r -. '%/ 1* r< -S ==8 !===> v* - \> «4- 'o.*« ^ ^ "W tw -**^ ■ -.. CL * LIBRARY FOR YOUNG PEOPLE A COLLECTION OF THE BEST READING FOR BOYS AND GIRLS WALTE R CAM P EDITOR-IN-CHIEF, ASSISTED BY THE FOLLOWING EDITORIAL STAFF CHARLES WELSH ARTHUR T. HADLEY BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER SIR EDWIN ARNOLD ANSON PHELPS STOKES, JR. BLISS CARMAN CYNTHIA WESTOVER ALDEN HOWARD PYLE EDWIN KIRK RAWSON RICHARD H. DANA LIEUTENANT ROBERT E. PEARY EDWARD BROOKS PROFESSOR W. P. TRENT C. G. D. ROBERTS HENRY S. PRITCHETT OPIE READ ABBIE FARWELL BROWN NATHAN H. DOLE THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON WITH A GENERAL INTRODUCTION BY MELVIL DEWEY ARRANGED BY PHILIP P. WELLS OF THE YALE LAW LIBRARY, AND HARRY T. CLINTON ILLUSTRATED IN COLOR AND BLACK AND WHITE N EW YORK P. F. COLLIER fc? SON M CMI II BOARD OF EDITORS WALTER CAMP, Editor-in-Chief. MELVIL DEWEY, Director of New York State Library. PHILIP P. WELLS, Librarian Yale Law School. C. G. D. ROBERTS, Editor and Historian. CHARLES WELSH, Author, Lecturer, Managing Editor "Young Folks' Library." ARTHUR T. HADLEY, President Yale University. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, President University of California. SIR EDWIN ARNOLD, Author, Traveller, and Poet. Author of "The Light of Asia," etc. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, Jr., Author and Educator. Secretary Yale University. CYNTHIA WESTOVER ALDEN, Author, Editor. Founder Interna- tional Sunshine Society. HOWARD PYLE, Artist-Author. Author and Illustrator of "The Merry Adventures of Robin Hood." EDWARD KIRK RAWSON, Author. Superintendent Naval War Records. BLISS CARMAN, Journalist and Poet. HENRY S. PRITCHETT, President Massachusetts Institute of Tech- nology. RICHARD HENRY DANA, Lawyer, Author and Lecturer. ROBERT E. PEARY, Lieutenant and Civil Engineer, U. S. N. Arctic Explorer, Author and Inventor. W. P. TRENT, Professor of English Literature, Columbia University. ABBIE FARWELL BROWN, Author of Children's Stories. EDWARD BROOKS, Author, Superintendent Public Schools of Phila- delphia. THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON, Author. OPIE READ, Journalist and Author. NATHAN H. DOLE, Writer and Translator. Cbristopber Columbus "Columbus named it San Salvador, and immediately falling on his knees, he began to repeat the hymn of Saint Ambrose and Saint Augu&ine." -Vol. XI, p. %tbtat\> for jfloung people TRAVELLERS AND EXPLORERS WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY LIEUT. ROBERT E. PEARY IL LUSTRA TED B Y W . R . LEIGH NEW YORK P. F. COLLIER &? SON 1903 1 THE LIBRARY OF " f CONGRESS, J Two Copies Received | JUL 29 1903 Copyright Entry | 1 #W. /> /9o3\ I CLASS CC XXc. No. COPY B. Copyright 1903 By P. F. COLLIER & SON INTRODUCTION RAVELLERS AND EXPLORERS; how important a part they have played in his- tory! How much the world owes to them! How the story of their struggles and achievements has served as an incentive to others in widely different fields! Travellers and explorers; how the blood of every live boy, and many a man as well, thrills at the words ! What an army of exciting incidents, far-reaching deeds, wild adventures, and strange scenes, rise to memory; with perhaps the name of one semi-deified hero of our youthful imagination dominating all. From the frozen seas and protruding ribs of mother earth, gaunt with the cold and starvation of centuries in the north; to the languorous oceans and soft glowing lands of the south: from valley depths below sea level, to peaks that climb skyward where only birds breathe the thin air; the traveller and ex- plorer runs the whole glorious gamut. i A— Vol. ii Introduction Let us look back to the time when the world was young. Some forty-five centuries ago the known world lay within a little circle, whose circumference touched the Black and Caspian Seas, the head of the Persian Gulf and Pved Sea, and the eastern end of the Mediterranean. Centuries later the fearless Phoenicians dared the terrors of the infinite ocean which lay beyond the Pillars of Hercules and sailed along the coasts both north and south. East they pioneered the way to India. The fabled voyages of Ulysses and Jason dwindle beside their splendid distances. Still later came the work of the great explorer- conquerors, Alexander and Caesar, opening up far distant lands, as the Phoenicians had opened up far distant seas. Then came that great burst of exploration, the principal details of which we know so well. Othere and the Vikings to the North; Vasco De Gama to the South ; Eric and Leif, Columbus and Cabot, to the West; lifted the northern headlands of Europe, Africa, and the great new Western World from the mists. Magellan following close upon their heels cir- ii Introduction cled the globe, and the world, as we know it now, lay revealed in its rough, broad masses. Since then exploration has of necessity been a work of large details, baring the hearts of the conti- nents, and pushing northward and southward, till to-day only the northern and southern apices of the earth, still hide in the mists and gloom of the polar nights. This has been the work of travellers and explor- ers. Travellers! To cross the gray wastes of the wide oceans; to follow roads that have felt the pattering feet of centuries; to visit cities that hold the garnered civilization of ages; to climb mountains and float down rivers, and gaze upon views which have been pictured in human eyes since the Pharaohs were young, these are joy and life enough for many; but ex- plorers!! that is indeed to live. To trace through un- known lands the branchings of great rivers which never before echoed to human voice ; to feel one's ship cleaving with steady rush, waves, tepid with tropic sun, or sludgy with Arctic cold, which never saw the gleam of sail before; to land on shores which never felt the foot of man before; to blaze a trail from sea to sea across the face of a mighty continent; to climb great peaks, and from their summits gaze on far- iii Introduction stretching landscapes which never before have formed their image on human eyes, that is indeed to live. What royal moments those were when Colum- bus gazed first upon the land of the new world ; when Balboa saw spread before him the blue stretch of the great Pacific; when Cortes, from the circling heights, looked down upon valley and lake and city of Mexi- co; when Eric and Leif sighted the savage coasts of Greenland and Vinland. What joy it is to think: "Mine is the touch that wakes the sleeping Princess; mine the brain and body and eye that have lifted this splendid vision, this mine of untold wealth, this home of unborn races, from nothingness, and made it part of the world. "Mine each lake, and river, each plain and moun- tain, each cape and headland." What joy to feel that one has made a mark and left a monument, which will outlast storied bronze and sculptured stone, and as long as human life exists upon the globe, will keep one's name floating above the submerged and forgotten debris of successive civilizations. Such are the thoughts that at times have filled the hearts of every great explorer, and will fill the hearts of yet a few more men, before the last mile of iv Introduction sea and land has yielded up its secrets. Thoughts which lift the explorer above the terrors of fever and cold and starvation, savage beasts, and more savage men, and even death itself; make him impervious to all trials and suffering, and stamp his undying reward within himself, regardless of whether his world show- ers him with honors, or loads him with chains as it did Columbus. Truly the climaxes of the successful explorer's life are moments which are worth a lifetime; mo- ments which make him wish to be buried in the land- which is his by right of discovery; moments which recur when the end is near, filling the old man's glaring eyes with the splendid vision of his youth, and dominating his last moments as did Na- poleon's death cry "Tete de l'Armee." Columbus more than likely saw once more the sun-bathed shores of Watlings Island. Balboa perhaps stood again gazing upon the Pa- cific. Stanley doubtless as his eyes glaze, will see the gleam of Stanley Falls, and the last rustle of the slug- gish life current in his veins, half felt by dull ears, will waft his spirit from its wornout tenement with the splendid murmur of the Congo's great cataract. Two experiences or pictures in the writer's own v Introduction life come to him frequently in dreams, and rise un- bidden in the press and bustle of other thoughts and occupations. One of these is his discovery of the land beyond the great Ice-Cap of Greenland, and his descent upon it from the dazzling heights of the interior. This experience was marked by a peculiarity which in a way distinguishes it from all other discoveries of new lands. More than one explorer has seen the summits of a new land rise from below the sea horizon, until at last, as he stepped upon the virgin shore, they tow- ered far above him. Many others have crept along a tortuous coast, constantly opening up new bays and headlands; but never before has an explorer, after travelling for weeks in an unending day, thousands of feet above the sea-level, seen the peaks and valleys of a new land lying in the yellow midnight sunlight far below him, and has literally descended from the sky upon his maiden prize. Cortes, it is true, looked down from the moun- tains which circle the great plain of Mexico, upon the glistening lakes, and the wonderful city; and Balboa, upon that "peak in Darien," looked down upon the smiling Pacific, but what an unimaginable contrast herel vi Introduction For them trees rustled in the warm, perfumed breeze, and the panorama spread before them glowed with fullest tropical opulence. For us hissed the driving snow, borne on the freezing breath of the heart of the "Great Ice," and the new land far below was but a barren heap of fragments of earth's skeleton. Yet, by contrast with the frozen desolation im- mediately around us, even those bare primeval bones seemed warm and inviting. The other is the month of exultation which he passed tracing the coast line of what is probably the most northerly land in the world. Never before, never again, does he expect to be possessed with the same exultation and exaltation of spirits that he felt from the time of reaching and passing eastward of the couchant black headland of Cape Washington, till he returned to it. It was a feeling which lifted him above all such petty things as weariness and hunger, aches and pains and bruises, smarting eyes and burning face, and all the other countless irritations and annoyances of serious Arctic work. This whole grand coast fronting the central polar basin, flanked by towering snow-clad mountains; buried in the ice and mists and darkness which guard vii Introduction the Pole; and for countless centuries unknown of human eye, was his. Each savage, jutting cape, each ragged glacier, each snow-capped mountain, each spreading fjord, each barren rock, had been dragged by him from obscurity, and was his by the great pri- mal right of discovery. Often he fancies that after all else has faded, these scenes may still remain distinct, and he may hear for a moment the hiss of the drifting snow upon the "Great Ice," and see for an instant the blinding glare of the Midnight Sun glinting on frozen peaks, which his eyes have wrested from the unknown. Ah, boys, the work of a traveller and explorer is a man's work. Work for cool brains and clean mus- cles. Work for a clear eye, a tireless foot, a steady hand, big lungs, and a strong heart. Work for in- domitable will, endless patience, untiring persistence, dauntless courage, trained endurance, inexhaustible resourcefulness, perennial hopefulness, simple habits and rigid abstemiousness. Robert E. Peary. Vlll TRAVELLERS AND EXPLORERS CONTENTS HOW LEIF THE LUCKY FOUND VINELAND THE GOOD . . 9 MARCO POLO 20 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 72 THE CONQUEST OF MONTEZUMA'S EMPIRE 121 THE FIRST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 274 THE CONQUEST OF PERU 321 DRAKE'S FAMOUS VOYAGE 39 1 CAVENDISH — FIRST VOYAGE 433 CAPTAIN COOK'S FIRST VOYAGE 5IO CAPTAIN COOK'S THIRD VOYAGE 566 TRAVELLERS AND EXPLORERS HOW LEIF THE LUCKY FOUND VINELAND THE GOOD T^HIS is the story of the first finding of America * by the Icelanders, nearly five hundred years before Columbus. They landed on the coast, and stayed for a short time; where they landed is uncer- tain. Thinking that it was in New England, the people of Boston have erected a statue of Leif in their town. The story was not written till long after Leif's time, and it cannot all be true. Dead men do not return and give directions about their burial as we read here. We have omitted a silly tale of a one- footed man. In the middle ages, people believed that one-footed men lived in Africa; they thought Vineland was near Africa, so they brought the fable into the Saga. Hundreds of years before Columbus discovered America, there lived in Iceland a man named Eric the Red. His father had slain a man in Norway, and fled with his family to Iceland. Eric, too, was a dangerous man. His servants did mischief on the farm of a neighbor, who slew them. Then Eric slew the farmer, and also Holmgang Hrafn, a famous 9 Travellers and Explorers duellist, of whom the country was well rid. Eric was banished from that place, and, in his new home, had a new quarrel. He lent some furniture to a man who refused to restore it. Eric, therefore, carried off his goods, and the other pursued him. They fought, and Eric killed him. For this he was made an outlaw, and went sailing to discover new coun- tries. He found one, where he settled, calling it Greenland, because, he said, people would come there more readily if it had a good name. One Thorbiorn, among others, sailed to Green- land, but came in an unlucky time, for fish were scarce, and some settlers were drowned. At that day, some of the new-comers were Christians; some still worshipped the old gods, Thor and Woden, and practiced magic. These sent for a prophetess to tell them what the end of their new colony would be. It is curious to know what a real witch was like, and how she behaved, so we shall copy the story from the old Icelandic book. "When she came in the evening, with the man who had been sent to meet her, she was clad in a dark-blue cloak, fastened with a strap, and set with stones quite down to the hem. She wore glass beads around her neck, and upon her head a black lamb- skin hood, lined with white catskin. In her hands she carried a staff, upon which there was a knob, which was ornamented with brass, and set with stones up about the knob. Circling her waist she wore a 10 Leif the Lucky girdle of touchwood, and attached to it a great skin pouch, in which she kept the charms which she used when she was practicing her sorcery. She wore upon her feet shaggy calfskin shoes, with long, tough latchets, upon the ends of which there were large brass buttons. She had catskin gloves upon her hands; the gloves were white inside and lined with fur. When she entered, all of the folk felt it to be their duty to offer her becoming greetings. She re- ceived the salutations of each individual according as he pleased her. Yeoman Thorkel took the sibyl by the hand, and led her to the seat which had been made ready for her. Thorkel bade her run her eyes over man and beast and home. She had little to say concerning all these. The tables were brought forth in the evening, and it remains to be told what man- ner of food was prepared for the prophetess. A por- ridge of goat's beestings was made for her, and for meat there were dressed the hearts of every kind of beast which could be obtained there. She had a brass spoon, and a knife with a handle of walrus tusk, with a double hasp of brass around the haft, and from this the point was broken. And when the tables were removed, Yeoman Thorkel approached the prophetess Thorbiorg, and asked how she was pleased with the home, and the character of the folk, and how speedily she would be likely to become aware of that concerning which he had questioned her, and which the people were anxious to know. ii Travellers and Explorers She replied that she could not give an opinion in this matter before the morrow, after that she had slept there through the night. And on the morrow, when the day was far spent, such preparations were made as were necessary to enable her to accomplish her soothsaying. She bade them bring her those women who knew the incantation which she required to work her spells, and which she called Warlocks; but such women were not to be found. Thereupon a search was made throughout the house, to see whether any one knew this [incantation]. Then says Gudrid, Thorbiorn's daughter: 'Although I am neither skilled in the black art nor a sibyl, yet my foster-mother, Halldis, taught me in Iceland that spell-song, which she called Warlocks.' Thorbiorg answered: 'Then art thou wise in season!' Gudrid replies: 'This is an incantation and ceremony of such a kind that I do not mean to lend it any aid, for that I am a Christian woman.' Thorbiorg answers: 'It might so be that thou couldst give thy help to the company here, and still be no worse woman than be- fore; however, I leave it with Thorkel to provide for my needs.' Thorkel now so urged Gudrid that she said she must needs comply with his wishes. The women then made a ring round about, while Thor- biorg sat up on the spell-dais. Gudrid then sang the song, so sweet and well, that no one remembered ever before to have heard the melody sung with so fair a voice as this. The sorceress thanked her for the 12 Leif the Lucky song, and said: 'She has indeed lured many spirits hither, who think it pleasant to hear this song, those who were wont to forsake us hitherto and refuse to submit themselves to us. Many things are now re- vealed to me, which hitherto have been hidden, both from me and from others. And I am able to an- nounce that this period of famine will not endure longer, but the season will mend as spring ap- proaches. The visitation of disease, which has been so long upon you, will disappear sooner than ex- pected.' " "After this, Thorbiorn sailed to the part of Green- land where Eric the Red lived, and there was re- ceived with open arms. Eric had two sons, one called Thorstein, the other Leif the Lucky, and it was Leif who afterward discovered Vineland the Good, that is, the coast of America, somewhere be- tween Nova Scotia and New England. He found it by accident. He had been in Norway, at the court of King Olaf, who bade him proclaim Christianity in Greenland. As he was sailing thither, Leif was driven by tempests out of his course, and came upon coasts which he had never heard of, where wild vines grew, and hence he called that shore Vineland the Good. The vine did not grow, of course, in Iceland, But Leif had with him a German, Tyrker, and one day, when they were on shore, Tyrker was late in joining the rest. He was very much excited, and spoke in the German tongue, saying, "I have found 13 Travellers and Explorers something new, vines and grapes." Then they filled their boat full of grapes, and sailed away. He also brought away some men from a wreck, and with these, and the message of the Gospel, he sailed back to Greenland, to his father, Eric the Red, and from that day he was named Leif the Lucky. But Eric had no great mind to become a Christian; he had been born to believe in Thor and his own sword. Next year Leif's brother, Thorstein, set out to find Vineland, and Eric, first burying all his treasures, started with him, but he fell from his horse, and broke his ribs, and his company came within sight of Ireland, but Vineland they did not see, so they re- turned to Ericsfirth in Greenland, and there passed the winter. There was much sickness, and one woman died. After her death she rose, and they could only lay her by holding an axe before her breast. Thorstein, Eric's son, died also, but in the night he arose again and said that Christian burial should be given to men in consecrated ground. For the manner had been to bury the dead in their farms with a long pole driven through the earth till it touched the breast of the corpse. Afterward the priest came, and poured holy water through the hole, and not till then, per- haps long after the death, was the funeral service held. After Thorstein rose and spoke, Christian burial was always used in Greenland. Next year came Karlsefni from Iceland, with two ships, and 14 Leif the Lucky Eric received him kindly, and gave all his crew win- ter quarters. In summer nothing would serve Karl- sefni but to search again for Vineland the Good. They took three ships and one hundred and sixty men, and south they sailed. They passed Flat Stone Land, where there were white foxes, and Bear Isl- and, where they saw a bear, and Forest Land, and a cape where they found the keel of a wrecked ship; this they named Keelness. Then they reached the Wonder Strands, long expanses of sandy shore. Now Karlsefni had with him two Scotch or Irish savages, the -swiftest of all runners, whom King Olaf had given to Leif the Lucky, and they were fleeter-footed than deer. They wore only a plaid and kilt all in one piece; for the rest they were naked. Karlsefni landed them south of Wonder Strands, and bade them run south and return on the third day to report about the country. When they returned one carried a bunch of grapes, the other ears of native wheat (maize?). Then they sailed on, passed an isle cov- ered with birds' eggs, and a firth, which they called Streamfirth, from the tide in it. Beyond Streamfirth they landed and established themselves there. "There were mountains thereabouts. They oc- cupied themselves exclusively with the exploration of the country. They remained there during the winter, and they had taken no thought for this dur- ing the summer. The fishing began to fail, and they i5 Travellers and Explorers began to fall short of food. Then Thorhall the Huntsman disappeared. They had already prayed to God for food, but it did not come as promptly as their necessities seemed to demand. They searched for Thorhall for three half-days, and found him on a projecting crag. He was lying there, and looking up at the sky, with mouth and nostrils agape, and mumbling something. They asked him why he had gone thither; he replied, that this did not concern any one. They asked him then to go home with them, and he did so. Soon after this a whale ap- peared there, and they captured it, and flensed it, and no one could tell what manner of whale it was; and when the cooks had prepared it, they ate of it, and were all made ill by it. Then Thorhall, approach- ing them, says: 'Did not the Red-beard (that is, Thor) prove more helpful than your Christ? This is my reward for the verses which I composed to Thor the Trustworthy; seldom has he failed me.' When the people heard this, they cast the whale down into the sea, and made their appeals to God. The weather then improved, and they could now row out to fish, and thenceforward they had no lack of provisions, for they could hunt game on the land, gather eggs on the island, and catch fish from the sea." Next spring Thorhall the heathen left them, laughing at the wine which he had been promised, and sailed north. He and his crew were driven to 16 Leif the Lucky Ireland, where they were captured and sold as slaves, and that was all Thorhall got by worshipping the Red Beard. Karlsefni sailed south and reached a rich country of wild maize, where also was plenty of fish and of game. Here they first met the natives, who came in a fleet of skin-canoes. "They were swarthy men and ill-looking, and the hair of their heads was ugly. They had great eyes and were broad of cheek." The Icelanders held up a white shield in sign of peace, and the natives withdrew. They may have been Eskimo or Red Indians. The winter was mild and open, but spring had scarce returned, when the bay was as full of native canoes "as if ashes had been sprinkled over it." They only came to trade and exchanged furs for red cloth, nor did they seem to care whether they got a broad piece of cloth or a narrow one. They also wanted weapons, but these Karlsefni refused to sell. The market was going on busily when a bull that Karl- sefni had brought from Greenland came out of the wood and began to bellow, whereon the Skraelings (as they called the natives) ran! Three w r eeks passed when the Skraelings returned in very great force, waving their clubs against the course of the sun, whereas in peace they waved them with it. Karl- sefni showed a red shield, the token of war, and fight- ing began. It is not easy to make out what hap- pened, for there are two sagas, or stories of these 17 Travellers and Explorers events, both written down long after they occurred. In one we read that the Skraelings were good sling- ers, and also that they used a machine which reminds one rather of gunpowder than of anything else. They swung from a pole a great black ball, and it made a fearful noise when it fell among Karlsefni's men. So frightened were they that they saw Skraelings where there were none, and they were only rallied by the courage of a woman named Freydis, who seized a dead man's sword and faced the Skraelings, beating her bare breast with the flat of the blade. On this the Skraelings ran to their canoes and paddled away. In the other account Karlsefni had fortified his house with a palisade, behind which the women waited. To one of them, Gudrid, the appearance of a white woman came; her hair was of a light chest- nut color, she was pale and had very large eyes. "What is thy name?" she said to Gudrid. "My name is Gudrid; but what is thine?" "Gudrid!" says the strange woman. Then came the sound of a great crash and the woman vanished. A battle followed, in which many Skraelings were slain. It all reads like a dream. In the end Karlsefni sailed back to Ericsfirth with a great treasure of furs. A great and prosperous family in Iceland was de- scended from him at the time when the stories were written down. But it is said that Freydis who fright- ened the Skraelings committed many murders in Vineland among her own people. Leif the Lucky The Icelanders never returned to Vineland the Good, though a bishop named Eric is said to have started for the country in 1 121. Now, in the story of Cortes, you may read how the Mexicans believed in a god called Quetzalcoatl, a white man in appear- ance, who dwelt among them and departed mysteri- ously, saying that he would come again, and they at first took Cortes and his men for the children of Quetzalcoatl. So we may fancy if we please that Bishop Eric, or one of his descendants, wandered from Vineland south and west across the continent and arrived among the Aztecs, and by them was taken for a god. IQ MARCO POLO (1253-1324) 'THE Genoese and Venetian merchants could not ** fail to be much interested in the explorations of the brave travellers in Central Asia, India, and China, for they saw that these countries would give them new openings for disposing of their merchan- dise, and also the great benefit to be derived by the West from being supplied with the productions of the East. The interests of commerce stimulated fresh explorations, and it was this motive that actu- ated two noble Venetians to leave their homes, and brave all the fatigue and danger of a perilous journey. These two Venetians belonged to the family of Polo, which had come originally from Dalmatia, and, owing to successful trading, had become so opulent as to be reckoned among the patrician fam- ilies of Venice. In 1260 the two brothers, Nicolo and Matteo, who had lived for some years in Con- stantinople, where they had established a branch house, went to the Crimea, with a considerable stock of precious stones, where their eldest brother, An- drea Polo, had his place of business. Thence, tak- ing a northeasterly direction and crossing the country of the Comans, they reached the camp of Barka'i- 20 Marco Polo Khan on the Volga. This Mongol prince received the two merchants very kindly, and bought all the jewels tney offered him at double their value. Nicolo and Matteo remained a year in the Mon- golian camp, but a war breaking out at this time between Barka'i, and Houlagou, the conqueror of Persia, the two brothers, not wishing to be in the midst of a country where war was being waged, went to Bokhara, and there they remained three years. But when Barka'i was vanquished and his capital taken, the partisans of Houlagou induced the two Venetians to follow them to the residence of the grand Khan of Tartary, who was sure to give them a hearty welcome. This Kublai-Khan, the fourth son of Gengis-Khan, was Emperor of China, and was then at his summer-palace in Mongolia, on the fron- tier of the Chinese empire. The Venetian merchants set out, and were a whole year crossing the immense extent of country lying between Bokhara and the northern limits of China. Kublai-Khan was much pleased to receive these strangers from the distant West. He feted them, and asked, with much eagerness, for any in- formation that they could give him of what was hap- pening in Europe, requiring details of the govern- ment of the various kings and emperors, and their methods of making war; and he then conversed at some length about the Pope and the state of the Latin Church. 21 Travellers and Explorers Matteo and Nicolo fortunately spoke the Tartar language fluently, so they could freely answer all the emperor's questions. It had occurred to Kublai-Khan to send messen- gers to the Pope; and he seized the opportunity to beg the two brothers to act as his ambassadors to his Holiness. The merchants thankfully accepted his proposal, for they foresaw that this new character would be very advantageous to them. The emperor had some charters drawn up in the Turkish lan- guage, asking the Pope to send a hundred learned men to convert his people to Christianity; then he appointed one of his barons named Cogatal to ac- company them, and he charged them to bring him some oil from the sacred lamp, which is perpetually burning before the tomb of Christ at Jerusalem. The two brothers took leave of the khan, having been furnished with passports by him, which put both men and horses at their disposal throughout the empire, and in 1266 they set out on their journey. Soon the Baron Cogatal fell ill, and the Venetians were obliged to leave him and continue their jour- ney; but in spite of all the aid that had been given to them, they were three years in reaching the port of Laias, in Armenia, now known by the name of Issus. Leaving this port, they arrived at Acre in 1269, where they heard of the death of Pope Clement IV., to whom they were sent, but the legate Theobald lived in Acre and received the Venetians; learning 22 Marco Polo what was the object of their mission he begged them to wait for the election of the new Pope. The brothers had been absent from their coun- try for fifteen years, so they resolved to return to Venice, and at Negropont they embarked on board a vessel that was going direct to their native town. On landing there, Nicolo was met by news of the death of his wife, and the birth of his son, who had been born shortly after his departure in 1254; this son was the celebrated Marco Polo. The two brothers waited at Venice for the election of the Pope, but at the end of two years, as it had not taken place, they thought they could no longer defer their return to the Emperor of the Mongols; accordingly they started for Acre, taking Marco Polo with them, who could not then have been more than seventeen. At Acre they had an interview with the legate Theo- bald, who authorized them to go to Jerusalem and there to procure some of the sacred oil. This mis- sion accomplished, the Venetians returned to Acre and asked the legate to give them letters to Kublai- Khan, mentioning the death of Pope Clement IV. ; he complied with their request, and they returned to La'ias or Issus. There, to their great joy, they learned that the legate Theobald had just been made Pope with the title of Gregory X., on the 1st of Sep- tember, 1 27 1. The newly-elected Pope sent at once for the Venetian envoys, and the King of Armenia placed a galley at their disposal to expedite their re- 23 • Travellers and Explorers turn to Acre. The Pope received them with much affection, and gave them letters to the Emperor of China; he added two preaching friars, Nicholas of Vicenza and William of Tripoli, to their party, and gave them his blessing on their departure. They went back to Lai'as, but had scarcely arrived before they were made prisoners by the soldiers of the Mameluke Sultan Bibars, who was then ravaging Armenia. The two preaching friars were so dis- couraged at this outset of the expedition that they gave up all idea of going to China, and left the two Venetians and Marco Polo to prosecute the journey together as best they could. Here begin what may properly be called Marco Polo's travels. It is a question if he really visited all the places that he describes, and it seems probable that he did not; in fact, in the narrative written at his dictation by Rusticien of Pisa it is stated "Marco- Polo, a wise and noble citizen of Venice, saw nearly all herein described with his own eyes, and what he did not see he learned from the lips of truthful and credible witnesses;" but we must add that the greater part of the kingdoms and towns spoken of by Marco Polo he certainly did visit. We will follow the route he describes, simply pointing out what the trav- eller learned by hearsay, during the important mis- sions with which he was charged by Kubla'i-Khan. During this second journey the travellers did not follow exactly the same road as on the first occasion 24 Marco Polo of their visit to the Emperor of China. They had lengthened their route by passing to the north of the celestial mountains, but now they turned to the south of them, and though this route was shorter than the other, they were three years and a half in accomplish- ing their journey, being much impeded by the rains and the difficulty of crossing the great rivers. Their course may be easily followed with the help of a map of Asia, as we have substituted the modern names in place of the ancient ones used by Marco Polo in his narrative. Marco Polo left the town of Issus; he describes Armenia Minor as a very unhealthy place, the in- habitants of which, though once valiant, are now cowardly and wretched, their only talent seeming to lie in their capacity for drinking to excess. From Armenia Minor he went to Turcomania, whose in- habitants, though somewhat of savages, are clever in cultivating pastures and breeding horses and mules; and the townspeople excel in the manufacture of car- pets and silk. Armenia Proper, that Marco Polo next visited, affords a good camping-ground to the Tartar armies during the summer. There the trav- eller saw Mount Ararat, where Noah's Ark rested after the Deluge. He noticed that the lands border- ing on the Caspian Sea afford large supplies of naphtha, which forms an important item in the trade of that neighborhood. When he left Armenia he took a northeasterly 25 Travellers and Explorers course toward Georgia, a kingdom lying on the south side of the Caucasus, whose ancient kings, says the legend, "were born with an eagle traced on their right shoulders." The Georgians he describes as good archers and men of war, and also as clever in working in gold and manufacturing silk. Here is a celebrated defile, four leagues in length, which lies between the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea, that the Turks call the Iron Door, and Europeans the Pass of Derbend, and here too is the miraculous lake, where fish are said to exist only during Lent. Hence the travellers descended toward the kingdom of Mosul, and arrived at the town of the same name on the right bank of the Tigris, thence going to Bagh- dad, the residence of the Caliph of all the Saracens. Marco Polo gives an account of the taking of Bagh- dad by the Tartars in 1255 ; mentioning a wonderful story in support of the Christian idea of Faith, "that can remove mountains ;" he points out the route from this town to the Persian Gulf, which may be reached in eighteen days by the river, passing Bussorah, the country of dates. From this point to Tauris, a Persian town in the province of Adzer-baidjan, Marco Polo's route seems to be doubtful. He takes up his narrative at Tauris, which he describes as a large flourishing town built in the midst of beautiful gardens and carrying on a great traffic in precious stones and other valuable merchandise, but its Saracen inhabitants are disloyal 26 Marco Polo and treacherous. Here he seems to divide Persia geographically into eight provinces. The natives of Persia, according to him, are formidable enemies to the merchants, who are obliged to travel armed with bows and arrows. The principal trade of the coun- try seems to be in horses and asses, which are sent to Kis or Ormuz and thence to India. The natural pro- ductions of the country are wheat, barley, millet, and grapes, which grow in abundance. Marco Polo went next to Yezd, the most easterly town of Persia Proper; on leaving it, after a ride of seven days through magnificent forests abounding in game, he came to the province of Kirman. Here the mines yield large quantities of turquoise, as well as iron and antimony; the manufacture of arms and har- ness as well as embroidery and the training of falcons for hunting occupy a great number of the inhabitants. On leaving Kirman Marco Polo and his two com- panions set out on a nine days' journey across a rich and populous country to the town of Comadi, which is supposed to be the Memaun of the present day, and was even then sinking into decay. The country was superb; on all sides were to be seen fine fat sheep, great oxen, white as snow, with short strong horns, and thousands of domestic fowls and other birds; also there were magnificent date, orange, and pis- tachio trees. After travelling for five days they entered the beautiful and well-watered plain of Cormos or Or- 27 Travellers and Exp. ^ers muz, and after two days' further man . :hey reached the shores of the Persian Gulf and thi *own of Or- muz, which forms the seaport of the : ngdom of Kirman. This country they found very r arm and unhealthy, but rich in date and spice trees 'n grain, precious stones, silk and golden stuffs, and e phants' tusks, wine made from the date and other merchan- dise being brought into the town ready for slJoment on board ships with but one mast, which came in numbers to the port; but many were lost on the voy- age to India, as they were only built with wooden pegs, not iron nails, to fasten them together. From Ormuz, Marco Polo, going up again to- ward the northeast, visited Kirman; then he ven- tured by dangerous roads across a sandy desert, where there was only brackish water to be found, the desert across which, 1,500 years before, Alexander had led his army to meet Nearchus. Seven days afterward he entered the town of Khabis. On leaving this town he crossed for eight days the great plains to Tonokan, the capital of the province of Kumis, prob- ably Damaghan. At this point of his narrative Marco Polo gives an account of the "Old Man of the Mountain," the chief of the Mahometan sect called the Hashishins, who were noted for their religious fanaticism and terrible cruelty. He next visited the Khorassan town of Cheburgan, a city celebrated for its sweet melons, and then the noble city of Balkh, situated near the source of the Oxus. Next he 28 Marco Polo crossed a country infested by lions to Taikan, a great salt market frequented by a large number of mer- chants, and to Scasem; this town seems to be the Kashme spoken of by Marsden, the Kishin or Krishin of Hiouen-Tsang, which Sir Henry Rawlinson has identified with the hill of Kharesm of Zend-Avesta, that some commentators think must be the modern Koundouz. In this part of the country he says por- cupines abound, and when they are hunted they curl themselves up, darting out the prickles on their sides and backs at the dogs that are hunting them. We now know how much faith to put in this pretended power of defence said to be possessed by the por- cupine. Marco Polo now entered the rocky mountainous kingdom of the Balkhs, whose kings claim descent from Alexander the Great; a cold country, produc- ing good fast horses, excellent falcons, and all kinds of game. Here, too, are prolific ruby-mines worked by the king, which yield large quantities, but they are so strictly enclosed that no one on pain of death may set foot on the Sighinan mountain containing the mines. In other places silver is found, and many precious stones, of which he says "they make the finest azure in the world," meaning lapis-lazuli; his stay in this part of the country must have been a long one to enable him to observe so many of its charac- teristics. Ten days' journey from hence he entered a province which must be the Peshawur of the present 29 B— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers day, whose dark-skinned inhabitants were idolaters; then after seven days' further march, about mid-day he came to the kingdom of Cashmere, where the tem- perature is cool, and towns and villages are very numerous. Had Marco Polo continued his route in the same direction he would soon have reached the territory of India, but instead of that he took a northerly course, and in twelve days was in Vaccan, a land watered by the Upper Oxus, which runs through splendid pastures, where feed immense flocks of wild sheep, called mufflons. Thence he went through a mountainous country, lying between the Altai and Himalayan ranges to Kashgar. Here Marco Polo's route is the same as that of his uncle and his father during their first voyage, when from Bokhara they were taken to the residence of the great khan. From Kashgar, Marco Polo diverged a little to the west, to Samarcand, a large town inhabited by Saracens and Christians, then to Yarkand, a city frequented by caravans trading between India and Northern Asia; passing by Khotan, the capital of the province of that name, and by Pein, a town whose situation is uncer- tain, but in a part of the country where chalcedony and jasper abound. He came to the kingdom of Kharachar, which extends along the borders of the desert of Jobe; then after five days' further travelling over sandy plains, where there was no water fit to drink, he rested for eight days in the city of Lob, a place now in ruins, while he prepared to cross the 30 Marco Polo desert lying to the east, "so great a desert," he says, "that it would require a year to traverse its whole length, a haunted wilderness, where drums and other instruments are heard, though invisible." After spending a year crossing this desert, Marco Polo reached Tcha-tcheou, in the province of Tan- gaut, a town built on the western limits of the Chi- nese empire. There are but few merchants here, the greater part of the population being agricultural. The custom that seems to have struck him the most in the province of Tangaut, was that of burning their dead only on a day fixed by the astrologers; "all the time that the dead remain in their houses, the rela- tions stay there with them, preparing a place at each meal as well as providing both food and drink for the corpse, as though it were still alive." Marco Polo and his companions made an excur- sion to the northeast, to the city of Amil, going on as far as Ginchintalas, a town inhabited by idolaters, Mahometans, and Nestorian Christians, whose situa- tion is disputed. From this town Marco Polo re- turned to Tcha-tcheou, and went eastward across Tangaut, by the town of So-ceu, over a tract of coun- try particularly favorable to the cultivation of rhu- barb, and by Kanpiceon, the Khan-tcheou of the Chi- nese, then the capital of the province of Tangaut, an important town, whose numerous chiefs are idolaters and polygamists. The three Venetians remained a year in this large city; it is easy to understand, from 3i Travellers and Explorers their long halts and deviations, why they required 1 three years for their journey across Central Asia. They left Khan-tcheou, and after riding for twelve days they reached the borders of a sandy desert, and entered the city of Etzina. This was another detour, as it lay directly north of their route, but they wished to visit Kara-Korum, the celebrated capital of Tartary, where Rubruquis had been in 1254. Marco Polo was certainly an explorer by na- ture; fatigue was nothing to him if he had any geo- graphical studies to complete, which is proved by his spending forty days crossing an uninhabited desert without vegetation, in order to reach the Tar- tar town. When he arrived there, he found a city measur- ing three miles in circumference, which had been for a long time the capital of the Empire, before it was conquered by Gengis-Khan, the grandfather of the reigning emperor. Here Marco Polo makes an his- torical digression, in which he gives an account of the wars of the Tartar chiefs against the famous Prester John, who held all this part of the country under his dominion. Marco Polo after returning to Khan-tcheou left it again, marching five days toward the east, and arriving at the town of Erginul. Thence he went a little to the south to visit Sining-foo, across a tract of country where grazed great wild oxen and the valu- able species of goat which is called the "musk- 32 Marco Polo bearer." Returning to Erginul, they went eastward to Cialis, where there is the best manufactory of cloth made from camels' hair in the world, to Tenduc, a town in the province of the same name, where a de- scendant of Prester John reigned, but who had given in his submission to the great khan; this was a busy flourishing town: from hence the travellers went to Sinda-tchou, and on beyond the great wall of China as far as Ciagannor, which must be Tzin-balgassa, a pretty town where the emperor lives when he wishes to hawk; for cranes, storks, pheasants, and partridges abound in this neighborhood. At last Marco Polo, his father, and his uncle, reached Ciandu or Tchan-tchou of the present day, called elsewhere in this narrative Clemen-foo. Here Kublai-Khan received the papal envoys, for he was occupying his summer palace beyond the great wall, north of Pekin, which was then the capital of the em- pire. The traveller does not tell us what reception he met with, but he describes most carefully the pal- ace, the grandeur of the building of stone and marble, standing in the middle of a park surrounded by walls, enclosing menageries and fountains. Also a building made of reeds, so closely interlaced as to be impenetrable to water; it was a sort of movable kiosk that the great khan inhabited during the fine months of June, July, and August. The weather during the emperor's sojourn in this summer palace could not but be beautiful, for, according to Marco Polo, the 33 Travellers and Explorers astrologers who were attached to the khan's court were charged to scatter all rain and fog by their sor- cery, and the travellers seem to believe in the power of these magicians. "These astrologers," he says, "belong to two races, both idolaters; they are learned in all magic and enchantments, above any other men, and what they do is done by the aid of the devil, but they make others believe that they owe their power to the help of God, and their own holiness. These people have the following strange custom: when a man has been condemned and put to death, they take the body, cook, and eat it; but in the case of a natural death they do not eat the body. And you must know that these people of whom I am speaking, who know so many kinds of enchantments, work the wonder I am about to relate. When the great khan is seated at dinner in the principal dining-hall, the table of which is eight cubits in length, and the cups are on the floor ten paces from the table, filled with wine, milk, and other good beverages, these clever magi- cians, by their arts, make these cups rise by them- selves, and without any one touching them, they are placed before the great khan. This has been done before an immense number of people, and is the ex- act truth; and those skilled in necromancy will tell you that it is quite possible to do this." Marco Polo next gives a history of Kublai, whom he considers to possess more lands and treasures than any man since our first father, Adam. He tells how 34 Marco Polo the great khan ascended the throne in the year 1256, being then eighty-five; he was a man of middle height, rather stout, but of a fine figure, with a good complexion and black eyes. He was a good com- mander in war, and his talents were put to the proof when his uncle Nai'an, having rebelled against him, wished to dispute his power at the head of 400,000 cavalry. Kublai'-Khan collected (in secret) a force of 300,000 horsemen' and 100,000 foot-soldiers, and marched against his uncle. The battle was a most terrible one, so many men being killed, but the khan was victorious, and Naian, as a prince of the blood royal, was condemned to be sewn up tightly in a car- pet, and died in great suffering. After his victory the khan made a triumphal entry into Cathay, capi- tal of Cambaluc, or, as it is now called, Pekin. When Marco Polo arrived at this city he made a long stay there, remaining until the emperor needed his ser- vices to undertake various missions into the interior of China. The emperor had a splendid palace at Cambaluc, and the traveller gives so graphic an ac- count of the riches and magnificence of the Mongol sovereigns, that we give it word for word. "The palace is surrounded by a great wall, a mile long each way, four miles in length altogether, very thick, ten feet in height, all white and battlemented. At each corner of this wall is a palace beautiful and rich, in which all the trappings of war belonging to the great khan are kept; his bows, quivers, the saddles 35 Travellers and Explorers and bridles of the horses, the bow-strings — in fact, everything that would be wanted in time of war; in the midst of each square is another building, like those at the corner, so that there are eight in all, and each building contains one particular kind of har- ness or trapping. In the wall on the south side are five doors, the middle or large door only being opened when the emperor wishes to go in or out; near this great gate on either side is a smaller one through which other people may pass, and two oth- ers for the same purpose. Inside this wall is an- other, having also eight buildings to be used in the same manner." Thus we see that all these buildings constituted the emperor's armory and harness-store; we shall not be surprised that there was so much harness to be kept when we know that the emperor possessed a race of horses white as snow, and among them ten thou- sand mares, whose milk was reserved for the sole use of princes of the blood royal. Marco Polo continues his narrative thus: — -"The inner wall has five gates on the south side, answering to those in the outer wall, but on the other sides the walls have only one gate each. In the centre of the enclosure made by these walls, stands the palace, the largest in the world. It has no second story, but the ground floor is raised about eight feet above the ground. The roof is very high, the walls of the rooms are covered with gold and silver, and on this 36 Marco Polo gold and silver are paintings of dragons, birds, horses, and other animals, so that nothing can be seen but gilding and pictures. The dining-hall is large enough to hold 6,000 men, and the number of other rooms is marvellous, and all is so well arranged that it could not be improved. The ceilings are painted vermilion, green, blue, yellow, and all kinds of col- ors, varnished so as to shine like crystal, and the roof is so well built that it will last for many years. Be- tween the two walls the land is laid out in fields with fine trees in them, containing different species of ani- mals: the musk-ox, white deer, roe-buck, fallow-deer, and other animals, who fill the space between the walls, except the roads reserved for human beings. On the northwestern side is a great lake, full of fishes of divers kinds, for the great khan has had several species placed there, and each time that he desires it to be done, he has his will in it. A river rises in this lake and flows out from the grounds of the pal- ace, but no fish escape in it, there being iron and brass nets to prevent their doing so. On the northern side, near an arched doorway, the emperor has had a mound made, a hundred feet in height and more than a mile in circumference ; it is covered with ever- green trees, and the emperor, being very fond of horticulture, whenever he hears of a fine tree, sends for it and has it brought by his elephants, with the roots and surrounding soil, the size of the tree being no impediment, and thus he has the finest collection 37 Travellers and Explorers of trees in the world. The hill is called 'green hill,' from its being covered with evergreen trees and green turf, and on the top of the hill is a house. This hill is altogether so beautiful that it is the admiration of every one." After Marco Polo has concluded his description of this palace, he gives one of that of the emperor's son and heir; then he speaks of the town of Camba- luc, the old town which is separated from the modern town of Taidu by a canal, the same which divides the Chinese and Tartar quarters of Pekin. The trav- eller gives many particulars of the emperor's habits, and among other things, he says that Kubla'i-Khan has a body-guard of 2,000 horse-soldiers ; but he adds, "it is not fear that causes him to keep this guard." His meals are real ceremonies, and etiquette is most rigidly enforced. His table is raised above the oth- ers, and he always sits on the north side with his prin- cipal wife on his right, and lower down his sons, nephews, and other relations; he is waited upon by noble barons, who are careful to envelop their mouths and noses in fine cloth of gold, "so that their breath and their odor may not contaminate the food or drink of their lord." When the emperor is about to drink, a band of music plays, and when he takes the cup in his hand, all the barons and others present fall on their knees. The principal fetes given by the grand khan were on the anniversary of his birth, and on the first day 38 Marco Polo of the year. At the first, 12,000 barons were accus- tomed to assemble round the throne, and to them were presented annually 150,000 garments made of gold and silk and ornamented with pearls, while the subjects, idolaters as well as Christians, offered up public prayers. At the second of these fetes, on the first day of the year, the whole population, men and women alike, appeared dressed in white, following the tradition that white brings good fortune, and every one brought gifts to the king of great value. One hundred thousand richly caparisoned horses, five thousand elephants covered with handsome cloths and carrying the imperial plate, as well as a large number of camels, passed in procession before the emperor. During the three winter months of December, January, and February, when the khan is living in his winter palace, all the nobles within a radius of sixty days' march are obliged to supply him with boars, stags, fallow-deer, roes, and bears. Besides, Kublai is a great huntsman himself, and his hunting- train is superbly mounted and kept up. He has leopards, lynxes and fine lions trained to hunt for wild animals, eagles strong enough to chase wolves, foxes, fallow and roe-deer, and, as Marco Polo says, "often to take them too," and his dogs may be counted by thousands. It is about March when the emperor begins his principal hunting in the direction of the sea, and he is accompanied by no less than 10,000 Travellers and Explorers falconers, 500 gerfalcons, and many goshawks, pere- grine, and sacred falcons. During the hunting ex- cursion, a portable palace, covered outside with lions' skins and inside with cloth of gold, and carried on four elephants harnessed together, accompanies the emperor everywhere, who seems to enjoy all this oriental pomp and display. He goes as far as the camp of Chachiri-Mongou, which is situated on a stream, a tributary of the river Amoor, and the tent is set up, which is large enough to hold ten thousand nobles. This is his reception-saloon where he gives audiences; and when he wishes to sleep he goes into a tent which is hung all round with ermine and sable furs of almost priceless value. The emperor lives thus till about Easter, hunting cranes, swans, hares, stags, roebucks, etc., and then returns to his capital, Cambaluc. Marco Polo now completes his description of this fine city and enumerates the twelve quarters it con- tains, in many of which the rich merchants have their palatial houses, for commerce flourishes in this town, and more valuable merchandise is brought to it than to any other in the world. It is the depot and market for the richest productions of India, such as pearls and precious stones, and merchants come from long distances round to purchase them. The khan has established a mint here for the benefit of trade, and it is an inexhaustible source of revenue to him. The bank-notes, sealed with the emperor's seal, are 40 Marco Polo made of a kind of cardboard manufactured from the bark of the mulberry-tree. The cardboard thus pre- pared is cut into various thicknesses according to the value of the money it is supposed to represent. The currency of this money is enforced, none daring to refuse it "on pain of death"; the emperor using it in all his payments, and enforcing its circulation throughout his dominions. Besides this, several times in the year the possessors of precious stones, pearls, gold, or silver, are obliged to bring their treas- ures to the mint and receive in exchange for them these pieces of cardboard, so that, in fact, the em- peror becomes the possessor of all the riches in his empire. According to Marco Polo the system of the Im- perial Government was wonderfully centralized. "The kingdom is divided into thirty-four provinces, and is governed by twelve of the greatest barons liv- ing in Cambaluc; in the same palace also reside the intendants and secretaries, who conduct the business of each province. From this central city a great number of roads diverge to the various parts of the kingdom, and on these roads are now post-houses sta- tioned at intervals of twenty-two miles, where well- mounted messengers are always ready to carry the emperor's messages. Besides this, at every three miles on the road there is a little hamlet of about fourteen houses where the couriers live, who carry messages on foot; these men wear a belt round their 4* Travellers and Explorers waists and have a girdle with bells attached to it, that are heard at a long distance; they start at a gallop, quickly accomplishing the three miles and giving the message to the courier who is waiting for it at the next hamlet; thus the emperor receives news from places at long distances from the capital in a com- paratively short time." This mode of communica- tion also involved but small expense to Kublai-Khan, as the only remuneration he gave these couriers was their exemption from taxation, and as to the horses, they were furnished gratuitously by the provinces. But if the emperor used his power in this man- ner to lay heavy burdens upon his subjects, he exerted himself actively for their good, and was always ready to help them; for instance, when their crops were damaged by hail-storms, he not only remitted all taxes, but gave them corn from his own stores, and when there was any great mortality among the flocks and herds in any particular province, he always re- placed them at his own expense. He was careful to have a large quantity of wheat, barley, millet, and rice stored up in years of abundant harvest, so as to keep the price of grain at a uniform rate when the harvest failed. He was particularly careful of the poor who lived in Cambaluc. "He had a list made of all the poorest houses in the town, where they were usually short of food, and supplied them liber- ally with wheat and other grain according to the size of their families, and bread was never refused to any 42 Marco Polo applying at the palace for it; it is computed that at least 30,000 persons avail themselves of this daily throughout the year. His kindness to his poor sub- jects makes them almost worship him." The whole affairs of the empire are administered with great care, the roads well kept up and planted with fine trees, so that from a distance their direction can easily be traced. There is no want of wood, and in Cathay they work a number of coal-pits which supply abun- dance of coal. Marco Polo remained a long time at Cambaluc, and his intelligence, spirit, and readiness in adapting himself, made him a great favorite with the emperor. He was intrusted with various missions, not only in China, but also to places on the coast of India, Cey- lon, the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, and a part of Cochin-China near Cambodia, and between the years 1277 and 1280 he was made governor of Yang- tcheou, and of twenty-seven other towns which were joined with it under the same government. Thanks to the missions on which he was sent, he travelled over an immense extent of country, and gained a great amount of ethnological and geographical knowledge. We can now follow him, map in hand, through some of these journeys, which were of the greatest service to science. When Marco Polo had been at Cambaluc some time, he was sent on a mission that kept him absent from the capital for four months. Ten miles south- 43 Travellers and Explorers ward from Cambaluc, he crossed the fine river Pe- ho-nor (which he calls the Pulisanghi), by a stone bridge of twenty-four arches, and 300 feet in length, which was then without parallel in the world. Thirty miles further on he came to the town of Tso-cheu, where a large trade in sandal-wood is carried on; at ten days' journey from hence he came to the modern town of Tai-yen-fou, which was once the seat of an independent government. All the province of Shan- si seemed rich in vines and mulberry-trees; the prin- cipal industry in the towns was the making of armor for the emperor's use. Seven days' journey further on they came to the beautiful commercial city of Pianfou, now called Pin-yang-foo, where the manufacture of silk was car- ried on. He soon afterward came to the banks of the Yellow River, which he calls Caramoran or Black River, probably on account of its waters being dark- ened by the aquatic plants growing in them; at two days' journey from hence he came to the town of Ca- cianfu, whose position is not now clearly defined. He found nothing remarkable in this town, and leav- ing it he rode across a beautiful country, covered with towns, country-houses, and gardens, and abounding in game. In eight days he reached the fine city of Quan- gianfoo, the ancient capital of the Tang dynasty, now called Signanfoo, and the capital of Shensi; here reigned Prince Mangalai, the emperor's son, an up- 44 Marco Polo right and amiable prince, much loved by his people. He lived in a magnificent palace outside the town, built in the midst of a park, of which the battle- mented wall cannot have been less than five miles in circumference. From Signanfoo the traveller went toward Thibet, across the modern province of Szu-tchouan, a mountainous country intersected by deep valleys, where lions, bears,' lynxes, etc., abounded, and after twenty-eight days' march he found himself on the borders of the great plain of Acmelic-mangi. This is a fertile country and produces all kinds of vegeta- tion; ginger is especially cultivated; there is suffi- cient to supply all the province of Cathay, and so fertile is the soil that according to a French travel- ler, M. E. Simon, an acre is now worth 15,000 francs, or three francs the metre. In the thirteenth century this plain was covered with towns and country- houses, and the inhabitants lived upon the fruits of the ground, and the produce of their flocks and herds, while the large quantity of game furnished hunters with abundant occupation. Marco Polo next visited the town of Sindafou (now Tching-too-foo), the capital of the province of Se-tchu-an, whose population at the present day ex- ceeds 1,500,000 souls. Sindafu, measuring at that time twenty miles round, was divided into three parts, each surrounded with its own wall, and each part had a king of its own before Kublai-Khan took pos- 45 Travellers and Explorers session of the town. The great river Kiang ran through the town: it contained large quantities of fish, and from its size resembled a sea more than a river; its waters were covered by a vast number of vessels. Five days after leaving this busy, thriving town Marco Polo reached the province of Thibet, which he says u is very desolate, for it has been de- stroyed by the war." Thibet abounds in lions, bears, and other savage animals, from which the travellers would have had difficulty in defending themselves had it not been for the quantity of large thick canes that grow there, which are probably bamboos: he says, "the mer- chants and travellers passing through these countries at night collect a quantity of these canes and make a large fire of them, for when they are burning they make such a noise and crackle so much, that the lions, bears, and other wild beasts take flight to a dis- tance, and would not approach these fires on any ac- count; thus both men, horses, and camels are safe. In another way, too, protection is afforded by throw- ing a number of these canes on a wood fire, and when they become heated and split, and the sap hisses, the sound is heard at least ten miles off. When any- one is not accustomed to this noise, it is so terrifying that even the horses will break away from their cords and tethers; so their owners often bandage their eyes and tie their feet together to prevent their running away." This method of burning cane is still used 46 Marco Polo in countries where the bamboo grows, and indeed the noise may be compared to the loudest explosion of fire-works. According to Marco Polo, Thibet is a very large province, having its own language; and its inhab- itants, who are idolaters, are a race of bold thieves. A large river, the Khin-cha-kiang, flows over aurif- erous sands through the province; a quantity of coral is found in it which is much used for idols, and for the adornment of women. Thibet was at this time under the dominion of the great khan. The traveller took a westerly direction when he left Sindafou, and crossing the kingdom of Gaindu he must have come to Li-kiang-foo, the capital of the country that is now called Tsi-mong. In this prov- ince he visited a beautiful lake which produces pearl-oysters; the fishing is the emperor's property; he also found great quantities of cinnamon, ginger, cloves, and other spices under cultivation. After leaving the province of Gaindu, and cross- ing a large river, probably the Irrawaddy, Marco Polo took a southeasterly course to the province of Carajan, which probably forms the northwestern part of Yunnan. According to his account all the inhabitants of this province, who are mostly great riders, live on the raw flesh of fowls, sheep, buffaloes, and oxen; the rich seasoning their raw meat with garlic sauce and good spices. This country is in- fested with great adders, and serpents "hideous to 47 Travellers and Explorers look upon." These reptiles, probably alligators, were ten feet long, had two legs armed with claws, and with their large heads and great jaws could at one gulp swallow a man. Five days' journey west of Carajan, Marco Polo took a new route to the south, and entered the prov- ince of Zardandan, whose capital, Nocian, is the modern town of Yung-chang. All the inhabitants of the city had teeth of gold; that is to say, they covered their teeth with little plates of gold which they re- moved before eating. The men of this province em- ployed themselves only in hunting, catching birds, and making war, the hard work all devolving upon the women and slaves. These Zardanians have neither idols nor churches, but they each worship their ancestor, the patriarch of the family. Their tradesmen carry their goods about on barrows like the bakers in France. They have no doctors, but only enchanters, who jump, dance, and play musical instruments around the invalid's bed till he either dies or recovers. Leaving these people with gilded teeth, Marco Polo took the great road which conveys all the traffic between India and Indo-China, and passed by Bhamo, where a market is held three times a week, which attracts merchants from the most distant coun- tries. After riding for fifteen days through forests filled with elephants, unicorns, and other wild ani- mals, he came to the great city of Mien; that is to 48 Marco Polo say, to that part of Upper Burmah, of which the pres- ent capital, of recent erection, is called Amarapura. This city of Mien, which may be, perhaps, the old town of Ava now in ruins, or the old town of Paghan situated on the Irrawaddy, possessed a veritable architectural marvel, in two towers, one built of fine stone, and entirely covered with a coating of gold about an inch in thickness, and the other, also of stone, coated with silver, both intended to serve as a tomb for the king of Mien, before his kingdom fell under the dominion of the khan. After visiting this province, the traveller went to Bengala, the Bengal of the present day, which at this time, 1290, did not belong to Kublai-Khan. The emperor's forces were then engaged in trying to conquer this fertile coun- try, rich in cotton plants, in sugar-canes, etc., and whose magnificent oxen were like elephants in height. From thence, the traveller ventured as far as the city of Cancigu, in the province of the same name, prob- ably the modern town of Kassaye. The natives here tattooed their bodies, and with needles drew pictures of lions, dragons, and birds on their faces, necks, bel- lies, hands, legs, and bodies, and he who had the greatest number of these pictures they considered the most beautiful of human beings. Cancigu was the most southerly point visited by Marco Polo, during this journey. Leaving this city, he went toward the northeast, and by the countries of Amu, Anam, and Tonkin, he reached Toloman, now 49 Travellers and Explorers called Tai-ping, after fifteen days' march. There he found that fine race of men, of dark color, who have crowned their mountains with strong castles, and whose ordinary food is the flesh of animals, milk, rice and spices. On leaving Toloman, he followed the course of a river for twelve days, and found numerous towns on its banks. Here, as M. Charton truly observes, the traveller is leaving the country known as India be- yond the Ganges, and returning toward China. In fact, Marco Polo after leaving Toloman visited the province of Guigui with its capital of the same name, and what struck him most in this country (and we cannot but think that the bold explorer was also a keen hunter) was the great number of lions that were to be seen about its mountains and plains. Only, commentators are of opinion that the lions he speaks of must have been tigers, for no lions are found in China, but we will give his own words: he says: "There are so many lions in this country, that it is not safe to sleep out of doors for fear of being devoured. And when you are on the river and stop for the night, you must be careful to anchor far from land, for otherwise the lions come to the vessel, seize upon a man, and devour him. The inhabitants of this part of the country are well aware of this, and so take measures to guard against it. These lions are very large and very dangerous, but there are dogs in this country brave enough to attack these lions; it re- 50 Marco Polo quires two dogs and a man to overcome each lion."' From this province Marco Polo returned to Sin- difu, the capital of the province of Se-chuen, whence he had started on his excursion into Thibet; and re- tracing the route by which he had set out, he returned to Kublai'-Khan, after having brought his mission to Indo-China to a satisfactory termination. It was probably at this time that the traveller was first en- trusted by the emperor with another mission to the southeast of China. M. Pauthier, in his fine work upon the Venetian traveller, speaks of this southeast- erly part of China as "the richest and most flourish- ing quarter of this vast empire and that also about which, since the 16th century, Europeans have had the most information." As we return to the route that M. Pauthier has traced on his map, we find that Marco Polo went southward to Ciangli, probably the town of Ti-choo, and at six days' journey from thence he came to Con- dinfoo, the present city of Tsi-nan, the capital of the province of Shan-tung, the birthplace of Confucius. It was at that time a fine town and much frequented by silk-merchants, and its beautiful gardens produced abundance of excellent fruit. Three days' march from hence, the traveller came to the town of Lin- tsing, standing at the mouth of the Yu-ho canal, the principal rendezvous for the innumerable boats that carry so much merchandise to the provinces of Mangi and Cathay. Eight days afterward he passed by 5i Travellers and Explorers Ligui, which seems to correspond to the modern town of Lin-tsing, and the town of Piceu,the first city in the province of Tchang-su; then by the town of Cingui, he arrived at Caramoran, the Yellow River, which he had crossed higher up when he was on his way to Indo-China; here Marco Polo was not more than a league from the mouth of this great river. After crossing it he was in the province of Mangi, a terri- tory included in the Empire of the Soongs. Before this province of Mangi belonged to Ku- blai'-Khan it was governed by a very pacific king, who shunned war, and was very merciful to all his subjects. Marco Polo describes him so well that we will quote his own words: "This last emperor of the Soong dynasty was most generous, and I will cite but two noble traits to show this; every year he had nearly 20,000 infants brought up at the royal charge, for it was the custom in these provinces, when a poor woman could not bring up a child herself, to cast it away as soon as it was born, to die. The king had all these children taken care of, and a record kept of the sign and the planet under which each was born, and then they were sent to different places to be brought up, for there are a quantity of nurses. When a rich man had no sons, he came to the king and asked of him some of his wards, who were immediately given to him. As the children grew up they intermarried, and the king gave them sufficient incomes to live upon. When he went through his dominions and 52 Marco Polo saw a small house among several much larger ones, he inquired why this house was smaller than those near it, and if he found it was on account of the pov- erty of the owner, he immediately had it made as large as the others at his own expense. He was al- ways waited upon by a thousand pages and a thousand girls. He kept up such rigorous discipline through- out his kingdom that there was never any crime; at night, houses and shops remained open, and nothing was taken from them, and travelling was as safe by night as by day." Marco Polo came first to the town of Coigangui, now called Hoang-fou, on the banks of the Yellow River, where the principal industry is the prepara- tion of the salt found in the salt marshes. One day's journey from this town he came to Pau-in-chen, famous for its cloth of gold; and the town of Caiu, now Kao-yu, whose inhabitants are clever fishermen and hunters; then to the city of Tai-cheu, where numerous vessels are generally to be found, and at last to the city of Yangui. This town of Yangui, of which Marco Polo was the governor for three years, is the modern Yang- tchou; it is a very populous and busy town, and can- not be less than two leagues in circumference. It was from Yangui that the traveller set out on the various expeditions which enabled him to see so much of the inland and sea-coast towns. First, the traveller went westward to Nan-ghin, 53 Travellers and Explorers which must not be confounded with Nan-kin of the present day. Its modern name is Ngan-Khing, and it stands in the midst of a remarkably fertile province. Further on in the same direction he came to Saianfu, which is now called Siang-yang, and is built in the northern part of the province of Hou-pe. This was the last town in the province of Mangi that resisted the dominion of Kubla'i-Khan; he besieged it for three years, and he owed his taking it at last to the help of the three Polos, who constructed some power- ful balistas and crushed the besieged under a perfect hail-storm of stones, some of which weighed as much as three hundred pounds. From Saianfu Marco Polo retraced his steps that he might visit some of the towns on the sea-coast. He visited Kui-kiang on the river Kiang, which is very broad here, and upon which 5,000 ships can sail at the same moment; Kain- gui, which supplies the Emperor's palace with corn; Ching-kiang, where are two Nestorian Christian churches; Ginguigui, now Tchang-tcheou, a busy, thriving city; and Singui, now called Soo-choo, a large town, which, according to the very exaggerated account of the Venetian traveller, has no less than 6,000 bridges. After spending some time at Vugui, probably Hou-tcheou, and at Ciangan, now Kia-hing, Marco Polo reached the fine city of Quinsay, after three days' march. This name means the "City of Heaven," but it is now called Hang-chow-foo. It is 54 Marco Polo six leagues round; the river Tsien-tang-kiang flows through it, and by its constant windings, makes Quin- say almost a second Venice. This ancient capital of the Soongs is almost as populous as Pekin; its streets are paved with stones and bricks, and if we may credit Marco Polo's statement, it contained "600,000 houses, 4,000 bathing establishments, and 12,000 stone bridges." In this city dwell the richest mer- chants in the world with their wives, who are "beau- tiful and angelic creatures." It is the residence of a viceroy, who has, besides, 140 other cities under his dominion. Here was to be seen also the palace of the Mangi sovereigns surrounded by beautiful gardens, lakes, and fountains, the palace itself containing more than a thousand rooms. Kubla'i-Khan draws im- mense revenues from this town and province, and it is by tens of thousands of pounds we must reckon the income derived from the sugar, salt, spices, and silk, which form the principal productions of this country. At one day's journey south from Quinsay, Marco Polo visited Chao-hing, Vugui, or Hou-tcheou, Ghengui or Kui-tcheou, Cianscian or Yo-tcheou-fou (according to M. Charton), and Soni-tchang-fou (according to M. Pauthier), and Cugui or Kiou- tcheou, the last town in the kingdom of Quinsay; thence he entered the kingdom of Fugui, whose chief town of the same name is now called Fou-tcheou-foo, the capital of the province of Fo-kien. According to Marco Polo, the inhabitants of this province are a 55 Travellers and Explorers cruel warlike race, never sparing their enemies, of whom, after they have killed them, they drink the blood and eat the flesh. After passing by Quenlifu, now Kien-ning-foo, and Unguen, the traveller en- tered Fugui, probably the modern town of Kuant- tcheou (called Canton amongst us), and the chief town of the province, where a large trade in pearls and precious stones was carried on, and in five days he reached the port of Zaitem, probably the Chinese town of Tsiuen-tcheou, which was the extreme point reached by him in this exploration of southeastern China. Marco Polo returned to the court of Kubla'i- Khan when he had finished the expedition of which we spoke in the last chapter. He was then entrusted with several other missions, in which he found his knowledge of the Turkish, Chinese, Mongolian, and Mantchorian languages of the greatest use. He seems to have taken part in an expedition to the islands in the Indian Ocean, and he brought back a detailed account of this hitherto little known sea. There is a want of clearness as to dates at this part of his life, which makes it difficult to give a correct nar- rative of these voyages in their right order. He gives a circumstantial account of the Island of Cipan- go, a name applying to the group of islands which make up Japan ;but it does not appear that he actually entered that kingdom. This country was famous for its wealth, and about 1264, some years before Marco 56 Marco Polo Polo arrived at the Tartar court, Kublai-Khan had tried to conquer it and sent his fleet there with that purpose. They had taken possession of a citadel and put all its valiant defenders to the edge of the sword, but just at the moment of apparent victory a storm arose and dispersed all the enemy's fleet, and thus the expedition was useless. Marco Polo gives a long ac- count of this attempt, and adds many curious par- ticulars as to Japanese customs. Marco Polo, with his father and uncle, had now been seventeen years in the service of Kublai-Khan, and even longer absent from their own country; they had a great wish to revisit it, but the Emperor had be- come so much attached to them, and valued their ser- vices so highly, that he could not make up his mind to part with them. He tried in every way to shake their resolution, offering them riches and honor if only they would remain with him, but they still held to their plan of returning to Europe; the Emperor then absolutely refused to allow them to go, and Marco Polo could find no means of eluding the surveillance of which he was the object, until circumstances arose which quite changed Kubla'i-Khan's resolution. A Mongol prince, named Arghun, whose domin- ions were in Persia, had sent an ambassador to the Emperor to ask one of the princesses of the blood royal, in marriage. Kublai-Khan acceded to his re- quest and sent off his daughter Cogatra to Prince Arghun, attended by a numerous suite; but the coun- 57 Travellers and Explorers tries by which they endeavored to travel were not safe; the caravan was soon stopped by disturbances and rebellions, and after some months was obliged to return to the Emperor's palace. The Persian ambas- sadors had heard Marco Polo spoken of as a clever navigator who had had some experience of the Indian Ocean, and they begged the Emperor to confide the Princess Cogatra to his care, that he might conduct her to her future husband, thinking that the voyage by sea would probably be attended by less danger than a land journey. After some demur Kublai'-Khan acceded to their request, and equipped a fleet of forty four-masted ves- sels, provisioning them for two years. Some of these were very large, having a crew of 250 men, for this was an important expedition worthy of the opulent Emperor of China. Matteo, Nicolo, and Marco Polo set out with the Chinese princess and the Persian ambassadors, and it was during this voyage, which lasted eighteen months, that it seems most probable that Marco Polo visited the islands of Sunda and other islands in the Indian Ocean, as well as Ceylon and the towns on the coast of India. We will fol- low him in his voyage and give his description of the places that he visited in this hitherto little known por- tion of the globe. It must have been about 1291 or 1292 that the fleet left the port of Zaitem, under the command of Marco Polo. He steered first for Tchampa, a great country Marco Polo situated at the south of Cochin China, and which con- tains the present province of Saigon, belonging to France. This was not a new country to Marco Polo, as he had visited it about 1280, when he was on a mis- sion for the Emperor. At this time, Tchampa was under the dominion of the grand khan, and paid him an annual tribute in elephants; when Marco Polo visited this country before its conquest by Kublai- Khan, he found the reigning king had no less than 326 children, of whom 150 were old enough to carry arms. Leaving the peninsula of Cambodia, the fleet went in the direction of Java, the rich island that Kublai- Khan had never been able to subjugate, where abun- dance of pepper, cloves, nutmegs, etc., grew. After putting into port at Condor and Sandur, at the ex- tremity of the peninsula of Cochin China, they reached the island of Pentam (Bintang), situated near the eastern entrance of the straits of Malacca, and the island of Sumatra, called Little Java. "This island is so much in the south," he says, "that they never see there the polar star," which is true as far as the inhabitants of the southern part are concerned. It is very fertile, aloes growing most luxuriantly; and here wild elephants and rhinoceroses (called by Marco Polo unicorns) are found, and apes, too, in large numbers. The fleet was detained five months on these shores by contrary winds, and the traveller made the most of his time in visiting the principal 59 Travellers and Explorers provinces of the island, such as Samara, Dagraian, and Labrin (which boasts a great number of men with tails — evidently apes), and the island of Fandur or Panchor, where the sago-tree grows, from which a kind of flour is obtained that makes very good bread. At last the wind changed, and enabled the vessels to leave Little Java, and after touching at Necaran, which must be one of the Nicobar Islands, and at the Andaman group, whose inhabitants are still canni- bals, as they were in the time of Marco Polo, the fleet took a southwesterly course and arrived on the coast of Ceylon. "This island," says the traveller in his narrative, "was once much larger, for according to the map of the world that the pilots of these seas carry, it was once 3,600 miles in circumference, but the north wind blows with such force in these parts that it caused a part of the island to be submerged." This tradition is still held by the inhabitants of Cey- lon. Here are collected in abundance, rubies, sap- phires, topaz, amethysts, and other precious stones, such as garnets, opals, agates, and sardonyx. The king of the country was the possessor at this time of a most splendid ruby as long as the palm of the hand, as thick as a man's arm, and red as fire, which excited the envy of the grand khan, who vainly tried to in- duce its possessor to part with it, offering a whole city in exchange, but that could not tempt the king to let him have the jewel. 60 Marco Polo Sixty miles west of Ceylon the travellers came to Maabar, a great province on the coast of India. This must not be mistaken for Malabar, which is situated on the west coast of the Indian peninsula. This Maabar forms the southern part of the Coromandel coast, and is celebrated for its pearl fisheries. Here the magicians are at work, and are said to render the monsters of the deep harmless to the fishermen; they are astrologers whose race is perpetuated even to modern times. Marco Polo gives some interesting details of the customs of the natives: one is that when a king dies, the nobles throw themselves into the fire in his honor; another strange custom is that of the re- ligious purifications twice every day, and their blind faith in astrologers and diviners; he also speaks of the frequency of religious suicides, and the sacrifice of widows whom the funeral pile awaits on the death of their husbands. He also notices the skill in physi- ognomy evinced by the natives. The next resting-place of the fleet was Muftili, of which the capital is now called Masulipatam, the chief city of the kingdom of Golconda. This coun- try was well governed by a queen, a widow for forty years, who desired to remain faithful to the memory of her husband. The country contained many valu- able diamond mines, but these were unfortunately among mountains where serpents abounded; the miners had recourse to a strange device when col- lecting the precious stones, to protect themselves from 61 C— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers these reptiles, which we may believe or not as we choose. Marco Polo says: "They take several pieces of meat, and throw them among the pointed rocks, where no man can go, and the meat, falling upon the diamonds, they become attached to it. Now, among these mountains live a number of white eagles, who hunt the serpents, and when they see the meat at the foot of the precipices they swoop down and carry it away. At the moment the men who have been fol- lowing the eagles' movements see them alight to eat the meat, they raise fearful cries, the meat is dropped and the eagles take to flight, and thus the men have no difficulty in taking the diamonds that are attached to the meat. Diamonds are often found on the moun- tains, mingled with the excrement of the eagles." After visiting the small town of St. Thomas, sit- uated some miles to the south of Madras, where St. Thomas the apostle is said to be buried, the travellers explored the kingdom of Maabar and especially the province of Lar, from whence spring all the Abra- hamites of the world, probably the Brahmins. These men, he says, live to a great age, owing to their absti- nence and sobriety; some have been known to attain 150 and even 200 years of age; their diet is princi- pally rice and milk, and they drink a mixture of sulphur and quicksilver. These "Abrahamites" are clever merchants, superstitious, however, but remark- ably sincere, and never guilty of theft of any kind; 62 Marco Polo they never kill any living thing, and they worship the ox, which is a sacred animal among them. The fleet now returned to Ceylon, where in 1284 Kublai-Khan had sent an ambassador who had brought him back some pretended relics of Adam, and among other things two of his molar teeth; for, if we can believe the Saracen traditions, the tomb of our first father must have been on the summit of one of the precipitous mountains, which form the high- est ground in the island. After losing sight of Cey- lon, Marco Polo went to Cail, a port that we do not find marked on any of the modern maps, but a place where all the vessels touched coming from Ormuz, Kiss, Aden, and the coasts of Arabia. Thence doubling Cape Comorin they came to Coilum, now Quilon, which was a very thriving city in the thir- teenth century. It is there that a great quantity of sandal-wood and indigo is found, and merchants come in large numbers from the Levant and from the West to trade in both. The country of Malabar produces a great quantity of rice, and wild animals are found there, such as leopards, which Marco Polo calls "black lions," also peacocks of much greater beauty than those of Europe, as well as different kinds of parroquets. The fleet, leaving Coilum, and advancing north- ward along the Malabar coast, arrived at the shores of the kingdom of Maundallay, which derives its name from a mountain situated on the borders of 63 Travellers and Explorers Kanara and Malabar; here pepper, ginger, saffron, and other spices abound. To the north of this king- dom extended that country which the Venetian trav- eller calls Melibar, and which is situated to the north of Malabar proper. The vessels of the Mangalore merchants came here to trade with the natives of this part of India for cargoes of spices, a fine kind of cloth called buckram and other valuable wares; but their vessels were frequently attacked, and too often pil- laged by the pirates who infested these seas, and who were justly regarded as formidable enemies. These pirates principally inhabit the peninsula of Gohourat, now called Gujerat, where the fleet was on its way after calling at Tana — a country where is collected the frankincense — and Canboat, now Kambay, a town where there is a great trade in leather. Visiting Sumenath, a city of the peninsula, whose inhabitants are cruel, ferocious, and idolaters, and Kesmacoran, the modern city of Kedje, the capital of Makran, sit- uated on the Indus near the sea, and the last town in India on the northwest, Marco Polo went westward across the sea of Oman, instead of going to Persia, which was the destination of the princess. His insatiable love of exploration led him 500 miles away to the shores of Arabia, where he stopped at the Male and Female Islands, so called from the men usually living on one island, and their wives on the other. Thence they sailed to the south toward the island of Socotra, at the entrance of the Gulf of 64 Marco Polo Aden, which Marco Polo partially explored. He speaks of the inhabitants of Socotra as clever magi- cians, who, by their enchantments, obtain the ful- filment of all their wishes as well as the power of stilling storms and tempests. Then, taking a south- erly course of 1,000 miles, he arrived at the shores of Madagascar. This island appeared to him to be one of the grandest in the world. Its inhabitants are very much occupied with commerce, especially in ele- phants' tusks. They live principally upon camels' flesh, which is better and more wholesome food than any other. The merchants on their way from the coast of India are usually only twenty days crossing the Sea of Oman ; but when they return they are often three months on the voyage on account of the op- posing currents which take them always southward. Nevertheless, they visit Madagascar very constantly, for there are whole forests of sandal-wood, and am- ber is also found there, from which they can obtain great profit by bartering it for gold and silk stuffs. Wild animals and game are plentiful; according to Marco Polo, leopards, bears, lions, wild boars, giraffes, wild asses, roebucks, deer, stags, and cattle were to be found in great numbers; but what seemed most marvellous of all to him was the fabulous griffin, the roc, of which we hear so much in the "Thousand and One Nights," which is, he says, "an animal, half- lion and half-bird, able to raise and carry away an elephant in its claws." It was probably the epyor- 65 Travellers and Explorers nis maximus, for some eggs of this bird are still to be found in Madagascar. From this island Marco Polo went in a north- westerly direction to Zanzibar and the coast of Africa. The inhabitants seemed to him remarkably stout, but strong and able to carry the burdens of four ordinary men, "which is not strange," he says, "for they each eat as much as five other men;" these na- tiveswere black and wore no clothing; they had large mouths and turned-up noses, thick lips and large eyes, a description that agrees exactly with that of the natives of that part of Africa now. They live upon rice, meat, milk, and dates, and make a kind of wine of rice, sugar, and spices. They are brave war- riors and fearless of death; they are usually in war mounted on camels and elephants, and armed with a leathern shield, a sword, and a lance; they give their animals an intoxicating drink to excite them on going into action. In Marco Polo's time, says M. Charton, the coun- tries comprised under the title of India were divided into three parts: Greater India or Hindostan, that is, the country lying between the Indus and the Ganges ; Lesser India, that is, all the country lying beyond the Ganges, between the western coast of the peninsula and the coast of Cochin China; lastly, Middle In- dia, that is, Abyssinia and the Arabian coast to the Persian Gulf. After leaving Zanzibar it was Mid- dle India whose coast Marco Polo explored, sailing 66 Marco Polo toward the north, and first Abassy or Abyssinia, a fer- tile country where the manufacture of fine cotton cloths and buckram is largely carried on. Then the fleet went to Zaila, almost at the entrance of the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, and at last by the coast of Yemen and Hadramaut they came to Aden, the port frequented by all the ships trading with India and China; then to Escier, whence a great quantity of fine horses are exported; Dafar, which produces in- cense of the finest quality, and Galatu, now Kalajate, on the coast of Oman; then to Ormuz, that Marco Polo had visited once before when he was on his way from Venice to the court of Kublai'-Khan. This was the furthest point that the fleet had to reach, as the princess was now on the borders of Persia, after a voy- age of eighteen months. But on their arrival they were met by the sad news of the death of Prince Arg- hun, the fiance of the princess, and they found the country involved in civil war. The poor princess was put under the care of Prince Ghazan, the son of Prince Arghun, who did not ascend the throne until 1295, when his uncle, the usurper, was strangled. What became of the princess we do not hear, but on parting with Nicolo, Matteo, and Marco Polo, she bestowed on them great marks of favor. It was prob- ably during Marco Polo's residence in Persia that he collected some curious documents upon Turkey in Asia; they are disconnected pieces, which he gives at the close of his narrative, and they form a genuine 67 Travellers and Explorers history of the Mongol Khans of Persia. His travels for exploration were at an end, and after taking leave of the Tartar princess, the three Venetians, well escorted, and with all expenses paid, set out on their way home. They went to Trebizond, then to Con- stantinople, and thence to Negropont, where they embarked for Venice. It was in the year 1295, twenty-four years after leaving it, that Marco Polo and his companions re- turned to their native town. They were bronzed by exposure to the air and sun, coarsely clad in Tartar costume, and both in manners and language were so much more Mongolian than Venetian, that even their nearest relatives failed to recognize them. Be- yond this, a report had been widely spread that they were dead, and it had gained so much credence that their friends never expected to see them again. They went to their own house in the part of Venice called St. John Chrysostom, and found it occupied by different members of the Polo family, who re- ceived the travellers with every mark of distrust, which their pitiable appearance did not tend to lessen, and placed no faith in the somewhat marvel- lous stories related to them by Marco Polo. After some persuasion, however, they gained admittance into their own house. When they had been a few days in Venice, the three travellers gave a magnifi- cent banquet, followed by a splendid fete, to do away with any remaining doubts as to their identity. They 68 Marco Polo invited the nobility of Venice and all the members of their own family, and when all the guests were as- sembled the three hosts appeared dressed in crimson satin robes; the guests then entered the dining-room, and the feast began. After the first course was over the three travellers retired for a few moments and then reappeared, clad in robes of splendid silk dam- ask, which they proceeded to tear, and to present each of their guests with a piece. After the second course they dressed themselves in even more splendid robes of crimson velvet, which they wore until the feast was over, when they appeared in simple Vene- tian costume. The astonished guests marvelled at the magnificence of these garments, and wondered what their hosts would next show them; then the coarse rough clothes that they had worn on the voy- age were brought in, and when the linings and seams were undone, rubies, sapphires, emeralds, diamonds, and carbuncles of great value were poured forth from them; great riches had been hidden in these rags. This unexpected sight cleared away all doubt; the three travellers were recognized at once as Marco, Nicolo, and Matteo Polo, and congratu- lations upon their return were showered upon them. So celebrated a man as Marco Polo could not escape civic honors. He was made first magistrate in Venice, and as he was continually speaking of the "millions" of the Grand Khan, who commanded 69 Travellers and Explorers "millions" of subjects, he gained the sobriquet of Signor Million. It was about 1296 that a war broke out between Venice and Genoa. A Genoese fleet, under the com- mand of Lamba Doria, crossed the Adriatic, and threatened the sea coast. The Venetian Admiral Andrea Dandolo immediately manned a larger fleet and entrusted the command of a galley to Marco Polo, who was justly considered an able commander. The Venetians were beaten in a naval battle on the 8th of September, 1296, and Marco Polo, badly wounded, fell into the hands of the Genoese, who, knowing and appreciating the value of their pris- oner, treated him with great kindness. He was taken to Genoa, and there met with a hearty welcome from the most distinguished people, who were anxious to hear the account of his travels. It was during his captivity, in 1298, that he made acquaintance with Pisano Rusticien, and, tired of repeating his story again and again, dictated his narrative to him. About 1299 Marco Polo was set at liberty; he re- turned to Venice, and there married. From this time we hear no more of the incidents of his life, and only know from his will that he left three daughters ; he is thought to have died about the 9th of January, 1323, at the age of seventy. Such is the life of this celebrated traveller, whose narrative had a marked influence on the progress of geographical science. He was gifted with great 70 Marco Polo power of observation, and could see and describe equally well ; and all later explorers have confirmed the truth of his statements. Until the middle of the eighteenth century, the documents founded on this narrative formed the basis of geographical books, and were used as a guide in commercial expeditions to China, India, and Central Asia. Posterity will concur in the suitability of the title that the first copy- ists gave to Marco Polo's work, that of "The Book of the Wonders of the World." 7i CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS (1436-1506) '"PHE year 1492 is an era in geographical annals. -** It is the date of the discovery of America. The genius of one man was fated to complete the terres- trial globe, and to show the truth of Gagliuffi's say- ing — to Unus erat mundus ; duo sint, ait iste ; fuere. The old world was to be entrusted with the moral and political education of the new. Was it equal to the task, with its ideas still limited, its tendencies still semi-barbarous, and its bitter religious animosities? We must leave the answer to these questions to the facts that follow. Between the year 1405, when Bethencourt had just accomplished the colonization of the Canary Isl- ands, and the year 1492, what had taken place? We will give a short sketch of the geographical enter- prise of the intervening years. A considerable im- petus had been given to science by the Arabs (who were soon to be expelled from Spain), and had spread throughout the peninsula. In all the ports, but more especially in those of Portugal, there was much talk of the continent of Africa, and the rich and wonderful countries beyond the sea. a A thou- sand anecdotes," says Michelet, "stimulated curios- Christopher Columbus ity, valor and avarice, every one wishing to see these mysterious countries where monsters abounded and gold was scattered over the surface of the land." A young prince, Don Henry, duke of Viseu, third son of John I., who was very fond of the study of astron- omy and geography, exercised a considerable influ- ence over his contemporaries; it is to him that Portu- gal owes her colonial power and wealth and the expeditions so repeatedly made, which were vividly described, and their results spoken of as so wonder- ful, that they may have aided in awakening Colum- bus's love of adventure. Don Henry had an observa- tory built in the southern part of the province of Algarve, at Sagres, commanding a most splendid view over the sea, and seeming as though it must have been placed there to seek for some unknown land; he also established a naval college, where learned geographers traced correct maps and taught the use of the mariner's compass. The young prince surrounded himself with learned men, and especially gathered all the information he could as to the pos- sibility of circumnavigating Africa, and thus reach- ing India. Though he had never taken part in any maritime expedition, his encouragement and care for seamen gave him the sobriquet of "The Navigator," by which name he is known in history. Two gentle- men belonging to Don Henry's court, Juan Gonzales Zarco and Tristram Vaz Teixeira, had passed Cape Nun, the terror of ancient navigators, when they 73 Travellers and Explorers were carried out to sea and passed near an island to which they gave the name of Porto-Santo. Some time afterward, as they were sailing toward a black point that remained on the horizon, they came to a large island covered with splendid forests; this was Madeira. In 1433, Cape Bojador, which had for long been such a difficulty to navigators, was first doubled by the two Portuguese sailors, Gillianes and Gonzales Baldaya, who passed more than forty leagues beyond it. Encouraged by their example, Antonio Gonzales and Nuno Tristram, in 1441, sailed as far as Cape Blanco, "a feat," says Faria y Souza, "that is gener- ally looked upon as being little short of the labors of Hercules," and they brought back with them to Lis- bon some gold dust taken from the Rio del Ouro. In a second voyage Tristram noticed some of the Cape de Verd Islands, and went as far south as Sierra Leone. In the course of this expedition, he bought from some Moors off the coast of Guinea, ten negroes, whom he took back with him to Lisbon and parted with for a very high price, they having ex- cited great curiosity. This was the origin of the slave-trade in Europe, which for the next 400 years robbed Africa of so many of her people, and was a disgrace to humanity. In 1441, Cada Mosto doubled Cape Verd, and explored a part of the coast below it. About 1446, 74 Christopher Columbus the Portuguese, advancing further into the open sea than their predecessors, came upon the group of the Azores. From this time all fear vanished, for the formidable line had been passed, beyond which the air was said to scorch like fire; expeditions succeeded each other without intermission, and each brought home accounts of newly-discovered regions. It seemed as if the African continent was really end- less, for the further they advanced toward the south, the further the cape they sought appeared to recede. Some little time before this King John II. had added the title of Seigneur of Guinea to his other titles, and to the discovery of Congo had been added that of some stars in the southern hemisphere hitherto un- known, when Diogo Cam, in three successive voy- ages, went further south than any preceding naviga- tor, and bore away from Diaz the honor of being the discoverer of the southern point of the African con- tinent. This cape is called Cape Cross, and here he raised a monument, called a padrao or padron, in memory of his discovery, which is still standing. On his way back, he visited the King of Congo in his capital, and took back with him an ambassador and numerous suite of natives, who were all baptized, and taught the elements of the Christian religion, which they were to propagate on their return to Congo. A short time after Diogo Cam's return, in the month of August, 1487, three caravels left the Tagus 75 Travellers and Explorers under the command of Bartholomew Diaz, a gentle- man attached to the king's household, and an old sailor on the Guinea seas. He had an experienced mariner under him, and the smallest of the three ves- sels, freighted with provisions, was commanded by his brother, Pedro Diaz. We have no record of the earlier part of this expedition; we only know, from Joao de Barros, to whom we owe nearly all we learn of Portuguese navigation, that beyond Congo he fol- lowed the coast for some distance, and came to an anchorage that he named "Das Voltas," on account of the manner in which he had to tack to reach it, and there he left the smallest of the caravels under the care of nine sailors. After having been detained here five days by stress of weather, Diaz stood out to sea, and took a southerly course, but for thirteen days his vessels were tossed hither and thither by the tempest. As he went further south the temperature fell and the air became very cold; at last the fury of the ele- ments abated, and Diaz took an easterly course, hop- ing to sight the land, but after several days had passed, and being in about 42 south latitude, he anchored in the bay "dos Vaquieros," so named from the numbers of horned animals and shepherds, who fled inland at the sight of the two vessels. At this time Diaz was about 120 miles east of the Cape of Good Hope, which he had doubled with- out seeing it. They then went to Sam Braz (now 76 Christopher Columbus Mossel) bay, and coasted as far as Algoa bay and to an island called Da Cruz, where they set up a pa- drao. But here the crews, being much discouraged by the dangers they had passed through, and feeling much the scarcity and bad quality of the provisions, refused to go any further. "Besides," they said, "as the land is now on our left, let us go back and see the Cape, which we have doubled without knowing it." Diaz called a council, and decided that they should go forward in a northeasterly direction for two or three days longer. We owe it to his firmness of purpose that he was able to reach a river, 75 miles from Da Cruz, that he called Rio Infante; but then the crew refusing to go further, Diaz was obliged to return to Europe. Barros says, "When Diaz left the pillar that he had erected, it was with such sorrow and so much bitterness, that it seemed almost as though he were leaving an exiled son, and especially when he thought of all the dangers that he and his companions had passed through, and the long dis- tance which they had come with only this memorial as a remembrance: it was indeed painful to break off when the task was but half completed." At last they saw the Cape of Good Hope, or as Diaz and his fol- lowers called it then, the "Cape of Torments," in re- membrance of all the storms and tempests they had passed through before they could double it. With the foresight which so often accompanies genius, John II. substituted for the "Cape of Torments," the 77 Travellers and Explorers name of the "Cape of Good Hope;" for he saw that now the route to India was open at last, and his vast plans for the extension of the commerce and influence of his country were about to be realized. On the 24th of August, 1488, Diaz returned to Angra das Voltas, where he had left his smallest caravel. He found six of his nine men dead, and the seventh was so overcome with joy at seeing his com- panions again that he died also. No particular inci- dent marked the voyage home; they reached Lisbon in December, 1488, after staying at Benin, where they traded, and at La Mina to receive the money gained by the commerce of the colony. It is strange but true, that Diaz not only received no reward of any kind for this voyage which had been so successful, but he seemed to be treated rather as though he had disgraced himself, for he was not em- ployed again for ten years. More than this, the command of the expedition that was sent to double the cape which Diaz had discovered, was given to Vasco da Gama, and Diaz was only to accompany it to La Mina holding a subordinate position. He was to hear of the marvellous campaign of his successful rival in India, and to see what an effect such an event would have upon the destiny of his country. He took part in Cabral's expedition which dis- covered Brazil, but he had not the pleasure of seeing the shores to which he had been the pioneer, for the fleet had only just left the American shore, when a 78 Christopher Columbus fearful storm arose; four vessels sank, and among them the one that Diaz commanded. It is in allusion to his sad fate that Camoens puts the following pre- diction into the mouth of Adamastor, the spirit of the Cape of Tempests: "I will make a terrible ex- ample of the first fleet that shall pass near these rocks, and I will wreak my vengeance on him who first comes to brave me in my dwelling." In fact it was only in 1497, maybe five years after the discovery of America, that the southern point of Africa was passed by Vasco da Gama, and it may be affirmed that if this latter had preceded Columbus, the discovery of the new continent might have been delayed for several centuries. The navigators of this period were very timorous, and did not dare to sail out into mid-ocean; not liking to venture upon seas that were but little known, they always followed the coast-line of Africa, rather than go further from land. If the Cape of Tempests had been doubled, the sailors would have gone by this route to India, and none would have thought of going to the "Land of Spices," that is to say Asia, by venturing across the Atlantic. Who, in fact, would have thought of seeking for the east by the route to the west? But in truth this was the great idea of that day, for Cooley says: "The principal object of Portuguese maritime enterprise in the fifteenth century was to search for a passage to India by the Ocean." The most learned men had not gone so far as to imagine the existence 79 Travellers and Explorers of another continent to complete the equilibrium and balance of the terrestrial globe. Some parts of the American continent had been already discovered, for an Italian navigator, Sebastian Cabot, had landed on Labrador in 1487, and the Scandinavians had cer- tainly disembarked on this unknown land. The col- onists of Greenland, too, had explored Winland, but so little disposition was there at this time to believe in the existence of a new world, that Greenland, Win- land, and Labrador were all thought to be a continu- ation of the European continent. The main question before the navigators of the fifteenth century was the opening up of an easier communication with the shores of Asia. The route to India, China, and Japan (countries already known through the wonderful narrative of Marco Polo), via Asia Minor, Persia, and Tartary, was long and dangerous. The transport of goods was too difficult and costly for these "ways terrestrial" ever to become roads for commerce. A more practicable means of communication must be found. Thus all the dwellers on the coasts, from England to Spain, as well as the people living on the shores of the Mediter- ranean, seeing the great Atlantic Ocean open to their vessels, began to inquire whether indeed this new route might not conduct them to the shores of Asia. The sphericity of the globe being established, this reasoning was correct, for going always westward, the traveller must necessarily at last reach the east, and 80 Christopher Columbus as to the route across the ocean, it would certainly be open. Who could, indeed, have suspected the exist- ence of an obstacle 9,750 miles in length, lying be- tween Europe and Asia, and called America? We must observe also that the scientific men of the Middle Ages believed that the shores of Asia were not more than 6,000 miles distant from those of Eu- rope. Aristotle supposed the terrestrial globe to be smaller than it really is. Seneca said, "How far is it from the shores of Spain to India? A very few days' sail, should the wind be favorable." This was also the opinion of Strabo. So it seemed that the route between Europe and Asia must be short, and there being such places for ships to touch at as the Azores and Antilles, of which the existence was known in the fifteenth century, the transoceanic com- munication promised not to be difficult. This popu- lar error as to distance had the happy effect of in- ducing navigators to try to cross the Atlantic, a feat which, had they been aware of the 15,000 miles of ocean separating Europe from Asia, they would scarcely have dared to attempt. We must in justice allow that certain facts gave, or seemed to give, reason to the partisans of Aristotle and Strabo for their belief in the proximity of the eastern shores. Thus, a pilot in the service of the King of Portugal, while sailing at 1,350 miles' dis- tance from Cape St. Vincent, the southwestern point of the Portuguese province of Algarve, met with a 81 Travellers and Explorers piece of wood ornamented with ancient sculptures, which he considered must have come from a conti- nent not far off. Again, some fishermen had found near the island of Madeira a sculptured post and some bamboos, which in shape resembled those found in India. The inhabitants of the Azores also, often picked up gigantic pine-trees, of an unknown species, and one day two human bodies were cast upon their shores, "corpses with broad faces," says the chronicler Herrera, "and not resembling Christians." These various facts tended to inflame imagination. As in the fifteenth century men had no knowledge of that great Gulf-stream, which, in nearing the Euro- pean coasts, brings with it waifs and strays from America, so they could only imagine that this vari- ous debris must come from Asia. Therefore, they argued, Asia could not be far off, and the communi- cation between these two extremes of the old conti- nent must be easy. One point must be clearly borne in mind, no geographer of this period had any notion of the existence of a new world ; it was not even a de- sire of adding to geographical knowledge which led to the exploration of the western route. It was the men of commerce who were the leaders in this move- ment, and who first undertook to cross the Atlantic. Their only thought was of traffic, and of carrying it on by the shortest road. The mariner's compass, invented, according to the generally received opinion, about 1302, by one Fla- 82 Christopher Columbus vio Gioja of Amalfi, enabled vessels to sail at a dis- tance from the coasts, and to guide themselves when out of sight of land. Martin Behaim, with two physicians in the service of Prince Henry of Portu- gal, had also added to nautical science by discovering the way of directing the voyager's course according to the position of the sun in the heavens, and by ap- plying the astrolabe. to the purposes of navigation. These improvements being adopted, the commercial question of the western route increased daily in im- portance in Spain, Portugal, and Italy, countries in which three-quarters of the science is made up of im- agination. There was discussion, there were writ- ings. The excited world of commerce disputed with the world of science. Facts, systems, doctrines, were grouped together. The time was come when there was needed one single intelligence to collect together and assimilate the various floating ideas. This intel- ligence was found. At length all the scattered no- tions were gathered together in the mind of one man, who possessed in a remarkable degree genius, perse- verance, and boldness. This man was no other than Christopher Colum- bus, born, probably near Genoa, about the year 1436. We say "probably," for the towns of Cogoreo and Nervi dispute with Savona and Genoa, the honor of having given him birth. The date of his birth varies, with different biographers, from 1430 to 1445, but the year 1436 would appear to be the correct one, 83 Travellers and Explorers according to the most reliable documents. The fam- ily of Columbus was of humble origin; his father, Domenic Columbus, a manufacturer of woollen stuffs, seems, however, to have been in sufficiently easy circumstances to enable him to give his children a more than ordinarily good education. The young Christopher, the eldest of the family, was sent to the University of Pavia, there to study Grammar, Latin, Geography, Astronomy, and Navigation. At fourteen years of age Christopher left school and went to sea; from this time until 1487, very little is known of his career. It is interesting to give the remark of Humboldt on this subject, as reported by M. Charton; he said, "that he regretted the more this uncertainty about the early life of Columbus when he remembered all that the chroniclers have so minutely preserved for us upon the life of the dog Becerillo, or the elephant Aboulababat, which Haroun-al- Raschid sent to Charlemagne!" The most probable account to be gathered from contemporary documents and from the writings of Columbus himself, is that the young sailor visited the Levant, the west, the north, England several times, Portugal, the coast of Guinea, and the islands of Africa, perhaps even Greenland, for by the age of forty "he had sailed to every part that had ever been sailed to before." He was looked upon as a thoroughly competent mariner, and his reputation led to his being chosen for the command of the Genoese galleys, in the war which Christopher Columbus that Republic was waging against Venice. He after- ward made an expedition, in the service of Rene, king of Anjou, to the coasts of Barbary, and in 1477, he went to explore the countries beyond Ice- land. This voyage being successfully terminated, Chris- topher Columbus returned to his home at Lisbon. He there married the daughter of an Italian gentleman, Bartolomeo Muiiez Perestrello, a sailor like himself and deeply interested in the geographical ideas of the day. The wife of Columbus, Dona Filippa, was without fortune, and Columbus, having none him- self, felt he must work for the support of himself and his family. The future discoverer, therefore, set to work to make picture-books, terrestrial globes, maps, and nautical charts, and continued in this employ- ment until 1484, but without at the same time aban- doning his scientific and literary pursuits. It seems probable even, that during this period he studied deeply, and attained to knowledge far beyond that possessed by most of the sailors of his time. Can it have been that at this time "the Great Idea" first arose in his mind? It may well have been so. He was fol- lowing assiduously the discussions relative to the western routes, and the facility of communication by the west, between Europe and Asia. His correspon- dence proves that he shared the opinion of Aristotle as to the relatively short distance separating the extreme shores of the old Continent. He wrote frequently to 85 Travellers and Explorers the most distinguished savants of his time. Martin Behaim, of whom we have already spoken, was among his correspondents, and also the celebrated Florentine astronomer, Toscanelli, whose opinions in some degree influenced those of Columbus. At this time Columbus, according to the portrait of him given by his biographer Washington Irving, was a tall man, of robust and noble presence. His face was long, he had an aquiline nose, high cheek- bones, eyes clear and full of fire; he had a bright complexion, and his face was much covered with freckles. He was a truly Christian man, and it was with the liveliest faith that he fulfilled all the duties of the Catholic religion. At the time when Christopher Columbus was in correspondence with the astronomer Toscanelli, he learned that the latter, at the request of Alphonso V., King of Portugal, had sent to the king a learned Me- moir upon the possibility of reaching the Indies by the western route. Columbus was consulted, and supported the ideas of Toscanelli with all his influ- ence; but without result, for the King of Portugal, who was engaged at the time in war with Spain, died, without having been able to give any attention to maritime discoveries. His successor, John II., adopted the plans of Columbus and Toscanelli with enthusiasm. At the same time, with most reprehen- sible cunning, he tried to deprive these two savants of the benefit of their proposition; without telling 86 Christopher Columbus them, he sent out a caravel to attempt this great en- terprise, and to reach China by crossing the Atlantic. But he had not reckoned upon the inexperience of his pilots, nor upon the violence of the storms which they might encounter; the result was, that some days after their departure, a hurricane brought back to Lisbon the sailors of the Portuguese king. Columbus was justly wounded by this unworthy action, and felt that he could not reckon upon a king who had so deceived him. His wife being dead, he left Spain with his son Diego, toward the end of the year 1484. It is thought that he went to Genoa and to Venice, where his projects of transoceanic navigation were but badly received. However it may have been, in 1485 we find him again in Spain. This great man was poor, without resources. He travelled on foot, carrying Diego, his little son of ten years old, in his arms. From this period of his life, history follows him step by step; she no more loses sight of him, and she has preserved to posterity the smallest incidents of this grand ex- istence. We find Columbus arrived in Andalusia, only half a league from the port of Palos. Destitute, and dying of hunger, he knocked at the door 01 a Franciscan convent, dedicated to Santa Maria de Rabida, and asked for a little bread and water for his poor child and for himself. The superior of the convent, Juan Perez deMarchena,gave hospitality to the unfortunate traveller. He questioned him, and 87 Travellers and Explorers was surprised by the nobleness of his language, but still more astonished was he by the boldness of the ideas of Columbus, who made the good Father the confidant of his aspirations. For several months the wandering sailor remained in this hospitable con- vent; some of the monks were learned men, and inter- ested themselves about him and his projects; they studied his plans ; they mentioned him to some of the well-known navigators of the time ; and we must give them the credit of having been the first to believe in the genius of Christopher Columbus. Juan Perez showed still greater kindness; he offered to take upon himself the charge of the education of Diego, and he gave to Columbus a letter of recommendation ad- dressed to the confessor of the Queen of Castille. This confessor, prior of the monastery of Prado, was deep in the confidence of Ferdinand and Isa- bella; but he did not approve of the projects of the Genoese navigator, and he rendered him no service whatever with his royal penitent. Columbus must still resign himself to wait. He went to live at Cor- dova, where the court was soon to come, and for livelihood he resumed his trade of picture-seller. Is it possible to quote from the lives of illustrious men an instance of a more trying existence than this of the great navigator? Could ill-fortune have assailed any man with more cruel blows? But this indomi- table, indefatigable man of genius, rising up again after each trial, did not despair. He felt within him Christopher Columbus the sacred fire of genius, he worked on unceasingly, he visited influential persons, spreading his ideas and defending them, and combating all objections with the most heroic energy. At length he obtained the protection of the great cardinal-archbishop of To- ledo, Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, and thanks to him, was admitted into the presence of the King and Queen of Spain. Christopher Columbus must have imagined him- self now at the end of all his troubles. Ferdinand and Isabella received his project favorably, and caused it to be submitted for examination to a council of learned men, consisting of bishops and monks who were gathered together ad hoc in a Dominican con- vent at Salamanca. But the unfortunate pleader was not yet at the end of his vicissitudes. In this meeting at Salamanca all his judges were against him. The truth was, that his ideas interfered with the intolerant religious notions of the fifteenth cen- tury. The Fathers of the Church had denied the sphericity of the earth, and since the earth was not round they declared that a voyage of circumnaviga- tion was absolutely contrary to the Bible, and could not therefore, on any logical theory, be undertaken. "Besides," said these theologians, "if any one should ever succeed in descending into the other hemis- phere how could he ever mount up again into this one?" This manner of arguing was a very formida- ble one at this period; for Christopher Columbus 89 Travellers and Explorers saw himself, in consequence, almost accused of heresy, the most unpardonable crime which could be committed in these intolerant countries. He escaped any evil consequences from the hostile disposition of the Council, but the execution of his project was again adjourned. Long years passed away. The unfortunate man of genius, despairing of success in Spain, sent his brother to England to make an offer of his services to the king, Henry VII. But it is probable that the king gave no answer. Then Christopher Columbus turned again with unabated perseverance to Ferdi- nand, but Ferdinand was at this time engaged in a war of extermination against the Moors, and it was not until 1492, when he had chased the Moors from Spain, that he was able again to listen to the solicita- tions of the Genoese sailor. This time the affair was thoroughly considered, and the king consented to the enterprise. But Co- lumbus, as is the manner of proud natures, wished to impose his own conditions. They bargained over that which should enrich Spain! Columbus, in dis- gust, was without doubt ready to quit, and forever, this ungrateful country, but Isabella, touched by the thought of the unbelievers of Asia, whom she hoped to convert to the Catholic faith, ordered Co- lumbus to be recalled, and then acceded to all his demands. Columbus was in the fifty-sixth year of his age 9° Christopher Columbus when he signed a treaty with the King of Spain at Santa-Feta on the 17th of April, 1492, being eighteen years after he had first conceived his project, and seven years from the time of his quitting the monas- tery of Palos. By this solemn convention, the dig- nity of high admiral was to belong to Columbus in all the lands which he might discover, and this dig- nity was to descend in perpetuity to his heirs and suc- cessors. He was named viceroy and governor of the new possessions which he hoped to conquer in the rich countries of Asia, and one-tenth part of the pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, provi- sions, and merchandise of whatever kind, which might be acquired in any manner whatsoever, within the limits of his jurisdiction, was of right to belong to him. All was arranged, and at length Columbus was to put his cherished projects in execution. But let us repeat, he had no thought of meeting with the New World, of the existence of which he had not the faint- est suspicion. His aim was "to explore the East by the West, and to pass by the way of the West to the Land whence come the spices." One may even aver that Columbus died in the belief that he had arrived at the shores of Asia, and never knew himself that he had made the discovery of America. But this in no way lessens his glory; the meeting with the new Con- tinent was but an accident. The real cause of the immortal renown of Columbus was that audacity of 91 Travellers and Explorers genius which induced him to brave the dangers of an unknown ocean, to separate himself afar from those familiar shores, which, until now, navigators had never ventured to quit, to adventure himself upon the waves of the Atlantic Ocean in the frail ships of the period, which the first tempest might engulf, to launch himself, in a word, upon the deep darkness of an unknown sea. The preparations began, Columbus entering into an arrangement with some rich navigators of Palos, the three brothers Pinzon, who made the necessary advances for defraying the expenses of fitting out the ships. Three caravels, named the "Gallega," the "Nina," and the "Pinta," were equipped in the port of Palos. The "Gallega" was destined to carry the admiral, who changed her name to the "Santa- Maria." The "Pinta" was commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and the "Nina" by his two brothers, Francis Martin, and Vincent Yanez Pinzon. It was difficult to man the ships, sailors generally being frightened at the enterprise, but at last the captains succeeded in getting together one hundred and twenty men, and on Friday, August 3, 1492, the ad- miral, crossing at eight o'clock in the morning the bar of Saltez, off the town of Huelva, in Andalusia, ad- ventured himself with his three half-decked caravels upon the Atlantic waves. During the first day's voyage, the admiral— the title by which he is usually known in the various ac- 92 Christopher Columbus counts of his exploits — bearing directly southward, sailed forty-five miles before sunset; turning then to the southeast, he steered for the Canaries, in order to repair the "Pinta," which had unshipped her rudder, an accident caused perhaps by the ill-will of the steersman, who dreaded the voyage. Ten days later Columbus cast anchor before the Great Canary Isl- and, where the rudder of the caravel was repaired. Nineteen days afterward he arrived before Gomera, where the inhabitants assured him of the existence of an unknown land in the west of the Archipelago. He did not leave Gomera until the 6th of September. He had received warning that three Portuguese ships awaited him in the open sea, with the intention of barring his passage; however, without taking any heed of this news, he put to sea, cleverly avoided meeting his enemies, and steering directly westward, he lost all sight of land. During the voyage the ad- miral took care to conceal from his companions the true distance traversed each day; he made it appear less than it really was in the daily abstracts of his ob- servations, that he might not add to the fear already felt by the sailors, by letting them know the real dis- tance which separated them from Europe, Each day he watched the compasses with attention, and it is to him we owe the discovery of the magnetic vari- ation, of which he took account in his calculations. The pilots, however, were much disturbed on seeing the compasses all "northwesters," as they expressed it. 93 D— Vol. ii Travellers and Explorers On the 14th of September the sailors saw a swal- low and some tropic-birds. The sight of these birds was an evidence of land being near, for they do not usually fly more than about seventy miles out to sea. The temperature was very mild, the weather mag- nificent; the wind blew from the east and wafted the caravels in the desired direction. But it was exactly this continuance of east wind which frightened the greater part of the sailors, who saw in this persis- tence, so favorable for the outward voyage, the promise of a formidable obstacle to their return home. On the 16th of September some tufts of sea- weed, still fresh, were seen floating on the waves. But no land was to be seen, and this seaweed might possibly indicate the presence of submarine rocks, and not of the shores of a continent. On the 17th, thirty-five days after the departure of the expedition, floating weeds were frequently seen, and upon one mass of weed was found a live cray-fish, a sure sign this of the proximity of land. During the following days a large number of birds, such as gannets, sea-swallows, and tropic- birds, flew around the caravels. Columbus turned their presence to account as a means of reassuring his companions, who were beginning to be terribly frightened at not meeting with land after six weeks of sailing. His own confidence never abated, but putting firm trust in God, he often addressed ener- getic words of comfort to those around him, and 94 Christopher Columbus made them each evening chant the Salve Regina, or some other hymn to the Virgin. At the words of this heroic man, so noble, so sure of himself, so superior to all human weaknesses, the courage of the sailors revived, and they again went onward. We can well imagine how anxiously both officers and men scanned the western horizon toward which they were steering. - Each one had a pecuniary mo- tive for wishing to be the first to descry the New Continent, King Ferdinand having promised a re- ward of 10,000 maravedis, or 400 pounds sterling, to the first discoverer. The latter days of the month of September were enlivened by the presence of numer- ous large birds, petrels, man-of-war birds, and dam- iers, flying in couples, a sign that they were not far away from home. So Columbus retained his un- shaken conviction that land could not be far off. On the 1st of October, the admiral announced to his companions that they had made 1,272 miles to the west since leaving Ferro ; in reality, the distance trav- ersed exceeded 2,100 miles, and of this Columbus was quite aware, but persisted in his policy of dis- guising the truth in this particular. On the 7th of October, the crews were excited by hearing dis- charges of musketry from the "Nina," the com- manders of which, the two brothers Pinzon, thought they had descried land ; they soon found, however, that they had been mistaken. Still, on their repre- senting that they had seen some parroquets flying in 95 Travellers and Explorers a southwesterly direction, the admiral consented to change his route so far as to steer some points to the south, a change which had happy consequences in the future, for had they continued to run directly west- ward, the caravels would have been aground upon the great Bahama Bank, and would probably have been altogether destroyed. Still the ardently desired land did not appear. Each evening the sun as it went down dipped behind an interminable horizon of water. The crews, who had several times been the victims of an optical il- lusion, now began to murmur against Columbus, "the Genoese, the foreigner," who had enticed them so far away from their country. Some symptoms of mu- tiny had already shown themselves on board the ves- sels, when, on the ioth of October, the sailors openly declared that they would go no further. In treating of this part of the voyage, the historians would seem to have drawn somewhat upon their imagination; they narrate scenes of serious import which took place upon the admiral's caravel, the sailors going so far as even to threaten his life. They say also, that the recriminations ended by a kind of arrangement, granting a respite of three days to Columbus, at the end of which time, should land not have been then discovered, the fleet was to set out on its return to Europe. All these statements we may look upon as pure fiction; there is nothing in the accounts given by Columbus himself which lends them the smallest 96 Christopher Columbus credibility. But it has been needful to touch upon them, for nothing must be omitted relating to the great Genoese Navigator, and some amount of le- gend mixed up with history does not ill beseem the grand figure of Christopher Columbus. Still, it is an undoubted fact that there was much murmuring on board the caravels, but it would seem that the crews, cheered by the words of the admiral, and by his brave attitude in the midst of uncertainty, did not refuse to do their duty in working the ships. On the nth of October, the admiral noticed alongside of his vessel, a reed still green, floating upon the top of a large wave: at the same time the crew of the "Pinta" hoisted on board another reed, a small board, and a little stick, which appeared to have been cut with an instrument of iron; it was evi- dent that human hands had been employed upon these things. Almost at the same moment, the men of the "Nina" perceived a branch of some thorny tree cov- ered with blossoms. At all this every one rejoiced exceedingly; there could be no doubt now of the proximity of the coast. Night fell over the sea. The "Pinta," the best sailer of the three vessels, was leading. Already, Columbus himself, and one Rod- rigo Sanchez, comptroller of the expedition, had thought they had seen a light moving amidst the shadows of the horizon, when a sailor named Rod- rigo, on board the "Pinta," cried out, "Land, land." What must have been the feelings in the breast 97 Travellers and Explorers of Columbus at that moment? Never had any man, since the first creation of the human race, experi- enced a similar emotion to that now felt by the great navigator. Perhaps even it is allowable to think that the eye which first saw this New Continent, was indeed that of the admiral himself. But what mat- ters it? The glory of Columbus consisted not in the having arrived : his glory was in the having set out. It was at two o'clock in the morning that the land was first seen, when the caravels were not two hours' sail away from it. At once all the crews, deeply moved, joined in singing together the Salve Regina. With the first rays of the sun they saw a little island, six miles to windward of them. It was one of the Ba- hama group; Columbus named it San Salvador, and immediately falling on his knees, he began to repeat the hymn of Saint Ambrose and Saint Augustine: "Te Deum laudamus, Te Deum confitemur." At this moment, some naked savages appeared upon the newly discovered coast. Columbus had his long-boat lowered, and got into it with Alonzo and Yancz Pinzon, the comptroller Rodrigo, the secre- tary Descovedo, and some others. He landed upon the shore, carrying in his hand the royal banner, while the two captains bore between them the green banner of the Cross, upon which were interlaced the initials of Ferdinand and Isabella. Then the admiral solemnly took possession of the island in the name of the King and Queen of Spain, and caused 98 Christopher Columbus a record of the act to be drawn up. During this ceremony the natives came round Columbus and his companions. M. Charton gives the account of the scene in the very words of Columbus : "Desiring to inspire them (the natives) with friendship for us, and being persuaded, on seeing them, that they would confide the more readily in us, and be the bet- ter disposed toward embracing our Ploly Faith, if we used mildness in persuading them, rather than if we had recourse to force, I caused to be given to several among them, colored caps, and also glass beads, which they put around their necks. I added various other articles of small value; they testified great joy, and showed so much gratitude that we marvelled greatly at it. When we were re-embarking, they swam toward us, to ofler us parroquets, balls of cot- ton thread, zagayes (or long darts), and many other things; in exchange we gave them some small glass beads, little bells, and other objects. They gave us all they had, but they appeared to me to be very poor. The men and women both were as naked as when they were born. Among those whom we saw, one woman was rather young, and none of the men ap- peared to be more than thirty years of age. They were well made, their figures handsome, and their faces agreeable. Their hair, as coarse as that of a horse's tail, hung down in front as low as their eye- brows; behind it formed a long mass, which they never cut. There are some who paint themselves 99 L.cfC. Travellers and Explorers with a blackish pigment; their natural color being neither black nor white, but similar to that of the in- habitants of the Canary islands; some paint them- selves with white, some with red, or any other color, either covering the whole body with it, or the whole face, or perhaps only the eyes, or the nose. They do not carry arms like our people, and do not even know what they are. When I showed them some swords, they laid hold of them by the blades, and cut their fingers. They have no iron; their zagayes are sticks, the tip is not of iron, but sometimes made of a fish tooth, or of some other hard substance. They have much grace in their movements. I remarked that several had scars upon their bodies, and I asked them, by means of signs, how they had been wounded. They answered in the same manner, that the inhab- itants of the neighboring islands had come to attack them, and make them prisoners, and that they had defended themselves. I thought then, and I still think, that they must have come from the mainland to make them prisoners for slaves; they would be faithful and gentle servants. They seem to have the power of repeating quickly what they hear. I am persuaded that they might be converted to Christian- ity without difficulty, for I believe that they belong to no sect." When Columbus returned on board, several of the savages swam after his boat; the next day, the 13th, they came in crowds around the ships, on board 100 Christopher Columbus of enormous canoes shaped out of the trunks of trees; they were guided by means of a kind of baker's shovel, and some of the canoes were capable of hold- ing forty men. Several natives wore little plates of gold hanging from their nostrils; they appeared much surprised at the arrival of the strangers, and quite believed that these white men must have fallen from the skies. It was with a mixture of respect and curiosity that they touched the garments of the Span- iards, considering them, doubtless, a kind of natural plumage. The scarlet coat of the admiral excited their admiration above everything, and it was evi- dent that they looked upon Columbus as a parroquet of a superior species; at once they seemed to recog- nize him as the chief among the strangers. So Columbus and his followers visited this new island of San Salvador. They were never tired of admiring the beauty of its situation, its magnificent groves, its running streams, and verdant meadows. The fauna of the island offered little variety; par- roquets of radiant plumage abounded among the trees, but they appeared to be the only species of birds upon the island. San Salvador presented an almost flat plateau of which no mountain broke the uniformity; a small lake occupied the centre of the island. The explorers imagined that San Salvador must contain great mineral riches, since the inhab- itants were adorned with ornaments of gold. But was this precious metal derived from the island it- IOI Travellers a'nd Explorers self? Upon this point the admiral questioned one of the natives, and succeeded in learning from him, by means of signs, that in turning the island and sail- ing toward the south, the admiral would find a coun- try of which the king possessed great vessels of gold and immense riches. The next morning, at day- break, Columbus gave orders to have the ships pre- pared for sea; he set sail, and steered toward the con- tinent of which the natives had spoken, which, as he imagined, could be none other than Cipango.( Mfi^ A Here an important observation must be Imade, showing the state of geographical knowledge at this period: viz., that Columbus now believed himself to have arrived at Asia; Cipango being the name given by Marco Polo to Japan. This error of the admiral, shared in by all his companions, was not rectified for many years afterward, and thus, as we have already remarked, the great navigator after four successive voyages to the islands, died, without knowing that he had discovered a new world. It is beyond doubt that the sailors of Columbus, and Columbus himself, imagined that they had arrived, during that night of the 1 2th October, 1492, either at Japan, or China, or the Indies. This is the reason why America so long bore the name of the "Western Indies," and why the aborigines of this continent, in Brazil and in Mexico, as well as in the United States, are still classed under the general appellation of "Indians." So Columbus dreamed only of reaching the 102 Christopher Columbus shores of Japan. He coasted along San Salvador, exploring its western side. The natives, running down to the shore, offered him water and cassava bread, made from the root of a plant called the "yucca. " Several times the admiral landed upon the coast at different points, and with a sad want of humanity, he carried away some of the natives, that he might take them with him to Spain. Poor men! already the strangers began to tear them from their country; it would not be long before they began to sell them! At last the caravels lost sight of San Salvador, and were again upon the wide ocean. Fortune had favored Columbus in thus guiding him into the centre of one of the most beautiful archi- pelagos which the world contains. These new lands which he discovered were as a casket of precious stones, which needed only to be opened, and the hands of the discoverer were full of treasures. On the 15th of October, at sunset, the flotilla came to anchor near the western point of a second island, at a distance of only fifteen miles from San Salvador; this island was named Conception; on the morrow the admiral landed upon the shore, having his men well armed for fear of surprise ; the natives, however, proved to be of the same race as those of San Salva- dor, and gave a kind welcome to the Spaniards. A southeasterly wind having arisen, Columbus soon put to sea again, and twenty-seven miles further west- ward he discovered a third island, which he called 103 Travellers and Explorers Fernandina, but which now goes by the name of the Great Exuma. All night they lay-to, and next day, the 17th of October, large native canoes came off to the vessels. The relations with the natives were ex- cellent, the savages peacefully exchanging fruit, and small balls of cotton for glass beads, tambourines, needles, which took their fancy greatly, and some molasses, of which they appeared very fond. These natives of Fernandina wore some clothing, and ap- peared altogether more civilized than those of San Salvador; they inhabited houses made in the shape of tents and having high chimneys; the interiors of these dwellings were remarkably clean and well kept. The western side of the island, with its deeply indented shore, formed a grand natural harbor, capa- ble of containing a hundred vessels. But Fernandina did not afford the riches so much coveted by the Spaniards as spoils to take back to Eu- rope; there were no gold mines here; the natives who were on board the flotilla always spoke, however, of a larger island, situated to the south and called Sao- meto, in which the precious metal was found. Co- lumbus steered in the direction indicated, and during the night of Friday, the 19th of October, he cast anchor near this Saometo, calling it Isabella; in mod- ern maps it goes by the name of Long Island. Ac- cording to the natives of San Salvador, there was a powerful king in this island, but the admiral for sev- eral days awaited in vain the advent of this great 104 Christopher Columbus personage; he did not show himself. The island of Isabella was beautiful of aspect, with its clear lakes and thick forests; the Spaniards were never tired of admiring the new type of nature presented to their view, and of which the intense verdure was wonder- ful to European eyes. Parroquets in innumerable flocks were flying among the thick trees, and great lizards, doubtless iguanas, glided with rapid move- ments in the high grass. The inhabitants of the isl- and fled at first at the sight of the foreigners, but soon becoming bolder, they trafficked with the Spaniards in the productions of their country. Still Columbus held firmly to the notion of reach- ing the shores of Japan. The natives had mentioned to him a large island a little to the west which they called Cuba, and this the admiral supposed must form part of the kingdom of Cipango; he felt little doubt but that he would soon arrive at the town of Quinsay, or Hang-tchoo-foo, formerly the capital of China. With this object, as soon as the winds per- mitted, the fleet weighed anchor. On Thursday, the 25th of October, seven or eight islands lying in a straight line were sighted; these were probably the Mucaras. Columbus did not stop to visit them, and on the Sunday he came in sight of Cuba. The cara- vels were moored in a river, to which the Spaniards gave the name of San Salvador; after a short stay, they sailed again toward the west, and entered a harbor situated at the mouth of a large river which 105 Travellers and Explorers was afterward called the harbor of Las Nuevitas del Principe. Numerous palm-trees were growing upon the shores of the island, having leaves so broad that only one was required for roofing a native hut. The na- tives had fled at the approach of the Spaniards, who found upon the shore idols of female form, tame birds, bones of animals, also dumb dogs, and some fishing instruments. The Cuban savages, however, were ready to be enticed like the others, and they con- sented to barter their goods with the Spaniards. Co- lumbus believed himself to be now on the mainland, and only a few leagues from Hang-tchoo-foo; this idea being so rooted in his mind, that he even busied himself in despatching some presents to the great Khan of China. On the 2d of November he de- sired one of the officers of his ship, and a Jew who could speak Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, to set out to seek this native monarch. The ambassadors, carry- ing with them strings of beads, and having six days given to them for the fulfilment of their mission, started, taking a route leading toward the interior of this so-called continent. In the meantime, Columbus explored for nearly six miles a splendid river which flowed beneath the shade of woods of odoriferous trees. The inhab- itants freely bartered their goods with the Spaniards, and frequently mentioned to them a place named Bohio, where gold and pearls might be obtained in 106 Christopher Columbus abundance. They added that men lived there who had dogs' heads, and who fed upon human flesh. The admiral's envoys returned to the port on the 6th of November, after a four days' absence. Two day had sufficed to bring them to a village composed of about fifty huts, where they were received with every mark of respect; the natives kissing their feet and hands, and taking them for deities descended from the skies. Among other details of native cus- toms, they reported that both men and women smoked tobacco by means of a forked pipe, drawing up the smoke through their nostrils. These savages were acquainted with the secret of obtaining fire by rubbing briskly two pieces of wood against each other. Cotton was found in large quantities in the houses, made up into the form of tents, one of these containing as much as 11,000 pounds of the mate- rial. As to the grand khan, they saw no vestige of him. Another consequence of the error of Columbus must be noticed here, one which, according to Irving, changed the whole series of his discoveries. He be- lieved himself to be on the coast of Asia, and there- fore looked upon Cuba as a portion of that continent. In consequence, he never thought of making the tour of Cuba, but decided on returning toward the east. Now, had he not been deceived on this occasion, and had he continued to follow the same direction as at first, the results of his enterprise would have been 107 Travellers and Explorers greatly modified. He might then have drifted to- ward Florida at the southeastern point of North America, or he might have run direct to Mexico. In this latter case, instead of ignorant and savage natives, what would he have found? The inhab- itants of the great Aztec Empire, of the half-civil- ized kingdom of Montezuma. There he would have seen towns, armies, enormous wealth, and his role would no doubt have been the same as that afterward played by Hernando Cortes. But it was not to be thus, and the admiral, persevering in his mistake, directed his flotilla toward the east, weighing anchor on the 1 2th of November, 1492. Columbus tacked in and out along the Cuban coast; he saw the two mountains — Cristal and Moa; he explored a harbor to which he gave the name of Puerto del Principe, and an archipelago which he called the Sea of Nuestra Senora. Each night the fishermen's fires were seen upon the numerous isl- ands, the inhabitants of which lived upon spiders and huge worms. Several times the Spaniards landed upon different points of the coast, and there planted the cross as a sign of taking possession of the coun- try. The natives often spoke to the admiral about a certain island of Babeque, where gold abounded, and thither Columbus resolved to go, but Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the captain of the "Pinta," the best sailer of the three ships, was beforehand with him, and at day- break on the 2 1 st of November, he had completely 108 Christopher Columbus disappeared from sight. The admiral was very an- gry at this separation, his feelings on the subject ap- pearing plainly in his narrative, where he says, "Pin- zon has said and done to me many like things." Con- tinuing his exploration of the coast of Cuba, Colum- bus discovered the Bay of Moa, the Point of Mangle, Point Vaez, and the harbor of Barracoa, but no- where did he meet with cannibals, although the huts of the natives were often to be seen adorned with human skulls, a sight which appeared to give great satisfaction to the islanders on board the fleet. On the following days, they saw the Boma River, and the caravels, doubling the point of Los Azules, found themselves upon the eastern part of the island, whose coast they had now reconnoitred for a distance of 375 miles. But Columbus instead of continuing his route to the south turned off to the east, and on the 5th of December perceived a large island, called by the na- tives Bohio. This was Hayti, or San Domingo. In the evening, the "Nina," by the admiral's or- ders, entered a harbor which was named Port Mary; it is situated at the northwestern extremity of the isl- land, and, with the cape near which it lies, is now called St. Nicholas. The next day the Spaniards discovered a number of headlands, and an islet, called Tortuga Island. Everywhere on the appear- ance of the ships, the Indian canoes took to flight. The island, along which they were now coasting, ap- peared very large and very high, from which lat- 109 Travellers and Explorers ter peculiarity it gained, later on, its name of Hayti, which signifies High Land. The coast was explored by the Spaniards as far as Mosquito Bay; its natural features, its plains and hills, its plants and the birds which fluttered among the beautiful trees of the isl- and, all recalled to the memory the landscapes of Castille, and for this reason Columbus named it His- paniola, or Spanish Island. The inhabitants were extremely timid and distrustful ; they fled away into the interior and no communication could be held with them. Some sailors, however, succeeded in capturing a young woman, whom they carried on board with them. She was young and rather pretty. The admiral gave her, besides rings and beads, some clothing, of which she had great need, and after most generous treatment, he sent her back to shore. This good conduct had the result of taming the natives, and the next day, when nine of the sailors, well armed, ventured as far as sixteen miles inland, they were received with respect, the savages running to them in crowds, and offering them everything which their country produced. The sailors returned to the ships enchanted with their excursion. The in- terior of the island they had found rich in cotton plants, mastic-trees and aloes, while a fine river, named afterward the Three Rivers, flowed gently along its limpid course. On December 15th, Co- lumbus again set sail, and was carried by the wind toward Tortuga Island, upon which he saw a navi- 110 Christopher Columbus gable stream of water, and a valley so beautiful that he called it the Vale of Paradise. The day follow- ing, having tacked into a deep gulf, an Indian was seen who, notwithstanding the violence of the wind, was skilfully manoeuvring a light canoe. This In- dian was invited to come on board, was loaded with presents by the admiral, and then put on shore again, at one of the harbors of Hispaniola, now called the Puerto de Paz. This kindness tended to attach the natives to the admiral, and from that day they came in numbers round the caravels ; their king came with them, a strong, vigorous, and somewhat stout young man of twenty years of age; he was naked, like his subjects of both sexes, who showed him much re- spect, but with no appearance of servility. Colum- bus ordered royal honors to be rendered to him, and in return, the king, or rather cacique, informed the admiral that the provinces to the east abounded in gold. Next day another cacique arrived, offering to place all the treasures of his country at the service of the Spaniards. He was present at a fete in honor of the Virgin Mary, that Columbus caused to be cele- brated with great pomp on board his vessel, which was gayly dressed with flags on the occasion. The cacique dined at the admiral's table, apparently en- joying the repast; after he had himself tasted of the different viands and beverages, he sent the dishes and goblets to the members of his suite ; he had good man- iii Travellers and Explorers ners, spoke little, but showed great politeness. After the feast, he gave the admiral some thin leaves of gold, while Columbus, on his side, presented him with some coins, upon which were engraved the por- traits of Ferdinand and Isabella, and after explain- ing to him by signs that these were the representa- tions of the most powerful sovereigns in the world, he caused the royal banners of Castille to be dis- played before the savage prince. When night fell, the cacique retired, highly delighted with his visit; and on his departure he was saluted with a salvo of artillery. On the day following, the crews before quitting this hospitable coast, set up a large cross in the middle of the little town. In issuing from the gulf formed by Tortuga Island and Hispaniola, they discovered several harbors, capes, bays, and rivers ; at the point of Limbe, a small island which Columbus named St. Thomas, and finally, an enormous harbor, safe and sheltered, hidden between the island and the Bay of Acul, and to which access was given by a canal surrounded by high mountains covered with trees. The admiral often disembarked upon this coast, the natives receiving him as an ambassador from heaven, and imploring him to remain among them. Columbus gave them quantities of little bells, brass rings, glass beads, and other toys, which they eagerly accepted. A cacique named Guacanagari, reigning over the province of Marien, sent to the admiral a 112 Christopher Columbus belt adorned with the figure of an animal with large ears, of which the nose and tongue were made of beaten gold. Gold appeared to be abundant in the island, and the natives soon brought a considerable quantity of it to the strangers. The inhabitants of this part of Hispaniola seemed to be superior in in- telligence and appearance to those of that portion of the island which had been first visited ; in the opinion of Columbus, the paint, red, black, or white, with which the natives covered their bodies, served to pro- tect them from sunstroke. The huts of these savages were pretty and well built. Upon Columbus ques- tioning them as to the country which produced gold, they always indicated one toward the east, a country which they called Cibao, and which the admiral con- tinued to identify with Cipango or Japan. On Christmas Day a serious accident occurred to the admiral's caravel, the first damage sustained in this hitherto prosperous voyage. An inexperienced steersman was at the helm of the "Santa-Maria" dur- ing an excursion outside the Gulf of St. Thomas; night came on, and he allowed the vessel to be caught in some currents which threw her upon the rocks; the caravel grounded and her rudder stuck fast. The admiral, awakened by the shock, ran upon deck; he ordered an anchor to be fastened forward, by which the ship might warp herself off and so float again. The master and some of the sailors charged with the execution of this order, jumped into the long-boat, 113 Travellers and Explorers but seized with a sudden panic, they rowed away in haste to the "Nina." Meantime the tide fell, and the "Santa-Maria" ran further aground; it became neces- sary to cut away the masts to lighten her, and soon it was evident that everything on board must be re- moved to the other ship. The cacique Guacanagari, quite understanding the dangerous situation of the caravel, came with his brothers and other relations, accompanied by a great number of the Indians, and helped in unlading the ship. Thanks to this prince, not a single article of the cargo was stolen, and dur- ing the whole night armed natives kept watch around the stores of provisions. The next day Guacanagari went on board the "Nina," to console the admiral, and to place all his own possessions at his disposal, at the same time of- fering him a repast of bread, doe's flesh, fish, roots, and fruit. Columbus, much moved by these tokens of friendship, formed the design of founding an es- tablishment on this island. With this purpose in view, he addressed himself to gain the hearts of the Indians by presents and kindness, and wishing also to give them an adequate notion of his power, he or- dered the discharge of an arquebuse and a small cannon, of which the reports frightened the poor sav- ages terribly. On December 26th, the Spaniards commenced the construction of a fort upon this part of the coast, the intention of the admiral being to leave there a certain number of men, with a year's 114 Christopher Columbus provision of bread, wine, and seed, and to give them the long-boat belonging to the "Santa-Maria." The works at the fort were pushed forward with rapidity. It was also on the 26th that they received news of the "Pinta," which had been separated from the flotilla since November 21st. The natives announced that she was at anchor in a river at the extreme point of the island, but a canoe despatched by Guacanagari returned without having found her. Then Colum- bus, not wishing to continue his explorations under the present conditions, since the loss of the "Santa- Maria," which could not be floated again, left him but one caravel, decided to return to Spain, and preparations for the departure began. On the 2d of January Columbus caused his sol- diers to act a mimic battle, greatly to the admiration of the cacique and his subjects. Afterward the ad- miral chose out thirty-nine men to form the garrison of the fortress during his absence, naming Rodrigo de Escovedo as their commander. The greater part of the cargo of the "Santa-Maria" was to be left behind with them, for their year's provision. Among these first colonists of the New World were included a writer, an alguazil, a cooper, a doctor, and a tailor. These Spaniards were charged with the mission of seeking for gold-mines, and of choosing a suitable site for the building of a town. On the 3d of Jan- uary, after solemn leave-takings of the cacique and the new colonists, the "Nina" weighed anchor and 115 Travellers and Explorers sailed out of the harbor. An island was soon discov- ered, having upon it a very high mountain; to this was given the name of Monte-Cristi. Columbus had already sailed for two days along the coast, when he was aware of the approach of the "Pinta," and very soon her captain, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, came on board the "Nina," endeavoring to excuse his con- duct. The real truth was that Pinzon had taken the lead with the view of being the first to reach the pre- tended island of Babeque, of which the riches had been described in glowing colors by the natives. The admiral was very ready to accept the bad reasons given him by Captain Pinzon, and learned from him that the "Pinta" had done nothing but coast along the shores of Hispaniola, without discovering any new island. On the 7th of January the ships lay to, to stop a leak which had sprung in the hold of the "Nina." Columbus profited by this delay to explore a wide river, situated about three miles from Monte-Cristi, and which carried so much gold-dust along with it, that he gave it the name of the Golden River. The admiral would have desired to visit this part of His- paniola with greater care, but the crews were in haste to return home, and under the influence of the brothers Pinzon, began to murmur against his au- thority. On the 9th of January the caravels set sail and steered toward the east-southeast, skirting the coast, 116 Christopher Columbus and distinguishing by names even its smallest sinu- osities; of such were Point Isabella, the Cape of La Roca, French Cape, Cape Cabron, and the Bay of Samana, situated at the eastern extremity of the isl- and, where was a port, in which the fleet, being be- calmed, came to anchor. At first the relations be- tween the foreigners and the natives were excellent, but a change was suddenly perceived, the savages ceasing to barter, and making some hostile demon- strations, which left no doubt of the bad intentions entertained by them. On the 13th of January the savages made a sudden and unexpected attack upon the Spaniards, who, however, put a bold face on the matter, and by the aid of their weapons, put their enemies to flight after a few minutes' combat. Thus, for the first time, the blood of the Indian flowed be- neath the hand of the European. On the morrow Columbus again set sail, having on board four young natives, whom, notwithstand- ing their objections, he persisted in carrying off with him. His crews, imbittered and fatigued, caused him great uneasiness, and in his narrative of the voy- age, this great man, superior though he were to all human weaknesses, and a being whom adverse fate could not humble, bemoans himself bitterly over this trial. It was on the 16th of January that the home- ward voyage commenced in good earnest, and Cape Samana, the extreme point of Hispaniola, disap- peared below the horizon. The passage proved a 117 Travellers and Explorers quick one, and no incident is recorded until the 12th of February, when the vessels encountered a fearful storm lasting three days, with furious wind, enormous waves, and much lightning from the north-northeast. Three times did the terrified sailors make a vow of pilgrimage to St. Mary of Guadalupe, to our Lady of Loretto, and to St. Clara of JMoguer, and at length, in extremity of fear, the whole crew swore to go and pray in their shirts and with naked feet in some church dedicated to the Virgin. But in spite of all, the storm raged with redoubled fury, and even the admiral feared for the result. In case of a catastro- phe, he thought it well hastily to write upon a parch- ment an abstract of his discoveries, with a request that whoever should find the document would for- ward it to the king of Spain; wrapping the parch- ment in oil-cloth, he inclosed it in a wooden barrel, which was thrown into the sea. At sunrise on the 15th of February the hurricane abated, the two caravels which had been separated by the storm again joined company, and after three days they cast anchor at the island of St. Mary, one of the Azores; as soon as they arrived there, the admiral sought to further the accomplishment of the vows made during the storm, and with this object, sent half of his people on shore; but these were unhap- pily made prisoners by the Portuguese, who did not restore them to liberty for five days, notwithstanding the urgent remonstrances made by Columbus. The 118 Christopher Columbus admiral put to sea again on the 23d of February; again the winds were contrary, and again, amid a vio- lent tempest, he took fresh vows in company with all his crew, promising to fast on the first Saturday which should follow their arrival in Spain. At last, on the 4th of March, the pilots sighted the mouth of the Tagus, in which the "Nina" took refuge, while the "Pinta," caught by the wind, was carried away into the Bay of Biscay. The Portuguese welcomed the admiral kindly, the king even admitting him to an audience. Colum- bus was in haste to return to Spain ; as soon as the weather permitted, the "Nina" again set sail, and at mid-day on the 15th of March, she cast anchor in the port of Palos, after seven months and a half of navi- gation, during which Columbus had discovered the islands of San Salvador, Conception, Great Exuma, Long Island, the Mucaras, Cuba, and San Domingo. The court of Ferdinand and Isabella was then at Barcelona, whither the admiral was summoned. He set out immediately, taking with him the Indians whom he had brought from the New World. The enthusiasm he excited was extreme ; from all parts the people ran to look at him as he passed, rendering him royal honors. His entry into Barcelona was mag- nificent The king and queen, with the grandees of Spain, received him with great pomp at the palace of the Deputation. He there gave an account of his wonderful voyage, and presented the specimens of 119 Travellers and Explorers gold which he had brought with him ; then all the as- sembly knelt down and chanted the Te Deum. Christopher Columbus was afterward ennobled by letters patent, and the king granted him a coat of arms bearing this device: "To Castille and Leon, Co- lumbus gives a New World." The fame of the Genoese navigator rang through the whole of Eu- rope; the Indians whom he had brought with him were baptized in presence of the whole court; and thus, the man of genius, so long poor and unknown, had now risen to the highest point of celebrity. I20 THE CONQUEST OF MONTEZUMA'S EMPIRE THE YOUTH OF CORTES ONG ago, when Henry VIII. was King of Eng- land and Charles V. was King of Spain, there lived a young Spanish cavalier whose name was Her- nando Cortes. His father, Don Martin Cortes, sent him to Salamanca when he was about fourteen years old, intending to have him educated as a lawyer. But Hernando cared nothing for books, and after wasting two years at college returned home, to the great an- noyance of his parents, who were glad enough when, after another year of idleness, he proposed to go and seek his fortune in the New World so lately discov- ered by Columbus. An exploring expedition was just being fitted out, and Hernando Cortes had quite made up his mind to join it, when he unluckily fell from a high wall which he was climbing, and before he had recovered from his injuries the ships had sailed without him. Two more years did he remain at home after this misadventure, but at length, when he was nineteen years old, he joined a small fleet bound for the Indian Islands. The vessel in which he sailed was commanded by one Alonzo Quintero, who, when they reached the Canary Islands, and all the other vessels were detained by taking in supplies, stole out of the harbor under coverof the night,mean- 121 Travellers and Explorers ing to reach Hispaniola before his companions, and so secure a better chance of trading. However, he met with a furious storm, and was driven back to the port with his ship dismasted and battered. The rest of the fleet generously consented to wait while his ship was being refitted, and after a short delay they set out again, but so soon as they neared the islands, the faithless Quintero again gave his companions the slip, but with no better success, for he met with such heavy gales that he entirely lost his reckoning, and for many days they tossed about helplessly, until one morning they were cheered by the sight of a white dove, which settled upon the rigging. Taking the direction of the bird's flight, they soon reached His- paniola, where the captain had the satisfaction of finding all the other ships had arrived before him, and had sold all their cargoes. Cortes, as soon as he landed, went to see Ovando, the governor of the isl- and, whom he had known in Spain, and presently was persuaded by him to accept a grant of land and settle down to cultivate it, though at first he said: "I came to get gold, not to till the ground like a peasant." So six years passed, during which the monotony of Cortes's life was only broken by oc- casional expeditions against the natives, in which he learned to endure toil and danger, and be- came familiar with the tactics of Indian war- fare. At length, in 151 1, when Diego Velasquez, the governor's lieutenant, undertook the conquest of 122 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire Cuba, Cortes gladly accompanied him, and through- out the expedition made himself a favorite both with the commander and the soldiers. But when later on there arose discontent over the distribu- tion of lands and offices, the malcontents fixed upon Cortes as the most suitable person to go back to His- paniola, and lay their grievances before the higher authorities. This came to the ears of Velasquez, however, and he at once seized Cortes, whom he loaded with fetters and threw into prison. Luckily he soon succeeded in freeing himself from the irons, and letting himself down from the window took refuge in the nearest church, where he claimed the right of sanctuary. Velasquez, who was very angry at his escape, stationed a guard with orders to seize Cortes if he should leave the sanctuary, and this he was soon careless enough to do. As he stood outside the church an officer suddenly sprang upon him from behind, and made him prisoner once more. This time he was carried on board a ship which was to sail the next morning for Hispaniola, where he was to be tried, but again he managed to escape by dragging his feet through the rings which fettered them, and drop- ping silently over the ship's side into a little boat un- der cover of the darkness. As he neared the shore the water became so rough that the boat was useless, and he was forced to swim the rest of the way; but at last he got safely to land, and again took refuge in the church. After this he married a lady named Cata- 123 Travellers and Explorers lina Xuarez, and by the aid of her family managed to make his peace with Velasquez. Cortes now re- ceived a large estate near St. Jago, where he lived prosperously for some years, and even amassed a con- siderable sum of money. But at last news came of an exploring expedition which had set out in 15 18 under Grijalva, the nephew of Velasquez. He had touched at various places on the Mexican coast, and had held a friendly conference with one cacique, or chief, who seemed desirous of collecting all the information he could about the Spaniards, and their motives in visit- ing Mexico, that he might transmit it to his master, the Aztec emperor. Presents were exchanged at this interview, and in return for a few glass beads, pins, and such paltry trifles, the Spaniards had received such a rich treasure of jewels and gold ornaments that the general at once sent back one of his ships under the command of Don Pedro de Alvarado to convey the spoil, and acquaint the governor of Cuba with the progress of the expedition, and also with all the in- formation he had been able to glean respecting the Aztec emperor and his dominions. Now in those days nothing whatever was known about the interior of the country or of its inhabitants — it was as strange to the explorers as another planet. THE WONDERS OF MEXICO This was what they had to tell the governor. Far away toward the Pacific Ocean there stood, in a beau- 124 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire tiful and most fertile valley, the capital of a great and powerful empire, called by its inhabitants "Tenoch- titlan," but known to the Europeans only by its other name of "Mexico," derived from "Mexitli," the war- god of the Aztecs. These Aztecs seem to have come originally from the north, and after many wander- ings to have halted at length on the southwestern bor- ders of a great lake, of which there were several in the Mexican valley. This celebrated valley was sit- uated at a height of about 7,500 feet above the sea, and was oval in form, about 67 leagues in circumfer- ence, and surrounded by towering rocks, which seemed to be meant to protect it from invasion. It was in the year 1325 that the Aztecs paused upon the shore of the lake, and saw, as the sun rose, a splendid eagle perched upon a prickly pear which shot out of a crevice in the rock. It held a large serpent in its claws, and its broad wings were opened toward the rising sun. The Aztecs saw in this a most favorable omen, and there and then set about building them- selves a city, laying its foundations upon piles in the marshy ground beside the lake, and to this day the eagle and the cactus form the arms of the Mexican republic. The little body of settlers increased rapidly in number and power, and made their name terrible throughout the valley, in which various other tribes had long been settled, until they united themselves with the king of the Tezcucans, to aid him against 125 E— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers a tribe called the Tepanecs, who had invaded his ter- ritory. The allies were completely successful, and this led to an agreement between the states of Mex- ico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, that they should support each other in all their wars, and divide all the spoils between them. This alliance remained unbroken for over a hundred years and under a succession of able princes the Aztec dominion grew, till at the coming of the Spaniards it reached across the continent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. The Aztecs had many wise laws and institutions, and were indeed in some respects a highly civilized community. When their emperor died a new one was chosen from among his sons or nephews, by four nobles. The one pre- ferred was obliged to have distinguished himself in war, and his coronation did not take place until a suc- cessful campaign had provided enough captives to grace his triumphal entry into the capital v and enough victims for the ghastly sacrifices which formed an important part of all their religious ceremonies. Communication was held with the remotest parts of the country by means of couriers, who, trained to it from childhood, travelled with amazing swiftness. Post-houses were established on the great roads, and the messenger bearing his despatches in the form of hieroglyphical paintings, ran to the first station, where they were taken by the next messenger and car- ried forward, being sent in one day a hundred or two hundred miles. Thus fish were served at the ban- 126 Conquest of-Montezuma's Empire quets of the Emperor Montezuma which twenty-four hours before had been caught in the Gulf of Mexico, two hundred miles away. Thus too the news was carried when any war was going on, and as the mes- sengers ran to acquaint the court with the movements of the royal armies, the people by the way knew whether the tidings were good or bad by the dress of the courier. But the training of warriors was the chief end and aim of all Aztec institutions. Their principal god was the god of war, and one great ob- ject of all their expeditions was the capture of victims to be sacrificed upon his altars. They believed that the soldier who fell in battle was transported at once to the blissful regions of the sun, and they conse- quently fought with an utter disregard of danger. The dress of the warriors was magnificent. Their bodies were protected by a vest of quilted cotton, im- pervious to light missiles, and over this the chiefs wore mantles of gorgeous feather-work, and the richer of them a kind of cuirass of gold or silver plates. Their helmets were of wood, fashioned like the head of some wild animal, or of silver surmounted by plumes of variously colored feathers, sprinkled with precious stones, beside which they wore many ornaments of gold, and their banners were embroid- ered with gold and feather-work. The Aztecs worshipped thirteen principal gods, and more than two hundred of less importance, each of whom, however, had his day of festival, which was 127 Travellers and Explorers r duly observed. At the head of all stood the war-god, the terrible Huitzilopochtli, whose fantastic image was loaded with costly ornaments, and whose tem- ples, in every city of the empire, were the most splen- did and stately. The Aztecs also had a legend that there had once dwelt upon the earth the great Quet- zalcoatl, god of the air, under whose sway all things had flourished and all people had lived in peace and prosperity; but he had in some way incurred the wrath of the principal gods, and was compelled to leave the country. On his way he stopped at the city of Cholula, where a temple was dedicated to him, of which the great ruins remain to this day. When he reached the shores of the Mexican Gulf he embarked in his magic boat, made of serpents' skins, for the fabulous land of Tlapallan, but before he bade his followers farewell he promised that he and his descendants would one day come again. The Aztecs confidently looked forward to the return of their benevolent god, who was said to have been tall in stature, with a white skin, long dark hair, and a flowing beard, and this belief of theirs prepared the way, as you will presently see, for the success of Cortes. The Mexican temples, or teocallis as they were called — which means "Houses of God"— were very numerous, there being several hundreds of them in each of the principal cities. They looked rather like the Egyptian pyramids, and were divided into four or five stories, each one being smaller than 128 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire the one below it, and the ascent was by a flight of steps at an angle of the pyramid. This led to a sort of terrace at the base of the second story, which passed quite round the building to another flight of steps immediately over the first, so that it was neces- sary to go all round the temple several times, before reaching the summit. The top was a broad space on which stood two towers, forty or fifty feet high, which contained the images of the gods. Before these towers stood the dreadful stone of sacrifice, and two lofty altars on which the sacred fires burned continu- ally. Human sacrifices were adopted by the Aztecs about two hundred years before the coming of the Spaniards. Rare at first, they became more and more frequent till at length nearly every festival closed with this cruel abomination. The unhappy victim was held by five priests upon the stone of sac- rifice, while the sixth, who was clothed in a scarlet mantle, emblematic of his horrible office, cut open his breast with a sharp razor of "itztli," a volcanic substance as hard as flint, and tearing out his heart, held it first up to the sun, which they worshipped, and then cast it at the feet of the god to whom the temple was devoted; and to crown the horror, the body of the captive thus sacrificed was afterward given to the warrior who had taken him in battle, who thereupon gave a great banquet and served him up amid choice dishes and delicious beverages for the entertainment of his friends. When the great 129 Travellers and Explorers teocalli of Huitzilopochtli was dedicated in the year i486, no less than 70,000 prisoners were thus sac- rificed, and in the whole kingdom every year the vic- tims were never fewer than 20,000, or, as some old writers say, 50,000. The Aztec writing was not with letters and words, but consisted of little colored pic- tures, each of which had some special meaning. Thus a "tongue" denoted speaking, a "footprint" travelling, a "man sitting on the ground" an earth- quake. As a very slight difference in position or color intimated a different meaning, this writing was very difficult to read, and in the Aztec colleges the priests specially taught it to their pupils. At the time of the coming of the Spaniards there were num- bers of people employed in this picture-writing, but unfortunately hardly any of the manuscripts were preserved ; for the Spaniards, looking upon them as magic scrolls, caused them to be burned by thou- sands. In many mechanical arts the Aztecs had made considerable progress. Their ground was well cultivated, they had discovered and used silver, lead, tin, and copper. Gold, which was found in the river-beds, they cast into bars, or used as money by filling transparent quills with gold dust. They also made many fantastic ornaments of gold and silver, and cast gold and silver vessels, which they carved delicately with chisels. Some of the silver vases were so large that a man could not encircle them with his arms. But the art in which they most delighted 130 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire was the wonderful feather-work. With the gor- geous plumage of the tropical birds they could pro- duce all the effect of a beautiful mosaic. The feath- ers, pasted upon a fine cotton web, were wrought into dresses for the wealthy, hangings for their palaces, and ornaments for their temples. These then were the people of whom Grijalva sent back to Cuba a few vague reports, and these, and the accounts of the splendor of the treasure, spread like wildfire through the island. The governor, hav- ing resolved to send out more ships to follow up these discoveries, looked about him for a suitable person to command the expedition and share the expenses of it, and being recommended by several of his friends to choose Hernando Cortes, he presently did so. Cortes had now attained his heart's desire, and at once began with the utmost energy to purchase and fit out the ships. He used all the money he had saved and as much more as he could persuade his friends to lend him, and very soon he was in posses- sion of six vessels, and three hundred recruits had en- rolled themselves under his banner. His orders were, first, to find Grijalva and to proceed in com- pany with him; then to seek out and rescue six Chris- tians, the survivors of a previous expedition, who were supposed to be lingering in captivity in the in- terior; and to bear in mind, before all things, that it was the great desire of the Spanish monarch that the Indians should be converted to Christianity. They 131 Travellers and Explorers were to be invited to give their allegiance to him, and to send him presents of gold and jewels to secure his favor and protection. The explorers were also to survey the coast, acquaint themselves with the general features of the country, and to barter with the natives. THE BEGINNING OF THE EXPEDITION But before Cortes was ready to start, a jealousy and distrust of him took possession of the mind of Velasquez, so that he determined to intrust the com- mand of the fleet to some one else. This came to the ears of Cortes, and he with great promptitude assem- bled his officers secretly, and that very night set sail with what supplies he was able to lay hands upon, his ships being neither ready for sea nor properly pro- visioned. When morning broke news was carried to Velasquez that the fleet was under weigh, and he rose hastily and galloped down to the quay. Cortes rowed back to within speaking distance. "This is a courteous way of taking leave of me, truly," cried the governor. "Pardon me," answered Cortes, "time presses, and there are some things that should be done before they are even thought of." And with that he returned to his vessel, and the little fleet sailed away to Macaca, where Cortes laid in more stores. This was on No- vember 18, 1 5 1 8. Shortly afterward he proceeded to Trinidad, a town on the south coast of Cuba, where he landed, and setting up his standard, invited all 132 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire who would to join the expedition, holding out to them great hopes of wealth to be gained. Volun- teers flocked in daily, including many young men of noble family, who were attracted by the fame of Cortes. Among them were Pedro de Alvarado, Cristoval de Olid, Alonso de Avila, Juan Velasquez de Leon, Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero, and Gonzalo de Sandoval, of all of whom you will hear again before the story is finished. Finally, in Feb- ruary, 1 5 19, when all the re-enforcements were as- sembled, Cortes found he had eleven vessels, one hun- dred and ten mariners, five hundred and fifty-three soldiers, and two hundred Indians. He also had six- teen horses, ten large guns, and four lighter, which were called falconets. Cortes, before embarking, ad- dressed his little army, saying that he held out to them a glorious prize, and that if any among them coveted riches, he would make them masters of such as their countrymen had never dreamed of; and so they sailed away for the coast of Yucatan. The first thing that happened was that they were overtaken by a furious tempest, and Cortes was de- layed by looking after a disabled vessel, and so was the last to reach the island of Cozumel. ' Here he found that Alvarado, one of his captains, had landed, plundered a temple, and by his violence caused the natives to fly and hide themselves inland. Cortes, much displeased, severely reprimanded his officer, and, by the aid of an interpreter, explained i33 Travellers and Explorers his peaceful intentions to two Indians who had been captured. Then he loaded them with presents, and sent them to persuade their countrymen to return, which they presently did, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction of bartering the trifles they had brought for the gold ornaments of the natives. Next Cortes sent two ships to the opposite coast of Yucatan, where they were to despatch some Indians inland, to seek for and ransom the Christian captives, of whom he had gained some tidings from a trader, and while they were gone he explored the island, and induced the natives to declare themselves Christians by the very summary method of rolling their venerated idols out of their temple, and setting up in their stead an image of the Virgin and Child. When the Indians saw that no terrible consequences followed, they lis- tened to the teaching of the good priest, Father Ol- medo, who accompanied the expedition, though it is probable that they did not, after all, understand much of his instruction. After eight days the two ships came back, but with no news of the captives, and Cortes sorrowfully decided that he could wait no longer. He accordingly took in provisions and water, and set sail again, but before they had gone far one of the ships sprung a leak, which obliged them to put back into the same port. It was lucky that they did, for soon after they landed a canoe was seen coming from the shore of Yucatan, which proved to contain one of the long-lost Spaniards, who was called i34 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire Aguilar. He had been for eight years a slave among the natives in the interior, but his master, tempted by the ransom of glass beads, hawk-bells, and such treas- ures, had consented to release him. When he reached the coast the ships were gone, but owing to the fortu- nate accident of their return, he found himself once more among his countrymen. Cortes at once saw the importance of having him as an interpreter, but in die end he proved to be of more use to the explorers than could have been at first imagined. Again the fleet set out, and coasted along the Gulf of Mexico till they reached the mouth of the Rio de Tabasco. Here Cortes landed, but found that the Indians were hostile, and were drawn up in great force against him. However, after some hard fight- ing the Spaniards were victorious, and having taken possession of the town of Tabasco, Cortes sent mes- sengers to the chiefs saying that if they did not at once submit themselves he would ravage the country with fire and sword. As they had no mind for any more fighting, they came humbly, bringing presents, and among them thirty slaves, one of whom, a beauti- ful Mexican girl named Malinche, was afterward of the utmost importance to the expedition. She had come into the possession of the cacique of Tabasco through some traders from the interior of the coun- try, to whom she had been secretly sold by her mother, who coveted her inheritance. Cortes now re-embarked his soldiers and sailed away to the island i35 Travellers and Explorers of San Juan de Uloa, under the lee of which they anchored, and soon saw the light pirogues of the In- dians coming off to them from the mainland. They brought presents of fruit and flowers, and little orna- ments of gold which they gladly exchanged for the usual trifles. Cortes was most anxious to converse with them, but found to his disappointment that Aguilar could not understand their dialect. In this dilemma he was informed that one of the slaves was a Mexican, and could of course speak the language. This was Malinche, or as the Spaniards always called her, "Marina." Cortes was so charmed with her beauty and cleverness that he made her his secretary, and kept her always with him; and she very soon learned enough Spanish to interpret for him without the help of Aguilar. But at first they were both nec- essary, and by their aid Cortes learned that his visi- tors were subjects of Montezuma, the great Aztec emperor, and were governed by Tenhtlile, one of his nobles. Cortes, having ascertained that there was abundance of gold in the interior, dismissed them, loaded with presents, to acquaint their governor with his desire for an interview. The next morning he landed on the mainland with all his force. It was a level sandy plain, and the troops employed them- selves in cutting down trees and bushes to provide a shelter from the weather; in this they were aided by the natives, who built them huts with stakes and earth, mats and cotton carpets, and flocked from all 136 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire the country round to see the wonderful strangers. They brought with them fruits, vegetables, flowers in abundance, game, and many dishes cooked after the fashion of the country; and these they gave to, or bartered with, the Spaniards. The next day came Tenhtlile, the governor, with a numerous train, and was met by Cortes, and conducted to his tent with great ceremony. All the principal officers were as- sembled, and after a ceremonious banquet at which the governor was regaled with Spanish wines and confections, the interpreters were sent for and a con- versation began. Tenhtlile first asked about the country of the strangers, and the object of their visit. Cortes replied that he was the subject of a powerful monarch beyond the seas, who had heard of the greatness of the Mexican emperor, and had sent him with a present in token of his goodwill, and with a message which he must deliver in person. He concluded by asking when he could be admitted into Montezuma's presence. To this the Aztec noble replied haughtily. "How is it that you have been here only two days, and demand to see the emperor?" Then he added that he was surprised to hear that there could be another monarch as powerful as Mon- tezuma, but if it were so his master would be happy to communicate with him, and that he would for- ward the royal gift brought by the Spanish com- mander, and so soon as he had learned Montezuma's i37 Travellers and Explorers will would inform him of it. Tenhtlile then ordered his slaves to bring forward the present for the Span- ish general. It consisted of ten loads of fine cotton, several mantles of gorgeous feather-work, and a wicker basket of golden ornaments. Cortes received it with due acknowledgments, and in his turn ordered the presents for Montezuma to be brought forward. These were an armchair richly carved and painted, a crimson cloth cap with a gold medal, and a quan- tity of collars, bracelets, and other ornaments of cut- glass, which in a country where glass was unknown were as valuable as real gems. The Aztec governor observed a soldier in the camp in a shining gilt helmet, and expressed a wish that Montezuma should see it, as it reminded him of one worn by the god Quetzalcoatl. Cortes declared his willingness that the helmet should be sent, and begged that the em- peror would return it filled with the gold dust of the country, that he might compare its quality with that of his own. He also said that the Spaniards were troubled with a disease of the heart, for which gold was a sure remedy. In fact, he made his want of gold very clear to the governor. While these things were passing Cortes observed one of Tenhtlile's at- tendants busy with a pencil, and on looking at his work he found it was a sketch of the Spaniards, their costumes, weapons, and all objects of interest being correctly represented both in form and color. This was the celebrated picture-writing, and the governor 138 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire said that this man was drawing all these things for Montezuma, as he would get a much better idea of their appearance thus. Cortes thereupon ordered out the cavalry, and caused them to go through their military exercises upon the firm wet sands of the beach; and the appearanceof the horses — which were absolutely unknown in Mexico — filled the natives with astonishment, which turned to alarm when the general ordered the cannon to be fired, and they saw for the first time the smoke and flame, and beheld the balls crashing among the trees of the neighboring for- est and reducing them to splinters. Nothing of this sort was lost upon the painters, who faithfully re- corded every particular, not omitting the ships — the "water-houses," as they called them — which swung at anchor in the bay. Finally, the governor departed as ceremoniously as he had come, leaving orders with his people to supply the Spanish general with all he might require till further instructions should come from the emperor. In the meantime the arrival of the strangers was causing no small stir in the Mexican capital. A gen- eral feeling seems to have prevailed that the Return of the White God, Quetzalcoatl, was at hand, and many wonderful signs and occurrences seemed to confirm the belief. In 1 510 the great lake of Tezcuco, without tem- pest, earthquake, or any visible cause, became vio- lently agitated, overflowed its banks, and, pouring !39 Travellers and Explorers into the streets of Mexico, swept away many build- ings by the fury of its waters. In 151 1 one of the towers of the great temple took fire, equally without any apparent cause, and continued to burn in defi- ance of all attempts to extinguish it. In the follow- ing years three comets were seen, and not long before the coming of the Spaniards a strange light broke forth in the east, resembling a great pyramid or flood of fire thickly powdered with stars : at the same time low voices were heard in the air, and doleful wail- ings, as if to announce some strange, mysterious ca- lamity. A lady of the royal house died, was buried, and rose again, prophesying ruin to come. After the conquest she became a Christian. Montezuma, terrified at these apparitions, took counsel of Nezahualpilli, King of Tezcuco, who was a great proficient in astrology; but far from obtain- ing any comfort from him, he was still further de- pressed by being told that all these things predicted the speedy downfall of his empire. When, there- fore, the picture-writings showing the Spanish in- vaders reached Montezuma, they caused him great apprehension, and he summoned the Kings of Tez- cuco and Tlacopan to consult with them as to how the strangers should be received. There was much division of opinion, but finally Montezuma resolved to send a rich present which should impress them with a high idea of his wealth and grandeur, while at the same time he would forbid them to approach the 140 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire capital. After eight days at the most, which, how- ever, seemed a long time to the Spaniards, who were suffering from the intense heat of the climate, the embassy, accompanied by the governor, Tenhtlile, reached the camp, and presented to Cortes the mag- nificent treasure sent by Montezuma. One of the two nobles had been sent on account of his great like- ness to the picture of Cortes which the Aztec painter had executed for Montezuma. This resemblance was so striking that the Spanish soldiers always called this chief "the Mexican Cortes." After the usual ceremonious salutes, the slaves unrolled the deli- cately wrought mats and displayed the gifts they had brought. There were shields, helmets, and cuirasses embossed with plates and ornaments of pure gold, with collars and bracelets of the same precious metal, sandals, fans, plumes, and crests of variegated feath- ers wrought with gold and silver thread and sprin- kled with pearls and precious stones. Also imita- tions of birds and animals in wrought or cast gold and silver of exquisite workmanship; and curtain coverlets and robes of cotton, fine as silk — of rich and varied hues — interwoven with feather-work that ri- valled the most delicate painting. There were more than thirty loads of cotton cloth, and the Spanish hel- met was returned filled to the brim with grains of gold. But the things which excited the most ad- miration were two circular plates of gold and silver as large as carriage-wheels. One, representing the 141 Travellers and Explorers sun, was richly carved with plants and animals, and was worth fifty-two thousand five hundred pounds. The Spaniards could not conceal their rapture at this exhibition of treasure which exceeded their utmost dreams; and when they had sufficiently admired it the ambassadors courteously delivered their mes- sage, which was to the effect that Montezuma had great pleasure in holding communication with so powerful a monarch as the King of Spain, but he could not grant a personal interview to the Span- iards; the way to his capital was too long and too dangerous. Therefore the strangers must return to their own land with the gifts he had sent them. Cortes, though much vexed, concealed his annoyance and expressed his sense of the emperor's munificence. It made him, he said, only the more desirous of a per- sonal interview, so that he felt it was impossible that he should present himself again before his sovereign without having accomplished this great object of his journey. He once more requested them to bear this message to their master, with another trifling gift. This they seemed unwilling to do, and took their leave repeating that the general's wish could not be gratified. The soldiers were by this time suffering greatly from the heat, surrounded as they were by burning sands and evil-smelling marshes, and swarms of venomous insects which tormented them night and day. Thirty of their number died, and the discom- fort of the rest was greatly increased by the indiffer- 142 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire ence of the natives, who no longer brought them such abundant supplies, and demanded an immense price for what they did provide. After ten days the Mexi- can envoys returned, bearing another rich present of stuffs and gold ornaments, which, though not so valu- able as the first, was yet worth three thousand ounces of gold. Besides this there were four precious stones, somewhat resembling emeralds, each of which they assured the Spaniards was worth more than a load of gold, and was destined as a special mark of respect for the Spanish monarch, since only the nobles of Mexico were allowed to wear them. Unfortunately, however, they were of no value at all in Europe. Montezuma's answer was the same as before. He positively forbade the strangers to approach nearer to his capital, and requested them to take the treasure he had bestowed upon them, and return without de- lay to their own country. Cortes received this un- welcome message courteously, but coldly, and turn- ing to his officers exclaimed, "This is a rich and powerful prince indeed, yet it shall go hard but we will one day pay him a visit in his capital." Father Olmedo then tried to persuade the Aztec chiefs to give up their idol-worship, and endeavored, by the aid of Marina and Aguilar, to explain to them the mysteries of his own faith, but it is probable that he was not very successful. The chiefs presently with- drew coldly, and that same night every hut was de- serted by the natives, and the Spaniards were left 143 Travellers and Explorers without supplies in a desolate wilderness. Cortes thought this so suspicious that he prepared for an attack, but everything remained quiet. The general now decided to remove his camp to a more healthy place a little further along the coast, where the ships could anchor and be sheltered from the north wind. But the soldiers began to grumble and be discontented, and to say that it was time to return with their spoil, and not linger upon those barren shores until they had brought the whole Mex- ican nation about their ears. Fortunately, at this juncture five Indians made their appearance in the camp, and were taken to the general's tent. They were quite different from the Mexicans in dress and appearance, and wore rings of gold and bright blue gems in their ears and nostrils, while a gold leaf, del- icately wrought, was attached to the under lip. Ma- rina could not understand their language, but luckily she found that two of them could speak in the Aztec tongue. They explained that they came from Cem- poalla, the chief town of a tribe called the Totonacs, and that their country had been lately conquered by the Aztecs, whose oppressions they greatly resented. They also said that the fame of the Spaniards had reached their master, who had sent to request them to visit him in his capital. It is easy to imagine how eagerly Cortes listened to this communication, and how important it was to him. Hitherto, as he knew absolutely nothing of the state of affairs in the inte- 144 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire rior of the country, he had supposed the empire to be strong and united. Now he saw that the discontent of the provinces conquered by Montezuma might be turned to his own advantage, and that by their aid he might hope to succeed in his cherished scheme of sub- duing the emperor himself. He therefore dismissed the Totonacs with many presents, promising soon to visit their city. Then with his usual energy and di- plomacy he turned upon the immediate difficulties which beset him — the discontent of the soldiers, the jealousy of some of his officers, and the fact that he had no warrant for his ambitious plans in the com- mission that he had received from Velasquez. By tact and cunning he managed to settle everything as he wished, and set to work to establish a colony in the name of the Spanish sovereign, and appointed his chief friend Puertocarrero to be one of its magis- trates, and Montejo, who was a friend of Velasquez, to be the other. The new town was called Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, "The Rich Town of the True Cross," and, as you see, its governors and officials were appointed before a single house was built. To them Cortes then resigned the commission which he had received from Velasquez, and the council, which consisted chiefly of his own friends, immediately re- appointed him to be captain-general and chief-jus- tice of the colony, with power to do practically just as he liked. Of course this caused a great commo- tion in the opposing party, but Cortes put the leaders 145 Travellers and Explorers into irons and sent them on board one of the ships, while he sent the soldiers on a foraging expedition into the surrounding country. By the time these re- turned with supplies they had altered their minds, and joined their companions in arms, pledging them- selves to a common cause, while even the cavaliers on board the ship came to the same conclusion, and were reconciled to the new government, and were from that time stanch adherents of Cortes. Peace being thus restored, the army set out to march northward to the place where it had been de- cided to build the town. They crossed a river in rafts and broken canoes which they found upon its bank, and presently came to a very different scene from the burning sandy waste, which they had left. The wide plains were covered with green grass, and there were groves of palms, among which the Span- iards saw deer and various wild animals, and flocks of pheasants and turkeys. On their way they passed through a deserted village, in the temples of which they found records in the picture-writing, and also, to their horror, the remains of sacrificed victims. As they proceeded up the river they were met by twelve Indians, sent by the cacique of Cempoalla to show them the way to his town. The further they went the more beautiful did the country become. The trees were loaded with gorgeous fruits and flowers, and birds and butterflies of every hue abounded. As they approached the Indian city they saw gardens 146 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire and orchards on each side of the road, and were met by crowds of natives, who mingled fearlessly with the soldiers, bringing garlands of flowers, in which they specially delighted, to deck the general's helmet and to hang about the neck of his horse. The cacique, who was tall and very fat, received Cortes with much courtesy, and assigned to the army quar- ters in a neighboring temple, where they were well supplied with provisions, and the general received a present of gold and fine cotton. But in spite of all this friendliness he neglected no precautions, station- ing sentinels, and posting his artillery so as to com- mand the entrance. The following morning Cortes paid the cacique a visit at his own residence, and, by the aid of Marina, a long conference was held in which the Spanish general gained much important information, and promised to aid the Totonacs against Montezuma, and prevent him from carrying off their young men and maidens to be sacrificed to his gods. The following day the army marched off again to the townof Chiahuitztla, which stood like a fortress on a crag overlooking the gulf. Though the inhabitants were alarmed at first, they soon be- came friendly, and the chiefs came to confer with Cortes and the cacique of Cempoalla, who had ac- companied him, carried in a litter, just then there was a stir among the people, and five men entered the market-place where they, were standing. By their rich and peculiar dress they seemed to belong to a 147 Travellers and Explorers different race : their dark glossy hair was tied in a knot at the top of the head, and they carried bunches of flowers in their hands. Their attendants carried wands, or fans, to brush away the flies and insects from their lordly masters. These persons passed the Spaniards haughtily, scarcely deigning to return their salutations, and they were immediately joined by the Totonac chiefs, who seemed anxious to concili- ate them by every sort of attention. The general, much astonished, inquired of Marina what this meant, and she replied that these were Aztec nobles empowered to receive tribute for Montezuma. Soon after, the chiefs returned in dismay, saying that the Aztecs were very angry with them for enter- taining the Spaniards without the emperor's permis- sion, and had demanded twenty young men and maid- ens to be sacrificed to the gods as a punishment. Cortes was most indignant at this insolence, and in- sisted that the Totonacs should not only refuse the demand, but should also seize the Aztec nobles, and throw them into prison. This they did, but the Span- ish general managed to get two of them freed in the night, and brought before him. He then very cun- ningly made them believe that he regretted the in- dignity that had been offered them, and would help them to get away safely, and the next day would do his best to release their companions. He also told them to report this to Montezuma, assuring him of the great respect and regard in which he was held by 148 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire the Spaniards. Then he sent them away secretly to the port, and they were taken in one of the vessels, and landed safely at a little distance along the coast. The Totonacs were furious at the escape of some of their prisoners, and would at once have sacrificed the remainder, had not Cortes expressed the utmost horror at the idea, and sent them on board one of the ships for safe keeping, whence he very soon allowed them to join their companions. This artful proceed- ing had, as we shall presently see, just the effect it was meant to have upon Montezuma. By order of Cortes, messengers were now sent to all the other Totonac towns, telling them of the defiance that had been shown to the emperor, and bidding them also refuse to pay the tribute. The Indians soon came flocking into Chiahuitztla to see and confer with the powerful strangers, in the hope of regaining liberty by their aid, and so cleverly had Cortes managed to embroil them with Montezuma, that even the most timid felt that they had no choice but to accept the protection of the Spaniards, and make a bold effort for the recovery of freedom. Cortes accordingly made them swear allegiance to the Spanish sovereign, and then set out once more for the port where his colony was to be planted. This was only half a league distant, in a wide and fruitful plain, and he was not long in determining the circuit of the walls, and the site of the fort, gran- ary, and other public buildings. The friendly In- 149 Travellers arid Explorers dians brought stone, lime, wood, and bricks, and in a few weeks a town rose up, which served as a good starting-point for future operations, a retreat for the disabled, a place for the reception of stores, or what- ever might be sent to or from the mother-country, and was, moreover, strong enough to overawe the surrounding country. This was the first colony in New Spain, and was hailed with satisfaction by the simple natives, who could not foresee that their doom was sealed when a white man set foot upon their soil. While the Spaniards were still occupied with their new settlement they were surprised by another embassy from Mexico. When the account of the im- prisonment of the royal collectors first reached Mon- tezuma, his feelings of fear and superstition were swallowed up in indignation, and he began with great energy to make preparations for punishing his re- bellious vassals, and avenging the insult offered to himself. But when the Aztec officers liberated by Cortes reached the capital and reported the courteous treatment they had received from the Spanish com- mander, he was induced to resume his former timid and conciliatory policy, and sent an embassy consist- ing of two young nephews of his own and four of his chief nobles to the Spanish quarters. As usual, they bore a princely gift of gold, rich cotton stuffs, and wonderful mantles of feather embroidery. The en- voys on coming before Cortes presented this offering, with the emperor's thanks to him for the courtesy he 150 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire had shown to the captive nobles. At the same time Montezuma expressed his surprise and regret that the Spaniards should have countenanced the rebel- lion. He had no doubt, he said, that Cortes and his followers were the long-looked-for strangers, and therefore of the same lineage as himself. From def- erence to them he would spare the Totonacs while they were present, but the day of vengeance would come. Cortes entertained the Indians with frank hospitality, taking care, however, to make such a dis- play of his resources as should impress them with a sense of his power. Then he dismissed them with a few trifling gifts and a conciliatory message to the emperor, to the effect that he would soon pay his respects to him in his capital, when all misunder- standing between them would certainly be adjusted. The Totonacs were amazed when they understood the nature of this interview; for, in spite of the pres- ence of the Spaniards, they had felt great apprehen- sion as to the consequence of their rash act, and now they felt absolutely in awe of the strangers who even at a distance could exercise such a mysterious influ- ence over the terrible Montezuma. Not long after the cacique of Cempoalla appealed to Cortes to aid him against a neighbor with whom he had a quarrel. The general at once marched to support him with a part of his force, but when they reached the hostile city they were received in a most friendly manner, and Cortes had no difficulty in 151 Travellers and Explorers reconciling the two chiefs to one another. In token of gratitude the Indian cacique sent eight noble maidens, richly decked with collars and ornaments of gold, whom he begged the general to give as wives to his captains. Cortes seized the opportunity of de- claring that they must first become Christians, and be baptized, since the sons of the Church could not be allowed to marry idolaters. The chief replied that his gods were good enough for him, and that he should at once resent any insults offered to them, even if they did not avenge themselves by instantly de- stroying the Spaniards. However, the general and his followers had seen too much already of the bar- barous rites of the Indian religion and its horrible sacrifices. Without hesitation they attacked the principal teocalli, whereupon the cacique called his men to arms, the priests in their blood-stained robes rushed frantically about among the people, calling upon them to defend their gods, and all was tumult and confusion. Cortes acted with his usual prompti- tude at this crisis. He caused the cacique and the principal inhabitants and the priests to be taken pris- oners, and then commanded them to quiet the people, threatening that a single arrow shot at the Spaniards should cost them their lives. Marina also repre- sented the madness of resistance, reminding the ca- cique that if he lost the friendship of the strangers, he would be left alone to face the vengeance of Montezuma. This consideration decided him: cov- 152 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire ering his face with his hands, he exclaimed that the gods would avenge their own wrongs. Taking ad- vantage of this tacit consent, fifty soldiers rushed up the stairway of the temple, and dragging the great wooden idols from their places in the topmost tower, they rolled them down the steps of the pyramid amid the groans of the natives and the triumphant shouts of their comrades, and then burned them to ashes. The Totonacs, finding that their gods were unable to prevent or even punish this profanation of their tem- ple, now believed that they were indeed less to be feared than the Spaniards, and offered no further re- sistance. By Cortes's orders the teocalli was then thoroughly purified, and an altar was erected, sur- mounted by a great cross hung with garlands of roses, and Father Olmedo said mass before the Indians and Spaniards, who seem to have been alike impressed by the ceremony. An old disabled soldier, named Juan de Torres, was left to watch over the sanctuary and instruct the natives in its services, while the general, taking a friendly leave of his Totonac allies, set out once more for Villa Rica, to finish his arrangements before departing for the capital. Here he was sur- prised to find that a Spanish vessel had arrived in his absence, having on board twelve soldiers and two horses, a very welcome addition to the tiny army. Cortes now resolved to execute a plan of which he had been thinking for some time. He knew very well that none of his arrangements about the colony 153 Travellers and Explorers would hold good without the Spanish monarch's sanction, and also that Velasquez had great interest at court, and would certainly use it against him. Therefore he resolved to send despatches to the em- peror himself, and such an amount of treasure as should give a great idea of the extent and importance of his discoveries. He gave up his own share of the spoil, and persuaded his officers to do the same, and a paper was circulated among the soldiers, calling upon all who chose to resign the small portion which was due to them, that a present worthy of the emperor's acceptance might be sent home. It is only another proof of the extraordinary power which Cortes had over these rough soldiers, who cared for nothing but plunder, that not a single one refused to give up the very treasure which he had risked so much to gain. These are some of the wonderful things that were sent: Two collars made of gold and precious stones. Two birds made of green feathers, with feet, beaks, and eyes of gold, and in the same piece with them animals of gold resembling snails. A large alli- gator's head of gold. Two birds made of thread and feather-work, having the quills of their wings and tails, their feet, eyes and the ends of their beaks of gold, standing upon two reeds covered with gold, which are raised on balls of feather-work and gold embroidery, one white and the other yellow, with seven tassels of feather-work hanging from each of them. A large silver wheel, also bracelets, leaves, i54 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire and five shields of the same metal. A box of feather- work embroidered on leather, with a large plate of gold weighing seventy ounces in the midst. A large wheel of gold with figures of strange animals on it and worked with tufts of leaves, weighing three thou- sand eight hundred ounces. A fan of variegated feather-work with thirty-seven rods plated with gold. Sixteen shields of precious stones, with feathers of various colors hanging from their rims, and six shields each covered with a plate of gold, with some- thing resembling a mitre in the centre. Besides all this there was a quantity of gold ore, and many pieces of richly embroidered cotton cloth and feather- work. He accompanied this present with a letter to the emperor in which he gave an account of all his adventures and discoveries, and ended by beseeching him to confirm his authority, as he was entirely con- fident that he should be able to place the Castilian crown in possession of this great Indian empire. He also sent four slaves, who had been rescued from the cage in which were kept the victims about to be sac- rificed, and some Mexican manuscripts. Very soon after the departure of the treasure- ship Cortes discovered that there was a conspiracy among some of his followers, who either did not like the way the general arranged matters, or else were terrified at the prospect of the dangerous campaign that was before them. They had seized one of the ships, and got provisions and water stored, and were i55 Travellers and Explorers on the eve of setting sail for Cuba, when one of their number repented of the part he had taken in the plot, and betrayed it to Cortes, who at once took measures for the arrest of the ringleaders, two of whom were afterward hanged. This affair showed the general that there were some among his followers who were not heart and soul in the expedition, and who might therefore fail him when he most needed them, arid might also cause their comrades to desert if there was any chance for them to escape. He therefore de- termined to take the bold step of destroying the ships without the knowledge of his army. Accordingly, he marched the whole army to Cempoalla, and when he arrived there he told his plan to a few of his de- voted adherents, who entirely approved of it. Through them he persuaded the pilots to declare the ships unseaworthy, and then ordered nine of them to be sunk, having first brought on shore their sails, masts, iron, and all movable fittings. When the news of this proceeding reached Cempoalla, it caused the deepest consternation among the Spaniards, who felt themselves betrayed and abandoned, a mere handful of men arrayed against a great and for- midable empire, and cut off from all chance of es- cape. They murmured loudly, and a serious mutiny was threatened. But Cortes, whose presence of mind never deserted him, managed to reassure them, and to persuade them that he had only done what was really best for every one; and he so cunningly dwelt 156 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire upon the fame and the treasure which they were on the eve of gaining, that not one of them accepted the offer which he made to them of returning to Cuba in the only remaining ship. Their enthusiasm for their leader revived, and as he concluded his speech they made the air ring with their shouts of "To Mexico! To Mexico!" THE MARCH TO MEXICO While he was still at Cempoalla, news came to Cortes from Villa Rica that four strange ships were hovering off the coast, and that they refused to re- spond to repeated signals made to them by Don Juan de Escalante, who was in command of the garrison- left in the town. This greatly alarmed Cortes, who was continually dreading the interference of his enemy, the governor of Cuba. He rode hastily back to Villa Rica, and, almost without stopping to rest, pushed on a few leagues northward along the coast, where he understood the ships were at anchor. On his way he met with three Spaniards just landed from them, and learned that they belonged to a squadron fitted out by Francisco de Garay, who had landed on the Florida coast a year before, and had obtained from Spain authority over the countries he might discover in its neighborhood. Cortes saw he had nothing to fear from them, but he did wish he could have induced the crews of the ships to join his ex- pedition. The three men he easily persuaded, but those who remained on board feared treachery, and F— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers refused to send a boat ashore. Finally, by a strata- gem, Cortes succeeded in capturing three or four more, out of a boat's crew who came to fetch their comrades, and with this small party of recruits he re- turned to Cempoalla. On August 16, ic 19, Cortes bade farewell to his hospitable Indian friends, and set out for Mexico. His force consisted of about four hundred foot and fifteen horse, with seven pieces of artillery, and in addition to these he had obtained from the cacique of Cempoalla thirteen hundredwar- riors, and a thousand porters to carry the baggage and drag the guns. During the first day the army marched through the "tierra caliente," or hot region. All around them fruit and flowers grew in the wild- est profusion, as indeed they did all the year round in that wonderful climate; the air was heavy with per- fume, and bright birds and insects abounded. But after some leagues' travel, over roads made nearly impassable by the summer rains, they began to as- cend gradually, and at the close of the second day they reached Xalapa, from which they looked out over one of the grandest prospects that could be seen anywhere. Down below them lay the hot region with its gay confusion of meadows, streams, and flowering forests, sprinkled over with shining Indian villages, while a faint line of light upon the horizon told them that there was the ocean they had so lately crossed, beyond which lay their country, which. many of them would never see again. To the south rose 158 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire the mighty mountain called "Orizaba," in his mantle of snow, and in another direction the Sierra Madre, with its dark belt of pine-trees, stretched its long lines of shadowy hills away into the distance. On- ward and upward they went, and on the fourth day they arrived at the strong town of Naulinco. Here the inhabitants entertained them hospitably, for they were friendly with the Totonacs, and Cortes endeav- ored, through Father Olmedo, to teach them some- thing about Christianity. They seem to have lis- tened willingly, and allowed the Spaniards to erect a cross for their adoration, which indeed they did in most of the places where they halted. The troops now entered upon a rugged, narrow valley, called "the Bishop's Pass," and now it began to be terribly cold, the snow and hail beat upon them, and the freezing wind seemed to penetrate to their very bones. The Spaniards were partly protected by their armor, and their thick coats of quilted cotton, but the poor Indians, natives of the hot region and with very little clothing, suffered greatly, and indeed several of them died by the way. The path lay round a bare and dreadful-looking volcanic mountain, and often upon the edge of precipices three thousand feet in depth. After three days of this dreary travelling the army emerged into a more genial climate; they had reached the great tableland which spreads out for hundreds of miles along the crests of the Cordil- leras, more than seven thousand miles above the sea- 159 Travellers and Explorers level. The vegetation of the torrid and temperate regions had of course disappeared, but the fields were carefully cultivated. Many of the crops were un- known to the Spaniards, but they recognized maize and aloes, and various kinds of cactus. Suddenly the troops came upon what seemed to be a populous city, even larger than Cempoalla, and with loftier and more substantial buildings, of stone and lime. There were thirteen teocallis in the town, and in one place in the suburbs one of the Spaniards counted the stored- up skulls of a hundred thousand sacrificed victims. The lord of the town ruled over twenty thousand vas- sals; he was a tributary to Montezuma, and there was a strong Mexican garrison in the place. This was probably the reason of his receiving Cortes and his army very coldly, and vaunting the grandeur of the Mexican emperor, who could, he declared, muster thirty great vassals, each of whom commanded a hundred thousand men. In answer to the inquiries of Cortes, he told him about Montezuma and his capital. How more than twenty thousand prisoners of war were sacrificed every year upon the altars of his gods, and how the city stood in the midst of a great lake, and was approached by long causeways connected in places by wooden bridges, which when raised cut off all communication with the country — and many other strange things which were not of a kind to reassure the minds of the Spaniards. They hardly knew whether to believe the old cacique or 1 60 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire not, but at any rate the wonders they heard made them, as one of their cavaliers said, "only the more earnest to prove the adventure, desperate as it might appear." The natives were also very curious to know about the Spaniards, their horses and dogs, and strange weapons, and Marina in answering their questions took care to expatiate upon the exploits and victories of her adopted countrymen, and to state the extraordi- nary marks of respect they had received from Monte- zuma. This had its effect upon the cacique, who presently sent the general some slaves to make bread for the soldiers, and supplied them with the means of refreshment and rest, which they needed so much after their toilful march. The army rested in this city four or five days, and even at the end of the last century the Indians would still point out the cypress tree under the shelter of which the conqueror's horse had been tied. When the journey was resumed, the way was through a broad green valley, watered by a splendid river and shaded by lofty trees. On either side of the river an unbroken line of Indian dwellings extended for sev- eral leagues, and on some rising ground stood a town which might contain five or six thousand inhabitants, commanded by a fortress with walls and trenches. Here the troops halted again, and met with friendly treatment. In their last halting-place Cortes had been ad- 161 Travellers and Explorers vised by the natives to take the route to the ancient city of Cholula, the inhabitants of which were a mild race, subjects of Montezuma, and given to peaceful arts, who were likely to receive him kindly. But his Cempoallan allies declared that the Cholulans were false and perfidious, and counselled him to go to Tlascala, a valiant little republic which had man- aged to maintain its independence against the arms of Mexico. The tribe had always been friendly with the Totonacs, and had the reputation of being frank, fearless, and trustworthy. The Spanish general de- cided to try and secure their goodwill, and accord- ingly despatched four of the principal Cempoallans with a gift, consisting of a cap of crimson cloth, a sword and a cross-bow, to ask permission to pass through their country, expressing at the same time his admiration of their valor, and of their long re- sistance of the Aztecs, whose pride he, too, was de- termined to humble. Three days after the de- parture of the envoys the army resumed its march, lingering somewhat by the way in hopes of receiving an answer from the Indian Republic. But the mes- sengers did not return, which occasioned the general no little uneasiness. As they advanced the country became rougher and the scenery bolder, and at last their progress was arrested by a most remarkable fortification. It was a stone wall nine feet high and twenty feet thick, with a parapet a foot and a half broad at the top, for the protection of those who de- 162 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire fended it. It had only one opening in the centre, made by two semicircular lines of wall overlapping each other for the space of forty paces, and having a passage-w T ay between, ten paces wide, so contrived as to be perfectly commanded by the inner wall. This fortification, which extended for more than two leagues, rested at either end on the bold, natural but- tresses of the chain of mountains. It was built of im- mense blocks of stone nicely laid together without cement, and from the remains that still exist it is easy to imagine what its size and solidity must have been. This singular structure marked the limits of Tlas- cala, and was intended, the natives said, as a barrier against Mexican invasions. The soldiers paused amazed, and not a little apprehensive as to their re- ception in Tlascala, since a people who were capable of such a work as that would indeed prove for- midable should they not be friendly. But Cortes, putting himself at the head of his cavalry, shouted: "Forward, soldiers; the Holy Cross is our banner, and under that we shall conquer." And so they marched through the undefended passage, and found themselves in Tlascala. The Tlascalan people belonged to the same great family as the Aztecs, and had planted themselves upon the western shore of Lake Tezcuco at about the same period — at the close of the twelfth century. There they remained many years, until they had, for some reason, incurred the displeasure of all the sur- 163 Travellers and Explorers rounding tribes, who combined to attack them, and a terrible battle took place. Though the Tlascalans were entirely victorious, they were so disgusted by this state of things that they resolved to migrate, and the greater number of them finally settled in the warm and fruitful valley overshadowed by the mountains of Tlascala. After some years the mon- archy was divided, first into two then four separate states, each with its own chief, who was independent in his own territory, and possessed equal authority with the other three in all matters concerning the whole republic, the affairs of which were settled by a council consisting of the four chiefs and the inferior nobles. They were an agricultural people, and the fertility of their new country was signified by its name — '"Tlascala" meaning the land of bread. Presently their neighbors began to be envious of their prosperity, and they were frequently obliged to de- fend themselves against the Cholulans, and were al- ways successful. But when Axayacatl, king of the Aztecs, sent demanding the same tribute and obedi- ence from them which the other people of the country paid him, threatening, if they refused, to destroy their cities, and give their land to their enemies, they an- swered proudly: "Neither they nor their forefathers had ever paid tribute or homage to a foreign power, nor ever would pay it. If their country was in- vaded, they knew how to defend it." This answer brought upon them the forces of the 164 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire Mexican monarch, and a pitched battle was fought in which the republic was again victorious, but from that time hostilities never ceased between the two nations, every captive was mercilessly sacrificed, and the Tlascalan children were trained from the cradle to hate the Mexicans with a deadly hatred. In this struggle the Tlascalans received valuable support from a wild and warlike race from the north, called the Otomies. Some of them settled in the republic, and having proved themselves courageous and faith- tul, were intrusted with the defence of the frontier. After Montezuma became emperor of Mexico greater efforts than before were made to subdue Tlascala. He sent a great army against it, com- manded by his favorite son, but his troops were de- feated and his son killed. Enraged and mortified, Montezuma made still greater preparations and in- vaded the valley with a terrific force. But the Tlas- calans withdrew to the recesses of the hills, and watching their opportunity, swept down upon the enemy and drove them from their territory with dreadful slaughter. Nevertheless they were greatly harassed by these constant struggles with a foe so su- perior to themselves in numbers and resources. The Aztec armies lay between them and the coast, cutting off all possibility of obtaining any supplies. There were some things, as cotton, cacas, and salt, which they were unable to grow or manufacture, of which they had been deprived for more than fifty years, and 165 Travellers and Explorers their taste was so much affected by this enforced ab- stinence that they did not get used to eating salt with their food for several generations after the conquest. This was the state of affairs in Tlascala when the Spaniards reached it, and it is easy to see how im- portant it was to Cortes to form an alliance with it, but that was not an easy thing to do. The Tlascalans had heard about the Christians and their victorious advance, but they had not ex- pected that they would come their way. So they were much embarrassed by the embassy demanding a passage through their territories. The council was assembled, and a great difference of opinion was found among its members. Some believed that these were the white-skinned, bearded men whose coming was foretold, and at all events they were enemies to Mexico, and might help them in their struggle against it. Others argued that this could not be : the march of the strangers through the land might be tracked by the broken images of the Indian gods, and desecrated temples. How could they be sure that they were not friends of Montezuma? They had received his embassies, accepted his gifts, and were even now on their way to his capital in company with his vassals. This last was the opinion of an aged chief, one of the four rulers of the republic. His name was Xicotencatl, and he was nearly blind, for he was over a hundred years old. He had a son of the same name as himself, an impetuous young 1 66 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire man, who commanded a powerful force of Tlasca- lans and Otomies on the eastern frontier where the great fortification stood. The old chief ad- vised that this force should at once fall upon the Spaniards. If they were conquered they would be at the mercy of the Tlascalans, but if by any mis- chance his son should fail, the council could declare that they had nothing to do with the attack, laying the whole blame of it upon the young Xicotencatl. Meantime the Cempoallan envoys were to be de- tained under pretence of assisting at a religious sac- rifice. By this time, as we know, Cortes and his gallant band had passed the rocky rampart, from which, for some reason or other, the Otomie guard was absent. After advancing a few leagues he saw a small party of Indians, armed with sword and buckler, who fled at his approach. He made signs for them to halt, but they only fled the faster. The Spaniards spurred their horses, and soon succeeded in overtaking them, when they at once turned, and, without showing the usual alarm at the horses and strange weapons of the cavaliers, at- tacked them furiously. The latter, however, were far too strong for them, and they would soon have been cut to pieces had not a body of several thousand Indians appeared, coming quickly to their rescue. Cortes, seeing them, hastily despatched a messenger to hurry up his infantry. The Indians, having dis- charged their missiles, fell upon the little band of 167 Travellers and Explorers Spaniards, striving to drag the riders from their horses and to tear their lances from their grasp. They brought one cavalier to the ground, who after- ward died of his wounds, and they killed two horses, •cutting their necks through with one blow of their formidable broadswords. This was a most serious loss to Cortes, whose horses were so important, and so few in number. The struggle was a hard one, and it was with no small satisfaction that the Spaniards saw their com- rades advancing to their aid. No sooner had the main body reached the field of battle, than, hastily falling into position, they poured such a volley from their muskets and cross-bows as fairly astounded the enemy, who made no further attempt to continue the fight, but drew off in good order, leaving the road open to the Spaniards, who were only too glad to get rid of their foes and pursue their way. Presently they met two Tlascalan envoys, accompanied by two of the Cempoallans. The former, on being brought to the general, assured him of a friendly reception in the capital, and declared the late assault upon the troops to have been quite unauthorized. Cortes re- ceived his message courteously, pretending to be- lieve that all was as he said. As it was now grow- ing late the Spaniards quickened their pace, anxious to reach a suitable camping-ground before nightfall, and they chose a place upon the bank of a stream, where a few deserted huts were standing. These 168 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire the weary and famishing soldiers ransacked in search of food, but could find nothing but some animals re- sembling dogs, which, however, they cooked and ate without ceremony, seasoning their unsavory repast with the fruit of the Indian fig, which grew wild in the neighborhood. After several desperate battles with the Tlascalans, Cortes finally won a great vic- tory. The next day — as he usually did after gaining a battle— the Spanish commander sent a new embassy to the Tlascalan capital, making as before profes- sions of friendship, but this time threatening that if his offers were rejected he would visit their city as a conqueror, razing their house to the ground and put- ting every inhabitant to the sword. Of course this message was given to the envoys by the aid of the Lady Marina, who became day by day more neces- sary to Cortes, and who was, indeed, generally ad- mired for her courage and the cheerfulness with which she endured all the hardships of the camp and raised the drooping spirits of the soldiers, while by every means in her power she alleviated the miseries of her own countrymen. This time, the ambassadors of Cortes received a respectful hearing from the deeply-dejected council of Tlascala, for whom noth- ing remained but to submit. Four principal ca- ciques were chosen to offer to the Spaniards a free passage through the country, and a friendly recep- tion in the capital. Their friendship was accepted, 169 Travellers and Explorers with many excuses for the past, and the chiefs were further ordered to touch at the camp of Xicotencatl, the Tlascalan general, and require him to cease hos- tilities and furnish the white men with a plentiful supply of provisions. While the Tlascalan envoys were still in the camp came a fresh embassy from Montezuma. Tidings had been sent to him of each step in the progress of the Spaniards, and it was with great sat- isfaction that he had heard of their taking the road to Tlascala, trusting that if they were mortal men they would find their graves there. Great was his dis- may, therefore, when courier after courier brought him news of their successes, and how the most re- doubtable warriors had been scattered by this hand- ful of strangers. His superstitious fears returned with greater force than ever, and in his alarm and uncertainty he despatched five great nobles of his court, attended by two hundred slaves, to bear to Cortes a gift consisting of three thousand ounces of gold and several hundred robes of cotton and feather-work. As they laid it at his feet they said that they had come to offer Montezuma's congratula- tions upon his victories, and to express his regret that he could not receive them in his capital, where the numerous population was so unruly that he could not be answerable for their safety. The merest hint of the emperor's wishes would have been enough to in- fluence any of the natives, but they made very little 170 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire impression upon Cortes; and, seeing this, the envoys proceeded, in their master's name, to offer tribute to the Spanish sovereign, provided the general would give up the idea of visiting the capital. This was a fatal mistake, and a most strange one for such a brave and powerful monarch to make, for it amounted to an admission that he was unable to protect his treas- ures. Cortes in replying expressed the greatest re- spect for Montezuma, but urged his own sovereign's commands as a reason for disregarding his wishes. He added that though he had not at present the power of requiting his generosity as he could wish, he trusted "to repay him at some future day with good works." You will hear before long how he kept his word. The Mexican ambassadors were anything but pleased at finding the war at an end and a firm friendship established between their mortal enemies and the Spaniards, and the general saw with some satisfaction the evidences of a jealousy between them, which was his surest hope of success in undermining the Mexican empire. Two of the Aztecs presently returned to acquaint Montezuma with the state of affairs; the others remained with the Spaniards, Cortes being willing that they should see the defer- ence paid to him by the Tlascalans, who were most anxious for his presence in their city. The city of Tlascala lay about six leagues away from the Spanish camp, and the road led through a 171 Travellers and Explorers hilly region, and across a deep ravine over which a bridge had just been built for the passage of the army; they passed some towns by the way, where they were received with the greatest hospitality. The people flocked out to meet them, bringing garlands of roses, with which they decorated the Spanish soldiers, and wreathed the necks of their horses. Priests in their white robes mingled with the crowd, scattering clouds of incense from their censers, and thus escorted the army slowly made its way through the gates of the city of Tlascala. Here the press became so great that it was with difficulty that a passage was cleared for it. The flat housetops were crowded with eager spectators, while garlands of green boughs, roses, and honeysuckle were thrown across the streets, and the air was rent with songs and shouts and the wild music of the national instru- ments. Presently the procession halted before the palace of the aged Xicotencatl, the father of the gen- eral, and Cortes dismounted from his horse, that the blind old man might satisfy his natural curiosity re- specting him, by passing his hand over his face. He then led the way to a spacious hall, where a banquet was served to the whole army, after which, quarters were assigned to them in a neighboring teocalli, the Mexican ambassadors being, at the desire of Cortes, lodged next to himself that he might the better pro- tect them in the city of their foes. For some days the Spaniards were feasted and 172 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire entertained in four quarters of the city, which were really like separate towns divided from one another by high walls, in each of which lived one of the rul- ers of the republic, surrounded by his own vassals. But amid all these friendly demonstrations the gen- eral never for a moment relaxed the strict discipline of the camp, and no soldier was allowed to leave his quarters without special permission. At first this offended the Tlascalan chiefs, as they thought it showed distrust of them. But when Cortes ex- plained that this was only in accordance with the es- tablished military system of his country, they began to think it admirable, and the young Xicotencatl proposed, if possible, to imitate it. The Spanish commander now turned his thoughts to the convert- ing of the Tlascalans; but as they refused to part with their own gods, though they were willing enough to add the God of the Christians to their number, he took the advice of the wise Father Ol- medo, and abandoned the idea for the time. How- ever, a cross was erected in one of the great squares, and there the Spaniards held their religious services unmolested, and it happened, strangely enough, that they had scarcely left the city when a thin, trans- parent cloud settled like a column upon the cross, wrapping it round, and continuing through the night to shed a soft light about it. This occurrence did more for the conversion of the natives than all the preaching of Father Olmedo. Several of the In- 173 Travellers and Explorers dian princesses were now baptized, and given in marriage to the officers of Cortes. One, who was the daughter of Xicotencatl, became the wife of Al- varado, who was always a great favorite with the Tlascalans. From his gay manners, joyous counte- nance, and bright golden hair, he gained the nick- name of "Tonatiuh," or the "Sun," while Cortes, who hardly ever appeared anywhere without the beautiful Marina, was called by the natives "Ma- linche," which you will remember was her Indian name. While all this was happening, came yet another embassy from Montezuma, loaded as usual with costly gifts. This time he invited the Span- iards to visit him in his capital, assuring them that they would be welcome. Further, he besought them to enter into no alliance with the base and bar- barous Tlascalans, but he invited them to take the route of the friendly city of Cholula, where arrange- ments were being made, by his orders, for their re- ception. The Tlascalans were much concerned that Cortes should propose to go to Mexico, and what they told him fully confirmed all the reports he had heard of the power and ambition of Montezuma, of the strength of his capital, and the number of his soldiers. They warned him not to trust to his gifts and his fair words, and when the general said that he hoped to bring about a better understanding be- tween the emperor and themselves, they replied that it was impossible; however smooth his words, he 174 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire would hate them at heart. They also heartily pro- tested against the general's going to Cholula, The people, they said, though not brave in the open field, were crafty; they were Montezuma's tools, and would do his bidding. That city, too, was specially under the protection of the god Quetzalcoatl, and the priests were confidently believed to have the power of opening ,an inundation from the founda- tions of his shrine, which should overwhelm their enemies in the deluge, and lastly, though many dis- tant places had sent to testify their goodwill, and offer their allegiance, Cholula, only six leagues dis- tant, had done neither. This consideration weighed more with the general than either of the preceding ones, and lie promptly despatched a summons to the city demanding a formal tender of its submission. It was not long before deputies arrived from Cho- lula profuse in expressions of goodwill and invita- tions to visit their city; but the Tlascalans pointed out that these messengers were below the usual rank of ambassadors, which Cortes regarded as a fresh indignity. He therefore sent a new summons, de- claring that if they did not at once send a deputation of their principal men he would treat them as rebels to his own sovereign, the rightful lord of these realms. This soon brought some of the highest nobles to the camp, who excused their tardy appear- ance by saying that they had feared for their per- sonal safety in the capital of their enemies. The 175 Travellers and Explorers Tlascalans were now more than ever averse to the projected visit. A strong Aztec force was known to be near Cholula, and the city was being actively pre- pared for defence. Cortes, too, was disturbed by these circumstances, but he had gone too far to re- cede without showing fear, which could not fail to have a bad effect on his own men, as well as on the natives. Therefore, after a short consultation with his officers, lie decided finally to take the road to Cholula. This ancient city lay six leagues to the south of Tlascala, and was most populous and flour- ishing. The inhabitants excelled in the art of work- ing in metals and manufacturing cotton cloth and delicate pottery, but were indisposed to war, and less distinguished for courage than for cunning. You will remember that it was in this place that the god Quetzalcoatl had paused on his way to the coast, and in his honor a tremendous pyramid had been erected, probably by building over a natural hill, and on the top of this rose a gorgeous temple, in which stood an image of the god bedecked with gold and jewels. To this temple pilgrims flocked from every corner of the empire, and many were the terrible sacrifices of- fered there, as, indeed, in all the other teocallis, of which there were about four hundred in the city. On the day appointed, the Spanish army set out for Cholula, followed by crowds of citizens, who ad- mired the courage displayed by this little handful of men in proposing to brave the mighty Montezuma in 176 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire his own territory. An immense body of warriors had offered to join the expedition, but Cortes thought it wise to accept only six thousand, and even these he left encamped at some distance from Cho- lula, because the caciques of that city, who came out to meet the Spaniards, objected to having their mor- tal enemies brought within its walls. As the troops drew near the town they were met by swarms of men, women, and children, all eager to catch a glimpse of the strangers, whose persons, horses, and weapons were objects of intense curiosity to them. They in their turn were struck by the noble aspect of the Cho- lulans, who were much superior in dress and general appearance to the other tribes they had encountered. An immense number of priests swinging censers mingled with the crowd, and, as before, they were decorated with garlands and bunches of flowers, and accompanied by gay music from various instruments. The Spaniards were also struck by the width and cleanliness of the streets and the solidity of the houses. They were lodged in the court of one of the many teocallis, and visited by the great nobles of the city, who supplied them plentifully with all they needed, and at first paid them such attentions as caused them to believe that the evil apprehensions of the Tlascalans had been merely suspicion and preju- dice. But very soon the scene changed. Messen- gers came from Montezuma, who shortly and pleas- antly told Cortes that his approach occasioned much 177 Travellers and Explorers disquietude to their master, and then conferred apart with the Mexicans who were still in the Spanish camp, presently departing, and taking one of them away with them. From this time the Cholulans visited the Spanish quarters no more, and when in- vited to do so excused themselves, saying they were ill. Also, the supply of provisions ran short, and they said it was because maize was scarce. Natur- ally, Cortes became very uneasy at this change, and his alarm was increased by the reports of the Cem- poallans, who told them that in wandering about the city they had seen several streets barricaded, and in some places holes had been dug, and a sharp stake planted upright in each, and branches strewn to con- ceal them, while the flat roofs of the houses were being stored with stones and other missiles. Some Tlascalans also came in from their camp to inform him that a great sacrifice, mostly of children, had been held in a distant quarter of the town, to secure the aid of the gods in some intended enterprise, and numbers of the people had taken their wives and children out of the city. These tidings confirmed the worst suspicions of Cortes, but just then the Lady Marina made a dis- covery which changed his doubts into certainty. The wife of one of the Cholulan caciques had taken a great fancy to the Mexican girl, and continually urged her to visit her house, hinting mysteriously that she would in this way escape a great danger which 178 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire threatened the Spaniards. Marina pretended to be delighted with this proposal, and glad of the chance of escaping from the white men, and by degrees she thus won the confidence of the Cholulan, who pres- ently revealed the whole plot to her. It originated, she said, with the Aztec emperor, who had bribed the caciques of Cholula, her husband among the num- ber, to assault the Spaniards as they marched out of the city, and to throw them into confusion; all sorts of obstacles had been placed in their way. A force of twenty thousand Mexicans was already quartered near the city to support the Cholulans, and the Span- iards would, it was confidently expected, fall an easy prey to their united enemies. A sufficient number of them were to be reserved to be sacrificed in Cho- lula, and the rest led in fetters to the capital of Mon- tezuma. While this conversation was taking place, Marina was making a show of collecting and pack- ing up such dresses and jewels as she was to take with her to the house of her new friend. But after a while she managed to slip away without exciting her sus- picion, and, rushing to the general, told him all. Cortes at once caused the cacique's wife to be seized, and she repeated to him the same story that she had told to Marina. He was most anxious to gain further particulars of the conspiracy, and accordingly in- duced two priests, one of them a person of much influence, to visit his quarters, where, by courteous treatment and rich presents, he got from them a com- 179 Travellers and Explorers plete confirmation of the report. The emperor had been in a state of pitiable vacillation since the arrival of the Spaniards. His first orders had been that they should be kindly received, but on consulting his oracles anew he had obtained for answer that Cho- lula would be the grave of his enemies, and so posi- tive of success were the Aztecs, that they had already sent into the city numbers of the poles with thongs attached to them with which to bind the prisoners. Cortes now dismissed the priests, bidding them ob- serve the strictest secrecy, which indeed they were likely to do for their own sakes. He also requested that they would induce some of the principal ca- ciques to grant him an interview in his quarters. When they came he gently rebuked them for their want of hospitality, and said that the Spaniards would burden them no longer, but would leave the city early the next morning. He also asked that they would supply him with two thousand men to carry his artillery and baggage. The chiefs, after some consultation, agreed to this as being likely to favor their own plans. Then he sent for the Mexi- can ambassadors, and acquainted them with his dis- covery of the plot, saying that it grieved him much to find Montezuma mixed up in so treacherous an affair, and that the Spaniards must now march as enemies against a monarch they had hoped to visit as a friend. The ambassadors, however, asserted their entire ignorance of the conspiracy, and their belief 1 80 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire that Montezuma also knew nothing of it. The night that followed was one of intense anxiety; every sol- dier lay down fully armed, and the number of senti- nels was doubled; but all remained quiet in the pop- ulous city, and the only sounds which reached their ears were the hoarse cries of the priests who, from the turrets of the teocallis, proclaimed through their trumpets the watches of the night. With the first streak of morning light Cortes was on horseback, directing the movements of his little band, part of which he posted in the great square court. A strong guard was placed at each of the three gates, and the rest had charge of the great guns which were outside the enclosure, and so placed as to command the roads which led to the teocalli. The arrangements were hardly completed before the Cho- lulan caciques appeared, bringing a larger body of porters than had been demanded. They were at once marched into the square, which was, as we have seen, completely lined by the Spanish troops. Cortes then took the caciques aside, and sternly and abruptly charged them with the conspiracy, taking care to show that he knew every detail. The Cholu- lans were thunderstruck, and gazed with awe upon the strangers who seemed to have the power of read- ing their most secret thoughts. They made no at- tempt to deny the accusation, but tried to excuse themselves by throwing the blame on Montezuma. Cortes, however, declared with still more indigna- 181 Travellers and Explorers tion that such a pretence would not serve them, and that he would now make such an example of them as should be a warning to the cities far and near, and then the fatal signal — the firing of a gun — was given, and in an instant every musket and crossbow was lev- elled at the unhappy Cholulans as theystood crowded together in the centre. They were completely taken by surprise, having heard nothing of what was going forward, and offered hardly any resistance to the Spanish soldiers, who followed up the discharge of their pieces by rushing upon them with their swords and mowing them down in ranks as they stood. While this dreadful massacre was going on the Cholulans from outside, attracted by the noise, began a furious assault upon the Spaniards, but the heavy guns opened fire upon them and swept them off in files as they rushed on, and in the intervals of reload- ing the cavalry charged into their midst. By this time the Tlascalans had come up, having, by order of Cortes, bound wreaths of sedge about their heads that they might be the more easily distinguished from the Cholulans, and they fell upon the rear of the wretched townsmen, who, thus harassed on all sides, could no longer maintain their ground. They fled; some to the near buildings, which were speedily set on fire, others to the temples. One strong body, headed by "the priests, got possession of the great teocalli. There was, as you remember, a tradition that if part of the wall was removed the god would send a flood to 182 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire overwhelm his enemies. Now the Cholulans strove with might and main, and at last succeeded in wrenching away a few stones, but dust, not water, fol- lowed. In despair they crowded into the wooden tur- rets which surmounted the temple, and poured down stones, javelins, and burning arrows upon the Span- iards as they came swarming up the steps. But the fiery shower fell harmlessly upon ' the steel head- pieces of the soldiers, and they used the blazing shafts to set fire to the wooden towers, so that the wretched natives either perished in the flames or threw themselves headlong from the parapet. In the fair city, lately so peaceful and prosperous, all was confusion and slaughter, burning and plunder- ing. The division of spoil was greatly simplified by the fact that the Tlascalans desired wearing-ap- parel and provisions far more than gold or jewels; they also took hundreds of prisoners, but these Cortes afterward induced them to release. The work of destruction had gone on for some hours before the general yielded to the entreaties of the Cholulan chiefs who had been saved from the massacre, and of the Mexican envoys, and called off his men, put- ting a stop as well as he could to further violence. Two of the caciques were also permitted to go to their countrymen with offers of pardon and protec- tion to all who would return to their obedience, and so by degrees the tumult was appeased. Presently Cortes helped the Cholulans to choose a successor to 183 Travellers and Explorers their principal cacique, who was among the slain, and confidence being thus restored the people from the country round began to flock in, the markets were again opened, and the ordinary life of the city re- sumed, though the black and smoldering ruins re- mained to tell the sad tale of the massacre of Cholula. This terrible vengeance made a great impression upon the natives, and none trembled more than the Mexican monarch upon his throne among the moun- tains. He felt his empire melting away from him like a morning mist, for some of the most important cities, overawed by the fate of Cholula, now sent envoys to the Spanish camp tendering their allegi- ance, and trying to secure the favor of the conqueror by rich gifts of gold and slaves. Again did Monte- zuma seek counsel from his gods, but the answers he obtained were far from reassuring, and he deter- mined to send another embassy to Cortes to declare that he had nothing to do with the conspiracy at Cho- lula. As usual, the envoys were charged with a splendid present of golden vessels and ornaments, and among other things were artificial birds, made in imitation of turkeys with plumage of worked gold; there were also fifteen hundred robes of delicate cot- ton cloth. The emperor's message expressed regret for the late catastrophe, and denied all knowledge of the plot which had, he said, brought a retribution upon its authors which they richly deserved; and he explained the presence of the Aztec force in the 184 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire neighborhood by saying that there was a disturbance that had to be quelled. More than a fortnight had passed since the Spaniards entered Cholula, and the general had, after the city was once more restored to order, tried to induce the people to give up their false gods, but this they would not do willingly. However, he seized upon the great teocalli of which all the woodwork- had been burned, and built a church of the stone that remained, and he opened the cages in which the wretched victims about to be sac- rificed were imprisoned, and restored them to lib- erty, and then he thought it time to begin the march to Mexico once more. So the allied army of Span- iards and Tlascalans set out upon their journey through luxuriant plains and flourishing plantations, met occasionally by embassies from different towns, anxious to claim the protection of the white men, and bringing rich gifts of gold to propitiate them. They passed between the two enormous mountain peaks, Popocatapetl, "the hill that smokes," and Iztacci- huatl, "the white woman," and presently encount- ered a blinding snow-storm, from which they found shelter in one of the large stone buildings, put up by the Mexicans for the use of travellers and couriers, and here they encamped for the night. The next morning theyreached the top of a range of hillswhere progress was comparatively easy, and they had not gone far when, turning sharply round the shoulder of a hill, they saw spread out before them the lovely 185 Travellers and Explorers Mexican valley. The clearness of the air enabled them to see distinctly the shining cities, the lakes, woods, fields and gardens, and in the midst of all the fair city of Mexico rose as it were from the waters of the great lake, with its towers and temples white and gleaming, and behind it the royal hill of Chapultepec, the residence of the Mexican kings, crowned with the very same gigantic cypress trees which to this day fling their broad shadows across the land. The Spaniards gazed in rapture over the gay scene, exclaiming: "It is the promised land!" But presently the evidences of a power and civilization so far superior to anything they had yet encountered disheartened the more timid among them, they shrank from the unequal contest, and begged to be led back again to Vera Cruz. But this was not the effect produced upon Cortes by the glorious pros- pect. His desire for treasure and love of adventure were sharpened by the sight of the dazzling spoil at his very feet, and with threats, arguments, and en- treaties he revived the drooping spirits of his soldiers, and by the aid of his brave captains succeeded in once more rousing them to enthusiasm, and the march down the slope of the hill was gayly resumed. With every step of their progress the woods be- came thinner, and villages were seen in green and sheltered nooks, the inhabitants of which came out to meet and welcome the Spaniards. Everywhere Cortes heard with satisfaction complaints of the 186 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire cruelty and injustice of Montezuma, and he encour- aged the natives to rely on his protection, as he had come to redress their wrongs. The army advanced but slowly, and was soon met by another embassy from the emperor, consisting of several Aztec lords bringing a rich gift of gold, and robes of delicate furs and feathers, and offering four loads of gold to the general, and one to each of his captains, with a yearly tribute to the Spanish sovereign, if they would even then turn back from Mexico. But Cortes replied that he could not answer it to his sov- ereign if he were to return without visiting the em- peror in his capital. The Spaniards came in the spirit of peace as Montezuma would see for him- self; but should their presence prove burdensome to him, it would be very easy for them to relieve him of it. This embassy had been intended to reach the Spaniards before they crossed the mountains, and the dismay of the Aztec emperor was great when he learned that it had failed, and that the dreaded stran- gers were actually on their march across the valley. They were so utterly unlike anything he had ever known before, these strange beings, who seemed to have dropped from another planet, and by their supe- rior knowledge and more deadly weapons overcome the hitherto unconquerable nations, though a mere handful of men in comparison to the swarms of his own countrymen. He felt himself to be the victim of 18; Travellers and Explorers a destiny from which nothing could save him. All peace, power, and security seemed to be gone from him, and in despair he shut himself up in his palace, refusing food, and trying by prayers and sacrifices to wring some favor from his gods. But the oracles were dumb. Then he called a council of his chief nobles, but a great difference of opinion arose among them. Cacama, the emperor's nephew, king of Tezcuco, counselled him to receive the Span- iards courteously as ambassadors of a foreign prince, while Cuitlahua, his brother, urged him to muster his forces and then and there drive back the invaders, or die in the defence of his capital. But Monte- zuma could not rouse himself for this struggle. He exclaimed in deep dejection: "Of what avail is re- sistance when the gods have declared themselves against us? Yet I mourn for the old and infirm, the women and children, too feeble to fight or fly. For myself and the brave men around me, we must face the storm as best we may!" and he straightway sent off a last embassy, with his nephew at its head, to meet the Spaniards and welcome them to Mexico. By this time the army had reached the first of the towns built on piles driven into the lake, and were delighted with its fine stone houses, with canals be- tween them instead of streets, up and down which boats passed continually, laden with all kinds of merchandise. Though received with great hospi- tality, Cortes still was strictly on his guard, and neg- 188 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire lected no precaution for the security of his men. Be- fore he left this place a messenger came, requesting him to wait for the arrival of the King of Tezcuco, who very soon afterward appeared, borne in a pa- lanquin richly decorated with plates of gold and precious stones, having pillars curiously wrought which supported a canopy of green plumes. He was accompanied by a numerous retinue of nobles and inferior attendants, and when he came into the presence of Cortes he descended from his palanquin and advanced toward him, his officers sweeping the ground before him as he did so. The prince was a handsome young man, erect and dignified; he made the usual Mexican salutation to people of high rank, touching the earth with his right hand and raising it to his head, and said that he came as the representative of Montezuma to bid the Spaniards welcome to Mexico, and presented the general with three pearls of uncommon size and lus- tre. Cortes embraced him, and in return threw over his neck a chain of cut glass. After this exchange of courtesies, and the most friendly and respectful assurances on the part of Cortes, the Indian prince withdrew, leaving the Spaniards much impressed by his superiority in state and bearing to anything they had before seen in the country. Resuming their march along the southern shore of Lake Chalco, through splendid woods, and orchards glowing with unknown fruits, the army 189 G— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers came at length to a great dike or causeway four or five miles long, which divided the Lake Chalco from Xochicalco on the west. It was a lance in breadth at the narrowest part, and in some places wide enough for eight horsemen to ride abreast, and was solidly built of stone and lime. As they passed along it they saw multitudes of Indians darting up and down the lake in their light pirogues, eager to catch a glimpse of the strangers, and they were amazed at the sight of the floating islands, covered with flowers and vege- tables and moving like rafts over the waters. All round the margin, and occasionally far out in the lake, they saw little towns and villages half buried in foliage; and the whole scene seemed to them so new and wonderful that they could only compare it to the magical pictures of the old romances. Mid- way across the lake the army halted at the town of Cuitlahuae, which was not large, but was remark- able for the beauty of its buildings. The curiosity of the Indians increased as the Spaniards proceeded, and they clambered up the causeway and lined the sides of the road, so that the troops were quite embar- rassed by them, and Cortes was obliged to resort to commands, and even menaces, to clear a passage. He found, as he neared the capital, a considerable change in the feeling shown toward the government, and heard only of the pomp and magnificence of Montezuma, and nothing of his oppressions. From the causeway the army descended on a narrow point 190 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire of land which lay between the two lakes, and cross- ing it reached the royal residence of Iztapalapan. This place was governed by the emperor's brother, who, to do greater honor to Cortes, had in- vited the neighboring lords to be present at his re- ception, and at the banquet which followed. The Spaniards were struck with admiration, when, after the usual ceremonies had been gone through, and a gift of gold and costly stuffs had been presented, they were led into one of the gorgeous halls of the palace, the roof of which was of odorous cedar-wood, and the stone walls tapestried with brilliant hangings. But, indeed, this was only one of the many beautiful things which they saw in this fairy city. There were gardens cunningly planted, and watered in every part by means of canals and aqueducts, in which grew gorgeous flowers and luscious fruits. There was an aviary filled with all kinds of birds, re- markable for the brilliancy of their plumage and the sweetness of their songs. But the most elaborate piece of work was a huge reservoir of stone full of water and stocked with all kinds of fish, and by this all the fountains and aqueducts were supplied. In this city of enchantment the army rested for the night, within sight of the capital into which Cortes intended to lead them on the morrow. 191 Travellers and Explorers THE OCCUPATION OF MEXICO With the first faint streak of dawn, on the morn- ing of November 8, 15 19, the Spanish general was astir and mustering his followers, and as the sun rose above the eastern mountains he set forth with his lit- tle troop of horsemen as a sort of advanced guard, the Spanish infantry followed, then the baggage, and finally the dark files of the Tlascalan warriors. The whole number cannot have amounted to seven thou- sand, of which less than four hundred were Span- iards. For a short distance the army kept along the narrow tongue of land between the lakes, and then entered upon the great dike which crosses the salt waters of Lake Tezcuco to the very gates of the capital. It was wide enough all the way for ten horsemen to ride abreast, and from it the Spaniards could see many towns and villages — some upon the shores of the lake, some built upon piles running far out into its waters. These cities were evidently crowded with a thriving population, and contained many temples and other important buildings, which were covered with a hard white stucco glistening like enamel in the sunshine. The lake was darkened with a swarm of canoes filled with Indians who were eager to gaze upon the strangers, and here and there floated those fairy islands of flowers which rose and fell with every undulation of the water, and yet were substantial enough to support trees of a considerable 192 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire size. At the distance of half a league from the capital they encountered a solid fortification, like a curtain of stone, which was built across the dike. It was twelve feet high, and had a tower at each end, and in the centre a battlemented gateway through which the troops passed. This place was called the Fort of Xoloc, and was afterward occupied by Cor- tes in the famous siege of Mexico. Here they were met by several hundred Aztec chiefs in their gay and fanciful costume. Some of them wore broad man- tles of delicate feather embroidery, and collars and bracelets of turquoise mosaic with which fine plum- age was curiously mingled, while their ears, under- lips, and sometimes even their noses, were adorned with pendants of precious stones, or crescents of fine gold. After the usual formal salutations, which caused some delay, the march was resumed, and the army presently reached a wooden drawbridge which crossed an opening in the dike, meant to serve as an outlet for the water, should it for any reason rise be- yond its usual height. As they left this bridge be- hind them the Spaniards felt that they were indeed committing themselves to the mercy of Montezuma, who might, by means of it, cut them of! from com- munication with the country, and hold them pris- oners in his capital. They now beheld the glittering retinue of the emperor emerging from the great street which led through the heart of the city. Amid a crowd of Indian nobles, preceded by three i93 / Travellers and Explorers officers of state bearing golden wands, they saw the royal palanquin, blazing with burnished gold. It was borne on the shoulders of nobles, and over it a canopy of gorgeous feather-work, powdered with jewels and fringed with silver, was supported by four attendants, also of high rank, who were bare- footed and walked with a slow, measured pace, with their eyes bent upon the ground. As soon as the procession had come within a short distance of the Spaniards the emperor descended from his palan- quin, and advanced under the canopy, leaning upon the arms of his nephew and his brother. The ground before him was strewn with cotton tapestry by his at- tendants, and the natives who lined the sides of the causeway bent forward with their eyes fixed upon the ground as he passed, while some of the humbler class prostrated themselves before him. Monte- zuma wore the usual broad girdle and square cloak of the finest cotton ; on his feet were sandals with soles of gold, and leathern thongs ornamented with the same metal. Both cloak and sandals were sprinkled with pearls and precious stones, principally emer- alds, and the green "chalchivitl," which was more highly esteemed by the Aztecs than any jewel. On his head he wore only a plume of royal green feathers, a badge of his military rank. He was at this time about forty years of age, and was tall and thin, and of a lighter complexion than is usual among his countrymen ; he moved with dignity, and 194 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire there was a benignity in his whole demeanor which was not to have been anticipated from the reports of his character which had reached the Spaniards. The army halted as Montezuma drew near, and Cortes dismounted and advanced to meet him with a few of the principal cavaliers. The emperor received him with princely courtesy, and expressed his satisfaction at seeing him in his capital. Cortes responded by the most profound expressions of respect and grati- tude for all Montezuma's munificence to the Span- iards; he then hung round the emperor's neck a chain of colored crystal, making at the same time a movement as if to embrace him, but was restrained by the two Aztec lords, who were shocked at the idea of such presumption. Montezuma then appointed his brother to conduct the Spaniards to their quar- ters in the city, and again entering his litter was borne or! amid prostrate crowds in the same state in which he had come. The Spaniards quickly followed, and with colors flying and music playing entered the southern portion of the city of Mexico. The great wide street facing the causeway stretched for some miles in nearly a straight line through the centre of the city. In the clear atmosphere of the table- land it was easy to see the blue mountains in the dis- tance beyond the temples, houses, and gardens which stood on either side of it. But what most impressed the Spaniards was the swarm of people who thronged every street, canal, and roof, and filled every window i95 Travellers and Explorers and doorway. To the Aztecs it must indeed have been a strange sensation when they beheld the fair- faced strangers, and for the first time heard their well-paved streets ringing under the iron tramp of the horses — those unknown animals which they re- garded with superstitious terror. But their wonder changed to anger when they saw their detested ene- mies, the Tlascalans, stalking through their city with looks of ferocity and defiance. As they passed along the troops frequently crossed bridges which spanned some of the numerous canals, and at length they halted in a wide open space, near the centre of the city, close to the huge temple of the war-god. Facing the western gate of the temple inclosure stood a range of low stone build- ings, spreading over a large extent of ground, once a palace belonging to the emperor's father. This was to be the lodging of the Spaniards. Montezuma - himself was waiting in the courtyard to receive them. Approaching Cortes he took from one of his slaves a massive collar, made of the shells of a kind of crawfish much prized by the Indians, set in gold, and connected by heavy golden links ; from this hung eight finely worked ornaments, each a span long, made to resemble the crawfish, but of fine gold. This gorgeous collar he hung round the neck of the gen- eral, saying: "This palace belongs to you, Malinche" (this was the name by which he always addressed him), "and your brethren. Rest after your fatigues, 196 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire for you have much need to do so ; in a little while I will visit you again." So saying, he withdrew with his attendants. The general's first care was to in- spect his new quarters. The rooms were of great size, and afforded accommodation for the whole army — the Tlascalans probably encamping in the outer courts. The best apartments were hung with draperies of gayly colored cotton, and the floors were covered with mats or rushes. There were also low stools carved from single pieces of wood, and most of the rooms had beds made of the palm-leaf, woven into a thick mat, with coverlets, and sometimes can- opies of cotton. The general, after a rapid survey, assigned his troops their respective quarters, and took as vigilant precautions for security as if he ex- pected a siege; he planted his cannon so as to com- mand the approaches to the palace, stationed senti- nels along the walls, and ordered that no soldier should leave his quarters under pain of death. After all these precautions he allowed his men to enjoy the banquet prepared for them. This over, the emperor came again, attended by a few nobles; he was re- ceived with great deference by Cortes, and with Marina's aid they conversed, while the Aztecs and the cavaliers stood around in respectful silence. Montezuma made many inquiries concerning the country of the Spaniards, its sovereign, and its gov- ernment, and especially asked their reasons for visit- ing Mexico, Cortes replied that they had desired to 197 Travellers and Explorers see its great monarch, and to declare to him the true faith professed by the Christians. The emperor showed himself to be fully acquainted with all the doings of the Spaniards since their landing, and was curious as to their rank in their own country; he also learned the names of the principal cavaliers, and their position in the army. At the conclusion of the interview the Aztecs brought forward a gift of cot- ton robes, enough to supply every man, even includ- ing the Tlascalans, and gold chains and ornaments, which were distributed in profusion among the Spaniards. That evening Cortes ordered a general discharge of artillery, and the noise of the guns and the volumes of smoke filled the superstitious Aztecs with dismay, reminding them of the explosions of the great volcano. On the following morning he asked permission to return the emperor's visit, and Montezuma sent officers to conduct the Spaniards to his presence. On reaching the hall of audience the Mexican officers took off their sandals, and covered their gay attire with mantles of "nequen," a coarse stuff made from the fibres of the aloe, and worn only by the poorest classes; for it was thus humbly that all, ex- cepting the members of his own family, approached the sovereign. Then with downcast eyes and for- mal obeisance they ushered the Spaniards into the royal presence. They found Montezuma sur- rounded by a few of his favorite chiefs, and were iq8 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire kindly received by him; and Cortes soon began upon the subject uppermost in his thoughts, setting forth as clearly as lie could the mysteries of his faith, and assuring Montezuma his idols would sink him in perdition. But the emperor only listened calmly, and showed no sign of being convinced. He had no doubt, he said, that the god of the Spaniards was good, but his own gods were good also; what Cor- tes told him of the creation of the world was like what he had been taught to believe. It was not worth while to discuss the matter further. He added that his ancestors were not the original pos- sessors of his land, but had been led there by the great Being, who, after giving them laws, and ruling over them for a time, had withdrawn to the region where the sun rises, declaring on his departure that he or his descendants would some day come again and reign. The wonderful deeds of the Spaniards, their fair faces, and the quarter whence they came all showed that they were his descendants. If Monte- zuma had resisted their visit to his capital, it was be- cause he had heard that they were cruel, that they sent the lightning to consume his people, or crushed them to pieces under the hard feet of the ferocious animals on which they rode. He was now convinced that these were idle tales, that the Spaniards were kind and generous — mortals indeed, but of a differ- ent race from the Aztecs, wiser, and more valiant. You, too, he added with a smile, have perhaps been 199 Travellers and Explorers told that I am a god and dwell in palaces of gold and silver. But you see it is false : my houses, though large, are of wood and stone; and as to my body, he said, baring his tawny arm, you see it is flesh and bone like yours. It is true that I have a great em- pire inherited from my ancestors, lands, and gold and silver, but your sovereign beyond the waters is, I know, the rightful lord of all. I rule in his name. You, Malinche, are his ambassador; you and your brethren shall share these things with me. Rest now from your labors. You are here in your own dwell- ings, and everything shall be provided for your sub- sistence. I will see that your wishes shall be obeyed in the same way as my own. Cortes, while he en- couraged the idea that his own sovereign was the great Being, as Montezuma believed, assured him that his master had no desire to interfere with his au- thority otherwise than, out of concern for his wel- fare, to effect his conversion, and that of his people, to Christianity. Before the emperor dismissed his visitors, rich stuffs and ornaments of gold were dis- tributed among them, so that the poorest soldier re- ceived at least two heavy collars of gold, and on their homeward way they could talk of nothing but the generosity and courtesy of the Indian monarch. But the general was harassed by many anxious thoughts. He had not been prepared to find so much luxury, civilization, and power. He was in the heart of a great capital which seemed like an extensive fortifi- 200 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire cation, with its dikes and drawbridges; where every house might be converted into a castle. At a nod from the sovereign all communication with the rest of the country might be cut off, and the whole war- like population be at once hurled upon himself and his handful of followers, and against such odds of what avail would be his superior science? As to the conquest of the empire, now he had seen the capital, it must have seemed to him a more doubtful enter- prise than ever; but at any rate his best policy was to foster the superstitious reverence in which he was held by both prince and people, and to find out all he could about the city and its inhabitants. To this end he asked the emperor's permission to visit the princi- pal public buildings, which was readily granted, Montezuma even arranging to meet him at the great temple. Cortes put himself at the head of his cav- alry, and, followed by nearly all the Spanish foot, set out under the guidance of several caciques sent by Montezuma. They led him to the great teocalli near their own quarters. It stood in the midst of a vast space which was surrounded by a wall of stone and lime about eight feet high, ornamented on the outer side by raised figures of serpents, which gave it the name of the "Coatepantli," or "wall of ser- pents." This wall was pierced by huge battlemented gateways, opening upon the four principal streets of the city, and over each gate was a kind of arsenal filled with arms and warlike gear. The teocalli it- 20I Travellers and Explorers self was of the usual pyramidal shape, and five stones high, coated on the outside with hewn stones. The ascent was by flights of steps on the outside, and Cor- tes found two priests and several caciques waiting to carry him up them as they had just carried the em- peror; but the general declined this compliment, preferring to march up at the head of his men. On reaching the great paved space at the summit, the first thing they saw was the stone on which the un- happy victims were stretched for sacrifice; at the other end of the platform stood two towers, each three stories high, the lower story being of stone, the two upper of carved wood. In these stood the im- ages of the gods, and before each stood an altar upon which blazed the undying fires, the putting out of which was supposed to portend so much woe to the nation. Here also was the huge drum, made of ser- pents' skins, struck only on extraordinary occasions, when it sent forth a melancholy sound that could be heard for miles — a sound of woe to the Spaniards in after times. Montezuma, attended by a high priest, came forward to receive Cortes. After conferring with the priests the emperor conducted the Spaniards into the building, which was adorned with sculp- tured figures; at one end was a recess, with a roof of timber richly carved and gilt, and here stood a co- lossal image of Huitzilopochtli, the war-god. His countenance was hideous; in his right hand he held a bow, and in his left a bunch of golden arrows, 202 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire which a mystic legend connected with the victories of his people. A huge serpent of pearls and precious stones was coiled about his waist, and costly jewels were profusely sprinkled over his person. On his left foot were the delicate feathers of the humming- bird, from which, singularly enough, he took his name, while round his neck hung a chain of gold and silver hearts, as an emblem of the sacrifice in which he most delighted. Indeed, even at that moment three bleeding human hearts lay upon the altar be- fore him. The next sanctuary was dedicated to Tezcatlipoca, who, they believed, had created the earth and watched over it. He was represented as a young man, and his image of polished black stone was garnished with gold plates and ornaments, among which was a shield burnished like a mirror, in which he was supposed to see reflected all the do- ings of the world ; and before this shrine also lay five hearts in a golden platter. From the horrors of this place the Spaniards gladly escaped into the open air, and Cortes said, turning to Montezuma: "X do not understand how a great and wise prince like you can put faith in such evil spirits as these idols. If you will but permit us to erect here the true cross, and place the images of the Blessed Virgin and her Son in your sanctuaries, you will soon see how your false gods will shrink before them." Montezuma was greatly shocked at this speech. "These," said he, "are the gods who have led the Aztecs on to victory 203 Travellers and Explorers since they were a nation, and who send us the seed time and harvest. Had I thought you would have offered them this outrage I would not have admitted you into their presence." Cortes then took his leave, expressing concern for having wounded the feelings of the emperor, who remained to expiate, if possible, the crime of having exposed the shrines of his gods to such profanation by the strangers. On descending into the court the Spaniards took a leisurely survey of the other buildings in the inclosure; there were several other teocallis, but much smaller ones, in which the Spaniards saw implements of sacrifice and many other horrors. And there was also a great mound with a timber framework upon its summit, upon which were strung hundreds of thousands of skulls — those of the victims who had been sacrificed. Schools, granaries, gardens, and fountains filled up the remainder of the inclosed space, which seemed a complete city in itself, containing a mixture of bar- barism and civilization altogether characteristic of the Aztec nation. The next day the Spaniards asked permission to convert one of the halls in their palace into a chapel where they might hold the services of their church. The request was granted, and while the work was in progress some of them discovered what seemed to be a door recently plastered over. As there was a rumor that Montezuma kept the treas- ures of his father in this place, they did not scruple to gratify their curiosity by removing the plaster 204 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire and forcing open the door which it concealed, when they beheld a great hall filled with rich and beauti- ful stuffs, articles of curious workmanship of various kinds, gold and silver in bars or just as they had been dug from the earth, and many jewels of great value. "I was a young man," says one of the Spaniards who was allowed a sight of the treasure, "and it seemed to me that all the .riches of the world were in that room." By Cortes's order the wall was built up again, and strict injunctions were given that the discovery should be kept a profound secret. The Spaniards had now been a week in Mexico, and the general's anxieties increased daily. Cortes resolved upon a bold stroke. Calling a council of his officers, he laid his difficulties before them, and, ignoring the opin- ion of some who advised an immediate retreat, he proposed to march to the royal palace and by persua- sion or force to induce Montezuma to take up his abode in the Spanish quarters. Once having ob- tained possession of his person, it would be easy to rule in his name by allowing him a show of sov- ereignty, until they had taken measures to secure their own safety and the success of their enterprise. A pretext for the seizure of the emperor was afforded by a circumstance which had come to the ears of Cortes while he was still in Cholula. Don Juan de Escalante, who had been left in charge of the Span- ish settlement at Vera Cruz, had received a message 205 Travellers and Explorers from an Aztec chief called Quanhpopoca declaring his desire to come in person and tender his allegiance to the Spaniards, and requesting that four soldiers might be sent to protect him through the country of an unfriendly tribe. This was not an uncommon request, and the soldiers were sent, but on their ar- rival two of them were treacherously murdered by the Aztecs; the others escaped, and made their way to the garrison. The commander at once marched with fifty of his men and some thousands of Indians to take vengeance upon the cacique, and though his allies fled before the Mexicans, the few Spaniards stood firm, and by the aid of their firearms made good the field against the enemy. Unfortunately, seven or eight of them were killed, including Esca- lante himself, and the Indians who were taken pris- oners declared that the whole proceeding had been by Montezuma's orders. One of the Spaniards fell into the hands of the enemy, but soon died from his wounds. He happened to be a very big man of fero- cious appearance, and when his head was sent to Montezuma, the Aztec emperor gazed upon it with a shudder, and commanded that it should be taken out of the city, and not offered at the shrine of any of his gods. He seemed to see in those terrible features a prophecy of his sure destruction. The bolder spirits among the cavaliers approved of the general's plan, and the next day, having asked an audience of Mon- tezuma, Cortes made the necessary arrangements for 206 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire his enterprise. The principal part of his force was drawn up in the courtyard ; one detachment was sta- tioned in the avenue leading to the palace, to prevent any attempt at rescue by the citizens. Twenty-five or thirty soldiers were ordered to drop in at the pal- ace by twos and threes, as if accidentally, and he took with him five cavaliers on whose coolness and cour- age he could rely.- That they should all be in full armor excited no suspicion ; it was too common an occurrence. The Spaniards were graciously received by the emperor, who by the aid of interpreters held a gay conversa- tion with them, and, as usual, presented them with gold and jewels. He paid Cortes the compliment of offering him one of his daughters in marriage — an honor which was respectfully declined, on the ground that he already had one wife. But as soon as the general saw that his soldiers had all come upon the scene he abruptly changed his tone, and accused the emperor of being the author of the treacherous proceedings on the coast Montezuma listened in surprise, and declared that such an act could only have been imputed to him by his enemies. Cortes pretended to believe him, but said that Quanhpopoca and his accomplices must be sent for that they might be dealt with after their deserts. Montezuma agreed, and, taking his royal signet from his wrist, gave it to one of his nobles, with orders to show it to the Aztec governor and require his immediate pres- 207 Travellers and Explorers ence in the capital, and in case of his resistance to call in the aid of the neighboring towns. When the mes- senger had gone, Cortes assured the emperor that he was now convinced of his innocence in the matter, but that it was necessary that his own sovereign should be equally convinced of it. Nothing would promote this so much as for Montezuma to transfer his residence to the palace occupied by the Spaniards, as this would show a condescension and personal re- gard for them which would absolve him from all sus- picion. The emperor listened to this proposal with profound amazement, exclaiming with resentment and offended dignity: "When was it ever heard that a great prince like myself willingly left his own palace to become a pris- oner in the hands of strangers?" Cortes declared that he would not go as a pris- oner, but would be simply changing his residence. "If I should consent to such degradation," he cried, "my subjects never would." When further pressed, he offered one of his sons and two of his daughters as hostages, so that he might be spared this disgrace. Two hours passed in this fruitless discussion, till Velasquez de Leon, impatient of the long delay, and seeing that to fail in the at- tempt must ruin them, cried out, "Why do we waste words on this barbarian? Let us seize him, and if he resists plunge our swords into his body!" The fierce tone and menacing gesture alarmed the em- 208 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire peror, who asked Marina what the angry Spaniard said. She explained as gently as she could, beseech- ing him to accompany the white men, who would treat him with all respect and kindness, while if he refused he would but expose himself to violence, per- haps to death. This last appeal shook the resolution of Monte- zuma; looking round for support and sympathy, he saw only the stern faces and mail-clad forms of the Spaniards, and felt that his hour had indeed come. In a scarcely audible voice he consented to accom- pany them, and orders were given for the royal litter to be brought. The nobles who bore and attended it could hardlycredit their senses; but now Montezuma had consented to go, pride made him wish to appear to go willingly. As the royal retinue marched de- jectedly down the avenue, escorted by the Spaniards, the people ran together in crowds, declaring that the emperor had been carried off by force; and a tumult would have arisen had not he himself called out to them to disperse, since he was of his own accord visiting his friends, and on reaching the Spanish quarters he sent out his nobles to the mob with similar assurances, bidding them all return to their homes. He was received with ostentatious respect by the Spaniards, and chose the apartments which pleased him best, which were speedily furnished with tapes- try, featherwork^ and all other Indian luxuries. He was attended by his own household, and his meals 209 Travellers and Explorers were served with the usual pomp and ceremony, while not even the general himself approached him without due obeisance, or sat down in his presence uninvited. Nevertheless, it was but too clear to his people that he was a prisoner, for day and night the palace was guarded by sixty sentinels in front and sixty in the rear, while another body was stationed in the royal antechamber. This was the state of affairs when Quanhpopoca arrived from the coast. Monte- zuma received him coldly, and referred the matter to Cortes, who speedily made an end of it by con- demning the unhappy chief and his followers to be burned to death. The funeral piles were erected in the courtyard before the palace, and were made of arrows, javelins, and other weapons drawn by the emperor's permission from those stored round the great teocalli. To crown these extraordinary pro- ceedings, Cortes, just before the executions took place, entered the emperor's apartments, followed by a soldier bearing fetters in his hands. Sternlv he again accused Montezuma of having been the origi- nal contriver of the treacherous deed, and said that a crime which merited death in a subject must in some way be atoned for even by a king, whereupon he ordered the soldier to fasten the fetters upon Mon- tezuma's ankles, and after coolly waiting until it was done turned his back and quitted the room. The emperor was speechless under this last insult, like one struck down by a heavy blow. But though 210 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire he offered no resistance, low moans broke from him, which showed the anguish of his spirit. His faith- ful attendants did their utmost to console him, hold- ing his feet in their arms, and trying to keep the irons from touching him by inserting their own robes; but it was not the bodily discomfort that so afflicted him, but the feeling that he was no more a king; and so utterly broken in spirit was he that when Cortes came after the execution had taken place, and with his own hands unclasped the irons, Montezuma actually thanked him as if for some great and unmerited favor. Not long after the Spanish general expressed his willingness that the emperor should, if he wished, return to his own palace, but Montezuma declined the offer, doubtless fearing to trust himself again to the haughty and ferocious chieftains, who could not but despise the cowardly proceedings of their master, so unlike the usual conduct of an Aztec monarch. Montezuma often amused himself with seeing the Spanish troops go through their exercises, or with playing at some of the national games with Cortes and his officers. A favorite one was called "totoloque," played with golden balls, which were thrown at a golden target, and the emperor always staked precious stones or ingots of gold, and won or lost with equal good-humor, and indeed it did not much matter to him, since if he did win he gave away his gains to his attendants. But while Monte- zuma thus resigned himself without a struggle to a 211 Travellers and Explorers life of captivity, some of his kinsmen were feeling very differently about the matter, and especially his nephew Cacama, lord of the Tezcuco, and second in power to Montezuma himself. This prince saw with alarm and indignation his uncle's abject submission to the Spaniards, and en- deavored to form a league with the other chiefs to rescue him out of their hands. But they, from jeal- ousy, declined to join him, declaring themselves un- willing to do anything without the emperor's sanc- tion. These plots came to the ears of Cortes, who wished at once to march upon Tezcuco and stamp out this spark of rebellion, but Montezuma dissuaded him. He therefore sent a friendly message of expos- tulation, which met with a haughty response, and to a second message asserting the supremacyof the King of Spain Cacama replied that "he acknowledged no such authority. He knew nothing of the Spanish sovereign or his people, nor did he wish to know any- thing of them." When Montezuma sent to him to come to Mexico that this difference might be ad- justed, he answered that he understood the position of his uncle, and that when he did visit the capital it would be to rescue it, as well as the emperor himself and their common gods, from bondage, to drive out the detested strangers who had brought such dis- honor on their country. This reply made Cortes very angry; but Montezuma, anxious to prevent bloodshed, begged him still to refrain from declar- 212 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire ing war against Cacama, saying that it would be bet- ter to obtain possession of him personally, which he could easily do by means of several Tezcucan nobles who were in his own pay. So Cacama was enticed by these faithless chiefs into a villa overhanging the lake, where he was easily overpowered and forced into a boat, which speedily brought him to Mexico. Cortes promptly fettered and imprisoned him, while Montezuma declared that he had by his rebellion forfeited his kingdom, and appointed his brother — a mere boy — to reign in his stead. Now Cortes felt himself powerful enough to demand that Monte- zuma and all his nobles should formally swear alle- giance to the Spanish sovereigns, and accordingly the emperor assembled his principal caciques and briefly stated to them the object for which he had summoned them. "You all know," said he, "our ancient tradition — how the great Being, who once ruled over the land, declared that he would one day return and reign again. That time has now arrived. The white men have come from the land beyond the ocean, where the sun rises, sent by their master to reclaim the obedience of his ancient subjects. I am ready, for my part, to acknowledge his authority. You have been faithful vassals of mine all the years that I have sat upon the throne of my fathers ; I now expect that you will show me a last act of obedience, by acknowl- edging the great king beyond the waters to be your 213 Travellers and Explorers lord also, and that you will pay him tribute as you have hitherto done to me." As he spoke the tears fell fast down his cheeks, and his nobles were deeply affected by the sight of his distress. Many of them, coming from a distance, and not having realized what was taking place in the capital, were rilled with astonishment on beholding the voluntary abasement of their master, whom they had reverenced as the all-powerful lord of the whole county. His will, they told him, was their law now as ever, and if he thought the sovereign of the strangers was the ancient lord of their country, they were willing to swear alle- giance to him as such. Accordingly the oaths were administered with all due solemnity, and a full record of the proceedings was drawn up by the royal notary to be sent to Spain. Cortes now seemed to have accomplished most of the great objects of his expedition, but toward the conversion of the natives he had made no progress, and still the horrible sacri- fices took place day by day. The general could bear it no longer, but told the emperor that the Chris- tians could not consent to hold the services of their religion shut in within the narrow walls of the gar- rison. They wished to spread its light abroad and share its blessings with the people. To this end they requested that the great teocalli should be given up to them as a fit place where their worship might be conducted in the presence of the whole city. Mon- tezuma listened in consternation. 214 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire "Malinche," said he, "why will you push mat- ters to an extremity that must surely bring down the vengeance of, our gods and stir up an insurrection among my people, who will never endure this prof- anation of their temple?" Cortes, seeing that he was much agitated, pre- tended that the demand had come from his follow- ers, and that he would endeavor to persuade them to be contented with one of the sanctuaries of the teo- calli. If that were not granted, they should be obliged to take it by force and to throw down the idols in the face of the city. Montezuma, still greatly disturbed, promised to confer with the priests, and in the end the Spaniards were allowed to take possession of one of the sanctuaries, in which, when it had been purified, an altar was raised, surmounted by a crucifix and the image of the Virgin; its walls were decorated with garlands of fresh flowers, and an old soldier was stationed to watch over it. Then the whole army moved in solemn procession up the winding ascent of the pyramid, and mass was cele- brated by Father Olmedo and another priest, while the Aztecs looked on with mingled curiosity and re- pugnance. For a nation will endure any outrage sooner than that which attacks its religion, and this profanation touched a feeling in the natives which the priests were not slow to take advantage of. Soon the Spaniards noticed a change in Monte- zuma. He was grave instead of cheerful, and 215 Travellers and Explorers avoided their society. Many conferences went on between him and the priests and nobles, at which even Orteguilla, his favorite page, was not allowed to be present. Presently Cortes received a summons to appear before the emperor, who told him that his predictions had come to pass, his gods were offended, and threatened to forsake the city if the sacrilegious strangers were not driven from it, or sacrificed on their altars as an expiation. "If you have any re- gard for your safety," he continued, "you will leave the country without delay. I have only to raise my finger, and every Aztec in the land will rise against you. Cortes knew well enough that this was true, but, concealing his dismay, he replied that he should much regret to leave the capital so precipitately, es- pecially when he had no ships to take him back to his own country. He should also regret that if he quitted it under these circumstances he should be driven to taking the emperor with him. Monte- zuma was evidently troubled by this last suggestion, and finally offered to send workmen to the coast to build ships under the direction of the Spaniards, while he restrained the impatience of his people with the assurance that the white men would leave their land as soon as they were ready. This was accord- ingly done, and the work went forward at Vera Cruz with great apparent alacrity, but those who directed it took care to interpose as many delays as possible, 216 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire while Cortes hoped in the meantime to receive such re-enforcements from Spain as should enable him to hold his ground. Nevertheless the whole aspect of affairs in the Spanish quarters was utterly changed; apprehension had taken the place of security, and as many precautions were observed as if the garrison was actually in a state of siege. Such was the un- pleasant state of affairs when, in May, 1520, six months after his arrival in the capital, Cortes re- ceived tidings from the coast which caused him greater alarm than even the threatened insurrection of the Aztecs. The jealous governor of Cuba was sending an expedition to attack Cor.tes. It was the news of the arrival of this fleet at the place where he had himself landed at first that had caused Cortes so much consternation, for he at once suspected that it was sent by his bitter enemy the gov- ernor. The commander of this second expedition, who was called Narvaez, having landed, soon met with a Spaniard from one of the exploring parties sent out by Cortes. This man related all that had occurred since the Spanish envoys left Vera Cruz^ the march into the interior, the furious battles with the Tlascalans, the occupation of Mexico, the rich treasures found in it, and the seizure of Montezuma, "whereby," said the soldier, "Cortes rules over the land like its own sovereign, so that a Spaniard may travel unarmed from one end of the country to the other without insult or injury." 217 Travellers and Explorers Narvaez and his followers listened in speechless amazement to this marvellous report, and the leader waxed more and more indignant at the thought of all that had been snatched from Velasquez, whose adherent he was. He now openly proclaimed his intention of marching against Cortes and punishing him, so that even the natives who had flocked to this new camp comprehended that these white men were enemies of those who had come before. Narvaez proposed to establish a colony in the barren, sandy spot which Cortes had abandoned, and when in- formed of the existence of Villa Rica, he sent to de- mand the submission of the garrison. Sandoval had kept a sharp eye upon the movements of Narvaez from the time that his ships had first appeared upon the horizon, and when he heard of his having landed he prepared to defend his post to the last extremity. But the only invaders of Villa Rica were a priest named Guevara and four other Spaniards, who for- mally addressed Sandoval, pompously enumerating the services and claims of Velasquez, taxing Cortes with rebellion, and finally demanding that Sando- val should tender his submission to Narvaez. . That officer, greatly exasperated, promptly seized the un- lucky priest and his companions, and, remarking that they might read the obnoxious proclamation to the general himself in Mexico, ordered them to be bound like bales of goods upon the backs of sturdy porters and placed under a guard of twenty Spaniards, and 218 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire in this way, travelling day and night, only stopping to obtain relays of carriers, they came within sight of the capital at the end of the fourth day. Its inhabitants were already aware of the fresh arrival of white men upon the coast. Indeed Mon- tezuma had sent for Cortes and told him there was no longer any obstacle to his leaving the country, as a fleet was ready for him, and in answer to his aston- ished inquiries, had shown him a picture map sent from the coast, whereon the Spaniards, with their ships and equipments, were minutely depicted. Cor- tes pretended to be vastly pleased by this intelli- gence and the tidings were received in the camp with firing of cannon and other demonstrations of joy, for the soldiers took the new-comers for a re-enforcement from Spain. Not so Cortes, who guessed from the first that they came from the governor of Cuba. He told his suspicions to his officers, who in turn in- formed the men; but, though alarm succeeded their joy, they resolved to stand by their leader come what might When Sandoval's letter acquainting him with all particulars was brought to Cortes, he in- stantly sent and released the bewildered prisoners from their ignominious position, and furnished them with horses to make their entry into the capital, where, by treating them with the utmost courtesy and loading them with gifts, he speedily converted them from enemies into friends, and obtained from them much important information respecting the designs 219 Travellers and Explorers of Narvaez and the feelings of his army. He gath- ered that gold was the great object of the soldiers, who were evidently willing to co-operate with Cor- tes if by so doing they could obtain it. Indeed, they had no particular regard for their own leader, who was arrogant, and by no means liberal. Profiting by these important hints, the general sent a conciliatory letter to Narvaez, beseeching him not to unsettle the natives by a show of animosity, when it was only by union they could hope for success, and declaring that for his part he was ready to greet Narvaez as a brother in arms, to share with him the fruits of con- quest, and, if he could produce a royal commission, to submit to his authority. Of course Cortes knew well enough that he had no such commission to show. Soon after the departure of Guevara he resolved to send a special envoy of his own, and chose Father Olmedo for the task, with instructions to converse privately with as many of the officers and soldiers as he could with a view to securing their good-will ; and to this end he was also provided with a liberal sup- ply of gold. During this time Narvaez had aban- doned his idea of planting a colony on the sea-coast, and had marched inland and taken up his quarters at Cempoalla. He received the letter of Cortes with scorn, which changed to stern displeasure when Gue- vara enlarged upon the power of his rival and urged him to accept his friendly offers. But the troops, on the other hand, listened with greedy ears to the ac- 220 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire counts of Cortes, his frank and liberal manners, and the wealth of his camp, where the meanest soldier could stake his ingot and his chain of gold at play, and where all revelled in plenty. And when Father Olmedo arrived, his eloquence and his gifts soon created a party in the interest of Cortes. This could not go on so secretly as not to excite the suspicions of Narvaez, and the worthy priest was sent back to his master, but the seed which he had sown was left to grow. Narvaez continued to speak of Cortes as a traitor whom he intended to punish, and he also declared he would release Montezuma from captivity and re- store him to his throne. It was rumored that the Aztec monarch had sent him a rich gift, and entered into correspondence with him. All this was ob- served by the watchful eye of Sandoval, whose spies frequented his enemy's camp, and he presently sent to Cortes saying that something must speedily be done to prevent Villa Rica from falling into the hands of the enemy, and pointing out that many of the Indians, from sheer perplexity, were no longer to be relied upon. The general felt that it was indeed time to act, but the situation was one of great difficulty. How- ever, he marched against Narvaez, defeated and cap- tured him, embodied his forces, and set out on his re- turn to Mexico, where he had left Alvarado in com- mand. 221 H— Vol. ii Travellers and Explorers On his march he received a letter from Alvarado, which conveyed the startling news that the Mexicans were up in arms and had assaulted the Spanish quar- ters, that they had overwhelmed the garrison with a torrent of missiles, which had killed some and wounded many, and had burned some brigantines which Cortes had built to secure a means of retreat, and it ended by imploring him to hasten to the relief of his men if he would save them or keep his hold on the capital. This was a heavy blow to Cortes, but there was no time for hesitation. He laid the mat- ter fully before his soldiers, and all declared their readiness to follow him. On June 24, 1520, the army reached the same causeway by which they had before entered the capi- tal; but now no crowds lined the roads, and no pi- rogues swarmed upon the lake; a death-like stillness brooded over the scene. As they marched across Cor- tes ordered the trumpets to sound, and their shrill notes were answered by a joyful peal of artillery from the beleaguered fortress. The soldiers quickened their pace, and all were soon in the city once more. But here the appearance of things was far from reas- suring. In many places they saw the smaller bridges had been taken away; the town seemed deserted, and the tramp of the horses awakened melancholy echoes in the deserted streets. When they reached the pal- ace the great gates were speedily thrown open, and Cortes, and his party were eagerly welcomed by the 222 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire garrison, who had much to tell and to hear. Of course the general's first inquiry was as to the origin of the tumult, and this was the story he heard. The Aztec festival called "The Incensing of Huitzilopochtli" was about to be celebrated, in which, as it was an important one, nearly all the nobles took part. The caciques asked the permission of Alvarado to perform their rites in the teocalli which contained the chapel of the Spaniards, and to be allowed the presence of Montezuma. This latter request was refused, but he consented to their using the teocalli provided they came unarmed and held no human sacrifice. Accordingly, on the day ap- pointed the Aztecs assembled to the number of at least six hundred. They wore their magnificent gala costumes, with mantles of featherwork sprinkled with precious stones, and collars, bracelets, and ornaments of gold. Alvarado and his men, fully armed, at- tended as spectators, and when the hapless natives were engaged in one of their ceremonial dances, they fell upon them suddenly, sword in hand. Then fol- lowed a great and dreadful slaughter. Unarmed, and taken unawares, the Aztecs were hewn down without resistance. Those who attempted to escape by climbing the wall of serpents were speared ruth- lessly, till presently not one of that gay company re- mained alive; then the Spaniards added the crown- ing horror to their dreadful deed by plundering the bodies of their murdered victims. The tidings of 223 Travellers and Explorers the massacre flew like wildfire through the capital, and every long-smothered feeling of hostility burst forth in the cry that arose for vengeance. The city rose in arms to a man and almost before the Span- iards could secure themselves in their defences, they were assaulted with desperate fury: some of the as- sailants attempted to scale the walls, others succeeded in partially undermining and setting fire to the works. It is impossible to say how the attack would have ended, but the Spaniards entreated Montezuma to interfere, and he, mounting the battlements, con- jured the furious people to desist from storming the fortress out of regard for his safety. They so far re- spected him that they changed their operations into a regular blockade, throwing up works round the pal- ace to prevent the egress of the Spaniards, and sus- pending the market so that they might not obtain any supplies, and then they sat down to wait sullenly till famine should throw their enemies into their hands. The condition of the besieged was gloomy enough. True their provisions still held out, but they suffered greatly from want of water, that within the inclosure being quite brackish, until a fresh spring was suddenly discovered in the courtyard. Even then the fact that scarcely a man had escaped unwounded, and that they had no prospect before them but a lingering death by famine, or one more dreadful still upon the altar of sacrifice, made their situation a very trying one. The coming of their 224 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire comrades was therefore doubly welcome. As an ex- planation of his atrocious act,Alvarado declared that he had but struck the blow to intimidate the natives and crush an intended rising of the people, of which he had received information through his spies. Cortes listened calmly till the story was finished, then exclaimed with undisguised displeasure: "You have done badly. You have been false to your trust. Your conduct has been that of a madman!" And so saying, he turned and left him abruptly, no doubt bitterly regretting that he had intrusted so important a command to one whose frank and captivating ex- terior was but the mask for a rash and cruel nature. Vexed with his faithless lieutenant,' and embarrassed by the disastrous consequences of his actions, Cortes for the first time lost his self-control, and allowed his disgust and irritation to be plainly seen. He treated Montezuma with haughty coldness, even speaking of him as "this dog of a king" in the presence of his chiefs, and bidding them fiercely go tell their master and his people to open the markets, or he would do it for them to their cost. The chiefs retired in deep resentment at the insult, which they comprehended well enough from his look and gesture, and the mes- sage lost nothing of its effect in transmission. By the suggestion of Montezuma, Cortes now released his brother Cuitlahua, thinking he might allay the tumult and bring about a better state of things. But this failed utterly, for the prince, who was bold and 225 Travellers and Explorers ambitious, was bitterly incensed by the injuries he had received from the Spaniards. Moreover, he was the heir presumptive to the crown, and was welcomed by the people as a substitute for the captive Monte- zuma. So, being an experienced warrior, he set him- self to arrange a more efficient plan of operations against the Spaniards, and the effect was soon visible. Cortes, meanwhile, had so little doubt of his ability to quench the insurrection that he said as much in the letter that he wrote to the garrison of Villa Rica informing them of his safe arrival in the capital. But his messenger had not been gone half an hour before he returned breathless with terror, and cov- ered with wounds, saying that the city was in arms, the drawbridges were raised, and the enemy would soon be upon them. Surely enough, before long a hoarse, sullen roar arose, becoming louder and louder, till from the parapet surrounding the inclosure the great avenues that led to it could be seen dark with masses of war- riors rolling on in a confused tide toward the fort- ress, while at the same time the flat roofs of the neighboring houses were suddenly covered, as if by magic, with swarms of menacing figures, brandish- ing their weapons — a sight to appall the stoutest heart FIGHTING IN MEXICO When notice was given of the approach of the Aztecs, each man was soon at his post, and prepared 226 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire to give them a warm reception. On they came, rushing forward in dense columns, each with its gay banner, and as they neared the inclosure they set up the hideous yell or shrill whistle used in fight, which rose high above the sound of their rude musical in- struments. They followed this by a tempest of stones, darts, and arrows, which fell thick as rain on the besieged, and at the same time those upon the roofs also discharged a blinding volley. The Span- iards waited until the foremost column was within fire, and then, with a general discharge of artillery, swept the ranks of their assailants, mowing them down by hundreds. The Mexicans for a moment stood aghast, but soon rallying swept boldly forward over the prostrate bodies of their comrades : a second and third volley checked them and threw their ranks into disorder, but still they pressed on, letting off clouds of arrows, while those on the house-tops took deliberate aim at the soldiers in the courtyard. Soon some of the Aztecs succeeded in getting close enough to the wall to be sheltered by it from the fire of the Spaniards, and they made gallant efforts to scale the parapet, but only to be shot down, one after another, as soon as their heads appeared above the rampart. Defeated here, they tried to effect a breach by batter- ing the wall with heavy pieces of timber, but it proved too strong for them, and then they shot burn- ing arrows among the temporary buildings in the courtyard. Several of these took fire, and soon a 227 Travellers and Explorers fierce conflagration was raging, which was only to be checked by throwing down part of the wall itself, and thus laying open a formidable breach. This was protected by a battery of heavy guns, and a file of arquebusiers, who kept up an incessant volley through the opening. All day the fight raged with fury, and even when night came, and the Aztecs sus- pended operations according to their usual custom, the Spaniards found but little repose, being in hourly expectation of an assault. Early the next morning the combatants returned to the charge. Cortes did not yet realize the ferocity and determination of the Mexicans, and thought by a vigorous sortie he would reduce them to order, and, indeed, when the gates were thrown open, and he sallied out, followed by his cavalry, supported by a large body of infantry and Tlascalans, they were taken by surprise and retreated in some confusion behind a barricade which they had thrown up across the street. But by the time Cortes had ordered up his heavy guns and demolished the barrier they had rallied again, and though, when the fight had raged all day, Cortes was on the whole victorious, still he had been so harassed on all sides by the battalions of natives who swarmed in from every side street and lane, by those in canoes upon the canal, and by the showers of huge stones from those upon the house-tops, that his losses had been severe. Earlier in the day he had caused a number of houses to be burned to rid him- 228 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire self of some of his tormentors, but the Aztecs could probably better afford to lose a hundred men than the Spaniards one, and the Mexican ranks showed no signs of thinning. At length, exhausted by toil and hunger, the Spanish commander drew off his men, and retreated into his quarters, pursued to the last by showers of darts and arrows; and when the Spaniards re-enfered their fortress, the Indians once more encamped round it; and though through the night they were inactive, still they frequently broke the stillness with menacing cries and insults. "The gods have delivered you into our hands at last!" they said. "Huitzilopochtli has long cried for his victims. The stone of sacrifice is ready — the knives are sharpened. The wild beasts in the palace are roaring for their feast." These taunts, which sounded dismally in the ears of the besieged, were mingled with piteous lamentations for Montezuma, whom they entreated the Spaniards to deliver up to them. Cortes was suffering much from a severe wound and from his many anxieties, and he deter- mined to induce Montezuma to exert his authority to allay the tumult. In order to give greater effect to his appearance he put on his imperial robes. His mantle of blue and white was held by a rich clasp of the precious "chalchivitl," which with emeralds of uncommon size, set in gold, also ornamented other portions of his dress. His feet were shod with golden sandals, and upon his head he wore the Mexi- 229 Travellers and Explorers can diadem. Surrounded by a guard of Spaniards and preceded by a golden wand, the symbol of sov- ereignty, the Indian monarch ascended the central turret of the palace. His presence was instantly rec- ognized by the people, and a magical change came over the scene: the clang of the instruments and the fierce cries of the assailants ceased, and many in the hushed throng knelt or prostrated themselves, while all eyes were turned with eager expectation upon the monarch whom they had been taught to regard with slavish awe. Montezuma saw his advantage, and in the presence of his awe-struck people felt once more a king. With his former calm authority and con- fidence he addressed them: "Why do I see my people here in arms against the palace of my fathers? Is it that you think your sovereign a prisoner, and wish to release him? If so you have done well ; but you are mistaken. I am no prisoner. The strangers are my guests. I remain with them only for choice, and can leave them when I will. Have you come to drive them from the city? That is unnecessary; they will depart of their own accord if you will open a way for them. Return to your homes then. Lay down your arms. Show your obedience to me, whose right it is. The white men shall go back to their land, and all shall be well again within the walls of Mexico." As Montezuma declared himself the friend of the detested strangers a murmur of contempt ran 230 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire through the multitude. Their rage and desire for vengeance made them forget their ancient reverence, and turned them against their unfortunate monarch. "Base Aztec," they cried, "woman, coward! The white men have made you a woman, fit only to weave and spin." A chief of high rank brandished a javelin at Mon- tezuma, as these taunts were uttered, and in an instant the place where he stood was assailed with a cloud of stones and arrows. The Spaniards, who had been thrown off their guard by the respect shown by the people on their lord's appearance, now hastily inter- posed their shields, but it was too late: Montezuma was wounded by three of the missiles, one of which, a stone, struck him on the head with such violence that lie fell senseless to the ground. The Mexicans, shocked at their own sacrilegious act, set up a dis- mal cry, and dispersed panic-stricken until not one of all the host remained in the great square before the palace. Meanwhile, the unhappy king was borne to his own apartments, and as soon as he recov- ered from his insensibility the full misery of his sit- uation broke upon him. He had tasted the last bit- terness of degradation. He had been reviled and rejected by his people. Even the meanest of the rabble had raised their hands against him, and he had nothing left to live for. In vain did Cortes and his officers endeavor to soothe the anguish of his spirit and encourage him to hope for better things, 231 Travellers and Explorers Montezuma answered not a word. His wounds, though dangerous, need not have proved fatal had he not refused all remedies, tearing off the bandages as often as they were applied, and maintaining all the while a determined silence. He sat motionless, with downcast eyes, brooding over his humiliation; but from this painful scene the Spanish general was soon called away by the new dangers which threatened the garrison. Opposite to the Spanish quarters stood the great teocalli of Huitzilopochtli, rising to a height of nearly a hundred and fifty feet, and thus completely commanding the palace occupied by the Spaniards. A body of five or six hundred Mexicans, many of them nobles and warriors of the highest rank, now took possession of the teocalli, whence they dis- charged such a tempest of arrows upon the garrison that it was impossible for any soldier to show himself for an instant outside his defences without great dan- ger, while the Mexicans themselves were completely sheltered. It was absolutely necessary that they should be dislodged, and Cortes intrusted the task to his chamberlain Escobar, giving him a hundred men for the purpose. But after making three des- perate attempts, in which he was repulsed with con- siderable loss, this officer returned unsuccessful, and Cortes determined to lead the storming party him- self, though he was suffering much from a wound which disabled his left hand. He made the arm 232 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire serviceable, however, by strapping his shield to it, and thus prepared sallied forth at the head of three hundred chosen cavaliers and several thousand of the Indian allies. In the courtyard of the temple a body of Mexicans was drawn up to oppose him, and he charged them briskly, but the horses could not keep their footing on the slippery pavement, and many of them fell. Hastily dismounting, the Span- iards sent the animals back to their quarters, and then, renewing the assault, had little difficulty in dis- persing the Indians and securing a passage to the teocalli. And now began a great and terrible strug- gle. You will remember that the huge pyramid- shaped teocalli was built in five divisions, growing smaller and smaller, till at the top you came out upon a square platform, crowned only by the two sanctuaries in which stood the images of the Aztec gods. You will also remember that the only ascent was by flights of stone steps on the outside, one above another, and that it was necessary between each flight to pass by a kind of terrace, right round the building, so that a distance of nearly a mile had to be trav- ersed before reaching the top. Cortes sprang up the lower stairway, followed by Alvarado, Sandoval, Ordaz, and the other gallant cavaliers, leaving a strong detachment to hold the enemy in check at the foot of the temple. On every terrace as well as on the topmost platform the Aztec warriors were drawn up to dispute his passage. From their elevated posi- 233 Travellers and Explorers tion they showered down heavy stones, beams, and burning rafters, which thundering along the stair- way overturned the ascending Spaniards and carried desolation through their ranks. The more fortu- nate, eluding or springing over these obstacles, suc- ceeded in gaining the first terrace, where they fell upon their enemies and compelled them to give way, and then, aided by a brisk fire from the musketeers below, they pressed on, forcing their opponents to retreat higher and higher, until at last they were glad to take shelter on the broad summit of the teocalli. Cortes and his companions were close behind them, and the two parties soon found themselves face to face upon this strange battlefield, engaged in mor- tal combat in the presence of the whole city, while even the troops in the courtyard ceased hostilities, as if by mutual consent, and watched with breathless interest the issue of the struggle. The Spaniards and Mexicans closed with the desperate fury of men who have no hope but in vic- tory. Quarter was neither asked nor given, and to fly was impossible. The edge of the platform was unprotected by parapet or battlement, and many of the combatants, as they struggled together, were seen to roll over the edge of the precipice, locked in a death-grip. Cortes himself but narrowly escaped this frightful fate. Two powerful warriors had seized upon him, and were dragging him violently toward the side of the pyramid, when, by sheer 234 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire strength, he tore himself from their grasp and hurled one of them over the brink with his own arm. The battle raged unceasingly for three hours. The number of the Mexicans was double that of the Spaniards, but the armor of the latter and their skill as swordsmen outweighed the odds against them. Resistance grew fainter and fainter on the side of the Aztecs. The priests, who had run to and fro among them with streaming hair and wild gestures, encour- aging and urging them on, were all slain or captured. One by one the warriors fell dead upon the blood- drenched pavement, or were hurled from the dizzy height, until at last the wild struggle ceased, and the Spaniards stood alone upon the field of battle. Their victory had cost them dear, for forty-five of their comrades lay dead, and nearly all the remainder were more or less seriously wounded; but there was no time for regrets. The victorious cavaliers rushed to the sanctuaries to find that the cross and the image of the Virgin had disappeared from the one they had appropriated, and that in the other, before the grim figure of Huitzilopochtli, lay the usual offering of human hearts, possibly those of their own country- men! With shouts of triumph the Spaniards tore the hideous idol from its niche, and in the sight of the horror-stricken Aztecs hurled it down the steps of the teocalli, and, after having set fire to the sanctu- aries, descended joyfully into the courtyard. Passing through the ranks of the Mexicans, who 235 Travellers and Explorers were too much dismayed by all they had witnessed to offer any resistance, they reached their own quarters in safety, and that very night they followed up the blow they had struck by sallying forth into the sleep- ing town and burning three hundred houses. Cortes now hoped that the natives were sufficiently subdued to be willing to come to terms with him. He there- fore invited them to a parley, and addressed the prin- cipal chiefs, who had assembled in the great square, from the turret before occupied by Montezuma. As usual, Marina interpreted for him, and the Indians gazed curiously at their countrywoman, whose influ- ence with the Spanish general was well known. Cortes told them that they must now know how little they had to hope from their opposition to the Span- iards. They had seen their gods trampled in the dust, their altars destroyed, their dwellings burned, and their warriors falling on all sides. "All this," he continued, "you have brought upon yourselves by your rebellion. Yet, for the sake of the affection felt for you by the sovereign you have treated so unworth- ily, I would willingly stay my hand if you will lay down your arms and return once more to your obedi- ence. But if you do not," he concluded, "I will make your city a heap of ruins, and leave not a soul alive to mourn over it." But the Spanish commander did not yet under- stand the character of the Aztecs if he thought to intimidate them by menaces. It was true, they re- 236 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire plied, that he had destroyed their temples, broken in pieces their gods, and massacred their countrymen. Many more doubtless were yet to fall under their terrible swords. But they were content so long as for every thousand Mexicans they could shed the blood of a single white man. "Look out," they said, "upon our streets and terraces. See them still thronged with warriors as far as your eyes can reach. Our numbers are scarcely diminished by our losses. Yours, on the contrary, are lessening hour by hour. Your provisions and water are failing. You are per- ishing from hunger and sickness; you must soon fall into our hands. The bridges are broken down and you cannot escape! There will be too few of you left to glut the vengeance of our gods." With this they discharged a volley of arrows, which compelled the Spaniards to beat a speedy retreat from the turret. The fierce answer of the Aztecs filled the besieged with dismay. The general himself, pressed by enemies without and factions within, was, as usual, only roused to more energetic action by a situation which would have paralyzed any ordinary mind. He calmly sur- veyed his position before deciding what course he would pursue. To retreat was hazardous, and it mortified him cruelly to abandon the city in which he had so long been master and the rich treasure which he had secured, with which he had hoped to propitiate the King of Spain. To fly now was to ac- 237 Travellers and Explorers knowledge himself further than ever from the con- quest and to give great opportunity to his enemy, the Governor of Cuba, to triumph over him. On the other hand, with his men daily diminishing in strength and numbers, with the stock of provisions so nearly exhausted that one small daily ration of bread was all the soldiers had, with the breaches in his fortifications widening every day and his ammuni- tion nearly gone, it was manifestly impossible to hold the place much longer against the enemy. Having reached this conclusion, the next difficulty was to de- cide how and when it would be well to evacuate the city. He tried to fight his way out, but he failed, and when night fell the Mexicans dispersed as usual, and the Spaniards, tired, famished, and weak from their wounds, slowly re-entered the citadel, only to receive tidings of a fresh misfortune. Montezuma was dead. "The tidings of his death," says the old Spanish chronicler, "were received with real grief by every cavalier and soldier in the army who had had access to his person, for we all loved him as a father, and no wonder, seeing how good he was." Montezuma's death was a real misfortune for the Spaniards. While he lived there was still a possibil- ity of his influence with the natives being of use to them. Now that hope was gone. The Spanish commander showed all respect for his memory. His body, arrayed in its royal robes, was laid upon a bier, and borne on the shoulders of those nobles who had 238 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire remained with him to the last to his subjects in the city, whose wailings over it were distinctly heard by the Spaniards; but where he was buried, and with what honors, they never knew. The Spanish general now called a council to de- cide as speedily as possible the all-important ques- tion of the retreat. It was his intention to fall back upon Tlascala, and once there to arrange according to circumstances his future operations. There was some difference of opinion as to the hour of depar- ture; but owing to the predictions of a soldier named Botello, who pretended to be able to read the stars, and who announced that to leave the city at night would be for the good of his comrades, though he himself would meet his death through it, it was de- cided that the fortress should be abandoned that very night. After events proved that Botello's prophecy was unfortunately only true as far as he himself was concerned. The general's first care was to provide for the safe conveyance of the treasure. The soldiers had most of them converted their share into gold chains or collars which could be easily carried about their persons. But the royal fifth, with that of Cortes himself and his principal officers, was in bars and wedges of solid gold. That belonging to the crown was now given in charge to the royal officers, with the strongest horse to carry it, and a special guard for its protection, 239 Travellers and Explorers But much treasure belonging to the crown and to private individuals was necessarily abandoned, and the precious metal lay in shining heaps upon the floors of the palace. "Take what you will of it," said Cortes to the soldiers; "better you should have it than those Mexican hounds. But be careful not to overload yourselves: he travels safest who travels lightest." His own wary soldiers took heed to his counsel, taking few treasures, and those of the small- est size. But the troops of Narvaez thought that the very mines of Mexico lay open before them, and the riches for which they had risked so much were with- in their reach at last. Rushing upon the spoil, they loaded themselves with all they could possibly carry or stow away. Cortes next arranged the order of march. The van consisted of two hundred Spanish foot, com- manded by Sandoval, with twenty other cavaliers. The rest of the infantry formed the rear-guard un- der Alvarado and De Leon, while the general him- self took charge of the centre, some of the heavy guns, the baggage, the treasure, and the prisoners, among whom were a son and two daughters of Montezuma, Cacama, and several nobles. The Tlascalans were pretty equally divided among the three divisions. The general had previously superintended the con- struction of a portable bridge to be laid across the open canals. This was intrusted to the care of an officer named Magarino and forty men, all pledged 240 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire to defend the passage to the last extremity. Well would it have been if three such bridges had been made, but the labor would have been great and the time was short. At midnight all was ready, and after a solemn mass had been celebrated by Father Olmedo, the Spaniards for the last time sallied forth from the ancient fortress, the scene of so much suffer- ing and of such great courage. THE NIGHT OF HORROR The night was dark, and a fine rain fell steadily. The vast square before the palace was deserted, as indeed it had been since the death of Montezuma, and the Spaniards made their way across it as noise- lessly as possible, and entered the great street of Tla- copan. Though to their anxious eyes every dark lane and alley seemed to swarm with the shadowy forms of their enemies, it was not really so, and all went well until the van drew near the spot where the street opened upon the causeway. Before the bridge could be adjusted across the uncovered breach the Mexican sentinels stationed there fled, raising the alarm as they went. The priests from the summits of the teocallis heard them, and sounded their shells, while the huge drum upon the desolate temple of the war- god sent forth its solemn sound, which — heard only in seasons of calamity — vibrated through every cor- ner of the capital. The Spaniards saw that there was no time to be lost; the bridge was fitted with all 241 Travellers and Explorers speed, and Sandoval rode across first to try its strength, followed by the first division; then came Cortes with the baggage and artillery, but before he was well over, a sound was heard as of a stormy wind rising in a forest. Nearer and nearer it came, and from the dark waters of the lake rose the plashing noise of many oars. Then a few stones and arrows fell at random among the hurrying troops, to be fol- lowed by more and more, ever thicker and faster, till they became a terrible blinding storm, while the air was rent with the yells and war-cries of the enemy, who seemed to be swarming in myriads over land and lake. The Spaniards pushed on steadily, though the Mexicans, dashing their canoes against the sides of the causeway, clambered up and broke in upon their ranks. The soldiers, anxious only to make their escape, simply shook them off, or rode over them, or with their guns and swords drove them headlong down the sides of the dike again. But the advance of such a body of men necessarily took time, and the leading files had already reached the second gap in the causeway before those in the rear had cleared the first. They were forced to halt, though severely harassed by the fire from the canoes, which clustered thickly round this opening, and many were the ur- gent messages which were sent to the rear, to hurry up the bridge. But when it was at length clear, and Magarino and his sturdy followers endeavored to 242 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire raise it, they found to their horror that the weight of the artillery and the horses passing over it had jammed it firmly into the sides of the dike, and it was absolutely immovable. Not till many of his men were slain and all wounded did Magarino abandon the attempt, and then the dreadful tidings spread rapidly from man to man, and a cry of despair arose. All means of retreat were cut off; they were held as in a trap. Order and discipline were at an end, for no one could hope to escape except by his own desperate exertions. Those behind pressed forward, trampling the weak and wounded under foot, heed- ing not friend or foe. Those in front were forced over the edge of the gulf, across which some of the cavaliers succeeded in swimming their horses, but many failed, or rolled back into the lake in attempt- ing to ascend the opposite bank. The infantry fol- lowed pell-mell, heaped one upon the other, fre- quently perced by the Aztecs' arrows, or struck down by their clubs, and dragged into the canoes to be re- served for a more dreadful death. Ail along the causeway the battle raged fiercely. The Mexicans clambered continually up the sides of the dike, and grappled with the Spaniards, till they rolled together down into the canoes. But while the Aztec fell among friends, his unhappy an- tagonist was secured, and borne away in triumph to the sacrifice. The struggle was long and deadly, but by degrees the opening in the causeway was filled 243 Travellers and Explorers up by the wreck of the wagons, guns, rich bales of stuffs, chests of solid ingots, and bodies of men and horses which had fallen into it; and over this dismal ruin those in the rear were able to reach the other side. Cortes had found a place that was fordable, and, halting halfway across, had vainly endeavored to check the confusion, and lead his followers safely to the opposite bank. But his voice was lost in the wild uproar; and at length, attended by a few trusty cavaliers, he pushed forward to the front. Here he found Sandoval and his companions, halting before the last breach, trying to cheer on the soldiers to at- tempt the crossing; but, though not so beset with ene- mies as the last, it was wide and deep, and the men's resolution failed them. Again the cavaliers set the example, by plunging into the lake. Horse and foot followed, swimming or clinging to the manes and tails of the horses. Those fared best, as the general had predicted, who travelled lightest, and many were the unfortunate wretches, who, weighed down by the fatal treasure, were buried with it at the bottom of the lake. Cortes, with a few others, still kept in ad- vance, leading the miserable remnant off the cause- way. The din of battle was growing faint in the dis- tance, when the rumor reached them that, without speedy succor, the rear-guard must be utterly over- whelmed. It seemed a desperate venture, but the cavaliers, without thinking of the danger, turned their horses and galloped back to the relief of their 244 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire comrades. Swimming the canal again, they threw themselves into the thick of the fray. The first gleam of morning light showed the hideous confu- sion of the scene; the masses of combatants upon the dike were struggling till the very causeway seemed to rock, while, as far as the eye could see, the lake was covered with a dense crowd of canoes full of war- riors. The cavaliers found Alvarado unhorsed, and, with a mere handful of followers, defending himself against an overwhelming tide of the enemy, who by this time possessed the whole rear of the causeway, and received constant re-enforcements from the city. The Spanish artillery, which had done good service at first, had been overthrown, and utterly confounded by the rush from the back. In the general ruin, Cortes strove by a resolute charge to give his coun- trymen time to rally, but it was only for a moment: they were speedily borne down by the returning rush. The general and his companions were forced to plunge into the lake once more, though with their numbers reduced this time, and Alvarado stood for an instant upon the brink, uncertain what to do. There was no time to be lost. He was a tall and powerful man. Setting his long lance firmly on the wreck which strewed the lake, he gave a mighty leap which landed him in safety upon the opposite bank. Aztecs and Tlascalans looked on in amazement at this almost incredible feat, and a general shout arose. "This is truly the Tonatiuh — the Child of the Sun." 245 Travellers and Explorers To this day, the place is called "Alvarado's Leap." Cortes now rode to the front, where the troops were straggling miserably off the fatal causeway. Most fortunately, the attention of the Aztecs was diverted by the rich spoil that strewed the ground, and their pursuit ceased, so that the Spaniards passed unmo- lested through the village of Popotla. There the Spanish commander dismounted from his weary steed, and sitting down on the steps of an Indian temple, looked mournfully on while the broken files dragged slowly past. It was a piteous spectacle. The cavalry, many of them dismounted, were min- gled with the infantry, their shattered mail dripping with the salt ooze, and showing through its rents many a ghastly wound; their firearms, banners, bag- gage, artillery, everything was gone. Cortes, as he looked sadly on their thin, disordered ranks, sought in vain many a familiar face, and missed more than one trusty comrade who had stood by his side through all the perils of the conquest; and accus- tomed as he was to conceal his emotions, he could bear it no longer, but covered his face with his hands, while he wept tears of anguish. It was, however, some consolation to him that Marina had been car- ried safely through the awful night by her faithful guards. Aguilar was also alive, and Martin Lopez, who had built two boats for him in Mexico, as well as Alvarado, Avila, Sandoval, Olid, and Ordaz. But this was no time to give way to vain regrets. 246 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire Cortes hastily mounted again and led his men as speedily as possible through Tlacopan, and, as soon as he reached the open country, endeavored to bring his disorganized battalions into something like order. .The broken army, half-starved, moved slowly toward the coast. On the seventh morning the army reached the mountain range which overlooks the plains of Otumba. All the, day before, parties of the enemy had hovered round, crying vindictively, "Hasten on. You will soon find yourselves where you cannot es- cape!" Now, as they climbed the steep hillside, Cortes realized what this meant, for his scouts came back reporting that a powerful body of Aztecs was encamped upon the other side waiting for them, and truly enough, when they looked down into the valley, they saw it filled with a mighty host of warriors who had been gathered together by Cuitlahua, and sta- tioned at this point to dispute the passage of the Spaniards. Every chief of importance had taken the field with his whole array. As far as the eye could reach extended a moving mass of glittering shields and spears, mingled with the banners and bright feather-mail of the caciques, and the white cotton robes of their followers. It was a sight to dis- may the stoutest heart among the Spaniards, and even Cortes felt that his last hour was come. But since to escape was impossible, he disposed his little army to the best advantage, and prepared to cut his way through the enemy or perish in the attempt. He 247 Travellers and Explorers gave his force as broad a front as possible, protecting it on each flank with his cavalry, now reduced to twenty horsemen, who were instructed to direct their long lances at the faces of the enemy, and on no ac- count to lose their hold of them. The infantry were to thrust, not strike, with their swords, and above all to make for the leaders of the enemy, and then, after a few brave words of encouragement, he and his little band began to descend the hill, rushing, as it seemed, to certain destruction. The enemy met them with the usual storm of stones and arrows, but when the Spaniards closed with them, their superiority became apparent, and the natives were thrown into confusion by their own numbers as they fell back from the charge. The infantry followed up their advantage, and a wide lane was opened in the ranks of the ene- my, who receded on all sides as if to allow them a free passage. But it was only to return with fresh fury, and soon the little army was entirely sur- rounded, standing firmly, protected on all sides by its bristling swords and lances, like an island in the midst of a raging sea. In spite of many gallant deeds and desperate struggles, the Spaniards found themselves, at the end of several hours, only more deeply wedged in by the dense masses of the enemy. Cortes had received another wound, in the head, his horse had fallen under him, and he had been obliged to mount one taken from the baggage train. The fiery rays of the sun poured down upon the 248 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire nearly exhausted soldiers, who were beginning to despair and give way, while the enemy, constantly re- enforced from the rear, pressed on with redoubled fury. At this critical moment the eagle eye of Cor- tes, ever on the watch for any chance of arresting the coming ruin, descried in the distance a chief who, from his dress and surroundings, he knew must be the commander of the Aztec forces. He wore a rich surcoat of feather-work, and a gorgeous plume of jewelled feathers floated from his helmet, while above this, and attached to his back between the shoulders, showed a golden net fastened to a short staff — the customary symbol of authority for an Az- tec commander. Turning quickly round to San- doval, Olid, Alvarado, and Avila, who surrounded him, he cried, pointing to the chief, "There is our mark! Follow and support me!" And shouting his war-cry he plunged into the thickest of the press. Taken by surprise, the enemy fell back; those who could not escape were trampled under his horse's feet, or pierced by his long lance; the cavaliers fol- lowed him closely; in a few minutes they were close to the Aztec chief, and Cortes hurled him to the ground with one stroke from his lance; a young cava- lier named Juan de Salamanca hastily dismounted and slew him where he lay, and tearing away his banner presented it to the Spanish general. The ca- cique's guard, overpowered by this sudden onset, fled precipitately, and their panic spread to the other In- 249 Travellers and Explorers dians, who, on hearing of the death of their chief, fought no more, but thought only of escape. In their blind terror they impeded and trampled down their own comrades, and the Spaniards, availing themselves fully of the marvellous turn affairs had taken, pursued them off the field, and then returned to secure the rich booty they had left behind them. Cortes reached Tlascala in safety, and at once began to prepare his revenge on the Mexicans, aided by re-enforcements of a few Spaniards from Vera Cruz. Gunpowder had also to be manufactured, and a cavalier named Francio Montaflo undertook the perilous task of obtaining sulphur for the pur- pose from the terrible volcano of Popocatepetl. He set out with four comrades, and after some days' jour- neying, they reached the dense forest which covered the base of the mountain, and forcing their way up- ward, came by degrees to a more open region. As they neared the top the track ended, and they had to climb as best they could over the black glazed sur- face of the lava, which, having issued from the crater in a boiling flood, had risen into a thousand odd forms wherever it met with any obstacle, and con- tinually impeded their progress. After this they arrived at the region of perpetual snow, which in- creased their difficulties, the treacherous ice giving way at every step, so that many times they narrowly escaped falling into the frozen chasms that yawned all round them. At last, however, they reached the 250 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire mouth of the crater, and, crawling cautiously to the very edge, peered down into its gloomy depths. At the bottom of the abyss, which seemed to them to go down into the very heart of the earth, a lurid flame burned sullenly, sending up a sulphureous steam, which, cooling as it rose, fell again in showers upon the sides of the cavity. Into this one of the brave explorers had to' descend, and when they had cast lots the choice fell upon Montano himself. His preparations were soon made, and his companions lowered him in a basket into the horrible chasm to a depth of four hundred feet, and there, as he hung, he scraped the sulphur from the sides of the crater, de- scending again and again until he had procured enough for the wants of the army, with which they returned triumphantly to Tlascala. Meanwhile the construction of the ships went forward prosperously, and by Christmas, in the year 1520, there was no longer any reason to delay the march to Mexico. While all these preparations were being made, some changes had taken place among the Aztecs. Cuitlahua had suddenly died after reigning four months, and Guatemozin, his nephew, had been chosen in his stead. This young prince had married one of Montezuma's daughters. He was handsome and valiant, and so terrible that his followers trem- bled in his presence. He had a sort of religious hatred of the Spaniards, and prepared manfully to meet the perils which he saw threatening his country; 251 Travellers and Explorers for by means of spies he had kept a watch upon the movements of the Spaniards, and had discovered their intention of besieging the capital. Cortes, upon reviewing his army, found that his whole force fell little short of six hundred men, of whom forty were cavalry, and eighty arquebusiers and cross- bowmen. The rest were armed with sword, target, and the long copper-headed pikes, which had been made specially by the general's directions. There were also nine cannon of moderate size, but the sup- ply of powder was but indifferent. Cortes published a code of strict regulations for the guidance of his men before they set out, and addressed them, as usual, with stirring words, touching all the springs of devo- tion, honor, and ambition in their hearts, and rousing their enthusiasm as only he could have done. His plan of action was to establish his headquarters at some place upon the Tezcucan lake, whence he could cut off the supplies from the surrounding country, and place Mexico in a state of blockade until the completion of his ships should enable him to begin a direct assault. The most difficult of the three ways into the valley was the one Cortes chose; it led right across the mountain chain; and he judged wisely that he would be less likely to be annoyed by the enemy in that direction. Before long the army halted within three leagues of Tezcuco, which you will remember was upon the opposite shore of the lake to Mexico, and somewhat further north. Up 252 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire to this time they only had had a few slight skirmishes with the Aztecs, though beacon fires had blazed upon every hill-top, showing that the country was roused. Cortes thought it very unlikely that he would be al- lowed to enter Tezcuco, which was now reigned over by Coanaco, the friend and ally of Guatemozin. But the next morning, before the troops were well under arms, came an embassy bearing a golden flag and a gift for Cortes, and imploring him to spare Coa- naco's territories, and to take up his quarters in his capital. Cortes first sternly demanded an account of the Spaniards who, while convoying treasure to the coast, had been slain by Coanaco just when Cortes himself was retreating to Tlascala. The envoys de- clared at once that the Mexican emperor alone was to blame; he had ordered it to be done, and had re- ceived the gold and the prisoners. They then urged that to give them time to prepare suitable accommo- dation for him, Cortes should not enter Tezcuco until the next day; but disregarding this he marched in at once, only to find the place deserted, and Coanaco well on his way across the lake to Mexico. The gen- eral, however, turned this to his own advantage by assembling the few persons left in the city, and then and there electing a brother of the late sovereign to be ruler in his place; and when a few months later he died, he was succeeded by Ixtlilxochitl, son of Negahualpilli, who, always a friend of the Span- iards, now became their most valuable ally, and by 253 I— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers the support of his personal authority and all his mili- tary resources, did more than any other Aztec chief- tain to rivet the chains of the strangers round the necks of his own countrymen. THE SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO The city of Tezcuco, which lay about half a league from the shore of the lake, was probably the best position Cortes could have chosen for the head- quarters of the army. His first care was to strengthen the defences of the palace in which they were lodged, and next to employ eight thousand Indian laborers in widening a stream, which ran toward the lake, so that when the ships arrived they might be put to- gether in Tezcuco, and floated safely down to be launched upon it. Meanwhile many of the places in the neighborhood sent in their submission to Cor- tes, and several noble Aztecs fell into his hands. These men he employed to bear a message to Guate- mozin, in which he deprecated the necessity of the present hostilities, and declared himself willing to forget the past, inviting the Mexicans by a timely submission to save their capital from the horrors of a siege. But every man in Mexico was determined to defend it to the uttermost, and this appeal produced no effect. The general now turned his attention to securing all the strong places upon the lake. Izta- palapan was the first; the attacking party, after a sharp struggle, succeeded in entering the town; many 254 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire of the inhabitants fled in their canoes, but those who remained were massacred by the Tlascalans in spite of all Cortes could do to restrain them. Darkness set in while the soldiers were eagerly loading them- selves with plunder; some of the houses had been set on fire, and the flames lighted up the scene of ruin and desolation. Suddenly a sound was heard as of the rush of the incoming tide — and Cortes with great alarm realized that the Indians had broken down the dikes, and that before long the low-lying ground upon which the town stood would be under water. He hastily called off his men and retreated, the soldiers, heavily laden, wading with difficulty through the flood which gained fast upon them. As they left the (burning city behind them they could no longer find their way, and sometimes plunged into deep water where many of the allies, unable to swim, were carried away and drowned. When morning dawned they were harassed by the enemy, who hov- ered round and discharged volleys of arrows and stones, so that it was with no small satisfaction that they presently found themselves once more within the walls of Tezcuco. Cortes was greatly disap- pointed at this disastrous end of an expedition which had begun so well, but after all the fate of Iztapala- pan produced a good effect, and many more towns sent to tender their allegiance, among others Ot- umba and Chalco, which was a place of great im- portance. Cortes also managed to induce the tribes, 255 Travellers and Explorers who though friendly to him were hostile to one another, to forget their feuds and combine against Mexico, and to this wise policy he owed much of his future success. News now came from Tlascala that the ships were ready, and Sandoval was despatched with a considerable guard to bring them to Tezcuco. On his way he was to stop at Zoltepec, where the mas- sacre of the Spaniards had taken place, to find out and punish all who had had a hand in the matter; but when they got there the inhabitants had fled. In the deserted temples they had the horror of find- ing many traces of the fate of their comrades; for be- sides their arms and clothing, and the hides of their horses, the heads of several soldiers were found sus- pended as trophies of victory; while traced in char- coal upon the wall in one building were the words, in the Spanish language: "In this place the unfortu- nate Juan Juste, with many others of his company, was imprisoned." It was fortunate that the inhabi- tants had fled, for they would have met with but scant mercy from the Spaniards, who were full of indig- nation at the thought of the horrible doom which had overtaken their companions. Sandoval now re- sumed his march to Tlascala, but before he could reach it, the convoy appeared transporting the ships through the mountain passes. Retaining twenty thousand of the warriors as a guard, the Spanish cap- tain dismissed the rest, and after four laborious days 256 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire Cortes and his garrison had the joy of welcoming them safe within the walls of Tezcuco. It was not long before the general once more sallied forth to re- connoitre the capital, and by the way to chastise cer- tain places which had sent him hostile messages. After an exciting struggle Xaltocan and three other towns were taken, and a considerable quantity of gold and food fell into the hands of the victors. Marching on, the general found himself before Tla- copan, through whose streets he had hurried in con- sternation at the end of the night of horror. It was his intention to occupy the town, which he did after a sharp fight, just before nightfall, and the next morning, seeing the enemy in battle array on the open ground before the city, he marched out against them and routed them utterly. The Aztecs fled into the town, but were driven through its streets at the point of the lance, and compelled once more to aban- don it, after which the Tlascalans pillaged and set fire to the houses, much against the will of Cortes, but they were a fierce race, and sometimes dangerous to friends as well as foes. After six days the gen- eral went back to Tezcuco, and for some time things went on as before, with many skirmishes and expedi- tions against the towns garrisoned by the Mexicans. Sandoval took several strongholds which threatened the security of Chalco, and all the while the work upon the canal was going rapidly forward, and the ships were nearing completion in spite of three at- 257 Travellers and Explorers tempts made by the enemy to burn them. Just at this time came the welcome news that three vessels had arrived at Villa Rica, with two hundred men on board well provided with arms and ammunition, and with seventy or eighty horses, and the new-comers soon made their way to Tezcuco, for the roads to the port were now safe and open. In April, 1521, Cortes started once more to scour the country with a large force, passing quite round the great lakes, and exploring the mountain regions to the south of them. Here he came upon Aztec forces intrenched in strong towns, often built like eagles' nests upon some rocky height, so that to take , them was a work of great difficulty and danger. Once he found himself before a city which it was ab- solutely necessary to subdue, but he was separated from it by a cleft in the solid rock of no great width, but going sheer down thousands of feet. The bridges which generally crossed it had been broken down at the approach of the Spaniards, and as they stood there, unable to advance, the enemy's archers as usual kept up a steady fire, to which they were unavoid- ably exposed. The general sent a party to seek a passage lower down, but they met with no success until they came to a spot where two large trees, grow- ing one on either side of the ravine, interlaced their branches overhead, *and by this unsteady and perilous bridge one of the Tlascalans ventured to cross. His example was soon followed, and one by one about 258 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire thirty Spaniards and some more of the natives crawled across, swinging dizzily above the abyss. Three lost their hold and fell, but the rest alighted in safety on the other side and attacked the Aztecs, who were as much amazed at their sudden appearance as if they had dropped from the clouds. Presently a temporary bridge was contrived by which the re- mainder of the force managed to cross also, and be- fore long the town was taken, and the trembling caciques appeared before Cortes, throwing the blame of their resistance upon the Mexicans, and promis- ing submission for the future. The general then continued his march across the eastern shoulder of the mountain, descending finally upon Xochimilco, which was built partly upon the lake like Mexico itself, and was approached by cause- ways, which, however, were of no great length. It was in the first attack upon this town that Cortes was as nearly as possible taken prisoner by the Aztecs. He had thrown himself into the thick of the fight with his usual bravery, and was trying to resist an unexpected rush of the enemy, when his horse stumbled and fell, he himself received a severe blow upon the head before he could rise, and was seized and dragged off in triumph by several Indians. At this moment a Tlascalan saw his danger and sprang furiously upon his captors, trying to tear him from their grasp. Two Spaniards also rushed to the res- cue, and between them the Aztecs were forced to 259 Travellers and Explorers quit their hold of the general, who lost no time in re- gaining his saddle, and laying about him with his good sword as vigorously as before. After a terrible struggle the enemy was driven out, and Cortes took possession of the city. As it was not yet dusk he as- cended the principal teocalli to reconnoitre the sur- rounding country, and there beheld a sight which could but cause him grave anxiety. The lake was covered with rapidly approaching canoes full of warriors, while inland Indian squadrons were marching up in dense columns. Xochimilco was but four leagues from the capital, and at the first tidings of the arrival of the Spaniards, Guatemozin had mus- tered a strong force and marched to its relief. Cor- tes made all possible preparations for the defence of his quarters, but not until the next day did the Mexi- cans attack him, and then the battle raged long and with varying success; but in the end Spanish disci- pline prevailed, and the natives were routed with such dreadful slaughter that they made no further attempt to renew the conflict. The city yielded a rich hoard of plunder, being well stored with gold and feather-work, and many other articles of use or luxury, so that when the general mustered his men upon the neighboring plain before resuming his march, many of them came staggering under the weight of their spoil. This caused him much un- easiness, since their way would be through a hostile country; but seeing that the soldiers were deter- 260 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire mined to keep what they had so hardly won, he con- tented himself with ordering the baggage to be placed in the centre guarded by part of the cavalry, and having disposed the rest to the best advantage, they once more set forth, at the last moment setting fire to the wooden buildings of Xochimilco, which blazed furiously, the glare upon the water telling far and wide the fate that had befallen it. Resting here and there, and engaging in many skirmishes with the Aztecs who followed them up, furious at the sight of the plunder which was being carried away by the invaders, the army presently completed the circuit of the lakes, and reached Tezcuco, to be greeted with the news that the ships were fully rigged and the canal completed, so that there was no longer any reason to delay their operations against Mexico. It was a triumphant moment when the vessels were launched, and reached the lake in good order. Cortes sawto their being properlyarmed and manned and then reviewed the rest of his forces, and sum- moned his native allies to furnish their promised levies at once. The general's plan of action against Mexico was to send Sandoval with one division to take possession of Iztapalapan at the southern end of the lake, while Alvarado and Olid were to secure Tlacopan and Chapultepec upon its western shore, and at the latter place destroy the aqueduct, and so cut off the supply of fresh water from Mexico. This they did success- 261 Travellers and Explorers fully, and in several days of fierce fighting breach after breach was carried, and the Spaniards pene- trated the city as far as the great teocalli, driving the natives before them, while the Tlascalans in the rear filled up the gaps in the dike as well as they could, and brought up the heavy guns. Cortes and his men now pushed their way into the inclosure of the temple, and some of them rushed to the top, so lately the scene of their terrible battle, and there found a fresh image of the war-god. Tearing away the gold and jewels with which it was bedecked, they hurled it and its attendant priests over the side of the pyramid, and hastened down to the assistance of their comrades, who were by this time in a most perilous position, the Aztecs having rallied and attacked them furiously. Indeed it seemed likely to go hard with them, for they were driven helplessly back down the great street in utter confusion and panic; but the timely arrival of a small body of cavalry created a diversion in their favor, and Cortes managed to turn them once more and drive the enemy back into the inclosurewith much loss. As it was by this time even- ing, he retreated in good order to Xoloc. Though this affair caused some consternation among the Mexicans, they speedily opened the canals and built up the ramparts again, so that when Cortes renewed the attack the whole scene had to be gone through as before. When they had once gained the street, however, they found it much easier to advance, the 262 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire Tlascalans having on the last occasion pulled down many of the houses on either side. This time Cor- tes had determined to destroy some of the cherished buildings of the Mexicans, and began by setting fire to his old quarters, the palace of Axayacatl, and then the palace of Montezuma on the other side of the great square. The sight so maddened the natives that the Spaniards had some ado to make good their retreat, and few reached their camp that night un- wounded. The Aztec emperor for his part made frequent sallies against the Spaniards both by land and upon the lake, sometimes with considerable suc- cess. At first he managed to obtain supplies of food in canoes, under cover of the darkness, but by degrees the large towns on the mainland, seeing the Mexi- cans unable to defend themselves, gave in their alle- giance to the Spaniards, and then starvation began to be felt in the unhappy city. In spite of everything, however, all offers of terms from Cortes were stead- ily refused. At this juncture, the general was persuaded by some of his officers that it would be well for two of the divisions to unite, and occupy the great market- place in the heart of the town, and so at a given time they marched along their respective causeways and entered the city. Strict orders were given by Cortes that as they advanced every opening in the causeways should be filled up and made secure. The attack began, and the enemy, taken apparently by surprise, 263 Travellers and Explorers gave way and fell back; on rushed the Spaniards by every street, eager to reach the appointed meeting- place. Only the general suspected that the enemy might be purposely luring them on, to turn upon them when they were hopelessly involved. Taking a few men with him, he hastily proceeded to see for him- self if the way was clear should a retreat become nec- essary, and found, as he had feared, that all had been too eager to be in the front to attend to this most im- portant duty. In the first street he traversed was a huge gap, twelve feet wide, and at least as many deep, full of water, for it connected two canals. A feeble attempt had been made to fill this up with beams and rubbish, but it had been left before any good had been done. Worse than all, Cortes saw that this breach was freshly made, and that his offi- cers had probably rushed headlong into a snare laid by the enemy. Before his men could do anything toward filling up the trench, the distant sounds of the battle changed into an ever-increasing tumult; the mingled yells and war-cries, and the trampling of many feet, grew nearer, and at last, to his horror, Cortes beheld his men driven to the edge of the fatal gulf, confused, helpless, surrounded by their foes. The foremost files were soon hurried over the edge, some trying to swim across, some beaten down by the struggles of their comrades, or pierced by the darts of the Indians. In vain, with outstretched hands, did Cortes try to rescue his soldiers from death, or, 264 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire worse still, from capture; he was soon recognized, and six of the enemy tried to seize and drag him into a canoe. It was only after a severe struggle, in which he was wounded in the leg, that he was rescued by his brave followers. Two were killed in the at- tempt, while another was taken alive as he held the general's horse for him to mount. In all, sixty Spaniards were captured on this fatal day; and it was only when the rest reached their guns in the open space before the causeway that they were able to rally and beat back the Aztecs. The other division had fared equally ill, and were moreover in great anxiety as to the fate of Cortes, who was reported to have been killed. When they once more reached their quarters, Sandoval, though badly wounded, rode into the camp of Cortes to learn the truth, and had a long and earnest consultation with him over the disaster, and what was next to be done. As he returned to his camp he was startled by the sound of the great drum on the temple of the war-god, heard only once before during the night of horror, and looking up he saw a long file of priests and warriors, winding round the terraces of the teocalli. As they came out upon the platform at the top he perceived, with rage and despair, that his own countrymen were about to be sacrificed with the usual ghastly cere- monies. The camp was near enough to the city for the white skins of the victims and their unavailing struggles to be distinctly seen by their comrades, who 265 Travellers and Explorers were, nevertheless, powerless to help them, and their distress and fury may be imagined. For five days the horrible scenes went on, the Mexicans feasting, singing, and dancing, while their priests predicted that in eight days the war-god, ap- peased by these sacrifices, would overwhelm their enemies and deliver them into their hands. These prophecies had a great effect upon the native allies of Cortes, who withdrew from him in immense num- bers. But the general treated their superstition with cheerful contempt, and only bargained with the de- serters to remain close by and see what would hap- pen. When the ninth day came, and the city was still seen to be beset on every side, they ceased to be- lieve in the oracle, and returned, with their anger against the Mexicans rekindled, and their confidence in the Spaniards greatly strengthened. At this time another vessel loaded with stores and ammunition touched at Vera Cruz, and her cargo was seized and sent on to Cortes by the governor. With his strength thus renewed the Spanish general resumed active operations. This time not a step was taken in ad- vance without securing the entire safety of the army, once and for all, by solidly building up the dikes, fill- ing every canal, and pulling down every house, so that slowly and by degrees a bare open space was made, which took in more and more of the town, till at last the unhappy Aztecs, after many desperate sal- lies, were shut into the portion of the city which lay 266 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire between the northern and western causeways. Here famine and pestilence did their awful work un- checked. The ordinary articles of food were long exhausted, and the wretched people ate moss, in- sects, grass, weeds, or the bark of trees. They had no fresh water. The dead were unburied, the wounded lay in misery, yet all the endeavors of Cortes to induce -Guatemozin and his chiefs to sub- mit were useless. Though the two divisions of the army had proceeded with their work of destruction until they could join their forces, and seven-eighths of the city lay in ruins, though the banner of Castile floated undisturbed from the smouldering remains of the sanctuary on the teocalli of the war-god, still the Aztecs defied the conquerors, and fiercely rejected their overtures of peace. Hundreds of famishing wretches died every day, and lay where they fell, for there was no one to bury them. Familiarity with the spectacle made men in- different to it. They looked on in dumb despair waiting for their own turn to come. There was no complaint or lamentation, but deep, unutterable woe. In the midst of this appalling misery Guatemozin re- mained calm and courageous, and as firmly resolved not to capitulate as at the beginning of the siege. It is even said that when Cortes persuaded a noble Az- tec prisoner to bear his proposals for a treaty to the emperor, Guatemozin instantly ordered him to be sacrificed. The general, who had suspended hostili- 267 Travellers and Explorers ties for several days hoping for a favorable answer to his message, now resolved to drive him to submis- sion by a general assault, and for that purpose led his men across the dreary waste of ruins to the narrow quarter of the city into which the wretched Mexicans had retreated. But he was met by several chiefs, who, holding out their emaciated arms, exclaimed, "Why do you delay so long to put an end to our mis- eries? Rather kill us at once that we may go to our god Huitzilopochtli, who waits to give us rest from our sufferings!" Cortes, moved by the piteous sight, replied that he desired not their death but their submission. "Why does your master refuse to treat with me," he said, "when in a single hour I can crush him and all his people?" Then once more he sent to demand an interview with Guatemozin. This time the emperor hesitated, and agreed that next day he would meet the Spanish general. Cortes, well satisfied, with- drew his force, and next morning presented himself at the appointed place in the great square, where a stone platform had been spread with mats and car- pets and a banquet made ready. But after all Guate- mozin, instead of coming himself, sent his nobles. Cortes, though greatly disappointed, received them courteously, persuading them to partake of the feast he had prepared, and dismissing them with a supply of provisions for their master and a renewed entreaty that he would next day come in person. But though 268 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire he waited for three hours beyond the time appointed, neither the emperor nor his chiefs appeared, and the general heard that the Mexicans were preparing to resist an assault. He delayed no longer, but order- ing Sandoval to support him by bringing up the ships and directing his big guns against the houses near the water, he marched at once into the enemy's quar- ters. The Mexicans set up a fierce war-cry, and with their usual spirit sent off clouds of arrows and darts; but the struggle soon became a hand-to-hand one; and weakened by starvation and hemmed in as they were the unhappy Aztecs had no chance against their foes. After a scene of indescribable horror, which appalled even the soldiers of Cortes, used as they were to war and violence, the Spanish com- mander sounded a retreat and withdrew to his quar- ters, leaving behind him forty thousand corpses and a smouldering ruin. Through the long night that fol- lowed all was silent in the Mexican quarter. There was neither light nor movement. This last blow seemed to have utterly stunned them. They had nothing left to hope for. In the Spanish camp, how- ever, all was rejoicing at the prospect of a speedy termination to the wearisome campaign. The great object of Cortes was now to secure the person of Guatemozin; and the next day, which was August 13, 1 52 1, he led his forces for the last time across the black and blasted ruin which was all that remained of the once beautiful city. In order to give the dis- 269 Travellers and Explorers tressed garrison one more chance, he obtained an in- terview with the principal chiefs and reasoned with them about the conduct of their emperor. "Surely," he said, "Guatemozin will not see you all perish when he can so easily save you." But when he had with difficulty prevailed upon them to urge the king to confer with him, the only answer they could bring was that Guatemozin was ready to die where he was, but would hold no communication with the Spanish commander. "Go then," replied the stern conqueror, "and prepare your countrymen for death. Their last moment is come." Still, how- ever, he postponed the attack for several hours; but the troops were impatient at the delay, and a rumor spread that Guatemozin was preparing to escape by the lake. It was useless to hesitate: the word was given, and the terrible scene that ensued repeated the horrors of the day before. While this was going for- ward on shore numbers of canoes pushed off across the lake, most of them only to be intercepted and sunk by the Spanish ships, which beat down upon them, firing to right and left. Some few, however, under cover of the smoke, succeeded in getting into open water. Sandoval had given particular orders that his captains should watch any boat that might contain Guatemozin, and now two or three large canoes together attracted the attention of one named Garci Holguin, who instantly gave chase, and with a favorable wind soon overtook the fugitives, though 270 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire they rowed with the energy of despair, As his men levelled their guns at the occupants of the boat one rose saying, "I am Guatemozin; lead me to Ma- linche; I am his prisoner. But let no harm come to my wife and followers." Holguin took them on board, and then requested that the emperor would order the people in the other canoes to surrender. "There is no need," he an- swered sadly; "they will fight no longer when they see their prince is taken." And so it was, for when the news of his capture reached the shore the Mexi- cans at once ceased to defend themselves. It seemed as if they had only gone on so long to give their sov- ereign a better chance of escape. Cortes, who had taken up his station on the flat roof of one of the houses, now sent to command that Guatemozin should be brought before him; and he came, escorted by Sandoval and Holguin, who each claimed the honor of having captured him. The conqueror, who was, as usual, accompanied by the Lady Marina, came forward with dignified courtesy to receive his noble prisoner. The Aztec monarch broke the silence, saying, "I have done all I could to defend myself and my people. I am now reduced to this state. Deal with me, Malinche, as you will." Then laying his hand on a dagger which hung from the belt of Cortes, he added, "Better despatch me at once with this and rid me of life." "Fear not," answered the conqueror. "You shall 271 Travellers and Explorers be treated with honor. You have defended your capital like a brave warrior, and a Spaniard knows how to respect valor even in an enemy." He then sent for the queen, who had remained on board the Spanish ship, and after ordering that the royal cap- tives should be well cared for and supplied with all they needed, he proceeded to dispose of his troops. Olid and Alvarado drew off their divisions to their quarters, leaving only a small guard in the wasted suburbs of the pestilence-stricken city, while the gen- eral himself, with Sandoval and the prisoners, re- tired to a town at the end of the southern causeway. That night a tremendous tempest arose, such as the Spaniards had never before witnessed, shaking to its foundations all that remained of the city of Mexico. The next day, at the request of Guatemozin, the Mex- icans were allowed to leave the capital, and for three days a mournful train of men, women, and children straggled feebly across the causeways, sick and wounded, wasted with famine and misery, turning often to take one more look at the spot which was once their pleasant home. When they were gone the conquerors took possession of the place and puri- fied it as speedily as possible, burying the dead and lighting huge bonfires in the deserted streets. The treasure of gold and jewels found in it fell far short of the expectation of the Spaniards, the Aztecs having probablyburied their hoards or sunk them in the lake on purpose to disappoint the avarice of their enemies. 272 Conquest of Montezuma's Empire Cortes, therefore, to his eternal disgrace, caused Guatemozin to be tortured; but fire and cord could not wring the secret of the treasure from this illustri- ous prince. In later days Cortes hanged Guatemo- zin, on pretence of a conspiracy. Cortes, having no further need for his native allies, now dismissed them with presents and flattering speeches, and they de- parted well pleased, loaded with the plunder of the Mexican houses, which was despised by the Spanish soldiers. Great was the satisfaction of the conquer- ors at having thus brought the long campaign suc- cessfully to an end. Cortes celebrated the event by a banquet as sumptuous as circumstances would per- mit, and the next day, at the request of Father Ol- medo, the whole army took part in a solemn service in token of their thankfulness for victory. Thus, after a siege of nearly three months, in which the beleaguered Mexicans showed a constancy and courage under their sufferings which is un- matched in history, fell the renowed capital of the Aztecs. The Aztec empire fell by its own sin. The con- stant capture of men from neighboring states as vic- tims for sacrifice had caused the Aztecs to be hated; thus Cortes obtained the aid of the Tlascalans, but for which even his courage and energy would have been of no avail. He deserted Marina when she ceased to be useful, and gave her as a wife to one of his followers. 273 THE FIRST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD IVf O one as yet was aware of the immense size of ^ ^ the continent discovered by Christopher Co- lumbus. Still was sought perseveringly on the coast of America — which was thought to be a collection of several islands — the famous strait which should lead at once to the Pacific Ocean and to those Spice Isl- ands the possession of which would have made the fortune of Spain. While Cortereal and Cabot were seeking for it in the Atlantic Ocean, and Cortes in the furthest part of the Gulf of California; while Pizarro was coasting along Peru, and Valdivia was conquering Chili, the solution of this problem was found by a Portuguese in the service of Spain, Ferdi- nand de Magellan. The son of a gentleman of Cota e Armas, Ferdi- nand de Magellan was born either at Oporto, at Lisbon, at Villa de Sabrossa, or at Villa de Figueiro, it is not actually known which; the date of his birth is unknown, but it took place toward the end of the fifteenth century. He had been brought up in the house of King John II., where he received as com- plete an education as could then be given him. After having made mathematics and navigation his special study — for at this time in Portugal there was an irre- 274 First Voyage Round the World sistible current which drew the whole country to- ward maritime expeditions and discoveries — Magel- lan early embraced a maritime career, and embarked in 1505 with Almeida, who was on his way to the In- dies. He took part in the sacking of Quiloa, and in all the events of that campaign. The following year he accompanied Vaz Pereira to Sofala; then, on re- turning to the Malabar coast, we find him assisting Albuquerque at the taking of Malacca, and bear- ing himself on that occasion with equal prudence and bravery. He took part in the expedition sent by Al- buquerque about 1 5 10, to seek for the famous Spice Islands, under the command of Antonio de Abreu and of Francisco Serrao, which discovered Banda, Amboyna, Ternate, and Tidor. During this time Magellan had landed at the Malaysian Islands, dis- tant 1,800 miles from Malacca, and in the Archipel- ago of the Moluccas he had obtained the circum- stantial information which gave birth in his mind to the idea of the voyage which he was destined to accomplish later on. On his return to Portugal, Magellan obtained leave, though not without difficulty, to search through the royal archives. He soon became certain that the Moluccas were situated in the hemisphere which the bull of demarcation adopted at Torde- sillas by the kings of Spain and Portugal, and con- firmed, in 1494, by Pope Alexander VI., had given to Spain. 275 Travellers and Explorers In virtue of this line of demarcation, which was destined to give rise to so many impassioned debates, all the countries situated at 360 miles west of the meridian of the Cape de Verd Islands were to belong to Spain, and all those lying to the east of the same meridian to Portugal. Magellan was of too active a nature to remain long without again taking ser- vice; he went next to fight in Africa at Azamor, a town in Morocco, where he received a slight wound in his knee, but one which, by injuring a nerve, made him lame for the remainder of his life, and obliged him to return to Portugal. Conscious of the supe- riority which his theoretical and practical knowledge and his services had earned for him above the herd of courtiers, Magellan naturally felt more keenly than another would have done the unjust treatment he received from Emmanuel with regard to certain complaints laid by the people of Azamor against the Portuguese officers. King Emmanuel's prejudices soon changed to a real dislike. It showed itself by the outrageous imputation that Magellan was pre- tending to suffer from a wound which was really of no consequence and was completely cured, that he might escape from accusations which he could not refute. Such an assertion was a serious matter for the honor of Magellan, so susceptible and suspicious; he thereupon came to a desperate determination which corresponded moreover with the greatness of the insult which he had received. That no one might 276 First Voyage Round the World be ignorant of it, he caused it to be legally set forth that he renounced his rights as a Portuguese citizen, and changed his nationality; and he then took out letters of naturalization in Spain. This was to pro- claim, as solemnly as could possibly be done, that he intended to be looked upon as a subject of the crown of Castille, to which henceforward he would conse- crate his services and his whole life. This was a serious determination, as we can see, which no one blamed, and which even the most severe historians, such as Barros and Faria y Sousa, have excused. At the same time as Magellan, the licentiate Rey Faleiro left Lisbon with his brother Francisco and a merchant named Christovam de Haro; the former was a man deeply versed in cosmographical knowl- edge, and had equally with Magellan fallen under Emmanuel's displeasure. Faleiro had entered into a treaty of partnership with Magellan to reach the Moluccas by a new way, but one which was not otherwise specified, and which remained Magellan's secret. As soon as they arrived in Spain ( 1 5 1 7 ) , the two partners submitted their project to Charles V., who accepted it in principle; but there remained the always delicate question touching the means for put- ting it into execution. Happily, Magellan found in Juan de Aranda, the factor of the Chamber of Com- merce, an enthusiastic partisan of his theories, and one who promised to exert all his influence to make the enterprise a success. He had an interview ac- 277 Travellers and Explorers cordingly with the High Chancellor, the Cardinal and Bishop of Burgos, Fonseca. He set forth with such skill the great advantage that Spain would de- rive from the discovery of a route leading to the very centre of the spice production, and the great preju- dice which it would cause to the trade of Portugal, that an agreement was signed on the 22d of March, 1 518. The Emperor undertook to pay all the ex- penses of the expedition on condition that the greater part of the profits should belong to him. But Magellan had still many obstacles to sur- mount before taking to the sea. In the first place, there were the remonstrances of the Portuguese am- bassador, Alvaro de Costa, who, seeing that his en- deavors were in vain, even tried to compass the as- sassination of Magellan, so says Faria y Sousa. Then he encountered the ill-will of the employes of the Casa de contratacion at Seville, who were jealous of a stranger being intrusted with the command of such an important expedition, and envious of the least token of favor which had been accorded to Magellan and Rey Faleiro, who had been named commanders of the order of St. James. But Charles V. had given his consent by a public act, which seemed to be ir- revocable. They tried, however, to make the Em- peror alter his decision by organizing, on the 22d of October, 15 18, a disturbance paid for with Portu- guese gold. It broke out on the pretext that Magel- lan, who had just had one of his ships drawn on shore 278 First Voyage Round the World for repairs and painting, had decorated it with the Portuguese arms. This last attempt failed miser- ably, and three statutes of the 30th of March, and 6th and 30th of April, fixed the composition of the crews and named the staff; while a final official document, dated from Barcelona the 26th of July, 15 19, con- fided the sole command of the expedition to Ma- gellan. What had meanwhile been happening to Rey Faleiro? We cannot exactly say. But this man, who had up to this time been treated on the same footing as Magellan, and who had perhaps first con- ceived the project, now found himself quite excluded from the command of the expedition, after some dis- sensions of which the cause is unknown. His health, already shaken, received a last shock from this affront, and poor Rey Faleiro, who had become al- most childish, having returned to Portugal to see his family, was arrested there, and only released upon the intercession of Charles V. At last, after having sworn fidelity and homage to the crown of Castille, Magellan received in his turn the oath of his officers and sailors, and left the port of San Lucar de Bar- rameda on the morning of the 10th of August, 15 19. But before entering on the narrative of this mem- orable campaign, we must give a few particulars of the man who has left us the most complete account of it, Francesco Antonio Pigafetta or Jerome Piga- phete, as he is often called in France. Born at 279 Travellers and Explorers Venice about 1491, of a noble family, Pigafetta formed part of the suite of the Ambassador Fran- cesco Chiericalco, sent by Leo X. to Charles V., who was then at Barcelona. His attention was no doubt aroused by the noise which the preparations for the expedition made at that time in Spain, and he ob- tained permission to take part in the voyage. This volunteer proved an excellent recruit, for he showed himself in every respect as faithful and intelligent an observer as he was a brave and courageous compan- ion. He was wounded at the battle of Zebu, fighting beside Magellan, which prevented him from being present at the banquet during which so many of his companions were destined to lose their lives. As to his narrative, with the exception of some exaggera- tions of detail according to the taste of that time, it is exact, and the greater part of the descriptions which we owe to him have been verified by modern travellers and learned men, especially by M. Alcide d'Orbigny. Upon his return to San Lucar on the 6th of Sep- tember, 1522, after having fulfilled the vow which he had made to go barefoot to return thanks to Nuesta Sehora de la Victoria, the Lombard (as they called him on board the "Victoria"), presented to Charles V., then at Valladolid, a complete journal of the voyage. When he returned to Italy, by means of the original as well as some supplementary notes, he wrote a longer narrative of the expedition, at the 280 First Voyage Round the World request of Pope Clement VII. and of Villiers de 1'Isle Adam, grand-master of the Knights of Malta. He sent copies of this work to several distin- guished personages, and notably to Louisa of Savoy, mother of Francis I. But she, not understand- ing, so thinks Harrisse, the very learned author of the "Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima," the kind of patois used' by Pigafetta, and which resem- bles a mixture of Italian, Venetian, and Spanish, em- ployed a certain Jacques Antoine Fabre to translate it into French. Instead of giving a faithful transla- tion, Fabre made a kind of abridgment of it. Some critics, however, suppose that this narrative must have been written originally in French; they found their opinion upon the existence of three French manuscripts of the sixteenth century, which give very different readings, and of which two are deposited in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. Pigafetta died at Venice about 1534, in a house in the Rue de la Lune, which, in 1800, was still to be seen, and which bore the well-known device, "No rose without a thorn." At the same time, not wishing to confine ourselves to Pigafetta's narrative entirely, we have compared and completed it with that of Maximilian Transyl- vain, secretary to Charles V., of which there is an Italian translation in Ramusio's valuable collection. The fleet of Magellan consisted of the "Trini- dad," of 120 tons burden, which carried the flag of 281 Travellers and Explorers the commander of the expedition; the "Sant'-An- tonio," also of 120 tons, commanded by Juan de Carthagena, the second in rank, the person joined with Magellan, says the official document; the "Con- ception," of 90 tons, commanded by Gaspar de Que- sada; the famous "Victoria," of 85 tons, commanded by Luis de Mendoza; and lastly the "Santiago," of 75 tons, commanded by Joao Serrao, called by the Spaniards Serrano. Four of these captains and nearly all the pilots were Portuguese. Barbosa and Gomez on board the "Trinidad," Luis Alfonso de Goez and Vasco Gallego on the "Victoria," Serrao, Joao Lopez de Carvalho on the "Conception," Joao Rodriguez de Moefrapil on the "Sant'-Antonio," and Joao Serrao on the "Santiago," with 25 sailors, formed a total of 33 Portuguese out of the whole body of 237 indi- viduals whose names have all been handed down to us, and among whom are found a considerable num- ber of Frenchmen. Of the officers whose names have been mentioned, it is to be remembered that Duarte Barbosa was brother-in-law to Magellan, and that Estavam Go- mez, who, by returning to Seville on the 6th of May, 1 52 1, did not participate in the conclusion of this memorable voyage, was afterward sent by Charles V. to seek for the Northwest Passage, and in 1524 sailed along the coast of America from Florida to Rhode Island, and perhaps as far as Cape Cod. 282 First Voyage Round the World Nothing could have been better arranged than this expedition, for the equipment of which the whole resources of the nautical science of that epoch had been taxed. At the moment of departure Ma- gellan gave his last orders to his pilots and captains, and the code of signals which were to ensure unanim- ity in manoeuvres, and prevent a possible separation. On Monday morning, the 10th of August, 15 19, the fleet weighed anchor and sailed down the Guadal- quivir as far as San Lucar de Barrameda, which forms the port of Seville, where the victualling of the ships was completed; and it was the 20th of Sep- tember before they were really off. Six days after- ward the fleet anchored at Teneriffe in the Canary Archipelago, where both wood and water were taken on board. It was on leaving this island that the first symptoms appeared of the misunderstanding be- tween Magellan and Juan de Carthagena which was to prove so fatal to the expedition. The latter claimed to be informed by the commander-in-chief of the route which he intended to take, a claim which was at once rejected by Magellan, who declared that he was not called upon to give any explanation to his subordinate. After having passed between the Cape de Verd Islands and Africa, the ships reached the shores of Sierra Leone, where contrary winds and dead calms detained the fleet for twenty days. A painful incident now occurred. During a 283 Travellers and Explorers council which was held on board the flag-ship, a sharp dispute arose, and Juan de Carthagena, who affected to treat the captain-general with contempt, having answered him with pride and insolence, Ma- gellan felt obliged to arrest him with his own hand, and to have him put in the stocks, an instrument made of two pieces of wood placed one upon the other and pierced with holes, in which were placed the legs of the sailor who was to be punished. The other captains remonstrated loudly with Magellan against a punishment which was too degrading for a superior officer; and Carthagena in consequence was simply put under arrest, and guarded by one of the captains. To the calms now succeeded rain, tem- pests, and heavy squalls, which obliged the vessels to lie-to. During these storms the navigators several times witnessed an electric phenomenon of which the cause was not then known, but which they con- sidered an undoubted sign of the protection of heaven, and which even at the present day is known by the name of St. Elmo's fire. Once past the equi- noctial line — a passage which does not at that time seem to have been celebrated by the grotesque cere- mony of baptism which is in vogue at the present day — they steered for Brazil, where, on the 13th of December, 15 19, the fleet cast anchor in the magnifi- cent port of Santa Lucia, now known under the name of Rio Janeiro. This was not, how r ever, the first time that this bay had been seen by Europeans, as was 284 First Voyage Round the World long believed. Since the year 151 1 it had been known under the name of Bahia do Cabo Frio. It had been visited also, four years before Magellan's arrival, by Pero Lopez, and seems to have been fre- quented since the commencement of the sixteenth century by mariners from Dieppe who, inheritors of the passion for adventurous navigation of their an- cestors, the North-men, roamed over the world, and founded small establishments or factories in all direc- tions. Here the Spanish expedition procured cheap- ly, in exchange for looking-glasses, pieces of ribbon, scissors, hawks' bells or fish-hooks, a quantity of pro- visions, among which Pigafetta mentions pine-ap- ples, sugar-canes, sweet potatoes, fowls, and the flesh of the Anta, which is thought to be the tapir. The account given in the same narrative of the manners of the inhabitants is sufficiently curious to be repeated. "The Brazilians are not Christians," he says, "but no more are they idolaters, for they wor- ship nothing; natural instinct is their only law." This is an interesting fact, and a singular avowal for an Italian of the sixteenth century, deeply imbued with superstition; it offers one more proof that the idea of the Divinity is not innate, as some theolo- gians have imagined. "These natives live to a great age, they go entirely naked, and sleep in cotton nets, called hammocks, suspended by the two ends to beams. As to their boats, called canoes, each is hol- lowed out of the single trunk of a tree and can hold 285 J— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers as many as forty men. They are anthropophagi [cannibals], but only on special occasions, and scarcely ever eat any but their enemies taken in bat- tle. Their dress of ceremony is a kind of vest made of paroquets' feathers, woven together, and so ar- ranged that the large wing and tail feathers form a sort of girdle round their loins, which gives them a whimsical and ridiculous appearance." We have already said that the feather cloak was in use on the shores of the Pacific, among the Peru- vians; it is curious to ascertain that it was worn equally by the Brazilians. Some specimens of this singular garment may be seen at the exhibition of the Ethnographical Museum. This was not, however, the only ornament of these savages; they suspended little stone cylinders from three holes pierced in the lower lip, a custom which is common among many of the Oceanic people, and which may be compared with our fashion of ear-rings. These people were extremely credulous and of good disposition, and thus, as Pigafetta says, they could easily have been converted to Christianity, for they assisted in silence, and with gravity, at the mass which was said on shore, a remark that Alvarez Cabral had already made. After remaining thirteen days in this place, the squadron continued its route to the south, coasting along the shore, and arrived at 34 40' of south lati- tude in a country where flowed a large river of fresh 286 First Voyage Round the World water. It was the La Plata. The natives, called Charruas, were so frightened at the sight of the ves- sels that they hastily took refuge in the interior of the counti'Vj carrying with them all their valuables; and it was impossible to overtake any of them. It was in this country that, four years previously, Juan Diaz de Solis had been massacred by a tribe of Charruas, armed with that terrible engine which is still in use at the present day among the gauchos of the Argen- tine Republic, the bolas, which are metal balls fast- ened to the two ends of a long leather thong, Called a lasso. A little below the estuary of the La Plata, once thought to be an arm of the sea opening into the Pa- cific, the flotilla anchored at Port Desire. Here thev obtained an ample supply of penguins for the crews of the five Vessels — a bird which did not make a very delicious meal. Then they anchored in 49 ° 30' in a beautiful harbor, where Magellan resolved to win- ter, and which received the name of St. Julian's Bay. The Spaniards had been two months there, when one day they perceived a man who seemed to them to be of gigantic stature. At sight of them he began dancing and singing and throwing dust upon his head. This was a Patagonian, who allowed himself without resistance to be taken on board the vessels. He showed the greatest surprise at all he saw around him, but nothing astonished him so much as a large steel mirror which was presented to him. "The 287 Travellers and Explorers giant, who had not the least idea of the use of this piece of furniture, and who, no doubt, now saw his own face for the first time, drew back in such terror, that he threw to the ground four of our people who were behind him." He was taken back on shore loaded with presents, and the kind welcome which he had received induced eighteen of his companions, thirteen women and five men, to come on board. They were tall, and had broad faces, painted red ex- cept the eyes, which were encircledwith yellow; their hair was whitened with lime, they were wrapped in enormous fur cloaks, and wore those large leather boots from which was given to them the name of Large-feet or Patagonians. Their stature was not, however, so gigantic as it appeared to our simple narrator, for it varies from 5 ft. 10 in. to 5 ft. 8 in., being somewhat above the middle height among Europeans. For arms they had a short massive bow, and arrows made of reed, of which the point was formed of a sharp pebble. The captain, to retain two of these savages whom he wished to take to Europe, used a stratagem, which we should characterize as hateful in the present day, but which had nothing revolting about it for the six- teenth century, when Indians and negroes were uni- versally considered to be a kind of brute beasts. Magellan loaded these Indians with presents, and when he saw them embarrassed with the quantity, he offered to each of them one of those iron rings used 288 First Voyage Round the World for chaining captives. They would have desired to carry them away, for they valued iron above every- thing, but their hands were full. It was then pro- posed to fasten the rings to their legs, to which they agreed without suspicion. The sailors then closed the rings, so that the savages found themselves in fet- ters. Nothing can give an idea of their fury when they discovered this stratagem, worthy rather of sav- ages than of civilized men. The capture of others was attempted, but in vain, and in the chase one of the Spaniards was wounded by a poisoned arrow, which caused his death almost instantaneously. Intrepid hunters, these people wander about perpetually in pursuit of guanaquis and other game; they are en- dowed with such wonderful voracity "that what would suffice for the nourishment of twenty sailors, can scarcely satisfy seven or eight of them." Magel- lan, foreseeing that the stay here was likely to be pro- longed, and perceiving that the country only pre- sented meagre resources, gave orders to economize the provisions, and to put the men on fixed rations, that they might not experience too great privations before spring, when they might reach a country where there was more game. But the Spaniards, dis- contented at the sterility of the place, and at the length and rigor of the winter, began to murmur. This land seemed to stretch southward as far as the Antarctic pole, they said; there did not seem to be any strait; already several had died from the priva- 289 Travellers and Explorers tions they had endured; lastly it was time to return to Spain, if the commander did not wish to see all his men perish in this place. Magellan, fully resolved to die, or else to bring the enterprise he commanded to a successful issue, replied that the Emperor had assigned him the course which the voyage was to take, and he neither could nor would depart from it under any pretext, and that in consequence, he should go straight forward to the end of this land, or until he met with some strait. As to provisions, if they found them insufficient, his men might add to their rations the produce of their fish- ing or hunting. Magellan thought that so firm a declaration would impose silence on the malcontents, and that he would hear no more of privations, from which he suffered equally with his crews. He de- ceived himself completely. Certain of the captains, and Juan de Carthagena in particular, were inter- ested in causing a revolt to break out. These rebels therefore began by reminding the Spaniards of their old animosity against the Portuguese. The captain- general, being one of the latter nation, had never, ac- cording to them, tendered a whole-hearted allegiance to the Spanish flag. In order to be able to return to his own country and to gain pardon for what he had done wrong, he wished to commit some heinous crime, and nothing could be more advantageous to Portugal than the destruction of this fine fleet. In- stead of leading them to the Archipelago of the Mo- 290 First Voyage Round the World luccas, of the riches of which he had boasted to them, he wished to take them into frozen regions, the dwelling-place of eternal snow, where he could easily manage that they should all perish; then with the help of the Portuguese on board the squadron, he would take back to his own country the vessels which he had seized. Suchwerethe reports and accusations that the par- tisans of Juan de Carthagena, Luis de Mendoza, and Gaspar de Quesada had disseminated among the sail- ors, when on Palm Sunday, the ist of April, 1520, Magellan summoned the captains, officers, and pilots to hear mass on board his vessel and to dine with him afterward. Alvaro de la Mesquita, a cousin of the captain-general, accepted this invitation with An- tonio de Coca and his officers, but neither Mendoza nor Quesada, nor Juan de Carthagena, who was Quesada's prisoner, appeared. The next night the malcontents boarded the "Sant'-Antonio" with thirty of the men of the "Conception," and desired to have La Mesquita given up to them. The pilot, Juan de Eliorraga, while defending his captain, received four stabs from a poniard in the arm. Quesada cried out at the same time: "You will see that this fool will make our business fail." The three vessels, the "Conception," "Sant'-Antonio," and "Santiago," fell without difficulty into the hands of the rebels, who reckoned more than one accomplice among the crews. In spite of this success, the three captains did not dare 291 Travellers and Explorers openly to attack the commander-in-chief, and sent to him some proposals for a reconciliation. Magellan ordered them to come on board the "Trinidad" to confer with him ; but this they stoutly refused to do, whereupon Magellan, having no further need of cau- tion, had the boat seized which had brought him this answer, and choosing six strong and brave men from among his crew, he sent them on board the "Vic- toria" under the command of the alguazil Espinosa. He carried a letter from Magellan to Mendoza en- joining him to come on board the "Trinidad," and when Mendoza smiled in a scornful manner, Espi- nosa stabbed him in the throat with a poniard, while a sailor struck him on the head with a cutlass. While these events were taking place, another boat, laden with fifteen armed men, came alongside the "Vic- toria," and took possession of her without any resis- tance from the sailors, surprised by the rapidity of the action. On the next day, the 3d of April, the two other rebel vessels were taken, not however without bloodshed. Mendoza's body was divided into quar- ters, while a clerk read in a loud voice the sentence that blasted his memory. Three days afterward, Quesada was beheaded and cut in pieces by his own servant, who undertook this sad task to save his own life. As to Carthagena, the high rank which the royal edict had conferred upon him in the expedition saved him from death, but with Gomez de la Reina, the chaplain, he was left behind on the shore, where 292 First Voyage Round the World some months afterward he was found by Estevam Gomez. Forty sailors convicted of rebellion were pardoned because their services were considered indispensable. After this severe lesson, Magellan might well hope that the mutinous spirit was really subdued. When the temperature became milder the anchors were weighed; the squadron put to sea on the 24th of August, following the coast, and carefully explor- ing all the gulfs to find that strait which had been so persistently sought. At the level of Cape St. Croix, one of the vessels, the "Santiago," was lost on the rocks during a violent gale from the east. Happily both the men and merchandise on board were saved, and they succeeded also in taking from the wrecked vessel the rigging and appurtenances of the ship, which they divided among the four remaining ves- sels. At last, on the 21st of October, according to Piga- fetta, the 27th of November according to Maximilian Transylvain, the flotilla penetrated by a narrow en- trance into a gulf, at the bottom of which a strait opened, which as they soon saw passed into the sea to the south. First they called this the Strait of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, because this was the day dedicated to them. On each side of the strait rose high land covered with snow, on which they saw numerous fires, especially to the left, but they were unable to obtain any communication with the natives. 293 Travellers and Explorers The details which Pigafetta and Martin Transyl- vain have given with regard to the topographical and hydrographical dispositions of this strait are rather vague, but as they are mentioned at length in the account of De Bougainville's expedition, we shall not dilate upon it here. After sailing for twenty-two days across this succession of narrow inlets and arms of the sea, in some places three miles wide, in some twelve, which extends for a distance of 440 miles and has received the name of Magellan's Strait, the flo- tilla emerged upon a sea of immense extent and great depth. The rejoicings were general when at last the sail- ors found themselves at the long-wished-for end of their efforts. Henceforward the route was open and Magellan's clever conjectures were realized. Nothing is more extraordinary than the naviga- tion of Magellan upon this ocean, which he called Pacific, because for four months no storm assailed him upon it. The privations endured by the crews during this long space of time were excessive. The biscuit was nothing more than dust mixed with worms, while the water had become bad and gave out an unbearable smell. The sailors were obliged to eat mice and sawdust to prevent themselves from dying of hunger, and to gnaw all the leather that it was possible to find. As it was easy to foresee under these circumstances, the crews were decimated by scurvy. Nineteen men died, and thirty were seized 294 First Voyage Round the World with violent pains in their arms and legs, which caused prolonged sufferings. At last, after having sailed over more than 12,000 miles without meeting with a single island, in a sea where so many and such populous archipelagoes were destined to be discov- ered, the fleet came upon two desert and sterile isl- ands, called for that reason the Unfortunate Islands, but of which the position is indicated in much too contradictory a manner, for it to be possible to recog- nize them. In 12 9 north latitude and 146 longitude, on Wednesday the 6th of March, the navigators discov- ered successively three islands, at which they greatly desired to stop to recruit, and take in fresh provisions ; but the islanders who came on board stole so many things, without the possibility of preventing them, that the sailors were obliged to give up the idea of remaining there. The natives contrived even to carry off a long-boat. Magellan, indignant at such daring, made a descent with forty armed men, burned some houses and boats, and killed seven men. These islanders had neither chief, king, nor religion. Their heads were covered with palm-leaf hats, they wore beards, and their hair descended to their waists. Generally of an olive tint, they thought they embel- lished themselves by coloring their teeth black and red, while their bodies were anointed with cocoanut oil, no doubt in order to protect themselves from the heat of the sun, Their canoes, of curious construc- ts Travellers and Explorers tion, carried a very large matting sail, which might have easily capsized the boat if the precaution had not been taken of giving a more stable trim by means of a long piece of wood kept at a certain distance by two poles; this is what is called the "balance." These islanders were very industrious, but had a singular aptitude for stealing, which has gained for their country the name of the Islands of Thieves (Ladrone Islands). On the 16th of March was seen, at about 900 miles from the Ladrones, some high ground; this was soon discovered to be an island which now goes by the name of Samar Island. There Magellan, resolving to give his exhausted crews some rest, caused two tents to be pitched on land for the use of the sick. The natives quickly brought bananas, palm wine, cocoanuts, and fish; for which mirrors, combs, bells, and other similar trifles were offered in exchange. The cocoanut, a tree which is valuable beyond all others, supplied these natives with their bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, and besides they obtained from it their clothing and the necessary wood for building and roofing in their huts. The natives soon became familiar with the Span- iards, and told them that their archipelago produced cloves, cinnamon, pepper, nutmegs, ginger, maize or Indian-corn, and that even gold was found there. Magellan gave this archipelago the name of the St. Lazarus Islands, afterward changed to that of the 296 First Voyage Round the World Philippines from the name of Philip of Austria, son of Charles V. This archipelago is formed of a great number of islands which extend in Malaysia, between 5 32' and 19 38 'north latitude, and 1 14 56' and 123 43' longitude east of the meridian of Paris. The most important are Luzon, Mindoro, Leyte, the Ceylon of Pigafetta, Samar, Panay, Negros, Zebu, Bohol, Pala- wan, and Mindanao. When they were a little restored, the Spaniards put to sea again, in order to explore the archipelago. They saw in succession the islands of Cenalo, Huin- augan, Ibusson, and Abarien, as well as another isl- and called Massava,of which the kingColambu could make himself understood by a slave, a native of Su- matra, whom Magellan had taken to Europe from India, and who by his knowledge of Malay rendered signal service in several instances. The king came on board with six or eight of his principal subjects. He brought with him presents for the captain-gen- eral, and in exchange he received a vest of red and yellow cloth, made in Turkish fashion, and a cap of fine scarlet, while mirrors and knives were given to the members of his suite. The Spaniards showed him all their fire-arms and fired some shots from the cannon in his presence, at which he was much terri- fied. "Then Magellan caused one of our number to be fully armed," says Pigafetta, "and ordered three men to give him blows with the sword and stiletto, 297 Travellers and Explorers to show the king that nothing could wound a man armed in this manner, which surprised him greatly, and turning to the interpreter he said to the captain through him, 'that a man thus armed, could fight against a hundred.' 'Yes,' replied the interpreter, in the name of the commandant, 'and each of the three vessels carries 200 men armed in this manner.' " The king, astonished by all that he had seen, took leave of the captain, begging him to send two of his men with him, to let them see something of the island. Piga- fetta was chosen, and was much satisfied with the welcome that he received. The king told him "that in this island they found pieces of gold as large as nuts, and even eggs, mixed with the earth, which they passed through a sieve to find them; all his vessels and even some of the ornaments of his house were of this metal. He was very neatly dressed, according to the custom of the country, and was the finest man that I have seen among these people. His black hair fell upon his shoulders; a silk veil covered his head, and he wore two rings in his ears. From his waist to his knees, he was covered with a cotton cloth em- broidered in silk. On each of his teeth there were three spots of gold, arranged in such a manner that one would have said all his teeth were fastened to- gether with this metal. He was perfumed with storax and benzoin, His skin was painted, but its natural tint was olive." 0n Easter Day, the Europeans went on shore to First Voyage Round the World celebrate mass in a kind of little church which they had constructed on the seashore with sails and branches of trees. An altar had been set up, and during the whole time that the religious ceremony lasted, the king, with a large concourse of people, lis- tened in silence and imitated all the motions of the Spaniards. Then, a cross having been planted on a hill with great solemnity, they weighed anchor and made for the port of Zebu, as being the best for re- victualling the vessels and trading. They arrived there on Sunday, the 7th of April. Magellan sent one of his officers on shore at once with the inter- preter, as ambassador to the king of Zebu. The en- voy explained that the chief of the squadron was un- der the orders of the greatest king in the world. The object of the voyage, he added, was the wish to pay him a visit, and at the same time to take in some fresh provisions in exchange for merchandise, and then to go to the Molucca Islands. Such were the motives which caused them to tarry in a country where they came as friends. "They are welcome," replied the king; "but if they intend to trade they should pay a duty to which all vessels are subject that enter my port, as did, not four days since, a junk from Siam, which came to seek for slaves and gold, to which a Moorish mer- chant who has remained in this country can testify." The Spaniard replied that his master was too great a king to submit to such an unreasonable de- 299 Travellers and Explorers mand. They had come with pacific intentions; but if war were declared, it would be seen with whom they had to deal. The king of Zebu, warned by the Moorish mer- chant of the power of those who stood before him, and whom he took for Portuguese, at length con- sented to forego his claims. Moreover the king of Massava, who had continued to serve as pilot to the Spaniards, so altered the inclinations of his brother sovereign, that the Spaniards obtained the exclusive privilege of trading in the island, and a loyal friend- ship was sealed between the king of Zebu and Magel- lan by an exchange of blood which each drew from his right arm. From this moment, provisions were brought and cordial relations established. The nephew of the king came with a numerous suite to visit Magellan on board his ship, and the latter took this opportunity to relate to his visitors the wonderful history of the creation of the world, and of the redemption of the human race, and to invite him and his people to be- come converts to Christianity. They showed no re- pugnance to being baptized, and on the 14th of April the kings of Zebu and Massava, and the Moorish merchant, with 500 men and as many women, received baptism. But what was only a fashion at first, for it can not be said that the natives knew the religion which they embraced or were persuaded of its truth, became a real frenzy, after a wonderful cure had 300 First Voyage Round the World been effected by Magellan. Having learned that the father of the king had been ill for two years and was on the point of death, the captain-general prom- ised, that if he consented to be baptized and the na- tives would burn their idols, he would find himself cured. "He added that he was so convinced of what he said," relates Pigafetta — for it is as well to quote the author verbatim in such a matter — "that he agreed to lose his head if what he promised did not happen immediately. We then made a procession, with all possible pomp, from the place where we were to the sick man's house, whom we found really in a very sad state in that he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him with two of his wives and ten daughters. The captain asked him directly after his baptism how he found himself, and he suddenly replied that, thanks to our Lord, he was well. We were all witnesses of this miracle. The captain above all rendered thanks to God for it. He gave the prince a refreshing drink, and continued to send him some of it every day till he was quite restored. On the fifth day the invalid found himself quite cured and got up. His first care was to have burned, in the presence of the king and all the people, an idol for which he had great veneration, and which some old women guarded carefully in his house. He also caused some temples which stood on the seashore, and in which the people assembled to eat the meat con- secrated to their old divinities, to be thrown down. 301 Travellers and Explorers All the inhabitants applauded these acts, and pro- posed themselves to go and destroy all the idols, even those which were in use in the king's house, crying at the same time "Vive la Gastille!" "in honor of the king of Spain." Near to the island of Zebu is another island called Matan, which had two chiefs, one of whom had recog- nized the authority of Spain, while, the other having energetically resisted it, Magellan resolved to impose it upon him by force. On Friday, the 26th of April, three long-boats left for the island of Matan contain- ing sixty men wearing cuirasses and helmets, and armed with muskets ; and thirty balangais bearing the king of Zebu, his son-in-law, and a number of war- riors. The Spaniards waited for day and then to the number of forty-nine leaped into the water, for the boats could not approach the land on account of the rocks and shallow water. More than 1,500 na- tives awaited them, and at once threw themselves upon them, and attacked them in three troops, both in front and flank. The musketeers and the cross- bow-men fired on the multitude of warriors from a distance, without doing them much harm, they be- ing protected by their bucklers. The Spaniards, as- sailed by stones, arrows, javelins, and lances, and overwhelmed by numbers, set fire to some huts to dis- perse and intimidate the natives. But these, made more furious by the sight of the fire, redoubled their 302 First Voyage Round the World efforts, and pressed the Spaniards on all sides, who had the greatest difficulty in resisting them, when a sad event took place which compromised the issue of the combat. The natives were not slow in re- marking that all the blows which they directed to- ward those parts of their enemies' bodies which were protected by armor, caused no wounds ; they set them- selves therefore to' hurl their arrows and javelins against the lower part of the body, which was un- defended. Magellan, wounded in the leg by a pois- oned arrow, gave the order for retreat, which, begun in good order, soon changed into such a flight, that seven or eight Spaniards alone remained at his side. With much difficulty they kept moving backward, fighting as they went, in order to reach the boats. They were already knee-deep in the water when sev- eral islanders rushed all together upon Magellan, who, wounded in the arm, was unable to draw his sword; they gave him such a sabre-cut upon his leg that he immediately fell down in the water, where he was speedily despatched. His remaining compan- ions, and among them Pigafetta, every one of whom had been hit, hastily regained the boats. Thus per- ished the illustrious Magellan on the 27th of April, 1 52 1. "He was adorned with every virtue," says Pigafetta, "and ever exhibited an unshaken constancy in the midst of the greatest adversity. At sea he al- ways condemned himself to greater privations than the rest of his crew, Better versed than any one else m Travellers and Explorers in the knowledge of nautical charts, he was perfect in the art of navigation, as he proved by making the tour of the world, which none before him had ven- tured to do." Pigafetta's funeral eulogy, though a little hyperbolical, is not untrue in the main. Ma- gellan had need of singular constancy and persever- ance to penetrate, despite the fears of his companions, into regions peopled by the superstitious spirit of the time with fantastic dangers. Peculiar nautical science was also necessary to achieve the discovery at the ex- tremity of that long coast of the strait which so justly bears his name. He was obliged to give unceasing attention to avoid all untoward accidents while ex- ploring those unknown parts without any exact in- struments. That one of the vessels was lost must be imputed to pride and a spirit of revolt in her own captain, more than to any incapacity or want of cau- tion in the captain-general. Let us add with our en- thusiastic narrator, "The glory of Magellan will sur- vive his death." Duarte Barbosa, Magellan's brother-in-law, and Juan Serrano were elected commanders by the Span- iards, who were destined to meet with further catas- trophes. The slave who had acted as interpreter up to this time had been slightly wounded during the battle. From the time of his master's death he had kept aloof, not rendering any further service to the Spaniards, and remaining extended upon his mat. After some rather sharp reproofs from Barbosa, who 304 First Voyage Round the World told him that his master's death did not make him a free man, he disappeared all at once. He was gone to the newly baptized king, to whom he de- clared that if he could allure the Spaniards into some trap and then kill them, he would make him- self master of all their provisions and merchandise. Serrano, Barbosa, and twenty-seven Spaniards were accordingly invited to a solemn assembly to receive the presents destined by the king of Zebu for the emperor; during the banquet they were attacked unexpectedly, and were all massacred except Sar- rano, who was led, bound, to the seashore, where he besought his companions to ransom him, for if they did not he would be murdered. But Juan de Car- valho and the others, fearing that the insurrection would become general, and that they might be at- tacked during the negotiations by a numerous fleet which they would not be able to resist, turned a deaf ear to the unfortunate Serrano's supplications. The ships set sail and reached the island of Bohol, which was not far distant. When there, thinking that their numbers were too much reduced to navigate three vessels, they burned the "Concepcion," after having transhipped all that was most precious on board the other vessels. Then, after having coasted along the island of Pani- longon, they stopped at Butuan, which forms part of Mindanao, a magnificent island, with numerous ports, and rivers abounding in fish, to the northwest 305 Travellers and Explorers of which lies the island of Luzon, the most consid- erable of the archipelago. The ships touched also at Paloan, where they found pigs, goats, fowls, dif- ferent kinds of bananas, cocoanuts, sugar-canes, and rice, with which they provisioned the ships. This was for them, as Pigafetta expresses it, "a promised land." Among the things which he thought worthy of notice, the Italian traveller mentions the cocks kept by the natives for fighting; a passion which after so many years is still deeply rooted among the popu- lation of the whole Philippine Archipelago. From Paloan, the Spaniards next went to the island of Borneo, the centre of Malay civilization. From that time they had no longer to deal with poverty-stricken people, but with a rich population, who received them with magnificence. Their reception by the rajah is sufficiently curious to warrant a few words being devoted to it. At the landing-place they found two elephants with silk trappings, who bore the strangers to the house of the governor of the town, while twelve men carried the presents which were to be offered to the rajah. From the governor's house where they slept, to the palace of the king, the streets were kept by armed men. Upon descending from their elephants the Spaniards were admitted to a room filled with courtiers. At the end of this room opened another smaller room, hung with cloth of gold, in which were 300 men of the king's guard armed with poniards, Through a door they could 306 First Voyage Round the World then see the rajah, sitting by a table with a little child, chewing betel-nut. Behind him there were only some women. Etiquette required that the petition to be made must pass in succession through the mouths of three nobles, each of higher rank than the last, before be- ing transmitted, by means of a hollow cane placed in a hole in the wall, to one of the principal officers, who submitted it to the king. Then there was an exchange of presents, after which the Spanish Am- bassadors were conducted back to their vessels with the same ceremony as on their arrival. The capital is built on piles in the sea; so that when the tide rises, the women who sell provisions go about the town in boats. On the 29th of July more than one hundred canoes surrounded the two vessels, while at the same time some junks weighed anchor to approach them more nearly. The Spaniards, fearing to be treach- erously attacked, took the initiative and fired off their artillery, which killed a number of people in the canoes, upon which the king excused himself, saying that his fleet had not been directed against them, but against the Gentiles with whom the Mussulmans had daily combats. This island produces arrack (the alcohol of rice), camphor, cinnamon, ginger, oranges, citrons, sugar-canes, melons, radishes, onions, etc. The articles of exchange are copper, quicksilver, cin- nabar, glass, woollen cloths, and canvas, and, above all, iron and spectacles, without mentioning porce- 307 Travellers and Explorers lain, and diamonds; some of which were of extraor- dinary size and value. The fauna comprises ele- phants, horses, buffaloes, pigs, goats, and domestic poultry. The money in use is of bronze; it is called sapeque, and consists of small coins which are perfo- rated with holes, that they may be strung together. On leaving Borneo the travellers sought for a suitable spot in which to repair their vessels, which were in such great need of it that the men were not less than forty-two days over the work. "The odd- est things which I have found in this island," says Pigafetta, "are the trees of which all the leaves are animated. These leaves resemble those of the mul- berry, but are not so long; the stalk is short and pointed, and near the stalk on both sides there are two feet. If you touch the leaves, they escape; but when crushed no blood comes from them. I have kept one of them in a box for nine days; when I opened the box, the leaf was walking about in it; I believe they must live upon air." These very curi- ous animals are well known at the present day, and are commonly called leaf-flies (mouches-feuille); they are of a gray-brown, which makes them more easily mistaken for dead leaves, which they exactly resemble in appearance. It was while in these parts that the Spanish ex- pedition, which during Magellan's life had pre- served its scientific character, began perceptibly to become piratical. Thus, on several occasions junks 308 First Voyage Round the World were seized upon, and their crews forced by their Spanish captors to pay large ransoms. The ships next passed by the Archipelago of the Sooloo Islands, the haunt of Malay pirates, who have even now only lately submitted to the Spanish arms; then by Mindanao, which had been already visited, for it was known that the eagerly sought-for Mo- luccas must be in its neighborhood, whether more or less remote. At last, after having seen a number of islands, of which the names would not convey much idea to us, on Wednesday, the 6th of November, the Spaniards discovered the Archipelago, about which the Portuguese had related such terrifying fables, and two days later they landed at Tidor. Thus the object of the voyage was attained. The king came to meet the Spaniards, and invited them to go on board his canoe. "He was seated un- der a silk parasol which covered him entirely. In front of him were placed one of his sons, who carried the royal sceptre, two men who had each a golden vase full of water for washing the king's hands, and two others holding small gilt boxes filled with betel." Then the Spaniards made the king come on board the vessels, where they showed him much respect, at the same time loading him and those who accom- panied him with presents, which seemed to them very precious. "This king is a Moor, that is to say, an Arab," Pigafetta affirms; "he is nearly forty-five years of age, tolerably well made, and with a fine 309 Travellers and Explorers physiognomy. His clothing consisted of a very fine shirt, the cuffs of which were embroidered in gold; drapery descended from his waist to his feet; a silk veil (no doubt a turban) covered his head, and upon this veil there was a garland of flowers. His name is Rajah-sultan Manzor." The next day, in a long interview which he had with the Spaniards, Manzor declared his intention of placing himself, with the islands of Ternate and Tidor, under the protection of the king of Spain. This is the place to give some details about the Archipelago of the Moluccas, drawn from Piga- fetta's narrative, which we are following, step by step, in the version that M. Ed. Charton has given, and to which he has added such valuable notes. This archipelago, properly speaking, comprises the islands of Gilolo, Ternate, Tidor, Mornay, Batchian, and Misal; but the Banda and Amboyna groups are also often comprehended under the gen- eral name of Molucca. Formerly convulsed by re- peated volcanic commotions, this archipelago con- tains a great number of craters almost all extinct, or in repose during a long succession of years. The air there is burning, andwould be almost unfit to breathe, if frequent rains did not fall and refresh the atmos- phere. The natural productions are extremely val- uable. In the first rank must be placed the sago- tree, of which the pith called sago takes, with yams, the place of cereals throughout Malacca. As soon 310 First Voyage Round the World as the tree is cut down, the pith is extracted, which is then grated, passed through a sieve, and after- ward cut up in the form of small rolls, which are dried in the shade. There are also the mulberry, the clove, the nutmeg, the camphor, and pepper-trees; in fact, all the spice-trees and all the tropical fruits. The forests contain some valuable kinds of wood; ebony, iron-wood,, teak, famous for its strength and employed from the most ancient times in costly build- ings, and the Calilaban laurel, which yields an aro- matic essential oil that is highly prized. At this period domestic animals were not numerous in the Moluccas, but among the wild animals the most curi- ous were the babiroussa, an enormous wild boar with long tusks bent backward; the opossum, a kind of didelphis, a little larger than our squirrel; the pha- langer, a marsupial which lives in thick, dark for- ests, where it feeds upon leaves and fruit; and the tar- sier, a kind of jerboa, a very harmless, inoffensive little animal with reddish-colored hair, about the size of a rat, but whose body bears some resemblance to that of an ape. Among the birds, the most re- markablewere the paroquets and cockatoos; the birds of paradise, of which so many fabulous accounts were given, and which until then had been believed to be without legs; the kingfisher; and the casso- waries, great wading-birds almost as large as ostriches. A Portuguese named Lorosa had been long set- 311 Travellers and Explorers tied in the Moluccas, and to him the Spaniards for- warded a letter, in the hope that he would betray his country and attach himself to Spain. They obtained the most curious information from him with regard to the expeditions which the King of Portugal had despatched to the Cape of Good Hope, to the Rio de la Plata and to the Moluccas; but from various circumstances these latter expeditions had not been able to take place. He himself had been sixteen years in this archipelago; the Portuguese had been installed there for ten years, but upon this fact they preserved the most complete silence. When Lorosa saw the Spaniards making their preparations for de- parture, he came on board with his wife and his goods to return to Europe. On the 12th of Novem- ber all the merchandise destined for barter was landed, it being chiefly derived from the four junks which had been seized in Borneo. Certainly the Spaniards traded to great advantage, but, neverthe- less, not to so great an extent as they might have done, for they were in haste to return to Spain. Some ves- sels from Gilolo and Batchian came also to trade with them, and a few days later they received a con- siderable stock of cloves from the King of Tidor. This king invited them to a great banquet which he said it was his custom to give when a vessel or junk was loaded with the first cloves. But the Spaniards, remembering what had happened to them in the Philippines, refused the invitation, while presenting 312 First Voyage Round the World compliments and excuses to the king. When their cargo was completed, they set sail. Scarcely had the "Trinidad" put to sea before it was perceived that she had a serious leak, and the return to Tidor as fast as possible was unavoidable. The skilful divers whom the king placed at the disposal of the Span- iards, were unable to discover the hole, and it be- came necessary to partly unload the ship to make the necessary repairs. The sailors who were on board the "Victoria" would not wait for their companions, and the ship's officers, seeing clearly that the "Trini- dad" would not be fit for the voyage to Spain, de- cided that she should go to Darien, where her valu- able cargo would be discharged and transported across the isthmus to the Atlantic, where a vessel would be sent to fetch it. But neither the unfortu- nate vessel nor her crew was destined ever to return to Spain. The "Trinidad," commanded by the alguazil Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who had Juan de Car- valho as pilot, was in so bad a state that, after leaving Tidor, she was obliged to anchor at Ternate, in the port of Talangomi, where her crew, consisting of seventeen men, was immediately imprisoned by the Portuguese. The only reply given to Espinosa's re- monstrances was a threat to hang him to the yard of a vessel; and the unfortunate alguazil, after having been transferred to Cochin, was sent to Lisbon, where for seven months he remained shut up in the prison 3i3 Travellers and Explorers of the Limoeifo with two Spaniards, the sole sur- vivors of the crew of the "Trinidad." As to the "Victoria," she left Tidor richly laden under the command of Juan Sebastian del Cano,who, after having been simply a pilot on board one of Magellan's ships, had taken the command of the "Concepcion" on the 27th of April, 1521, and who succeeded Juan Lopez de Carvalho, when the lat- ter was superseded in his command for incapacity. The crew of the "Victoria" was composed of only fifty-three Europeans and thirteen Indians. Fifty- four Europeans remained at Tidor on board the "Trinidad." After passing amid the islands of Caioan, Lai- goma, Sico, Giofi, Cafi, Laboan, Toliman, Batchian, Mata, and Batu, the "Victoria" left this latter island to the west, and steering west-southwest, stopped during the night at the island of Xulla or Zulla. At thirty miles from thence the Spaniards anchored at Booro (the Boero of Bougainville), where the ship was revictualled. They stopped 105 miles further on, at Banda, where mace and nutmegs are found; then at Solor, where a great trade in white sandalwood is carried on. They spent a fortnight there to repair their ship, which had suffered much, and there they laid in an ample provision of wax and pepper; then they anchored at Timor, where they could only obtain provisions by retaining, by strata- gem, the chief of the village and his son, who had First Voyage Round the World come on board the ship. This island was frequented by Junks from Luzon, and by the "Proas," from Ma- lacca and Java, which traded largely there in sandal- wood and pepper. A little further on the Spaniards touched at Java, where, as it appears, suttee was prac- ticed at this time, as it has been in India until quite recently. Among the stories which Pigafetta relates, with- out entirely believing them, is one which is most curi- ous. It concerns a gigantic bird, the Epyornis, of which the bones and the enormous eggs were discov- ered in Madagascar about the year 1850. It is an instance proving the caution needed before rejecting as fictitious many apparently fabulous legends, but which, on examination, may prove to possess a sub- stratum of truth. "To the north of Greater Java," says Pigafetta, "in the gulf of China, there is a very large tree called campanganghi inhabited by certain birds called garula, which areso large and strong that they can bear away a buffalo and even an elephant, and carry it as they fly to the place where the tree puzathaer is." This legend has been current ever since the ninth century, among the Persians and Arabs, and this bird plays a wonderful part in Ara- bian tales under the name of the roc. It is not sur- prising, therefore, that Pigafetta found an analogous tradition among the Malays. After leaving greater Java, the " Victoria " rounded the peninsula of Malacca, which had been 3i5 Travellers and Explorers subjugated to Portugal by the great Albuquerque ten years before. In the immediate neighborhood are Siam and Cambodia, and Tchiampa, where rhubarb grows. This substance is discovered in the follow- ing manner: "A company of from twenty to five- and-twenty men go into the wood, where they pass the night in the trees, to protect themselves from lions (note here, that there are no lions in this coun- try) and other ferocious beasts, and also that they may better perceive the odor of the rhubarb, which the wind wafts toward them. In the morning they go toward the place whence came the odor, and search there for the rhubarb until they find it. Rhu- barb is the putrefied wood of a great tree, and ac- quires its odor even from its putrefaction ; the best part of the tree is the root; nevertheless, the trunk, which they call calama, has the same medicinal virtue." Decidedly it is not from Pigafetta that we should seek to acquire botanical knowledge; we should run a great risk of deceiving ourselves if we took in ear- nest the nonsense that the Moor told him from whom he drew his information. The Lombard traveller gives us also fantastic details about China with the greatest seriousness, and falls into the grave errors which his contemporary, Duarte Barbosa, had avoided. It is to the latter we owe the information that the trade in anfiam or opium has existed from this period. When once the "Victoria" had left the 316 First Voyage Round the World shores of Malacca, Sebastian del Cano took great care to avoid the coast of Zanguebar, where the Por- tuguese had been established since the beginning of the century. He kept to the open sea as far as 42 south latitude, and for nine weeks he was obliged to keep the sails furled, on account of the constant west and northwest winds, which ended in a fearful storm. To keep to this course required great perseverance on the part of the captain, with a settled desire on his part to carry his enterprise to a successful issue. The vessel had several leaks, and a number of the sailors demanded an anchorage at Mozambique, for the provisions which were not salted having become bad, the crew had only rice and water for food and drink. At last, on the 6th of May, the Cape of Tem- pests was doubled, and a favorable issue to the voy- age might be hoped for. Nevertheless, many vexa- tious accidents still awaited the navigator. In two months, twenty-one men, Europeans and Indians, died from privations, and if, on the 9th July, they had not landed at Santiago, one of the Cape de Verd islands, the whole crew would have died of hunger. As this archipelago belonged to Portugal, the sailors took care to say that they came from America, and carefully concealed the route which they had discov- ered. But one of the sailors having had the impru- dence to say that the "Victoria" was the only vessel of Magellan's squadron which had returned to Eu- 317 K— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers rope, the Portuguese immediately seized the crew of a long-boat, and prepared to attack the Spanish ves- sel. However, Del Cano, on board his vessel, was watching all the movements of the Portuguese, and suspecting, by the preparations which he saw, that there was an intention of seizing the "Victoria," he set sail, leaving thirteen men of his crew in the hands of the Portuguese. Maximilian Transylvain as- signs a different motive from the one given by Piga- fetta, for the anchorage at the Cape de Verd Islands. He asserts that the fatigued state of the crew, who were reduced by privations, and who, in spite of everything, had not ceased to work the pumps, had decided the captain to stop and buy some slaves to aid them in this work. Having no money, the Span- iards would have paid with some of their spices, which would have opened the eyes of the Portu- guese. "To see if our journals were correctly kept," says Pigafetta, "we inquired on shore what day of the week it was. They replied that it was Thursday, which surprised us, because, according to our jour- nals, it was as yet only Wednesday. We could not be persuaded that we had made the mistake of a day; I was more astonished myself than the others were, because, having always been sufficiently well to keep my journal, I had uninterruptedly marked the days of the week, and the course of the months. We learned afterward, that there was no error in our 318 First Voyage Round the World calculation, for having always travelled toward the west, following the course of the sun, and having re- turned to the same point, we must have gained twenty-four hours upon those who had remained sta- tionary; one has only need of reflection to be con- vinced of this fact." Sebastian del Cano rapidly made the coast of Africa, and on the 6th of September entered the Bay of San Lucar de Barrameda, with a crew of seven- teen men, almost all of whom were ill. Two days later he anchored before the mole at Seville, after having accomplished a complete circuit of the world. As soon as he arrived, Sebastian del Cano went to Valladolid, where the court was, and received from Charles V. the welcome which was merited after so many difficulties had been courageously overcome. The bold mariner received permission to take as his armorial bearings, a globe with this motto, Primus circumdedisti me, and he also received a pension of 500 ducats. The rich freight of the "Victoria" decided the emperor to send a second fleet to the Moluccas. The supreme command of it was not, however, given to Sebastian del Cano; it was reserved for the com- mander, Garcia de Loaisa, whose only claim to it was his grand name. However, after the death of the chief of the expedition, which happened as soon as the fleet had passed the Strait of Magellan, Del 3*9 Travellers and Explorers Cano found himself invested with the command, but he did not hold it long, for he died six days after- ward. As for the ship "Victoria," she was long pre- served in the port of Seville, but in spite of all the care that was taken of her, she at length fell to pieces from old age. 320 THE CONQUEST OF PERU THE YOUTH OF PIZARRO A T the time when the news of the conquest of ** Mexico by Cortes, and the report of its mar- vellous stores of treasure, were inflaming the minds of the men of Spain with an ardent desire for fresh discoveries, there happened to be living in the Span- ish colony of Panama a man named Francisco Pi- zarro, to whose lot it fell to discover and conquer the great and flourishing empire of Peru. He was a distant kinsman of Hernando Cortes, but had from his childhood been neglected and left to make his living as best he might. He could neither read nor write, and had chiefly been employed as a swineherd near the city of Truxillo, where he was born. But as he grew older and heard the strange and fascinat- ing stories of adventure in the New World which were daily more widely circulated, he took the first opportunity of escaping to Seville, from which port he, with other Spanish adventurers, embarked to seek their fortunes in the West, the town being at this time left almost entirely to the women, so great was the tide of emigration. Thenceforward he lived a stir- ring life. We hear of him in Hispaniola, and serv- ing as lieutenant in a colonizing expedition under 321 Travellers and Explorers Alonzo de Ojecia. After this he was associated with Vasco Nunez de Balboa in establishing a settlement at Darien, and from Balboa he may first have heard rumors of Peru itself, for it was to Balboa that an Indian chief had said concerning some gold which had been collected from the natives: "If this is what you prize so much that you are willing to leave your homes and risk even life itself for it, I can tell you of a land where they eat and drink out of golden vessels, and gold is as common as iron with you." Later, Pizarro was sent to traffic with the natives on the Pacific side of the isthmus for gold and pearls, and presently from the south came Andagoya, bringing accounts of the wealth and grandeur of the countries which lay beyond, and also of the hardships and diffi- culties endured by the few navigators who had sailed in that direction. Thus the southern expeditions be- came a common subject of talk among the colonists of Panama. Pizarro does not at first seem to have shown any special interest in the matter, nor was he rich enough to do anything without assistance; but there were two people in the colony who were to help him. One of them was a soldier of fortune named Diego Alma- gro, an older man than Pizarro, who in his early life had been equally neglected; the other was a Spanish ecclesiastic, Hernando de Luque, a man of great pru- dence and worldly wisdom, who had, moreover, con- trol of the necessary funds. Between these three, 322 The Conquest of Peru then, a compact was made, most of the money being supplied by De Luque, Pizarro taking command of the expedition, and Almagro undertaking the equip- ment of the ships. Only about a hundred men could be persuaded to join the explorers, and those but the idle hangers-on in the colony, who were eager to do anything to mend their fortunes. Everything being ready, Pizarro set sail with these in the larger of the two ships, in the month of November, 1524, leaving Almagro to follow as soon as the second vessel could be fitted out. With such slender means did Pizarro begin his attack on a great people, and invade the mysterious empire of the Children of the Sun. THE EMPIRE OF THE INCAS At this time the Peruvian Empire stretched along the Pacific from about the second degree north to the thirty-seventh degree of south latitude; its breadth variedy but was nowhere very great. The country was most remarkable, and seemed peculiarly unfitted for cultivation. The great range of mountains ran parallel to the coast, sometimes in a single line, some- times in two or three, either side by side or running obliquely to each other, broken here and there by the towering peaks of huge volcanoes, white with per- petual snows, and descending toward the coast in jagged cliffs and awful precipices. Between the rocks and the sea lay a narrow strip of sandy soil, where no rain ever fell, and which was insufficiently 323 Travellers and Explorers watered by the few scanty streams that flow down the western side of the Cordilleras. Nevertheless, by the patient industry of the Peruvians, these difficulties had all been overcome; by means of canals and sub- terranean aqueducts the waste places of the coast were watered and made fertile, the mountain sides were terraced and cultivated, every form of vegetation finding the climate suited to it at a different height, while over the snowy wastes above wandered the herds of llamas, or Peruvian sheep, under the care of their herdsmen. The Valley of Cuzco, the central region of Peru, was the cradle of their civilization. According to tradition among the Peruvians, there had been a time, long past, when the land was held by many tribes, all plunged in barbarism, who wor- shipped every object in nature, made war as a pas- time, and feasted upon the flesh of their slaughtered captives. The Sun, the great parent of mankind, pitying their degraded condition, sent two of his children, Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo Huaco, to govern and teach them. They bore with them as they advanced from the neighborhood of Lake Titi- caca a golden wedge, and were directed to take up their abode at the spot where this sacred emblem should sink easily into the ground. This happened in the Valley of Cuzco ; the wedge of gold sank into the earth and disappeared forever, and Manco Capac settled down to teach the men of the land the arts of agriculture, while Mama Ocllo showed the 324 The Conquest of Peru women how to weave and spin. Under these wise and benevolent rulers the community grew and spread, absorbing into itself the neighboring tribes, and overrunning the whole tableland. The city of Cuzco was founded, and, under the successors of the Children of the Sun, became the capital of a great and flourishing monarchy. In the middle of the fif- teenth century the famous Topa Inca Yupanqui led his armies across the terrible desert of Atacama, and, penetrating to the southern region of Chili, made the river Maule the boundary of his dominions, while his son, Huayna Capac, who succeeded him, pushed his conquests northward, and added the powerful kingdom of Quito to the empire of Peru. The city of Cuzco was the royal residence of the Incas, and also the "Holy City," for there stood the great Tem- ple of the Sun, the most magnificent structure in the New World, to which came pilgrims from every corner of the empire. Cuzco was defended on the north by a high hill, a spur of the Cordilleras, upon which was built a wonderful fortress of stone, with walls, towers, and subterranean galleries, the remains of which exist to this day and amaze the traveller by their size and solidity, some of the stones being thirty-eight feet long by eighteen broad, and six feet thick, and so ex- actly fitted together that, though no cement was used, it would be impossible to put the blade of a knife be- tween them. As the Peruvians had neither machin- 325 Travellers and Explorers ery, beasts of burden, nor iron tools, and as the quarry from which these huge blocks were hewn lay forty- five miles from Cuzco, over river and ravine, it is easy to imagine the frightful labor which this build- ing must have cost; indeed, it is said to have employed twenty thousand men for fifty years, and was, after all, but one of the many fortifications established by the Incas throughout their dominions. Their gov- ernment was absolutely despotic, the sovereign being held so far above his subjects that even the proudest of the nobles only ventured into his presence bare- footed, and carrying upon his shoulders a light bur- den in token of homage. The title of Inca was borne by all the nobility who were related to the king, or who, like himself, claimed descent from the Children of the Sun; but the crown passed from father to son, the heir being the eldest son of the "coya," or queen. From his earliest years he was educated by the "ama- utas," or wise men of the kingdom, in the ceremonial of their religion, as well as in military matters and all manly exercises, that he might be fitted to reign in his turn. At the age of sixteen the prince, with the young Inca nobles who had shared his studies, underwent a kind of public examination, their proficiency as war- riors being tested by various athletic exercises and by mimic combats which, though fought with blunted weapons, generally resulted in wounds, and some- times in death. During this trial, which lasted thirty 326 The Conquest of Peru days, the young prince fared no better than his com- rades, wearing mean attire, going barefoot, and sleeping upon the ground — a mode of life which was supposed to give him sympathy with the destitute. At the end of that time, the candidates considered worthy of the honors of this barbaric chivalry were presented to the sovereign, who reminded them of the responsibilities of their birth and station, and ex- horted them, as Children of the Sun, to imitate the glorious career of their ancestor. He then, as they knelt before him one by one, pierced their ears with a golden bodkin, which they continued to wear until the hole was made large enough to contain the enor- mous pendants worn by the Incas, which made the Spaniards call them"Orejones." Indeed, as one of the conquerors remarked: "The larger the hole, the more of a gentleman," and the sovereign wore so massive an ornament that the cartilage of his ear was dis- tended by it nearly to the shoulder. After this cere- mony the feet of the candidates were dressed in the sandals of the order, and girdles, and garlands of flowers were given them. The head of the prince was then encircled with a tasselled fringe of a yellow color, which distinguished him as the heir apparent, and he at once received the homage of all the Inca nobility; and then the whole assembly proceeded to the great square of the capital, where with songs, dances, and other festivities the ceremony was brought to an end. After this the prince was deemed 327 Travellers and Explorers worthy to sit in the councils of his father, and to serve under distinguished generals in time of war, and finally himself to carry the rainbow banner of his house upon distant campaigns. The Inca lived with great pomp and show. His dress was of the finest vicuna wool, richly dyed, and ornamented with gold and jewels. Round his head was a many-colored turban and a fringe like that worn by the prince, but of a scarlet color, and placed upright in it were two feathers of a rare and curious bird called the coraquenque, which was found in a desert country among the mountains. It was death to take or destroy one of these birds; they were reserved ex- clusivefy to supply the king's headgear. In order to communicate with their people, the Incas were in the habit of making a stately progress through their land once in every few years. The litter in which they travelled was richly decorated with gold and emer- alds, and surrounded by a numerous escort. The men who bore it on their shoulders were provided by two cities specially appointed for the purpose, and the service was no enviable one, since a fall was pun- ished by death. Halts were made at the "tambos," or inns regularly kept up by the government along all the principal roads, and the people assembled all along the line, clearing stones from the road and strewing it with flowers, and vying with one another in carrying the baggage from village to village. Here and there the Inca halted to listen to the grievances of 328 The Conquest of Peru his subjects, or to decide points referred to him by the ordinary tribunals, and these spots were long held in reverence as consecrated by his presence. Every- where the people flocked to catch a glimpse of their ruler, and to greet him with acclamations and bless- ings. The royal palaces were on a magnificent scale, and were scattered over all the provinces of the great empire. The buildings were low, covering a large space, the rooms not communicating with each other, but opening upon a common square. The walls were of stone rough hewn, and the roofs of rushes ; but in- side all was splendor. Gold, silver, and richly col- ored stuffs abounded, covering the walls, while in niches stood images of animals and plants curiously wrought in the precious metals. Even the common- est household utensils were of gold. The favorite residence of the Incas was the delicious valley of Yucay, about twelve miles from Cuzco; there they loved to retreat to enjoy their exquisite gardens, and luxurious baths replenished with clear water, which flowed through subterranean channels of silver into basins of gold. The gardens were full of flowers and plants, which flourished in this temperate climate of the tropics; but strangest of all were those borders which glowed with various forms of vegetable life, cunningly fashioned in gold and silver. Among these is specially recorded the beautiful Indian corn, its golden grain set off by broad silver leaves, and 329 Travellers and Explorers crowned with a light tassel of silver. But all the wealth displayed by the Inca belonged to himself alone. When he died, or, as they put it, "was called home to the mansions of his father the Sun," his pal- aces were abandoned, and all his treasures and pos- sessions were suffered to remain as he left them, lest his soul should at any time return to its body, and re- quire again the things it had used before. The body itself was skilfully embalmed and removed to the great Temple of the Sun at Cuzco, where were the bodies of all the former Incas and their queens, ranged in opposite files. Clothed in their accus- tomed attire, they sat in chairs of gold, their heads bent, their hands crossed upon their breasts, their dusky faces and black, or sometimes silver, hair re- taining a perfectly natural look. On certain festi- vals they were brought out into the great square of Cuzco, invitations were issued in their names to all the nobles and officers of the court, and magnificent entertainments were held, when the display of plate, gold, and jewels was such as no other city in the world ever witnessed. The banquets were served by the retainers of the respective houses, and the same forms of courtly etiquette were used as if the living monarch had presided, instead of his mummy. The nobility of Peru consisted of two orders — the Incas or relatives of the sovereign, and the curacas, or chiefs of the conquered nations. The former enjoyed many privileges; they wore a peculiar dress, and 330 The Conquest of Peru spoke a peculiar dialect. Most of them lived at court, sharing the counsels of the king, and dining at his table. They alone were admissible to the great offices of the priesthood, and had the command of armies and the government of distant provinces. The whole territory of the empire was divided into three parts: one for the Sun, another for the Inca, and the last for the people. The revenue from the lands assigned to the Sun supported the numer- ous priests, and provided for the maintenance of the temples and their costly ceremonial. The land of the people was parted equally among them, every man when he was married receiving enough to sup- port himself and his wife, together with a house. An additional piece was granted for every child, the por- tion for a son being double that for a daughter The division of the soil was renewed every year, and the possession of the tenant increased or diminished ac- cording to the number of his family. The country was wholly cultivated by the people. First the lands of the Sun were tilled; then those of the old or sick, the widow and orphan, and soldiers on active service ; after this each man was free to attend to his own, though he was still obliged to help any neighbor who might require it. Lastly, they cultivated the land of the Inca. This was done with great ceremony by all the people in a body. At break of day they were called together, and men, women, and children ap- peared in their gayest apparel as if decked for some 33i Travellers and Explorers festival, and sang as they worked their popular bal- lads, which told the heroic deeds of the Inca. The flocks of llamas belonged exclusively to the Sun and the Inca, they were most carefully tended and man- aged, and their number was immense. Under the care of their shepherds they moved to different pas- tures according to the climate. Every year some were killed as sacrifices at the religious festivals or for the consumption of the court, and at appointed seasons all were sheared and their wool stored in the public magazines. Thence it was given out to each family, and when the women had spun and woven enough coarse garments to supply their husbands and children they were required to labor for the Inca. Certain officers decided what was to be woven, gave out the requisite material, and saw that the work was faithfully done. In the lower and hotter regions cotton, given out in the same way, took the place of wool. Occupation was found for all, from the child of five years to the oldest woman who could hold a distaff. Idleness was held to be a crime in Peru, and was severely punished, while industry was publicly commended and rewarded. In the same way all the mines in the kingdom belonged to the Inca, and were worked for his benefit by men familiar with the ser- vice, and there were special commissioners whose duty it was to know the nature of the country and the capabilities of its inhabitants, so that whatever work was required, it might be given into competent hands, 332 The Conquest of Peru the different employments generally descending from father to son. All over the country stood spacious stone storehouses, divided between the Sun and the Inca, in which were laid up maize, coca, woollen and cotton stuffs, gold, silver, and copper, and besides these were yet others designed to supply the wants of the people in times of dearth. Thus in Peru, though no man who was not an Inca could become rich, all had enough to eat and to wear. To this day the ruins of temples, palaces, aque- ducts, and, above all, the great roads, remain to bear witness to the industry of the Peruvians. Of these roads the most remarkable were two which ran from Quito to Cuzco, diverging again thence in the direc- tion of Chili. One ran through the low lands by the sea, the other over the great plateau, through galler- ies cut for leagues from the living rock, over pathless sierras buried in snow. Rivers were crossed by fill- ing up the ravines through which they flowed with solid masses of masonry which remain to this day, though the mountain torrents have in the course of ages worn themselves a passage through, leaving solid arches to span the valleys. Over some of the streams they constructed frail swinging bridges of osiers, which were woven into cables the thickness of a man's body. Several of these laid side by side were secured at either end to huge stone buttresses, and covered with planks. As these bridges were sometimes over two hundred feet long, they dipped 333 Travellers and Explorers and oscillated frightfully over the rapidly flowing stream far below, but the Peruvians crossed them fearlessly, and they are still used by the Spaniards. The wider and smoother rivers were crossed on "balsas," or rafts with sails. The whole length of this road was about two thousand miles, its breadth did not exceed twenty feet, and it was paved with heavy flags of freestone, in parts covered with a ce- ment which time has made harder than stone itself. The construction of the lower road must have pre- sented other difficulties. For the most part the causeway was raised on a high embankment of earth, with a wall of clay on either side. Trees and sweet- smelling shrubs were planted along the margin, and where the soil was so light and sandy as to prevent the road from being continued, huge piles were driven into the ground to mark the way. All along these highways the "tambos," or inns, were erected at a distance of ten or twelve miles from each other, and some of them were on an extensive scale, con- sisting of a fortress and barracks surrounded by a stone parapet. These were evidently intended as a shelter for the Imperial armies when on the march. The communication throughout the country was by means of runners, each of whom carried the mes- sage intrusted to him with great swiftness for five miles, and then handed it over to another. These runners were specially trained to their work and wore a particular dress; their stations were small 334 The Conquest of Peru buildings erected five miles apart along all the roads. The messages might be verbal, or conveyed by means of the "quipus." A quipu was a cord two feet long, of differently colored threads twisted together, from which were hung a number of smaller threads, also differently colored and tied in knots. Indeed, the word "quipu" means "a knot." By means of the col- ors and the various knots the Peruvians expressed ideas — it was their method of writing — but the quipus were chiefly used for arithmetical purposes. In every district officers were stationed who were called "keepers of the quipus;" their duty was to supply the government with information as to the revenues, births, deaths, and marriages, number of population, and so on. These records — in skeins of many-colored thread — were inspected at headquar- ters and carefully preserved, the whole collection constituting what might be called the national ar- chives. In like manner the wise men recorded the his- tory of the empire, and chronicled the great deeds of the reigning Inca or his ancestors. The Peruvians had some acquaintance with geography and astron- omy, and showed a decided talent for theatrical exhi- bitions, but it was in agriculture that they really ex- celled. The mountains were regularly hewn into stone-faced terraces, varying in width from hundreds of acres at the base to a few feet near the snows. Water was conveyed in stone-built aqueducts for hun- dreds of miles, from some snow-fed lake in the moun- 335 Travellers and Explorers tains, fertilizing all the dry and sandy places through which it passed. In some of the arid valleys they dug great pits twenty feet deep and more than an acre in extent, and, after carefully preparing the soil, planted grain or vegetables. Their method of plow- ing was primitive indeed. Six or eight men were at- tached by ropes to a strong stake, to which was fas- tened a horizontal piece of wood upon which the plowman might set his foot to force the sharp point into the earth as it was dragged along, while women followed after to break up the clods as they were turned. Much of the wealth of the country consisted in the huge flocks of llamas and alpacas, and the wild huanacos and vicunas which roamed freely over the frozen ranges of the Cordilleras. Once a year a great hunt took place under the superintendence of the Inca or some of his officers. Fifty or sixty thousand men encircled the part of the country that was to be hunted over, and drove all the wild animals by de- grees toward some spacious plain. The beasts of prey they killed, and also the deer, the flesh of the lat- ter being dried in strips and distributed among the people. This preparation, called "charqui," was the only animal food of the lower classes in Peru. The huanacos and vicunas were only captured and shorn, being afterward allowed to escape and go back to their haunts among the mountains. No district was hunted over more than once in four years. The 336 The Conquest of Peru Peruvians showed great skill in weaving the vicuna wool into robes for the Inca and carpets and hang- ings for his palaces. The texture was as delicate as silk, and the brilliancy of the dyes unequalled even in Europe. They also were expert in the beautiful feather-work for which Mexico was famous, but they held it of less account than the Mexicans did. In spite of some chance resemblances in their customs, it seems certain that the Mexicans and Peruvians were unaware of each other's existence. They differed in nothing more utterly than in their treatment of the tribes they conquered. While the Mexicans kept them in subjection by force and cruelty, the Peru- vians did everything they possibly could to make the conquered people one with the rest of the nation. RELIGION OF THE PERUVIANS In religion the Peruvians acknowledged one Su- preme Being as creator and ruler of the universe, whom they called Pachacamac, or Viracocha. In all the land there was only one temple dedicated to him, and this had existed before the Incas began to rule. They also worshipped many other gods, but the Sun was held far above the rest. In every town and village were temples dedicated to him, and his worship was taught first of all to every conquered tribe. His temple at Cuzco was called "the Place of Gold," and the interior was a wonderful sight. On the western wail was a representation of the Sun-god, 337 Travellers and Explorers a human face surrounded by numberless rays of light. This was engraved upon a huge and massive plate of gold, thickly powdered with emeralds and other precious stones. The beams of the morning sun striking first upon this, and being reflected again upon all the plates and studs of burnished gold with which the walls and ceiling were entirely covered, lighted the whole temple with a more than natural radiance. Even the cornices were of gold, and out- side the temple a broad belt of the precious metal was let into the stonework. Adjoining this building were several smaller chapels. One consecrated to the Moon, held next in reverence as the mother of the Incas, was decorated in an exactly similar way, but with sil- ver instead of gold; those of the Stars, the Thun- der and Lightning, and the Rainbow were equally beautiful and gorgeous. Every vessel used in the temple services was of gold or silver, and there were besides many figures of animals, and copies of plants and flowers. The greatest Sun festival was called "Raymi;" at it a llama was sacrificed, and from the appearance of its body the priest sought to read the future. A fire was then kindled by focussing the sun's rays with a mirror of polished metal upon a quantity of dried cotton, or when the sky was clouded over, by means of friction ; but this was considered a bad omen. The sacred flame was intrusted to the care of the Virgins of the Sun, and if by any chance it went out it was considered to bode some great calam- 338 The Conquest of Peru ity to the nation. The festival ended with a great banquet to all the people, who were regaled upon the flesh of llamas, from the flocks of the Sun, while at the table of the Inca and his nobles were served fine cakes kneaded of maize flour by the Virgins of the Sun. These young maidens were chosen for their beauty from the families of the Curacas and inferior nobles, and brought up in the great convent-like es- tablishments under the care of certain elderly ma- trons, who instructed them in their religious duties, and taught them to spin and embroider, and weave the vicuna wool for the temple hangings and for the use of the Inca. They were entirely cut off from their own people and from the world at large, only the Inca and the queen having the right to enter those sacred precincts. From them the brides of the Inca were chosen, for the law of the land allowed him to have as many wives as he pleased. They lived in his various palaces throughout the country, and at his death many of them sacrificed themselves willingly that they might accompany him into his new exist- ence. In this wonderful monarchy each successive Inca seems to have been content with the policy of his father, to have carried out his schemes and continued his enterprises, so that the State moved steadily for- ward, as if under one hand, in its great career of civil- ization and conquest. 339 Travellers and Explorers PIZARRO'S EXPEDITION This, then, was the country which Pizarro with a mere handful of followers had set out to discover and subdue. He had sailed at a most unfavorable time of year, for it was the rainy season, and the coast was swept by violent tempests. He steered first for the Puerto de Pinas, a headland which marked the limit of Andagoya's voyage. Passing this, Pizarro sailed up a little river and came to anchor, and then landed with his whole force to explore the country; but after most toilful wanderings in dismal swamps and steam- ing forests they were forced to return exhausted and half-starved to their vessel, and proceed again on their voyage to the southward. Now they met with a succession of terrific storms, their frail ship leaked, and their stock of food and water was nearly gone, two ears of Indian corn a day being all that could be allowed to each man. In this strait they were glad to turn back and anchor once more a few leagues from their first halting-place. But they soon found that they had gained very little; neither bird nor beast was to be seen in the forest, and they could not live upon the few unwholesome berries which were all the woods afforded. Pizarro felt that to give up at this juncture would be utter ruin. So to pacify his complaining followers he sent an officer back in the ship to the Isle of Pearls, which was only a few leagues from Panama, to lay in a fresh stock of pro- 34o The Conquest of Peru visions, while he himself with half the company made a further attempt to explore the country. For some time their efforts were vain; more than twenty men died from unwholesome food and the wretched cli- mate, but at last they spied a distant opening in the woods, and Pizarro with a small party succeeded in reaching the clearing beyond it, where stood a small Indian village. The Spaniards rushed eagerly forward and seized upon such poor stores of food as the huts contained, while the astonished natives fled to the woods; but finding presently that no violence was offered to them they came back, and conversed with Pizarro as well as they could by signs. It was cheer- ing to the adventurers to hear that these Indians also knew of a rich country lying to the southward, and to see that the large ornaments of clumsy workman- ship which they wore were of gold. When after six weeks the ship returned, those on board were horrified at the wild and haggard faces of their comrades, so wasted were they by hunger and disease; but they soon revived, and, embarking once more, they joy- fully left behind them the dismal scene of so much suffering, which they had named the Port of Famine. After a short run to the southward they again landed, and found another Indian settlement. The inhabi- tants fled, and the Spaniards secured a good store of maize and other food, and gold ornaments of consid- erable value; but they retreated to their ship in hor- 34i Travellers and Explorers ror when they discovered human flesh roasting be- fore a fire in one of the huts. Once more they set sail, and encountered a furi- ous storm, which so shattered their vessel that they were glad to gain the shore at the first possible land- ing-place. There they found a considerable town, the inhabitants of which were a warlike race, who speedily attacked them. After some fighting the Spaniards were victorious, but they had lost two of their number, and many were wounded. It was necessary that the ship should be sent back to Pan- ama for repairs, but Pizarro did not consider that this place, which they had named Pueblo Quemado, would be a safe resting-place for those who were left behind; so he embarked again for Chicama, and when he was settled there his treasurer started for Panama with the gold that had been collected, and instructions to lay before Pedrarias, the governor, a full account of the expedition. Meanwhile Al- magro had succeeded in equipping a small caravel, and started with about seventy men. He steered in the track of his comrade, and, by a previously con- certed signal of notches upon the trees, he was able to recognize the places where Pizarro had landed. At Pueblo Quemado the Indians received him ill, though they did not venture beyond their palisades. This enraged Almagro, who stormed and took the place, driving the natives into the woods. He paid dearly for his victory, however, as a wound from a 342 The Conquest of Peru javelin deprived him of the sight of one eye. Pur- suing his voyage, he discovered several new places upon the coast, and collected from them a consider- able store of gold ; but being anxious as to the fate of Pizarro, of whom he had lost all trace for some time, he turned back at the mouth of the San Juan River, and sailed straight to the Isle of Pearls. Here he gained tidings of his friend and proceeded at once to Chicama, where the two commanders at length met, and each recounted his adventures. After much consultation over what was next to be done, Pizarro decided to remain where he was while Almagro returned to Panama for fresh sup- plies, and so ended the first expedition. But when Almagro reached Panama he found the governor anything but inclined to favor him and his schemes, and but for the influence of De Luque there would have been an end to their chance of discovering Peru. Fortunately, however, he was able to settle the diffi- culties with Pedrarias, who, for about 2,500/., gave up all claim to any of the treasures they might dis- cover, and ceased to oppose their plans. A memora- ble contract was them entered into by Father De Luque, Pizarro, and Almagro, by which the two last solemnly bound themselves to pursue the undertak- ing until it was accomplished; all the lands, gold, jewels, or treasures of any kind that they might se- cure to be divided between the three, in considera- tion of the funds which De Luque was to provide for 343 Travellers and Explorers the enterprise. Should they fail altogether, he was to be repaid with every morsel of property they might possess. This being arranged, two vessels were bought, larger and stronger than the ones with which they had started before, and a greater supply of stores put on board, and then a proclamation was made of "an expedition to Peru." But the citizens of Panama showed no great readiness to join it, which was, perhaps, not surprising, seeing that, of those who had volunteered before, only three- fourths had returned, and those half-starved. How- ever, in the end about one hundred and sixty men were mustered, with a few horses and a small supply of ammunition, of which there was probably very little to spare in the colony. The two captains, each in his own vessel, sailed once more, and this time hav- ing with them an experienced pilot named Ruiz, they stood boldly out to sea, steering direct for the San Juan River. This was reached without misadven- ture, and from the villages on its banks Pizarro se- cured a considerable store of gold and one or two na- tives. Much encouraged by this success, the two chiefs felt confident that if this rich spoil, so soon acquired, could be exhibited in Panama it would draw many adventurers to their standard, as a larger number of men was absolutely necessary to cope with the thickening population of the country. Almagro, therefore, took the treasure and went back for re-en- forcements. Pizarro landed to seek for a place of 344 The Conquest of Peru encampment; while Ruiz, with the second ship, sailed southward. Coasting along with fair winds, he reached what is now called the Bay of St. Matthew, having seen by the way many densely populated villages in a well-cultivated land. Here the people showed no signs of fear or hostility, but stood gazing upon the ship of the white men as it floated on the smooth waters of the bay, fancying it to be some mysterious being descended from the skies. Without waiting to undeceive them, Ruiz once more headed for the open sea, and was soon amazed to see what appeared to be a caravel of considerable size, advancing slow- ly, with one large sail hoisted. The old navigator was convinced that his was the first European vessel that had ever penetrated into these latitudes, and no Indian nation yet discovered was acquainted with the use of sails. But as he drew near he saw it was one of the huge rafts, called "balsas," made of logs and floored with reeds, with a clumsy rudder and mov- able keel of planks. Coming alongside, Ruiz found several Indians, themselves wearing rich ornaments, who were carrying articles of wrought gold and sil- ver for traffic along the coast. But what attracted his attention even more was the woollen cloth of which their robes were made. It was of fine texture, dyed in brilliant colors, and embroidered with fig- ures of birds and flowers. They also had a pair of balances for weighing the gold and silver — a thing 345 Travellers and Explorers unknown even in Mexico. From these Indians he learned that two of their number came from Tum- bez, a Peruvian port further to the south ; that their fields were full of large flocks of the animals from which the wool was obtained , and that in the palaces of their king gold and silver were as common as wood. Ruiz only half believed their report, but he took several of them on board to repeat the tale to his commander, and also to learn Castilian, that they might serve as interpreters. Without touching at any other port, Ruiz then sailed southward as far as Punta de Pasado, being the first European who, sail- ing in this direction, had crossed the equinoctial line, after which he returned to the place where he had left Pizarro. He did not reach it too soon. The little band had met with nothing but disaster., Instead of being able to reach the open country of which they had heard, they had been lost in dense forests of gigantic tropical vegetation. Hill rose behind hill, barring their progress, alternating with ravines of frightful depth. Monkeys chattered above their heads, hide- ous snakes and alligators infested the swamps. Many of the Spaniards were miserably killed by them, while others were waylaid by lurking natives, who on one occasion cut off fourteen men whose canoe had unhappily stranded on the bank of a stream. Their provisions gave out, and they could barely sustain life on the few cocoanuts or wild potatoes they found. 346 The Conquest of Peru On the shore life was even less tolerable, for the swarms of mosquitoes compelled the wretched wan- derers to bury themselves up to their very faces in the sand. Worn out with suffering, their one wish was to return to Panama. This was far from being the desire of Pizarro, and, luckily for him, at this crisis Ruiz returned; and very soon after Almagro sailed into port with a fresh supply of provisions and a band of eighty military adventurers, who had but lately come to Panama, and were burning to make their fortunes in the New World. The enthu- siasm of these new recruits, and the relief of their own immediate miseries, speedily revived the spirits of Pizarro's men, and they eagerly called upon their commander to go forward; but the season of favor- ing winds was past, and it was only after many days of battling with fearful storms and contrary currents that they reached the Bay of St. Matthew, and an- chored opposite the port of Tacamez. This was a large town, swarming with people who wore many ornaments of gold and jewels; for they belonged to the recently annexed province of Quito, and had not yet been forced to reserve all such things for the Xnca, as the Peruvians did. Moreover, this part of the country was specially rich in gold, and through it flowed the River of Emeralds, so called from the quarries on its banks, from which quantities of those gems were dug. The Spaniards longed to possess themselves of all these treasures, but the natives were 347 Travellers and Explorers too numerous, and showed no fear of the white men. On the contrary, they were quite ready to attack them; and Pizarro, who had landed with some of his followers in the hope of a conference with the chiefs, found himself surrounded by at least ten thousand men, and would have fared but ill had not one of the cavaliers chanced to fall from his horse. This sud- den division into two parts of what they had looked upon as one creature so astonished the Indians that they fell back, and left a way open for the Spaniards to regain their vessels. Here a council of war was held, and once again Almagro proposed to go back for more men while Pizarro waited in some safe spot. But the latter commander had grown rather weary of the part always assigned to him, and replied that it was all very well for Almagro, who passed his time sailing pleasantly to and fro, or living in plenty at Panama, but that for those who remained behind to starve in a poisonous climate it was quite another matter. Almagro retorted angrily that he was quite willing to be the one to stay if Pizarro declined; and the quarrel would soon have become serious had not Ruiz interposed. Almagro's plan was adopted, and the little island of Gallo, which they had lately passed, was chosen as Pizarro's headquarters. This decision caused great discontent among the men, who complained that they were being dragged to this obscure spot to die of hunger, and many of them wrote to their friends bewailing their deplor- 348 The Conquest of Peru able condition, but Almagro did his best to seize all these letters, and only one escaped him. This was concealed in a ball of cotton sent as a present to the wife of the governor; it was signed by several of the soldiers, and begged that a ship be sent to rescue them from this dismal place before they all perished; and it warned others from joining the expedition. This letter fell into the governor's hands, and caused great dismay in Panama. Almagro's men looked sufficiently haggard and dejected to make it gener- ally believed that the few ill-fated survivors were being detained against their will by Pizarro, to end their days on his desolate island. The governor was so enraged at the number of lives which this unsuc- cessful expedition had cost the colony, that he utterly refused the applications of Almagro and De Luque for further help, and sent off two ships, under a cava- lier named Tafur, to bring back every Spaniard from Gallo. Meanwhile Pizarro and his men were suffering great misery from the inclement weather, for the rainy season had set in, and for lack of proper food, such crabs and shell-fish as they could pick up along the shore being all that they had. Therefore, the arrival of Tafur, with two well-provisioned ships, was greeted with rapture; and the only thought of the soldiers was to embark as soon as possible, and leave forever that dismal island. But the ships had brought letters from Almagro and De Luque to 349 L — Vol. ii Travellers and Explorers Pizarro, imploring him to hold fast to his original purpose, and solemnly promising to send him the means for going forward in a short time. THE CHOICE OF PIZARRO For Pizarro a very little hope was enough, but knowing that he could probably influence such of his followers as he cared to retain more by example than by word, he merely announced his own purpose in the briefest way possible. Drawing his sword, he traced a line upon the sand from east to west. "Friends and comrades," said he, turning to the south, "on this side are toil, hunger, the drenching storm, desertion, and death; on that side ease and pleasure. There lies Peru with its riches, here Pan- ama and its poverty. Choose each man what best becomes a brave Castilian. For my part I go to the south." So saying, he stepped across the line, followed by Ruiz, Pedro de Candia, and eleven others; and Ta- fur, after vainly trying to persuade them to return, reluctantly departed, leaving them part of his store of provisions. Ruiz sailed with him to help Al- magro and De Luque in their preparations. Not long after, Pizarro and his men constructed a raft, and transported themselves to an island which lay further north. It was uninhabited, and being partly covered with wood afforded more shelter. There was also plenty of good water, and pheasants and a 35o The Conquest of Peru species of hare were fairly numerous. The rain fell incessantly, and the Spaniards built rude huts to keep themselves dry; but from the swarms of venomous in- sects theycould find no protection. Pizarro did all he could to keep up the spirits of his men in this dreary place. Morning prayers were duly said, the even- ing hymn chanted, the church festivals carefully ob- served, and, above all, a keen lookout was kept across the ocean for the expected sail ; but seven months had passed before one small vessel appeared. The gov- ernor had at last allowed De Luque and Almagro to fit out this ship ; but she carried no more men than were needed to work her, and Pizarro was com- manded to report himself in Panama within six months, whatever might be happening. Taking with him his faithful followers and the natives of Tumbez, Pizarro speedily embarked, and, under the guidance of Ruiz, sailed to the south for twenty days, and reached at length the Gulf of Guay- aquil. Here the voyagers were abreast of some of the grandest heights of the Cordilleras. Far above them in the still air rose the snowy crests of Cotopaxi and Chimborazo, while only a narrow strip of green and fertile land lay between the mountains and the sea. Tumbez proved to be a large town, and the inhabitants received the Spaniards well, supplying them plentifully with fruit and vegetables, game and fish, and sending on board their ship a number of llamas, which Pizarro then saw for the first time. 35i Travellers and Explorers The "little camel," as the Spaniards called it, was an object of much interest to them, and they greatly admired its mixture of wool and hair, from which the beautiful native fabrics were woven. The In- dians were much astonished to find two of their own countrymen on board the strange vessel, but through their favorable report of the harmless intentions of the Spaniards, and by their help as interpreters, Pi- zarro was able to collect much valuable information. At that time there happened to be an Inca noble in Tumbez, distinguished by his rich dress, the huge gold ornaments in his ears, and the deference paid him by the citizens. Pizarro received him on board his ship, showing him everything, and answering his numerous questions as well as he could. He also took the opportunity of asserting the lawful suprem- acy of the King of Spain over the empire of Peru, and of expounding some of the doctrines of his own religion, to all of which the chief listened in silence. Several parties of the Spaniards landed at different times, and came back with wondrous tales of all they had seen: the temples blazing with silver and gold, and the convent of the Virgins of the Sun, the gar- dens of which glowed with imitations of fruits and flowers in the same metals. The natives greatly ad- mired one of the Spaniards, a man named Alonzo de Molina, who was of fair complexion and wore a long beard. They even invited him to settle among them, promising him a beautiful wife; and on his home- 352 The Conquest of Peru ward voyage Pizarro actually left him there, with one or two others, thinking that at some future time it might be useful to him that some of his own men should understand the Indian language. In return, he took on board his ship several of the Peruvians, and one of them, named by the Spaniards Felipillo, played an important part in after-events. Having now learned all he could, Pizarro pur- sued his voyage, touching at all the principal points as he coasted along, and being everywhere received by the people with kindness and much curiosity, for the news of the coming of the white men spread rap- idly, and all were eager to see the "Children of the Sun," as they began to be called, from their fair complexions, their shining armor, and their firearms, which were looked upon as thunderbolts. Having gone as far south as the port of Santa, and having heard enough to make the existence and position of the empire of Peru an absolute certainty, Pizarro turned and sailed to the northward, landing once or twice by the way, and being hospitably enter- tained by an Indian princess; and after an absence of more than eighteen months anchored again off Panama. Great was the joy caused by their arrival, for all supposed them to have perished ; yet even now, in spite of all they had discovered, the governor re- fused his aid, and the confederates, being by this time without funds, had no alternative but to apply di- rectly to the King of Spain. The mission was in- 353 Travellers and Explorers trusted to Pizarro, who set out in the spring of 1528, taking with him some of the natives, two or three llamas, and specimens of the cloth and of the gold and silver ornaments, to attest the truth of his won- derful story. PIZARRO GOES TO SPAIN AND RETURNS It would take, too long to tell how Pizarro fared in his native country, but the matter ended in the king's being convinced of the importance of his discoveries, and bestowing many honors and rewards upon him. He was also empowered to conquer and take posses- sion of Peru, and expressly enjoined to preserve the existing regulations for the government and protec- tion of the Indians, and to take with him many priests to convert them. All being settled to Pizarro's satis- faction, he found time to revisit his own town, where, his fortunes having somewhat mended since he turned his back upon it, he found friends and eager follow- ers, and among these his own four half-brothers, Hernando, Gonzalo, and Juan Pizarro, and Fran- cisco de Alcantara. It was not without many diffi- culties that Francisco Pizarro got together the two hundred and fifty men he had agreed to raise, and escaped from the delays and intrigues of the Span- ish Court; but it was done at last, and the adventur- ers in three vessels started from Seville, and after a prosperous voyage reached Nombre de Dios, and there met De Luque and Almagro. Disagreements 354 The Conquest of Peru speedily arose, for the latter naturally felt aggrieved that Pizarro should have secured for himself such an unfair share of the riches and honors as the king had bestowed on him without putting forward the claims of his comrade, and matters were made worse by the insolent way in which Hernando Pizarro treated the old soldier, whom he looked upon as an obstacle in the path of his brother. Matters got to such a pass that Almagro was actually preparing ships to prosecute the expedition on his own account, but De Luque at last succeeded in reconciling the two commanders— at least for the moment — and the united band started for the third time. Though the number of men in the three ships did not exceed one hundred and eighty, yet they had twenty-seven horses, and were now much better provided with arms and ammuni- tion. Pizarro's intention was to steer for Tumbez, but the wind being contrary he anchored instead in the Bay of St. Matthew, where the troops disem- barked and advanced along the coast, while the ves- sels proceeded in the same direction, keeping as close inshore as possible. When Pizarro and his men reached a town of some importance they rushed in upon it sword in hand, and the inhabitants, without offering any resistance, fled to the woods, leaving the invaders to rifle their dwellings, from which they collected an unexpectedly large store of gold, silver, and emeralds, some of the stones being of great size. Pizarro sent the treasure back to Panama in the ships, 355 Travellers and Explorers and continued his march, his soldiers suffering ter- ribly in crossing the sandy wastes under the burning sun, which beat upon their iron mail or quilted cot- ton doublets till they were nearly suffocated. Here, too, they were attacked by a dreadful disease, terrible warts of great size breaking out upon them, of which several died. This plague, which was quite un- known before, attacked the natives also, spreading over the whole country. Everywhere as they ad- vanced the Indians fled before them; the land was poor, and the Spaniards began to grumble and wish to retreat; but at this juncture one of the ships ap- peared, and the march along the coast was continued. Reaching the Gulf of Guayaquil, Pizarro persuaded the friendly natives of Tumbez to transport himself and his men to the island of Puna, where he en- camped for the rainy season; but the islanders re- sented the presence of their enemies the men of Tum- bez, a suspicion of treachery arose, and Pizarro al- lowed ten or twelve prisoners, men of Puna, to be massacred. Then the whole tribe fell upon the Span- iards and there was a great battle, in which the white men were victorious; but after this their position was a most uncomfortable one, the enemy being ever on the watch to cut off stragglers and destroy provisions, besides making night attacks upon the camp. Fortu- nately the other two ships came back at this juncture, bringing a hundred volunteers and some more horses, and with them Pizarro felt strong enough to cross to 356 The Conquest of Peru the mainland and resume his march. He had lately learned something of the state of affairs in the coun- try, which he thought he might be able to turn to his own advantage. It seemed that the Inca Huayna Capac, who conquered Quito, had left three sons — Huascar the heir, the son of the queen, Manco Ca- pac his half-brother, and Atahuallpa, son of the prin- cess of Quito, who had been married to Huayna Capac after the conquest. To Atahuallpa the Inca at his death left the kingdom of Quito, enjoining him to live at peace with his brother Huascar, who suc- ceeded to the empire of Peru. This happened about seven years before Pizarro reached Puna. For five years the brothers ruled their respective kingdoms without dispute. Huascar was of a gentle and peaceable disposition, but Atahuallpa was warlike, ambitious, and daring, and constantly endeavoring to enlarge his territory. His restless spirit at length excited alarm at Cuzco, and Huascar sent to remon- strate with him, and to require him to render homage for the kingdom of Quito. This at once provoked hostilities. A great battle took place at Ambato, in which Atahuallpa was victorious, and he marched on in the direction of Cuzco, carrying all before him, and only experiencing a slight check from the isl- anders of Puna. After more desperate encounters, in one of which Huascar was taken prisoner, Atahuallpa possessed himself of Cuzco, and, assuming the 357 Travellers and Explorers diadem of the Incas, received the homage of the whole country. But his triumph was not to be for long. We left Pizarro preparing to leave Puna and cross to Turnbez. His surprise when he did so was great, for he found only the ruins of what had been a flourishing town; moreover, some of his men were treacherously attacked by the natives, whom he had supposed to be quite friendly to him. The Span- iards were much disappointed, as they had looked forward confidently to securing the golden treasures of Turnbez of which they had heard so much; nor could Pizarro believe the explanation of this state of affairs given by the Curaca, who was caught lurking in the woods. However, it was his policy to remain friendly with the natives if possible, so no further notice was taken. No true account could be gath- ered of the fate of the two men who had been left there from the last expedition, though it was evident that both had perished. An Indian gave Pizarro a scroll left by one of them, upon which was written : "Know, whoever you may be that may chance to set foot in this country, that it contains more silver and gold than there is iron in Biscay." But when this was shown to the soldiers they only thought it was a device of their captain to give them fresh hope. Pi- zarro, seeing that nothing but incessant activity could keep down the rising spirit of discontent, now spent some weeks in exploring the country, and finally as- 358 The Conquest of Peru sembling all his men at a spot some thirty leagues south of Tumbez, he built there a considerable town, which he named San Miguel. The site afterward proved to be unhealthy, and was abandoned for another on the banks of the river Piura, where a town still stands. Presently the news reached San Miguel that Atahuallpa was encamped within twelve days' journey, and Pizarro after much consideration re- solved to present himself in his camp, trusting doubt- less that when he got there circumstances would arise which he could turn to his own advantage. PIZARRO MARCHES TO MEET THE INCA Placing himself at the head of his troops, he struck boldly into the heart of the country, received everywhere by the natives with confiding hospitality. The Spaniards were careful to give no offence, being aware that their best chance of success lay in con- ciliating the people by whom they were surrounded. After five days' marching, Pizarro halted in a pleas- ant valley to rest his company, and finding that some few among them showed discontent and were unwill- ing to proceed, he called them all together, and told them that they had now reached a crisis which it would require all their courage to meet, and no man should go forward who had any misgivings as to the success of the expedition. He added that the garri- son left in San Miguel was by no means as strong as he would like it to be, and that if any of them wished 359 Travellers and Explorers to return there instead of going forward with him they were quite free to do so, and their share in the profits of the expedition should be just the same as that of the men originally left there. Nine of the soldiers availed themselves of this permission to turn back; and having thus got rid of the elements of dis- content, which might have become dangerous, Pi- zarro resumed his march, halting again at Zaran while he sent an officer forward to obtain more cer- tain tidings of the position of Atahuallpa. After eight days the cavalier returned, bringing with him an envoy from the Inca, who bore a present for the Spanish commander, and invited him to visit Ata- huallpa's camp among the mountains. Pizarro quite understood that the Inca's object was to learn the strength and condition of the white men, but he hos- pitably entertained his guest, giving him all the in- formation he demanded by means of the two inter- preters, who had by his forethought been taught Cas- tilian, and were now of inestimable service. When the Peruvian departed, Pizarro presented him with a few trifling gifts, and bade him tell Atahuallpa that he would meet him as soon as possible. After send- ing an account of their proceedings back to San Miguel the adventurers continued their journey to- ward Caxamalca, and having crossed a deep and rapid river, fell in with some natives, who gave such contrary reports of Atahuallpa's position and inten- tions that Pizarro sent one of the Indians who accom- 360 The Conquest of Peru panied him ostensibly to bear a friendly greeting to the Inca, but really to find out all he could of the state of affairs. After a further march of three days the little army reached the foot of the huge mountain barrier, and entered upon the labyrinth of passes which were to lead them to Atahuallpa's camp. The difficulties of the way were enough to have appalled the stoutest heart. The path was in many places so steep that the men had to dismount and scramble up as best they could, dragging their horses after them; often some huge crag so overhung the track that they could scarcely creep round the narrow ledge of rock, while a false step would have plunged them into a fearful precipice. In several of the passes huge stone for- tresses had been built, and places abounded where a handful of men might have barred the way success- fully against an army, but to the relief of the Span- iards they found all quiet and deserted, the only liv- ing things visible being an occasional condor or vicuna. Finding that their passage was not to be disputed, Pizarro, who had led the way with one detachment, encamped for the night, sending word back to his brother to bring up the remainder of the force without delay. Another toilful day brought him to the crest of the Cordillera, a bleak tract where the only vegetation was a dry, yellow grass which grew up to the snow-line. Here he was met by one of his Indian messengers, who reported that the path 361 Travellers and Explorere was clear, and an envoy from the Inca was on his way to the Castilian camp. Very soon the Peruvians ap- peared, bringing a welcome present of llamas and a message from their master, who desired to know when the Spaniards would reach Caxamalca, that he might provide suitably for their reception. The am- bassador vaunted the power and the triumphs of Ata- huallpa; but Pizarro was not to be outdone, and did not hesitate to declare that the Inca was as much in- ferior to the King of Spain as the petty chiefs of the country were to the Inca. After another march of two days the Spaniards began the descent of the eastern side of the Cordillera, meeting by the way another and more important envoy, and seven days later the valley of Caxamalca lay before them, the vapor of its hot springs rising in the still air, and the slope of the further hillside white with the tents of the Inca's encampment for a space of several miles — a sight which filled the Spaniards with a dismay they could hardly conceal. Putting on a bold front they marched into the town, which was quite deserted, but seemed large enough to hold ten thousand people, and then Pizarro despatched an embassy consisting of his brother Hernando, another cavalier, and thirty- five horsemen, to the camp of Atahuallpa. The party galloped along the causeway, and, fording a shallow stream, made their way through a guard of Indians to the open courtyard in the midst of which the Inca's pavilion stood. The buildings were cov- 362 The Conquest of Peru ered with a shining plaster, both white and colored, and there was a spacious stone reservoir in the court- yard, which remains to this day, and is called "The Inca's Bath." The court was filled with Indian nobles, and Atahuallpa himself sat upon a low stool, distinguished from the rest by the crimson fringe upon his forehead, which he had worn since the de- feat of his brother Huascar. Hernando Pizarro rode up to him and, addressing him ceremoniously, informed him by the aid of Felipillo that he came as an ambassador from his brother to acquaint the Inca with the arrival of the white men in Caxamalca, and to explain that they were the subjects of a mighty prince across the waters, who, attracted by the report of his great victories, had come to offer their services, and to impart to him the doctrines of the true faith which they professed, and he brought an invitation from the general to beg Atahuallpa to visit them in their present quarters. To all this the Inca listened with his eyes fixed upon the ground, and answered never a word, but one of the nobles standing by said : "It is well." Hernando Pizarro then respectfully begged the Inca to speak to them himself and inform them of his pleasure, upon which Atahuallpa smiled faintly and replied: "Tell your captain that I am keeping a fast, which will end to-morrow morning; I will then visit him. In the meantime let him occupy the public buildings on the square, and no other, till I come and order what shall be done." 363 Travellers and Explorers PIZARRO AND THE INCA One of the cavaliers who was mounted upon a fiery steed, seeing that Atahuallpa looked at it with some interest, caused it to rear and curvet, and then dashed out over the plain in a wild gallop, and re- turning checked it in full career close beside the Inca. But the face of Atahuallpa never for an in- stant lost its marble composure, though several of his soldiers shrank back in manifest terror as the strange creature passed them; and it is said that they paid dearly for their timidity, as Atahuallpa caused them to be put to death for thus showing fear in the pres- ence of the strangers. Wine was now brought, and offered to the Spaniards in golden goblets of extra- ordinary size, and then they took their leave and rode gloomily back to Caxamalca. Pizarro alone was not discouraged by the news they brought. He saw that matters had now come to a climax, and determined upon making a bold stroke. To encounter the Inca in the open field was manifestly impossible, but could his person be secured when he entered the city with comparatively few of his followers the rest might be intimidated, and all might yet be well. To this end, therefore, he laid his plans. The building in which the Spaniards were encamped occupied three sides of a square, and consisted of spacious halls opening upon it with wide doors. In these halls the general stationed his men, and there they were to remain un- 364 The Conquest of Peru der cover till the Inca should have entered the square, when at a given signal, the firing of a gun, they were to rush out uttering their battle-cries, and, putting the Peruvians to the sword, possess themselves of the person of Atahuallpa. After a quiet night and a careful inspection of their arms and equipments, the Spaniards took up their respective positions, but it was late in the day before a great stir was visible in the Peruvian camp. The Inca sent word to Pizarro that he was coming armed, as the Spaniards had come to him. To which the general replied that, come as he might, he would be received as a friend and a brother. At last the procession was seen ap- proaching. First came a large body of attendants, sweeping every particle of rubbish from the road. Then high above the crowd the Inca appeared, car- ried in a gorgeous litter and surrounded by his nobles, who wore such quantities of golden ornaments that they blazed like the sun. The road was lined with Peruvian troops, who also covered the level meadows as far as the eye could reach. When the company had arrived within half a mile of the city gate Pi- zarro observed with dismay that they halted, and seemed to be preparing to encamp, and word was brought him that the Inca would enter the city on the following morning. This was far from suiting the general's plans; his men had been under arms since daylight, and to prolong the suspense at this critical moment would he felt be fatal. He returned an an- 365 Travellers and Explorers swer, therefore, to Atahuallpa, deprecating his change of purpose, and saying that everything was provided for his entertainment and he expected him that night to sup with him. This message turned the Inca from his purpose, his tents were struck again, and the pro- cession re-formed. Only he sent Pizarro word that he should prefer to pass the night at Caxamalca, and so would bring into the town with him only a few unarmed men. It was near sunset when the Peru- vians, chanting their triumphant songs, entered the city gate. According to their different ranks their robes were of various colors, some checkered in white and red, some pure white, while the guards and at- tendants of the Inca were distinguished by their gay blue uniform and the profusion of their ornaments. Atahuallpa sat in an open litter, lined with the bril- liantly colored plumes of tropical birds and studded with burnished plates of gold and silver. His dress was far richer than on the preceding evening; round his neck hung a collar of large and brilliant emer- alds, and his short hair was decorated with golden ornaments. He was at this time about thirty years old, and was taller and stronger than most of his countrymen. His head was large, and he might have been called handsome but for his fierce and bloodshot eyes. His bearing was calm and digni- fied, and he gazed upon the multitudes about him like one accustomed to command. Not a Spaniard was to be seen as the procession, in admirable order, 366 The Conquest of Peru entered the great square of the building that had been assigned to them, and when the place was occu- pied by some six thousand of his people Atahuallpa halted, and asked, "Where are the strangers?" Upon this Father Valverde, Pizarro's chaplain, came for- ward, Bible in hand, and proceeded to expound to him the doctrines of his faith, declaring finally that the Pope had commissioned the Spanish Emperor to conquer and convert the inhabitants of the west- ern world, and beseeching the Inca to embrace the Christian faith and acknowledge himself a tributary of the Emperor Charles, who would aid and protect him as a loyal vassal. The eyes of Atahuallpa flashed fire as he answered: "I will be no man's tribu- tary; I am greater than any prince upon earth. Your Emperor may be a great prince. I do not doubt it when I see that he has sent his subjects so far across the waters, and I am willing to hold him as a brother. As for the Pope of whom you speak, he must be crazy to talk of giving away countries which do not belong to him. For my faith, I will not change it. Your own God, you say, was put to death by the very men whom he created, but mine" — and here he pointed to the setting sun — "my god still lives in the heavens and looks down upon his children." He then demanded of Valverde by what authority he had said these things. The friar pointed to the book he held. Atahuallpa took it, looked at it for an instant, and then threw it violently down, exclaiming: "Tell 367 Travellers and Explorers your comrades they shall give an account of their do- ings in my land. I will not go from here till they have made me full satisfaction for all the wrongs they have committed." The friar thereupon rushed to Pizarro crying: "Do you not see that while we stand here wasting our breath in talking with this dog — full of pride as he is — the fields are filling with Indians? Set on at once ; I absolve you." Pizarro saw that the hour had come. He waved a white scarf, the fatal gun was fired, and from every opening the Spaniards poured into the great square, sword in hand, shouting their old battle-cry: "St. Jago, and at them!" The Indians, unarmed, taken by surprise, stunned by the noise of the artillery, and blinded with smoke, knew not which way to fly. Nobles and soldiers were ruthlessly cut down, or trampled underfoot by the horses, the entrance to the square was choked with the fallen bodies of men, but the desperate struggles of the masses of natives driven together by their fierce assailants actually broke down the wall of clay and stone for a space of a hundred paces, through which the wretched fugi- tives endeavored to reach the open country, hotly pursued by the cavalry and struck down in all direc- tions. THE CAPTIVITY OF THE INCA Meanwhile, a desperate struggle was going on for the person of the Inca, His nobles surrounded and 368 The Conquest of Peru faithfully strove to defend him ; as fast as one was cut down another took his place, and with their dying grasp they clung to the bridles of the cavaliers, trying to force them back. Atahuallpa sat as one stunned in his swaying litter, forced this way and that by the pressure of the throng. The Spaniards grew tired at last of the work of destruction, and, fearing that in the gathering darkness the Inca might after all es- cape them, they made an attempt to end the fray at once by taking his life. But Pizarro, seeing this, cried out in a mighty voice: "Let no man who values his life strike at the Inca," and, stretching out his arm to shield him, received a wound on the hand from one of his own men — the only wound received by any Spaniard in the action. The strife now became fiercer round the litter, and several of the nobles who bore it having been slain, it was overturned, and the Inca would have come violently to the ground had not Pizarro and some of his men caught him in their arms. A soldier instantly snatched the crimson fringe from his forehead, and the unhappy monarch was taken into the nearest building and carefully guarded. All attempt at resistance now ceased. The news of the Inca's fate spread over town and country, and the only thing which had held them together be- ing gone, each man thought only of his own safety. The Spaniards pursued the fugitives till night fell and the sound of the trumpet recalled them to the square of Caxamalca. That night the Inca supped 369 Travellers and Explorers with Pizarro as he had said, while ten thousand of his faithful followers lay dead about the city. He seemed like one in a dream, not understand- ing the calamity that had fallen upon him. He even commended the adroit way in which the Spaniards had entrapped him, adding that, since the landing of the white men, he had been made aware of all their doings, but had felt sure of being easily able to over- power them as soon as he thought fit to do so, and had allowed them to reach Caxamalca unmolested because he desired to see them for himself, and to ob- tain possession of their arms and horses. This, at least, was the interpretation of what the Inca said given by Felipillo; but he was a malicious youth, who bore Atahuallpa no good will, and the Span- iards were only too ready to believe anything that seemed to justify their cruel deeds. Pizarro replied that the fate of the Inca was the lot that fell to all who resisted the white men, but he bade Atahuallpa take courage, for the Spaniards were a generous race, warring only against those who would not submit themselves. That same night the general reviewed his men, congratulating them upon the success of their stratagem, but warning them to be strictly upon their guard, since they were but a handful of strangers in the heart of a mighty kingdom, encom- passed by foes who were deeply attached to their own sovereign. Next morning, the prisoners, of whom there were many in the camp, were employed 370 The Conquest of Peru in burying the dead and removing all traces of the massacre, while a troop of Spaniards was despatched to spoil the camp of Atahuallpa and scatter the rem- nant of the Peruvian forces. At noon this party re- turned, bringing the wives and attendants of the Inca, and a rich booty in gold, silver, emeralds, and other treasures, besides droves of llamas. Pizarro would now have liked to march directly upon the capital, but the distance was great and his force was small. So, after sending a message to San Miguel for re-enforcements, he set his men to work at rebuilding the walls of Caxamalca, and fitting up a church, in which mass was celebrated daily. Ata- huallpa soon discovered that gold was what the Spaniards chiefly coveted, and he determined to try and buy his freedom, for he greatly feared that Huascar might win back his liberty and his kingdom if the news once reached him of his brother's cap- tivity. So he one day promised Pizarro to fill with gold the room in which they stood, not merely cov- ering the floor, but piling it up to a line drawn round the walls as high as he could reach, if he would in return set him free. The general hardly knew how to answer. All he had seen confirmed the rumors of the wealth of the country, and if it could be col- lected thus by the Inca's order, he might really hope to secure it, whereas, if he trusted to being able to seize it for himself the chances were that most of it would disappear forever, hidden by the natives 37i Travellers and Explorers beyond recovery. At all events, he decided it would be safe to agree to Atahuallpa's proposal; when the gold was collected it would be time enough to think about setting the captive at liberty. The room to be filled was seventeen feet broad by twenty-two feet long, and the line upon the wall was drawn nine feet from the ground. A smaller room which adjoined it the Inca offered to fill with silver twice over; and he demanded two months' time to accomplish all this. As soon as the arrangement was made, Atahuallpa sent couriers to Cuzco and all the other chief places in the kingdom, with orders to strip the royal palaces of their treasures and send them without delay to Caxamalca. Meanwhile he lived in the Spanish quarters, treated with consideration, and allowed to see his subjects freely, but at the same time strictly guarded. THE INCA'S RANSOM The news of Atahuallpa's capture and the im- mense ransom he had offered soon reached the ears of Huascar, who was encouraged by the tidings to make vigorous efforts to regain his own liberty, and sent a message to the Spanish commander saying that he would pay a much larger ransom than that prom- ised by Atahuallpa, who, never having lived in Cuz- co, could not know the quantity of treasure there, or where it was stored. This was told to Atahuallpa, who also knew that Pizarro had said that Huascar 372 The Conquest of Peru should be brought to Caxamalca, that he himself might determine which of the two brothers had the better right to the sceptre of the Incas. Furiously jealous, and fearing that the decision would surely be in favor of the more docile Huascar, Atahuallpa ordered secretly that he should be put to death by his guards, and he was accordingly drowned in the river of Andamarca, declaring, with his dying breath, that the white men would avenge his mur- der, and that his rival would not long survive him. Week by week the treasure poured in from all quar- ters of the realm, borne on the shoulders of the In- dian porters, and consisting mainly of massive pieces of plate, some of them weighing seventy-five pounds; but as the distances were great, and the progress nec- essarily slow, the Spaniards became impatient, and believed, or pretended to believe, that the Inca was planning some treachery, and wilfully delaying till he could arrange a general rising of the Peruvians against the white men. This charge the Inca indig- nantly denied, and to prove his good faith offered to give a safe-conduct to a party of Spaniards, that they might visit Cuzco for themselves and see that the work of collecting the treasure was really going on. Pizarro gladly accepted this offer, and three cavaliers started for the capital. Meanwhile, Her- nando Pizarro, with a small troop, had set out to make sure that the country round was really quiet, and, finding that it was, he continued his march to 373 Travellers and Explorers the town of Pachacamac, to secure the treasures of its famous temple before they could be hidden by its priests. The city was a hundred leagues from Caxa- malca, and the way lay across the table-land of the Cordilleras; but, after weeks of severe labor, the Spaniards reached it, and, breaking into the temple, in spite of the remonstrances of the priests, they dragged forth and destroyed the hideous idol it con- tained, and secured the greater part of the treasure of gold and jewels, though the priests, having had warning of his approach, had managed to conceal a good deal, some of which the Spaniards afterward discovered buried in the surrounding land. The people, seeing that their god was unable to defend himself against the wonderful strangers, now came and tendered their homage, and Hernando Pizarro, hearing that one of the Inca's two great generals, a chief named Challcuchima, was lying with a con- siderable force in the town of Xanxa, resolved to march there and attack him in his own quarters. The road across the mountains was even rougher and more difficult than the one by which he had come, and, to add to his troubles, the shoes of the horses were all worn out, and they suffered severely on the rough and stony ground. Iron there was none, but silver and gold abounded; so Pizarro or- dered the Indian smiths to make horseshoes of silver, with which the horses of the troop were shod. On reaching Xanxa the Spaniards found it a large and 374 The Conquest of Peru populous place, and the Indian general, with five- and-thirty thousand men, was encamped at a distance of a few miles; but, nothing daunted, Hernando Pi- zarro sent messages to him, and when he at last consented to an interview, informed him that the Inca demanded his presence in Caxamalca. Hav- ing been utterly bewildered since the capture of the Inca, and uncertain as to what course to take, Chall- cuchima obeyed at once, and, accompanied by a nu- merous retinue, journeyed back with the Spaniards. He was everywhere received by the natives with the deepest respect, yet he entered the presence of the Inca barefooted and with a burden laid upon his back, and kneeling before his master he kissed his hands and feet, exclaiming, "Would that I had been here! This would not then have happened." Atahuallpa himself showed no emotion, only coldly bade him welcome: even in his present state of captivity he was immeasurably above the proudest of his vassals. The Spaniards still treated him with all respect, and with his own people he kept up his usual state and ceremony, being attended upon by his wives, while a number of Indian nobles waited always in the antechamber, but never entered his presence unless sent for, and then only with every mark of humility. His dress, which he often changed, was sometimes made of vicuna wool, some- times of bats' skins; sleek as velvet. Nothing which he had worn could be used by another; when he laid 375 Travellers and Explorers it aside it was burned. To while away the time the Spaniards taught him to play chess, at which he be- came expert, spending upon it many of the tedious hours of his imprisonment. Soon after the return of Hernando Pizarro the three cavaliers came back from Cuzco. They had travelled six hundred miles in the greatest luxury, carried in litters by the na- tives, and received everywhere with awe and respect. Their accounts of the wealth of the capital confirmed all that Pizarro had heard, and, though they had stayed a week there, they had not seen all. They had seen the royal mummies in their golden chairs, and had left them untouched by the Inca's orders; but they had caused the plates of pure gold to be stripped from the Temple of the Sun — seven hun- dred of them; compared in size to the lid of a chest ten or twelve inches wide. The cornice was so firmly imbedded in the stonework that it defied their efforts to remove it. But they brought with them full two hundred loads of gold, besides much silver, all hastily collected, for the arrogant behavior of the emissaries had greatly exasperated the people of Cuz- co, who were glad to get rid of them as soon as pos- sible. About this time Almagro reached San Mi- guel, having, after many difficulties, succeeded in collecting a few more adventurers, and heard with amazement of Pizarro's successes and of the change in his fortunes. In spite of the feelings of rivalry and distrust that existed between himself and his old 376 The Conquest of Peru comrade, Pizarro was delighted to hear of his arri- val, as the additional troops he brought with him made it possible to go forward with the conquest of the country. So, when Almagro reached Caxamalca in the middle of February, 1533, he and his men were received with every mark of joy. Only Ata- huallpa looked on sadly, seeing the chances of regain- ing his freedom, or maintaining it if he did regain it, lessened by the increased number of his enemies; and to add to his dejection a comet just then made its appearance in the heavens. As one had been seen shortly before the death of the Inca's father, Huayna Capac, he looked upon it as a warning of evil to come, and a dread of the future took possession of him. The Spaniards now began to clamor for a divis- ion of the gold which had been already collected: several of them were disposed to return home with the share that would fall to them, but by far the greater number only wished to make sure of the spoil and then hurry on to Cuzco, where they believed as much more awaited them. For various reasons Pi- zarro agreed to their demands; the gold — all but a few particularly beautiful specimens of the Indian goldsmith's work, which were sent to Castile as part of the royal fifth — was melted down into solid bars, and, when weighed, was found to be worth nearly three and a half millions of pounds sterling. This was divided among Pizarro and his men, the follow- 377 Travellers and Explorers ers of Almagro not being considered to be entitled to a share, though a small sum was handed over to them to induce them to give up their claim. The division being completed, there seemed to be no further obstacle to their resuming active operations ; but then the question arose what was to become of Atahuallpa, who was loudly demanding his free- dom. He had not, indeed, paid the whole of his promised ransom; but an immense amount had been received, and it would have been more, as he urged, but for the impatience of the Spaniards. Pizarro, telling no one of the dark purposes he was brooding over in his own mind, issued a proclamation to the effect that the ransom was considered to be com- pletely paid, but that the safety of the Spaniards re- quired that the Inca should be held captive until they were still further re-enforced. Soon rumors began to be spread, probably by Felipillo, who hated the Inca, that an immense army was mustering at Quito, and that thirty thousand Caribs, of whom the Spaniards had a peculiar horror, were on their way to join it. Both Atahuallpa and his general, Challcuchima, denied all knowledge of any rising; but their protestations of innocence did them little good. The soldiers clamored against the unhappy Inca; and Pizarro, taking advantage of the tempo- rary absence of some of the cavaliers who would have defended him, ordered him to be brought to instant trial. The evidence of Indian witnesses, as 378 The Conquest of Peru interpreted by Felipillo, sealed his doom, and, in spite of the efforts of a few Spaniards, he was found guilty by the majority on the charge, among other things, of having assassinated his brother Huascar and raised up insurrection against the Spaniards, and was sentenced to be burned alive. When Ata- huallpa was told of his approaching fate his cour- age gave way for a moment. "What have I or my children done," he said to Pizarro, "that I should meet such a doom? And from your hands, too! — you who have met with nothing but friendship and kindness from my people, with whom I have shared my treasures, who have received nothing but bene- fits from my hands." Then, in most piteous tones, he begged that his life might be spared, offering to answer for the safety of every Spaniard, and promis- ing to pay double the ransom he had already given. But it was all of no avail. He was not, however, burned to death ; for at the last moment, on his con- senting to abjure his own religion and be baptized, he was executed in the usual Spanish manner — by strangulation. A day or two after, the other cavaliers returned, and found Pizarro making a show of great sorrow for what had happened. They reproached and blamed him, saying that there was no truth in the story of treachery — all was quiet, and the people showed nothing but goodwill. Then Pizarro ac- cused his treasurer and Father Valverde of having 379 Travellers and Explorers deceived him in the matter and brought about the catastrophe; and they, in their turn, exculpated themselves, and upbraided Pizarro as the only one responsible for the deed; and the quarrel was fierce between them. Meanwhile, the death of the Inca, whose power over his people had been so great, caused the breaking-up of all the ancient institu- tions. The Indians broke out into great excesses; villages were burned and temples plundered; gold and silver acquired a new importance in their eyes, and were eagerly seized and hidden in caves and for- ests; the remote provinces threw of! their allegiance to the Incas; the great captains at the head of distant armies set up for themselves — one named Ruminavi sought to detach Quito from the Peruvian Empire and assert its independence. Pizarro, still in Caxa- malca, looked round for a successor to Atahuallpa, and chose his young brother Toparca, who was crowned with the usual ceremonies; and then the Spaniards set out for Cuzco, taking the new Inca with them, and, after a toilful journey and more than one encounter with hostile natives, reached Xanxa in safety. Here Pizarro remained for a time, send- ing one of his captains, named Hernando de Soto, forward with a small body of men to reconnoitre. This cavalier found villages burned, bridges de- stroyed, and heavy rocks and trees placed in the path to impede his cavalry, and realized at length that the natives had risen to resistance. As he neared the 380 The Conquest of Peru Sierra of Vilcaconga he heard that a considerable body of Indians lay in wait for him in its dangerous passes; but, though his men and horses were weary, he rashly determined to push on and pass it before nightfall if possible. No sooner had they fairly en- tered the narrow way than he was attacked by a mul- titude of armed warriors, who seemed to spring from every bush and cavern, and rushed down like a mountain torrent upon the Spaniards as they strug- gled up the steep and rocky pathway. Men and horses were overthrown; and it was only after a severe struggle that they succeeded in reaching a level spot upon which it was possible to face the enemy. Night fell while the issue of the fight was still uncertain, but fortunately Pizarro, when he heard of the unsettled state of the country, had de- spatched Almagro to the support of De Soto. He, hearing that there was the chance of a fight, had pushed on hastily, and now advanced under cover of the darkness, sounding his trumpets, which were joy- fully answered by the bugles of De Soto. When morning broke and the Peruvians saw that their white enemies had been mysteriously re-en- forced in the night, they hastily retreated, leaving the passes open, and the two cavaliers continued their march through the mountains, and took up a secure position in the open country beyond, to await Pizarro. Their losses had not been very great, but they were quite unprepared to meet with any resis- 381 M— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers tance; and as this seemed a well-organized attack, suspicion fell upon Challcuchima, who was accused by Pizarro of conspiring with Quizquiz, the other great general, against the young Inca; and was told that if he did not at once compel the Peruvians to lay down their arms he should be burned alive. Challcuchima denied the charge, and declared that, captive as he was, he had no power to bring his countrymen to submission. Nevertheless, he was put in irons and strongly guarded. Unfortunately for him, the young Toparca died just at this time, and suspicion at once fell on the hapless general, who, after the mockery of a trial, was burned to death as soon as Pizarro reached Almagro's camp — his own followers piling up the fagots. Soon after this Pizarro was surprised by a friendly visit from the young brother of Huascar, Manco Capac; and, seeing that this prince was likely to be a useful in- strument in his hands, Pizarro acknowledged his claim to be the Inca, and, keeping him with him, resumed the march to Cuzco, which they entered on November 15, 1533. The suburbs were thronged with people, who came from far and near to gaze upon the white faces and the shining armor of the "Children of the Sun." The Spaniards rode di- rectly to the great square, and took up their quarters in the palaces of the Incas. They were greatly struck by the beauty and order of the city, and, though Pi- zarro on entering it had issued an order that the 382 The Conquest of Peru dwellings of the inhabitants were not to be plun- dered or injured, the soldiers soon stripped the pal- aces and temples of the valuables they contained, even taking the golden ornaments of the royal mum- mies and rifling the Peruvian graves, which often contained precious treasures. Believing that the natives had buried their wealth, they put some of them to the torture, to induce them to disclose their hiding-places, and by seeking everywhere they occa- sionally stumbled upon mines of wealth. In one cave near the city the soldiers found a number of vases of pure gold, embossed with figures of ani- mals, serpents, and locusts. Also there were four life-sized figures of llamas, and ten or twelve statues of women; some of gold and some of silver. The magazines were stored with robes of cotton and featherwork, gold sandals and slippers, and dresses composed entirely of beads of gold. The stores of grain and other food the conquerors utterly despised, though the time was to come when they would have been of far greater value to them than all the treas- ure. On the whole, the riches of the capital did not come up to the expectation of the Spaniards, but they had collected much plunder on the way to it, securing in one place ten bars of solid silver, each twenty feet in length, one foot in breadth, and two or three inches thick. The natural consequence followed the sudden ac- quisition of so much wealth. The soldiers, as soon 383 Travellers and Explorers as they had received their share, squandered it reck- lessly, or lost it over dice or cards. A man who had for his portion one of the great golden images of the Sun taken from the chief temple, lost it in a single night's gaming, whence came the proverb common to this day in Spain: "He plays away the sun before sunrise." Another effect of such a superfluity of gold and silver was the instant rise in the prices of all ordinary things, till gold. and silver seemed to be the only things in Cuzco that were not wealth. Yet very few indeed of the Spaniards were wise enough to be contented and return to enjoy their spoils in their na- tive country. After the division of the treasure, Pi- zarro's first care was to place the Inca Manco upon the throne, and demand for him the recognition of his countrymen. All the coronation ceremonies were duly observed. The people acquiesced readily, and there were the usual feastings and rejoicings, at which the royal mummies were paraded according to custom, decked with such ornaments as remained to them. Pizarro then organized a government for the city of Cuzco after the fashion of his own country, and turned the temples into churches and monas- teries. He himself was henceforward styled the governor. Having heard that Atahuallpa's general Quizquiz was stationed not far from Cuzco with a large force of the men of Quito, Pizarro sent Alma- gro and the Inca Manco to dislodge him, which they did after some sharp fighting. The general fled to 384 The Conquest of Peru the plains of Quito, where, after holding out gal- lantly for a long time, he was massacred by his own soldiers, weary of the ineffectual struggle. About this time, Don Pedro de Alvarado, with five hundred well-equipped men, landed at the Bay of Caraques and marched upon Quito, affecting to believe that it was a separate kingdom, and not part of that conquered by Pizarro. This Alvarado was the celebrated cavalier who had been with Cortes in the conquest of Mexico, and earned from the Aztecs the title of "Tonatiuh," or "Child of the Sun." He had been made governor of Guatemala, but his avarice being aroused by the reports of Pizarro's con- quests, he turned in the direction of Quito a large fleet which he had intended for the Spice Islands. The governor was much disturbed by the news of his landing, but as matters turned out he need not have been, for Alvarado, having set out to cross the sierra in the direction of Quito, was deserted in the midst of the snowy passes by his Indian guide. His un- happy followers, fresh from the warm climate of Guatemala, were perished with the cold, and still further distressed by suffocating clouds of dust and ashes from the volcano of Cotopaxi. After days of incredible suffering they emerged at last, but leaving behind them at least a fourth of their number, be- sides two thousand Indians, who had died of cold and hunger. When, after all, he did reach Quito, he found it in the hands of Benalcazah, a cavalier who 385 Travellers and Explorers had been left by Pizarro at San Miguel, and who had deserted his post in order to take possession of Quito, tempted by the reports of the treasure it con- tained, which, however, he failed to find. Almagro, too, had reached the city before Alvarado got there; moreover, his men had heard so much of the riches of Cuzco that they were inclined to desert him and join Pizarro. On the whole, Alvarado judged it expedi- ent to give up all claim to Quito, and for a sum of money which, though large, did not cover his ex- penses, to hand over to the governor his fleet, forces, stores, and munitions. This being settled, he went to Pachacamac to meet Pizarro, who had left his brother Juan in charge of Cuzco, and was inspecting the defences of the coast. There being now no ques- tion of rivalry, the two cavaliers met in all courtesy, and Alvarado was hospitably entertained by the gov- ernor, after which he sailed for Guatemala. Peru might now in a manner be considered as conquered; some of the tribes in the interior still held out, but an able officer had been told off to subdue them. Quito and Cuzco had submitted, the army of Ata- huallpa had been beaten and dispersed, the Inca was the mere shadow of a king, ruled by the conqueror. The governor now turned his attention to build- ing a city which should be the capital of this new colonial empire. Cuzco lay too far inland, San Miguel too far to the north. Pizarro fixed upon a spot near the mouth of a wide river which flowed 386 The Conquest of Peru through the Valley of Rimac, and here soon arose what was then called the "City of the Kings," but is nowknown as Lima. Meanwhile, Hernando Pizarro returned to Castile with the royal fifth, as the Span- ish emperor's share of the treasurewas called; he also took with him all the Spaniards who had had enough of the life of adventure and wished to settle in their native land to enjoy their ill-gotten spoils. Pizarro judged rightly that the sight of the gold would bring him ten recruits for every one who thus returned. And so it was, for when he again sailed for Peru it was at the head of the most numerous and the best- appointed fleet that had yet set out. But as so often happened, disaster pursued him, and only a broken remnant finally reached the Peruvian shore. Quar- rels now arose between Almagro and Pizarro, the for- mer claiming to be governor of Cuzco; and when after many difficulties peace was again made, and Almagro, withdrawing his claim, had led his parti- sans off to conquer Chili, a new trouble began. The Inca Manco, under pretext of showing Hernando Pizarro a hidden treasure, managed to make his es- cape; the Peruvians flocked to his banner, and the partyof Spaniards under Juan Pizarro who were sent out to recapture him returned to Cuzco weary and wounded after many unsuccessful struggles with the enemy, only to find the city closely surrounded by a mighty host of Indians. They were, however, al- lowed to enter the capital, and then began a terrible 387 Travellers and Explorers siege which lasted for more than five months. Day and night the Spaniards were harassed by showers of missiles. Sometimes the flights of burning arrows or red-hot stones wrapped in some inflammable sub- stance would cause fearful fires in all quarters of the town at once; three times in one day did the flames attack the very building which sheltered the Span- iards, but fortunately they were extinguished without doing much harm. In vain did the besieged make desperate sallies; the Indians planted stakes to en- tangle their horses, and took the riders prisoners by means of the lasso, which they used with great skill. To add to their distress the great citadel which domi- nated the town had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and though after a gallant struggle it was re- taken, yet it was at the cost of Juan Pizarro's life. As for the Inca noble who defended it, when he saw that the citadel must fall, he cast away his war-club, and, folding his mantle about him, threw himself head- long from the battlements. Famine now began to be felt sharply, and it added horror to the situation of the besieged when, after they had heard no tidings of their countrymen for months, the blood-stained heads of eight or ten Spaniards were one day rolled into the market-place, leading them to believe that the rising of the Indians had been simultaneous all over the country, and that their friends were faring no better than themselves. Things were not, however, quite so desperate as they imagined, for Francisco 388 The Conquest of Peru Pizarro when attacked in the City of the Kings had sallied forth and inflicted such a severe chastisement upon the Peruvians that they afterward kept their distance from him, contenting themselves with cut- ting off his communication with the interior. Sev- eral detachments of soldiers which he sent to the re- lief of his brothers in Cuzco were, however, enticed by the natives into the mountain passes and there slain, as also were some solitary settlers on their own estates. At last, in the month of August, the Inca drew off his forces, and intrenching himself in Tambo, not far from Cuzco, with a considerable body of men, and posting another force to keep watch upon Cuzco and intercept supplies, he dismissed the remainder to the cultivation of their lands. The Spaniards thereupon made frequent forays, and on one occasion the starv- ing soldiers joyfully secured two thousand Peruvian sheep, which saved them from hunger for a time. Once Pizarro desperately attacked Tambo itself, but was driven off with heavy loss, and hunted back ignominiously into Cuzco; but this was the last tri- umph of the Inca. Soon afterward Almagro ap- peared upon the scene, and sent an embassy to the Inca, with whom he had formerly been friendly. Manco received him well, but his suspicions being aroused by a secret conference between Almagro's men and the Spaniards in Cuzco, he fell suddenly upon the former, and a great battle ensued in which 389 Travellers and Explorers the Peruvians were decidedly beaten and the power of the Inca was broken. He died some years later, leaving the Spaniards still fighting among them- selves for the possession of the country. Almagro, after some years of strife and adventure, was put to death by Hernando Pizarro when he was nearly seventy years old. His son, a gallant and well- beloved youth, who succeeded him, met the same fate in the same place — the great square of Cuzco — a few years later. Hernando himself suffered a long im- prisonment in Spain for the murder of Almagro, with serene courage, and even lived some time after his release, being a hundred years old when he died. Gonzola Pizarro was beheaded in Peru, at the age of forty-two, for rebelling against the authority of the Spanish emperor. Francisco Pizarro was mur- dered in his own house in the City of the Kings, in the month of June, 1541, by the desperate adherents of the young Almagro, or the "Men of Chili" as they were called, and was buried hastily and secretly by a few faithful servants in an obscure corner of the cathedral. Such was the miserable end of the con- queror of Peru. "There was none even," says an old chronicler, "to cry 'God forgive him!' " DRAKE'S FAMOUS VOYAGE [Narrative by Francis Pretty, one of Drake's gentlemen at arms] The Famous Voyage of Sir FRANCIS DRAKE into the South Sea, and therehence about the whole Globe of the Earth, begun in the year of our Lord l^jy HPHE 15th day of November, in the year of our * Lord 1577, Master Francis Drake, with a fleet of five ships and barks, and to the number of 164 men, gentlemen, and sailors, departed from Plym- outh, giving out his pretended voyage for Alexan- dria. But the wind falling contrary, he was forced the next morning to put into Falmouth Haven, in Cornwall, where such and so terrible a tempest took us, as few men have seen the like, and was indeed so vehement that all our ships were like to have gone to wrack. But it pleased God to preserve us from that extremity, and to afflict us only for that present with these two particulars: the mast of our admiral, which was the "Pelican," was cut overboard for the safeguard of the ship, and the "Marigold" was driven ashore, and somewhat bruised. For the repairing of which damages we returned again to Plymouth; and having recovered those harms, and brought the ships again to good state, we set forth the second time 39i Travellers and Explorers from Plymouth, and set sail the 13th day of Decem- ber following. The 25th day of the same month we fell with the Cape Cantin, upon the coast of Barbary; and coast- ing along, the 27th day we found an island called Mogador, lying one mile distant from the main. Be- tween which island and the main we found a very good and safe harbor for our ships to ride in, as also very good entrance, and void of any danger. On this island our general erected a pinnace, whereof he brought out of England with him four already framed. While these things were in doing, there came to the water's side some of the inhabitants of the country, shewing forth their flags of truce; which being seen of our general, he sent his ship's boat to the shore to know what they would. They being willing to come aboard, our men left there one man of our company for a pledge, and brought two of theirs aboard our ship; which by signs shewed our general that the next day they would bring some pro- vision, as sheep, capons, and hens, and such like. Whereupon our general bestowed among them some linen cloth and shoes, and a javelin, which they very joyfully received, and departed for that time. The next morning they failed not to come again to the water's side. And our general again setting out our boat, one of our men leaping over-rashly ashore, and offering friendly to embrace them, they set violent hands on him, offering a dagger to his throat if he 392 Drake's Famous Voyage had made any resistance; and so laying him on a horse carried him away. So that a man cannot be too circumspect and wary of himself among such miscreants. Our pinnace being finished, we de- parted from this place the 30th and last day of De- cember, and coasting along the shore we did descry, not contrary to our expectation, certain canters, which were Spanish fishermen, to whom we gave chase and took three of them. And proceeding fur- ther we met with three carvels, and took them also. The 17th day of January we arrived at Cape Blanco, where we found a ship riding at anchor, within the Cape, and but two simple mariners in her. Which ship we took and carried her further into the harbor, where we remained four days; and in that space our general mustered arid trained his men on land in warlike manner, to make them fit for all oc- casions. In this place we took of the fishermen such necessaries as we wanted, and they could yield us; and leaving here one of our little barks, called the "Benedict," we took with us one of theirs which they called canters, being of the burden of 40 tons or there- abouts. All these things being finished we departed this harbor the 22d of January, carrying along with us one of the Portugal carvels, which was bound to the islands of Cape Verde for salt, whereof good store is made in one of those islands. The master or pilot of that carvel did advertise our general that upon one of those islands, called Mayo, there was 393 Travellers and Explorers great store of dried cabritos, which a few inhabitants there dwelling did yearly make ready for such of the king's ships as did there touch, being bound for his country of Brazil or elsewhere. We fell with this island the 27th of January, but the inhabitants would in no case traffic with us, being thereof forbidden by the king's edict. Yet the next day our general sent to view the island, and the likelihoods that might be there of provision of victuals, about threescore and two men under the conduct and government of Mas- ter Winter and Master Doughty. And marching to- wards the chief place of habitation in this island (as by the Portugal we were informed), having trav- elled to the mountains the space of three miles, and arriving there somewhat before the daybreak, we ar- rested ourselves, to see day before us. Which ap- pearing, we found the inhabitants to be fled; but the place, by reason that it was manured, we found to be more fruitful than the other part, especially the val- leys among the hills. Here we gave ourselves a little refreshing, as by very ripe and sweet grapes, which the f ruitfulness of the earth at that season of the year yielded us; and that season being with us the depth of winter, it may seem strange that those fruits were then there grow- ing. But the reason thereof is this, because they be- ing between the tropic and the equinoctial, the sun passeth twice in the year through their zenith over their heads, by means whereof they have two sum- 394 Drake's Famous Voyage mers; and being so near the heat of the line they never lose the heat of the sun so much, but the fruits have their increase and continuance in the midst of winter. The island is wonderfully stored with goats and wild hens; and it hath salt also, without labor, save only that the people gather it into heaps; which continually in great quantity is increased upon the sands by the flowing of the sea, and the receiving heat of the sun kerning the same. So that of the increase thereof they keep a continual traffic with their neighbors. Among other things we found here a kind of fruit called cocos, which because it is not commonly known with us in England, I thought good to make some description of it. The tree beareth no leaves nor branches, but at the very top the fruit groweth in clusters, hard at the top of the stem of the tree, as big every several fruit as a man's head ; but having taken off the uttermost bark, which you shall find to be very full of strings or sinews, as I may term them, you shall come to a hard shell, which may hold in quan- tity of liquor a pint commonly, or some a quart, and some less. Within that shell, of the thickness of half-an-inch good, you shall have a kind of hard sub- stance and very white, no less good and sweet than almonds; within that again, a certain clear liquor, which being drunk, you shall not only find it very delicate and sweet, but most comfortable and cordial. After we had satisfied ourselves with some of 395 Travellers and Explorers these fruits, we marched further into the island, and saw great store of cabritos alive, and which were so chased by the inhabitants that we could do no good toward our provision; but they had laid out, as it were to stop our mouths withal, certain old dried cabritos, which being but ill, and small and few, we made no account of. Being returned to our ships, our general departed hence the 31st of this month, and sailed by the island of Santiago, but far enough from the danger of the inhabitants, who shot and discharged at us three pieces; but they all fell short of us, and did us no harm. The island is fair and large, and, as it seemeth, rich and fruitful, and in- habited by the Portugals ; but the mountains and high places of the island are said to be possessed by the Moors, who having been slaves to the Portugals, to ease themselves, made escape to the desert places of the island, where they abide with great strength. Being before this island, we espied two ships under sail, to the one of which we gave chase, and in the end boarded her with a ship-boat without resistance; which we found to be a good prize, and she yielded unto us good store of wine. Which prize our general committed to the custody of Master Doughty; and retaining the pilot, sent the rest away with his pin- nace, giving them a butt of wine and some victuals, and their wearing clothes, and so they departed. The same night we came with the island called by the Portugals Ilha do Fogo, that is, the burning island; 396 Drake's Famous Voyage in the north side whereof is a consuming fire. The matter is said to be of sulphur, but, notwithstanding, it is like to be a commodious island, because the Portugals have built, and do inhabit there. Upon the south side thereof lieth a most pleasant and sweet island, the trees whereof are always green and fair to look upon ; in respect whereof they call it Ilha Brava, that is, the brave island. From the banks thereof into the sea do run in many places reasonable streams of fresh waters easy to come by, but there was no con- venient road for our ships ; for such was the depth that no ground could be had for anchoring. And it is reported that ground was never found in that place ; so that the tops of Fogo burn not so high in the air, but the roots of Brava are quenched as low in the sea. Being departed from these islands, we drew to- ward the line, where we were becalmed the space of three weeks, but yet subject to divers great storms, terrible lightnings and much thunder. But w T ith this misery we had the commodity of great store of fish, as dolphins, bonitos, and flying-fishes, whereof some fell into our ships; wherehence they could not rise again for want of moisture, for when their wings are dry they cannot fly. From the first day of our departure from the isl- ands of Cape Verde, we sailed 54 days without sight of land. And the first land that we fell with was the coast of Brazil, which we saw the fifth of April, in 397 Travellers and Explorers the height of 33 degrees toward the pole Antarctic. And being discovered at sea by the inhabitants of the country, they made upon the coast great fires for a sacrifice (as we learned) to the devils; about which they use conjurations, making heaps of sand, and other ceremonies, that when any ship shall go about to stay upon their coast, not only sands may be gathered together in shoals in every place, but also that storms and tempests may arise, to the casting away of ships and men, whereof, as it is reported, there have been divers experiments. The 7th day in a mighty great storm, both of lightning, rain, and thunder, we lost the canter, which we called the "Christopher." But the eleventh day after, by our general's great care in dispersing his ships, we found her again; and the place where we met our general called the Cape of Joy, where every ship took in some water. Here we found a good temperature and sweet air, a very fair and pleasant country with an exceeding fruitful soil, where were great store of large and mighty deer, but we came not to the sight of any people ; but travelling further into the country we perceived the footing of people in the clay ground, shewing that they were men of great stature. Being returned to our ships we weighed anchor, and ran somewhat further, and harbored ourselves between the rock and the main; where by means of the rock that brake the force of the sea, we rid very safe. And upon this rock we 398 Drake's Famous Voyage killed for our provision certain sea-wolves, com- monly called with us seals. From hence we went our course to 36 degrees, and entered the great river of Plate, and ran into 54 and 53^ fathoms of fresh water, where we filled our water by the ship's side; but our general finding here no good harborough, as he thought he should, bare out again to sea the 27th of April, and in bearing out we lost sight of our fly- boat, wherein Master Doughty was. But we, sailing along, found a fair and reasonable good bay, wherein were many and the same profitable islands; one whereof had so many seals as would at the least have laden all our ships, and the rest of the islands are, as it were, laden with fowls, which is wonderful to see, and they of divers sorts. It is a place very plentiful of victuals, and hath in it no want of fresh water. Our general, after certain days of his abode in this place, being on shore in an island, the people of the coun- try shewed themselves unto him, leaping and danc- ing, and entered into traffic with him; but they would not receive anything at any man's hands, but the same must be cast upon the ground. They are of clean, comely, and strong bodies, swift on foot, and seem to be very active. The 1 8th day of May, our general thought it needful to have a care of such ships as were absent; and therefore endeavoring to seek the fly-boat where- in Master Doughty was, we espied her again the next day. And whereas certain of our ships were sent to 399 Travellers and Explorers discover the coast and to search an harbor, the "Mari- gold" and the canter being employed in that business, came unto us and gave us understanding of a safe harbor that they had found. Wherewith all our ships bare, and entered it; where we watered and made new provision of victuals, as by seals, whereof we slew to the number of 200 or 300 in die space of an hour. Here our general in the "Admiral" rid close aboard the fly-boat, and took out of her all the provision of victuals and what else was in her, and hauling her to the land, set fire to her, and so burned her to save the iron work. Which being a-doing, there came down of the country certain of the people naked, saving only about their waist the skin of some beast, with the fur or hair on, and something also wreathed on their heads. Their faces were painted with divers colors, and some of them had on their heads the similitude of horns, every man his bow, which was an ell in length, and a couple of arrows. They were very agile people and quick to deliver, and seemed not to be ignorant in the feats of wars, as by their order of ranging a few men might appear. These people would not of a long time receive any- thing at our hands; yet at length our general being ashore, and they dancing after their accustomed man- ner about him, and he once turning his back toward them, one leaped suddenly to him, and took his cap with his gold band off his head, and ran a little dis- tance from him, and shared it with his fellow, the 400 Drake's Famous Voyage cap to the one, and the band to the other. Having despatched all our business in this place, we departed and set sail. And immediately upon our setting forth we lost our canter, which was absent three or four days; but when our general had her again, he took out the necessaries, and so gave her over, near to the Cape of Good Hope. The next day after, being the 20th of June, we harbored ourselves again in a very good harborough, called by Magellan, Port St. Julian, where we found a gibbet standing upon the main; which we supposed to be the place where Ma- gellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company. The two and twentieth day our general went ashore to the main, and in his company John Thomas, and Robert Winterhie, Oliver the master-gunner, John Brewer, Thomas Hood, and Thomas Drake. And entering on land, they presently met with two or three of the country people. And Robert Winterhie having in his hands a bow and arrows, went about to make a shoot of pleasure, and, in his draught, his bowstring brake; which the rude savages taking as a token of war, began to bend the force of their bows against our company, and drove them to their shifts very narrowly. In this port our general began to enquire dili- gently of the actions of Master Thomas Doughty, and found them not to be such as he looked for, but tending rather of contention or mutiny, or some other 401 Travellers and Explorers disorder, whereby, without redress, the success of the voyage might greatly have been hazarded. Where- upon the company was called together and made ac- quainted with the particulars of the cause, which were found, partly by Master Dough ty's own con- fession, and partly by the evidence of the fact, to be true. Which when our general saw, although his private affection to Master Doughty, as he then in the presence of us all sacredly protested, was great, yet the care he had of the state of the voyage, of the ex- pectation of her Majesty, and of the honor of his country did more touch him, as indeed it ought, than the private respect of one man. So that the cause being thoroughly heard, and all things done in good order as near as might be to the course of our laws in England, it was concluded that Master Doughty should receive punishment according to the quality of the offence. And he, seeing no remedy but pa- tience for himself, desired before his death to receive the communion, which he did at the hands of Master Fletcher, our minister, and our general himself ac- companied him in that holy action. Which being done, and the place of execution made ready, he hav- ing embraced our general, and taken his leave of all the company, with prayers for the Queen's Majesty and our realm, in quiet sort laid his head to the block, where he ended his life. This being done, our gen- eral made divers speeches to the whole company, per- suading us to unity, obedience, love, and regard of 402 Drake's Famous Voyage our voyage; and for the better confirmation thereof, willed every man the next Sunday following to pre- pare himself to receive the communion, as Christian brethren and friends ought to do. Which was done in very reverent sort; and so with good, contentment every man went about his business. The 17th day of August we departed the port of St. Julian, and the 20th day we fell with the Strait of Magellan, going into the South Sea; at the cape or headland whereof we found the body of a dead man, whose flesh was clean consumed. The 21st day we entered the Strait, which we found to have many turnings, and as it were shuttings-up, as if there were no passage at all. By means whereof we had the wind often against us ; so that some of the fleet recov- ering a cape or point of land, others should be forced to turn back again, and to come to an anchor where they could. In this Strait there be many fair har- bors, with store of fresh water. But yet they lack their best commodity, for the water there is of such depth, that no man shall find ground to anchor in, except it be in some narrow river or corner, or be- tween some rocks; so that if any extreme blasts or contrary winds do come, whereunto the place is much subject, it carrieth with it no small danger. The land on both sides is very huge and mountainous; the lower mountains whereof, although they be mon- strous and wonderful to look upon for their height, yet there are others which in height exceed them in a i°3 Travellers and Explorers strange manner, reaching themselves above their fel- lows so high, that between them did appear three re- gions of clouds. These mountains are covered with snow. At both the southerly and easterly parts of the Strait there are islands, among which the sea hath his indraught into the Straits, even as it hath in the main entrance of the frete. This Strait is extreme cold, with frost and snow continually; the trees seem to stoop with the burden of the weather, and yet are green continually, and many good and sweet herbs do very plentifully grow and increase under them. The breadth of the Strait is in some places a league, in some other places two leagues and three leagues, and in some other four leagues; but the narrowest place hath a league over. The 24th of August we arrived at an island in the Straits, where we found great store of fowl which could not fly, of the bigness of geese ; whereof we killed in less than one day 3,000, and victualled our- selves throughly therewith. The 6th day of Sep- tember we entered the South Sea at the cape or head shore. The 7th day we were driven by a great storm from the entering into the South Sea, 200 leagues and odd in longitude, and one degree to the southward of the Strait; in which height, and so many leagues to the westward, the 15th day of September, fell out the eclipse of the moon at the hour of six of the clock at night. But neither did the ecliptical conflict of the moon impair our state, nor her clearing again amend 404 Drake's Famous Voyage us ; but the eclipse of the sea continued in his force, we being darkened more than the moon sevenfold. From the bay which we called the Bay of Sever- ing of Friends, we were driven back to the southward of the Straits in 57 degrees and a tierce ; in which height we came to an anchor among the islands, hav- ing there fresh and very good water, with herbs of singular virtue. Not far from hence we entered another bay, where we found people, both men and women, in their canoes naked, and ranging from one island to another to seek their meat; who entered traffic with us for such things as they had. We re- turning hence northward again, found the third of October three islands, in one of which was such plenty of birds as is scant credible to report. The 8th day of October we lost sight of one of our con- sorts, wherein Master Winter was; who, as then we supposed, was put by a storm into the Straits again. Which at our return home we found to be true, and he not perished, as some of our company feared. Thus being come into the height of the Straits again, we ran, supposing the coast of Chili to lie as the gen- eral maps have described it, namely northwest; which we found to lie and trend to the northeast and east- ward. Whereby it appeareth that this part of Chili hath not been truly hitherto discovered, or at the least not truly reported, for the space of twelve degrees at the least; being set down either of purpose to deceive, or of ignorant conjecture. 405 Travellers and Explorers We continuing our course, fell the 29th of No- vember with an island called La Mocha, where we cast anchor; and our general, hoisting out our boat, went with ten of our company to shore. Where we found people, whom the cruel and extreme deal- ings of the Spaniards have forced, for their own safety and liberty, to flee from the main, and to for- tify themselves in this island. We being on land, the people came down to us to the water side with show of great courtesy, bringing to us potatoes, roots, and two very fat sheep; which our general received, and gave them other things for them, and had promise to have water there. But the next day repairing again to the shore, and sending two men a-land with barrels to fill water, the people taking them for Spaniards (to whom they use to show no favor if they take them) laid violent hands on them, and, as we think, slew them. Our general seeing this, stayed here no longer, but weighed anchor, and set sail toward the coast of Chili. And drawing toward it, we met near to the shore an Indian in a canoa, who thinking us to have been Spaniards, came to us and told us, that at a place called Santiago, there was a great Spanish ship laden from the kingdomof Peru; forwhich good news our general gave him divers trifles. Whereof he was glad, and went along with us and brought us to the place, which is called the port of Valparaiso. When we came thither we found, indeed, the ship riding at anchor, having in her eight Spaniards and 406 Drake's Famous Voyage three negroes; who, thinking us to have been Span- iards, and their friends, welcomed us with a drum, and made ready a botija [jar] of wine of Chili to drink to us. But as soon as we were entered, one of our company called Thomas Moon began to lay about him, and struck one of the Spaniards, and said unto him, Abaxo, perrof that is in English, "Go down, dog!" One of these Spaniards, seeing per- sons of that quality in those seas, all to crossed and blessed himself. But, to be short, we stowed them under hatches, all save one Spaniard, who suddenly and desperately leapt overboard into the sea, and swam ashore to the town of Santiago, to give them warning of our arrival. They of the town, being not above nine house- holds, presently fled away and abandoned the town. Our general manned his boat and the Spanish ship's boat, and went to the town ; and, being come to it, we rifled it, and came to a small chapel, which we en- tered, and found therein a silver chalice, two cruets, and one altar-cloth, the spoil whereof our general gave to Master Fletcher, his minister. We found also in this town a warehouse stored with wine of Chili and many boards of cedar-wood; all which wine we brought away with us, and certain of the boards to burn for firewood. And so, being come aboard, we departed the haven, having first set all the Spaniards on land, saving one John Griego, a Greek born, whom our general carried with him as 407 Travellers and Explorers pilot to bring him into the haven of Lima. When we were at sea our general rifled the ship, and found in her good store of the wine of Chili, and 25,000 pesos of very pure and fine gold of Valdivia, amounting in value to 37,000 ducats of Spanish money, and above. So, going on our course, we ar- rived next at a place called Coquimbo, where our general sent fourteen of his men on land to fetch water. But they were espied by the Spaniards, who came with 300 horsemen and 200 footmen, and slew one of our men with a piece. The rest came aboard in safety, and the Spaniards departed. We went on shore again and buried our man, and the Spaniards came down again with a flag of truce ; but we set sail, and would not trust them. From hence we went to a certain port called Tarapaca; where, being landed, we found by the sea side a Spaniard lying asleep, who had lying by him thirteen bars of silver, which weighed 4,000 ducats Spanish. We took the silver and left the man. Not far from hence, going on land for fresh water, we met with a Spaniard and an In- dian boy driving eight llamas or sheep of Peru, which are as big as asses; every of which sheep had on his back two bags of leather, each bag containing 50 pounds' weight of fine silver. So that, bringing both the sheep and their burthen to the ships, we found in all the bags eight hundred weight of silver. Herehence we sailed to a place called Arica; and, being entered the port, we found there three small 408 Drake's Famous Voyage barks, which we rifled, and found in one of them fifty- seven wedges of silver, each of them weighing about 20 pounds' weight, and every of these wedges were of the fashion and bigness of a brickbat. In all these three barks, we found not one person. For they, mistrusting no strangers, were all gone a-land to the town, which consisteth of about twenty houses ; which we would have ransacked if our company had been better and more in number. But our general, con- tented with the spoil of the ships, left the town and put of! again to sea, and set sail for Lima, and, by the way, met with a small bark, which he boarded, and found in her good store of linen cloth. Whereof tak- ing some quantity, he let her go. To Lima we came the 13th of February; and, being entered the haven, we found there about twelve sail of ships lying fast moored at an anchor, having all their sails carried on shore; for the mas- ters and merchants were here most secure, having never been assaulted by enemies, and at this time feared the approach of none such as we were. Our general rifled these ships, and found in one of them a chest full of reals of plate, and good store of silks and linen cloth ; and took the chest into his own ship, and good store of the silks and linen. In which ship he had news of another ship called the "Cacafuego," which was gone toward Payta, and that the same ship was laden with treasure. Whereupon we stayed no longer here, but, cutting all the cables 409 Travellers and Explorers of the ships in the haven, we let them drive whither they would, either to sea or to the shore; and with all speed we followed the "Cacafuego" toward Pay- ta, thinking there to have found her. But before we arrived there she was gone from thence toward Pan- ama; whom our general still pursued, and by the way met with a bark laden with ropes and tackle for ships, which he boarded and searched, and found in her 80 pounds' weight of gold, and a crucifix of gold with goodly great emeralds set in it, which he took, and some of the cordage also for his own ship. From hence we departed, still following the "Caca- fuego" ; and our general promised our company that whosoever should first descry her should have his chain of gold for his good news. It fortuned that John Drake, going up into the top, descried her about three of the clock. And about six of the clock we came to her and boarded her, and shot at her three pieces of ordnance, and strake down her mizen; and, being entered, we found in her great riches, as jewels and precious stones, thirteen chests full of reals of plate, fourscore pound weight of gold, and six-and-twenty ton of silver. The place where we took this prize was called Cape de San Francisco, about 150 leagues [south] from Panama. The pilot's name of this ship was Francisco; and among other plate that our general found in this ship he found two very fair gilt bowls of silver, which were the pilot's. To whom our general said, "Senor Pilot, 410 Drake's Famous Voyage you have here two silver cups, but I must needs have one of them;" which the pilot, because he could not otherwise choose, yielded unto, and gave the other to the steward of our general's ships. When this pilot departed from us, his boy said thus unto our general: "Captain, our ship shall be called no more the 'Cacafuego,' but the 'Cacaplata,' and your ship shall be called the 'Cacafuego.' " Which pretty speech of the pilot's boy ministered matter of laugh- ter to us, both then and long after. When our gen- eral had done what he would with this "Cacafuego," he cast her off, and we went on our course still to- ward the west; and not long after met with a ship laden with linen cloth and fine china dishes of white earth, and great store of china silks, of all which things we took as we listed. The owner himself of this ship was in her, who was a Spanish gentleman, from whom our general took a falcon of gold, with a great emerald in the breast thereof; and the pilot of the ship he took also with him, and so cast the ship off. This pilot brought us to the haven of Guatulco, the town whereof, as he told us, had but seventeen Spaniards in it. As soon as we were entered this haven, we landed, and went presently to the town and to the town-house; where we found a judge sit- ting in judgment, being associated with three other officers, upon three negroes that had conspired the burning of the town. Both which judges and pris- 411 Travellers and Explorers oners we took, and brought them a-shipboard, and caused the chief judge to write his letter to the town to command all the townsmen to avoid, that we might safely water there. Which being done, and they departed, we ransacked the town ; and in one house we found a pot, of the quantity of a bushel, full of reals of plate, which we brought to our ship. And here one Thomas Moon, one of our company, took a Spanish gentleman as he was flying out of the town; and, searching him, he found a chain of gold about him, and other jewels, which he took, and so let him go. At this place our general, among other Spaniards, set ashore his Portugal pilot which he took at the islands of Cape Verde out of a ship of St. Mary port, of Portugal. And having set them ashore we departed hence, and sailed to the island of Canno; where our general landed, and brought to shore his own ship, and discharged her, mended and graved her, and furnished our ship with water and wood sufficiently. And while we were here we espied a ship and set sail after her, and took her, and found in her two pilots and a Spanish governor, going for the islands of the Philippinas. We searched the ship, and took some of her merchandises, and so let her go. Our general at this place and time, thinking himself, both in respect of his private injuries received from the Spaniards, as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our country and prince in general, sufB- 412 Drake's Famous Voyage ciently satisfied and revenged; and supposing that her majesty at his return would rest contented with this service, purposed to continue no longer upon the Spanish coast, but began to consider and to con- sult of the best way for his country. He thought it not good to return by the Straits, for two special causes; the one, lest the Spaniards should there wait and attend for him in great num- ber and strength, whose hands, he, being left but one ship, could not possibly escape. The other cause was the dangerous situation of the mouth of the Straits in the South Sea; where continual storms reigning and blustering, as he found by experience, besides the shoals and sands upon the coast, he thought it not a good course to adventure that way. He resolved, therefore, to avoid these hazards, to go forward to the islands of the Malucos, and there- hence to sail the course of the Portugals by the Cape of Buena Esperanza. Upon this resolution he be- gan to think of his best way to the Malucos, and finding himself, where he now was, becalmed, he saw that of necessity he must be forced to take a Spanish course; namely, to sail somewhat northerly to get a wind. We therefore set sail, and sailed 600 leagues at the least for a good wind; and thus much we sailed from the 16th of April till the third of June. The fifth of June, being in 43 degrees toward the pole Arctic, we found the air so cold, that our men N— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers being grievously pinched with the same, complained of the extremity thereof; and the further we went, the more the cold increased upon us. Whereupon we thought it best for that time to seek the land, and did so; finding it not mountainous, but low, plain land, till we came within 38 degrees toward the line. In which height it pleased God to send us into a fair and good bay, with a good wind to enter the same. In this bay we anchored; and the people of the country, having their houses close by the water's side, shewed themselves unto us, and sent a present to our general. When they came unto us, they greatly wondered at the things that we brought. But our general, according to his natural and accus- tomed humanity, courteously intreated them, and liberally bestowed on them necessary things to cover their nakedness; whereupon they supposed us to be gods, and would not be persuaded to the contrary. The presents which they sent to our general, were feathers, and cauls of net-work. Their houses are digged round about with earth, and have from the uttermost brims of the circle, clifts of wood set upon them, joining close together at the top like a spire steeple, which, by reason of that closeness, are very warm. Their bed is the ground with rushes strowed on it; and, lying about the house [they], have the fire in the midst. The men go naked; the women take bulrushes, and kemb them after the manner of hemp, and thereof make their loose garments, which, 414 Drake's Famous Voyage being knit about their middles, hang down about their hips, having also about their shoulders a skin of deer, with the hair upon it. These women are very obedient and serviceable to their husbands. After they w r ere departed from us, they came and visited us the second time, and brought with them feathers and bags of tabacco for presents. And when they came to the top of the hill, at the bottom where- of we had pitched our tents, they stayed themselves ; where one appointed for speaker wearied himself with making a long oration; which done, they left their bows upon the hill, and came down with their presents. In the meantime the women, remaining upon the hill, tormented themselves lamentably, tearing their flesh from their cheeks, whereby we perceived that they were about a sacrifice. In the meantime our general with his company went to prayer, and to reading of the Scriptures, at which exercise they were attentive, and seemed greatly to be affected with it ; but when they were come unto us, they restored again unto us those things which be- fore we bestowed upon them. The news of our be- ing there being spread through the country, the peo- ple that inhabited round about came down, and among them the king himself, a man of a goodly stature and comely personage, with many other tall and warlike men; before whose coming were sent two ambassadors to our general, to signify that their king was coming, in doing of which message, their 4i5 Travellers and Explorers speech was continued about half an hour. This ended, they, by signs, requested our general to send something by their hand to their king, as a token that his coming might be in peace. Wherein our general having satisfied them, they returned with glad tid- ings to their king, who marched to us with a princely majesty, the people crying continually after their manner; and as they drew near unto us, so did they strive to behave themselves in their actions with comeliness. In the fore-front was a man of a goodly personage, who bare the sceptre or mace before the king; whereupon hanged two crowns, a less and a bigger, with three chains of a marvellous length. The crowns were made of knit work, wrought arti- ficially with feathers of divers colors. The chains were made of a bony substance, and few be the per- sons among them that are admitted to wear them; and of that number also the persons are stinted, as some ten, some twelve, &c. Next unto him which bare the sceptre, was the king himself, with his guard about his person, clad with coney skins, and other skins. After them followed the naked com- mon sort of people, every one having his face painted, some with white, some with black, and other colors, and having in their hands one thing or an- other for a present. Not so much as their children, but they also brought their presents. In the meantime our general gathered his men together, and marched within his fenced place, mak- 416 Drake's Famous Voyage ing, against their approaching, a very warlike show. They being trooped together in their order, and a general salutation being made, there was presently a general silence. Then he that bare the sceptre before the king, being informed by another, whom they assigned to that office, with a manly and lofty voice proclaimed that which the other spake to him in secret, continuing half an hour. Which ended, and a general Amen, as it were, given, the king, with the whole number of men and women, the children excepted, came down without any weapon ; who, de- scending to the foot of the hill, set themselves in order. In coming toward our bulwarks and tents, the sceptre-bearer began a song, observing his meas- ures in a dance, and that with a stately countenance; whom the king with his guard, and every degree of persons, following, did in like manner sing and dance, saving only the women, which danced and kept silence. The general permitted them to enter within our bulwark, where they continued their song and dance a reasonable time. When they had satis- fied themselves, they made signs to our general to sit down; to whom the king and divers others made sev- eral orations, or rather supplications, that he would take their province and kingdom into his hand, and become their king, making signs that they would re- sign unto him their right and title of the whole land, and become his subjects. In which, to persuade us the better, the king and the rest, with one consent, 417 Travellers and Explorers and with great reverence, joyfully singing a song, did set the crown upon his head, enriched his neck with all their chains, and offered him many other things, honoring him by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto, as it seemed, a sign of triumph; which thing our general thought not meet to reject, because he knew not what honor and profit it might be to our country. Wherefore in the name, and to the use of her majesty, he took the sceptre, crown, and dignity of the said country into his hands, wishing that the riches and treasure thereof might so conveniently be transported to the enriching of her kingdom at home, as it aboundeth in the same. The common sort of people, leaving the king and his guard with our general, scattered themselves to- gether with their sacrifices among our people, taking a diligent view of every person : and such as pleased their fancy (which were the youngest), they enclos- ing them about offered their sacrifices unto them with lamentable weeping, scratching and tearing their flesh from their faces with their nails, whereof issued abundance of blood. But we used signs to them of disliking this, and stayed their hands from force, and directed them upward to the living God, whom only they ought to worship. They shewed unto us their wounds, and craved help of them at our hands; whereupon we gave them lotions, plais- ters, and ointments agreeing to the state of their griefs, beseeching God to cure their diseases. Every 418 Drake's Famous Voyage third day they brought their sacrifices unto us, until they understood our meaning, that we had no pleas- ure in them; yet they could not be long absent from us, but daily frequented our company to the hour of our departure, which departure seemed so grievous unto them, that their joy was turned into sorrow. They entreated us, that being absent we would re- member them, and by stealth provided a sacrifice, which we misliked. Our necessary business being ended, our general with his company travelled up into the country to their villages, where we found herds of deer by a thousand in a company, being most large, and fat of body. We found the whole country to be a warren of a strange kind of coneys; their bodies in bigness as be the Barbary coneys, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a want [mole], and the fail of a rat, being of great length. Under her chin is on either side a bag, into the which she gathereth her meat, when she hath filled her belly abroad. The people eat their bodies, and make great account of their skins, for their king's coat was made of them. Our general called this country Nova Albion, and that for two causes; the one in respect of the white banks and cliffs, which lie toward the sea, and the other, because it might have some affinity with our coun- try in name, which sometime was so called. There is no part of earth here to be taken up, wherein there is not some probable show of gold or silver. 419 Travellers and Explorers At our departure hence our general set up a monument of our being there, as also of her maj- esty's right and title to the same; namely a plate, nailed upon a fair great post, whereupon was en- graved her majesty's name, the day and year of our arrival there, with the free giving up of the province and people into her majesty's hands, together with her highness' picture and arms, in a piece of six pence of current English money, under the plate, whereunder was also written the name of our general. It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had never been in this part of the country, neither did ever dis- cover the land by many degrees to the southward of this place. After we had set sail from hence, we continued without sight of land till the 13th day of October following, which day in the morning we fell with certain islands eight degrees to the northward of the line, from which islands came a great number of canoas, having in some of them four, in some six, and in some also fourteen men, bringing with them cocos and other fruits. Their canoas were hollow within, and cut with great art and cunning, being very smooth within and without, and bearing a glass [gloss], as if it were a horn daintily burnished, hav- ing a prow and a stern of one sort, yielding inward circle-wise, being of a great height, and full of cer- tain white shells for a bravery; and on each side of 420 Drake's Famous Voyage them lie out two pieces of timber about a yard and a half long, more or less, according to the smallness or bigness of the boat. These people have the nether part of their ears cut into a round circle, hanging down very low upon their cheeks, whereon they hang things of a reasonable weight. The nails of their hands are an inch long, their teeth are as black as pitch, and they renew them often, by eating of an herb with a kind of powder, which they always carry about them in a cane for the same purpose. Leaving this island the night after we fell with it, the 1 8th of October we lighted upon divers others some whereof made a great show of inhabitants. We continued our course by the islands of Tagulanda, Zelon, and Zewarra, being friends to the Portugals, the first whereof hath growing in it great store of cinnamon. The 14th of November we fell in with the islands of Maluco. Which day at night (having directed our course to run with Tidore) in coasting along the island of Mutyr, belonging to the king of Ternate, his deputy or vice-king seeing us at sea, came with his canoa to us without all fear, and came aboard; and after some conference with our general, willed him in any wise to run in with Ternate, and not with Tidore, assuring him that the king would be glad of his coming, and would be ready to do what he would require, for which purpose he him- self would that night be with the king, and tell him 421 Travellers and Explorers the news. With whom if he once dealt, we should find that as he was a king, so his word should stand; adding further, that if he went to Tidore before he came to Ternate, the king would have nothing to do with us, because he held the Portugal as his enemy. Whereupon our general resolved to run with Ter- nate. Where the next morning early we came to anchor; at which time our general sent a messenger to the king, with a velvet cloak for a present and token of his coming to be in peace, and that he re- quired nothing but traffic and exchange of merchan- dise, whereof he had good store, in such things as he wanted. In the meantime the vice-king had been with the king according to his promise, signifying unto him what good things he might receive from us by traffic. W T hereby the king was moved with great liking to- ward us, and sent to our general, with special mes- sage, that he should have what things he needed and would require, with peace and friendship ; and more- over that he would yield himself and the right of his island to be at the pleasure and commandment of so famous a prince as we served. In token whereof he sent to our general a signet; and within short time after came in his own person, with boats and canoas, to our ship, to bring her into a better and safer road than she was in at that present. In the meantime, our general's messenger, being come to the court, was met by certain noble personages with great solemnity, 422 Drake's Famous Voyage and brought to the king, at whose hands he was most friendly and graciously entertained. The king, purposing to come to our ship, sent be- fore four great and large canoas, in every one where- of were certain of his greatest states [men of property or estate] that were about him, attired in white lawn of cloth of Calicut, having over their heads, from the one end of the canoa to the other, a covering of thin perfumed mats, borne up with a frame made of reeds for the same use; under which every one did sit in his order according to his dignity, to keep him from the heat of the sun; divers of whom being of good age and gravity, did make an ancient and fatherly show. There were also divers young and comely men attired in white, as were the others; the rest were soldiers, which stood in comely order round about on both sides. Without whom sat the rowers in certain galleries; which being three on a side all along the canoas, did lie off from the side thereof three or four yards, one being orderly builded lower than another, in every of which galleries were the number of four- score rowers. These canoas were furnished with warlike munition, every man for the most part hav- ing his sword and target, with his dagger, beside other weapons, as lances, calivers, darts, bows and arrows; also every canoa had a small cast base mounted at the least one full yard upon a stock set upright. Thus coming near our ship, in order, they rowed about us one after another, and passing by, did 423 Travellers and Explorers their homage with great solemnity; the great person- ages beginning with great gravity and fatherly coun- tenances, signifying that the king had sent them to conduct our ship into a better road. Soon after the king himself repaired, accompanied with six grave and ancient persons, who did their obeisance with marvellous humility. The king was a man of tall stature, and seemed to be much delighted with the sound of our music ; to whom, as also to his nobility, our general gave presents, wherewith they were pass- ing well contented. At length the king craved leave of our general to depart, promising the next day to come aboard, and in the meantime to send us such victuals as were necessary for our provision. So that the same night we received of them meal, which they call sagu, ma.de of the tops of certain trees, tasting in the mouth like sour curds, but melteth like sugar, whereof they make certain cakes, which may be kept the space of ten years, and yet then good to be eaten. We had of them store of rice, hens, unperfect and liquid sugar, sugar-canes, and a fruit which they call figo, with store of cloves. The king having promised to come aboard, brake his promise, but sent his brother to make his excuse, and to entreat our general to come on shore, offering himself pawn aboard for his safe return. Where - unto our general consented not, upon mislike con- ceived of the breach of his promise; the whole com- 424 Drake's Famous Voyage pany also utterly refusing it. But to satisfy him, our general sent certain of his gentlemen to the court, to accompany the king's brother, reserving the vice- king for their safe return. They were received of another brother of the king's, and other states, and were conducted with great honor to the castle. The place that they were brought unto was a large and fair house, where were at the least a thousand per- sons assembled. The king being yet absent, there sat in their places 60 grave personages, all which were said to be of the king's council. There were besides four grave per- sons, apparelled all in red, down to the ground, and attired on their heads like the Turks; and these were said to be Romans [probably Greeks] and ligiers [resident agents] there to keep continual traffic with the people of Ternate. There were also two Turks ligiers in this place, and one Italian. The king at last came in guarded with twelve lances, covered over with a rich canopy with embossed gold. Our men, accompanied with one of their captains called Moro, rising to meet him, he graciously did welcome and entertain them. He was attired after the manner of the country, but more sumptuously than the rest. From his waist down to the ground was all cloth of gold, and the same very rich; his legs were bare, but on his feet were a pair of shoes, made of Cordovan skin. In the attire of his head were finely wreathed hooped rings of gold, and about his neck he had a 425 Travellers and Explorers chain of perfect gold, the links whereof were great, and one fold double. On his fingers he had six very fair jewels; and sitting in his chair of state, at his right hand stood a page with a fan in his hand, breathing and gathering the air to the king. The same was in length two foot, and in breadth one foot, set with eight sapphires, richly embroidered, and knit to a staff three foot in length, by the which the page did hold and move it. Our gentlemen having de- livered their message and received order accordingly, were licensed to depart, being safely conducted back again by one of the king's council. This island is the chief of all the islandsof Maluco, and the king hereof is king of seventy islands besides. The king with his people are Moors in religion, observing certain new moons, with fastings ; during which fasts they neither eat nor drink in the day, but in the night. After that our gentlemen were returned, and that we had here by the favor of the king received all necessary things that the place could yield us; our general considering the great distance, and how far he was yet off from his country, thought it not best here to linger the time any longer, but weighing his anchors, set out of the island, and sailed to a certain little island to the southward of Celebes, where we graved our ship, and continued there, in that and other businesses, 26 days. This island is throughly grown with wood of a large and high growth, very straight, and without boughs, save only in the head or 426 Drake's Famous Voyage top, whose leaves are not much differing from our broom in England. Amongst these trees night by] night, through the whole land, did shew themselves an infinite swarm of fiery worms flying in the air, whose bodies being no bigger than our common En- glish flies, make such a show and light as if every twig or tree had been a burning candle. In this place breedeth also wonderful store of bats, as big as large hens. Of cray-fishes also here wanted no plenty, and they of exceeding bigness, one whereof was sufficient for four hungry stomachs at a dinner, being also very good and restoring meat, whereof we had experience: and they dig themselves holes in the earth like coneys. When we had ended our business here we weighed, and set sail to run for the Malucos. But having at that time a bad wind, and being amongst the islands, with much difficulty we recovered to the northward of the island of Celebes; where by reason of contrary winds, not able to continue our course to run westwards, we were enforced to alter the same to the southward again, finding that course also to be very hard and dangerous for us, by reason of infinite shoals which lie off and among the islands ; whereof we had too much trial, to the hazard and danger of our ship and lives. For, of all other days, upon the 9th of January, in the year 1579, we ran suddenly upon a rock, where we stuck fast from eight of the clock at night till four of the clock in the afternoon the next 427 Travellers and Explorers day, being indeed out of all hope to escape the danger. But our general, as he had always hitherto shewed himself courageous, and of a good confidence in the mercy and protection of God, so now he con- tinued in the same. And lest he should seem to per- ish wilfully, both he and we did our best endeavor to save ourselves; which it pleased God so to bless, that in the end we cleared ourselves most happily of the danger. We lighted our ship upon the rocks of three ton of cloves, eight pieces of ordnance, and certain meal and beans ; and then the wind, as it were in a moment by the special grace of God, changing from the star- board to the larboardof the ship,wehoisted our sails, and the happy gale drove our ship off the rock into the sea again, to the no little comfort of all our hearts, for which we gave God such praise and thanks, as so great a benefit required. The 8th of February following, we fell with the fruitful island of Barateve, having in the meantime suffered many dangers by winds and shoals. The people of this island are comely in body and stature, and of a civil behavior, just in dealing, and courteous to strangers; whereof we had the experience sundry ways, they being most glad of our presence, and very ready to relieve our wants in those things which their country did yield. The men go naked, saving their heads and loins, every man having something or other hanging at their ears. Their women are covered 428 Drake's Famous Voyage fr«m the middle down to the foot, wearing a great number of bracelets upon their arms; for some had eight upon each arm, being made some of bone, some of horn, and some of brass, the lightest whereof, by our estimation, weighed two ounces apiece. With this people linen-cloth is good merchandise, and of good request; whereof they make rolls for their heads, and girdles to wear about them. Their island is both rich and fruitful ; rich in gold, silver, copper, and sulphur, wherein they seem skilful and expert, not only to try the same, but in working it also artifi- cially into any form and fashion that pleaseth them. Their fruits be divers and plentiful ; as nutmegs, gin- ger, long pepper, lemons, cucumbers, cocos, figu, sagu, with divers other sorts. And among all the rest we had one fruit, in bigness, form and husk, like a bay berry, hard of substance and pleasant of taste, which being sodden becometh soft, and is a most good and wholesome victual ; whereof we took rea- sonable store, as we did also of the other fruits and spices. So that to confess a truth, since the time that we first set out of our own country of England, we happened upon no place, Ternate only excepted, wherein we found more comforts and better means of refreshing. At our departure from Barateve, we set our course for Java Major; where arriving, we found great courtesy, and honorable entertainment. This island is governed by five kings, whom they call Ra- 429 Travellers and Explorers jah; as Rajah Bonaw, and Rajah Mang Bange, and Rajah Cabuccapollo, which live as having one spirit and one mind. Of these five we had four a-ship- board at once, and two or three often. They are wonderfully delighted in colored clothes, as red and green; the upper part of their bodies are naked, save their heads, whereupon they wear a Turkish roll as do the Maluccians. From the middle downward they wear a pintado of silk, trailing upon the ground, in color as they best like. The Maluccians hate that their women should be seen of strangers; but these offer them of high courtesy, yea, the kings them- selves. The people are of goodly stature and war- like, well provided of swords and targets, with dag- gers, all being of their own work, and most artifi- cially done, both in tempering their metal, as also in the form; whereof we bought reasonable store. They have a house in every village for their com- mon assembly; every day they meet twice, men, women, and children, bringing with them such vict- uals as they think good, some fruits, some rice boiled, some hens roasted, some saga, having a table made three foot from the ground, whereon they set their meat, that every person sitting at the table may eat, one rejoicing in the company of another. They boil their rice in an earthen pot, made in form of a sugar loaf, being full of holes, as our pots which we water our gardens withal, and it is open at the great end, wherein they put their rice dry, without any mois- 430 Drake's Famous Voyage ture. In the meantime they have ready another great earthen pot, set fast in a furnace, boiling full of water, whereinto they put their pot with rice, by such measure, that they swelling become soft at the first, and by their swelling stopping the holes of the pot, admit no more water to enter, but the more they are boiled, the harder and more firm substance they be- come. So that in the end they are a firm and good bread, of the which with oil, butter, sugar, and other spices, they make divers sorts of meats very pleasant of taste, and nourishing to nature. . . . Not long be- fore our departure, they told us that not far off there were such great ships as ours, wishing us to beware; upon this our captain would stay no longer. From Java Major we sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, which was the first land we fell withal; neither did we touch with it, or any other land, until we came to Sierra Leona, upon the coast of Guinea; notwith- standing we ran hard aboard the cape, finding the report of the Portugals to be most false, who affirm that it is the most dangerous cape of the world, never without intolerable storms and present danger to travellers which come near the same. This cape is a most stately thing, and the fairest cape we saw in the whole circumference of the earth, and we passed by it the 1 8th of June. From thence we continued our course to Sierra Leona, on the coast of Guinea, where we arrived the 22d of July, and found necessary pro- visions, great store of elephants, oysters upon trees of 43i Travellers and Explorers one kind, spawning and increasing infinitely, the oyster suffering no bud to grow. We departed thence the four and twentieth day. We arrived in England the third of November, 1580, being the third year of our departure. 432 CAVENDISH— FIRST VOYAGE The admirable and prosperous Voyage of the Worshipful Master THOMAS CAVENDISH, of Trimlev, in the County of Suf- folk, Esquire , into the South Sea, and from thence round about the circumference of the whole earth; begun in the year of our Lord IJj86, and finished 1588. Written by Master Francis Pretty, lately of Eye, in Suffolk, a gentleman employed in the same action ^17 E departed out of Plymouth on Thursday, the ™ 2 1 st of July, 1586, with three sails, to wit, the "Desire," a ship of 120 tons, the "Content," of 60 tons, and the "Hugh Gallant," a bark of 40 tons; in which small fleet were 123 persons of all sorts, with all kind of furniture and victuals sufficient for the space of two years, at the charges of the Worshipful Master Thomas Cavendish, of Trimley, in the county of Suf- folk, Esquire, being our general. On Tuesday, the 26th of the same month, we were 45 leagues from Cape Finis-terrae, where we met with five sails of Biscayans, coming from the Grand Bay in New- foundland, as we supposed, which our admiral shot at, and fought with them three hours, but we took none of them by reason the night grew on. The first of August we came in sight of Forteventura, one of the isles of the Canaries, about ten of the clock in the morning. On Sunday, being the seventh of August, we were gotten as high as Rio del Oro, on the coast of 433 Travellers and Explorers Barbary. On Monday the 19th we fell with Cape Blanco; but the wind blew so much at the north, that we could not get up where the canters do use to ride and fish ; therefore we layoff six hours west-southwest, because of the sand which lieth off the cape southwest and by south. The 15th day of the same month we were in the height of Cape Verde, by estimation 50 leagues off the same. The 18th Sierra Leona did bear east of us, being 45 leagues from us; and the same day the wind shifted to the northwest, so that by the 20th day of the said month we w 7 ere in six degrees and a-half to the northward from the equinoctial line. On the 23d we put room for Sierra Leona, and the 25th day we fell with the point on the south side of Sierra Leona, which Master Brewer knew very well, and went in before with the "Content," which was vice-admiral; and we had no less than five fath- oms water when we had least, and had for fourteen leagues in southwest all the way running into the har- bor of Sierra Leona, sixteen, fourteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms of water. The 26th of the said month we put into the har- borough, and in going in we had (by the southern- most point, when we had least) five fathoms water fair by the rock as it lieth at the said point; and after we came two or three cables' lengths within the said rock, we never had less than ten fathoms, until we came up to the road, which is about a league from the point, borrowing always on the south side until you 434 Cavendish— First Voyage come up to the watering-place, in which bay is the best road ; but you must ride far into the bay, because there run marvellous great tides in the offing, and it floweth into the road next of anything at a southeast and by east moon. It is out of England to this place 930 leagues, which we ran from the 21st of July to the 26th of this month of August. On Saturday, being the 27th day, there came two negroes aboard our Admiral from the shore, and made signs unto our general that there was a Portu- gal ship up within the harborough: so the "Hugh Gallant," being the rear-admiral, went up three or four leagues, but for want of a pilot they sought no farther; for the harborough runneth three or four leagues up more, and is of a marvellous breadth and very dangerous, as we learned afterward by a Portugal. On Sunday, the 28th, the general sent some of his company on shore, and there as they played and danced all the forenoon among the negroes, to the end to have heard some good news of the Portugal ship, toward their coming aboard they espied a Por- tugal, which lay hid among the bushes; whom we took and brought away with us the same night, and he told us it was very dangerous going up with our boats for to seek the ship that was at the town. Whereupon we went not to seek her, because we knew he told us the truth; for we bound him and made him fast, and so examined him. Also he told 435 Travellers and Explorers us that his ship was there cast away, and that there were two more of his company among the negroes. The Portugal's name was Emmanuel, and was by his occupation a caulker, belonging to the Port of Portugal. On Monday morning, being the 29th day, our general landed with 70 men, or thereabout, and went up to their town, where we burnt two or three houses, and took what spoil we would, which was but little; but all the people fled, and in our retiring aboard in a very little plain at their town's end they shot their arrows at us out of the woods, and hurt three or four of our men. Their arrows were poisoned, but yet none of our men miscarried at that time, thanked be God. Their town is marvellous artificially builded with mud walls, and built round, with their yards paled in, and kept very clean as well in their streets as in their houses. These negroes use good obedience to their king, as one of our men said, which was with 1 them in pawn for the negroes which came first. There were in their town by estimation about one hundred houses. The first of September there went many of our men on shore at the watering-place, and did wash shirts very quietly all the day, and the second day they went again, and the negroes were in ambush round about the place; and the carpenter of the Ad- miral going into the wood to do some special busi- ness, espied them by good fortune. But the negroes 436 Cavendish— First Voyage rushed out upon our men so suddenly, that in retiring to our boats many of them were hurt; among whom one William Pickman, a soldier, was shot into the thigh, who plucking the arrow out broke it, and left the head behind, and he told the chirurgeons that he plucked out all the arrow, because he would not have them lance his thigh; whereupon the poison wrought so that night, that he was marvellously swollen. . . . and the next morning he died, the piece of the arrow with the poison being plucked out of his thigh. The third day of the said month, divers of our fleet went up four miles within the harbor with our boat, and caught great store of fish, and went on shore and took lemons from the trees, and coming aboard again saw two buries [buffaloes]. The sixth day we departed from Sierra Leona, and went out of the harborough, and stayed one tide three leagues from the point of the mouth of the harborough in six fath- oms, and it floweth south-southwest. On Wednes- day, being the seventh of the same month, we de- parted from one of the islands of Cape Verde, alias the isles of Madrabumba, which is ten leagues dis- tant from the point of Sierra Leona; and about five of the clock the same night we anchored two miles off the island, in six fathoms water, and landed the same night, and found plantains only upon the island. The eighth day one of our boats went out and sounded round about the island, and they passed through a sound at the west end of the island, where 437 Travellers and Explorers they found five fathoms round about the island, until they came into the very gut of the sound, and then for a cast or two they had but two fathoms, and. presently after six fathoms, and so deeper and deeper. And at the east end of the island there was a town, where negroes do use at sometimes, as we perceived by their provision. There is no fresh water on all the south side, as we could perceive, but on the north side three or four very good places of fresh water; and all the whole island is a wood, save certain little places where their houses stand, which are environed round about with plantain trees, whereof the fruit is excellent meat. This place is subject marvellous much to thunder, rain, and lightning in this month. I think the rea- son is, because the sun is so near the line equinoctial. On Saturday, the tenth, we departed from the said island, about three of the clock in the afternoon, the wind being at the southwest. The last of October, running west-southwest, about 24 leagues from Cape Frio, in Brazil, we fell with a great mountain which had a high round knop on the top of it, standing from it like a town, with two little islands from it. The first of November we went in between the island of St. Sebastian and the main land, and had our things on shore, and set up a forge, and had our cask on shore; our coopers made hoops, and so we re- mained there until the 23d day of the same month, in 438 Cavendish — First Voyage which time we fitted our things, built our pinnace, and filled our fresh water. And while our pinnace was in building there came a canoe from the river of Janeiro, meaning to go to St. Vincent, wherein were six naked slaves of the country people, which did row the canoe, and one Portugal. And the Portugal knew Christopher Hare, master of the Admiral, for that Master Hare had been at St. Vincent, in the "Minion" of London, in the year 1581. And think- ing to have John Whithall, the Englishman which dwelleth at St. Vincent, come unto us, which is 20 leagues from this harborough, with some other, thereby to have had some fresh victuals, we suffered the Portugal to go with a letter unto him, who prom- ised to return or send some answer within ten days, for that we told him we were merchants, and would traffic with them. But we never received answer from him any more; and seeing that he came not according to appointment, our business being de- spatched, we weighed anchor, and set sail from St. Sebastian on the 23d of November. The 1 6th day of December we fell with the coast of America in 47 degrees and a third, the land bear- ing west from us about six leagues off: from which place we ran along the shore until we came into 48 degrees. It is a steep beach all along. The 17th day of December, in the afternoon, we entered into an harborough, where our Admiral went in first. Wherefore our general named the said harborough 439 Travellers and Explorers Port Desire. In which harborough is an island or two, where there is wonderful great store of seals, and another island of birds, which are gray gulls. These seals are of a wonderful great bigness, huge, and monstrous of shape, and for the fore-part of their bodies cannot be compared to anything better than to a lion : their head, and neck, and fore-parts of their bodies are full of rough hair: their feet are in manner of a fin, and in form like unto a man's hand; they breed and cast every month, giving their young milk, yet continually get they their living in the sea, and live altogether upon fish: their young are marvellous good meat, and being boiled or roasted, are hardly to be known from lamb or mutton. The old ones be of such bigness and force, that it is as much as four men are able to do to kill one of them with great cowl- staves : and he must be beaten down with striking on the head of him: for his body is of that bigness that four men could never kill him, but only on the head. For being shot through the body with an arquebus or a musket, yet he will go his way into the sea, and never care for it at the present. Also the fowls that were there were very good meat, and great store of them: they have burrows in the ground like coneys, for they cannot fly. They have nothing but down upon their pinions: they also fish and feed in the sea for their living, and breed on shore. This harborough is a very good place to trim ships in, and to bring them on ground, and grave them in, 440 Cavendish — First Voyage for there ebbeth and floweth much water: therefore we graved and trimmed all our ships there. The 24th of December, being Christmas Even, a man and a boy of the Rear- Admiral went some forty score from our ships unto a very fair green valley at the foot of the mountains, where was a little pit or well which our men had digged and made some two or three days before to get fresh water, for there was none in all the harborough; and this was but brack- ish: therefore this man and boy came thither to wash their linen: and being in washing at the said well, there were great store of Indians which were come down, and found the said man and boy in washing. These Indians being divided on each side of the rocks, shot at them with their arrows and hurt them both; but they fled presently, being about fifty or threescore, though our general followed them with but sixteen or twenty men. The man's name which was hurt was John Garge, the boy's name was Lutch : the man was shot clean through the knee, the boy into the shoulder, either of them having very sore wounds. Their arrows are made of little canes, and their heads are of a flint stone, set into the cane very artificially. They seldom or never see any Christians: they are as wild as ever was a buck or any other wild beast; for we followed them, and they ran from us as it had been the wildest thing in the world. We took the measure of one of their feet, and it was 18 inches long. Their use is when any of them die, to bring him or them 441 Travellers and Explorers to the cliffs by the sea-side, and upon the top of them they bury them, and in their graves are buried with them their bows and arrows, and all their jewels which they have in their lifetime, which are fine shells which they find by the sea-side, which they cut and square after an artificial manner; and all is laid under their heads. The grave is made all with great stones of great length and bigness, being set all along full of the dead man's darts which he used when he was living. And they color both their darts and their graves with a red color which they use in color- ing of themselves. The 28th of December we departed out of the Port of Desire, and went to an island which lieth three leagues to the southward of it; where we trimmed our saved penguins with salt for victual all that and the next day, and departed along the coast southwest and by south. The 30th day we fell with a rock which lieth about five leagues from the land, much like unto Eddystone, which lieth off the sound of Plymouth; and we sounded, and had 8 fathoms rocky ground, within a mile thereof, the rock bear- ing west-southwest. We went coasting along south- southwest, and found great store of seals all along the coast. This rock standeth in 48 degrees and a-half to the southward of the line. The second day of January we fell with a very fair white cape, which standeth in 51 degrees, and had 7 fathoms water a league off the land. On the 442 Cavendish— First Voyage third day of the foresaid month we fell with an- other great white cape, which standeth in 52 degrees and 45 minutes; from which cape there runneth a low beach about a league to the southward, and this beach reacheth to the opening of the dangerous Strait of Magellan, which is in divers places five or six leagues wide, and in two several places more nar- row. Under this cape we anchored and lost an an- chor, for it was a great storm of foul weather, and lasted three days very dangerous. The 6th day we put in for the Straits. The 7th day, between the mouth of the Straits and the narrowest place thereof, we took a Spaniard whose name was Hernando, who was there with 23 Spaniards more, which were all that remained of 400 which were left there three years before in these Straits of Magellan, all the rest being dead with famine. And the same day we passed through the narrowest of the Straits, where the aforesaid Spaniard shewed us the hull of a small bark, which we judged to be a bark called the "John Thomas." It is from the mouth of the Straits unto the narrowest of the Straits 14 leagues, and the course lieth west and by north. The mouth of the Straits standeth in 52 degrees. From the narrowest of the Straits unto Penguin Island is ten leagues, and lieth west-southwest somewhat to the southward, where we anchored the eighth day, and killed and salted great store of penguins for victuals. The ninth day we departed from Penguin Island, 443 Travellers and Explorers and ran south-southwest to King Philip's City, which the Spaniards had built; which town or city had four forts, and every fort had in it one cast piece, which pieces were buried in the ground, the carriages were standing in their places unburied: we digged for them and had them all. They had contrived their city very well, and seated it in the best place of the Straits for wood and water: they had built up their churches by themselves: they had laws very severe among themselves, for they had erected a gibbet, whereon they had done execution upon some of their company. It seemed unto us that the whole living for a great space was altogether upon muscles and limpets, for there was not anything else to be had, except some deer which came out of the mountains down to the fresh rivers to drink. These Spaniards which were there, were only come to fortify the Straits, to the end that no other nation should have passage through into the South Sea, saving only their own; but as it appeared, it was not God's will so to have it. For during the time that they were there, which was two years at the least, they could never have anything to grow or in anywise prosper. And on the other side the Indians oftentimes preyed upon them, until their victuals grew so short, their store being spent which they had brought with them out of Spain, and having no means to renew the same, that they died like dogs in their houses, and in their clothes, wherein we found them still at our coming; 444 Cavendish — First Voyage until that in the end the town being wonderfully tainted with the smell and the savor of the dead peo- ple, the rest which remained alive were driven to bury such things as they had there in their town either for provision or for furniture, and so to for- sake the town, and to go along the seaside, and seek their victuals to preserve them from starving, taking nothing with them, but every man his arquebus and his furniture that was able to carry it (for some were not able to carry them for weakness), and so lived for the space of a year and more with roots, leaves, and sometimes a fowl which they might kill with their piece. To conclude, they were determined to have travelled toward the River of Plate, only be- ing left alive 23 persons, whereof two were women, which were the remainder of 400. In this place we watered and wooded well and quietly. Our general named this town Port Famine: it standeth in 53 degrees by observation to the southward. The 14th day we departed from this place, and ran south-southwest, and from thence southwest unto Cape Froward, 5 leagues west-southwest, which cape is the southernmost part of all the straits, and standeth in the latitude of 54 degrees. From which cape we ran west and by north five leagues, and put into a bay or cove on the south side, which we called Muscle Cove, because there were great store of them: we rode therein six days, the wind being still westerly. The 21st of January we departed from Muscle Cove, 445 O— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers and went northwest and by west ten leagues to a very fair sandy bay on the north side, which our general called Elizabeth Bay, and as we rode there that night, one of our men died which went in the "Hugh Gallant," whose name was Grey, a carpenter by his occupation, and was buried there in that bay. The two-and-twentieth we departed from Eliza- beth Bay in the afternoon, and went about two leagues from that place, where there was a fresh- water river, where our general went up with the ship- boat about three miles. Which river hath very good and pleasant ground about it, and it is low and cham- paign soil, and so we saw none other ground else in all the straits but that was craggy rocks and mon- strous high hills and mountains. In this river are great store of savages, which we saw, and had con- ference with them. They were men-eaters, and fed altogether upon raw flesh and other filthy food; which people had preyed upon some of the Span- iards before spoken of. For they had gotten knives and pieces of rapiers to make darts of. They used all the means they could possibly to have allured us up farther into the river, of purpose to have betrayed us; which being espied by our general, he caused us to shoot at them with our arquebuses, whereby we killed many of them. So we sailed from this river to the Channel of St. Jerome, which is two leagues off. From the river of St. Jerome about three or four 446 Cavendish — First Voyage leagues we ran west unto a cape which is on the north side ; and from that cape into the mouth of the Straits the course lieth northwest and by west, and north- west. Between which place and the mouth of the Straits to the southward we lay in harborough until the 23d of February, by reason of contrary winds and most vile and filthy foul weather, with such rain and vehement stormy winds, which came down from the mountains and high hills, that they hazarded the best cables and anchors that we had for to hold, which, if they had failed, we had been in great dan- ger to have been cast away, or at the least famished. For during this time, which was a full month, we fed almost altogether upon muscles, and limpets, and birds, or such as we could get on shore, seeking every day for them, as the fowls of the air do, where they can find food, in continual rainy weather. There is at every mile or two miles' end an harborough on both sides of the land. And there are between the river of St. Jerome and the mouth of the Straits go- ing into the South Sea about 34 leagues by estima- tion : so that the length of the whole Straits is about 90 leagues. And the said mouth of the Straits stand- eth in the same height that the entrance standeth in when we pass out of the North Sea, which is about 52 degrees and two-thirds to the southward of the line. The 24th day of February we entered into the South Sea; and on the south side of the going out 447 Travellers and Explorers of the Straits is a fair high cape with a low point adjoining unto it; and on the north side are four or five islands which lie six leagues of! the main, and much broken and sunken ground about them. By noon the same day we had brought these islands east of us five leagues off, the wind being southerly. The first of March a storm took us at north, which night the ships lost the company of the "Hugh Gallant," being in 49I-, and 45 leagues from the land. This storm continued three or four days, and for that time we in the "Hugh Gallant," being separated from the other two ships, looked every hour to sink, our bark was so leak, and ourselves so dilvered [fatigued] and weakened with freeing it of water, that we slept not in three days and three nights. The 15th of March, in the morning, the "Hugh Gallant" came in between the island of St. Mary and the main, where she met with the Admiral and the "Content," which had rid at the island called La Mocha two days, which standeth in the southerly latitude of 38 degrees; at which place some of our men went on shore with the Vice-Admiral's boat, where the Indians fought with them with their bows and arrows, and were marvellous wary of their cali- vers. These Indians were enemies to the Spaniards, and belonged to a great place called Arauco, and took us for Spaniards, as afterward we learned. This place which is called Arauco is wonderful rich and full of gold-mines, and yet could it not be subdued 448 Cavendish — First Voyage at any time by the Spaniards, but they always re- turned with the greatest loss of men. For these In- dians are marvellous desperate and careless of their lives to live at their own liberty and freedom. The 15th day aforesaid, in the afternoon, we weighed an- chor and ran under the west side of St. Mary Island, where we rid very well in six fathoms water and very fair ground all that night. The 16th day our gen- eral went on shore himself with 70 or 80 men, every one with his furniture. There came down to us cer- tain Indians with two which were the principals of the island to welcome us on shore, thinking we had been Spaniards, for it is subdued by them; who brought us up to a place where the Spaniards had erected a church with crosses and altars in it. And there were about this church two or three store- houses, which were full of wheat and barley ready threshed and made up in cades of straw to the quan- tity of a bushel of corn in every cade. The wheat and barley was as fair, as clean, and everyway as good as any we have in England. There were also the like cades full of potato roots, which were very good to eat, ready made up in the storehouses for the Spaniards against they should come for their tribute. This island also yieldeth many sorts of fruits, hogs, and hens. These Indians are held in such slavery by them that they dare not eat a hen or an hog them- selves. But the Spaniards have made them all in that island Christians. Thus we fitted ourselves here 449 lers and explorers with corn as much as we would have, and as many hogs as we had salt to powder them withal, and great store of hens, with a number of bags of potato roots, and about 500 dried dog-fishes, and Guinea wheat, which is called maize. And, having taken as much as we would have, yet we left marvellous great store behind us. Our general had the two principals of the island aboard our ship, and provided great cheer for them, and made them merry with wine; and they in the end perceiving us to be no Spaniards, made signs, as near as our general could perceive, that if we would go over unto the mainland unto Arauco, that there was much gold, making us signs that we should have great store of riches. But because we could not understand them, our general made some haste, and within two or three days we furnished ourselves. The 1 8th day, in the morning, we departed from this place, and ran all that day north-northeast about ten leagues, and at night lay with a short sail off and on the coast. The 19th we ran in east-northeast with the land, and bare in with a place called The Con- ception, where we anchored under an island, and de- parted the next morning without going on land. The 20th we departed from The Conception, and went into a little bay which was sandy, where we saw fresh water and cattle, but we stayed not there. The 30th day we came into the Bay of Quintero, which standeth in 33 degrees and 50 minutes. The said day, presently after we were come to an anchor 450 Cavendish — First Voyage in the bay, there was a neatherd, or one that kept cat- tle, which lay upon the point of the hill asleep, which, when he awaked and had espied three ships which were come into the bay, before we could get on shore, he had caught an horse which was feeding by and rode his way as fast as ever he might; and our general, with thirty shot with him, went on shore. He had not been on land one hour but there came three horsemen with bright swords toward us so hard as they might ride, until they came within some 20 or 30 score of us, and so stayed, and would come no nearer unto us. So our general sent unto them a couple of our men with their shot, and one Fer- nando, which was the Spaniard that we had taken up at the mouth of the Straits, which was one of the 400 that were starved there. But the Spaniards would not suffer our men to come near with their shot, but made signs that one of our men should come alone unto them; so the said Fernando, the Spaniard, went unto them, and our two men stood not far from them. They had great conference, and in the end Fernando came back from them and told our general that he had parleyed with them for some victuals, who had promised as much as we would have. Our general sent him back again with another message and an- other shot with him; and, being come near unto them, they would not suffer any more than one to approach them; whereupon our men let the Span- iard go unto them alone himself, who, being some 45i Travellers and Explorers good distance from them, they stayed but a small time together but that the said Fernando leaped up behind one of them and rid away with them, for all his deep and damnable oaths which he had made constantly to our general and all his company never to forsake him, but to die on his side before he would be false. Our general, seeing how he was dealt with- al, filled water all that day with good watch, and car- ried it aboard; and, night being come, he determined the next day to send into the country to find their town, and to have taken the spoil of it, and to have fired it if they could have found it. The last of March Captain Havers went up into the country with 50 or 60 men with their shot and furniture with them, and we travelled seven or eight miles into the land; and as we were marching along we espied a number of herds of cattle, of kine and bullocks, which were wonderful wild. We saw also great store of horses, mares, and colts, which were very wild and unhandled. There is also great store of hares and coneys, and plenty of partridges and other wild fowls. The country is very fruitful, with fair, fresh rivers all along full of wild fowl of all sorts. Having travelled so far that we could go no further for the monstrous high mountains, we rested ourselves at a very fair, fresh river running in and along fair low meadows at the foot of the mountains, where every man drunk of the river and refreshed themselves. Having so done, we returned to our 452 Cavendish — First Voyage ships the likest way that we thought their town should be. So we travelled all the day long, not see- ing any man, but we met with many wild dogs. Yet there were two hundred horsemen abroad that same day by means of the Spaniard which they had taken the day before from us, who had told them that our force was but small, and that we were wonderfully weak; who, though they did espy us that day, yet durst they not give the onset upon us. For we marched along in array, and observed good order, whereby we seemed a great number more than we were, until we came unto our ships that night again. The next day, being the first of April, 1587, our men went on shore to fill water at a pit which was a quarter of a mile from the water's side; and being early hard at their business were in no readiness. In which meanwhile there came pouring down from the hills almost 200 horsemen, and before our people could return to the rocks from the watering-place, 12 of them were cut off, part killed and part taken prisoners; the rest were rescued by our soldiers, which came from the rocks to meet with them, who being but 15 of us that had any weapons on shore, yet we made the enemy retire in the end with loss of some 24 of their men, after we had skirmished with them an hour. The names of our men that were slain were these — Thomas Lucas, of London, soldier, Richard Wheeler, of London, Robert Pitch- er, of Norfolk, soldier, John Langston, of Glouces- 453 Travellers and Explorers tershire, William Kingman, of Dorsetshire, soldier, William Hills, of Cornwall, out of the Admiral. William Byet, of Weymouth, Laurence Gamesby, of Newcastle, killed out of the Vice-Admiral. Henry Blackenals, of Weymouth, William Stevens, of Ply- mouth, gunner, William Pitt, of Sherborne, in Dor- setshire, Humfrey Derrick, of London, killed out of the "Hugh Gallant." After the loss of these men we rid in the road, and watered in despite of them with good watch and ward, until the fifth of the said month. The fifth day we departed out of this bay of Quintero, and off from the bay there lieth a little island about a league distant, whereon there are great store of penguins and other fowls; whereof we took to serve our turns, and sailed away north, and north and by west: for so lieth the coast along in this place. The 15th we came thwart of a place which is called Morro Moreno, which standeth in 23J de- grees, and is an excellent good harborough; and there is an island which maketh it an harborough, and a ship may go in at either end of the island. Here we went with our general on shore to the num- ber of 30 men; and at our going on shore upon our landing, the Indians of the place came down from the rocks to meet with us, with fresh water and wood on their backs. They are in marvellous awe of the Spaniards, and very simple people, and live marvellous savagely; for they brought us to their 454 Cavendish—First Voyage hidings about two miles from the harbor, where we saw their women and lodging, which is nothing but the skin of some beast laid upon the ground; and over them, instead of houses, is nothing but five or six sticks laid across, which stand upon two forks with sticks on the ground, and a few boughs laid on it. Their diet is raw fish, which stinketh most vilely; and when any of them die, they bury their bows and arrows with them, with their canoa and all that they have; for we opened one of their graves, and saw the order of them. Their canoas or boats are marvel- lous artificially made of two skins like unto bladders, and are blown full at one end with quills. They have two of these bladders blown full, which are sewn together and made fast with a sinew of some wild beast, which when they are in the water swell, so that they are as tight as may be. They go to sea in these boats, and catch very much fish with them, and pay much of it for tribute unto the Spaniards; but they use it marvellous beastly. The 23d in the morning we took a small bark which came out of Arica road, which we kept and called the George ; the men forsook it, and went away with their boat. Our Admiral's pinnace followed the boat, and the "Hugh Gallant's" boat took the bark. Our Admiral's pinnace could not recover the boat before it got on shore, but went along into the road of Arica, and laid aboard a great ship of 100 tons, rid- ing in the road right afore the town, but all the men 455 Travellers and Explorers and goods were gone out of it, only the bare ship was left alone. They made three or four very fair shots at the pinnace as she was coming in, but missed her very narrowly with a minion shot which they had in the fort. Whereupon we came into the road with the Admiral and the "Hugh Gallant;" but the "Con- tent," which was Vice-Admiral, was behind out of sight, by means whereof, and for want of her boat to land men withal, we landed not; otherwise, if we had been together, our general with the company would resolutely have landed to take the town, whatsoever had come of it. The cause why the "Content" stayed behind was, that she had found about 14 leagues to the southward of Arica, in a place where the Span- iards had landed, a whole ship's lading of botijas of wine of Castilia, whereof the said"Content" took into her as many as she could conveniently carry, and came after us into the road of Arica the same day. By this time we perceived that the town had gathered all their power together, and also had conveyed all their treasure away, and buried it before we were come near the town; for they had heard of us. Now be- cause it was very populous with the aid of one of two places up in the land, our general saw there was no landing without loss of many men; wherefore he gave over that enterprise. While we rid in the road, they shot at us; and our ships shot at them again for every shot two. Moreover our pinnace went in hard almost to the shore, and fetched out another bark 456 Cavendish — First Voyage which rid there, in despite of all their forts, though they shot still at the pinnace, which they could never hit. After these things our general sent a boat on shore with a flag of truce to know if they would re- deem their great ship or no; but they would not, for they had received special commandment from the Viceroy from Lima, not to buy any ship, nor to ran- som any man upon pain of death. Our general did this in hope to have redeemed some of our men, which were taken prisoners on shore by the horsemen at Quintero, otherwise he would have made them no offer of parley. The 25th, riding still in the said road, we spied a sail coming from the southward, and our general sent out his pinnace to meet her, with all our boats; but the town made such signs from the hill with fires and tokens out of the watch-house, that before our pinnace could get to them, they ran the bark on shore two miles to the southward of the town; but they had small leisure to carry anything with them. But all the men scaped; among whom were certain friars, for we saw them in their friars' weeds as they ran on shore; many horsemen came from the town to rescue them, and to carry them away, otherwise we had landed and taken or killed them. So we went aboard the bark as she lay sunk, and fetched out the pillage , but there was nothing in it of any value, and came aboard our ships again the same night. And the next morning we set the great ship on fire in the 457 Travellers and Explorers road, and sunk one of the barks, and carried the other along with us, and so departed from thence and went away northwest. The 27th day we took a small bark, which came from St. lago, near unto Quintero, where we lost our men first. In this bark was one George, a Greek, a reasonable pilot for all the coast of Chili. They were sent to the city of Lima with letters of adviso of us, and of the loss of our men. There were also in the said bark one Fleming and three Spaniards, and they were all sworn and received the sacrament be- fore they came to sea by three or four friars, that if we should chance to meet them, they should throw those letters overboard; which, as we were giving them chase with our pinnace, before we could fetch them up, they had accordingly thrown away. Yet our general wrought so with them that they did con- fess it; but he was fain to cause them to be tormented with their thumbs in a wrinch, and to continue them at several times with extreme pain. Also he made the old Fleming believe that he would hang him, and the rope being about his neck he was pulled up a lit- tle from the hatches, and yet he would not confess, choosing rather to die than he would be perjured. In the end it was confessed by one of the Spaniards; whereupon we burnt the bark, and carried the men with us.. The third of May we came into a bay where are three little towns, which are called Paracca, Chin- 458 Cavendish — First Voyage cha, and Pisca, where some of us landed and took certain houses, wherein was bread, wine, figs, and hens ; but the sea went so high, that we could not land at the best of the towns without sinking of our boats, and great hazard of us all. This place standeth in 13 degrees and two-thirds to the southward of the line. The fifth of May we departed from this har- bor, leaving the "Content," our Vice-Admiral, with- in at an island of seals, by which means at that time we lost her company. The ninth we gave chase to a sail, namely, our Admiral, the "Hugh Gallant," and the "George," which we had taken before, coming out of the road of Arica: the "Content," which was our Vice-Admiral, being still lost; but we could not fetch it. The "George" made after it, but lost it that night. The tenth day the "Hugh Gallant" (in which bark I Francis Pretty was) lost company of our Admiral. The nth we which were in the "Hugh Gallant" put into a bay which standeth in 12 degrees and two- thirds, in which bay we found a river of fresh water about eight of the clock at night. And though we were but of small force, and no more but one bark and 18 men in it, yet we went on shore to fill water; where, having filled one boat's lading, while our boat was in going aboard, two or three of our company which were on shore, as they were going a little from the watering-place with their furniture about them, espied where there were 400 or 500 bags of meal on 459 Travellers and Explorers an heap covered with a few reeds. So that night we filled water and took as much meal as we thought good, which fell out well for us that were then lost and stood in need of victuals; and by break of day in the morning we came aboard, and there stayed and rode until the afternoon. In which mean time the town seeing us ride there still, brought down much cattle to the seaside to have enticed us to come on shore; but we saw their intent, and weighed anchor and departed the twelfth day. The 13th day at night we put into a bay which standeth in nine degrees and a third, where we saw horsemen; and that night we landed, namely, Mas- ter Brewer, captain, myself Francis Pretty, Arthur Warford, John Way, preacher, John Newman, An- drew White, William Gargefield, and Henry Hil- liard. And we eight only, having every man his arquebus and his furniture about him, marched three- quarters of a mile along the seaside, where we found' a boat of five or six tons haled up dry on the shore about a cable's length from the water; and with ex- treme labor we launched the bark. When it was on float, Captain Brewer and I went in, while the rest of our company were fetching their things; but sud- denly it was ready to sink. And the captain and I stood up to the knees lading out water with our tar- gets: but it sunk down faster than we were able to free it, insomuch as in the end we had much ado to save ourselves from drowning. When we were out, 460 Cavendish — First Voyage we stood in great fear that our own boat wherein we came on shore was sunk; for we could nowhere see it. Howbeit the captain commanded them to keep it off, for fear of the great surge that went by the shore. Yet in the end we spied it, and went aboard by two and two, and were driven to wade up to the arm- holes sixty paces into the sea before we could get into the boat, by reason of the shoalness; and then de- parted the 14th day in the morning. The 1 6th we took with the "Hugh Gallant," be- ing but 16 men of us in it, a great ship which came from Guaiaquil, which was called the "Lewis," and was of the burthen of 300 tons, having four-and- twenty men in it, wherein was pilot one Gonsalvo de Ribas, whom we carried along with us, and a negro called Emmanuel. The ship was laden with noth- ing but timber and victuals; wherefore we left her seven leagues from the land very leak and ready to sink in seven degrees to the southward of the line; we sunk her boat and took away her foresail and cer- tain victuals. The 17th of May we met with our Admiral again, and all the rest of our fleet. They had taken two ships, the one laden with sugar, molosses, maize, Cor- dovan-skins, manteca de puerco [lard], many packs of pintados [colored cloths], many Indian coats, and some marmalade, and 1,000 hens; and the other ship was laden with wheat-meal and boxes of marmalade. One of these ships which had the chief merchandise 461 Travellers and Explorers in it, was worth £20,000, if it had been in England or in any other place of Christendom where we might have sold it. We filled all our ships with as much as we could bestow of these goods ; the rest we burnt, and the ships also, and set the men and women that were not killed on shore. The 20th day in the morning we came into the road of Paita; and being at an anchor, our general landed with 60 or jo men, skirmished with them of the town, and drave them all to flight to the top of the hill which is over the town, except a few slaves and some other which were of the meaner sort, who were commanded by the governors to stay below in the town, at a place which is in building for a fort, having with them a bloody ensign, being in number about 100 men. Now as we were rowing between the ships and the shore, our gunner shot off a great piece out of one of the barks, and the shot fell among them, and drave them to fly from the fort as fast as they might run; who got them up upon a hill, and from thence shot among us with their small shot. After we were landed and had taken the town, we ran upon them, and chased them so fiercely up the hills for the space of an hour, that we drave them in the end away perforce ; and being got up the hills, we found where they had laid all their stuff which they had brought out of the town, and had hidden it there upon the mountains. We also found the quantity of 25 pounds weight in silver in pieces of eight reals, 462 Cavendish — First Voyage and abundance of household stuff and storehouses full of all kinds of wares. But our general would not suffer any man to carry much cloth or apparel away, because they should not cloy themselves with bur- dens, for he knew not whether our enemies were pro- vided with furniture according to the number of their men; for they were five men to one of us, and we had an English mile and an half to our ships. Thus we came down in safety to the town, which was very well builded, and marvellous clean kept in every street, with a town-house or Guildhall in the midst, and had to the number of 200 houses at the least in it. We set it on fire to the ground, and goods to the value of five or six thousand pounds. There was also a bark, riding in the road, which we set on fire, and departed, directing our course to the island of Puna. The 25th of May we arrived at the island of Puna, where is a very good harbor. Where we found a great ship of the burden of 250 tons riding at an anchor with all her furniture, which was ready to be haled on ground; for there is a special good place for that purpose. We sunk it, and went on shore where the lord of the island dwelt, which was by the waterside, who had a sumptuous house, marvellous well contrived, with very many singular good rooms and chambers in it; and out of every chamber was framed a gallery with a stately prospect into the sea on the one side, and into the island on the other side, 463 Travellers and Explorers with a marvellous great hall below, and a very great storehouse at the other end of the hall, which was filled with botijas [jars] of pitch, and bash [bast, fibre of the lime-tree] to make cables withal; for the most part of the cables of the South Sea are made upon that island. This great cacique doth make all the Indians upon the island to work and to drudge for him; and he himself is an Indian born, but is married to a marvellous fair woman which is a Span- iard, by reason of his pleasant habitation and of his great wealth. This Spanish woman his wife is honored as a queen in the island, and never goeth on the ground upon her feet, but holdeth it too base a thing for her. But when her pleasure is to take the air, or to go abroad, she is always carried in a shadow [covered chair] like unto a horse-litter upon four men's shoulders, with a veil or canopy over her for the sun or the wind, having her gentlewomen still attending about her, with a great troop of the best men of the island with her. But both she and the lord of the island with all the Indians in the town were newly fled out of the island before we could get to an anchor, by reason we were becalmed before we could get in, and were gone over unto the mainland, having carried away with them to the sum of 100,000 crowns; which we knew by a captain of the island, an Indian, which was left there with some other upon the island under him, whom we had taken at sea as 464 Cavendish — First Voyage we were coming into the road, being in a balsa [raft] or canoa for a spy to see what we were. The 27th our general himself with certain shot and some targeteers went over into the main unto the place where this aforesaid Indian captain which we had taken had told us that the cacique, which was the lord of the island, was gone unto, and had carried all his treasure with him; but at our coming to the place which we went to land at, we found newly arrived there four or five great balsas, which were laden with plantains, bags of meal, and many other kinds of victuals. Our general marvelled what they were and what they meant, asking the Indian guide and commanding him to speak the truth upon his life; being then bound fast, he answered being very much abashed, as well as our company were, that he neither knew from whence they should come, nor who they should be; for there was never a man in any one of the balsas; and because he had told our general be- fore, that it was an easy matter to take the said cacique and all his treasure, and that there were but three or four houses standing in a desert place and no resist- ance, and that if he found it not so he should hang him. Again, being demanded to speak upon his life what he thought these balsas should be, he answered that he could not say from whence they should come, except it were to bring 60 soldiers, which he did hear were to go to a place called Guaiaquil, which was about six leagues from the said island, where two or 465 Travellers and Explorers three of the king's ships were on the stocks in build- ing, where are continually an hundred soldiers in garrisons who had heard of us, and had sent for 60 more for fear of burning of the ships and town. Our general, not any whit discouraged, either at the sight of the balsas unlooked for, or for hearing of the three- score soldiers not until then spoken of, with a brave courage animating his company in the exploit, went presently forward, being in the night in a most desert path in the woods, until such time as he came to the place ; where, as it seemed, they had kept watch either at the water's side, or at the houses, or else at both, and were newly gone out of the houses, having so short warning, that they left their meat both boiling and roasting at the fire, and were fled with their treasure with them, or else buried it where it could not be found, being alsointhe night. Our companytookhens and such things as we thought good, and came away. The 29th day of May our general went in the ship-boat into a little island thereby, whereas the said cacique which was the lord of Puna had caused all the hangings of his chambers, which were of Cordo- van leather all gilded over, and painted very fair and rich, with all his household stuff, and all the ship's tackling which was riding in the road at our coming in, with great store of nails, spikes of iron, and very many other things, to be conveyed; all which we found, and brought away what our general thought requisite for the ship's business. 466 Cavendish — First Voyage This island is very pleasant for all things requi- site, and fruitful; but there are no mines of gold nor silver in it. There are at the least 200 houses in the town about the cacique's palace, and as many in one or two towns more upon the island, which is almost as big as the Isle of Wight, in England. There is planted on the one side of the cacique's house a fair garden, with all herbs growing in it, and at the lower end a well of fresh water, and round about it are trees set, whereon bombasin cotton groweth after this manner. The tops of the trees grow full of cods, out of which the cotton groweth, and in the cotton is a seed of the bigness of a pea, and in every cod there are seven or eight of these seeds; and if the cotton be not gathered when it is ripe, then these seeds fall from it, and spring again. There are also in this garden fig-trees which bear continually, also pom- pions, melons, cucumbers, radishes, rosemary, and thyme, with many other herbs and fruits. At the other end of the house there is also another orchard, where grow oranges sweet and sour, limons, pome- granates and limes, with divers other fruits. There is very good pasture ground in this island; and withal many horses, oxen, bullocks, sheep very fat and fair, great store of goats, which be very tame, and are used continually to be milked. They have moreover abundance of pigeons, turkeys, and ducks of a marvellous bigness. There was also a very large and great church hard by the cacique's house, whither 467 Travellers and Explorers he caused all the Indians in the island to come and hear mass ; for he himself was made a Christian when he was married to the Spanish woman before spoken of, and upon his conversion he caused the rest of his subjects to be christened. In this church was an high altar with a crucifix, and five bells hanging in the nether end thereof. We burned the church and brought the bells away. By this time we had haled on ground our Admiral, and had made her clean, burned her keel, pitched and tarred her, and had haled her on float again; and in the meanwhile con- tinually kept watch and ward in the great house both night and day. The second day of June in the morning, by- and-by after break of day, every one of the watch being gone abroad to seek to fetch in victuals, some one way, some another, some for hens, some for sheep, some for goats, upon the sudden there came down upon us an hundred Spanish soldiers with muskets and an ensign, which were landed on the other side of the island that night, and all the Indians of the island with them, every one with weapons and their baggage after them; which was by means of a negro, whose name was Emmanuel, which fled from us at our first landing there. Thus being taken at advan- tage we had the worst; for our company was not past sixteen or twenty; whereof they had slain one or two before they were come to the houses. Yet we skir- mished with them an hour and an half; at the last, 468 Cavendish— First Voyage being sore overcharged with multitudes, we were driven down from the hill to the water's side, and there kept them play awhile, until in the end Zachary Saxie, who with his halberd had kept the way of the hill, and slain a couple of them, as he breathed him- self, being somewhat tired, had an honorable death and a short; for a shot struck him to the heart; who feeling himself mortally wounded, cried to God for mercy, and fell down presently dead. But soon after the enemy was driven somewhat to retire from the bank's side to the green ; and in the end our boat came and carried as many of our men away as could go in her, which was in hazard of sinking while they has- tened into it. And one of our men, whose name was Robert Maddocke, was shot through the head with his own piece, being a snaphance, as he was hast- ing into the boat. But four of us were left behind, which the boat could not carry; to wit, myself Fran- cis Pretty, Thomas Andrewes, Stephen Gunner, and Richard Rose; which had our shot ready and retired ourselves unto a clifT, until the boat came again, which was presently after they had carried the rest aboard. There were 46 of the enemy slain by us, whereof they had dragged some into bushes, and some into old houses, which we found afterward. We lost twelve men, in manner following: Zachary Saxie, Neales Johnson, William Gargefield, Nicho- las Hendy, Henry Cooper, slain by the enemy; Rob- ert Maddocke, killed with his piece; Henry Mawd- 469 Travellers and Explorers ley, burnt; Edward, the gunner's-man, Ambrose, the musician, drowned; Walter Tilliard, Edward Smith, Henry Aselye, taken prisoners. The self-same day, being the second of June, we went on shore again with seventy men, and had a fresh skirmish with the enemies, and drave them to retire, being an hundred Spaniards serving with muskets, and 200 Indians with bows, arrows, and darts. This done, we set fire on the town and burnt it to the ground, having in it to the number of 300 houses; and shortly after made havoc of their fields, orchards, and gardens, and burnt four great ships more which were in building on the stocks. The third of June, the "Content," which was our Vice- Admiral, was haled on ground to grave at the same place, in despite of the Spaniards, and also our pin- nace, which the Spaniards had burnt, was new trimmed. The fifth day of June we departed out of the road of Puna, where we had remained eleven days, and turned up for a place which is called Rio Dolce, where we watered; at which place also we sunk our Rear-Admiral, called the "Hugh Gallant," for want of men, being a bark of 40 tons. The 10th day of the same month we set the Indians on shore, which we had taken before in a balsa, as we were coming into the road of Puna. The nth day we de- parted from the said Rio Dolce. The 12th of June we doubled the equinoctial line, and continued our course northward all that month. 470 Cavendish — First Voyage The first of July we had sight of the coast of Nueva Espana, being four leagues distant from land in the latitude of 10 degrees to the northward of the line. The 9th of July we took a new ship of the bur- den of 120 tons, wherein was one Michael Sancius, whom our general took to serve his turn to water along the coast; for he was one of the best coasters in the South Sea. This Michael Sancius was a Pro- vencal, born in Marseilles, and was the first man that told us news of the great ship called the "Santa Anna," which we afterward took coming from the Philippinas. There were six men more in this new ship; we took her sails, her ropes, and fire-wood, to serve our turns, set her on fire, and kept the men. The tenth we took another bark which was going with advice of us and our ships all along the coast, as Michael Sancius told us; but all the company that were in the bark were fled on shore. None of both these ships had any goods in them. For they came both from Sonsonate, in the province of Guatimala; the new ship, for fear we should have taken her in the road, and the bark, to carry news of us along the coast; which bark also we set on fire. The 26th day of July we came to an anchor at 10 fathoms in the river of Copalita, where we made ac- count to water. And the same night we departed with thirty men in the pinnace, and rowed to Agua- tulco, which is but two leagues from the aforesaid 47i Travellers and Explorers river; and standeth in 15 degrees 40 minutes to the northward of the equinoctial line. The 27th in the morning by the break of day, we came into the road of Aguatulco, where we found a bark of 50 tons, which was come from Sonsonate laden with cacaos and anil [indigo], which they had there landed ; and the men were all fled on shore. We landed there and burnt their town, with the church and custom-house, which was very fair and large; in which house were 600 bags of anil to dye cloth, every bag whereof was worth forty crowns; and 400 bags of cacaos, every bag whereof is worth ten crowns. These cacaos go among them for meat and money; for 150 of them are in value one real of plate in ready payment. They are very like unto an almond, but are nothing so pleasant in taste; they eat them and make drink of them. This the owner of the ship told us. I found in this town, before we burnt it, a flasket full of boxes of balm. After we had spoiled and burnt the town, wherein there were some hundred houses, the owner of the ship came down out of the hills with a flag of truce unto us, which before with the rest of all the townsmen was run away at our first coming, and at length came aboard our pinnace upon Captain Havers' word of safe return. We carried him to the river of Copa- lita where our ships rode; and when he came to our general he caused him to be set on shore in safety the same night, because he came upon the captain's word. 472 Cavendish— First Voyage The 28th day we set sail from Copalita, because the sea was so great there that we could not fill water and ran the same night into the road of Aguatulco. The 29th our general landed and went on shore with thirty men two miles into the woods, where we took a mestizo, whose name was Michael de Truxillo, who was Customer of that town, and we found with him two chambers full of his stuff; we brought him and his stuff aboard. And whereas I say he was a mestizo, it is to be understood that a mestizo is one which hath a Spaniard to his father and an Indian to his mother. The second day of August we had watered, and examined the said mestizo, and set him on shore again, and departed from the port of Aguatulco the same night, which standeth, as I said before, in 15 degrees and 40 minutes to the northward of the line. Here we overslipped the haven of Acapulco, from whence the ships are set forth for the Philip- pinas. The 24th day of August our general, with thirty of us, went with the pinnace unto an haven called Puerto de Natividad, where we had intelli- gence by Michael Sancius that there should be a pinnace; but before we could get thither the said pinnace was gone to fish for pearls 12 leagues farther, as we were informed by certain Indians which we found there. We took a mulatto in this place in his bed, which was sent with letters of advice concerning us along the coast of Nueva Galicia; whose horse we 473 Travellers and Explorers killed, took his letters, left him behind, set fire on the houses, and burnt two new ships of 200 tons the piece which were in building there on the stocks, and came aboard of our ships again. The 26th of August we came into the bay of St. lago, where we watered at a fresh river, along which river many plantains are growing. Here is great abundance of fresh fish. Here, also, certain of our company dragged for pearls and caught some quantity. The second of September we departed from St. lago at four of the clock in the evening. This bay of St. lago standeth in 19 degrees and 18 minutes to the northward of the line. The third of September we arrived in a little bay, a league to the westward of Port de Navidad, called Malacca, which is a very good place to ride in ; and the same day, about twelve of the clock, our general landed with 30 men or thereabout, and went up to a town of Indians w T hich was two leagues from the road, which town is called Acatlan. There were in it about twenty or thirty houses and a church, which we defaced, and came aboard again the same night. All the people were fled out of the town at the sight of us. The 4th of September we departed from the road of Malacca and sailed along the coast. The 8th we came to the road of Chaccalla, in which bay there are two little houses by the water's side. This bay is 18 leagues from the Cape de los Corrientes. The ninth, in the morning, our general 474 Cavendish— First Voyage sent up Captain Havers with 40 men of us before day, and, Michael Sancius being our guide, we went unto a place about two leagues up into the country in a most villanous desert path through the woods and wilderness, and in the end we came to a place where we took three householders with their wives and children and some Indians, one carpenter, which was a Spaniard, and a Portugal; we bound them all and made them to come to the seaside with us. Our general made their wives to fetch us plantains, limons, and oranges, pineapples, and other fruits, whereof they had abundance, and so let their hus- bands depart, except Sembrano, the Spanish carpen- ter, and Diego, the Portugal; and the tenth day we departed the road. The 12th day we arrived at a little island called the Isle of St. Andrew, on which there is great store of fowl and wood, where we dried and salted as many of the fowls as we thought good. We also killed there abundance of seals and iguanas, which are a kind of serpents, with four feet, and a long, sharp tail, strange to them which have not seen them; but they are very good meat. We rid here until the 17th day, at which time we departed. The 24th day we arrived in the road of Mazat- lan, which standeth in 23J degrees, just under the tropic of Cancer. It is a very great river within, but is barred at the mouth ; and upon the north side of the bar without is good fresh water; but there is very evil filling of it, because at a low water it is 475 Travellers and Explorers shoaled half a mile off the shore. There is great store of fresh fish in that bay, and good fruits up into the country, whereof we had some, though not with- out danger. The 27th day of September we departed from the road of Mazatlan, and ran to an island which is a league to the northward the said Mazatlan, where we trimmed our ships and new built our pinnace; and there is a little island a quarter of a league from it, on which are seals, where a Spanish prisoner, whose name was Domingo, being sent to wash shirts with one of our men to keep him, made a scape and swam to the main, which was an English mile dis- tant; at which place we had seen thirty or forty Spaniards and Indians, which were horsemen and kept watch there, which came from a town called Chiametla, which was 1 1 leagues up into the coun- try, as Michael Sancius told us. We found upon the island where we trimmed our pinnace fresh water, by the assistance of God in that our great need, by digging two or three foot deep in the sand, where no water nor sign of water was before to be perceived. Otherwise we had gone back 20 or 30 leagues to water, which might have been occasion that we might have missed our prey we had long waited for. But God raised one Flores, a Spaniard, which was also a prisoner with us, to make a motion to dig in the sands. Now our general, having had experience once before of the like, commanded to 476 Cavendish— First Voyage put his motion in practice, and in digging three foot deep we found very good and fresh water. So we watered our ships, and might have filled a thousand tuns more if we had would. We stayed in this isl- and until the 9th day of October, at which time we departed at night for the Cape of St. Lucar, which is on the west side of the point of California. The 14th of October we fell with the Cape of St. Lucar, which cape is very like the Needles at the Isle of Wight; and within the said cape is a great bay, called by the Spaniards Aguada Segura; into which bay falleth a fair fresh river, about which many Indians use to keep. We watered in the river, and lay off and on from the said Cape of St. Lucar until the fourth of November, and had the winds hanging still westerly. The fourth of November the "Desire" and the "Content," wherein were the number of Eng- lishmen only living, beating up and down upon the headland of California, which standeth in 23 de- grees and two thirds to the northward; between seven and eight of the clock in the morning one of the company of our Admiral, which was the trump- eter of the ship, going up into the top, espied a sail bearing in from the sea with the cape. Whereupon he cried out, with no small joy to himself and the whole company, A sail! a sail! With which cheer- ful word the master of the ship and divers others of the company went also up into the maintop. Who, 477 P— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers perceiving the speech to be very true, gave informa- tion unto our general of these happy news, who was no less glad than the cause required; whereupon he gave in charge presently unto the whole company to put all things in readiness. Which being per- formed, he gave them chase some three or four hours, standing with our best advantage and working for the wind. In the afternoon we gat up unto them, giving them the broadside with our great ordnance and a volley of small shot, and presently laid the ship aboard, whereof the King of Spain was owner, which was Admiral of the South Sea, called the Santa Anna, and thought to be 700 tons in burthen. Now, as we were ready on their ship's side to enter her, being not past 50 or 60 men at the uttermost in our ship, we perceived that the captain of the said ship had made fights fore and after, and laid their sails close on their poop, their midship, with their fore- castle, and having not one man to be seen, stood close under their fights, with lances, javelins, rapiers, and targets, and an innumerable sort of great stones, which they threw overboard upon our heads and into our ship so fast, and being so many of them, that they put us off the ship again with the loss of two of our men, which were slain, and with the hurting of four or five. But for all this we new trimmed our sails, and fitted every man his furniture, and gave them a fresh 478 Cavendish — First Voyage encounter with our great ordnance and also with our small shot, raking them through and through, to the killing and maiming of many of their men. Their captain still, like a valiant man, with his company, stood very stoutly unto his close fights, not yielding as yet. Our general, encouraging his men afresh with the whole noise of trumpets, gave them the third encounter with our great ordnance and all our small shot, to the great discomforting of our enemies, rak- ing them through in divers places, killing and spoil- ing many of their men. They being thus discom- forted and spoiled, and their ship being in hazard of sinking by reason of the great shot which were made, whereof some were under water, within five or six hours' fight set out a flag of truce and parled for mercy, desiring our general to save their lives and to take their goods, and that they would presently yield. Our general, of his goodness, promised them mercy, and willed them to strike their sails, and to hoise out their boat and to come aboard. Which news they were full glad to hear of, and presently struck their sails, hoised their boat out, and one of their chief merchants came aboard unto our general, and, falling down upon his knees, offered to have kissed our general's feet, and craved mercy. Our general most graciously pardoned both him and the rest upon promise of their true dealing with him and his company concerning such riches as were in 479 Travellers and Explorers the ship; and sent for the captain and their pilot, who, at their coming, used the like duty and rever- ence as the former did. The general, of his great mercy and humanity, promised their lives and good usage. The said captain and pilot presently certi- fied the general what goods they had within board: to wit, 122,000 pesos of gold; and the rest of the riches that the ship was laden with was in silks, satins, damasks, with musk and divers other mer- chandise, and great store of all manner of victuals, with the choice of many conserves of all sorts for to eat, and sundry sorts of very good wines. These things being made known to the general by the afore- said captain and pilot, they were commanded to stay aboard the "Desire," and on the sixth day of Novem- ber following we went into an harbor which is called by the Spaniards Aguada Segura of Puerto Seguro. Here the whole company of the Spaniards, both of men and women to the number of 190 persons, were set on shore; where they had a fair river of fresh water, with great store of fresh fish, fowl, and wood, and also many hares and coneys upon the main land. Our general also gave them great store of victuals, of garvansas [chick peas], peasen, and some wine. Also they had all the sails of their ship to make them tents on shore, with license to take such store of planks as should be sufficient to make them a bark. Then we fell to hoising in of our goods, shar- ing of the treasure, and allotting to every man his 480 Cavendish — First Voyage portion. In division whereof, the eighth of this month, many of the company fell into a mutiny against our general, especially those which were in the "Content," which nevertheless were after a sort pacified for the time. On the 17th day of November, which is the day of the happy Coronation of her Majesty, our general commanded all his ordnance to be shot off, with the small shot both in his own ship where himself went, and also in the "Content," which was our Vice- Admiral. This being done, the same night we had many fireworks and more ordnance discharged, to the great admiration of all the Spaniards which were there; for the most part of them had never seen the like before. This ended, our general discharged the captain, gave him a royal reward, with provision for his de- fence against the Indians, and his company, both of swords, targets, pieces, shot, and powder, to his great contentment; but before his departure, he took out of this ship two young lads born in Japan, which could both write and read their own language. The eldest, being about twenty years old, was named Christopher, the other was called Cosmus, about sev- enteen years of age, both of very good capacity. He took also with him, out of their ship, three boys born in the islands of Manilla, the one about fifteen, the other about thirteen, and the youngest, about nine years old. The name of the eldest was Alphonso, 481 Travellers and Explorers the second Anthony de Basi, the third remaineth with the Right Honorable the Countess of Essex. He also took from them one Nicholas Roderigo, a Portugal, who hath not only been in Canton and other parts of China, but also in the islands of Japan, being a country most rich in silver mines, and hath also been in the Philippinas. He took also from them a Spaniard, whose name was Thomas de Ersola, which was a very good pilot from Acapulco and the coast of Nueva Espana unto the islands of Ladrones, where the Spaniards do put in to water, sailing between Acapulco and the Philip- pinas. In which islands of Ladrones, they find fresh water, plantains, and potato roots; howbeit the peo- ple be very rude and heathens. The 19th day of November aforesaid, about three of the clock in the afternoon, our general caused the king's ship to be set on fire, which, having to the quantity of 500 tons of goods in her, we saw burnt unto the water, and then gave them a piece of ordnance and set sail joy- fully homeward toward England with a fair wind, which by this time was come about to east-northeast. And night growing near we left the "Content" astern of us, which was not as yet come out of the road. And here, thinking she would have overtaken us, we lost her company and never saw her after. We were sail- ing from this haven of Aguada Segura, in Califor- nia, unto the isles of Ladrones, the rest of November and all December, and so forth until the third of 482 Cavendish — First Voyage January, 1588, with a fair wind for the space of 45 days; and we esteemed it to be between 1,700 and 1,800 leagues. The third day of January by six of the clock in the morning we had sight of one of the islands of Ladrones called the island of Guana, standing in 13 degrees and two-thirds toward the north ; and sailing with a gentle gale before the wind, by one or two of the clock in the afternoon we were come up within two leagues of the island, where we met with sixty or seventy sails of canoas full of sav- ages, who came off to sea unto us, and brought with them in their boats plantains, cocos, potato-roots, and fresh fish, which they had caught at sea, and held them up unto us for to truck or exchange with us; which when we perceived we made fast little pieces of old iron upon small cords and fishing-lines, and so veered the iron into their canoas, and they caught hold of them and took off the iron, and in exchange of it they would make fast unto the same line either a potato-root or a bundle of plantains, which we haled in, and thus our company exchanged with them until they had satisfied themselves with as much as did content them; yet we could not be rid of them. For afterward they were so thick about the ship that it stemmed and brake one or twoof their canoas; but the men saved themselves, being in every canoa four, six, or eight persons, all naked, and excellent swimmers and divers. They are of a tawny color and marvel- lous fat, and bigger ordinarily of stature than the 483 Travellers and Explorers most part of our men in England, wearing their hair marvellous long; yet some of them have it made up and tied with a knot on the crown, and some with two knots, much like unto their images which we saw them have carved in wood, and standing in the head of their boats like unto the images of the devil. Their canoas were as artificially made as any that ever we had seen, considering they were made and contrived without any edge-tool. They are not above half-a- yard in breadth, and in length some seven or eight yards, and their heads and sterns are both alike; they are made out with rafts of canes and reeds on the star- board side, with mast and sail. Their sail is made of mats of sedges, square or triangle-wise, and they sail as well right against the wind as before the wind. These savages followed us so long, that we could not be rid of them, until in the end our general com- manded some half dozen arquebuses to be made ready, and himself struck one of them and the rest shot at them; but they were so yare [brisk] and nim- ble, that we could not discern whether they were killed or no, because they could fall backward into the sea, and prevent us by diving. The 14th day of January lying at hull with our ship all the middle watch, from twelve at night until four in the morning, by the break of day we fell with an headland of the isles of the Philippinas, which is called Cabo del Spirito Santo, which is of very great bigness and length, high land in the midst of it, and 484 Cavendish — First Voyage very low land as the cape lieth east and west, trending far into the sea to the westward. This cape or island is distant from the isle of Guana, one of the Ladrones, 310 leagues. We were in sailing this course eleven days, with scant winds and some foul weather, bear- ing no sail two or three nights. This island standeth in 13 degrees, and is a place much peopled with heathen people, arid all woody through the whole land; and it is short of the chiefest island of the Phil- ippinas, called Manilla, about 60 leagues. Manilla is well planted and inhabited with Spaniards to the number of 600 or 700 persons ; which dwell in a town unwalled, which hath three or four small block- houses, part made of wood and part of stone, being indeed of no great strength ; they have one or two small galleys belonging to the town. It is a very rich place of gold and many other commodities ; and they have yearly traffic from Acapulco in Nueva Espana, and also twenty or thirty ships from China and from the Sanguelos, which bring them many sorts of merchandise. The merchants of China and the Sanguelos are part Moors and part heathen peo- ple. They bring great store of gold with them, which they traffic and exchange for silver, and give weight for weight. These Sanguelos are men of mar- vellous capacity in devising and making all manner of things, especially in all handicrafts and sciences; and every one is so expert, perfect, and skilful in his faculty, as few or no Christians are able to go be- 485 Travellers and Explorers yond them in that which they take in hand. For drawing and embroidering upon satin, silk, or lawn, either beast, fowl, fish, or worm, for liveliness and perfectness, both in silk, silver, gold and pearl, they excel. Also the 14th day at night we entered the straits between the island of Lucon and the island of Camlaia. The 15th of January we fell with an isl- and called Capul, and had betwixt the said island and another island but a narrow passage, and a mar- vellous rippling of a very great tide with a ledge of rocks lying off the point of the island of Capul; and no danger, but water enough a fair breadth off, and within the point a fair bay and a very good har- borough in four fathoms water hard aboard the shore within a cable's length. About ten of the clock in the morning we came to an anchor. Our ship was no sooner come to an anchor, but presently there came a canoa rowing aboard us, wherein was one of the chief caciques of the island, whereof there be seven ; who, supposing that we were Spaniards, brought us potato-roots, which they called camotas, and green cocos, in exchange whereof we gave his company pieces of linen, to the quantity of a yard for four cocos, and as much linen for a basket of potato-roots of a quart in quantity, which roots are very good meat, and excellent sweet either roasted or boiled. This cacique's skin was carved and cut with sundry and many streaks and devices all over his body. We kept him still aboard, and caused him to 486 Cavendish—First Voyage send those men which brought him aboard back to the island to cause the rest of the principals to come aboard; who were no sooner gone on shore, but pres- ently the people of the island came down with their cocos and potato-roots, and the rest of the principals likewise came aboard and brought with them hens and hogs ; and they used the same order with us which they do with the Spaniards. For they took for every hog (which they call balboye), eight reals of plate, and for every hen or cock one real of plate. Thus we rode at anchor all that day, doing nothing but buying roots, cocos, hens, hogs, and such things as they brought, refreshing ourselves marvellously well. The same day at night, being the 15th of January, 1588, Nicolas Roderigo, the Portugal, whom we took out of the great Santa Anna, at the Cape of Cali- fornia, desired to speak with our general in secret; which when our general understood he sent for him, and asked him what he had to say unto him. The Portugal made him this answer, that although he had offended his worship heretofore, yet now he had vowed his faith and true service unto him, and in re- spect thereof he neither could nor would conceal such treason as was in working against him and his company, and that was this: That the Spaniard which was taken out of the great Santa Anna for a pilot, whose name was Thomas de Ersola, had writ- ten a letter, and secretly sealed it and locked it up in his chest, meaning to convey it by the inhabitants of 487 Travellers and Explorers this island to Manilla, the contents whereof were "that there had been two English ships along the coast of Chili, Peru, Nueva Espana, and Nueva Galicia, and that they had taken many ships and merchandise in them, and burnt divers towns, and spoiled all that ever they could come unto, and that they had taken the king's ship which came from Manilla and all his treasure, with all the merchandise that was therein, and had set all the people on shore, taking himself away perforce. Therefore he willed them that they should make strong their bulwarks with their two galleys, and all such provision as they could possibly make." He further signified, "that we were riding at an island called Capul, which was at the end of the island of Manilla, being one ship with small force in it, and that the other ship, as he supposed, was gone for the Northwest Passage, standing in 55 degrees; and that if they could use any means to surprise us, being there at an anchor, they should de- spatch it; for our force was but small, and our men but weak, and that the place where we rode was but fifty leagues from them. Otherwise if they let us escape, within few years they must make account to have their town besieged and sacked with an army of English." This information being given, our gen- eral called for him, and charged him with these things. Which at the first he utterly denied; but in the end, the matter being made manifest, and known of certainty by especial trial and proofs, the next 488 Cavendish — First Voyage morning our general willed that he should be hanged; which was accordingly performed the 16th of January. We rode for the space of nine days about this island of Capul, where we had divers kinds of fresh victuals, with excellent fresh water in every bay, and great store of wood. The people of this island go almost all naked, and are tawny of color. The men wear only a strap about their waists, of some kind of linen of their own weaving, which is made of plantain leaves, and another strap coming from their back underneath, and is made fast to their girdles. . . . These people wholly worship the devil, and often times have conference with him, which appeareth unto them in most ugly and mon- strous shape. On the 23d day of January, our general, Master Thomas Cavendish, caused all the principals of this island, and of an hundred islands more which he had made to pay tribute unto him (which tribute was in hogs, hens, potatoes, and cocos) to appear before him, and made himself and his company known unto them, that they were Englishmen, and enemies to the Spaniards; and thereupon spread his ensign and sounded up the drums, which they much marvelled at; to conclude, they promised both themselves and all the islands thereabout to aid him, whensoever he should come again to overcome the Spaniards. Also our general gave them, in token that we were enemies to the Spaniards, money back again for all their 489 Travellers and Explorers tribute which they had paid; which they took mar- vellous friendly, and rowed about our ships to show us pleasure marvellous swiftly; at the last our gen- eral caused a saker to be shot off, whereat they won- dered, and with great contentment took their leaves of us. The next day being the 24th of January, we set sail about six of the clock in the morning, and ran along the coast of the island of Manilla, shaping our course northwest, between the isle of Manilla and the isle of Masbat. The 28th day in the morning about seven of the clock, riding at an anchor betwixt two islands, we spied a frigate under her two courses, running out between two other islands, which as we imagined came from Manilla, sailing close aboard the shore along the mainland of Panama; we chased this fri- gate along the shore, and got very fast upon it, until in the end we came so near that it stood into the shore close by a wind, until she was becalmed and was driven to strike her sail, and banked up with her oars; whereupon we came unto an anchor with our ship, a league and an half from the place where the frigate rowed in; and manned our boat with half-a- dozen shot and as many men with swords, which did row the boat; thus we made after the frigate which had hoised sail and ran into a river, which we could not find. But as we rowed along; the shore, our boat came into very shallow water, where many weirs and 490 Cavendish — First Voyage sticks were set up in divers places in the sea, from whence two or three canoas came forth, whereof one made somewhat near unto us, with three or four In- dians in it. We called unto them, but they would not come nearer unto us, but rowed from us ; whom we durst not follow too far for fear of bringing our- selves too much to the leeward of our ship. Here, as we looked about us, we espied another balsa or canoa of a great bigness, which they which were in her did set along, as we do usually set a barge, with long staves or poles, which was builded up with great canes, and below hard by the water made to row with oars; wherein were about five or six Indians and one Spaniard. Now as we were come almost at the balsa, we ran aground with our boat; but one or two of our men leaped overboard and freed it again presently, and keeping thwart her head, we laid her aboard and took into us the Spaniard, but the Indians leaped into the sea and dived and rose far off again from us. Presently upon the taking of this canoa, there showed upon the sand a band of soldiers marching with an ensign having a red cross like the flag of England, which were about fifty or sixty Spaniards, which were lately come from Ma- nilla to that town which is called Ragaun in a bark to fetch a new ship of the king's, which was building in a river within the bay, and stayed there but for certain irons that did serve for the rudder of the said ship, which they looked for every day. 491 Travellers and Explorers This band of men shot at us from the shore with their muskets, but hit none of us, and we shot at them again; they also manned a frigate and sent it out after our boat to have taken us. But we with sail and oars went from them; and when they per- ceived that they could not fetch us, but that they must come within danger of the ordnance of our ship, they stood in with the shore again and landed their men, and presently sent their frigate about the point, but whither we knew not. So we came aboard with this one Spaniard, which was neither soldier nor sailor, but one that was come among the rest from Manilla, and had been in the hospital there a long time before, and was a very simple soul, and such a one as could answer to very little that he was asked, concerning the state of the country. Here we rode at anchor all that night, and perceived that the Spaniards had dispersed their band into two or three parts, and kept great watch in several steads with fires and shooting off their pieces. This island hath much plain ground in it in many places, and many fair and straight trees do grow upon it, fit for to make excellent good masts for all sorts of ships. There are also mines of very fine gold in it, which are in the custody of the Indians. And to the southward of this place there is another very great island, which is not subdued by the Spaniards, nor any other na- tion. The people which inhabit it are all negroes, and the island is called the Island of Negroes, and is 492 Cavendish — First Voyage almost as big as England, standing in nine degrees; the most part of it seemeth to be very low land, and by all likelihood is very fruitful. The 29th day of January, about six of the clock in the morning, we set sail, sending our boat before until it was two of the clock in the afternoon, pass- ing all this time, as it were, through a strait betwixt the said two islands of Panama and the Island of Negroes, and about 16 leagues off we espied a fair opening, trending southwest and by south, at which time our boat came aboard, and our general sent commendations to the Spanish captain which we came from the evening before by the Spaniard which we took, and willed him to provide good store of gold; for he meant for to see him with his company at Manilla within few years, and that he did but want a bigger boat to have landed his men, or else he would have seen him then; and so caused him to be set on shore. The 8th day of February by eight of the clock in the morning we espied an island near Gilolo, called Batochina, which standeth in one de- gree from the equinoctial line northward. The 14th day of February we fell with eleven or twelve very small islands, lying very low and flat, full of trees, and passed by some islands which be sunk and have the dry sands lying in the main sea. These islands, near the Malucos, stand in 3 degrees and 10 minutes to the southward of the line. On the 17th day, one John Gameford, a cooper, 493 Travellers and Explorers died, which had been sick of an old disease a long time. The 20th day we fell with certain other isl- ands which had many small islands among them, standing four degrees to the southward of the line. On the 2 1 st day of February, being Ash Wednesday, Captain Havers died of a most severe and pestilent ague which held him furiously some seven or eight days; to the no small grief of our general and of all the rest of the company, who caused two falcons and one saker to be shot off, with all the small shot in the ship ; who, after he was shrouded in a sheet and a prayer said, was heaved overboard with great lamen- tation of us all. Moreover, presently after his death myself with divers others in the ship fell marvel- lously sick, and so continued in very great pain for the space of three weeks or a month by reason of the extreme heat and untemperateness of the climate. The first day of March, having passed through the straits of Java Minor and Java Major, we came to an anchor under the southwest parts of Java Major; where we espied certain of the people which were fishing by the sea-side in a bay which was un- der the island. Then our general taking into the ship's boat certain of his company, and a negro which could speak the Morisco tongue, which he had taken out of the great "Santa Anna," made to- ward those fishers, which having espied our boat ran on shore into the wood for fear of our men; but our general caused his negro to call unto them; who no 494 Cavendish — First Voyage sooner heard him call, but presently one of them came out to the shore-side and made answer. Our general by the negro enquired of him for fresh water, which they found, and caused the fisher to go to the king and to certify him of a ship that was come to have traffic for victuals, and for diamonds, pearls, or any other rich jewels that he had; for which he should have either gold or other merchandise in ex- change. The fisherman answered that we should have all manner of victuals that we would request. Thus the boat came aboard again. Within a while after we went about to furnish our ship thoroughly with wood and water. About the eighth of March two or three canoas came from the town unto us with eggs, hens, fresh fish, oranges and limes, and brought word we should have had victuals more plentifully, but that they were so far to be brought to us where we rid. Which when our general heard he weighed anchor and stood in nearer for the town. And as we were under sail we met with one of the king's canoas com- ing toward us ; whereupon we shook the ship in the wind and stayed for the canoa until it came aboard of us, and stood into the bay which was hard by and came to an anchor. In this canoa was the king's sec- retary, who had on his head a piece of dyed linen cloth folded up like unto a Turk's tuliban [turban] ; he was all naked saving about his waist; his breast was carved with the broad arrow upon it; he went 495 Travellers and Explorers barefooted; he had an interpreter with him, which was a mestizo, that is, half an Indian and half a Por- tugal, who could speak very good Portuguese. This secretary signified unto our general that he had brought him an hog, hens, eggs, fresh fish, sugar- canes, and wine, which wine was as strong as any aqua mtae, and as clear as any rock water. He told him further that he would bring victuals so suffi- ciently for him, as he and his company would re- quest, and that within the space of four days. Our general used him singularly well, banqueted him most royally with the choice of many and sundry conserves, wines both sweet and other, and caused his musicians to make him music. This done our general told him that he and his company were En- glishmen, and that we had been at China and had had traffic there with them, and that we were come thither to discover, and purposed to go to Malacca. The people of Java told our general that there were certain Portugals in the islands which lay there as factors continually to traffic with them, to buy ne- groes, cloves, pepper, sugar, and many other com- modities. This secretary of the king with his inter- preter lay one night aboard our ship. The same night, because they lay aboard, in the evening at the setting of the watch, our general commanded every man in the ship to provide his arquebus and his shot, and so with shooting off forty or fifty small shot and one saker, himself set the watch with them. This 496 Cavendish — First Voyage was no small marvel unto these heathen people, who had not commonly seen any ship so furnished with men and ordnance. The next morning we dis- missed the secretary and his interpreter with all hu- manity. The fourth day after, which was the 12th of March, according to their appointment came the king's canoas; but the wind being somewhat scant they could not get aboard that night, but put into a bay under the island until the next day. And pres- ently after the break of day there came to the num- ber of nine or ten of the king's canoas so deeply laden with victuals as they could swim, with two great live oxen, half a score of wonderful great and fat hogs, a number of hens which were alive, drakes, geese, eggs, plantains, sugar-canes, sugar in plates, cocos, sweet oranges and sour, limes, great store of wine and aqua vitae, salt to season victuals withal, and almost all manner of victuals else, with divers of the king's officers which were there. Among all the rest of the people, in one of these canoas came two Portugals, which were of middle stature, and men of marvellous proper personage; they were each of them in a loose jerkin, and hose, which came down from the waist to the ancle, because of the use of the country, and partly because it was Lent, and a time for doing of their penance (for they account it as a thing of great dislike among these heathens to wear either hose or shoes on their feet) : they had on each of them a very 497 Travellers and Explorers fair and a white lawn shirt, with falling bands on the same, very decently, only their bare legs excepted. These Portugals were no small joy unto our general and all the rest of our company; for we had not seen any Christian, that was our friend, of a year and an half before. Our general used and entreated them singularly well, with banquets and music. They told us that they were no less glad to see us than we to see them, and enquired of the state of their country, and what was become of Don Antonio, their king, and whether he were living or no; for that they had not of long time been in Portugal, and that the Spaniards had always brought them word that he was dead. Then our general satisfied them in every demand; assuring them that their king was alive, and in Eng- land, and had honorable allowance of our queen, and that there was war between Spain and England, and that we were come under the King of Portugal into the South Sea, and had warred upon the Spaniards there, and had fired, spoiled, and sunk all the ships along the coast that we could meet withal, to the num- ber of eighteen or twenty sails. With this report they were sufficiently satisfied. On the other side they declared unto us the state of the island of Java. First the plentifulness and great choice and store of victuals of all sorts, and of all manner of fruits, as before is set down. Then the great and rich merchandise which are there to be had. Then they described the properties and nature of the 498 Cavendish — First Voyage people as followeth. The name of the king of that part of the island was Raja Bolamboam, who was a man had in great majesty and fear among them. The common people may not bargain, sell, or exchange anything with any other nation, without special li- cence from their king; and if any so do, it is present death for him. The king himself is a man of great years, and hath an hundred wives; his son hath fifty. The custom of the country is, that whensoever the king doth die they take the body so dead and burn it, and preserve the ashes of him, and within five days next after, the wives of the said king so dead, accord- ing to the custom and use of their country, every one of them go together to a place appointed, and the chief of the women, which was nearest unto him in account, hath a ball in her hand, and throweth it from her, and to the place where the ball resteth thither they go all, and turn their faces to the eastward, and every one with a dagger in their hand (which dagger they call a crise, and is as sharp as a razor) stab them- selves to the heart, and with their hands all-to be- bathe themselves in their own blood, and falling grovelling on their faces so end their days. This thing is as true as it seemeth to any hearer to be strange. The men of themselves be very politic and subtle, and singularly valiant, being naked men, in any ac- tion they undertake, and wonderfully at command- ment and fear of their king. For example; if their 499 Travellers and Explorers king command them to undertake any exploit, be it never so dangerous or desperate, they dare not nor will not refuse it, though they die every man in the execution of the same. For he will cut off the heads of every one of them which return alive without bringing of their purpose to pass; which is such a thing among them, as it maketh them the most valiant people in all the southeast parts of the world; for they never fear any death. For being in fight with any nation, if any of them feeleth himself hurt with lance or sword, he will willingly run himself upon the weapon quite through his body to procure his death the more speedily, and in this desperate sort end his days, or overcome his enemy. Moreover, although the men be tawny of color and go continually naked, yet their women be fair of complexion and go more apparelled. After they had thus described the state of the isl- and, and the orders and fashions of the people, they told us farther, that if their king Don Antonio would come unto them they would warrant him to have all the IVIalucos at commandment, besides China, San- gles, and the isles of the Philippinas, and that he might be assured to have all the Indians on his side that are in the country. After we had fully contented these Portugals, and the people of Java which brought us victuals in their canoas, they took their leave of us with promise of all good entertainment at our returns, and our general gave them three great 500 Cavendish — First Voyage pieces of ordnance at their departing. Thus the next day, being the 16th of March, we set sail toward the Cape of Good Hope, called by the Portugals Cabo de Buena Esperanga, on the southernmost coast of Africa. The rest of March and all the month of April we spent in traversing that mighty and vast sea, between the isle of Java and the main of Africa, observing the heavens, the Crosiers or South-pole, the other stars, the fowls, which are marks unto the seamen of fair weather, foul weather, approaching of lands or isl- ands, the winds, the tempests, the rains and thunders, with the alteration of tides and currents. The ioth day of May we had a storm at the west, and it blew so hard that it was as much as the ship could stir close by under the wind ; and the storm con- tinued all that day and all that night. The next day, being the nth of May, in the morning one of the company went into the top, and espied land bearing north and north and by west of us, and about noon we espied land to bear west of us, which, as we did imagine, was the Cape of Buena Esperanca, whereof, indeed, we were short some 40 or 50 leagues. And by reason of the scantness of the wind we stood along to the southeast until midnight, at which time the wind came fair, and we haled along westward. The 1 2th and 13th days we were becalmed, and the sky was very hazy and thick until the 14th day at three of the clock in the afternoon, at which time the skv 501 Travellers and Explorers cleared, and we espied the land again which was the cape called Cabo Falso, which is short of the Cape de Buena Esperanca 40 or 50 leagues. This cape is very easy to be known; for there are right over it three very high hills standing but a small way one off another, and the highest standeth in the midst, and the ground is much lower by the seaside. The Cape of Good Hope beareth west and by south from the said Cabo Falso. The 1 6th day of May, about four of the clock in the afternoon, the wind came up at east a very stiff gale, which held until it was Saturday, with as much wind as ever the ship could go before ; at which time, by six of the clock in the morning, we espied the promontory or headland called the Cape de Buena Esperanca, which is a reasonable high land, and at the westermost point, a little off the main, do shew two hummocks, the one upon the other, and three other hummocks lying further off into the sea, yet low land between and adjoining unto the sea. The Cape of Buena Esperanca is set down and accounted for 2,000 leagues from the island of Java in the Por- tugal sea-charts; but it is not so much almost by 150 leagues, as we found by the running of our ship. We were in running of these 1850 leagues just nine weeks. The 8th day of June, by break of day, we fell in sight of the island of St. Helena, seven or eight leagues short of it, having but a small gale of wind, or almost none at all, insomuch as we could not get 502 Cavendish — First Voyage into it that day, but stood off and on all that night. The next day, being the 9th of June, having a pretty easy gale of wind, we stood in with the shore, our boat being sent away before to make the harborough ; and about one of the clock in the afternoon we came unto an anchor in twelve fathoms water, two or three cables' length from the shore, in a very fair and smooth bay under the northwest side of the island. This island is very high land, and lieth in the main sea, standing as it were in the midst of the sea be- tween the mainland of Africa and the main of Bra- silia and the coast of Guinea, and is in 15 degrees and 48 minutes to the southward of the equinoctial line, and is distant from the Cape of Buena Esperanca be- tween 500 and 600 leagues. The same day, about two or three of the clock in the afternoon, we went on shore, where we found a marvellous fair and pleasant valley, wherein divers handsome buildings and houses were set up, and es- pecially one which was a church, ,which was tiled and whited on the outside very fair and made with a porch, and within the church at the upper end was set an altar, whereon stood a very, large table set in a frame having in it the picture of our Saviour Christ upon the cross and the image of our Lady praying, with divers other histories curiously painted in the same. The sides of the church were all hanged with stained cloths having many devices drawn in them. There are two houses adjoining to the church, 503 Travellers and Explorers on each side one, which serve for kitchens to dress meat in, with necessary rooms and houses of office. The coverings of the said houses are made flat, whereon is planted a very fair vine, and through both the said houses runneth a very good and wholesome stream of fresh water. There is also, right over against the said church, a fair causey [causeway] made up with stones reaching unto a valley by the sea side, in which valley is planted a garden wherein grow great store of pompions and melons. And upon the said causey is a frame erected whereon hang two bells wherewith they ring to mass ; and hard unto it is a cross set up, which is squared, framed, and made very artificially of free stone, whereon is carved in ciphers what time it was builded, which was in the year of our Lord 1571. This valley is the fairest and largest low plot in all the island, and it is marvellous sweet and pleas- ant, and planted in every place either with fruit-trees or with herbs. There are fig-trees, which bear fruit continually and marvellous plentifully; for on every tree you shall have blossoms, green figs, and ripe figs all at once; and it is so all the year long. The rea- son is that the island standeth so near the sun. There be also great store of limon-trees, orange-trees, pome- granate-trees, pomecitron-trees, date-trees, which bear fruit as the fig-trees do, and are planted care- fully and very artificially with very pleasant walks under and between them, and the said walks be over- 504 Cavendish — First Voyage shadowed with the leaves of the trees. And in every void place is planted parsley, sorrel, basil, fennel, anise-seed, mustard-seed, radishes, and many special good herbs; and the fresh water brook runneth through divers places of this orchard, and may with very small pains be made to water any one tree in the valley. This fresh-water stream cometh from the tops of the mountains, and falleth from the cliff into the val- ley the height of a cable, and hath many arms out of it, which refresh the whole island and almost every tree in it. The island is altogether high mountains and steep valleys, except it be in the tops of some hills and down below in some of the valleys, where mar- vellous store of all these kinds of fruits before spoken of do grow. There is greater store growing in the tops of the mountains than below in the valleys; but it is wonderful laborsome and also dangerous travelling up unto them and down again, by reason of the height and steepness of the hills. There is also upon this island great store of par- tridges, which are very tame, not making any great haste to fly away though one come very near them, but only to run away and get up into the steep cliffs ; we killed some of them with a fowling-piece. They differ very much from our partridges which are in England both in bigness and also in color; for they be within a little as big as an hen, and are of an ash color, and live in coveys twelve, sixteen, and twenty 505 Travellers and Explorers together. You cannot go ten or twelve score but you shall see or spring one or two coveys at the least. There are likewise no less store of pheasants in the island, which are also marvellous big and fat,surpass- ing those which are in our country in bigness and in numbers of a company. They differ not very much in color from the partridges before spoken of. We found moreover in this place a great store of Guinea cocks, which we call turkeys, of color black and white, with red heads ; they are much about the same bigness which ours be of in England. Their eggs be white, and as big as a [common] turkey's egg. There are in this island thousands of goats, which the Spaniards call cabritos, which are very wild; you shall see one or two hundred of them together, and sometimes you may behold them going in a flock al- most a mile long. Some of them, whether it be the nature of the breed of them, or of the country, I wot not, are as big as an ass ; with a mane like a horse and a beard hanging down to the very ground. They will climb up the cliffs, which are so steep that a man would think it a thing unpossible for any living thing to go there. We took and killed many of them, for all their swiftness; for there be thousands of them upon the mountains. Here are in like manner great store of swine, which be very wild and very fat, and of a marvellous bigness. They keep altogether upon the mountains, and will very seldom abide any man to come near them, except it be by mere chance when 506 Cavendish — First Voyage they be found asleep, or otherwise, according to their kind, be taken laid in the mire. We found in the houses at our coming three slaves which were negroes and one which was born in the island of Java, which told us that the East Indian fleet, which were in number five sails, the least whereof were in burden 800 or 900 tons, all laden with spices and Calicut cloth, with store of treasure and very rich stones and pearls, were gone from the said island of St. Helena but twenty days before we came hither. This island hath been found of long time by the Portugals, and hath been altogether planted by them for their refreshing as they come from the East In- dies. And when they come they have all things plentiful for their relief, by reason that they suffer none to inhabit there that might spend up the fruit of the island, except some very few sick persons in their company, which they stand in doubt will not live until they come home, whom they leave there to refresh themselves, and take away the year following with the other fleet if they live so long. They touch here rather in their coming home from the East In- dies than at their going thither, because they are thoroughly furnished with corn when they set out of Portugal, but are but meanly victualled at their com- ing from the Indies, where there groweth little corn. The 20th of June, having taken in wood and water, and refreshed ourselves with such things as 507 Travellers and Explorers we found there, and made clean our ship, we set sail about eight of the clock in the night toward England. At our setting sail we had the wind at southeast, and we haled away northwest and by west. The wind is commonly off the shore at this island of St. Helena. On Wednesday, being the third day of July, we went away northwest, the wind being still at southeast; at which time we were in one degree and 48 minutes to the southward of the equinoctial line. The 12th day of the said month of July it was very little wind, and toward night it was calm, and blew no wind at all, and so continued until it was Monday, being the 15th day of July. On Wednesday, the 17th day of the abovesaid month, we had the wind scant at west- northwest. We found the wind continually to blow at east, and northeast, and east-northeast after we were in 3 or 4 degrees to the northward; and it al- tered not until we came between 30 and 40 degrees to the northward of the equinoctial line. On Wednesday, the 21st day of August, the wind came up at southwest a fair gale, by which day at noon we were in 38 degrees of northerly latitude. On Friday, in the morning, being the 23d day of August, at four of the clock, we haled east, and east and by south for the northernmost islands of the Azores. On Saturday, the 24th day of the said month, by five of the clock in the morning, we fell in sight of the two islands of Flores and Corvo, stand- ing in 39J degrees, and sailed away northeast. The 508 Cavendish — First Voyage third of September we met with a Flemish hulk, which came from Lisbon, and declared unto us the overthrowing of the Spanish Fleet, to the singular rejoicing and comfort of us all. The ninth day of September, after a terrible tempest, which carried away most part of our sails, by the merciful favor of the Almighty we recovered our long-wished port of Plymouth in England, from whence we set forth at the beginning of our voyage. 509 Q— Vol. 11 CAPTAIN COOK'S FIRST VOYAGE N narrating the career of a distinguished man, it is well to neglect none of those details which may appear of but slight importance. They acquire significance as indications of a vocation unknown even to its subject, and throw a light upon the char- acter under consideration. For these reasons we shall dwell a little upon the humble beginning of the career of one of the most illustrious navigators whom England boasts. James Cook was born at Marton, in Yorkshire, on the 27th of October, 1728. He was the ninth child of a farm servant and a peasant woman named Grace. When scarcely eight years of age little James assisted his father in the rough toil of the farm of Airy Holme, near Ayton. His amiability, and love of work, attracted the interest of the farmer, who had him taught to read. When he was thirteen years of age, he was ap- prenticed to William Sanderson, a linendraper at Snaith, a fishing-hamlet of some importance. But young Cook found little pleasure in an employment which kept him behind a counter, and he spent every leisure moment in chatting with the sailors who visited the port. Gaining his father's consent, 510 Captain Cook's First Voyage James soon left the linendraper's, to engage himself as ship-boy, to Messrs. Walker, whose boats carried coal from England to Ireland. Successively ship-lad, sailor, and master, Cook rapidly learned all the details of his profession. In the spring of 1755, as the first hostilities be- tween England and France broke out, the boat upon which Cook served was anchored in the Thames. The navy was recruited in those days by means of pressgangs. At first Cook hid himself, but after- ward, urged no doubt by presentiment, he engaged himself on board the "Eagle," a vessel of sixty guns, to the command of which Sir Hugh Palliser was soon appointed. Intelligent, active, thoroughly at home in all the details of the service, Cook was noticed by the offi- cers, and attracted the attention of his captain, who in a short time received a letter of warm recommen- dation from the member for Scarborough, sent in ac- cordance with the pressing solicitations of all the in- habitants of Ayton, for young Cook, who shortly afterward received a warrant as boatswain. He em- barked upon the "Mercury," bound for Canada, upon the 15th of May, 1759, and joined the fleet of Sir Charles Saunders, who, in conjunction with Gen- eral Wolfe, conducted the siege of Quebec. In that campaign Cook found the first opportu- nity of distinguishing himself. Ordered off to sound the St. Lawrence between Orleans Island and the 5ii Travellers and Explorers northern shore of the river, he executed his task with much skill, and drew up a chart of the channel in spite of the difficulties and dangers of the enterprise. His hydrographical sketch was acknowledged to be so exact and complete that he received orders to ex- amine the channels of the river below Quebec. This duty he performed so well that his chart of the St. Lawrence was published by the English Ad- miralty. After the capture of Quebec, Cook passed on to the "Northumberland," under command of Lord Colville, and profited by his stay on the shores of Newfoundland to devote himself to astronomy. Important operations were now intrusted to him. He drew up the plan of Placentia, and took the bear- ings of St. Peter and Miquelon. In 1764 he was made naval engineer for New- foundland and Labrador, and was employed for three consecutive years in hydrographical tasks, which obtained for him the notice of the ministry, and helped to correct innumerable errors in the maps of America. At the same time he addressed a treatise to the Royal Society of London, upon an eclipse of the sun, which he had observed in Newfoundland in 1766. This document appeared in the "Philosophical Transactions." Cook was not long in receiving a due reward for so much and such successful labor, and for his patient studies, the more meritorious, as he had had few opportunities, and was self-taught. 512 Captain Cook's First Voyage A scientific question of the highest importance, viz., the transit of Venus across the sun's disk, which had been announced for 1769, was eagerly discussed by all the scientists of the day. The English Gov- ernment, confident that this observation could only be effectually made in the Pacific Sea, resolved to send a scientific expedition thither. The command was offered to the famous hydrog- rapher A. Dalrymple, equally celebrated for his as- tronomical investigations, and his geographical dis- coveries in the southern seas. But he was so exacting in his demands, and so persevering in his request for a commission as ship's captain, which Sir Edward Hawker as obstinately refused, that the Secretary of the Admiralty proposed another commander for the projected enterprise. His choice fell upon James Cook, who was cor- dially recommended by Sir Hugh Palliser, and to him therefore the command of the "Endeavour" was given, while he was at the same time raised to the rank of ship's lieutenant. Cook was now forty years of age. This was his first appointment in the Royal Navy. The mission intrusted to him called for varied qualifications, rarely to be met with in a sailor. For, although the observation of the transit of Venus was the principal object of the voyage, it was by no means the only one. Cook was also to make a voyage of discov- ery in the Pacific Ocean. But the humbly born 5i3 Travellers and Explorers Yorkshire lad was destined to prove himself equal to his task. While the "Endeavour" was being equipped, her crew of eighty-four men chosen, her store of eighteen months' provision embarked, her ten guns and twelve swivel guns, with the needful ammunition, shipped, Captain Wallis arrived in England. He had accomplished his voyage round the world. He was consulted as to the best spot for the observation of the transit of Venus, and he selected an island which he had discovered, and which was named by him after George III. It was later known by its native name of Tahiti. From this spot therefore Cook was to take observations. Charles Green, assistant to Dr. Bradley, of Green- wich Observatory, embarked with him. To Green was intrusted the astronomical department, Dr. So- lander, a Swedish doctor of medicine, a disciple of Linnaeus, and professor at the British Museum, un- dertook the botanical part. Finally, Sir Joseph Banks joined the expedition, out of simple interest, anxious to employ his energy and fortune. After leaving Oxford, Sir Joseph Banks had visited the Newfoundland coast and Labrador, and had there acquired a taste for botany. Two painters accom- panied the expedition, one a landscape and portrait painter, the other a scientific draughtsman. In ad- dition to these, the company comprised a secretary and four servants, two of whom were negroes. 5i4 Captain Cook's First Voyage The "Endeavour" left Plymouth upon the 26th of August, 1768, and put into port at Funchal, in the isl- and of Madeira, on the 13th of September, to obtain fresh fruit and make discoveries. The expedition met with a cordial reception. During their visit to a convent, the staff of the "Endeavour"were entreated by the poor immured re- cluses to let them know when it would thunder, and to find a spring of fresh water for them, which they sorely needed, in the interior of the convent. With all their learning, Banks, Solander, and Cook found it impossible to satisfy these demands. From Maderia to Rio de Janeiro, where the ex- pedition arrived on the 13th of November, no inci- dent interrupted the voyage, but Cook's reception by the Portuguese was hardly what he expected. The whole time of his stay in port was spent in disputes with the viceroy, a man of little knowledge, and quite incapable of understanding the scientific aspect of the expedition. However, he could not well refuse to supply the English with fresh provisions, of which they had absolutely none left. As, however, Cook was passing Fort Santa Cruz on leaving the bay, two shots were fired after him, whereupon he immedi- ately cast anchor, and demanded the meaning of the insult. The viceroy replied that the commandant of the Fort had orders to allow no vessel to leave the bay without his having received notice, and although Captain Cook had notified his intention to the 515 Travellers and Explorers viceroy, it had, by pure neglect, not been communi- cated to the Commandant of the Fort. Was this an intentional act of discourtesy on the part of the viceroy? or was it simple heedlessness? If the viceroy was equally negligent in all the details of his administration, the Portuguese colony must have been well regulated! Cook entered the Straits of Lemaire on the 14th of January, 1769. Kippis, in his life of Captain Cook, gives the following account: "The sea ran so high that the water was above Cape San Diego, and the vessel was so driven by the wind that her bowsprit was constantly under water. Next day anchor was cast in a small harbor, which was recognized as Port Maurice, and soon afterward they anchored in the Bay of Good Success. While the 'Endeavour' remained off this spot a strange and un- toward adventure befell Banks, Solander, Dr. Green, and Monkhouse, the surgeon of the vessel, and their attendants. They were proceeding toward a moun- tain in search of plants, and as they climbed it they were surprised by cold, so penetrating and sudden, that they were all in danger of perishing. Dr. So- lander was seized with vertigo, two negro servants died on the spot; finally the gentlemen were only able to regain the vessel after a lapse of two days. They rejoiced in their deliverance with a joy which can only be estimated by those who have escaped similar dangers, while Cook showed a lively pleas- 516 Captain Cook's First Voyage lire in the cessation of the anxiety their absence had caused him. This event gave them a proof of the severity of the climate." It was the middle of summer in this part of the world, and the day, when the cold surprised them, had begun as warmly as an ordinary May morning in England. James Cook was enabled to make some curious observations upon the savage inhabitants of those desolate regions. Destitute of the necessaries of life, without clothes, without efficient shelter from the almost perpetual severity of this glacial latitude, un- armed, and unlearned in any industrial art which would enable them to construct the more necessary utensils, they passed a miserable life, and could only exist with difficulty. In spite of these facts, of all the articles offered in exchange they invariably chose the least useful. They joyfully accepted bracelets and necklaces, and rejected hatchets, knives, and fish- hooks. Careless of what we consider valuables, our superfluities were their necessaries. Cook had reason to congratulate himself upon the selection of this route. He took thirty days to double Tierra del Fuego, from the date of his en- trance into the Straits of Lemaire to his arrival, three degrees north of Magellan. No doubt a much longer time would have been needed, if he had fol- lowed the winding course of the Strait of Magellan. His very exact astronomical observations, in which S\7 Travellers and Explorers Green joined him, and the directions he gave for this dangerous navigation, smoothed the difficulties of his successors, and rectified the charts of L'Hermite, Lemaire, and Schouten. Cook noticed no current of any importance from the 21st of January, the day upon which he doubled Cape Horn, to the ist of March, in a distance of one hundred and sixty leagues of sea. He discovered a good many islands in the Dangerous Archipelago, which he respectively named, Lagoon, Arch, Groups, Birds, and Chain Islands. The greater number were inhabited and were covered with vegetation, which to sailors who for three months had seen only sea and sky, and the frozen rocks of Tierra del Fuego, ap- peared luxuriant. Soon they found Martea Island, which Wallis had named Osnaburgh, and on the next day, i ith of June, the island of Tahiti was reached. Two days later the "Endeavour" cast anchor in Port Matavai, called Port Royal by Wallis, and where that captain had had a struggle with the na- tives, over whom, however, he had triumphed without much difficulty. Cook, aware of the incidents of his predecessor's stay in this port, wished above all to avoid similar scenes. Moreover, it was essential to the success of his observations that no interruption or distraction should occur. His first care was to read out standing orders to his crew, which they were for- bidden under heavy penalties to infringe. He first declared that he intended in every possible way to 518 Captain Cook's First Voyage cultivate friendly relations with the natives, then he selected those who were to buy the needed provisions, and forbade all others to attempt any sort of traffic without special permission. Finally, the men who landed were on no pretext to leave their posts, and if any soldier or workman parted with his arms or im- plements, not only would the price be deducted from his wages, but he would be punished in proportion to the exigency of the case. In addition to this, to guard the observers from attack, Cook decided on constructing a sort of fort, in which they might be sheltered within gun range of the "Endeavour." He then landed with Messrs. Banks, Solander, and Green, soon found a favorable spot, and in presence of the natives immediately traced out the extent of land he intended to occupy. One of them, named Owhaw, who had had friendly intercourse with Wallis, was particularly profuse in his protestations of friendship. As soon as the plan of the fort was fixed, Cook left thirteen men and an officer in charge of the tents, and accompanied his associates into the interior of the island. But he was speedily recalled by the sound of firing. A very painful incident, the consequences of which might have been serious, had occasioned this. One of the natives had surprised a sentinel near the tents, and had possessed himself of his gun. A general discharge was immediately directed upon the 5i9 Travellers and Explorers inoffensive crowd, but fortunately no one was in- jured. The robber meantime was pursued and killed. A great commotion ensued, and Cook was pro- fuse in his protestations to pacify the natives. He promised payment for all that he required for the construction of his fort, and would not allow a tree to be felled without their sanction. Finally, he had the butcher of the "Endeavour" mast-headed and flogged, for threatening the wife of one of the chiefs with death. This proceeding effaced the recollection of the painful antecedents, and with the exception of some thieving by the natives, the friendly relations re- mained undisturbed. And now the moment for the execution of the primary object of the voyage approached. Cook ac- cordingly took steps for putting the instructions he had received into effect. With this view, he de- spatched observers with Sir Joseph Banks to Eimeo, one of the neighboring isles. Four others proceeded to a favorable distance from the fort, where Cook himself proposed to await the transit of the planet. Hence the point of obser- vation was called Point Venus. The night preceding the observation passed with many fears of unfavorable weather, but on the 3d of June the sun rose in all its glory, and not a cloud troubled the observers throughout the day. 520 Captain Cook's First Voyage The observations, according to W. de Tonnelle's article in "Nature," for the 28th of March, 1874, were most fatiguing for the astronomers, for they be- gan at twenty-one minutes after nine in the morning, and only terminated at ten minutes after three in the afternoon, at which moment the heat was stifling. The thermometer registered 120 degrees Fahren- heit. Cook assures us that he himself was not cer- tain of the end of his observation. In such thermo- metrical conditions, the human organism, admirable instrument as it is, loses its powers. On passing the sun, the rim of Venus was elon- gated as though attracted. A black point of dark ligament, a little less dark than the body of the star, was formed ; the same phenomenon occurred upon the second interior contact. "The observation," says Cook, "was made with equal success at the fort, and by those I had sent to the east of the island. From the rising to the setting of the sun, not a single cloud obscured the sky, and Mr. Green, Dr. Solander, and myself, observed the entire transit of Venus with the greatest ease. Mr. Green's telescope and mine were of equal power, and that of Dr. Solander still stronger. We noted a lu- minous atmosphere or fog surrounding the planet, which rendered the actual moment of contact and especially of interior contacts somewhat indistinct. To this fact it is owing that our observations varied somewhat one from the other." 521 Travellers and Explorers While the officers and savants were engaged in this important observation, some of the crew, forcing an entrance into the storeroom, stole a hundred- weight of nails. This was a grave offence, and one which might have had disastrous results for the expe- dition. The market was at once glutted with that one article of traffic, and as the natives testified an immoderate desire to possess it, there was every reason to anticipate an increase in their demands. One of the thieves was detected, but only seventy nails were found, and the application of the lash failed to make him betray his accomplices. Other incidents of this kind constantly occurred, but friendly relations were not seriously disturbed. The officers were free to make incursions into the in- terior of the island to prosecute scientific investiga- tions, and to inquire into the manners of the inhab- itants. In one of these excursions, Sir Joseph Banks met a band of itinerant musicians and improvvisatori. They were somewhat surprised to find that the ar- rival of the English, and the various incidents of their stay formed the subjects of native songs. Banks followed the river which flows into the sea at Mata- vai some distance into the interior, and found traces of a long extinct volcano. He planted and also dis- tributed among the population a large number of kitchen-garden seeds, such as water-melons, oranges, lemons, etc., and planned a garden near the fort, 522 Captain Cook's First Voyage where he sowed many of the seeds he had selected at Rio Janeiro. Cook and his principal assistants wished to ac- complish the circumnavigation of the island, which they estimated at thirty nautical leagues. During this voyage they entered into amicable relations with the chiefs of different districts, and collected a mass of information as to the manners and customs of the natives. A curious custom was that of allowing the dead to decompose in the open air, and of burying the bones only. The corpse was placed in a hut about fifteen feet in length, and eleven in height, and of proportionate width. One end was closed up, and the three other sides shut in by trellis-work of twigs. The board upon which the corpse rested was five feet above the earth. There the dead body was laid, covered in stuffs, with its club and stone hatchet. Cocoanuts, wreathed together, were hung at the open end of the tent; half a cocoanut, filled with soft water, was placed outside, and a bag containing some bits of toasted bread, was attached to a post. This species of monument is called Toupapow. Whence could that singular method of raising the dead above the ground until the flesh was decayed by putrefaction have been derived? It is quite impossible to find out. Cook could only ascertain that the cemeteries called Morai are places where the natives observe certain religious customs, and that they always be- 523 Travellers and Explorers trayed some uneasiness when the English approached. One of their most delicate dishes was dog. Those intended for the table never ate meat, but were fed upon bread-fruits, cocoanuts, yams and other vege- tables. The flesh, placed in a hole upon hot stones covered with green leaves, was stewed down in four hours. Cook, who partook of it, says it has a deli- cious flavor. On the 7th of July, preparations for departure began. In a short time the doors and palings were removed, and the walls demolished. At this mo- ment one of the natives, who had received the En- glish with cordiality, came on board with a young lad of about thirteen years of age, who acted as his ser- vant. He was named Tupia. Formerly first min- ister to Queen Oberea, he was afterward one of the principal priests of Tahiti. He asked to be allowed to go to England. Many reasons combined to de- cide Cook upon permitting this. Thoroughly ac- quainted (as a necessary consequence of his high functions) with all the particulars concerning Ta- hiti, this native would be able to give the most cir- cumstantial details of his compatriots, and at the same time to initiate them into the civilized customs of the Europeans. Finally, he had visited the neigh- boring islands and perfectly understood the naviga- tion of those latitudes. On the 13th of July there was a crowd on board the "Endeavour." The natives came to bid farewell 524 Captain Cook's First Voyage to their English friends, and to their countryman Tupia. Some, overcome with silent sorrow, shed tears, others, on the contrary, uttered piercing cries, with less of true grief than of affectation in their demonstrations. In the immediate neighborhood of Tahiti were to be found, according to Tupia, four islands, Hua- heine, Ulietea, Otaha, and Bolabola. He asserted that wild pigs, fowls, and other needful provisions could easily be obtained there. These commodities had become scarce in the latter part of the stay at Matavai. Cook, however, preferred visiting a small island called Tethuroa, about eight miles north of Tahiti, but the natives had no regular settlement, and he therefore considered it useless to wait there. When they came in sight of Huaheine, several pirogues approached the "Endeavour," and it was only after they had recognized Tupia that the na- tives consented 1 to come on board. King Orea, who was among the passengers, was greatly surprised at all the vessel contained. Soon reassured by the wel- come of the English, he became so familiar as to wish to exchange names with Cook. During the entire stay in port, he always called himself "Cookee," and gave his own name to the captain. Anchor was cast in a convenient harbor, and the officers of this vessel on landing found the manners, the language, and the productions of this island identical with those of Tahiti. 525 Travellers and Explorers Seven or eight leagues southwest lay Ulietea. Cook landed there also, and- solemnly took possession of this and the three neighboring isles. He also profited by his stay to make hydrographical surveys of the shores, while a leak which had been found in the gun-room of the "Endeavour," was attended to. After reconnoitring various other small islands, Cook gave the entire group the name of Society Isles. Cook sailed on the 7th of August; six days later he reconnoitred the island of Oteroah. The hostile demonstrations of the natives prevented the "En- deavour" from remaining. She set sail for the south. On the 25th of August, the anniversary of their departure from England was celebrated by the crew. On the 1st of September, in 40- 22' S. Lat., 174 29/ E. Long., the sea, agitated by a west wind, became very rough. The "Endeavour" was obliged to put her head to the north, and to run before the storm. Up to the 3d the weather continued the same, then it abated and it was possible to resume the westward route. In a few days sundry indications of an island or a continent appeared, such as floating weeds, land- birds, etc. On the 5th of October the color of the sea changed, and on the morning of the 6th, a coast running west by northwest was perceived. Nearer approach showed it to be of great extent. Unanimous opinion decided that the famous continent, so long looked for, 526 Captain Cook's First Voyage so necessary for the equipoise of the world, known to cosmographers as the "Unknown land of the South," was at last discovered! This land was the eastern shore of the most north- erly of the two islands which have received the name of New Zealand. Smoke was perceived at different points, and the details of the shore were soon mastered. The hills were covered with verdure, and large trees were dis- tinguishable in the valleys. Then houses were per- ceived, then pirogues, then the natives assembled on the strand. And lastly, a palisade, high and regu- larly built, surrounded the summit of the hill. Opin- ions varied as to the nature of this object; some de- claring it to be a deer park, others a cattle inclosure, not to speak of many equally ingenious surmises, which were all proved false, when later it turned out to be a "pah." Toward four o'clock on the afternoon of the 8th of October, anchor was cast in a bay at the mouth of a little river. On either side were white rocks; in the middle a brownish plain, rising by degrees, and joining by successive levels a chain of mountains, which appeared far in the interior. Such was the aspect of this portion of the shore. Cook, Banks, and Solander entered two small boats, accompanied by a part of the crew. As they approached the spot where the natives were assem- bled, the latter fled; this, however, did not prevent 527 Travellers and Explorers the English from landing, leaving four lads to guard one of the boats, while the other remained at sea. They had proceeded only a short distance from the boat, when four men, armed with long spears, emerged from the wood, and threw themselves upon it to take possession of it. They would have suc- ceeded with ease, had not the crew of the boat out at sea perceived them, and cried out to the lads to let it drift with the current. They were pursued so close- ly by the enemy, that the master of the pinnace dis- charged his gun over the heads of the natives. After a moment's hesitation, the natives continued their pursuit, when a second discharge stretched one of them dead on the spot. His companions made an effort to carry him away with them, but were obliged to abandon the attempt, as it retarded their flight. Hearing the firing, the officers who had landed went back to the vessel, whence they soon heard the na- tives returning to the shore, eagerly discussing the event. Still Cook desired to have friendly intercourse with them. He ordered three boats to be manned, and landed with Banks, Solander, and Tupia. Fifty or more natives seated on the shore awaited them. They were armed with long lances, and an instru- ment made of green talc, and highly polished, a foot long, which perhaps weighed four or five pounds. This was the "patou-patou," or toki, a kind of battle- axe, in talc or bone, with a very sharp edge. All rose 528 Captain Cook's First Voyage at once and signed to the English to keep their distance. As soon as the marines landed, Cook and his com- panions advanced to the natives, whom Tupia told that die English had come with peaceful intentions, that they only wished for water and provisions, that they would pay for all that was brought them with iron, of which he explained the use. They saw, with pleasure, that the people, whose language was only a dialect of that spoken by the Tahitians, perfectly understood them. After some parleying, about thirty of the natives crossed the river. The strangers gave them iron and glass wares, on which they set no store ; but one of them, having succeeded in possessing him- self secretly of Mr. Green's cutlass, the others recom- menced their hostile demonstrations, and it was neces- sary to fire at the robber, who was hit, when they all threw themselves into the river to gain the opposite shore. The various attempts at commercial intercourse with the people ended too unfortunately for Cook to persevere in them any longer. He therefore decided to find a watering-place elsewhere. Meanwhile, two pirogues, which were trying to regain the shore, were perceived. Cook took measures to intercept them; one escaped by rapid paddling, the other was caught, and although Tupia assured the natives that the English came as friends, they seized their weap- ons, and commenced attacking them. A discharge 529 Travellers and Explorers killed four, and three others, who threw themselves into the sea, were seized after a fierce resistance. The reflections which this sad incident suggested to Captain Cook are much to his honor. They are in strong contradistinction to the ordinary method of proceeding then in vogue, and deserve to be repeated verbatim. "I cannot disguise from myself," he says, "that all humane and sensible people will blame me for hav- ing fired upon these unfortunate Indians, and I should be forced to blame myself for such an act of violence if I thought of it in cold blood. They cer- tainly did not deserve death for refusing to trust to my promises, and to come on board, even if they sus- pected no danger; but my commission by its nature obliged me to take observations of their country, and I could only do so by penetrating into the interior, either by open force or by gaining the confidence and good-will of the natives. I had tried unsuccessfully by means of presents, and my anxiety to avoid new hostilities led me to attempt having some of them on board, as the sole method of persuading them that far from wishing to hurt them we were disposed to be of use to them. So far, my intentions were certainly not criminal. It is true that during the struggle, which was unexpected by me, our victory might have been equally complete without taking the lives of four of these Indians, but it must also be remembered that in such a situation, the command to fire having 53o Captain Cook's First Voyage once been given, one is no longer in a position to proscribe it or to lighten its effect." The natives were welcomed on board, with every possible demonstration, if not to make them forget, at least to make them less sensible of the pain of re- membering their capture, they were loaded with presents, adorned with bracelets and necklaces, but when they were told to land, they all declared, as the boats were directed to the mouth of the river, that it was an enemy's country, and that they would be killed and eaten. However, they were put on shore, and there is no reason to suppose that anything pain- ful came of their adventure. Next day, the nth of October, Cook left this miserable settlement. He named it Poverty Bay, be- cause of all that he needed he had been able to pro- cure but one thing — wood. Poverty Bay, in 38 42' S. Lat., and 181 36' W. Long., is of horseshoe shape, and affords good anchorage, although it is open to the winds between south and east. Cook continued along the coast in a southerly di- rection, naming the most remarkable points, and be- stowing the name of Portland upon an island which resembled that of the same name in the English Channel. His relations with the natives were every- where inimical; if they did not break out into open outrage, it was owing to the English patience under every provocation. One day several pirogues surrounded the ship, 53i Travellers and Explorers and nails and glassware were exchanged for fish; when the natives seized Tayeto, Tupia's servant, and quickly paddled off. As it was necessary to fire at the robbers, the little Tahitian profited by the confusion, and jumping into the sea was soon picked up by the pinnace of the "Endeavour." On the 17th of October, Cook, not having been able to find a suitable harbor, and considering him- self, as the sea became more and more rough, to be losingtimewhich might be better employed in recon- noitring the northern coast, tacked round and re- turned the way he had come. On the 23d of October, the "Endeavour" reached a bay called Tedago, where no swell was perceptible. The water was excellent, and it was easy to procure provisions, the more so as the natives appeared friendly. After having arranged everything for the safety of the workers, Messrs. Banks and Solander landed and collected plants, and in their walk they found many things worthy of note. Below the valley, sur- rounded by steep mountains, arose a rock so perfo- rated, that from one side the sea could be seen through it, and from the other the long range of hills. Returning on board, the excursionists were stopped by an old man, who insisted upon their taking part in the military exercises of the country with the lance and the patou-patou. 532 Captain Cook's First Voyage In the course of another walk, Dr. Solander bought a top exactly resembling European tops, and the natives made signs to show him that he must whip it to make it go. Upon an island to the left of the bay, the English saw the largest pirogue they had yet met with. It was no less than sixty-eight feet long, five wide, and three feet six inches high. It had in front a sculp- ture in relief, of grotesque taste, in which the lines were spiral and the figures strangely contorted. On the 30th of October, as soon as he was sup- plied with wood and water, Cook set sail and con- tinued along the coast toward the north. Near an island, to which Cook had given the name of Mayor, the natives behaved most insolently, and were greater thieves than any previously en- countered. It was, however, necessary to make a stay of five or six days in this district, to observe the transit of Mercury. With a view to impressing upon the natives that the English were not to be ill- used with impunity, a robber who had taken a piece of cloth was fired upon with grape shot, but although he received the discharge in the back, it had no more effect upon him than a violent blow with a rattan. But a bullet which struck the water and returning to the surface passed several times over the pirogues, struck such terror into the hearts of the natives that they hastily paddled to the shore. On the 9th of November, Cook and Green landed 533 Travellers and Explorers to observe the transit of Mercury. Green only ob- served the passing, while Cook took the altitude of the sun. It is not our intention to follow the navigators in their thorough exploration of New Zealand. The same incidents were endlessly repeated, and the recital of the similar struggles with the natives, with descriptions of natural beauty, however attrac- tive in themselves, could not but pall upon the reader. It is better, therefore, to pass rapidly over the hydro- graphic portion of the voyage, in order to devote our- selves to our picture of the manners of the natives, now so widely modified. Mercury Bay is situated at the foot of the long di- vided peninsula which, running from the east to the northeast, forms the northern extremity of New Zealand. On the 15th of November, as the "En- deavour" left the bay, several boats advanced toward her. "Two of their number," says the narrative, "which carried about sixty armed men, approached within hearing, and the natives began their war-song, but seeing that this attracted little attention, they began throwing stones at the English, and paddled along the shore. Soon they returned to the charge, evi- dently determined to fight the navigators, and en- couraging themselves with their war cry." Without being incited to it, Tupia addressed them reproachfully, and told them that the English had 534 Captain Cook's First Voyage arms and were in a position to overpower them in- stantly. But they valiantly replied: "Come to land and we will kill you all!" "Directly," replied Tupia, "but why insult us as long as we are at sea? We have no wish to fight, and we will not accept your challenge, because there is no quarrel between us. . The sea does not belong to you any more than to our ship." Tupia had not been credited with so much simple and true eloquence, and it surprised Cook and the other English. While he was in the bay of the islands, the cap- tain reconnoitred a considerable river, which he named after the Thames. It was shaded with trees, of the same species as those on Poverty Island. One of them measured nineteen feet in circumference at the height of six feet above the ground, another was not less than ninety feet long from the root to the lowest branches. Although quarrels with the natives were frequent, the latter were not invariably in the wrong. Kippis relates as follows: "Some of the men on board, who, after the In- dians had once been found in fault, did not fail to ex- hibit a severity worthy of Lycurgus, thought fit to enter a New Zealand plantation, and to carry of! a quantity of potatoes. Captain Cook condemned them to a dozen stripes each. Two of them received them peaceably, but the third persisted that it was no 535 Travellers and Explorers crime for an Englishman to pillage Indian planta- tions. Cook's method of dealing with this casuist was to send him to the bottom of the hold until he agreed to receive six additional stripes." On the 30th of December the English doubled a cape which they took to be that of Maria Van Die- men, discovered by Tasman, but they were so as- sailed by threatening winds, that Cook only accom- plished ten leagues in three weeks. Fortunately they kept at a uniform distance from shore all the time, otherwise we should probably have been spared the recital of their further adventures. On the 1 6th of January, 1770, after naming vari- ous portions of the eastern shore, Cook arrived in sight of an imposing peak, which was covered with snow, and which he named Mount Egmont in honor of the earl of that name. Scarcely had he doubled the peak, when he found that the coast described the arc of a circle. It was split up into numberless roadsteads, which Cook de- termined to enter, in order to allow of his ship being repaired and keeled. He landed at the bottom of a creek where he found a fine river and plenty of trees, for the forest only ceased at the sea for want of soil. The amicable relations with the natives at this point enabled him to inquire if they had ever seen a vessel like the "Endeavour." But he found that even the traditions of Tasman's visit were forgotten, 536 Captain Cook's First Voyage although he was only fifteen miles south of Assassin Bay. In one of the provision baskets of the Zealanders ten half gnawed bones were found. They did not look like a dog's bones, and on nearer inspection they turned out to be human remains. The natives in reply to the questions put to them, asserted that they were in the habit of eating their enemies. A few days later, they brought on board the "Endeavour" seven human heads, to which hair and flesh still adhered, but the brains, as being delicate morsels, were already picked. The flesh was soft, and no doubt was preserved from decay by some ingredient, for it had no unpleasant odor. Banks bought one of these heads after some difficulty, but he could not in- duce the old man who brought it to part with a second, probably because the New Zealanders con- sidered them as trophies and testimonies to their bravery. The succeeding days were devoted to a visit to the environs, and to some walks in the neighborhood. During one of these excursions Cook, having climbed a high hill, distinctly perceived the whole of the strait to which he had given the name of Queen Charlotte, and the opposite shore, which ap- peared to him about four leagues distant. A fog made it impossible for him to see further to the southeast, but he had discerned enough to assure him that it was the final extent of the large 537 Travellers and Explorers island of which he had followed all the windings. He had now only to finish his discoveries in the south, which he proposed to do as soon as he had satisfied himself that Queen Charlotte's Sound was really a strait. Cook visited a pah in the neighborhood. Built upon a little island or inaccessible rock, the pah was merely a fortified village. The natives most fre- quently add to the natural defences by fortifications, which render the approach still more perilous. Many were defended by a double ditch, the inner one having a parapet and double palisade. The second ditch was at least eighty feet in depth. On the inside of the palisade, at the height of twenty feet, was a raised platform forty feet long by six wide. Supported on two large poles, it was intended to hold the defenders of the place, who from thence could easily overwhelm the attacking party with darts and stones, of which an enormous supply was always ready in case of need. These strongholds cannot be forced, unless by means of a long blockade the inmates should be com- pelled to surrender. "It is surprising," as Cook remarks, "that the in- dustry and care employed by them in building places so well adapted for defence, almost without the use of instruments, should not by the same means have led them to invent a single weapon of any impor- tance, with the sole exception of the spear they throw 538 Captain Cook's First Voyage with the hand. They do not understand the use of a bow to throw a dart, or of a sling to fling a stone, which is the more astonishing, as the invention of slings and bows and arrows is far more simple than the construction of these works by the people, and moreover these two weapons are met with in almost all parts of the world, in the most savage countries." On the 6th of February, Cook left the bay, and set sail for the east, in the hope of discovering the entrance to the strait before the ebb of the tide. At seven in the evening, the vessel was driven by the violence of the current to the close neighborhood of a small island outside Cape Koamaroo. Sharply pointed rocks rose from the sea. The danger in- creased momentarily; one only hope of saving the ship remained. It was attempted and succeeded. A cable's length was the distance between the "En- deavour" and the rock when anchor was cast, in seventy-five fathoms of water. Fortunately the an- chor found a hold, and the current changing its di- rection after touching the island, carried the vessel past the rock. But she was not yet in safety, for she was still in the midst of rocks, and the current made five miles an hour. However, the current decreased, the vessel righted herself, and the wind becoming favorable, she was speedily carried to the narrowest part of the strait, which she crossed without difficulty. The most northerly island of New Zealand, which 539 Travellers and Explorers is named Eaheinomauwe, was, however, as yet only partially known, there still remained some fifteen leagues unexplored. A few officers affirmed from this that it was a continent, and not an island, which was contrary to Cook's view. But although his own mind was made up, the captain directed his navigation with a view to clear up any doubt which might remain in the minds of his officers. After two days' voyage, in which Cape Palliser was passed, he called them up on the quarter deck and asked if they were satisfied. As they replied in the affirmative, Cook gave up his idea of returning to the most southerly point he had reached on the eastern coast of Eaheinomauwe, and determined to prolong his cruise the entire length of the land which he had found, and which was named Tawai-Pounamow. The coast was more sterile, and appeared unin- habited. It was necessary to keep four or five leagues from the shore. On the night of the 9th of March the "En- deavour" passed over several rocks, and in the morn- ing the crew discovered what dangers they had es- caped. They named these reefs the Snares, as they appeared placed there to surprise unsuspecting navi- gators. . Next day, Cook reconnoitred what appeared to him to be the extreme south of New Zealand, and called it South Cape. It was the point of Steward 540 Captain Cook's First Voyage Island. Great waves from the southwest burst over the vessel as it doubled this cape, which convinced Captain Cook that there was no land in that quarter. He therefore returned to the northern route, to com- plete the circumnavigation of New Zealand by the eastern coast. Almost at the southern extremity of this coast, a bay was discovered, which received the name of Dusky. This region was sterile, steep, covered with snow. Dusky Bay was three or four miles in width at its entrance, and appeared as deep as it was wide. Several islands were contained in it, behind which a vessel would have excellent shelter; but Cook thought it prudent not to remain there, as he knew that the wind, which would enable him to leave the bay, blew only once a month in these latitudes. He differed upon this point with several of his officers, who thinking only of the present advantage, did not reflect upon the inconveniences of a stay in port, the duration of which would be uncertain. No incident occurred during the navigation of the eastern coast of Tawai-Pounamow. From Dusky Bay, according to Cook, to 44° 20' latitude, there is a straight chain of hills which rise directly from the sea, and are covered with forests. Behind and close to these hills are mountains which form another chain of prodigious height, composed of barren and jagged rocks, excepting in the parts where they are covered with snow, mostly in large 54i R— Vol. II Travellers and Explorers masses. It is impossible to conceive a wilder pros- pect, or a more savage and frightful one than this country from the sea, because from every point of view nothing is visible but the summits of rocks; so close to each other that in lieu of valleys there are only fissures between them. From 44 20 ; to 42^ 81 ; the aspect varies; the mountains are in the inte- rior; hills and fruitful valleys border the coast From 42- 8' to 41° 30 ; the coast inclines ver- tically to the sea, and is covered with dark forests. The "Endeavour," moreover, was too far from the shore, and the weather was too dark for it to be pos- sible to distinguish minor details. After achieving the circumnavigation of the country, the vessel re- gained the entrance to Queen Charlotte Sound. Cook took in water and wood ; then he decided on returning to England, following the route which per- mitted him best to fulfil the object of his voyage. To his keen regret, for he had greatly wished to decide whether or no the southern continent existed, it was as impossible for him to return to Europe by Cape Horn as by the Cape of Good Hope. In the middle of winter in an extreme southerly latitude his vessel was in no condition to bring the en- terprise to a successful issue. He had no choice, therefore, but to take the route for the East Indies, and to this end to steer westward to the eastern shores of New Holland. But before proceeding to the narration of the inci- 542 Captain Cook's First Voyage dents of the second part of the campaign, it will be better to glance backward and to summarize the in- formation upon the situation, productions, and in- habitants of New Zealand which the navigators had accumulated. We have already seen that this land had been dis- covered by Abel Tasman, and we have noted those in- cidents which were marked with traces of bloodshed when it was reconnoitred by the Dutch captain. With the exception of Tasman, in 1642, no European captain had ever visited its shores. It was so far un- known that it was not even decided whether it formed a part of the southern continent, as Tasman supposed, when he named it Staten Island. To Cook belongs the credit of determining its position and of tracing the coasts of these two large islands, situated between 34 and 48 S. Lat., 180° and 194 W. Long. Tawai-Pounamow was mountainous, sterile, and apparently very sparsely populated. Eaheinomauwe presented an attractive appearance, in its hills, moun- tains, and valleys covered with wood, and watered by bright flowing streams. Cook formed an opinion of the climate upon the remarks made by Banks and Solander, that — "If the English settled in this country, it would cost them but little care and work to cultivate all that they needed in great abundance." As for quadrupeds, New Zealand afforded an asylum for dogs and rats only, the former reserved for 543 Travellers and Explorers food. But if the fauna was poor, the flora was rich. Among the vegetable products which attracted the English most was one of which the narrative says — "The natives used as hemp and flax a plant which surpasses all those used for the same pur- poses in other countries. The ordinary dress of the New Zealanders is composed of leaves of this plant, with very little preparation. They fabricate their cords, lines, and ropes from it, and they are much stronger than those made with hemp, and to which they can be compared. From the same plant, pre- pared in another way, they draw long thin fibres, lustrous as silk and white as snow. Their best stuffs are manufactured from these fibres, and are of extraordinary strength. Their nets, of an enormous size, are composed of these leaves; the work sim- ply consists in cutting them into suitable lengths and fastening them together." This wonderful plant, which was so enthusiastically described, in the lyr- ical account just quoted, and in the hardly less exu- berant one which La Billadiere afterward gave of it, is known in our day as phornium tenax. It was really necessary to subdue the expecta- tions that these narratives excited! According to the eminent chemist Ducharte, the prolonged action of the damp heat, and above all bleaching, disinte- grates the cellular particles of this plant, and after one or two washings the tissues which are fabri- cated from it are reduced to tow. Still it forms a 544 Captain Cook's First Voyage considerable article of commerce. Mr. Alfred Kennedy, in his very curious work on New Zealand, tells us that in 1685, only fifteen bales of phornium were exported, that four years later the export amounted to the almost incredible number of 12,162 bales, and in 1870 to 32,820 bales, valued at £132,578. The inhabitants were tall and well proportioned, alert, vigorous, and intelligent The women had not the delicate organization, and grace of form, which distinguished them in other countries; dressed like the men, they were recognizable only by their sweetness of voice and liveliness of expression. Al- though the natives of the same tribe were affection- ate in their relations to each other, they were impla- cable to their enemies, and they gave no quarter; the dead bodies of their enemies afforded horrible fes- tivities, which the want of other animal food ex- plains, but can hardly excuse. "Perhaps," says Cook, "it appears strange that there were frequent wars in a country where so few advantages follow victory." But besides the need of procuring meat, which led to the frequency of these wars, another cause for them, unknown to Cook, existed in the fact that the population con- sisted of two distinct races, naturally enemies of each other. Ancient tradition has it that the Maoris came in the first instance, some thirteen hundred years ago, 545 Travellers and Explorers from the Sandwich Islands. There is reason for believing this to be correct, when one reflects that the beautiful Polynesian race peopled all the archipel- ago sprinkled throughout the Pacific Ocean. Leaving Haouaikai, which must be identical with Hawaii, of the Sandwich Islands, or Sana'i of the Navigator Archipelago, the Maoris had re- pelled or possibly driven back the aboriginal popu- lation. In truth, the earliest colonists noticed two distinctly separate types in the New Zealanders. The one, and most important, unmistakably recalled the natives of Hawaii, the Marquisas, and Tonga Isl- ands, while the other offered many resemblances to the Melanesian races. These particulars, collected by Freycinet, and recently confirmed by Hochsetten, are in perfect accord with the singular fact, recorded by Cook, that Tupia, a native of Tahiti, made himself readily understood by the New Zealanders. The migrations of the Polynesian tribes are thor- oughly understood in these days, thanks to the wider knowledge of languages and anthropology, but they were scarcely suspected in the time of Cook, who, indeed, was one of the first to collect legends on the subject. "Every one of these tribes," he says, "tradition- ally believes that his forefathers came years ago from another country, and they all assert from the same tradition, that the country was called Hea- 546 Captain Cook's First Voyage wise." The country at this time produced only one quadruped, the dog, and that was an alien. Thus the New Zealanders had no means of subsistence, but vegetables and a few fowls unknown to the English. Fortunately the inhabitants were saved from death by starvation by the abundance of fish. Accustomed to war, and looking upon all strangers as enemies, possibly seeing in them merely an edi- ble commodity, the natives naturally attacked the English. Once convinced, however, of the utter inade- quacy of their weapons, and of the powers of their adversaries, once convinced that the new-comers avoided using those instruments which produced such terrific effects, they treated the navigators as friends, and conducted themselves toward them with surprising loyalty. If the natives usually met with by the navigators had little idea of decency or modesty, the same was not true of the New Zealanders, and Cook gives a curious example of this fact. Although not so clean as the natives of Tahiti, whose climate is much warmer, and although they bathed less often, they took a pride in their persons, and showed a certain coquetry. For instance, they greased their hair with an oil or fat obtained from fishes or birds, which becoming rank after a while, made them as disagreeable to a refined sense of smell as the Hot- tentots. 547 Travellers and Explorers They were in the habit of tattooing themselves, and some of their tattoo designs demonstrated won- derful skill, and taste certainly not to be expected among this primitive race. The English were greatly surprised to find that the women devoted less attention to their attire than the men. Their hair was cut short and without ornament, and they wore clothes similar to those of their husbands. Their sole attempt at coquetry con- sisted in fastening the most extraordinary things to their ears, stuffs, feathers, fish bones, bits of wood, not to mention green talc needles, the nails and teeth of their deceased parents, and generally everything they could lay hands on, which they suspended by means of thread. This recalls an adventure related by Cook, which happened to a Tahitian woman. This woman, en- vious of all she saw, wanted to have a padlock at- tached to her ear. She was allowed to take it, and then the key was thrown into the sea before her. After a certain time, either because the weight of this singular ornament worried her, or because she wished to replace it by another, she begged to have it removed. The request was refused, upon the ground that her demand was foolish, and that as she had wished for this singular earring it was fair that she should put up with its inconveniences. The clothing of the New Zealanders consisted of one piece of stuff, something between reed or cloth, 548 Captain Cook's First Voyage attached to the shoulders and falling to the knees, and of a second rolled round thewaist,which reached to the ground. But the latter was not an invariable part of their dress. Thus, when they had on only the upper part of their costume, and they squatted, they presented the appearance of thatched roofs. Their coverings were sometimes trimmed in a most elegant manner, by means of various colored fringes, and more rarely with dogskin cut into strips. But the industry of these people was especially shown in the construction of their pirogues. Their war-vessels contained from forty to fifty armed men, and one of them, measured at Ulaga, was no less than sixty-eight feet long. It was beau- tifully ornamented with open work and decorated with fringes of black feathers. The smaller ones generally had poles. Occasionally two pirogues were joined together. The fishing-boats were orna- mented at the prow and the poop by the face of a grinning man with hideous features, lolling tongue and eyes made of white shells. Two pirogues were often coupled, and the very smallest carried only the poles needed to preserve their equilibrium. "The usual cause of illnesses," remarks Cook, "being intemperance and want of exercise, it is not surprising that these people rejoice in perfect health. Each time that we went to their settlements, men, women, and children surrounded us, excited by the same curiosity which caused us to look at them. We 549 Travellers and Explorers never saw one who appeared affected by illness, and among all that we saw naked we never remarked the smallest eruption on the skin, nor any trace of spots or sores." On the 31st of March, Cook left Cape Farewell and New Zealand, steering westward. On the 19th of April, he perceived land which extended from northeast to west, in 37 58 ' S. Lat. and 210 39/ W. Long. In his opinion, judging by Tasman's chart, this was the country called Van Diemen's Land. In any case, he was unable to ascertain whether the por- tion of the coast before him belonged to Tasmania. He named all the points on his northern voyage, Hick's Point, Ram Head, Cape Howe, Dromedary Mount, Upright Point, Pigeon House, etc. This part of Australia is mountainous, and cov- ered with various kinds of trees. Smoke announced it to be inhabited, but the sparse population ran away as soon as the English prepared to land. The first natives seen were armed with long lances and a piece of wood shaped like a cimeter. This was the famous "boomerang," so effective a weapon in the hands of the natives, so useless in that of Europeans. The faces of the natives were covered with white powder, their bodies were striped with lines of the same color, which, passing obliquely across the 55o Captain Cook's First Voyage chest, resembled the shoulder-belts of soldiers. On their thighs and legs they had circles of the same kind, which would have appeared like gaiters had not the natives been entirely naked. A little further on the English once more at- tempted to land. But two natives whom they had previously endeavored to propitiate by throwing them nails, glassware, and other trifles, made such menacing demonstrations that they were obliged to fire over their heads. At first they seemed stunned by the detonation, but as they found that they were not wounded, they commenced hostilities by throw- ing stones and javelins. A volley of bullets struck the oldest in his legs. The unfortunate native rushed at once to one of the cabins, but returned with a shield to continue the fight, which was shortly ended, when he was convinced of his powerlessness. The English seized the opportunity to land, and reached the houses, where they found several spears. In the same bay, they landed some casks for water, but communication with the natives was hopeless; they fled immediately on the advance of the English. During an excursion on land, Cook, Banks, and Solander found traces of various animals. The birds were plentiful, and remarkably beautiful. The great number of plants discovered by the natur- alists in this part induced Cook to give it the name of Botany Bay. "This bay is," he says, "large, safe, and convenient; it is situated in 34°. S. Lat,, and 55i Travellers and Explorers 208 27 ; W. Long." Wood and water were easily procurable there. "The trees," according to Cook, "were at least as large as the oaks of England, and I saw one which somewhat resembled them. It is that one which distils a red gum like 'Dragon's blood.' " No doubt this was a species of Eucalyptus. Among the various kinds of fishes which abound in these latitudes is the thorn-back skate, one of which, even after cleaning, weighed three hundred and thirty-six pounds. On the 6th of May, Cook left Botany Bay, and continued to coast to the north at two or three miles' distance from the shore. The navigation along this coast was sufficiently monotonous. The only inci- dents which imparted a slight animation, were the sudden and unexpected differences in the depth of the sea, caused by the line of breakers which it was necessary to avoid. Landing a little further on, the navigators ascer- tained that the country was inferior to that surround- ing Botany Bay. The soil was dry and sandy, the sides of the hills were sparsely covered with isolated trees and free from brushwood. The sailors killed a bustard, which was pronounced to be the best game eaten since leaving England. Hence, this point was named Bustard Bay. Numbers of bivalves were found there, especially small pearl oysters. 552 Captain Cook's First Voyage On the 25th of May, the "Endeavour" being a mile from land, was opposite a point which ex- actly crossed the Tropic of Capricorn. The follow- ing day, it was ascertained that the sea rose and fell seven feet. The flow was westward, and the ebb eastward, just the reverse of the case in Botany Bay. In this spot islands were numerous, the channel nar- row and very shallow. On the 29th, Cook landed with Banks and Solan- der in a large bay, in search of a spot where he could have the keel and bottom of his vessel repaired, but they were scarcely on terra firma when they found their progress impeded by a thick shrub, prickly and studded with sharp seeds, no doubt a species of "spinifex" which clung to the clothes, pierced them, and penetrated the flesh. At the same time, myriads of gnats and mosquitoes attacked them, and covered them with painful bites. A suitable spot for repairs was found, but a watering-place was sought in vain. Gum-trees growing here and there were covered with enor- mous ants' nests, and soon deprived of gum by those insects. Numerous brilliantly-colored butterflies hovered over the explorers. These were curious facts, interesting from more than one point of view, but they failed to satisfy the captain, who was eager to replenish his water supply. From the first, the great defect of this country 553 Travellers and Explorers was apparent. It consists in the absence of streams, springs, and rivers! A second excursion made during the evening of the same day was equally barren of good results. Cook ascertained that the bay was very deep, and decided on making the circuit of it in the morning. He soon discovered that the width of the channel by which he entered increased rapidly, and that it ultimately formed a vast lake communicating with the sea to the northwest. Another arm stretched eastward, and it was conceivable that the lake had a second outlet into the sea at the bottom of the bay. Cook named this part of Australia New South Wales. Sterile, sandy, dry, it lacked all that was most necessary for the establishment of a colony. And the English could not ascertain from their cur- sory inspection or hydrographical examination that, mineralogically speaking, it was one of the richest countries of the New World. The navigation was monotonously continued from the 31st of May to the 10th of June. On this latter date the "Endeavour," after passing safely along an unknown coast, in the midst of shallows and breakers, for a space of 22 or 1,300 miles, was all at once exposed to a greater danger than any which had been apprehended. They were in 16 S. Lat. and 214 39/ W. Long, when Cook, seeing two islets lying low and covered with trees, gave orders to keep well out to sea during 554 Captain Cook's First Voyage the night, so as to look for the island discovered by Quiros in these latitudes, an archipelago which some geographers had maintained was united to the mainland. Shortly after nine in the evening the soundings taken every quarter of an hour showed constantly decreasing depth. All crowded to the deck. The water became deeper. It was concluded that the vessel had passed over the extremity of the sand- banks seen at sunset, and all rejoiced at escape from danger. When the depth increased, Cook and all but the officers of the watch retired to their berths, but at eleven o'clock the sounding-line, after indi- cating twenty fathoms, suddenly recorded seventeen, and before it was possible to cast anchor, the "En- deavour" had touched, and, beaten by the waves, struck upon a rock. The situation was a serious one. The "En- deavour," raised by a wave over the ridge of a reef, had fallen again into a hollow in the rock, and by the moonlight portions of the false keel and the sheathing could be seen floating. Unfortunately the accident happened at high water. It was useless therefore to count upon the assistance of the tide to release the ship. Without loss of time the guns, barrels, casks, ballast, and all that could lighten the vessel, were thrown overboard. The vessel still struck against the rock. The sloop was put to sea, the sails and topsails were lowered, 555 Travellers and Explorers the tow-lines were thrown to the starboard, and the captain was about to order the anchor to be cast on the same side, when it was discovered that the water was deeper at the stern. But although the capstan was vigorously worked, it was impossible to move the vessel. Daybreak disclosed the position in all its horrors. Land was eight leagues distant, not a single isle was visible between the ship and land where refuge might be found if, as was to be feared, the vessel broke up. Although she had been lightened of fifty tons weight, the sea only gained a foot and a half. Fortunately the wind fell, otherwise the "En- deavour" must soon have been a wreck. However, the leak increased rapidly, although the pumps were worked incessantly. A third was put into action. The alternative was dreadful! If the vessel were freed, it must sink when no longer sustained by the rock, while if it remained fixed, it must be demol- ished by the waves which rent its planks asunder. The boats were too small to carry all the crew to land at one time. Under such circumstances was there not danger that discipline would be thrown to -the winds? Who could tell whether a fratricidal struggle might not ensue? And even should some of the sailors reach land, what fate could be in store for them upon an inhospitable shore, where nets and firearms would scarcely procure them nourishment? 556 Captain Cook's First Voyage What would become of those who were obliged to remain on board? Every one shared these fears, but so strong a sense of duty prevailed, so much was the captain beloved by his crew, that the terrors of the situation evoked no single cry, no disorder of any kind. The strength of the men not employed at the pumps was wisely harbored for the moment when their fate should be decided. Measures were so skilfully taken, that when the sea rose to its height, all the officers and crew worked the capstan, and as the vessel was disengaged from the rock, it was ascertained that she drew no more water than when on the reef. But the sailors were exhausted after twenty-four hours of such terrible anxiety. It was necessary to change the hands at the pumps every five minutes. A new disaster was now added. The man whose duty it was to measure the water in the hold, an- nounced that it had increased to eighteen inches in a few moments. Fortunately the mistake of the meas- ure taken was immediately ascertained, and the crew were so overjoyed that they fancied all danger over. An officer named Monkhouse conceived an excel- lent idea. He applied a sort of cap to the stern, which he filled in with wool, rope-yarn, and the in- testines of the animals slaughtered on board, and so effected a stoppage of the leak. From this time the men, who spoke of driving the vessel on a coast to reconstruct another from its ruins, which might take 557 Travellers and Explorers them to the East Indies, thought only of finding a suitable harbor for the purpose. The desirable harbor was reached on the 17th of June, at the mouth of a current which Cook called Endeavour River. The necessary labors for the careening of the ves- sel were at once begun and carried on with the utmost rapidity. The sick were landed, and the staff visited the land several times, in the hope of killing some game, and procuring fresh meat for the sufferers from scurvy. Tupia saw an animal which Banks, from his description, imagined to have been a wolf. But a few days later several others were seen, who jumped upon their fore feet, and took enormous leaps. They were kangaroos, marsupial animals, only met with in Australia, and which had never before seen a Euro- pean. The natives in this spot appeared far less sav- age than on other parts of the coast. They not only allowed the English to approach, but treated them cordially, and remained several days with them. The narrative says : "They were usually of medium height, but their limbs were remarkably small. Their skin was the color of soot, or rather, it might be described as of deep chocolate color. Their hair was black and not woolly, and was cut short; some wore it plaited, some curled. Various portions of their bodies were painted red, and one of them had white stripes on his 558 Captain Cook's First Voyage lips and breast which he called 'carbanda.' Their features were far from disagreeable; they had very bright eyes, white and even teeth, and their voices were sweet and musical. Some among them wore a nose-ornament which Cook had not met with in New Zealand. It was a bone, as large as a finger, passed through the cartilage. "A little later a quarrel arose. The crew had taken possession of some tortoises which the natives claimed, without having in the least assisted in cap- turing them. When they found that their demand was not acceded to, they retired in fury, and set fire to the shrubs in the midst of which the English en- campment was situated. The latter lost all their combustible commodities in the conflagration, and the fire, leaping from hill to hill, afforded a magnifi- cent spectacle during the night." Meantime Messrs. Banks, Solander, and others, enjoyed many successful hunts. They killed kan- garoos, opossums, a species of pole-cat, wolves, and various kinds of serpents, some of which were venom- ous. They also saw numbers of birds, kites, hawks, cockatoos, orioles, paroquets, pigeons, and other un- known birds. After leaving Endeavour River, Cook had good opportunities of testing the difficulties of navigation in these latitudes. Rocks and shallows abounded. It was necessary to cast anchor in the evening, for it was impossible to proceed at night through this 559 Travellers and Explorers labyrinth of rocks without striking. The sea, as far as the eye could reach, appeared to dash upon one line of rocks more violently than upon the others; this appeared to be the last. Upon arriving there, after five days' struggle with a contrary wind, Cook discovered three islands stretching four or five leagues to the north. But his difficulties were not over. The vessel was once more surrounded by reefs and chains of low islets, among which it was impossible to venture. Cook was inclined to think it would be more prudent to return and seek another passage. But such a detour would have consumed too much time, and have retarded his arrival in the East Indies. Moreover there was an insurmountable obstacle to this course. Three months' provisions were all that remained. The situation appeared desperate, and Cook de- cided to steer as far as possible from the coast, and to try and pass the exterior line of rocks. He soon found a channel, which shortly brought them to the open sea. "So happy a change in the situation," says Kippis, "was received with delight. The English were full of it, and openly expressed their joy. For nearly three months they had been in perpetual danger. When at night they rested at anchor, the sound of an angry sea forced them to remember that they were surrounded by rocks, and that, should the cable 560 Captain Cook's First Voyage break, shipwreck was inevitable. They had trav- elled over 360 miles, and were forced to keep a man incessantly throwing the line and sounding the rocks through which they navigated. Possibly no other vessel could furnish an example of such continued effort." Had they not just escaped so terrible a danger, the English would have had cause for uneasiness in reflecting upon the length of way that remained to them across a sea but little known, upon a vessel which let in nine inches of water in an hour. With pumps out of repair and provisions almost consumed, the navigators only escaped these terrible dangers to be exposed on the 16th of April to a peril of equal magnitude. Carried by the waves to a line of rocks above which the sea spray washed to a prodigious height, making it impossible to cast anchor; without a breath of wind, they had but one resource, to lower boats to tow the vessel off. In spite of the sailors' efforts the "Endeavour" was still only 100 paces from the reef, when a light breeze, so slight that under better cir- cumstances no one would have noticed it, arose and disengaged the vessel. But ten minutes later it fell, the currents strongly returned, and the "Endeavour" was once more carriedwithin 200 feet of the breakers. After many unsuccessful attempts, a narrow open- ing was perceived. "The danger it offered was less imminent than 561 Travellers and Explorers that of remaining in so terrible a situation," says the narrative. "A light breeze which fortunately sprang up, the efforts of the boats, and the tide, con- veyed the ship to the opening, across which she passed with frightful rapidity. The strength of the current prevented the "Endeavour" from touching either shore of the channel, which, however, was but a mile in width, and extremely unequal in depth, giving now thirty fathoms, now only seven of foul bottom." If we have lingered somewhat over the incidents of this voyage, it is because it was accomplished in unknown seas, in the midst of breakers and currents, which, sufficiently dangerous for a sailor when they are marked on a map, become much more so when, as was the case with Cook, since leaving the coast of New Holland, the voyage is made in the face of un- known obstacles, which all the instinct and keen vision of the sailor cannot always successfully sur- mount. One last question remained to be solved — Were New Holland and New Guinea portions of one country? Were they divided by an arm of the sea, or by a strait? In spite of the dangers of such a course, Cook ap- proached the shore, and followed the coast of Aus- tralia toward the north. On the 21st he doubled the most northerly cape of New Holland, to which he gave the name of Cape 562 Captain Cook's First Voyage York, and entered a channel sprinkled with islands near the mainland, which inspired him with the hope of rinding a passage to the Indian Ocean. Once more he landed, and planting the English flag, solemnly took possession in the name of King George, of the entire Eastern Coast from the eigh- teenth degree of latitude to this spot, situated in 107 south. He gave the name of New South Wales to this territory, and to fitly conclude the ceremony, he caused three salutes to be fired. Cook next penetrated Torres Strait, which he called Endeavour Strait, discovered and named the Wallis Islands, situated in the middle of the south- west entrance to Booby Island, and Prince of Wales Island, and steered for the southern coast of New Guinea, which he followed until the 3d of September without being able to land. Upon that day Cook landed with about eleven well-armed men, among them Solander, Banks, and his servants. They were scarcely a quarter of a mile from their ship when three Indians emerged from the wood, uttering piercing cries, and rushed at the English. "The one who came nearest," says the narrative, "threw something which he carried at his side, with his hand, and it burned like gunpowder, but we heard no report." Cook and his companions were obliged to fire upon the natives in order to regain their ship, from 563 Travellers and Explorers whence they could examine them at their leisure. They resembled the Australians entirely, and, like them, wore their hair short, and were perfectly naked — only their skin was less dark; no doubt because they were less dirty. "Meantime the natives struck their fire at inter- vals, four or five at a time. We could not imagine what this fire could be, nor their object in throw- ing it. "They held in the hand a short stick, perhaps a hollow cane, which they flourished from side to side, and at the same instant we saw the fire and smoke exactly as it flashes from a gun, and it lasted no longer. We observed this astonishing phenomenon from the vessel, and the illusion was so great that those on board believed the Indians had firearms, and we ourselves should have imagined they fired guns, but that our ship was so close that in such a case we must have heard the explosion." This fact remains unexplained, in spite of the many commentaries it has occasioned, and which bear out the testimony of the great navigator. Many of the English officers demanded imme- diate permission to land in search of cocoanuts and other fruits, but the captain was unwilling to risk his sailors' lives in so futile an attempt; he was, be- sides, anxious to reach Batavia, to obtain repairs for his vessel. He thought it useless, moreover, to re- main a longer time in these latitudes. They had 564 Captain Cook's First Voyage been so often visited by the Spanish and Dutch that there were no further discoveries to make. In passing Arrow and Wesel Islands he rectified their positions, and reaching Timor, put into port in Savu Island, where the Dutch had been settled for some time. There Cook revictualled, and by accu- rate observations settled its position at io° 35' south- ern latitude, and 237 3c 7 west longitude. After a short interval the "Endeavour" arrived at Batavia, where she was repaired. But the stay in that unhealthy country was fatal after such severe fatigue. Endemic fevers raged there; and Banks, Solander, and Cook, as well as the greater part of the crew, fell ill. Many died, among them Monkhouse, the surgeon, Tupia, and little Tayeto. Ten men only escaped the fever. The "Endeavour" set sail on the 27th of Decem- ber, and on the 15th of January, 1771, put into Prince of Wales Island for victuals. From that moment, sickness increased among the crew. Twenty-three men died, among them Green, the astronomer, who was much regretted. After a stay at the Cape of Good Hope, where he met with the welcome he so sorely needed, Cook re- embarked, touched at St. Helena, and anchored in the Downs on the 1 ith of June, 1772, after an absence of nearly four years. "Thus," says Kippis, "ended Cook's first voyage, a voyage in which he had experienced such dangers, 565 Travellers and Explorers discovered so many countries, and so often evinced his superiority of character. He was well worthy of the dangerous enterprise and of the courageous ef- forts to which he had been called." CAPTAIN COOK'S THIRD VOYAGE A T this date the idea which had sent so many ex- **■ plorers to Greenland was in full force. The question of the existence of a northern passage be- tween the Atlantic and the Pacific, by way of the Asiatic or American coasts, was eagerly discussed: and should such a passage exist, was it practicable for ships? The attempt had quite lately been made to discover this outlet in Hudson or Baffin Bays, and it was now determined to seek it in the Pacific. The task was an arduous one. The Lords of the Admiralty felt that it was essential to send out a navigator who had experience of the dangers of the Polar Seas, and one who had shown presence of mind in the face of danger; one, moreover, whose talents, experience, and scientific knowledge might be of use in the powerful equipment then in course of prepar- ation. In Captain Cook alone were all the requisite qualities to be found. The command was offered to him, and although he might have passed the re- 566 Captain Cook's Third Voyage mainder of his days in peace at his post in the Green- wich Observatory, in the full enjoyment of the honor and glory he had gained by his two voyages round the world, he did not hesitate for a moment. Two ships, the "Resolution" and the "Discov- ery," were placed under his command. The latter was under the orders of Captain Gierke; and the equipment of both Was similar to that of the last expedition. The instructions given to the commander of the expedition enjoined his reaching the Cape of Good Hope, and steering south in search of the islands recently discovered by the French, in 48 degrees of latitude, toward the meridian of the island of Mau- ritius. He was then to touch at New Zealand, if he thought well, to take in refreshments at the So- ciety Islands, and to land the Tahitian Mai there; then to proceed to New Albion, to avoid landing in any o£ the Spanish possessions in America, and from thence to make his way by the Arctic Ocean to Hudson and Baffin Bays. In other words he was to look in an easterly direction for the northwest passage. This once effected, after a stay at Kamt- schatka, he was to make another attempt to reach England by the route he might judge most produc- tive of good results for geography and navigation. The two vessels did not start together. The "Resolution" set sail from Plymouth on the 12th of July, 1776, and was rejoined at the Cape by the 567 Travellers and Explorers "Discovery" on the ioth of the following November, she having left England only on the ist of August. The two ships were detained at the Cape until the 30th of November, by the repairs needed by the "Discovery." Much damaged by tempest, she re- quired calking. The captain profited by this long delay, to buy live stock, which he intended to land at Tahiti and New Zealand, and also to stock his vessels with the necessary stores for a two-years' voyage. After steering southward for twelve days, two islands were discovered in 46 53 ' south latitude, and 37 46' east longitude. The strait which separates them was crossed, and it was found that their steep sterile coasts were uninhabited. They had been dis- covered with four others, from nine to twelve de- grees further east, by the French Captains Marion- Dufresne and Crozet, in 1772. On the 24th of December, Cook found the islands which M. de Kerguelen had surveyed in his two voy- ages of 1772, 1773. Cook surveyed the coasts carefully, and left them on the 31st of December. The vessels were enveloped in a thick fog, which accompanied them for more than 300 leagues. Anchor was cast in Adventure Bay, in Van Diemen's Land, on the 26th of January. It was the same spot at which Captain Furneaux had touched four years earlier. The English were vis- 568 Captain Cook's Third Voyage ited by a few natives, who received the presents offered to them, without showing any satisfaction. The narrative says : "They were of ordinary height, but rather slightly built. Their skin was black and their hair of the same color, and as woolly as that of the negroes of New Guinea, but they had not the thick lips or flat noses of African negroes. There was nothing dis- agreeable in their features, and their eyes struck us as beautiful, so did their teeth, but they were very dirty. Most of them anointed their hair and beards with a yellow ointment, and some even rubbed their faces with the same stuff." Concise as this account is, it is not the less valu- able. The race of Tasmanians is extinct, the last of them died a few years ago. Cook weighed anchor on the 30th of January, and took up his station at his usual point in Queen Charlotte's Strait. The vessels were soon sur- rounded by pirogues, but not a single native ventured to go on board, they were so fully persuaded that the English had come to avenge their murdered com- rades. Once convinced that the English had no such intention, they banished their mistrust and reserve. The captain soon found out by Mai's interpretation (he understanding the Zealand tongue) the right cause of this terrible catastrophe. It appeared that the English had been seated on the grass, taking their evening meal when the natives 569 Travellers and Explorers committed several thefts. One of them was caught and struck by a sailor. At his cry, his companions rushed upon the sailors of the "Adventure," who killed two of them, but unfortunately succumbed to numbers. Several of the Zealanders pointed out to Cook the chief who had directed the carnage, and urged Cook to kill him. But to the great surprise of the natives and the stupefaction of Mai, the cap- tain refused. Mai remarked, "In England they kill a man who assassinates another; this fellow killed ten, and you take no revenge!" Before he left, Cook landed pigs and goats, hop- ing that these animals might at length become accli- matized to New Zealand. Mai had a wish to take a New Zealander to Ta- hiti. Two offered to go, and Cook agreed to receive them, warning them at the same time that they would never see their native land again. But no sooner had the vessels lost sight of the shores of New Zealand than they began to weep. Sea-sickness added to their distress. But as they recovered from it their sadness disappeared, and they soon attached themselves to their new friends. An island named Mangea was discovered on the 29th of March. At Mai's representations the in- habitants decided to come on board. Small, but vig- orous and well-proportioned, they wore their hair knotted upon the top of the head. They wore long 57o Captain Cook's Third Voyage beards, and were tattooed in all parts of their bodies. Cook could not carry out his earnest wish to land, as the people were too hostile. A new island, similar to the last, was discovered four leagues further on. The natives appeared more friendly than those of Mangea, and Cook profited by this fact, and landed a detachment under Lieutenant Gore, with Mai as interpreter. Anderson, the natu- ralist, an officer named Barnes, and Mai landed alone and unarmed, running the risk of being maltreated. They were received with solemnity, and con- ducted through a crowd of men, with clubs on their shoulders, to the presence of three chiefs, whose ears were adorned with red feathers. They soon per- ceived a score of women, who danced in a grave and serious fashion, paying no attention to their arrival. The officers were separated from each other, and observing that the natives hastened to empty their pockets, they began to entertain fears for their safety, when Mai reappeared. They were detained all day, and forced several times to take their clothes off, and allow the natives to examine the color of their skin ; but night arrived at last, without the occurrence of any disagreeable incident. The visitors regained their sloop, and cocoanuts, bananas, and other pro- visions were brought to them. The English may have owed their safety to the de- scription Mai had given of the power of their weap- 57i Travellers and Explorers ons, and the experiment he made before them of set- ting fire to a cartridge. Mai had recognized three of his fellow-country- men in the crowd on the beach. These Tahitians had started in a pirogue to reach Ulitea Island, and had been driven out of their course by contrary winds. As they expected a short voyage, they had not provided themselves with food. Famine and fatigue had reduced their number to four men, all of them half dead, when the pirogue capsized. The unfortunate wretches managed to seize the side of their boat and support themselves in the water until they were picked up by the inhabi- tants of this island, Wateroo. It was now twelve years since fate threw them upon this shore, more than two hundred leagues from their native island. They had contracted family ties and friendly alli- ances with these people, whose manners and language were not unlike their own. They refused to return to Tahiti. Cook says, "We may find in this incident a better explanation of the way in which detached portions of the globe, and particularly the islands of the Paci- fic, have been peopled, than in any theories; espec- ially in regard to those which are far from any other continent, and at a great distance from each other." Wateroo Island is situated in 20 i ; south lati- tude, and 201 ° 45 ; east longitude. The two vessels afterward reached a neighboring 572 Captain Cook's Third Voyage island called Wenoona, upon which Mr. Gore landed to get fodder. Although the ruins of houses and tents were seen, it was uninhabited. On the 5th of April, Cook arrived in sight of Harvey Island, which he had discovered during his second voyage in 1773. At that time it appeared to him deserted. He was, therefore, astonished to see several pirogues leave the shore and approach the ships. But the natives could not find courage to go on board. Their fierce appearance and noisy offers did not promise well for their friendly intentions. Their language was still more like that of Tahiti, than that of the last islands they had visited. Lieutenant King was sent in search of good an- chorage, but could not succeed in finding a suitable harbor. The natives, armed with spears and clubs, appeared disposed to resent any attempt at land- ing. Cook, in his great need of wood and water, deter- mined to reach the Friendly Islands. He was sure of finding refreshments for his men and forage for his beasts there. The season was too far advanced, and the distance between these latitudes and the pole too great to allow of anything being attempted in the southern hemisphere. The wind obliged him to relinquish his idea of reaching Middlebourgh or Eoa, as he had at first in- tended. He therefore directed his course toward 573 S— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers Palmerston Island, where he arrived on the 14th of April, and where he found birds in abundance, scurvy grass, and cocoanuts. This island was merely a collection of nine or ten islets, very slightly raised, appearing almost like the points of reefs, belonging to one coral bank. The English reached Komango Island 1 on the 28th of April, and the natives brought them quanti- ties of cocoanuts, bananas, and other stores. They then proceeded to Annamooka, which is also part of the Tonga, or Friendly Archipelago. On the 6th of May, a chief of Tonga Tabou, named Finaou, visited Cook. He called himself king of all the Friendly Islands. "I received," says Cook„ "a present from this great personage of two fish, which were brought to me by one of his servants. I paid him a visit after dinner. He came to meet me as soon as he saw me land. He appeared! some thirty years of age, tall and of slender form, and I have met no countenance in these islands so European in 'type.' " When all the provisions of this island were ex- hausted, Cook visited a group of islets called Ha- paee, where his reception was friendly, owing to the orders given by Finaou, and where he procured pigs, water, fruits, and roots. Some of the native war- riors exhibited their skill in various singular com- bats with clubs and boxing. "What most surprised us," says the narrative, 574 Captain Cook's Third Voyage "was to see two great women enter the lists, and at- tack each other with their fists, without the least cere- mony, and with as much skill as the men. Their fight lasted about half a minute, when one of them declared herself beaten. The victorious heroine re- ceived as much applause from the assembled multi- tude as is usually accorded to a man who has over- come his rival by his skill and address." There was no cessation of the fetes and 1 games. A dance was executed to the sound of two drums, or rather of two hollow trunks, by a hundred and five performers, supported by a vocal choir. Cook re- ciprocated these demonstrations by putting his sol- diers through their artillery exercises, and letting off fireworks, which produced indescribable astonish- ment in the minds of the natives. Not wishing to be outdone in the attempt at dis- play, the natives gave a concert, and then a dance, executed by twenty women crowned with China roses. This magnificent ballet was followed by an- other performance by fifteen men. But we shall never end, if we attempt to give an account of the wonders of this enthusiastic reception. It justly gained for the Tonga Archipelago the name of Friendly Islands. On the 23d, Finaou, who had represented him- self as king of the entire archipelago, came to inform Cook of his departure for the neighboring island of Vavaoo. He had excellent reasons for this, as he 575 Travellers and Explorers had just heard of the arrival of the real sovereign, named Futtafaih or Poulaho. Cook at first refused to recognize the newcomer in this character, but he soon had irrefutable proof that the title of king belonged to him. Poulaho was extremely stout, which with his short height made him look like a barrel. If rank is proportioned to size in these islands,, he was without exception the greatest chief the English had met with. Intelligent, grave, and dignified, he examined the vessel and everything that was new to him in detail, put judicious questions, and inquired into the motives of the arrival of these vessels. His follow- ers objected to his descending below decks, saying it was "tabu" and that it was not allowed for any one to walk over his head. Cook, however, promised through the interpreter Mai that no one should be allowed to walk over his cabin, and* so Poulaho dined with the captain. He ate little and drank still less, and invited Cook to land with him. The marks of respect lavished upon Poulaho by all the natives, convinced Cook that he had been entertaining the real sovereign of the archipelago. On the 29th of May, Cook set sail on his return to Annamooka, thence to Tonga Tabou, where a feast or "keiva" more magnificent than any he had seen, was given in his honor. "In the evening," he said, "we had the spectacle of a 'bomai/ that is to say, the dances of the night 576 Captain Cook's Third Voyage were performed in front of Finaou's house. We saw twelve dances during the time. They were ex- ecuted by women, and in the midst of them we no- ticed the arrival of a number of men, who formed a ring within that of the dancing women. Twenty- four men, who executed a third, made a movement with the hands, which was greatly applauded, and which we had not previously seen. The orchestra was renewed once. Finaou appeared upon the scene at the head of fifty dancers, most magnificently ap- parelled. His garment consisted of cloth and a large piece of gauze, and round his neck small fig- ures were suspended." Cook, after a stay of three months, thought it well to leave these enchanting islands; he distributed a share of the cattle he had bought at the Cape, and explained, through Mai, the way to feed them, and their utility. Before leaving, he visited the ceme- tery or "Fiatooka," belonging to the king, composed of three good-sized houses, placed on the edge of a sort of hill. The planks of these buildings, and the artificial hills which supported them, were covered with pretty movable pebbles, and flat stones, placed erect, surrounded the whole. "One thing which we had not previously seen, was that the buildings were open on one side, and within there were two wooden busts, roughly carved, one at the entrance, and the other a little within. The natives followed us to the door, but dared not pass 577 Travellers and Explorers the threshold. We asked them the meaning of the busts: they assured us that they did not represent any divinity, but were intended to recall two chiefs who were buried in the 'Fiatooka.'" Leaving Tonga Tabou on the ioth of July, Cook repaired to the small island of Eoa, where his old friend Tai-One received him cordially. The captain learned from him that the property of the various islands in the archipelago belonged to the chiefs of Tonga Tabou, which was known as the land of the chiefs. Thus Poulaho had a hundred and fifty isl- ands under his rule. The most important are Vavao and Hamao. As for the Viti Islands, which are com- prised in this number, they were inhabited by a war- like race, very superior in intelligence to those of the Friendly Islands. We can only refer to some of the many and inter- esting particulars collected by the captain and the naturalist Anderson, which relate to the gentleness and docility of the natives. Cook could do nothing but praise the welcome accorded to him, each time he stayed in the archipel- ago. But then he did not guess the project enter- tained by Finaou, and the other chiefs, of assassinat- ing him during the nocturnal feast of Hapaee, and of seizing his vessels. The navigators who succeeded him were not lav- ish in their praises, and if we did not know his sin- cerity, we should be tempted to think that the illus- 578 Captain Cook's Third Voyage trious mariner gave the name of Friendly Islands to this group satirically. The inhabitants of Tonga Island always mourned the death of a relation by hitting themselves on their cheeks, and by tearing them with whale's teeth, a custom which explains the many tumors and cica- trices they have on the face. If their friends are dangerously ill, they sacrifice one or two joints of their little finger, to propitiate the divinity, and Cook did not meet with one native in ten who was not mutilated. The expression "tabu," he says, "which plays so great a part in the language of this people, has a very wide significance. When they are not allowed to touch anything they say it is tabu. They also told us that if the king enters a house belonging to one of his subjects, the house becomes 'tabu,' and the owner of it may not live in it any longer." Cook fancied he had made out their religion. Their principal god was Kallafoutonga, and in his anger, he destroys plantations and scatters illness and death. The religious ideas of all the islands are not alike, but the immortality of the soul is unanimously admitted. Although they do not offer fruit or other productions of the earth to their divinity, they sac- rifice human victims. Cook lost sight of the Tonga Islands on the 17th of July, and the expedition arrived in sight of an island called Tabouai by the inhabitants, upon the 579 Travellers and Explorers 8th of April, after a series of tempestuous winds which caused serious damage to the "Discovery." All the eloquence of the English failed to bring the natives on board. Nothing would induce them to leave their boats, and they contented themselves with inviting the strangers to visit them. But as time pressed, and Cook had no need of provisions, he passed the island without stopping, although it ap- peared to him fertile, and the natives assured him that it abounded in pigs and fowls. Strong, tall, and active, the natives had a hardy and savage appear- ance. They spoke the Tahitian language, which made intercourse with them easy. Some days later, the verdant summits of Tahiti appeared on the horizon, and the two vessels were not slow in stopping opposite the peninsula of Tairabon, where the welcome Mai received from his compa- triots was as indifferent as possible. His brother-in- law, Chief Outi, would scarcely consent to recognize him, but when Mai showed him the treasures he brought back, among them all the famous red feath- ers, which had been so successful in Cook's last voy- age, Outi changed his demeanor, treated Mai affably, and proposed to change names with him. Mai was overcome by these demonstrations of tenderness, and, but for Cook's interference, would have been robbed of all his treasures. The ships were well supplied with red feathers. Therefore fruits, pigs, and fowls appeared in great 580 Captain Cook's Third Voyage abundance during the stay in port. Cook, however, soon proceeded to Matavai Bay, where KingOtoo left his residence at Pane, to pay his old friend a visit. Mai was disdainfully received by his friends there also, and although he threw himself at the king's feet, when he presented him with a tuft of red feathers, and three pieces of gold cloth, he was scarcely no- ticed. But as at Taquabou, the treatment changed suddenly upon the discovery of Mai's fortune, but he being only happy in the company of vagabonds, who laughed at him good-naturedly, even while they robbed him, was unable to acquire the influence over Otoo, and the principal chiefs, which was necessary to the development of civilization. Cook had long heard that human sacrifices were common in Tahiti, but he had always refused to believe it. A solemn ceremonial which he saw at Atahour, no longer allowed him to doubt the exist- ence of the practice. In order to gain the favor- able assistance of the Atoua or Godon in an expedi- tion against the island of Eimeo, a man of the lowest social rank was killed by blows with clubs in the king's presence. As an offering the hair and one eye of the victim was placed before the king; last signs of the cannibalism which formerly existed in this archipelago. At the end of this bar- barous ceremony a king-fisher alighted in the foliage. "It is Atoua!" cried Otoo, delighted at the happy augury. 58i Travellers and Explorers Next day the ceremony was to be continued by a holocaust of pigs. The priests, like the Roman augurs, sought to read the history of the expedition in the dying struggles of the victims. Cook, who had silently assisted at the ceremony, could not conceal the horror with which it inspired him. Mai interpreted for him, eloquently and for- cibly. Towha could scarcely contain his anger. "If the king had killed a man in England," said Mai, "as he has done the unhappy and innocent vic- tim he has offered to his gods, it would have been impossible to save him from hanging, a punishment reserved for murderers and assassins." Mai's severe reflection was a little out of place, Cook should have remembered that manners vary with countries. It is absurd to attempt to apply to Tahiti, as punishment for that which is their custom, a punishment reserved in London for what is considered a crime. "Every man's house is his castle," says a popular proverb, which European nations have too often forgotten. Under the pretext of civilization, they have often shed more blood than would have flowed if they had not interfered. Before he left Tahiti, Cook bestowed all the ani- mals he had had so much difficulty in bringing from Europe upon Otoo. They were geese, ducks, tur- keys, goats, sheep, horses, and cattle. Otoo was at a loss to express his gratitude to the "Areeke no Pre- tonne," (King of Britain) especially when he found 582 Captain Cook's Third Voyage that the English could not take a large pirogue on board which he had constructed as an offering for his friend the King of England, it being too large. The "Resolution" and the "Discovery" left Ta- hiti on the 30th of September, and anchored at Eimeo. In this place their stay was marked by a painful incident. Frequent thefts had occurred for several days, when a goat was stolen. To make an example, Cook burnt five or six cabins, and set fire to a large number of pirogues, threatening the king with his anger if the animal were not immediately produced. As soon as he had obtained satisfaction the captain started for Huaheine with Mai who was to settle on that island. A sufficiently large space of land was ceded by the chiefs of the Ouare settlement in return for such presents. Upon this Cook had a house built, and planted a garden, where he planted European cab- bages. Mai was left with two houses, two goats, and fowls. At the same time he was presented with a present of a coat of mail, of a complete set of arm- or, powder, balls, and guns. A portable organ, an electrical machine, fireworks, and domestic and agricultural implements completed the collection of useful and ornamental presents intended to give the Tahitians an idea of European civilization. Mai had a sister married at Huaheine, but her husband occupied too humble a position for him to attempt 583 Travellers and Explorers to despoil him. Cook then solemnly declared that the native was his friend, and that in a short time he should return to ascertain how he had been treated, and that he should severely punish those who had acted badly to him. His threats were likely to be effective, as a few days earlier, some robbers, caught in the act by the English, had had their heads shaved and their ears cut. A little later at Raiatea, in order to force the natives to send back some deserters, Cook had car- ried off the entire family of the chief Oreo on one rope. The moderation exhibited by the captain in his first voyage, constantly diminished; every day he became more severe and exacting. This change in his conduct was fatal to him. The two Zealanders who had asked to accompany Mai were landed with him. The elder readily con- sented to live at Huaheine, but the younger con- ceived such an affection for the English, that it was necessary to use force, as it were, to land him, amid the most touching demonstrations of affection. At the last moment as anchor was weighed Cook bid farewell to Mai, whose expression and tears testified to his comprehension of all he was to lose. Although Cook left satisfied with having loaded the young Tahitian who had trusted himself to him with benefits, he was also full of anxious fears as to his future. He knew his light and inconstant char- 584 Captain Cook's Third Voyage acter, and he left him weapons with some regret, fearing that he might make a bad use of them. The King of Huaheine gave Mai his daughter in mar- riage and changed his name to Paori, by which he was afterward known. Mai profited by his high station to show his cruelty and inhumanity. Always armed, he began to try his skill with pistol and gun upon his fellow-countrymen. His memory there- fore is hated in Huaheine, and the memory of his crimes was for a long time associated with that of the English. Cook visited Raiatea before leaving the island. He found his friend Oree deprived of supreme au- thority. Then he went to Bolabole on the 8th of December, and bought of the King Pouni an anchor, which Bougainville had lost in the roadstead. During his long sojourns in the different islands of the Society Archipelago, Cook completed his geo- graphical, hydrographical, and ethnological investi- gations, as well as his studies of natural history. In this difficult task he was seconded by Ander- son, and by his entire staff, who invariably showed the greatest zeal in their efforts for the advancement of science. On the 24th of December Cook discovered an- other low island. It was uninhabited and the crew obtained abundance of turtle there. It was named Christmas Island, in honor of the solemn anniversary of the morrow. 585 Travellers and Explorers Although seventeen months had passed since he left England, Cook considered his voyage as only begun. Indeed he had not as yet been able to put the part of his instructions relating to the explora- tion of the Southern Atlantic and the search for a north passage into execution. On the 1 8th of January, 1778, while in longitude 160 and latitude 20 north, the two vessels per- ceived the first islands of the Sandwich or Hawaiian Archipelago. It did not take long to convince the navigators that they were inhabited. A large number of pi- rogues left Atooi or Tavai Island and surrounded the ships. The English were not a little surprised at hearing these natives speak in the Tahitian language. On this account the intercourse between them was soon friendly, and next day numbers of the islanders agreed to go on board. They showed their astonish- ment and admiration, at the sight of so many un- known objects, by their looks, gestures, and continual exclamations. Iron they were acquainted with, and called "hamaite." But their covetousness was soon excited by so many curiosities and precious things, and they tried to appropriate them both by honest and by illicit means. Their cleverness and their taste for thieving was as keen as is usual with the natives of the southern 586 Captain Cook's Third Voyage seas. It was necessary to take a thousand precautions, and they were often taken in vain, to guard against their larceny. The English, when they approached the shore, under charge of Lieutenant Williamson, to sound and search for anchorage, were forced to repluse the attempts of the natives by force. The death of one of them repressed their turbulence in a measure, and gave them an exalted opinion of the strength of the new arrivals. As soon, however, as the "Resolution" and "Dis- covery" had cast anchor in Ouai Mea Bay, Cook had himself taken on shore. He had scarcely touched land when the natives assembled in a crowd upon the strand, prostrated themselves at his feet, and welcomed him with signs of the most profound respect. This extraordinary reception gave promise of a pleasant stay, for provisions appeared to be abun- dant; fruits, pigs, fowls, began to arrive from all parts. At the same time a party of natives assisted the English sailors in filling the casks with water, and in carrying them on board. Anderson and the draughtsman Weller were en- couraged by this friendly conduct to advance into the interior. They were not long in coming upon a morai, similar in every respect to the Tahitian mora'is. This discovery confirmed the English in the ideas induced by the similarity of the language with that of Tahiti. An engraving in Cook's narrative repre- 587 Travellers and Explorers sents the interior of this moral. In it two figures may be seen, standing, the top of the heads disappearing in high cylindrical hats, similar to those on the statues in Easter Island. In any case the singular resemblance gives rise to reflection. Cook remained two days more in this anchor- age and could only extol the traffic with the natives. He then explored the neighboring Island of Onee- heow. In spite of his great wish to explore this in- teresting archipelago, he set sail, and from a distance perceived Ouahou Island, and the reef of Tahoora which he designated by the general appellation of Sandwich Archipelago. This name has been super- seded by the native appellation of Hawaii. Strong and vigorous, although of medium height, the Ha- waiians are represented by Anderson as being of frank and loyal character. Not so serious as the natives of the Friendly Isles, they are less frivolous than the Tahitians. Clever, industrious, and intelligent, their planta- tions showed a knowledge of rural economy, and an extensive taste for agriculture. They not only ab- stained from showing the childish and common curi- osity which the English had so often noticed, but they inquired into their customs and evinced a certain regret for their own inferiority. The population appeared considerable, and was estimated at 30,000 in Tavai Island alone. In their style of dress, their choice of food, their manner of 588 Captain Coofc'e ftbtrfc Dosage "On the 18th of January, 1 778, while in longitude 160° and latitude 20° North, the two vessels perceived the first islands of the Sandwich or Hawaiian Archipelago." —Vol. XI, p. s86. \&$&< msm® . >, -.fi » *- ■ Captain Cook's Third Voyage preparing it, and their general habits, they conform to the customs of Tahiti. This identity of two popu- lations separated by a large stretch of sea gave the English much food for reflection. During his first stay Cook did not become ac- quainted with any chief, but Captain Clerke, of the "Discovery," at last received a visit from one. He was a young and well-made man, wrapped up from head to foot. The natives testified their respect by kneeling before him. Clerke made him several presents, and in return received a vase decorated with two small figures, fairly well sculptured, which served for the "kava," a favorite drink of the Ha- waiians as well as the natives of Tonga. Their weap- ons comprise bows, clubs, and lances, the latter made of a strong and durable wood, and a sort of poniard called "paphoa," terminating in a point at both ends. The customof "tabu"was just as universallypracticed as in the Friendly Islands, and the natives were al- ways careful to ask if things were "tabu" before they touched them. On the 27th of February, Cook continued his course to the north, and soon fell in with the sea wrack of the rocks mentioned by the narrator of Lord Anson's voyage. On the 1st of March he steered for the east, in order to approach the Ameri- can coast, and five days later he recognized New Albion, so named by Francis Drake. The expedition, coasting at a distance, surveyed 589 Travellers and Explorers Cape Blanc, already seen by Martin d'Aguilar on the 19th of January, 1603, and near which the geograph- ers placed a large opening, to the strait, the discov- ery of which they attributed to him. Shortly after- ward the latitude of Juan de Fuca was reached, but nothing resembling it was discovered, although this strait really exists, and divides the continent from Vancouver's Island. Cook soon reconnoitred a bay in latitude 49 15', to which he gave the name of Hope Bay. He anchored there to obtain water, and give a little rest to his worn-out crews. This coast was inhabited, and three boats approached the vessels. "One of the savages," he says, "rose up, and with many gesticulations made a long speech, which we understood as an invitation to land. In addition, he threw feathers toward us, and many of his com- panions threw us handfuls of dust or red powder. The native who usurped the post of orator was clothed in a skin, and in each hand he held some- thing which he shook, and which emitted a sound like that of a child's rattle. "When he was tired of haranguing and exhort- ing, of which we did not understand a word, he rested, but two other men took up the speech in suc- cession. Their speeches were not so long, and they did not declaim so vehemently. "Many of the natives had their faces painted in an extraordinary way, and feathers fixed in their 590 Captain Cook's Third Voyage heads. Although they appeared friendly, it was im- possible to persuade any of them to come on board. However, as the vessels had cast anchor, the captain had the sails furled, took in the topmasts, and un- rigged the mizzen mast of the 'Resolution,' in order to allow of repairs. Barter with the Indians soon commenced, and the most rigorous honesty prevailed. The objects offered were bear and wolf skins, and those of foxes, deers, and polecats, weasels, and espe- cially otters, which are found in the islands east of Kamtschatka. Also clothes made of a kind of hemp, bows, lances, fish-hooks, monstrous figures, and a kind of stuff of hair or wool, bags filled with red ochre, bits of sculptured wood, trinkets of copper and iron shaped like horse-shoes, which they wore hung from the nose. "Human ears and hands, not yet free from flesh, struck us most among the things they offered us. They made us clearly understand that they had eaten the portions that were missing, and we indeed per- ceived that these hands and ears had been on the fire." The English were not long in ascertaining that these natives were as habitual robbers as any they had hitherto met with. They were even more dangerous, as, possessing iron implements, they could easily cut the cords. They combined their thefts with intelli- gence, and one of them amused the sentinel at one end of the boat, while another snatched the iron from 59i Travellers and Explorers the other end. They sold a quantity of very good oil, and a great deal of fish, especially sardines. When the numerous repairs needed by the ships were made, and the grass required for the few goats and sheep remaining on board had been shipped, Cook set sail on the 26th of April, 1778. He gave the name of King George's Sound to the spot where he had stayed, although it was called Nootka by the natives. The vessels had scarcely gained the open sea when a violent tempest overtook them, during which the "Resolution" sprung a leak on the starboard side below the water line. Carried away by the storm, Cook passed the spot selected by geographers as the situation of the Strait of Admiral de Fonte, though he greatly wished to dispel all doubt on the subject. The captain, therefore, continued along the American coast, surveying and naming the princi- pal points. During this cruise he had constant in- tercourse with the Indians, and was not slow in no- ticing that their canoes had been replaced by boats, of which only the framework was wood, and over which were spread seal-skins. After a stay at Prince William's Sound, where the leak of the "Resolution" was repaired, Cook re- sumed his voyage, reconnoitred and named Eliza- beth and Saint Hermogene Capes, Bank's Point, Capes Douglas and Bede, Saint Augustine's Mount, 592 Captain Cook's Third Voyage the River Cook, Kodiak Island, Trinity Island, and the islands called Schumagin by Behring. After- ward he passed Bristol Bay., Round Island, Calm Point, Newenham Cape, where Lieutenant Wil- liamson landed, and Anderson Island, so called in honor of the naturalist, who died there of disease of the chest; later, King Island, and Prince of Wales's Cape, the most western extremity of America. Cook then passed the Asiatic coast and entered into com- munication with the Tchouktchis, entered Behring Strait on the nth of April, and next week came in contact with ice. He tried in vain to survey in various directions. The iceberg presented an insuperable barrier. On the 17th of April, 1778, the expedition was in lati- tude 70°, 41 '. During an entire month he coasted the iceberg, in the hope of finding an opening which might enable him to proceed to the north, but in vain. It was remarked that "the ice was clear and transparent except in the upper part, which was slightly porous." "I supposed," says Cook, "that it was frozen snow, and it appeared to me that it must have been formed in the open sea, both because it is improbable, or rather impossible, that such enormous masses could float down rivers which contain too little water for a boat, and also because we perceived no produce of the earth, which we must have done if it was so formed." 593 Travellers and Explorers Up to this date the passage through Behring's Strait had been the least used to reach the northern latitudes. Cook's observation is valuable, as it proves that beyond this aperture a vast extent of sea without land must exist. It may possibly be (this was the view held by the lamented Gustave Lambert) that this sea is open. No greater distance north has ever been attained since Cook's time, except on the Sibe- rian coast — where Plover and Long Islands were discovered, and where at this moment, as we write, Professor Nordenskjold is exploring. 1 After most careful exploration and repeated ef- forts to reach higher latitudes, Cook, seeing that the season was advanced, and encountering more ice- bergs daily, had no choice but to seek winter quarters in a more clement country, before continuing his ex- pedition the following summer. He therefore re- traced his route as far as Ounalaska Island, and on the 26th of October steered toward the Sandwich Islands, hoping to complete his survey of them dur- ing his wintering there. An island was discovered on the 26th of Novem- ber. The natives sold a quantity of fruits, roots, bread-fruits, potatoes, "trao" and "eddy" roots, which they exchanged for nails and iron implements. i [On the 5th September, 1879, a telegram from Stockholm announced that the Swedish Arctic Expedition under Professor Nordenskjold had made the North-East Passage from Europe to Japan, and that the Swedish explor- ing vessel, the "Vega," had arrived at Yokohama by way of Behring's Straits. J — Translator. 594 Captain Cook's Third Voyage It was Mowee Island, which forms part of the Sand- wich Archipelago. Shortly afterward Owhyhee or Hawaii was sighted, the summits of which were cov- ered with snow. The captain says: "We never met savages so liberal as these in their views. They usually sent the different articles they wished to sell to the ships. They then came on board themselves, and finished their 'trade' on the quarter- deck. The Tahitians, in spite of our constant stays there, have not the same confidence in us. I con- clude from this that the inhabitants of Owhyhee are more accurate and true in their reciprocal trade than those in Tahiti, for the latter have no honor among themselves, and are thus not inclined to believe in the honor of others." On the 17th of January Cook and Gierke cast anchor in a bay, called by the natives Karakakooa. The sails were unbent from the yard, the yards and the topmast struck. The vessels were crowded with visitors and surrounded by pirogues, and the shore was covered by a curious multitude. Cook had never previously seen so much excitement. Among the chiefs who came on board the "Resolution," a young man named Pareea was soon remarked. He said he was "Iakanee," but it was not known that was his title of office, or if it suggested a degree of relation- ship or alliance with the king. However, he evi- dently had great authority over the common people. 595 Travellers and Explorers Some presents, opportunely given, attached him to the English, and he rendered them more than one service. If Cook on his first visit to Hawaii pronounced that the natives were little disposed to robbery, he was not of the same opinion this time. Their large numbers gave them many facilities for thieving tri- fles, and encouraged them to think that their larceny would not be punished. It became evident at last that they were encouraged by their chiefs, for several stolen objects were found in the possession of the latter. Pareea and another chief named Kaneena brought an old man on board, whose name was Koah. He was very thin and his body was covered with white scurf from immoderate use of "ava." He was a priest. When he was presented to Cook, he put a sort of red mantle which he had brought upon his shoulders, and gravely delivered a long discourse as he gave him a little pig. It was soon proved that it was intended as a form of adoration, for all the idols were clothed in similar stuff. The English were immensely astonished at the whimsical ceremo- nies of homage presented to Cook. They only un- derstood them later, through the researches of the learned missionary Ellis. We shall give a brief ac- count of his interesting discovery. It will make the recital of the events that followed plainer. According to tradition, a certain Rono, who lived 596 Captain Cook's Third Voyage under one of the ancient kings of Hawaii, had killed his wife, whom he tenderly loved, in a transport of jealousy. The grief and sorrow which followed upon his act, drove him mad; he ran about the isl- and, quarrelling with, and striking everybody. At last, tired out, but not satiated, with murder, he em- barked, promising to return one day, upon a floating island, bringing cocoanuts, pigs, and dogs. This legend had been embodied in a national song, and became an article of faith with the priests, who added Rono to their lists of deities. Confident in the fulfilment of the prediction, they awaited his coming every year, with a patience which nothing could exhaust. Is there not a strange resemblance between this legend and that relating to the Mexican god Quet- zalcoatl, who, forced to fly from the wrath of a more powerful god, embarked upon a skiff of serpent skin, promising those who accompanied him to return at some later time, and visit the country with his de- scendants? As soon as the English ships appeared, the high priest Koah and his son One-La declared that it was Rono himself, fulfilling his prediction. From that moment Cook was a divinity for the entire popula- tion. As he went about, the natives prostrated them- selves. The priests made him speeches or addressed prayers to him. They would have sprinkled him with incense had that been fashionable at Hawaii. 597 Travellers and Explorers The captain felt that there was something extra- ordinary in these demonstrations, but, unable to understand it, he resigned himself for the sake of his crew and for the advancement of science to the mysterious circumstances he was unable to unravel. He was obliged to give himself up to all kinds of ceremonies, which appeared, to him at least, ridicu- lous. Thus he was taken to a moral, a solid con- struction of stone forty roods long and fourteen high. The summit was well built and was surrounded by a wooden balustrade, upon which were hung the ears of the captives sacrificed to the gods. At the open- ing of the platform were two large wooden figures with grinning faces, and bodies draped in red stuff, the heads surmounted by a large piece of sculptured wood, the shape of a reversed cone. There Koah mounted with Cook upon a sort of table, under which lay a rotten pig and a quantity of fruit. Some men brought a living pig in a procession, and some scarlet cloth in which it was wrapped. The priests then sang some religious hymns, while the assistants were devoutly prostrated at the entrance of the mora'i. After various ceremonies, which it would take too long to describe, a pig, cooked in the oven, was presented to the captain, with fruits and the roots which were used in the preparation of "ava." "The ava," says Cook, "was then handed round, and when v/e had tasted it, Koah and Pareea divided 598 Captain Cook's Third Voyage the flesh of the pig into several pieces, which they placed in our mouths." "I felt no repugnance when Pareea, who is very clean, gave me something to eat," says Lieutenant King, "but Cook, to whom Koah offered the same attention, could not swallow a morsel, as he thought of the putrid pig. The old man, wishing to re- double his politeness, tried to give him pieces al- ready chewed, and one can easily imagine that the disgust of our captain increased." After this ceremony Cook was conducted to his boat by four men carrying sticks, who repeated the same words and phrases as at the landing, in the midst of a kneeling host of the natives. The same ceremo- nies were observed every time the captain landed. One of the priests always walked before him, an- nouncing that Rono had landed, and ordering the people to prostrate themselves. If the English had reason to feel satisfied with the priests, who loaded them with attentions and presents, it was otherwise with the "carees," or warriors. The latter encouraged the robberies which were perpetrated daily, and in other ways exhibited disloyalty. Still, up to the 24th of January, 1779, no important event occurred. Upon that day the English were surprised to see that none of the pi- rogues left the river to trade with the ships. The arrival of "Terreoboo" had made the bay "tabu," and prevented any communication with the strang- 599 Travellers and Explorers ers. Upon the same day, the chief, or rather king, went without ceremony to the ships. He had but one pirogue, in which were his wife and children. On the 26th, Terreoboo paid a second visit, which was official. "Cook," says the narrative, "noticing that the prince landed, followed him and arrived about the same time. He conducted them to the tent; they were scarcely seated when the prince rose, and in a graceful manner threw his mantle over the captain's shoulders. He further placed a hat of feathers upon his head, and a curious fan in Cook's hands, at whose feet he also spread five or six very pretty mantles of great value." Terreoboo and the principal chiefs of his suite asked many questions of the English as to the time of their leaving. The captain wished to ascertain the opinion the Hawaiians had formed of the English; but he could only learn that they supposed them to be the natives of a country where provisions were scarce, and that they had simply come there "to fill their stomachs." This conviction arose from the emaciated appearance of some of the sailors, and from the desire to ship fresh victuals. There was no fear, however, of exhausting their provisions, in spite of the immense quantity which had been consumed since the English arrived. It is very likely that the king wished for time to prepare the present he intended to offer the strangers upon 600 Captain Cook's Third Voyage their leaving; and, accordingly, the day before the one fixed upon, the king begged Captains Cook and Clerke to accompany him to his residence. Enor- mous heaps of every kind of vegetable, parcels of stuffs, yellow and red feathers, and a herd of pigs were collected together. All this was a gratuitous gift to the king from his subjects. Terreoboo chose about a third of these articles, and gave the rest to the two captains — a more valuable present than they had ever received either at Tonga or Tahiti. On the 4th of February the vessels left the bay, but the damage received by the "Resolution" forced her to put in again in a few days. The vessels had scarcely cast anchor before the English noticed a change in the conduct of the natives. Still all went on peaceably until the afternoon of the 13th. Upon that day several chiefs wished to prevent the natives from assisting the English in filling their casks. A tumult ensued. The natives armed themselves with stones, and became threatening. The officer in command of the detachment was ordered by Cook to draw upon the natives, if they persisted in throwing stones, or became insolent. Under these circumstances, a pirogue was fired into, and it was soon apparent that a robbery had been committed by its crew. At the same time a still more serious dispute arose. A sloop belonging to Pareea was seized by 601 Travellers and Explorers an officer, who took it to the "Discovery." The chief hastened to claim his belongings, and to pro- test his innocence. The discussion grew animated, and Pareea was overthrown by a blow from an oar. The natives, who had hitherto been peaceable observers, armed themselves with stones, forced the sailors to retire precipitately, and took possession of the pinnace which had brought them. Pareea, for- getful of his resentment at this moment, interposed, and restored the pinnace to the English, together with several things which had been stolen. "I am afraid the Indians will force me to violent measures," said Cook, upon learning what had passed. "We must not allow them to believe that they have gained an advantage over us." The boat of the "Discovery" was stolen upon the 13th or 14th of February. The captain determined to possess himself of the person of Terreoboo, or some others of the leading persons, and to keep them as hostages until the stolen objects were restored to him. He therefore landed with a detachment of ma- rines, and pursued his way to the king's residence. He was received with the usual marks of respect on the road, and perceiving Terreoboo and his two sons, to whom he said a few words on the theft of the sloop, he decided to pass the day on board the "Resolution." The matter took a happy turn, and the two young 602 Captain Cook's Third Voyage princes embarked upon the pinnace, when one of Terreoboo's wives begged him with tears not to go on board. Two other chiefs joined her, and the natives, frightened by the hostile preparations they saw, began to crowd around the king and captain. The latter hurried to embark, and the prince ap- peared willing to follow him, but the chiefs inter- posed, and used force to prevent his doing so. Cook, seeing that his project had failed, and that he could only put it into execution by bloodshed, gave it up, and walked quietly along the shore to re- gain his boat, when a rumor spread that one of the principal chiefs had been killed. The women and children were therefore sent away, and all directed their attention to the English. A native armed with a "pahooa" defied the cap- tain, and as he would not cease his threats, Cook discharged his pistol. The native, protected by a thick mat, did not feel himself wounded, and so be- came more audacious. Several others advanced, and the captain discharged his gun at the nearest and killed him. This was the signal for a general attack. The last that was seen of Cook was his signing to the boats to cease firing, and to approach, that his small troop might embark. In vain! The captain was struck and fell to the earth. "The natives," says the narrative, "uttered cries of joy when they saw him fall. They at once 603 Travellers and Explorers dragged his body along the shore, and taking the poniard one after the other, they all attacked him with ferocious blows until he ceased to breathe." Thus perished this great navigator, assuredly the most illustrious produced by England. The bold- ness of his undertakings, his perseverance in carrying them out, and the extent of his knowledge, all made him a type of the true sailor of discovery. What immense service he has rendered to geog- raphy! In his first voyage he reconnoitred the So- ciety Islands, proved that New Zealand is formed of two islands, explored the strait that separates them, and surveyed its coast, and lastly he visited the en- tire eastern coast of New Holland. In his second voyage he proved the chimerical character of the long-talked-of Antarctic continent, the dream of stay-at-home geographers. He discov- ered New Caledonia, Southern Georgia, the Sand- wich Islands, and penetrated further into the south- ern hemisphere than any one had done before him. In his third expedition he discovered the Ha- waiian Archipelago, and surveyed the western coast of America, to the forty-third degree, that is to say, an extent of 3500 miles. He passed through Behr- ing Strait, and ventured into the Arctic Sea, which was the horror of navigators, until the icebergs op- posed an impenetrable barrier to his progress. It is needless to praise his qualities as a seaman; his hydrographical works remain, but above all his 604 Captain Cook's Third Voyage careful treatment of his crews deserves to be remem- bered. To it was due their ability to bear the long and trying voyages which he made with so little loss of life. After this fatal day the English folded their tents and returned on board. Their offers for the re- covery of the body of their unfortunate captain were in vain. In their anger they were about to have re- course to arms, when two priests, friends of Lieu- tenant King, brought a piece of human flesh at the instance of the other chiefs, which weighed from nine to ten pounds. It was all, they said, that re- mained of Rono's body, which had been burned ac- cording to custom. This sight of course made the English still more anxious for reprisals, and the natives on their side had to avenge the death of five chiefs and a score of men. Every time the English landed at their watering place they found a furious crowd armed with stones and sticks. In order to make an example, Captain Gierke, who had taken the command of the expedition, set fire to the abodes of the priests, and massacred those who opposed them. On the 19th of February, however, an interview was arranged, and the remains of Cook, his hands, recognizable by a large scar, his head, stripped of flesh, and various other debris, were made over to the English, who three days later paid them the last honors. 605 T— Vol. 11 Travellers and Explorers After that, barter was resumed as if nothing had happened, and no other incident occurred during the remainder of the stay in the Sandwich Islands. Captain Gierke had relinquished the command of the "Discovery" to Lieutenant Gore, and hoisted his flag upon the "Resolution." After completing the survey of the Hawaiian Islands, he set sail for the north, touched at Kamtschatka, where the Rus- sians made him heartily welcome, passed through Behring Strait, and advanced as far as latitude 69? 50 7 north, where his further progress was barred by icebergs. On the 22d of April, 1779, Captain Gierke died of pulmonary phthisis, aged thirty-eight. Captain Gore then assumed the command in chief, put in again at Kamtschatka, again at Canton, and at the Cape of Good Hope, and anchored in the Thames on the 1st of October, 1780, after more than four years' absence. The death of Captain Cook caused a general mourning throughout England. The Royal Society of London, of which he was a member, struck a medal in his honor, the cost of which was covered by public subscription, to which persons of the highest rank subscribed. The Admiralty petitioned the king to provide for the family of the deceased captain. The king granted a pension of £200 to his widow, and £25 to each of his three sons. The charts and drawings 606 Captain Cook's Third Voyage relating to his last voyage were engraved at the ex- pense of the government, and the proceeds of their sale divided among Cook's family, and the heirs of Captain Gierke and Captain King. Although the family of the great navigator is ex- tinct, a proof of the esteem in which his memory is held was given in the solemn meeting of the French Geographical Society on the 4th of February, 1879. A large number assembled to celebrate the cen- tenary of Cook's death. Among them were many representatives of the Australian colonies, which are now so flourishing, and of the Hawaiian Archipel- ago, where he met his death. A quantity of relics belonging to the great navigator, his charts, Webber's magnificent water-colors, and the instruments and weapons of the Oceanic islanders, decorated the walls. This touching homage, after the lapse of a hun- dred years, was accorded by a people whose king had bidden them not to thwart Cook's scientific and civ- ilizing mission, and was well calculated to awake an echo in England, and to draw yet closer the bonds of that good fellowship which exists between England and France. THE END 607 H 4 84 ,:.lrt| o Y