known to this House and to the country, that 
 had those gentlemen remained in their seats, and 
 I stood to their posts like men and patriots, not 
 I one dollar could the administratiou of Mr. Lin- 
 coin get out of the Treasury, unless by the con- 
 I sent of an opposition House and a Democratic 
 
8' 
 
 Senate. lie eould not have formed his Cabinet, 
 or even appointed a Minister, or a Consnl, ^rith- 
 out the consent of the Democratic Senate. Sup- 
 pose, then, that they had stood their gronnd and 
 remained like men, as I think they ou<?lit to have 
 done, what would have been the effect of it ? 
 Whj-, sir, if we had exercised our constitutional 
 power in stoppii;g supplies, and:in refusing to 
 confirm presidential appointmeuts, we could have 
 prevented any unconstitutional interference with 
 oar rights, had such interfurenee been attempted 
 by the incoming Administration. And with this 
 power in our own hands, it might have been 
 xised not only to prevent usurpation, bat so as to 
 have secured an unequivocal acknowledgment 
 of all our just rights under the Constitution. To 
 this we might have compelled the Republicans 
 to accede, had our representatives remained in 
 their places. We could have decided to present 
 to the people of the North awd the South such 
 amendments to the Constitution or other guar- 
 antees as we thought proper. ^Ye could have 
 asked that these propositions be referred to the 
 people of all the States, in the mode prescribed 
 by the Constitution. We could thus have invok- 
 ed the action of the people in whose willingncFS 
 to do right, I have every confidence; and if the 
 Remiblicaa party had refused to transfer the 
 whola matter to the States and the people, or 
 to come to some such reasonable terms of adjust 
 ment, we might have exercised the power of 
 stopping the supplies; have lefused to vote one 
 dollar for carrying on this Government. But, 
 now, instead oif having sucli powei-,- v.e are left 
 in a minority by the witbdraNval of thirty-one 
 members from the House, and twelve from the^ 
 Senate. And it now is in the power of the Re- 
 publican party to refuse us whatever they choose, 
 and yield us only whatever they are willing to 
 accord. 
 
 Sir, a convention is to beheld soon in Tennessee, 
 in which the State, which I in part represent, 
 is to decide whether she will go out of the Union. 
 We are invited by thedisuuionists to follow them 
 into this Southern Confederacy. I, for one, enter 
 ray solemn protest against au}- such suicidal con- 
 duct. I will never agree to any such an act of 
 folly. What, sir, go into a Southern Confederacy ; 
 rJly ourselves with the cotton States, after tliey 
 have abandoned us here,- after they have been 
 faithless to us here, when, had they remained, 
 we had the power of self-defence in our hands I 
 K they would not stand by us under existing 
 circumstances, can we rely upon them when we 
 shall have joined ourselves to their Southern Con- 
 federacy? We cannot. Faithless now, faithless 
 they would be then. Should they see any cause 
 to be hereafter dissatisfied, the}- would doubtless 
 come forward with another secession ordinance 
 and withdraw from the Soiithern Confederacy. 
 And where would we then stand ? 
 
 Why, sir, we are solemnly informed by them, 
 that they will not agree to any compromise. But, 
 what else do we find? Some time ago, in the 
 Charleston Secession Convention, we find Mr. 
 Packer holding this language. Speaking of the 
 motive or re:ison which induced South Carolina 
 to attempt breaking up the Government, he said: 
 
 " It is no spasraoilic efTort that has come Suddenly upon 
 u«, but it bis been g-raduaUy culminating for a long 
 ieriei of yaars.'" 
 
 Mr. Ingles, also, said at the same time : 
 
 "ifoBt of MS hare bad this subject under consideration 
 for the Inst twenty years." 
 
 Mr. Keitt, another member of tlie convention, 
 and for the last eight years a member of this 
 House, said: 
 
 " I have been engajrod in this movement ever since I 
 snitrsii political life." 
 
 Mr. Rhett, another member of the convention, 
 said : 
 
 "It is nothing prodnced by llr. Lincoln's flection, or 
 the non-execution of the fugitive slave law. It is a matter 
 that has been gaiheritiij ki^adfor thirty years." * * 
 " We are about to sunder our relations with that section, 
 (the North,) and, I trust, forever." 
 
 And, 3'et, he now asks Tennessee to join that 
 Southern Confederacy, of which he is to be a con- 
 trolling spii'it. I again say there is no earthly 
 power that can compel my consent to it. 
 
 Are these causes, I again ask, suilicient for the 
 dissolution of the Union ? If they are, then they 
 exist outside of the election of Mr. Lincoln to 
 the presidency. And if they exist outside of 
 Mr. Lincoln's election — and I have shown yon • 
 they have exiifed for years — then Mr. Douglas, 
 Mr. Bell, or Mr. Breckinridge, could no more have 
 kept the Union together than LIr. Lincoln can. 
 But, if this movement goes merely upon the elec- 
 tion of Mr. Lincoln, then, I say, it is too ridicu- 
 lous to talk about. The present leading disunion- 
 ists in my State, last summer, all promptly and 
 earne3tl3' insisted that the election of 'Slv. Lincoln 
 was no cause for destroying the Federal Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 These grievances, if grievances there be, ex- 
 isted for years past, and it was in the power of 
 this Democratic party to have remedied them if 
 they chose. They had majorities in both Houses 
 last Congress. All the territorial laws are to-day 
 precisely as lliey were then, and as they passed 
 them. If objectionable, why were they not 
 changed when the Democratic pat ty had control 
 of both Houses of Congress, the Executive and 
 the Judiciary? Why did not some gentleman 
 propose to remedy them? Show me the motion 
 on the journal of this House, or any proposition 
 that an}^ southern man brought before Congress, 
 to cliange our present territorial policy in regard 
 to the slavery question. It cannot be done. The 
 slavery question in the States and Territories is 
 pr&cisely where the Democratic paity placed it, 
 and where they have the power to maintain it. 
 To do this thej' have only to rem.ain in their places, 
 and the Republican party are powerless in both 
 Houses of Congress. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, we have grievances to complain 
 of, and I intend to show my Republican friends 
 that we have just cause to complain of them for 
 some of their acts; and I trust and hope that 
 they will see. the necessity of taking such action 
 here, and in the Northern States, as may allay 
 the ].ubHc excitement and tranquilize the p.opu- 
 lar mind. 
 
 I was speaking of the election of Lincoln. Sir, 
 there were various causes why he was elected. 
 
9 
 
 There were several candidates. Millions were 
 supporting Mr. Dougljxs for his devotion to the 
 doctrine of noi-intervention : others supported 
 Mr. Brecliinridge, and subscribed to tUe new 
 code of 2">rotection to slavery in tlie territories; 
 while 'the Union party rallied under the leader- 
 ship of Mr. Bell, pledged to "the Union, the Con- 
 etitntion, and the enforcement of tha lairs." What 
 else? ^ne of the most powerful causes cf all 
 was the extravagance, the waste, the profligacy, 
 a^nd, I think I can safely eaj', the oorruptious of 
 the present Administration. These things, alone, 
 caused thousands of the people of the country to 
 record their votes for Mr. Lincoln for tlie Presi- 
 dency-, who would not otherwise have voted for 
 him. 
 
 I contend, sir, that the election of Mr. Lincoln, 
 trader these circumstances, is no reason for a 
 dissolution of the Union. I think disunion can 
 be fairl}' traced to the purposes and plans of the 
 Southern League — which was co-ncocted and de- 
 liberately agreed upon, over two j'ears ago, by 
 the leaders of the Democratio party in the Cot- 
 ton States — that they would go to Charleston 
 and make certain demands on the Northern Dem- 
 ocrats; and, if refused, that they would set up a 
 candidate of their own, and, when defeated, as 
 they expected aftd desired to be, then to strike 
 for a Southern Confederacy. The}" have public- 
 ly declared that their purpose was ultimately to 
 build up a Southern Confederacy upon the ruins 
 of the present Union ; to reopen the slave trade, 
 conquer Mexico, and annex Cuba, if in their 
 power to do so. They expect, or desire, to ac- 
 complish all this; and, as it could not be at- 
 tempted within t:ie Union, secession become ne- 
 cessarj' before they could attempt this long cher- 
 iphed purpose. Tiiey expect t!ie border States, 
 with Tennessee and North Carolina, to follow 
 tliem iu tliis wild crusade. Tiieir purpose is to 
 commit the whole South to this wild, revolu- 
 tionary scheme; and so they have declared over 
 and over again. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, T cannot, I will not consent to 
 become a blind follower of those who boast that, 
 for J'ears, they have had no other or higher aim 
 tlian the destruction of ray country ; and I make 
 the assertion here in my ])laee, Avithout fear of 
 being contradicted, that there is not one griev- 
 ance complained of that cannot be remedied in 
 the Union: nor is there one which can be rem- 
 edied out of it. I desire my-constituents to know 
 that their best interests are iu imminent peril, 
 and that tlieir peace and safety depends in stand 
 iug by that Union which has blessed them, and 
 avoiding secession and disunion as the grave of 
 their happiness and prosperity. The idea that 
 ft few conspiring madmen, ambitious, disap- 
 pointed politicians, men who are seeking for 
 power, can band themselves together and say 
 this Union must be destroyed at their bidding, is 
 monstrous. So bold have become the advocates 
 of this doctrine of secession, that if a senlleman 
 now expresses himself in favor of the Union, and 
 denies the wisdom or constitutional right of se- 
 cession, he is denounced as a "submissionist" I 
 am free to say, sir, that I had rather be called a 
 "submissionist" — a submissionist to the laws of 
 
 rny country — than act as cthei"s have done : pla; 
 
 I the part of a traitor, arid became a rebel to ■, 
 
 \ Governn'ient which never wror.ged me, and ti 
 
 i which I owe my allegiance. I am a snbr^tis-'iori 
 
 list. I stand here in the pjresenes of tiiese Kep 
 
 ! resentatives of the pieople and proudly admi 
 
 j that I am a submissionist; I do submit — I hav, 
 
 j sworn to do so — to the Constitution and to th 
 
 i laws passed in pursuance thereof. 1 intend h 
 
 \ submit to them. I intend to stand, iu the futur 
 
 as in the past, on the f^uion platform adopted a 
 
 Baltimore last summer — "the Union, the Con 
 
 stitution, and the Enforcement of the Laws. 
 
 (Applause.) But, say gentlemen, enfcnrcement o 
 
 the law is coercion ; and i^e cry of coercion i 
 
 got up in the South. They ask : " Will yon coero 
 
 a State ?" No, sir, I am not for coercing a Sto.b 
 
 But I claim the right and power of the Genera 
 
 Government to execute its laws whenever it i 
 
 expedient to do it — or necessary for the safety 
 
 the protection, and happiness of the pei^ple o 
 
 all the States — in a word, when the public wel 
 
 fare requires it. I repeat, I am not for coercin! 
 
 a State, and at the same time I am not for a] 
 
 lowing a State to coerce me. I do not i-eeogniz 
 
 the riglit of tlie State of South Carolina to coerci 
 
 the rest of the States. Sh.e has no right to d< 
 
 so, and I protest against it. I think, howevei 
 
 that moderation, prudence and caution, ought t 
 
 be used on the part of tiie President. Let us settl 
 
 these difficulties, peaceably if we can. It ca: 
 
 be done, and my>opinion is that it will be done«— 
 
 satisfactorily to reasonable men everywhere — a 
 
 least satisfactorily to the border States, and Ter 
 
 nessoe and North Carolina. I have no idea t 
 
 anj^ settlement being made that will now satisf 
 
 the State of South Carolina. I do not look fo 
 
 that. I do not expect it ; for South Carolina ha 
 
 deolared emphatically that she will accept n' 
 
 compromise, and will have noiie — that her sepa 
 
 ration is final and forever. But I do hope an- 
 
 believe that all difiicuUies will be settled so a 
 
 to satisfy t!ie people of the border States. 
 
 But v.'e are told that ic? must go out of th 
 Union. Yes, sir, Taneey said tliat, two years age 
 lie laid the plan, and it has worked admirabi} 
 It has moved like clock- wos-k. That clock abov 
 me is not arranged with greater precision tha 
 was this southern league, liisre in this city wer 
 its chiefs, some of them at the head of variou 
 departments of the Government, assiduous! 
 working to accomplish a treasonable destructioi 
 of the Union, and to subvert the very Constitii 
 tion which they were sworn to support. Ye; 
 sir, they have done all this. Mr. Yancey had h.i 
 plan laid out last summer. Mr. Breckinridg 
 was his candidate. Mr. Bell was the candidat 
 of the Union party ; and here I will remark tha 
 I have found but one man in my section of th 
 country wlo was opposed to the execution c 
 the laws. He was an old fellow who had n 
 peatedly been stalled in the calaboose. I aske- 
 him to support Mr. Bell. Said he, "I like Mi 
 Bell ver}- well, and I like the Coustifutiou am 
 the Union very well — but damn the enforcemen 
 of the laws." (Laughter.) ilr. Yancey am 
 these seceders, who met at Richmond and' nomi 
 nated Jonx C. BRECKixraoGE, declared their pui 
 
10 
 
 pose to be to rule the country according to tlieir 
 theories, or to break up this Government; and 
 ■when any one suggested the idea that the sup- 
 porters of Breckinridge were disunionisls, they 
 judignantly denied it. They declared that every 
 insmuati.m of that kind was a libel upon Mr. 
 Jireckinridge and the Democratic partj-. 
 
 I proclaimed it everywhere, during last year, 
 thatif Abraham Lincoln was elected, the disu- 
 Eionists intended to make an effort to overthrow 
 the Government. I had frequently heard them 
 say .«o upon this floor during the List session af 
 Coi)gres>=. I proved by their own words that 
 such was their ultimate design, and that, in the 
 event of tlie election of a Refmbiican President, 
 such would be the result. Yet, they denied it 
 before tl.e people. They declared that no such 
 criminal intention or scheme existed. Had the 
 honest people of Tennessee understood that such 
 was the intention of these Democrats and disu- 
 niouists in t!ie event of the election of Lincoln; 
 had it been so understood everywhere in the 
 South, Breckinridge would have been beaten — j 
 overwhelmingly defeated— in States and commu- 1 
 nities where he was most earnestly supported. \ 
 He woujd have been defeated overwhelmingly' 
 by the Cnion-loviug masses of the country every- ' 
 where. But it was denied by his supporters;' 
 they denouiiced the charge as an infamous slan-j 
 dtr. Bu^ jiistory proves that we were not mis- i 
 taken. Everywhere around us we meet the evi- 1 
 3ence3 of a deep-laid conspiracy, having for its 
 unholy object the destruction of the best Govern- 
 23erit which has ever been vouchsafed to man. 
 
 Why, Mr. Speaker, there is a number of disu- 
 nion Democrats in my section of country who 
 nave taken upon themselves a sort of paternal 
 '.are and supervision of the rights of the South, 
 rhey have establi:5hed a standard by which they 
 ;est our sectional lo3-aity, and that standard re- 
 quires us to come out and denounce the Repub- 
 ican party as guilty of lying, treason, and every 
 ither crime known to the criminal code; and if 
 ye do not, we are submissionists, and Aboli- 
 ionists. 1 shall be charged, no doubt, when the 
 •emarks I am now submitting to the House are 
 published, with being a submissionist. But the 
 Men who make these charges are not generally 
 hose who own slave propeity, which they hav'e 
 )urchased by labor and indastry. Ko, sir; they 
 :re, as a general rule, those who own neither 
 laves nor anything else, and who never will 
 'wu anything, for they have nothing now, and 
 re too lazy to woik for anything. (Daughter.) 
 'et they assume to supervise the interests of the 
 laveholders, and to take care of their property. 
 Jut, sir, there is aiioiher class of people in my 
 tate, composed of honest, hard-vvorking men. 
 lie farmers, the mechanics, the merchants, and 
 professional men, who are loyal to the Gonstitu- 
 ion and the Union, and who are now moving 
 leaven and earth to arrest the tide of disunion, I 
 nd, if possible, to save this country from destruc- , 
 ion, and this Government from final overthrow, 
 ^or will I oniit the old soldiers, who are pension- 
 rs upon your bounty, and whose means' of sub- 
 istence depends upon the preservation of that 
 rovernment which owes its existence to their 
 
 valor. They are now at work in the border States, 
 working with a will and energy such as has 
 never been displayed by them ; with a will and. 
 resolution known only to those who feel that 
 their liberties and tlieir country are involved. 
 They love tlieir country for its blessings; they 
 love this Government because it has protected 
 them, and they will not be driven from its pro- 
 tecting flag at the bidding of disunion. And I 
 should be untrue to myself and to them if I were 
 not to raise m}- voice with theirs against this 
 wicked scheme of my country's enemies. 
 
 Mr. HIXDMAN made a remark ^hich was not 
 heard by 'the reporter. 
 
 Mr. STOKE.S. I cannot yield. I say we are 
 straining every nerve to beat back the tide of 
 secession and disunion in the border States; and 
 wiiile I have faith in the good sense of the peo- 
 ple, I shall not permit myself, for a moment, to 
 despair. 
 
 I understand that the most earnest and patri- 
 otic efl'orts are being made in seven, at least, of 
 the slaveholding States, and I will not, as I said, 
 doubt the result. I can except Arkansas, if tbe 
 gentleman wishes me to do so. 
 
 Mr. HINDMAX again made a remark which 
 the reporter did not understand. 
 
 Mr. STOKES. Kentucky a*d Tennessee are 
 closely linked together by affection and interest. 
 V»'hatever misfortune falls ujion Kentucky, falls 
 also upon Tennessee. We are, then, struggling 
 together, and our joint efforts will be directed to 
 doing all we can to hold this L'nion together, 
 and finally to rescue our whole counti-y from the 
 perils which environ it. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I speak what I am saying becauae 
 it is my duty. I speak, as I said, for the farmer; 
 for the old soldier; I speak for the mechanic, and 
 for the child of toil; I speak, also, for mj' wife 
 and my children; I speak no less for mj- slaves, 
 when I plead for the preservation of my country, 
 for its destruction will involve all, finally, in on« 
 common ruin. 
 
 Gentlemen, I implore you in the name of Hea- 
 ven to come to the rescue of our countrj'. Forget 
 your party prejudices while you do something 
 that will strengthen the hands of the LTnion- 
 loving men everywhere — something which, with- 
 out injust-ice to any one, will enable us to beat 
 back the armies of disunion, and to reunite the 
 bonds which have s* long held tts together a 
 happy and united people. For I believe thai 
 notliiug less than the preservation of the Union 
 can avert the ultimate horrors of civil war, and 
 the consequent destruetioii of all that is most 
 dear to those who have homes and families to 
 cheiish and defend. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, it has been sometimes said that I 
 am not a friend to the South. Why? I suppose 
 it is because I will not agree to go with South 
 Carolina in her mad career of destruction. Sir, 
 I have spoken here to-day because I feel that 
 I love 013- native South. 1 love the land of my 
 birth, and the abode of my kindred. I love my 
 people; and in my judgment, the only waj- to pre- 
 serve and protect their property, and to preserve 
 
11 
 
 the peace and happiness of all, is to keep this 
 Union together, and live united like brethren. 
 Whenever you dissolve the Union, you bring, 
 as a necossarj' result, the Canada line down to 
 our borders, and you thereby increase the facili- 
 ties for the escape of our slaves. And when they 
 reach an independent, and perhaps a hostile 
 country, how will you reclaim theni? With the 
 distance that there is now intervening, the\- 
 eometiraes escape, and they will contin'^e to do 
 so in all coming time. But, sir, I repeat, that 
 when vou dissolve the Union, you establish a 
 hostile"^ border three thousand miles in length, 
 touching the boundaries of Maryland, of Vir- 
 ginia, of Kentuck}', of Delaware, of Missouri, and 
 even of Texas. •*' 
 
 But, again : I say to the southern people, that 
 we now have millions of friends at the North 
 who are loyal to the Constitution and the laws, 
 find wlio have, through weal and through woe, 
 stood up for our rights — friends outside the Ee- 
 publicnn party, and friends within tliat party ; 
 friends who are willing to live up to the require- 
 ments of the Constitution, and who, if we will 
 be Vjut patient, can and will effeetually aid us in 
 eeeuring all our just rights and reasonable de- 
 mands. Then, T want my constituents to know, 
 that when they break up this Government, the}- 
 not only aa:gravate every real or imaginary 
 gi-ievance, but we are necessarily alienated and 
 estranged from our friends and kindred in the 
 Xorth, who are willing now and at all times, if 
 needs be, to rush to our defence; but we shall 
 have then made them our enemies. I implore 
 gentlemen, then, to heal and harmonize these 
 difficulties now, while we may, while we are 
 here together as friend.s and as brothers, and 
 •while each and all of us have still an interest in 
 this glorious Union. If we cannot do it now, tell 
 me how it can be done after the Government 
 ehall have been destroj-ed, when we are without 
 the Constitution and without that unity of inter- 
 est and feeling which still make us one people? 
 Sir, I have no hesitation in saying that if the 
 Union of these States is to be finally destroyed, 
 because of (he existence of African slavery, it will 
 sooner or later result in the final destruction of 
 slavery. 1 repeat, it will result in abolishing it 
 filially and forever. 
 
 I do not for a moment doubt but that the per- 
 gonal libeily laws will be repealed or properly 
 modified within a fe.v months. At all events, so 
 soon as the people shall pass their judgment at 
 the polls. 1 see that Rhode Island has taken the 
 lead, and already repealed hers, and that steps 
 have been taken in other States to accomplish a 
 like result. It afiords me pleasure to state that 
 the Republicftu and Democratic parties in the 
 free- States are ready and willing so to amend 
 the Constitution as to render it imjwssible for 
 nny one to believe that the people of the North 
 desire to interfere with slavery in the States. 
 This will <3o much good, and will greatly tend 
 to the restoration of peace between the sections. 
 The Constitution declares that you shall sur- 
 render such persons as have escaped from service 
 or labor from one State into another. We can 
 jilter and change the present fugitive slave law 
 
 so as to make it if possible more effective, and at 
 the same time to render it less offensive to th« 
 people of the free States. 
 
 V.'e are told in the South that it is the inten- 
 tion of tiie Republican party to abolish slavery 
 in the States where it now exists, and that there- 
 fore protection to our property, to our families, 
 requires us to resist that party to the extent of 
 overthrowing the Government! Our people are 
 made to believe this charge. You can allay that 
 fear, you can remedy this cause of complaint 
 without the sacrifice of principle or consistency. 
 You have it row in your pov,'er to do it, and I 
 appeal to you with the utmost confidence to give 
 us an amendment to the Constitution to meet 
 this cause of complaint. You deelai'e the com- 
 plaint unfounded, and insist that the Constitu- 
 tion is sufficient as it is. Then justice to your- 
 selves requires that you should not h/>sitate in 
 giving us tiiis amendment, which we all admit ie 
 onl}' rendering the present Constitution more 
 specific and plain. B}^ so doing you will put 
 this branch of the controversy forever at rest 
 Do this, and adjust the territorial i]uest!on, and 
 you will not only restore peace to the country, 
 but you will, as was said hj raj* friend from 
 ; North Carolina, (Mr. Gilmer,) furnish apolitical 
 : winding-sheet for disunionists, fanatics, and trai- 
 j tors, North and South. 
 
 I There are various waj's of adjusting tl-e vexed, 
 
 ' yet abstract question of slaver}- in the territories. 
 
 j It matters but little hov>' it is settled so far as tlu 
 
 extension of slaveiy is concerned. Yet the prin- 
 
 ' ciple involved has been the cause of much of oui 
 
 present trouble. I have always believed that i! 
 
 mattered not so much how you settled the que* 
 
 j tion if you would adhere to the adjustment aftei 
 
 it was made. 
 
 My honorable friend from North Carolina, (Mb 
 
 ' Gilmer.) gave you a few days ago an illustra 
 
 tion of this territorial question, which, for faiy 
 
 ness, was, in m}- judgment, unanswerable. Sup 
 
 pose, said he, there was on the one side of a cer 
 
 tain line eighteen farmers, and on the other sidi 
 
 fifteen, and not having laud sutliciant to carr} 
 
 Ion their farming operations, they should pur 
 
 chase another tract of land with tiieir commoi 
 
 ' money, would it be right for eiMitr par'y in sucl 
 
 ' case to deny participation in the cultivation oftha 
 
 i land to the other? Certainly not. Why not then 
 
 ! since the territories of the United States belonj 
 
 1 alike to the people of the North and the [leopL 
 
 I of the South, grant that there shall be a line rui 
 
 I like that of the Missouri compromise of 36° SO 
 
 1 north latitude, such a plan as is pi-oposed in tlu 
 
 ' original Crittenden resolutions. I speak particu 
 
 larly of tlie Crittenden resolutions, bscau.^e thei 
 
 ; liave apparently aroused more public attention 
 
 i than any other pending plan of adjustment 
 
 iTIiey have been read and considered by thepeo 
 
 ' pie. North, South, East, and West. The genera 
 
 impression seems to be that they will satisfy rea 
 
 ' sonable men everywhere. I can vouch for th. 
 
 fact, that this plfin will satisfy the borde 
 
 j Stales, Tennessee and North Carolina, in whicl 
 
 ! the decisive battle for the Union is now beiuj 
 
 ! fought. Why JK>t then adopt this pL<in of set 
 
 Itlenient? Mr. oeward, and other gentlemei 
 
12 
 
 professiug like principles with himself, admit that 
 the Supreme Court of the United States has, in 
 effect^ decided that slavery exists in every inch 
 of territory belonging to the United States. 
 That is the highest tribunal known to our Con- 
 gtilutioa and laws, and in questions involving a 
 construc?lon of the Conftitution, it is Ihe court 
 ^f final roiort. Why not settle this slavery 
 question then at once upon the admissions made 
 on all sides, and relieve the co.;ntryfrom the 
 fearful agitation which now shakes it " from 
 turvet to foundation stone." If you are not 
 Yi'illing to adopt the Crittenden resolutions, then 
 adopt the propositions submitted by my col- 
 league, {Mv. Etoeuidge.) which are substantially 
 the border State propositions. And if you can- 
 not do this, you ought not to refuse adopting the 
 measures reported by the gentleman from Ohio, 
 (\Ir. CoRwix,) the Chairman of the committee of 
 thirty-throe. Admit New Mexico as aStateinto 
 the Union, with her laws protecting slavery-. 
 But I see that my hour has nearly expired, and 
 I can only take time to say that I will give my 
 support to any ]->roposition that will fairl}', hon- 
 orably, and finally settle those disturbing ques- 
 tions which so fearfully distract the peace of the 
 countr\'. 
 
 A word more, and I am done. Th.e withdrawal 
 of a State from this hitherto happy political 
 family, is suggestive of painful rellections. It is 
 quittj as absurJ and unaccountable as would be 
 the conduct of that father, wIlo, with his wife 
 and children, was securely sheltered within a 
 comfortable habitation, with every comfort and 
 luxury which could fldd to their happiness, de- 
 liberately walking out, firing their dwelling and 
 consigning it to the flames, Avithout having made 
 a single provision for the construction of a new 
 abode, or for protection against the fierce storms 
 of Heaven. (Applause.) 
 
 In conclusion, I appeal to my Republican 
 friends to do their duty, under a sense of their 
 great responsibilities, and according to the dic- 
 tates of a ge)iercus magnanimity. They have 
 the power to restore peace to our unhappy coun- 
 try, and I confidently believe you will show 
 
 your wilingness to do so. I implore you, in be- 
 half of our common country, that you" will nob 
 stand hesitating, in such an hour as this, upon 
 mere abstract and impracticable issnes. When 
 you follow the Constitution, j'ou suri-ender no 
 principle, nor are you false tg any platform of 
 your party. Let us, Mr. Speaker, patS the Ciit- 
 tenden resolutions, or ar.j' other j roposition 
 which will conciliate our divided people, and at- 
 tach them once more to this Union as with hooks 
 of steel. Let us do our whole duty in this dread 
 emergency, and joy and gladness will once more 
 pervade the limits of our whole country. YouF 
 noble conduct will then be hailed with shouta 
 by a rejoicing peopl,^ who will attest their grati- 
 tude by the ringing of bells, the booming of can- 
 non, the flying of canvas, and every token tliat 
 a grateful people can manifest to the benefactors 
 of mankind. 
 
 Let us not deceive ourselves with any such de- 
 lusion as a i-econstruction of the Government, in 
 the event of a separation of the North and the 
 South. Dismemberment will not be followed by 
 a reunion of these States. Disunion means war 
 — civil war — and fraternal blood cannot reunite 
 us in the bonds of Union and brotherly love. 
 Sir, these disunion, seceding Democrats broke 
 up their party at Charleston. They cannot now 
 reconstruct a political organization. The very 
 spirit of disunion forbids it; and how can we 
 expect the wanton destroyers of our present 
 Union to reconstruct it when it has been torn tn 
 pieces. The idea is ridiculous. No man should 
 permit himself to be thus deceived. I warn the 
 honest masses of the country against this at- 
 tempt to mislead them. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I never have, nor I njver will, 
 utter one word designed to alienate one portion 
 of our country' from the other. Should I ever 
 so far forget myself as to attempt writing or 
 speal^jng, a line or a word, against the union of 
 these States, or in behalf of those who now seek 
 the overthrow of the Government, I trust my 
 tongue and arm may become palsied and motion- 
 less. Let me die, as I have lived, a citizen of the 
 free UxiTtD States of America. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 KoTE. — By the rules of the House, limiting the 
 tii.ne of each member to one hour, it was impos- 
 sible for me to refer to the opiuions of Washipg- 
 toii aud Jacksoa ; I, therefore, append to my re- 
 marks the following : 
 
 Extract from Washingtoica Farewell Address. 
 
 " But it is easy to foraee, that from different 
 causes, and from different quarters, much pains 
 will ba taken, many artifices employed, your po- 
 litical fortiess against which the batteries of in- 
 ternal and external enemies will be most con- 
 stantly and actively (though often covertly and 
 insiduously) directed ; it is of infinite moment 
 Uiat you should properly estimate the immense 
 value of your national Union to your collective 
 end individual happiness; that you should cher- 
 ish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attach- 
 ment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and 
 speak of it as a palladium of your political safe- 
 ty and prosperity; watching for its preservation 
 wilh jealous anxiety; discountenancing what- 
 ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in 
 an J- event be abandoned ; end indignantly frown- 
 ing upon the first dawning of every attempt to 
 alienate any portion of our country from the 
 rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties "which cow 
 link together the various parts." » * • 
 
 Again, in the same address, he says : 
 
 "In eon|emplatirig the causes which maydis- 
 tuib our Ijijion, it occurs as matters of greet con- 
 cern, that any ground siiould have been furnish 
 eil for characterizing parties by geographical 
 diserirainatioDS — Northern and Southern, Atlan- 
 tic and V/es'ern; whence designing men may en- 
 deavor to excite a belief that "there is a real dif- 
 ference of local interests and views. One of the 
 expedienti of party to acquire intluenee -within 
 particular districts, ia to misrepresent the opin- 
 ions nnd affns of other districts. You cannot 
 shield yourselves too much against the jealousies 
 and heart-bur.iings which spring from these mis- 
 representations; they tend to render alien to 
 each other those who ought to be bt?und togeth- 
 ei' by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our 
 western country have lately had a woeful lesson 
 on this head. They have seen in the negotiation 
 by the executive, and in the unanimous ratifica- 
 tion by the Senate of the treaty Vv-ith Spain, and 
 in the universal satisfaction at that event 
 throughout the United States, a decisive proof 
 how unfounded were the suspicions propagated 
 acmocg them of » policy in the general govern- 
 emment and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly 
 to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. 
 They have been witnesses to the formation of 
 two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that 
 with Spain, Vvhich secure to them everything 
 
 I the}- could desire in respect to our foreign rela- 
 '■ tions toward confirniing their prosperity. Will 
 'it not be thc-ir wisdom to rely, for the preserva- 
 I tion of these advantages, on tiie Union by which 
 I they were procured? Will they not hencaforth 
 be deaf to these advisers, if such there are, who 
 would sever them from tiieir brethren and con- 
 nect them with aliens ? * * « 
 
 Extract fr-jiii the Proclamation of Preside^nt 
 Jackson, December 11, 1832. 
 
 "The Constitution of the United States then 
 forms a Government, not a league; and vrhether 
 it be formed by compact between the States, or 
 in any other manner, its character is the seme. 
 It is a Governmeut in which all the peopla repre- 
 sented, which operates direct!}- on the people 
 individually, not upon the St^ites— «*hey retained 
 j all the power they did not grant. Eat each 
 State having expressly parted with so many 
 powers, as to constitute jointly with the other 
 States a single nation, cannot from that period 
 possess any riglit to secede, because such seces- 
 sion does not break a league, but destroys « unity 
 of a nation ; and any injury to that uKity is not 
 I only a breach, which would result from th« con- 
 ' travention of a compact, but it is an offence 
 I agair!st\he whole Union. To say tliat any Stale 
 I may at pleasure secede from the'Union, is" to say 
 I that the United States are not a nation, because 
 j it would be a solecism to contend that any part 
 : <if a nation might dissolve its coiinexion with 
 j the otltci- parts, to iheir injury or ruin, . without 
 j committicg any offence. Secession, like any 
 j other revolutionary act, may- be morally iusti- 
 j fied by the extreuiity of oppression ; but to call 
 it a- constitutional right, is confoundiag the 
 ! meaning of terms, and can only be done through 
 gross error, or to deceive tliose who are -willing 
 j to assert a riglit, but would pause before they 
 j made a revolution, or incur the penalties conse- 
 quent on a failure. Because the Union was 
 formed by compact, it is said the parties to that 
 compact may, when they feel theuisc-lves a£'- 
 grieved, depart from it, but it is precisely be- 
 cause it is a compact that they cannot." **«' * 
 
 Again, he says in the same proclamation : 
 "For the dream of a separate independence — 
 a dream interrupted by bloody conHicts with your 
 neighbors, arid a vile dependence on foreign 
 power — if y-our leaders could succeed in eetab- 
 lishing a separation, what would be your situa- 
 tion ? Are you united at home ? Are you fr^e 
 from apprehension of civil discord \fith «.ll its 
 fearful consequences? Do our neighboring re- 
 publics, every day suffering some new i ovolution, 
 or contending with some new insurrection— do 
 they excite your euvy? But the dictaUs of a 
 high duty oblige me solemnly to aanotmce t^t 
 
14 
 
 you cannot succeed. The la^rs of the United 
 btates must be executed. I have no discretionary 
 power on the subject; my duty is emphaticallv 
 pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told 
 3-ou that you might peaceably prevent their e.xe- 
 cution, deceived you; they could not have been 
 deceived tliemselves. Thev know that a forcible 
 opposition could alone prevent the execution of 
 the laws, and they know that such opposition 
 must be repelled. Their object is disunion ; but 
 be not deceived by names; disunion bv armed 
 force is treason. Are you really ready to incur 
 Its guilt ? If you Hre, on the heads of the insti- 
 gators of the act be the dreadful consequences- 
 on their heads be the dishonor; but on yours may 
 fall the punishment; on your unhappy State will 
 inevitably fall all the eVils of the conflict you 
 force upon the government of your country. It 
 cannot accede to the mad project of disunion of 
 which you, would be the first victims ; its first 
 magistrate cannot, if he would, avoid the perfor- 
 mance of his duty; the consequences must be 
 fearful for you, distressing to your fellow-citizens 
 here, and to the friends of good government 
 throughout the world." * * * * 
 
 Gen. Jackson, in his nullification message of 
 January 16, 1833, says: \ 
 
 "The right of the people of a single State to I 
 absolve themselves at will, and without the eon- '' 
 sent of the other States, from their most solemn 
 obligations, and hazard the liberties and happiness ' 
 of the millions composing this Fnion, cannot be 
 acknowledged. Such authority is believed to ' 
 be utterly repugnant, both to the principles upon : 
 ■which the general government is constituted, and ■ 
 to the objects which it is expressly formed to at- 
 tain." 
 
 In conclusion, he says : 
 
 "I have so much cause to love, and for the 
 
 ij American people, whose partiality honored me 
 I with their highest trust, I have determined to 
 
 spare no effort to discharge the duty whivih, in 
 i. this conjuncture, is devolved upon me. That a 
 || similar spirit will actuate the representatives c." 
 ; the American people is not to be qupptioned- and 
 
 I fervently pray that the Great Pailer of nations 
 \ may so guide your deliberations, and our joint 
 I measures, as that they may prove salutary exam- 
 j pies, not only to the"" present, but to the future 
 h times; and solemnly proclaim that the Constitu- 
 ; tion and the laws are supreme, and the Union 
 j indissoluble." 
 
 '\ Letter from Gen. Jackson to Rev. Mr. Crawford 
 j of Georgia. 
 
 j Washixgtox, May 1, 1833. 
 
 1 * * * "I have had a laborious task here, 
 but nullification is dead, and its actors and cour- 
 j tiers will only be remembered by the people to 
 j be execrated for their wicked designs' to sever 
 and destroy the only good Government on the 
 : globe, and that prosperity and happiness we en- 
 I joy over every other portion of the world. Ha- 
 I man's gallows ought to be the fate of all such 
 i ambitious men, who would involve their country 
 iin civil war, and all the evils in its train, that 
 : they might reign and ride on its whirlwinds and 
 direct the storm. The free people of these United 
 States have spoken, and consigned these wicked 
 demagogues to their proper doom. Take care of 
 your nullifiers; you have them amon^you; let 
 them meet with the indignant frowns of every 
 man who loves his country. The taiitf, it is 7iow 
 known, was a mere pretext. * * * 
 
 Therefore, the tariff was only the pretext, and 
 disunion and a Southern Confederacy the real 
 object. The next pretext will be the" ue?ro or 
 slavery question. * * * "" » 
 
 "ANDREW JACKSON." 
 
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