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R E MA R K S ^ ' 
 
 AFRICAN COLONIZATION 
 
 THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY 
 
 IN TWO PARTS 
 
 Y A CITIZEN of' NtTw ENGLANJ:> 
 
 WINDSOK, VT. 
 
 P I' B L I S n E D r Y R t (MI A R D S &. T R A C V 
 
 18 3 3. 
 
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 TO THE READER. 
 
 In giving his Remarks to tiie public, the author is conscious of no 
 other motive than a desire to advance the interests of truth, freedom 
 and happiness. He has no pride of authorship or desire of notice to 
 be gratified ; no pecuniary interest to be advanced ; and no feelings of 
 unkindness towards those who dissent from his views, to be indulged by 
 this publication. He has written, not with a view to satisfy the mere 
 critic, or to escape his notice ; not to advance new theories, or present 
 old ones in a new dress. It has been his object to write for plain, com- 
 mon-sense, matter-of-fact readers : to present plain truths, well-estab- 
 lished facts, and common arguments, in a plain manner, and for a practi- 
 cal purpose. It is his earnest desire to see all the friends of humanity 
 in this country act right — act vigorously — act in harmony, and in the 
 best possible manner, for the relief and the elevation of the whole Afri- 
 can race, whether bond or free. For the sentiments advanced in rela- 
 tion to African Colonization, the Colonization Society is not responsible, 
 except for the extracts from its official publications, and the legitimate 
 application of those extracts. If the author has mistaken or misapplied 
 the principles or language of that Society, he alone is responsible. 
 The same remark applies to the use made of other publications. Should 
 any reader think that there is undue severity in the strictures on the 
 publications, measures and sentiments referred to in the Introduction, 
 and in Part II., he is requested to examine the whole subject without 
 prejudice — to read those publications, and ponder well their spirit and 
 tendency, and then state publicly and candidly in what the severity con- 
 sists, and in what manner it might have been dispensed with. To the 
 friends of humanity and justice, who have sympathy for the poor and 
 oppressed African, the author cheerfully submits his vieAvs ; and to Him 
 who hears the oppressed when they cry, he would commit both himself 
 and his readers, with the earnest prayer that they may be guided by 
 His Spirit in all their efforts to do good. 
 
 A Citize:^ of New E>'GLArfD, 
 Jpril 11, 13:33. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 A few months since, a pamphlet of 236 pages fell into my hands, en- 
 titled " Thoughts on African Colonization ; or an impartial exhibition of 
 the doctrines, principles and purposes of the American Colonization Socie- 
 ty, together leith the Resolutions, Addresses and Remonstrances oj the free 
 jieoplt of color, by Wm. Lloyd Garrison." 
 
 The object of the writer was to prove that " the Colonization Society 
 is not hostile to slavery: That it '■^apologizes for slavery and slave-hold- 
 ers ,-" — " Recognizes slaves as property ; — " Increases the value of slaves ;" 
 — " Is the enemy of immediate Abolition ;" — " JVourished by fear and self- 
 ishness ,•" — " Aims at the expulsion of the Blacks ;" — " Disparages the 
 Free Blacks ;" — " Prevents the instruction of the Blacks ;" — " Deceives 
 and misleads the nation." The second part of the pamphlet, occupying 
 76 pages, consists of " Resolutions, Addresses and Remonstrances of the 
 free people of color, " showing that they are opposed to the Colonization 
 Society, 
 
 For several years I had felt a deep interest in the welfare of the col- 
 ored people, bond and free, and in every effort which seemed likely to 
 aid in securing freedom and happiness to the whole race, or to any por- 
 tion of it. I had been in favor of the Colonization Society, because, after 
 a tolerably thorough examination, it seemed to promise more good to the 
 whole African race than any other plan which had been proposed, and 
 because it was actually doing good to a considerable portion. When 
 this pamphlet appeared, I was disposed to examine it carefully, from the 
 interest I felt in the colored race, in the Colonization Society, and in 
 the Autlior of the pamphlet; having felt a sympathy for him when, from 
 the confines of a prison, his touching poetry, " Tlie Freedom of the Mind,'^ 
 echoed througli the land, and having supposed him a true friend of the 
 Africans and sincerely devoted to their interests. I did not agree with 
 him as to the manner of removing the evils we both deplored, or approve 
 of his harsh language or rash measures. Many things which had appear- 
 ed in liis paper,* seemed peculiarly fitted to create jealousy and hostility 
 between the colored people and tlie whites, and increase the alienation 
 of feeling between the Northern and Southern sections of the country, 
 and if generally countenanced, must be productive of serious injury. 
 However sincere he might be, it seemed evident that he had more zeal 
 than judgment, and must alter his course or fail of doing much good. 
 
 * TI16 Liberator. 
 
The pan)plilet exhibits some talent and much labor, especially in col- 
 lecting materials, and I felt assured that if the Colonization Society is a 
 bad institution and "deceives and misleads the nation,''^ this would be 
 proved beyond all controversy in the course of the 236 pages ; especially 
 a.s the author had previously brought very serious charges against the 
 Society and assumed heavy responsibilities. He had declared that " the 
 superstructure of the Colonization Society rests upon the following pil- 
 lars: 1. Persecution; 2j^ Falsehood; 3. Coivardice ; 4. Infidelity.''^* "I 
 shall be willing to stake my reputation upon itf for honesty, prudence, 
 benevolence, truth and sagacity. If I do not prove the Colonization So- 
 ciety to be a creature without heart, without brains, eyeless, unnatural, 
 hypocritical, relentless, unjust — then nothing is capable of demonstration 
 — then let me bo covered with confusion efface." 
 
 Such declarations gave reason to expect that evidence the most full 
 and decisive would be produced to sustain them, and led me to examine 
 tliis evidence with more than usual care. 
 
 Having a large portion of the documents of the Society at hand, I was 
 enabled to examine the extracts made from those in their connexion, 
 and found it important to do so. The result of this examination was a 
 full conviction, 
 
 1. That instead of an " impartial exhihilion" the pamphlet contains 
 ::ltogether a. partial or one-sided view of the Colonization Society, exhib- 
 iting only its- apparently objectionable features, and those strangely dis- 
 torted. 
 
 2. That a large portion of the extracts made to support the charges, 
 were not from the documents of the Society, but from newspapers, ser- 
 ivicns, addresses, &c. 
 
 3. That a large portion of the extracts made from the documents of 
 the Society do not appear in them as the sentiments of the Board of 
 M anagers. They are extracts from speeches, copied into " the Proced- 
 lUgs of the Society at the annual meeting," from sermons or addresses 
 published in different sections of the country, or from reviews and arti- 
 cles published in other periodicals, copied into the "Appendix to the 
 Report," or the African R,epository, "not because every sentiment is 
 ii.pproved" by the Managers or the Secretary, but because they have 
 been willing to exhibit honestly the different sentiments of individuals, 
 and leave the public to judge in view of the whole subject. 
 
 4. Many of the extracts are frequently interrupted thus * * * show- 
 ing that something is left out. In examinincr these extracts as they 
 -tund in the publications of the Society, several of them will be seen to 
 ho unfairly made, parts being omitted which would essentially, modify 
 their meaning;. 
 
 G. That some of the quotations are made by puUing detached senten- 
 ces together, so as to convey a different meaning from that intended by 
 the writers. [See examples in the Christian Spectator, March 1833, 
 pp. 153, 154.] 
 
 6. That several of the extracts contain language capable of being 
 misinterpreted, especially when standing alone; and that ir-ferences and 
 comments relating to these are unfairly made. 
 
 * Liberator, July Oth, 1S3!. 
 
 } The pamphlet, which was then in contempl-'tion.— Z.:4. Ja'j' "0, 1331. 
 
7. That although the Society may have liad wrong arguments used in 
 its favor ; may have been patronized by some with wrong motives ; al- 
 though some may have had too high expectations of its success ; althoug'i 
 some of its best friends, or even its Board of Managers, may have made 
 mistakes j still the chai-ges against the Society are not sxistained and can- 
 not be. 
 
 8. That the entire reverse of nearly every charge can, by a similar 
 license, be as fairly sustained as these ; but neither view alone would 
 be an " impartial exhibition.'''' 
 
 9. That with all the faults that can possibly be charged upon the 
 Colonization Society with any show of truth, it is still the most promis- 
 ing means of benefiting the whole African race yet devised; and is en- 
 titled to the cordial support of all 1.h6 people of these United States, and 
 the approbation of all the friends of liberty throughout the world. 
 
 10. That a fair examination ofthe history and operations of the Soci- 
 ety, will bring other minds to the same result. 
 
 11. That if the Author would give his pamphlet a calm, serious, prayer- 
 ful re-examination; would consider the history, principles and operations 
 ofthe Society; the character of those M'ho formed it, and those who 
 now conduct its affairs ; as well as the great body of its patrons ; would 
 review his charges and the manner by which he has attempted to sustain 
 them ; he would "be covered with confusion of face" without any effort 
 being made by others to refute his charges ; and that although some 
 who are glad of an excuse for doing nothing for a benevolent society, 
 may thank the author for his attacks, yet benevolent men, who think and 
 act for themselves, will not be long misled or embarrassed by them, and 
 the Colonization Society has nothing to fear ultimately from such oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 12. That the pamphfet referred to, might do some good. It might ex- 
 cite attention, examination and discussion, which should develope more 
 fully the principles of the Society, make them better understood, and 
 their importance more deeply felt, and thus benefit the cause in New 
 England. It might make some of the friends of Colonization more care- 
 ful in their arguments and efforts, and lead to increased watchfulness and 
 prudence in the management of the Society. 
 
 It might assist in removing the impression at the South,' "that the 
 people of New England are willing to insult and abuse them." It is 
 well known that the author of the pamphlet is very obnoxious both to 
 the friends and enemies of Colonization and Emancipation in the slave 
 states. They have thought his language iu relation to slave-holders 
 slanderous, his treatment of them abusive, and his influence on the col- 
 ored people peculiarly fitted to produce insurrections. Some of them 
 have supposed that many in New England, and especially Colonization- 
 ists, were disposed to countenance such measures, secretly if not openly. 
 His hostility to the Society, therefore, might convince the Southern peo- 
 ple who have opposed it, that his movements and Colonization movements 
 are not one and the same thing, and thus lead them to examine its merits. 
 
 13. That as the pamphlet Mas likely to do some good, although in a 
 different way from that intended, therefore no reply to it was needed, 
 and that no notice ought to be taken of it by the friends of Colonization. 
 Although containing some truth with much error, the error was sopalpa. 
 
6 
 
 ble as to be easily detected by those acquainted with the history of tlie 
 Society. 
 
 These were my sober convictions after a very thorough examination ; 
 and similar views I found were entertained by many editors,* clergymen, 
 and others, who had examined the subject. After what has been said, it 
 may seem sti-ange that I should notice this pamphlet with so much for- 
 mality. My apology is this: — 
 
 1. Many persons have not the publications of the society. Very few 
 in New England have the Annual Reports or any documents which 
 give its early history. 
 
 2. Few persons have time to examine the sixteen Reports and eight 
 volumes of the African Repository, if they were accessible : consequent- 
 ly, they are not prepared to defend the society when attacked, and are in 
 some danger of being misled. 
 
 3. It is now an easy matter for any one to collect materials from this 
 pamphlet and the Liberator, and write newspaper articles accusing the 
 Colonization Society, and its agents, of "deception" "falsehood" " prop- 
 agating libels" " publishing gross fictions with a view to gull the weak 
 and the ignorant" &-c. and thus new articles are furnished for the Lib- 
 erator, or copied from some paper that is willing to publish them. In 
 the same manner it is easy to prepare addresses on the subject of slave- 
 ry, spiced with a good degree of ridicule and sarcasm for Colonization- 
 ists ; get admitted to lyceums and debating societies, and in some instan- 
 ces even to churches, under the apparent sanction of ministers ; create a 
 temporary excitement, and then boast of their success, their converts and 
 contributions; challenge the whole world to refute their arguments, and 
 then, if no one notice them, to cry victory, and throw out more insulting 
 challenges.f 
 
 * " Since commencinc; the agency, I have conversed with the editors of between 90 and 100 pa- 
 pers and periodicals in Maine, Massacliusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and tJie city of New 
 York. Of these editors, I found but four who expressed opposition to our Society." * * * I have 
 conversed individually or in small circles with more than three hundred clergymen, of different 
 denominations: only three of whom manifested hostility to the Society. A small number of 
 others had not examined the history or claims of the Society sufficiently to express a decided 
 opinion. A few others expressed some doubts, occasioned by the charges brought against the 
 Society by Blr. Garrison, and other agents of the New England Anti-Slavery Society. Not hav- 
 ing the publications of the Colonization Society, or any means of examining in their proper con- 
 nexion, the extracts made to support these charges, they felt a temporary embarrassment. A 
 n;uch larger number, who had been in the same unsettled state from the same cause, stated that 
 bii examining the publications and the actual influence of the Society, tliey had become convincedl 
 that the charges brought against it are not susttiined. Some of this class complained of having been 
 reported as opposed to the Colonization Society." [Letter of an Agent to Rev. J. N. Danforth.] — 
 American Traveller, Dec. 1832. 
 
 t Witness the following specimens. 
 
 "3:5= By a Presbyterian Clergyman. 
 
 [ For the Liberator. ] 
 
 TO MR. DANFORTH, AGENT FOR THE SLAVE-DRIVERS. 
 
 A citizen with a little ' brains and blood,' wlio wishes to help those who are Hugging to put 
 dovn slavcru,' offers to meet you in open debate in Boston, and maintain against your negative, 
 tlie truth of this proposition—' Every living American Slave-holder is a Kidnapper.' 
 
 The Editor of the Liberator is authorized to make the necessary arrangements, so that you may 
 exhibit all vour ' blood and brains,' in ' tugging' to prop up slavery. 
 
 ONE WHO HAS RIGHTS." 
 
 Liberator, Feb. 16, 1833. 
 
 " 95° Another challenge, Mr. Danforth I— from a source, too, eminently entitled to your no- 
 tice. Are you ready ? 
 
 [ For the Liberator. ] 
 TO REV. BIR. DANFORTH, PRESBYTERIAN MINISTER. 
 As you are manifestly afraid to face ' One who has Rights,' and prove that ' every American 
 Slave-holder is not a Kidnapper,' — I hereby offer to meet you in open debate in Boston, and 
 
4. The New England Anti-slavery Society has adopted this pamph- 
 let for distribution, and its agents and managers are actively opposing 
 the Colonization Society in this country, and sending their publications 
 to England, thus furnishing materials which some of the British Review- 
 .ers and editors seem much inclined to use in slandering this country. 
 
 5. My object in noticing this pamphlet is not to reply to the charges, 
 or hold a controversy with its author, or any one who agrees with him, 
 adopts his style and imitates his spirit.* It is my design 
 
 I. To give a brief view of the history and operations of the Coloniza- 
 tion Society, develope its character and principles, and give some rea- 
 sons for sustaining it. 
 
 II. To furnish a similar view of the New England Ant-slavery Soci- 
 ety, express my own views in relation to the objects proposed in its Con- 
 stitution, and state the reasons why I cannot co-operate with the So- 
 ciety. 
 
 maintain against your negative the foUowing proposition: — Everv Slave-holder who pro- 
 fesses TO BE A Christian, by whatever name he is called, or whatever office he holds 
 IN the Church, is a Hypocrite. 
 
 The Editor of the Liberator is authorized to make the necessary arrangements— if you choose 
 to confront . WATCHMAN." 
 
 Liberator, Feb. 22, 1833. 
 
 * The unfairness and misrepresentation of the pamphlet have been partially exposed in the 
 Methodist Magazine and Quarterly Review, for January, African Repository for January, and 
 the Christian Spectator for March. Also in several numbers of the Christian Mirror, (Portland, 
 Me.) and in late numbers of the Vermont Chronicle. 
 
PART I. 
 
 AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 
 
 Annual Reports of the American Colonization Society, Af- 
 rican Repository. Review on African Colonization : Christian Spec- 
 tator, Sept. 1830. Letters on the Colonization Society, with a view of its 
 probable results : addressed to the Hon. C. F. Mercer. By M. Carey, 
 1832. American Colonization Society, N. A. Review, July 1832, Art. 
 VII. Slavery Q^uestion in Virginia, American Quarterly Review, Dec. 
 1832. Colonization Society, Christian Examiner, Sept. 1832, and Jan. 
 1833. 
 
 From the first introduction of slaves into the United States and the 
 West Indies, there have been multitudes to bear testimony against the 
 system of slavery, and weep for the misery occasioned by it. Some have 
 given proof of their sincerity by their skill in devising, and their zeal, 
 energy, pesseverance and self denial in prosecuting plans for abolishing 
 the abominable traffic in human flesh, and for relieving the misery of the 
 slaves, and of the free people of color. The names of Clarkson, Wil- 
 berforce, and others, v/ho were " shoulder to shoulder" with them in the 
 great conflict for the abolition of the slave trade, will be held in grateful 
 remembrance, when the names of many heroes and conquerors, whom 
 history has immortalized, shall have become odious. 
 
 Many individuals have manifested a praise-worthy zeal, both before 
 and since the abolition of the slave-trade, in their efforts to emancipate 
 and elevate the enslaved Africans ; while great multitudes have slumber- 
 ed with indifi'erence over their misfortunes, or passed them by in despair, 
 as if there were no remedy. 
 
 " In consequence of the memorable decision of the English Judiciary, in the case 
 of Somerset, that slavery could not exist upon tlie soil of England, several iiundred 
 blacks, unaccustomed to the profitable employments of a great city, were thrown 
 upon their resources in the streets of London. The celebrated Granville Sharp 
 having taken a peculiarly prominent part in the whole affair of the slave question, 
 they flocked to him as their patron ; and he, after much reflection, determined to 
 colonize them in Africa.'"^ 
 
 Here was the origin of the Sierra Leone Colony. In 1787, four hun- 
 dred negroes and sixty Europeans were sent thither at the expense of the 
 British government. In 1789, thirty-nine more were sent out. In 1791, 
 about 1200 emigrants from Nova Scotia were induced to join the colony 
 by the influence of the venerable Clarkson. These were originally ref- 
 ugees from this country, who had placed themselves under British pro- 
 
 N. A. Review, July, 1832, p. 120. 
 
10 
 
 tection.* The Maroonsf from Jamaica were introduced about the year 
 1805. Since the abolition in 1808, large numbers have joined the col- 
 ony who were liberated from slave ships. In 1823, the colony contained 
 about 18000 inhabitants, of whom, 12000 were liberated Africans. In 
 1828, the number of this class was more than 15000. Two thousand 
 four hundred and fifty-eight liberated captives were added to the colony^ 
 during the year 1827 alone.| 
 
 While the leading abolitionists in Great Britian were thus providing 
 an asylum for the liberated Africans, the attention of great and good men 
 in the United States was turned to the same subject. They saw that 
 many who had been liberated were ignorant, without employment, desti- 
 tute of the means and motives necessary to elevate men, and, consequent- 
 ly, exposed to temptation, suffering and crime. Even before the com- 
 mencement of the Sierra Leone colony, as early as 1777, Mr. Jefferson 
 had formed a plan of colonizing the free people of color ; but the distract- 
 ed state of the country occasioned by the war, or other causes, prevented 
 its developement. 
 
 In the year 1787, Dr. Thornton, of Washington, ^'■proposed the sub- 
 ject of the colonization of the people of color on the coast of Africa to the 
 people of Boston, and Providence, (Rhode Island.) Many were disposed 
 to accompany him to Africa, but the want of funds prevented the experi- 
 ment. In 1789, Rev. Samuel Hopkins, of Newport, Rhode Island, 
 wrote to Granville Sharp, to ascertain the situation of the colony at Sierra 
 Leone, and especially, whether the blacks of New England " might 
 have any part of the colonial lands to settle on, and on what terms." 
 
 In the American Museum, is an article, dated March 6, 1790, attrib- 
 uted to Ferdinando Fairfax, in which " it is proposed, that a colony 
 should be settled under the auspices and protection of Congress, by the 
 negroes now within the United States, and be composed of those who 
 are already, as well as those who at any time hereafter, may become lib- 
 erated by the voluntary consent of their owners," &c. 
 
 About the year 1800 or 1801, the Legislature of Virginia instructed 
 Mr. Monroe, then Governor of the State, to endeavor, through the agency 
 of President Jefferson, to secure " an asylum beyond the limits of the 
 United States for such persons of color as had been, or might be, eman- 
 cipated under the laws of the commonwealth." An effort was made to 
 obtain a territory, first in Africa, from the Sierra Leone Company, and af- 
 terwards in South America, from the government of Portugal. Both at- 
 tempts were unsuccessful. In 1811, Mr. Jefferson, in reply to inquiries 
 relative to Colonization, wrote as follows : « Having long ago made up 
 my mind on this subject, I h*ve no hesitation in saying, that I have ever 
 thought that the most desirable measure which could be adopted for 
 drawing off this part of our population, — ^^ most advantageous to them- 
 selves, as ivell as ws." 
 
 Again, " Indeed nothing is more to be ivishedthan that the United States 
 tcoidd themselves undertake to make such an establishment on the coast of 
 Africa." 
 
 * North American Review, July, 1832, p. 120. t A name given to a large num^ef J^f 
 Negroes, originally slaves in Jamaica, who availed themselves of a Revolution in tnai ismuu 
 to take refuge among the mountains of the interior, and have never since been subauea. id. y. 
 131. X lb. 
 
11 
 
 In 1816, the legislature of Virginia again passed a resolve,* request- 
 ing the Executive to take measures for procuring "an asiflumfor such 
 persons of color as are npiofree, and may desire it, and for those who 
 may hereafter be emancipated within this commonwealth," &c. 
 
 By this time, tlie experiment at Sierra Leone, notwithstanding all its 
 embarrassments, had demonstrated that the plan of Colonization is prac- 
 ticable : the views of individuals, far separated from each other by dis- 
 tance and circumstances, began to be understood ; and there was suffi- 
 cient evidence that a noble plan for benefiting the African race might be 
 carried forward, to enlist the energies of the Rev. Robert Finley, of 
 Basking Ridge, N. J., draw out his views and feelings relating to the 
 interests of the free blacks, and urge him forward to be the pioneer of' 
 the enterprize to be commenced for their benefit. 
 
 "A concurrent movement towards the adoption of some particular plan of ope- 
 rations was distinctly concerted in March 181G, at Georgetown, D. C, between a 
 resident of that place and several citizens oftlie two neighboring states. Tliis was 
 without the knowledge or participation of any individual Uving north of Maryland 
 But in the course of Uie ensuing summer and autumn, the discussion became more 
 general and excited considerable interest in Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, 
 Princeton, and other principal places in that section of the country. Still Mr. 
 Finley seems rather to have led public opinion, for while others were only talking 
 and thinking, he 7Das drvoting himself lohoUy to the cause. After having reflected 
 deliberately on the proper place, time and manner of commencing the long con- 
 templated movement — and the propriety of doing something had scarcely been dis- 
 puted at all — he resolved to test the popularity, and in some degree the practica- 
 bility of his own plan, by introducing the subject to public notice at Washington. 
 He arrived at that city about the first of December, 1816, and began to make ar- 
 rangements for a meeting of the citizens. Many ridiculed, and some opposed him ; 
 but meekly contenting himself with the observation, ' I know this scheme is from 
 God,' lie persevered and prevailed. The Society was organized on the first of 
 January, 1817. 't , 
 
 The second article of the constitution defines the object of the socie- 
 ty, and is in the following language : — 
 
 '•' The object to which its crttention is to be exclusively directed, is to promote 
 and execute a plan for colonizing, (with their consent) tlie free people of color re- 
 siding in this country, in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall deem most 
 expedient. And the Society shall act, to effect this object, in co-operation with 
 tiie general government and such of the States as may adopt resolutions on the 
 subject." 
 
 It would seem impossible that any opposition could with propriety be 
 made to the Society, especially as it "has uniformly acted in pursuance 
 of these clearly declared principles, to the exclusion of all others."J 
 
 But probably no other Society has ever triumphed over opposition so 
 various, or obstacles so numerous. At the first annual meeting it was 
 stated by the President, that " an effort has unfortunately been made to 
 prejudice the minds of the free people of color against the institution, 
 which had its origin, it is believed, in an honest desire to promote their 
 happiness. A suggestion has been made to them ivhich this Society dis- 
 claims by the terms of its Constitution, that they are to be constrained to 
 migrate to the country which may be selected for the seat of our col- 
 ony. .Yo suspicion can be more unfounded. It is sanctioned by no decla- 
 
 *This was the first puhlic act of Virginia in relation to this subject. The former measures 
 were in secret session, as the time had not arrived wlien any measure having even an indirect 
 o£2ring in favor of emancipation, could be publicly discussed in Virginia. 
 
 t N. A. R. July 1832 p. 126. | lb. p. 127. {)^After quoting this identical article of the Con- 
 stitution, Mr. Ganison cites above fifty extracts which he says ^'abundantly sustain the charge, 
 that the Society has not swerved from its original design" ^c. — [Thoughts on African Col. p. 42. etc".] 
 
rations or acts of the Society, from which alone our intentions can be 
 candidly inferred.* 
 
 Tlien the Society was opposed as "an invention of the slave-holder to 
 ^^ remove the free blacks, that he might hold his slaves more securely in 
 bondage.'''' This accusation seemed quite plausible to northern men, 
 especially when it was said that "it originated in a slave state. The 
 Virginia Legislature had passed resolves in favor of colonizing the free 
 blacks so early as 1801, and shocking to relate, "it was done in secret 
 session!!" And moreover "the President himself was a slave hold- 
 er." These circumstances, to many minds, ivere proof positive that the 
 Colonization Society was a monstrosity, " designed to perpetuate slave- 
 ry." When this charge was disavowed and disproved, and it was seen 
 that its founders and managers did hope and believe that the moral influ- 
 ence of the Society would tend to voluntary emancipation. Northern men 
 began to examine and approve its plans ; but before the obstacles crea- 
 ted by this objection were removed, opposition sprang up at the South, 
 denouncing the Society as " a northern scheme to interfere with their 
 rights," "rob them of their propercy," "deluge the land in blood," &c. or 
 in other words, " to get away their slaves, or encourage among them 
 insubordination and insurrection." This charge was also denied and 
 disproved, and the two objections, to some extent, served to destroy each 
 other. Still there are a few in New England who oppose the Society 
 because they say it tends to perpetuate slavery, while those who are for 
 perpetuating slavery at the South, oppose it " because it tends to eman- 
 cipation." 
 
 The society was opposed and ridiculed as " a visionary scheme which 
 could accomplish nothing." Some opposed and multitudes neglected it 
 because it would cost money. This, with many, was objection enough. 
 
 Many would do nothing to aid the Society, because it was for the ben- 
 efit of the colored people. Some were willing to consign them to per- 
 petual servitude, ignorance, and debasement, and others thought that 
 they coidd not be elevated. 
 
 For a time, it was difficult to decide on the place for planting a colo- 
 ny. Some were in favor of Africa; some of Haytr; some of Canada; 
 some of South America or Mexico ; while others would have the col- 
 ony beyond the Rocky mountains, or within the territory of the United 
 States. When it was decided to make the experiment on the African 
 coast, some believed the colonists could not endure the climate, or that 
 they could not be there protected, governed, or elevated. It was stig- 
 matized as a "wild scheme for sending miserable, degraded beings, from 
 a Christian to a barbarous country, to be civilized and Christianized;" 
 and what was still more absurd, "to civilize a whole contiment of kid- 
 nappers and slave dealers." 
 
 A great preliminary work was to be performed, before a colony could 
 be planted. 
 
 In this country, information must be circulated ; the condition of the 
 colored people be understood ; facts and arguments must arouse the atten- 
 tion and interest of the community ; ingorance and prejudice must be 
 enlightened and overcome, and funds be collected. Then the coast of 
 Africa must be surveyed ; territory purchased ; the favor of the natives 
 
 * Speech of Judge Washington. First Annual Report. 
 
1^ 
 
 secured ; tlie best location selected and fittad for receiving emigrants. 
 Numerous obstacles retarded the acquisition of territory: tlie natives 
 were jealous of white men, judging of their character, doubtless, from 
 the specimens they had been acquainted with in the slave trade. 
 
 Some of the native chiefs were in fa:vor of selling territory to be 
 occupied by colored people from America, but others were strongly op- 
 posed to it. They could not sec why such a colony should be planted 
 there, and were fearful it would interfere with the slave trade, or in 
 some way affect their interest. 
 
 In 1820 a number of emigrants went out, but "they found it impossi- 
 ble tO' obtain a suitable place, and were compelled, by a variety of un- 
 toward circumstances, to make a temporary establishment in the low, 
 unhealthy island of Sherbro. Here they were detained for some time, 
 endeavoring to purchase land — and were attacked by fatal diseases, 
 ■which carried off three agents and twenty of the colonists."* Several 
 other emigrants went out in 1821, but their prospects were truly dis- 
 couraging, till an extensive territory* was purchased on the coast, and 
 the colony removed to Cape Montserado. In 1822, Mr. Ashmun went 
 out to the colony with a small band of emigrants, and found those who 
 had previously gone out, in a wretched condition. They had suffered 
 niuch from sickness, the want of medical aid, of suitable dwellings, and 
 those comforts and conveniences necessary to the enjoyment of life and 
 health. The health of the agent had failed, and he had sailed for the 
 United States, leaving the colonists defenceless, and, as it afterwards 
 appeared, upon the verge of destruction. Soon after Mr, Ashman's arri- 
 val, he discovered an extensive plot among the native tribes, to destroy 
 the colony. Although they had fairly sold the territory, and consented 
 to its settlement, they :yere either " sick of their bargain," or thirsting 
 for plunder, and had proved treacherous. Finding it impossible to recon- 
 cile them or prevent an attack, Mr. Ashmun made the best possible 
 preparation, and with but a handful of men defended the colony from two 
 violent attacks of several hundred armed natives, and secured a permanent 
 peace. Since that time, the Society has been gaining strength, and, 
 notwithstanding all the obstacles which have opposed its progress, the 
 colony has grown and prospered be3'^ond the most sanguine expectations 
 of its more intelligent friends. 
 
 The following table, it is believed, exhibits the number of emigrants. 
 Previous to May 1823, . . . 225. In 1S28, . . . 295. 
 
 In 1824, . . . 105. 1829, . . . 160. 
 
 1825, ... 66. 1830, . . . 406. 
 
 1826, . . . 288. 1831, . . . 445. 
 1327, ... 238. 1832, ... 790. 
 
 More than 700 of the emigrants were slaves, manumitted for the pur- 
 pose of removal to Liberia. Two hundred forty-seven of this class were 
 sent out the last year, and one hundred eighty-nine near the close of 1831. 
 
 The territory of the colony extends along the coast about 280 miles, 
 and into the interior from 20 to 30 miles, and in some places to a greater 
 distance. It is believed that additional lands may be purchased at a low 
 price, to any desirable extent.f The soil, animal and vegetable produc- 
 
 * Mr. Cirey's Loiters. 
 
 t Additional purchases have hpen made diirir!^' the last year, and two new setllemcuts, one at 
 Craud I!assa, ai;d one at Grand Cape AJount, are abjut being made. 
 
14 
 
 tions, and the commercial advantages of this country, are such as to ren- 
 der it capable of sustaining a large population. 
 
 " During the year preceding the first of May last, 5t) vessels had visited the port 
 of Monrovia, of wliich 32 were American, 25 Enghsh and 2 Frencli. The exports 
 during the same period (consisting chiefly of camwood, ivory, palm-oil, tortgjse- 
 siiell and gold) amounted to $125,54'.) 10; of imports to f 80,000."* 
 
 The climate is now believed to be favorable to people of color. " The 
 natives on the coast are remarkably healthy, and so are the acclimated 
 emigrants."f la the early history of the colony, although there was 
 much sickness, the mortality was trifling, compared with that in the first 
 colonies of this country, and the colony of Sierra Leone. "The colon/ 
 which settled at .Tames Town was at one time reduced from 500 to C 3 
 persons."! "In twelve years after £85,000 had been expended by the 
 Virginia Company, only 600 persons remained in the colony. "f " ^'n 
 1634, after £150,000 had been expended, and more than 9,000 persons 
 had emigrated to the colonies, only 1,800 remained."t "Of 1,600 per- 
 sons who came out with John Winthrop in 1630, 200 died in six 
 months."t At Sierra Leone, "the intemperance and imprudence of the i 
 emigrants brought on a mortality which reduced their numbers nearly 
 one half, during the first year."| After the 1200 refugees from Nova 
 Scotia had removed to Sierra Leone, "one-tenth of the Nova-Scotians 
 and half of the Europeans died during one season, as much from want of- 
 provisions as from any other cause."| No mortality like this has visited 
 the colony at Liberia. The colonists say : " We enjoy health after a 
 few months residence in the country, as uniformly, and in as perfect a 
 degree, as we possessed that blessing in our native country. And a 
 <listressing scarcity of provisions, or any of the comforts of life, has for 
 the last two years been entirely unknown, even to the poorest person in 
 tliis community. On these points, there are and have been mucli mis- 
 conception, and some malicious misrepresentations, in the U. States. * * 
 * * The true character of the African climate is not well understood in 
 other countries. Its inhabitants are as robust, as healthy, as long-lived, 
 to say the least, as those of any other country. Nothing like an epi- 
 demic has ever appeared in this colony ; nor can we learn from the na- 
 tives that the calamity of a sweeping sickness ever yet visited this part 
 of the continent. But the change from a temperate to a tropical country 
 is a great one — too great not to affect the health, more or less — and, in 
 cases of old people and very young children, it often causes death. In 
 the early years of the colony, want of good houses — the great fatigues 
 and dangers of the settlers — their irregular mode of living, and the hard- 
 ships and discouragements they met with, greatly helped the other 
 causes. of sickness, which prevailed to an alarming* extent, and were at- 
 tended with great mortality. But we look back to those times as to a 
 season of trial long past, and almost forgotten. Our houses and circum- 
 stances are now comfortable ; and, for the last two or three years, not 
 one person in forty from the Middle and Southern States, has died from 
 the change of climate."§ Two colored men, who went to Liberia during 
 the last summer, and spent nearly three weeks in examining the condi- 
 tion and prospects of the different settlements, thus speak on the sub- 
 
 * Sixteenth Report, p. 6. t ^^- Carey's Letters. 
 
 t N. A. Review, July, 1832, p. 130. § Address of tlie Colonists, 13th Rc-p. p. 3*. 
 
15 
 
 ject: — "Wherever we went, the people appeared to enjoy good healthy 
 and a more healthy looking people, particularly the children, we have 
 not seen in the United States. We were tliere in Avhat is called the 
 rainy season, (although it rained hard but once for about half an hour^ 
 during the whole tliree weeks of our visit,) and instead of the heat be- 
 ing oppressive, we had constantly a fine breeze, and the air was as cool 
 as it is at Natchez about the last of September. 
 
 " We ought to say, that our voyage was very pleasant, and nearly all 
 tliose who sailed with us from Norfolk, (158) appeared to enjoy them- 
 selves well. Just before our arrival at the colony, a few were taken 
 sick, and two children (one an infant) died soon after they were landed, 
 'Our own health while in the colony was perfectly good, although we 
 were much exposed to night air."* 
 
 ' The government of the colony is essentially republican. The laws 
 are similar to those of the United States, and have, thus far, secured the 
 good order and prosperity of the colony. The " Constitution for the 
 government of the African Colony in Liberia," may be seen in the Appen- 
 dix to the 13th Annual Report, and a Digest of the laws in the x\ppen- 
 dix to the 12th Report, p. 38. 
 
 In relation to government, the Colonists say, " Our Constitution se- 
 cures to us, so far as our condition allows, ' all the rights and privileges 
 enjoyed by the free citizens of the United States,' and these rights and 
 privileges are ours. We are proprietors of the soil we live on, and pos- 
 sess the rights of freeholders. Our suffrages, and what is of more im- 
 portance, our sentiments and our opinions, have their due weight in the 
 Government we live under. Our laws are altogether our own : they 
 grow out of our circumstances ; are framed for our exclusive benefit, and 
 administered Either by officers of our appointment, or such as possess our 
 entire confidence. We have a Judiciary, chosen from among ourselves ;. 
 we serve as jurors in the trial of others; and are liable to be tried only 
 by juries of our fellow citizens ourselves."f 
 
 The cause of educationj in the colony has ever been regarded by the 
 Board of Managers as one of great importance ; and efforts have been 
 made from year to year, to sustain public schools suited to the wants of 
 the people. At some periods, it has been impossible to do this for want 
 of suitable teachers, but recent reports exhibit evidence of the prosper- 
 ity of the schools. Messrs. Simpson and Moore say, " There are five 
 schools, two of which we visited, and were much pleased with the teach- 
 ers, and the improvement of the children. § 
 
 Three public schools in Monrovia, Caldwell, and Millsburgh have 
 more than 200 scholars.]] Governor Mechlin says, "I am happy to 
 have it in my power to state that the condition of our public schools is 
 higlily prosperous ; this will be demonstrated by the enclosed semi-anu- 
 al statements. The female schools at Monrovia and Caldwell are con- 
 ducted in a manner highly creditable to Mrs. Johnson and Mrs. Cresar, 
 who have them in charge. The beneficial resjilts of our present school 
 
 * Letter from Messrs. Simpson and Moore, African Repository, October, 183?. 
 t Address of tlie Colonists to tlie free people of color in tlie United States. Appendix to 13 
 Ann. Rep., p. 31. 
 
 t See article 8 N. A. Review, Jan. 1825, in wliich is a letter from Gen. Harper. 
 
 1,^ See Reports of sclinols, African Repository, Dec. 1832. 
 
 II lb. p. 300. See also system of Education for the Colony in the Repository fi r Nov. 
 
16 
 
 regulations are daily becoming more apparent, and I have great hopes 
 that the principal obstacle to the more general application of the system, 
 viz. the want of funds, Mill be removed by the alteration in our revenue 
 law, received by the last an-ival ; and should our imports for the coming, 
 equal those of the past year, there will be revenue sufficient, I trust, to 
 defray the expense of supporting a school among our re-captured Afri- 
 cans, who are still very earnest in their solicitations that the benefits of 
 education chould be extended to themselves and their children."* 
 
 The moral and religious state of the colony is represented as highly 
 interesting. The colonists say, " We have all that is meant by liberty 
 of conscience. The time and mode of worshiping God as prescribed in 
 his word, and dictated by our conscience, we are not only free to follow, 
 but are protected in following.! 
 
 " As to tlio morals of the Colonists, I consider them much better than those of 
 the people of the United States ; tliat is, yoti may take an equal number of tlic inhab- 
 itants from arty section of the. Union, and you will find more drunkards, more profane 
 swearers and Sabbalh-breakers, &o. than in Liberia. Indeed, 1 know of no coun- 
 try wliere things are conducted more quietly and orderly, than in tliis colony. 
 You rarely lioar an oath, and as to riots and breaches of the peace, I recollect of 
 but one instance, and that of a trifling nature, that has come under my notice 
 since I as.sumed the government of the colony. The Sabbath is more strictly ob- 
 served than I ever saw it in the United States. Our Sunday schools are well at- 
 tended, not only by the children of the colonists, but also by the native children 
 who reside amongst us." — Letter of Governor Mechlin. M. Careys letters, p. 24. 
 
 Capt. Abels, of the schooner Magaret Mercer, who had spent 13 days 
 in Liberia in free intercourse with the people, under date of Feb. 10, 
 1832, writes, "All the colonists appear to be in good health. All my 
 expectations in regard to the aspect of things, the health, harmony, or- 
 der, contentment, industry and general prosperity of the settlers, were 
 more than realized. * * * * Among all that I conversed with, T did 
 not find one discontented person, or hear one express a desire to return 
 to America. I saw no intemperance, nor did I hear a profane word ut- 
 tered by an^ one. * * * I know of no place v^here the Sabbath ap- 
 pears to rac, more respected, than in Monrovia. I was glad to see that 
 the Colonial Agent, or Governor, is a constant attendant on divine ser- 
 vice, and desirous of promoting the moral and religious welfare of the 
 people. , Most of the settlers appear to be rapidly acquiring property, 
 and I have no doubt they are doing better for themselves and their 
 children, in Liberia, than they could do in any other part of the world. 
 Could the free people of color in this country but see the real condition 
 of their brethren who have settled in Africa, I am persuaded they would 
 require no other motive to induce them to emigrate. This is my decid- 
 ed judgment." 
 
 The following is the testimony of Messrs. Simpson and Moore. "We 
 noticed, particularly, the moral state of things, and during our visit, saw 
 but one man who appeared to be intemperate, and but two who used any 
 profane language. We think the settlers more moral, as a people, than 
 the citizens of the Unite* States. The Sabbath is very strictly observ- 
 ed, and there is great attention to the things of religion. We attended 
 church several times, and one of us, being a minister of the gospel, of 
 the Methodist churcli, preached three times to large and very attentive 
 
 * Keports of schools. Afr. RepoHitory, Dec. 1832. 
 t.^ddress of tbe colonists in IS'iT. 
 
ir 
 
 congregations. There must have been from three to four hundred at 
 each religious service ; all well dressed and apparently respectable per- 
 sons." 
 
 The commercial intercourse of the colony with the native tribes is ex- 
 tending, and the latter manifest an increasing desire to imitate the man- 
 ners and customs of the former. Some are very anxious to have intro- 
 duced among them mills, agricultural establishments, trading-houses, 
 schools and missionaries, tliat they may know and enjoy the blessings 
 which civilization and Christianity can confer ; and probably a broader 
 field for commercial enterprize, and for intellectual, moral and religious 
 cultivation than Africa presents, at this moment, does not exist in any 
 heathen country. The eyes of the civilized world are turned to that 
 continent with new and intense interest, since the recent discovery of 
 the long sought termination of the river Niger has opened to their gaze 
 a vast extent of territory in the interior, with a fertile soil, abounding 
 with tropical productions and occupied by a great population, on which 
 commerce, civilization and Christianity may test their noblest experi- 
 ments. And who does not see that colonies like that of Liberia, must 
 afford the best facilities for trying these experiments ? But more of this 
 in the sequel. 
 
 To one who is accustomed to weep for human suffering, and rejoice 
 in the progress of efforts for relieving it, and especially to the friend of 
 the African, the history of the Liberian colony, with its present condi- 
 tion and prospects, must be full of interest ; and he will watch with equal 
 interest the progress of public sentiment and action in its behalf. It is 
 peculiarly gratifying to find that many distinguished men, who at first 
 opposed (ft neglected the Society, have become its warm friends and gen- 
 erous patrons. Nearly fifty subscriptions of $100 annually for ten years, 
 on the plan of Gerrit Smith, have been pledged, and the funds of the So- 
 ciety are increasing from year to year.* A great and favorable change 
 has been wrought in public sentiment. The legislatures of more than 
 half the States, including New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, 
 Connecticut, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, have passed resolutions 
 in favor of the Society. And "nearly all the ecclesiastical bodies in 
 the United States have, by resolutions, firmly expressed their opinion 
 that the Society merits the consideration and favor of the ivhole Christian 
 communitij, and earnestly recommend it to tlieir patronage.''^ The So- 
 ciety and the colony have become known in Great Britain. Donations 
 amounting to several hundred, poundsj have already been received, and 
 distinguished individuals have expressed their deep interest in the pros- 
 perity of the enterprize. The Societi/ of Friends in London have au- 
 thorized their brethren in North Carolina to draw on them to the amount 
 of $2000, to aid in the colonization of the colored people under their 
 care. An eminent friend of Africa, John Mortlock, Esq. has offered to 
 give £500 to the Society, provided nine others will do the same.§ An 
 interesting and favorable account of the colony has been published in the 
 Amulet, a British publication, for 1832, in an Essay on the slave trade, 
 which is said to be " extracted principally from the journal of a gallant 
 
 * Receipts of the last year exceed those of any former one by more than §10,000. 
 
 f Appendix to the loth Annual Report, p. 43. ^African Itepos. Vol. 8, p. 34.'5. <ilb. 
 
18 
 
 and distinguished naval officer, wiio passed three years on the African 
 coast, from which he had just returned." 
 
 The venerable Thomas Clarkson, in a letter to the agent, declares, 
 " For myself, I am free to say, that of all things that have been going on 
 in our favor since 1787, when the abolition of the slave trade was hrst 
 seriously proposed, that which is going on in the United States is the 
 most important.* Mr. Wilberforce declares, " You have gladdened 
 my heart, by convincing me that, sanguine as had been my hopes of the 
 happy effects to be produced by your Institution, all my anticipations 
 are scanty and cold compared with the reality. This may truly be 
 deemed a pledge of the divine favor, and believe me, no Briton — I had al- 
 most said no American, can take a livelier interest than myself, in your 
 true greatness and glory "f 
 
 The question may well arise, why should any one oppose the Coloniza- 
 tion Society, or refuse to pray for its prosperity and aid its efforts ? If a 
 benevolent man can do this, it must be because he believes either its ob- 
 ject or its tendency to b'j wrong. Doubtless some persons mistake botli. 
 In the Third Annual Reportf the managers say: "It is believed that a 
 comprehensive answer to most if not all of the objections to the Society 
 would be furnished by simply repeating u-hat it is that the Society pro- 
 poses to do. They propose, then, in the language of tlie Virginia reso- 
 lution, to procure a suitable territory on the coast of Africa ^or such of the 
 free people of color as may choose to avail themselves of this asylum : and 
 for such slaves as their proprietors may please to emancipate ; and they 
 purpose, moreover, to furnish the means of transporting the emigrants to 
 Africa, or to enlarge the means which they may themselves provide. 
 They do xot therefore intend, and they have not the inclination, 
 if they possessed the power, TO constrain the departure of any freemen of 
 color from America, or to coerce any proprietor to emancipate his slaves^ 
 What possible objection can there be to this ? If the free people of color, 
 or a part of them, Avish to go to Africa, it is right they should do so. If 
 they need assistance, they ought to have it. If masters desire to eman- 
 cipate their slaves, and yet are prevented either by law or by a regard 
 to their own safety, or the welfare of their slaves, from doing so, till they 
 can be placed in circumstances of comfort, why should not an asylum be 
 provided, and the means furnished for sending them to it? If the Socie- 
 ty is objected to because it does not educate the free blacks in this coun- 
 try, or because it does not liberate and elevate the slave here, it is a suf- 
 ficient answer to these objections, that the Society was formed to accom- 
 plish another object, to which its attention is to be exclusively 
 DIRECTED."! We might as well object to the Bible Society, or to the 
 Tract or Temperance Society, because each pursues its own object, and 
 does not turn aside to abolish slavery or educate the free blacks. 
 
 But it may be said, that we must look at the actual tendency of the So- 
 ciety, as well as its professed object. This is admitted. It is also ad- 
 mitted that the Colonization Society of necessity exerts some influence on 
 tin system of slavery. This has never been doubted. It is faither ad- 
 mitted, that if this influence tends to perpetuate slavery, its character and 
 influence ought to be changed, or the Society abandoned. However 
 benericial the Society might be to the free blacks, to this country, or to 
 
 * Fifteenth Report, pp. 14, 15. t liJ- PP- 21, 22. I Constitution. 
 
19 
 
 Africa, I could not plead its cause if u>"iversal emancipation was there- 
 by rendered more hopeless, 
 
 Jl'hat then is the iujluence of this Society on slavery? 
 
 To answer this question, we must examine its history, the views of its 
 founders and managers, and such facts as we can collect from other 
 sources. 
 
 Emancipation, to some extent, had taken place long befoi-e the Socie- 
 ty was formed ; but the experiments thus made, convinced many of the 
 Southern people that emancipation, under existing circumstances, was 
 unsafe and injurious to the slaves, their masters, and those made free. 
 Mr. Clay stated, at the first Annual Meeting of the Society, that "sev- 
 eral of the states had, and perhaps all of them would, prohibit entirely 
 emancipation, unless some such outlet was created. A sense of their 
 own safety required the painful prohibition. Experience proved that per- 
 sons turned loose, who were neither freemen nor slaves, constituted a 
 great moral evil, threatening to contaminate all parts of society."* 
 
 At the same meeting, Hon. C. F. Mercer said, " Many thousand indi- 
 viduals in our native State, you well know, Mr. President, are restrained 
 from manumitting their slaves, as 3rou and I are, by the melancholy con- 
 viction, that they cannot yield to the suggestions of humanity without in- 
 jury to tlieir country.*" 
 
 Public sentiment, and the laws which grew out of it, were thus operat- 
 ing to prevent emancipation ; and those who formed the Colonization 
 Society saw clearly that, unless some plan could be devised and carried 
 into etFect, which should convince the Southern planters that slaves can 
 be liberated with benefit to themselves and safety to their masters, eman- 
 cipation must cease. To attempt immediate emancipation without Col- 
 onization, would be like the attempt to stay the tornado, beat back the 
 current of a mighty river, or rather like the attempt to quench the flames 
 with materials highly combustible. Abolition societies could not press 
 emancipation much farther, for experiments already made were operating 
 to prevent it. The plan of the Colonization Society, therefore, was the 
 best one which the united wisdom of the friends of the colored race, who 
 understood the difficulties of the case, could devise. The simple princi- 
 ple of its Constitution was the only one on which the Society could act 
 to any purpose. On this ground the North and the South could meet ; 
 and while acting within its proper sphere, neither party could reasonably 
 object to it. The successful operation of the Society Avould enable the ' 
 slaveholder to liberate his slaves in a manner beneficial to themselves, 
 and consistent with the laws of the States, and without injury to any 
 one. The slaveholder who would perpetuate the system had no right to 
 oppose the Society. It would not « coerce any proprietor to emanci- 
 pate' — would not 'interfere with the rights' secured to him by law, and 
 would not ' promote insurrection and insubordination among the slaves.' 
 
 If the North and the South could be brought to examine this subject 
 calmly, and interchange their views and feelings, they would at length 
 act in concert, and in the best manner, for the removal of evils which 
 both deplored, and from which both suffered, but which neither could re- 
 move alone. 
 
 If the Society were formed wholly of Northern men, the South would 
 
 * First Annual Keporl. 
 
20 
 
 not cooperate, but would oppose it as officious interference, and an in- 
 fringement of their rights. Besides, if all were Northern men, they 
 would be liable to act without a due regard to existing circumstances at 
 the South — to the laws of the several States, and the Constitution of the 
 Union. They would be likely to excite jealousy and create alienation, 
 which would result in a dissolution of the Union. On the other hand, 
 if the Society were composed only of Slave-holders, the North would not 
 cooperate, but would regard it as a selfish scheme to perpetuate slavery. 
 There would be danger of their being governed too much by their own 
 interests, of pursuing offensive measures, which would excite the indig- 
 nation and interference of the North, and thus promote disunion. 
 
 An union of Northern and Southern men was tlierefore necessary. 
 This would lead to a discussion of the subject in all parts of the coun- 
 try — would draw attention to the whole colored race — excite sympathy 
 in their behalf, and lead to measures for their relief, in which all parties 
 could unite. If the colony should succeed, it would be a desirable home 
 for those who should go thither. New circumstances and motives might 
 develope talents and form characters, which should convince all men, 
 that Africans can be cultivated like other men, — show how slaves may 
 be liberated and elevated, and lead slaves to desire and masters to grant 
 emancipation. 
 
 All these views might have entered the minds of the founders of the So- 
 ciety. There is abundant evidence that some of the founders did believe 
 the moral influence of the society tvould tend to voluntary emancipation, 
 and that the Board of Managers have ever entertained this helvf. 
 
 At the first annual meeting, John Randolph, after saying that "The 
 measure proposed would prove one of the greatest securities to enable 
 the master to keep in possession his own property," added. That " if a 
 place could be provided for their reception, and a mode of sending them 
 thence, there were hundreds, nay, thousands, who ivould, by manumitting 
 their slaves, relieve themselves from the cares attendant on their possess- 
 ion" ! Mr. Clay said, "Let the Colony once be successfully planted, 
 and legislative bodies who have been grieved at the necessity of passing 
 those prohibitory laws,* which at a distance might appear to stain our 
 codes, ivill hasten to remove the impediments to the exercise of benevo- 
 lence and humanity." Judge Washington, the president ofthe Society, 
 said at the same meeting : — " The effectof this institution, if its prosper- 
 ety shall equal our wishes, will be alike propitious to every interest of 
 our domestic society, and should it lead, as we may fairly hope it will, to 
 the slow but gradual abolition of slavery, it will wipe from our po- 
 litical institutions tlie only blot which stains them, and in the palliation 
 of which ive shall not be at liberty to plead the excuse of moral necessity, 
 until ive have honestly exerted all the means lohich tve possess for its ex- 
 tinction.'' General R. G, Harper, one of the Vice Presidents, in a 
 letter to the Secretary, says : — " It tends, and may powerfully tend, to 
 rid us gradually and entirely, in the United States, of slaves and slavery: 
 " o-reat moral and political evil, of increasing virulence and extent, from 
 ■w-hich much mischief is nov/ felt, and very great calamity in future is 
 justly api)rehended. It is in this point of vieio, I confess, that your scheme 
 of Colonization most strongly recotiTMEnds itself, in my opinion, to 
 * Laws forbidding emancipation. 
 
21 
 
 atltnlion and support.''^ All these sentiments were publicly expressed 
 by the leading members of the society, at or before the first annual 
 meeting, and published in the first report. After quoting them in the 
 third report,* the Managers remark : — " From the preceding extracts 
 from the first annual report of the American Colonization Society, the 
 public may decide whether the charge be as true, as it has been gravely 
 affirmed, that, ' In the Constitution and proceedings of the American 
 Colonization Society, or in the avowed sentiments of its members, there 
 can be discerned nothing friendly to the abolition of slavery in the Uni- 
 ted States." In the second report,f the Managers say : — " It [the Soci- 
 ety] has been suggested to be an invention of the southern proprietor to 
 rivet the chains of servitude upon the slaves ; as if the circumstances 
 which accompanied the origin of the Society, the character of its mem- 
 bers, and their solemn and reiterated declarations, did not forbid so un- 
 founded an imputation. It would not be more uncandid to ascribe to 
 them a design to invade the rights of private property, secured by the 
 constitution and laws of the several slave holding states, and proclaim 
 universal emancipation." At the ninth annual meeting, tlie following 
 resolution was adopted : — " Resolved, That the Society disclaims, in the 
 most unqualified terms, the designs attributed to it, of interfering, on 
 the one hand, with the legal rights and obligations of slavery, and on the 
 other, of perpetuating its existence Avithin the limits of this country,":!: 
 At the eleventh annual meeting were the following remarks : — " It has 
 been said that this society was an invasion of the rights of slave hold- 
 ers. Sir, if it is an invasion, it comes not from without. It is an irrup- 
 tion of liberality, and threatens only that freemen will overrun our south- 
 ern country — that the soil will be fertilized by the sweat of freemen 
 ALo>'£, and what are now deserts, will flourish and blossom under the in- 
 fluence of enterprise and industry. * * * * Yes ! kings might be 
 proud of the effects which this Society will have produced. Far more 
 glorious than all their conquests would ours be, for it would be the tri- 
 umph of FREEDOM ovcr SLAVERY — of liberality over prejudice, and of 
 humanity over the vice and ivretchedness which ever tcait on ignorance and 
 servitude."^ 
 
 At the 14th Annual Meeting, it was said by one who is now a Vice 
 President, and pays $100 a year to the Society : — "We admit that in 
 this way, that is, through the renovation of Africa, the Colonization So- 
 ciety may exert an important influence on the question of Slavery, — an 
 influence which may yet compass the abolition of Slavery in our laud. 
 But, mark you. Sir, it is a way that leads through a change — through the 
 willingness of the master's mind, and therefore he cannot object to it. 
 Whilst the society protest, that it has no designs on the rights of the 
 master in the Slave, or the property in the Slave, which the laws 
 guarantee to him ; it does nevertheless admit, and joyfully admit, that 
 the successful prosecution of the object of the Society, must produce mor- 
 al influences, and moral changes, leading to the voluntary emancipation of 
 the Slave, not only in our country but throughout the world."\\ 
 
 In the Appendix to the 14th Report,t is an article copied from the 
 African Repository, which the managers say developes " the true prin- 
 
 * See pp 95, 99. t P- 9. t Xintli Report. * 
 
 (S Proceedings at annual meeting, eleventh report, pp 24, 25. 
 II Speech of Gerret Smith. 14 Rep. p 12. 
 
22 
 
 ciples and character of the Society." After quoting largely from the 
 early documents of the Society, the writer remarks : — " From the con- 
 stitution of the Society, the recorded opinions and proceedings of its 
 Founders, it is obvious, 
 
 " 1. That those who established the Society, looked for aid to the States 
 and to the National Government, and that they bound themselves by 
 their Constitution to' co-operate, if practicable, with these powers in ef- 
 fecting their object. 
 
 " 2. That they had no desire or intention of interfering, in any way, 
 with the rights or the interests of the proprietors of Slaves. 
 
 "3. That they considered Slavery a great moral and political evil, and 
 cherished the hope and belief, that the successful prosecution of their 
 object would offer powerful motives and exert a persuasive injliience i.\ fa- 
 vor OF VOLUNTARY EMANCiPATioiv." * * * It is equally plain and 
 undeniable, that the Society, in the prosecution of this work, has never 
 interfered, or evinced even a disposition to interfere, in any way, witli 
 the rights of proprietors of Slaves. But it may be said, that the Socie- 
 ty has expressed the opinion that Slavery is a moral and political evil 
 and that it has regarded the scheme of Colonization as presenting mo- 
 tives, and exerting a moral influence at the South, favorable to gradual 
 and voluntary emancipation. This is true, and it is this, beyond all ques- 
 tion, which has secured to it the countenance and patronage of our most 
 profound and sagacious Statesmen, and given to this scheme a peculiar 
 attractiveness and glory in the view of the enlightened friends of their 
 country and mankind. 
 
 "And is the Society to be held up as odious and dangerous, because it 
 entertains and avows the opinion that Slavery is an evil ? Is not this a 
 truth inscribed, as it were, upon the firmament of Heaven, and the face 
 of the world, and the heart of men ? Would not the denial of it be a 
 denial of the fundamental principle of all Free Government ? * * * * 
 
 " The hostility manifested towards the American Colonization Society 
 has not been excited, then, by any departure of the Society from the de- 
 sign and the principles which it avowed at its origin ; nor yet from any- 
 thing in its character or proceedings unfriendly to the rights and inter- 
 ests of the Southern States. It is the success of the Society, it is the 
 fulfilment of the hopes and predictions of its founders, that has awaken- 
 ed the desperate and malignant spirit which now comes forth to arrest 
 its progress. Voluntary emancipation begins to folloiv in the train of 
 Colonization, and the advocates of perpetual Slavery are indignant at 
 witnessing in effectual operation a scheme which permits better men 
 than themselves to exercise, without restraint, the purest and noblest 
 feelings of our nature. These strenuous asserters of the right to judge 
 for themselves in regard to their domestic policy, are alarmed at a state 
 of things which secures the same right to every individual of their com- 
 munity. Do they apprehend that the system which they would perpet- 
 uate cannot continue unimpaired, unless the privilege of emancipating 
 his Slaves for the purpose of Colonization shall be denied to his master ? 
 Do they feel that in this country and this age the influences of truth and 
 freedom are becoming too active and powerful, and that all their forces 
 nrtist be summoned to the contest with these foes to their purposes and 
 their doctrines ? 
 
23 
 
 " If so, their defeat is inevitable. Such men have more to do than to 
 counteract the efforts of our Society. Few and feeble, even in the 
 States of the South, they must gird themselves for warfare against all 
 the friends of virtue and liberty — of man and God. A true son of Vir- 
 ginia has said, "I may be permitted to declare that I would be a Slave 
 holder to-day without scruple. But, I hold it due to candor to say, that 
 if there be a Statesman in the United States, and I believe there are 
 two or three such, who is content that ive shall always hold them in ser- 
 vitude, and would advice us to rest contented ivith them, vs and our poster- 
 ity, without seeking or accepting, means of liberating ourselves and them, 
 he deserves a heavier vengeance than the orator's bile — the curses of 
 America counseled to her ruin, and of outraged Africa. Let me not 
 be considered haish ; for inasmuch as the piratical trader of human be- 
 ings, on the African coast, the master of the Slave-ship, is the most de- 
 testable of monsters in action, so, I must say, is the advocate by cool ar- 
 gument of Slavery in the abstract, odious in thought." 
 
 The following extracts are from an Article on the " Character and in- 
 fluence of the Colonization Society," in the African Repository for Sep- 
 tember, 1831. 
 
 " Let us consider tlie moral influence of the Society on the system of slavery. 
 Here it seems proper to remark, that the Society has no influence upon slavery, 
 excepting a. moral influence. It embraces in its provisions only the free It does 
 not interfere, — it desires not to interfere, in any wa}', with the rights or the inter- 
 ests of the proprietors of slaves. * * * * But although slavery is untouched by 
 any direct operations of the Society, its moral influence is working safely, exten- 
 sively, and effectually, in favor of voluntary emancipation. The Society arose, and 
 has been sustained, by a spirit of benevolence to the unfortunate, and by confer- 
 ring blessings in the legitimate sphere of its operations ; it sets an example, which 
 many a noble minded master of slaves has rejoiced to imitate. It shows how 
 emancipation may be effected with benefit to the slave, and without detriment to 
 the public welfare. It offers the most powerful motives to the humanity and reli- 
 gion of the master, and takes away all excuse for perpetuating slavery on the ground 
 of political necessity. It shows how the evil may be removed, and thus silently 
 invites individuals and States to adopt measures for this end, &c."* 
 
 In the Appendix to the 15th Annual Report, are the following re- 
 marks copied from Mr. Carey's letters : — " Among the most promising 
 and encouraging circumstances attending the career of the Society, are 
 the numerous manumissons that have taken place in almost all the slave 
 States, with the express condition of the freed men being sent to Libe- 
 ria. These manumissions have occurred on a scale that the most san- 
 guine friends of the scheme could not have anticipated. Entire families 
 have been blessed with their freedom, from the most pure motives, a con- 
 viction of the injustice and immorality of slavery — and in many cases, 
 ample provision has been made for the expense of their passage, and in 
 some, for their support in Liberia." After giving the names of several 
 persons who have liberated or offered to liberate slaves to the number 
 of some hundreds, the writer remarks : — " It holds out every encourage- 
 ment to the Colonization Society, that the application for the transporta- 
 tion of free negroes and slaves, on condition of removal to Liberia, far 
 exceed its means. There are in North Carolina, and the adjacent states, 
 from three to four thousands of both descriptions ready to embark, were 
 the Society in a situation to send them away."t 
 
 *pp200,201. f 15 Report p. 42. 
 
24 
 
 In a letter* dated Nov. 17, 1832, the Secretary of the Society says : 
 "We fear not, then, to try the question of the influence of the Coloniza- 
 tion Society upon the system of slavery, and tve feel prepared to maintain 
 that it tends, more than all other means and measure existing or possible, to 
 produce, in the best manner, the abolitio7i of slavery." In support of this 
 opinion, he illustrates the following positions : 
 
 1st. "That the nature of the influence exerted by the Society, on 
 the system of slavery, is solely a moral infuence. It brings together 
 tlierefore and unites, on common and unobjectionable grounds, in promo- 
 ting this influence, the humane, patriotic and pious of every State and 
 section of the Union. 
 
 2nd. " By inviting the attention and reflections of the people of the 
 South, to the subject of the whole colored population." 
 
 3rd. " Demonstrates by actual experiment, hoiv emancipation may be ef- 
 fected without detriment to the public, and with immense benefit to the 
 slaves." 
 
 4th. " By elevating the character of men of color in Liberia, the So- 
 ciety tends to produce feelings of sympathy and respect for the colored- 
 race throughout our country, and the ivorld." 
 
 * * * " Is a fact most pertinent to the object of this letter, and worth 
 a thousand arguments, that while Mr. Garrison is representing the Colo- 
 nization Society as hostile to abolition and tending to strengthen and 
 perpetuate the system of slavery, nearly every friend of perpetual slave- 
 ry at the South is an enemy to the Society ; and the only opposition 
 that I am aware of at the South, arises from the conviction among the 
 enemies of any and all abolition, that the tendency of the Society is to 
 promote the voluntary abolition of slavery. Are the enemies of the So- 
 ciety at the South in circumstances less favorable than Mr. Garrison, for 
 the formation of a correct judgement on this subject.-'" 
 
 At the last Annual Meeting, R. S. Finley, Esq. ^yho has traveled as 
 an agent in all the slave states, made the following remarks : — "It will 
 be borne in mind, that a prominent object of this institution is to affbrd 
 the means for a safe, gradual, and voluntary abolition of slavery. And 
 it is this view of the subject that constitutes its chief glory in the eye 
 of its slave holding friends. * * * * I have publicly discussed this 
 subject every where in the Southern states, from the Eastern shore of 
 Maryland to the Gulf of Mexico, in the presence of hundreds of slaves 
 at a time, and with the general approbation of the audience to which my 
 addresses were delivered — and have uniformly represented it as aflx)rding 
 the best, and only safe means of gradually and entirely abolishing slave- 
 ry. Indeed, so well is the moral influence of the operations, of this So- 
 ciety understood in the extreme South, that all the advocates of perpet- 
 ual slavery are bitterly opposed to it, and none in that region are its ad- 
 vocates, but the friends of gradual, peaceful, and ultimate, entire emanci- 
 pation. In fine, this Society is drawing the line in a distinct manner, 
 between these two clases of people at the South. The friends of hu- 
 man liberty are enlisting under the banner of Colonization, and the ad- 
 vocates of perpetual despotism are arranging themselves under the ban- 
 ner of its adversaries."! At the same meeting G. W. P. Curtis, Esq. 
 said : — " Some alarmists tell us the slave population is to be freed. And 
 * Letter of Mr. Gurley, published in N. Y. Spectator and other papers. 1 16 ^''P- 
 
25 
 
 sir, does any one regret that the hope is held out, that, with our own 
 consent, we shall one day see an end of slavery ? Should this Society 
 be, as I doubt not it will, the happy means of producing this result, it 
 will be renowned as having done one of the greatest and best deeds that 
 have blessed the world." 
 
 Rev. William J. Armstrong, of Richmond Virginia, under date of Aug. 
 14, 1832, writes : " It is a fact that just in proportion as the Colonization 
 Society has become popular in any part of this country, just in that pro- 
 portion the subject of emancipation has been discussed and become popu- 
 lar. And hundreds of masters in all tliis region are looking now with 
 anxious eyes to the growth of the colony and the prosperity of the So- 
 ciety, as opening a door for them to bestow freedom on their slaves. Mul- 
 titudes of the young men, too, who will inherit many of these people, are 
 patronising this Society, in the hope that it will enable them to emanci- 
 pate compatibly with the good of the slaves and the community. Under 
 present circumstances, emancipation with a view of remaing here, is not 
 in most cases a benefit to the slaves. It is not so regarded by a majori- 
 ty of the more intelligent slaves. Multitudes of them Avould be very unwil- 
 ling, (if they may be credited in what they say,) to exchange conditions 
 M-ith the /ree colored people, I wonder Mr. G. and his friends at the 
 North are not a little startled to find themselves in their opposition to the 
 Society, co-operating with the class of persons at the South, who are the 
 advocates for the perpetual existence of slavery, either upon the ground 
 that it is really no evil, but rather a benefit ; or, though an evil, yet is one 
 that cannot possibly be removed, and must therefore be managed in tlie 
 best way practicable. All the opposers to the Society here, so far as I am 
 acquainted, belong to this class. All who hope for, or aim at the ultimate 
 removal of this evil, on the ground of policy, or justiee, or benevolence, 
 are unanimous in patronizing the Colonization Society. * * * I see 
 Mr. Clay is often quoted by Mr. Garrison, for sentiments condemnatory 
 of the Society. Are you aware that Mr. Clay is, and always has been 
 an Abolitionist? When the constitution of Kentucky was formed, he 
 made great efforts, and came very near succeding, to exclude slavery 
 from that State. It is a little remarkable that in the movements now 
 taking place in Kentucky, which must tend before long to the abolition of 
 slavery there, the children of the two men who were Mr. Clay's success- 
 ful opposers, in the formation of the Constitution of the State, Brecken- 
 ridge and Nicholas, are the leading persons. They are ardent friends of 
 Colonization, and most of them have emancipated their slaves, or stand 
 pledged to do it as soon as they can be removed. Throughout Virginia, 
 and, I presume North Carolina, and the States West of them, a large 
 majority of the Slave holders look forward to the ultimate entire removal 
 of Slavery, as a result that must come, and is greatly to be desired, pro- 
 vided it can be brought about without violent convulsions to deluge the 
 land in blood. Many are forming their plans, and educating their chil- 
 dren with a view to this result ; and the number of such is increasing." 
 
 In reply to the question. Does the success of the Colonization Society 
 tend to rivet the chains of the Slaves ? Dr. Palmer, of Charleston, S. C. 
 writes: "Far — very far otherwise. It is universally, both hy friends and 
 foes, considered as operating directly the other way. Hence its foes hate it 
 mortally, and its friends are too timid to attempt its vindication'\ In re- 
 
26 
 
 ply to the inquiry, can it be truly proved to have the contrary effect 7 his 
 answer is yes, easily and abundantly." 
 
 Gerrit Smith, a distinguished friend both of Colonization and emancipa- 
 tion, writes : " The recent demonstrations in Virginia and Maryland, of 
 patriotic and christian interest in our colored population are commonly 
 ascribed to the Southampton insurrection. * * * But in my judgment, 
 Virginia and Maryland are vastly more indebted, for the steps they have 
 taken in the cause of freedom, to the moral injluencc of the American Col- 
 onization Society than to all other causes. And may not most of those who 
 now rail at the Colonization Society, be likewise indebted to those same 
 influences for their fresh and augmented interest in the welfare of the 
 black-man ? The tenacious slave holder at the South, lays all the blame 
 of these things at the door of the Colonization Society ; and this too, 
 notwithstanding the abolitionists, charge the Society with playing design- 
 edly into the hands of such slave holders. And if such be the power of 
 these moral influences now, when Liberia has a population of but 3000, 
 what will it be when 50,000 of our blacks shall be gathered into that 
 Asylum ? Will it not be so great then as to loosen the bonds of our 
 millions of slaves and set them free ?" 
 
 A letter from a gentleman in St. Louis Missouri, says, that " the Col- 
 onization Society is popular among all classes," and that " a great change 
 has taken place within ten years in the State on the subject of slavery." 
 " Persons in the State, now hold themselves ready to emancipate, when- 
 ever their slaves can be removed to Africa, whilst to remain in this coun- 
 try they would not think of it." 
 
 The Hon. Willard Hall, of Wilmington Delaware, writes : " I know 
 of no advocates of perpetual slavery amongst the members or friends of 
 the Colonization Society. I am opposed to slavery utterly. I never 
 held but two persons that could be called slaves : each of these was en- 
 titled to freedom at the age of 21 years. It is now many years since I 
 held either of them. I consider slavery a bane. I believe the Coloni- 
 zation Society does promise more for the abolition of slavery than every 
 other means hitherto tried." " Emancipation is going on fast in this 
 State. We have no insurrections nor causes."* 
 
 The preceding extracts together with the history and operations of the 
 Colonization Society, establish the following positions. 
 
 1. That most of the leading founders of the Society, expected its mor- 
 al influence would tend to the voluntary emancipation of slaves. 
 
 2. That some slave holders among its founders who held a diflferent 
 opinion, have since abandoned the Society, on the ground that it does 
 tend to emancipation, 
 
 3. That the Board of Managers have believed and do still believe that 
 this is its tendency. 
 
 4. That more than 700 Slaves have been emancipated and removed in 
 consequence of the influence of the Society, and that great numbers are 
 now anxious to emancipate their slaves, for removal to Liberia, who are 
 prevented by law from emancipating them to remain here, and who be- 
 lieve that, under existing circumstances, freedom in this country would 
 not benefit their slaves, 
 
 * For several of the extracts abovo quoted, the author is indebted to the gentlemen to whom 
 the letters were addressed and who have kindly permitted him to use them in this place. 
 
a7 
 
 5. That those who would perpetuate slavery — the enemies of eman- 
 cipation at the South, oppose the Colonization Society when they un- 
 derstand its tendency. 
 
 6. That those who are friends to peaceful emancipation are clustering 
 around it. 
 
 7. That in those slave states where the Colonization Society first be- 
 came popular, the people are most nearly prepared for legislative enact- 
 ments in favor of emancipation. 
 
 8. That in these states the discussions and measures which have 
 drawn public sentiment so far in the right direction, have been led on by 
 the friends of Colonization, and in immediate connexion with Coloniza- 
 tion efforts. 
 
 9. That the publications of the Society, and the success of the Colo- 
 ny have done much to awaken discussion at the South, and turn public 
 sentiment in favor of emancipation. 
 
 In advocating the Colonizati.on system, it is by no means necessary to 
 approve every thing that has been done, or every argument and motive 
 which has been used by its friends. Before giving reasons for support- 
 ing the Society, I am disposed to concede some things for the sake of be- 
 ing better understood. 
 
 1. I do not approve of the traffic in ardent spirits, which some of the 
 Colonists have carried on with the natives. This traffic ought to cease 
 all over the world, and the best measures should be adopted to secure this 
 result. The Managers of the Colonization Society* evidently entertain 
 this opinion in relation to Liberia. The Secretary, in a letter to Roberts 
 Vaux, Esq. dated June 26, 1832, says, "To prohibit absolutely the in- 
 troduction of ardent spirits into the Colony, is believed to be impossible. 
 This article is subject, however, to a heavy duty, and the expense of a 
 licensef to retail it is such as to amount to a prohibition. Tracts on the 
 subject of Temperance have been sent to the Colony, and the best moral 
 means adopted to encourage the settlers watchfully and diligently to cul- 
 tivate this all-important virtue." 
 
 2. / do not suppose the Society will remove the ivhole colored population 
 from this country. Probably many of this class will prefer remaining 
 here, and if all desired to go to Africa, " the managers have ever con- 
 sidered the national or State governments as alone adequate to their re- 
 moval." It was this view which led them in forming tlie Constitution to 
 declare that, "the Society shall act in co-operation Avith the General gov- 
 ernment, or such of the States as may adopt regulations on the subject." 
 
 3. / do not suppose the Society alone, ivill liberate all the slaves in this 
 country. This is not its business. Its only influence on slavery, is a 
 moral influence. To turn aside from its proper sphere to direct efforts 
 for the abolition of slavery, would be a violation of its Constitution and 
 an unwarrantable perversion of its funds. 
 
 4. I do not approve of all the arguments and motives which have been 
 urged by the advocates of the system. Sentiments which I cannot 
 adopt,^ are to be' found in each of the publications named at the head of 
 this article. Some individuals have denied the right of the colored race 
 to a home in this country. Some have said that slaves ought not to be 
 liberated unless they are removed from the country. I have no faith in 
 
 *See Af. Repos., JuneI8;S, p. 12S. f The expense of a license is said to be $300. 
 
28 
 
 these doctrines. Slaves ought to be liberated as soon as they can be 
 with benefit to themselves, and free men of color have a right to remain 
 here if they choose. Some have doubtless spoken too strong in describ- 
 ing the wretched condition of the colored race, and too despairingly in re- 
 lation to their elevation in this country. Probably a description of the 
 free colored people as they are found in the slave States, would not ap- 
 ply to the same class in New England. 
 
 5. Some may have patronized the Society from wrong motives ; from 
 a prejudice against color, and a consequent desire for its removal; from a 
 sense of danger — fear of insurrection — and some at the South may have 
 given money for this object with the hope of thereby rendering slaves and 
 slavery more secure. It is certain that some who once favored the Soci- 
 ety, now oppose it, on the ground that it tends to emancipation. 
 
 6. It is possible that the Board of Managers, or individual members of 
 it, may have said injudicious things, or may have committed mistakes. 
 They are men and liable to err in thought, word, or deed, like other men, 
 and their sphere of labor has been one of peculiar delicacy and trial. If 
 they have departed in the least from the Constitution and the established 
 .principles of the Society, or in the management of its affairs have com- 
 mitted any error, I do not, in defending the Society, approve such depar- 
 ture, or justify their errors. Having said this, it is proper to express the 
 full conviction, growing out of a tolerably thorough examination of the 
 subject, that whoever acquaints himself with the operations of the Soci- 
 ety, and the difficulties with which the Managers have had to contend, 
 will be astonished at finding so little in their management to censure. 
 But if there had been mismanagement even to a great extent, and this 
 were clearly proved, it would be as unreasonable to abandon the Society 
 for this reason, as it Avould be to abandon Christianity because it has 
 sometimes been perverted, or has had bad advocates. On the contrary, 
 it would of itself be a sufficient reason why good men should rally around 
 it. The Society is a powerful engine ; and if there is the least danger 
 of its perversion, the friends of humanity should at once lay hold of it, 
 and give it a right direction. As a citizen of New England, I feel bound 
 to aid the American Colonization Society, and for the following reasons : 
 
 1. It benefits the free people of color who accept its offers and re- 
 move to Liberia. This no one will doubt who believes the testimony of 
 the Colonists themselves, of their agents and instructors, of intelligent 
 men of color, Avho have visited the colony with a view to emigration, or 
 of distinguished naval officers from this country, Great Britain, and 
 France, who have examined the state of the Colony. 
 
 2. If the Society is sustained and accomplishes its object, it will con- 
 fer great blessings on Africa. 
 
 It will aid in suppressing the slave trade. Sierra Leone, with all its 
 embarrassments, has done much in this way. The colony at Liberia oc- 
 cupies a territory which was once the seat of the traffic. A merchant 
 from that place stated a few months since, that previous to the com- 
 mencement of the colony, 4000 or 5000 slaves were annually carrjed out 
 of the harbor of Monrovia. " Before the establishment of the settlements 
 at Liberia, there were several slave factories within a few miles of Mon- 
 rovia, all of Avhich have been completely broken up."* " Nothing has 
 *M. Carey's Letter. 
 
29 
 
 tended more to suppress the slave trade in this quarter, than the constant 
 intercourse and communication of the natives with these industrious 
 colonists. The American Agent, Mr. Ashmun, took every opportunity 
 and means in his power to extinguish a traffic so injurious in every way 
 to t-he fair trader." " Wherever the influence of this Colony extends, 
 the slave trade has been abandoned by the natives, and the. peaceful pur- 
 suits of legitimate commerce established in its place."* Armed vessels 
 have frequently cruised upon the coast since the commencement of the 
 Colony, and have received essential aid from it, in detecting and punish- 
 ing slave traders. A large number of slave ships have been captured, 
 and the slaves liberated and placed in comfortable circumstances near 
 the Colony or at Sierra Leone, or returned to their native homes. By 
 supplying the native tribes in tlie vicinity with such articles of European, 
 West Indian, or American productions as they need, the Colonists aid in 
 withdrawing them from the slave trade. Several tribes have already 
 place dthemselves under the protection of the Colony, to shield themselves 
 from the ravages of those who would kidnap and sell them ; and others 
 offer to do so. King Boatswain, the commander of the most powerful 
 tribe, which has had intercourse with the Colony, has repeatedly said, 
 " When you will supply my tribe with necessary articles in exchange for 
 our productions, we will sell no more slaves." Let the coast be lined 
 with such colonies, and they will effectually guard the interior. There 
 would be a "living barrier" which the slave dealers could not penetrate. 
 Let them become sufficiently numerous to supply the wants of the na- 
 tive tribes, and this will stop the traffic in flesh and blood. Or let the 
 native tribes become civilized and Christianized, and they will no longer 
 sell each other, nor will civilized men enslave them, or permit them to be 
 enslaved. Let Africa be elevated and take rank among civilized nations, 
 and Americans would no sooner buy or sell Africans than tliey would 
 Frenchmen and Englishmen. 
 
 " By the same process by which the colonisation of the coast tends to 
 the suppression of the slave trade, it promotes the civilization of the in- 
 terior of Africa." " I know it is said that it is impossible to civilize Af- 
 rica. Why ? Why is it impossible to civilize man in one part of the 
 earth more than another ? Consult history. Was Italy — was Greece 
 the cradle of civilization ? No. As far back as the lights of tradition 
 reach, Africa was the cradle of Science, while Syria, and Greece, and It- 
 aly were yet covered with darkness "f " The destruction of the Cartha- 
 genian annals by the Romans, renders it impossible to enumerate r.ny of 
 her great men, except her warriors. Rome never produced a greater 
 General than Hannibal. Some of his relations were men of great talents 
 in the same department. Jugurtha was superior to most of the Romans 
 who were sent against him. Terence, the dramatist, Avas an African, 
 Christianity and civilization were early introduced into Africa. There 
 were several provincial councils held there, ***** Origen, Ter- 
 tulian, Cyprian, and Augustine, among the great lights of Christianity 
 in their day, were Africans." t 
 
 That Africans are capable of elevation when surrounded by proper 
 motives, there is no good reason to doubt. The obstacles to their eleva- 
 
 * Essay on the state of the slave trade on the African coast in the [British] Amulet fur lc32. 
 t E. Everert. * M. Carey. 
 
30 
 
 tion in this country, explain their present condition, and furnish no proof 
 that they are incapable of cultivation. The want of education — proper- 
 ty — of character — of good society, and indeed, of all the motives which 
 elevate other men, and render life desirable, explains the facts which 
 speak out from our poor houses and prisons,* without supposing colored 
 people more prone to ignorance, indolence and crime, than the whites 
 would be under similar embarrassments. The short experiment at Libe- 
 ria, shows that they can feel the power of motives and rise in characteri 
 and condition to any desirable extent, and it is not easy to conceive of 
 a more successful method to teach the native Africans civilization and 
 Christianity, than by means of civilized and Christian Colonies, planted by 
 men of their own color — by the descendants of those who were once stolen 
 from among them. 
 
 Whether colonies Avill exert a good influence on Africa, will of course 
 depend upon their character. If the means of intellectual and moral el- 
 evation are not furnished, or are perverted or neglected, and the Colonists 
 become corrupt, they cannot exert a good influence upon the native 
 tribes, but on the contrary, will present serious obstacles to their im- 
 provement. But if neccssai-y means shall be furnished, and be properly 
 applied : if schools and churches shall arise, and the school master and 
 the missionary of the cross be "abroad," and all the institutions of free 
 government shall be in successful operation, and the native tribes shall 
 witness these advantages, they will desire to enjoy them. They will 
 plead with increasing earnestness for these institutions and strive with new- 
 zeal to imitate the manners of those whose protection they already seek. 
 The cry, " Come over and help us" which has commenced on the coa^t, 
 will wax louder and louder. It will extend into the interior and will eclu; 
 
 " From many an ancient river — 
 '■ From many a palmy plain," 
 
 till it shall disturb the death-like slumber — the cruel apathy and indiffer- 
 ence which has so long existed in relation to the wrongs of Africa, and 
 rouse all Christendom for her relief. The cry of Africa will be heard. 
 It has already entered the ears of the Lord of Sabbaoth, and those who 
 bear the Saviour's image, and regard his parting command, will soon be 
 moved by it. It will be seen and felt that Africa has one claim upon the 
 American missionary, which no other heathen land can plead with soj 
 much propriety. It is that of eternal justice. It will also be seen that 
 Liberia presents a noble opportunity for meeting this claim. It opens a 
 channel of intercourse, through which science and religion may flow in- 
 to the heart of that continent. It is an opening in her dark forests- 
 through which the star of Bethlehem gleams, and the beams of the sun 
 of Righteousness can penetrate and diffuse life, and happiness, and hope, 
 among a hundred millions. 
 
 * In Mass. in 1826, nearly 1-Cth part of the convicts were colored, while only 1-7-lth part 
 of the whole population was of this description. 
 
 In Conn. l-34th part of the popuhition was colored, and 1-3 of the convicts. In Vermont, the 
 whole coloied population was 918, from whom 24 were furnished for the penitentiary. In New 
 York, l-34th part of ttie population were colored, and about l-4tli of the convicts. In New Jersey, 
 M3th part of the population were colored, l-3d of the convicts. In Pennsylvania, l-34th pari of 
 tlie population were colored, and l-3d of the convicts. i 
 
 Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York, paid for the support of their colored convicts in ( 
 ten years' previous to 182fi, $104,OiiG, while the colored population of these States was less than i 
 <ioifiOQ— Prison Discipline Report, 182(3. 
 
31 
 
 3. The success of the Society and colony, will benefit the free people 
 of color who remain in this country. It is in vain to urge against this 
 position, that some of the colored people in the New England, or other 
 free States, are opposed to it. Their opposition is easily explained. 
 They have been told to " Abandon all thoughts of colonizing yourselves as 
 a people, in Africa, Hayti, Upper Canada, or elsewhere. Every intelli- 
 gent man of color, whom the Colonization Society induces to go to Libe- 
 ria, ought to be considered as a traitor to your cause." 
 
 " The supporters of the African scheme do not hesitate to avow that the 
 tvhoh colored population must be removed to Liberia. But how do they 
 expect to accomplish this design ? By putting on knapsacks and point- 
 ing bayonets at your breasts ? No, — but by adopting another plan 
 which is about as cruel and effectual. By removing some of your 
 number every year, they persuade the people that your entire removal 
 will not be difficult. The people cherishing this opinion, yet perceiving 
 how reluctantly you go, resolve to starve you out. They are detennined 
 to give you as little instruction and employment as possible, in order to 
 render your situation so uncomfortable as to compel you to remove. As 
 long, therefore, as a considerable portion of your number consent to be 
 removed, no matter where, the same disastrous effects will follow. Those 
 who remain (of course the great body,) will obtain little or no employ- 
 ment, and receive little or no education ; consequently, they will always 
 be miserable and degraded. Now, it is time to stop ; it is time to re- 
 solve on death sooner than transportation."* Such was the advice given 
 to, the free people of color, in several cities, by one who makes great 
 professions of regard for their welfare, and great promises in relation to 
 their " College" and their future privileges in this country. The same 
 sentiments have been industriously circulated among those vrho can 
 read. They have been told that, " Colonizationists, too, generally 
 agree in discouraging your instruction and elevation at home. They 
 pretend tliat ignorance is bliss ; therefore, 'tis folly to be wise. They 
 pretend that knowledge is a dangerous thing in the head of a col- 
 ored man ; they pretend that you have no ambition: they pretend that 
 you have no brains : in fine, they pretend a thousand other absurd things 
 — they are a combination of pretences. "f. Without stopping to enquire 
 whether these statements are more destitute of truth or of common sense, 
 it is obvious that there is nothing mysterious in the opposition of some of 
 the colored people. If they believe such statements as are circulated 
 among them in the Liberatoi-, as well as in the address referred to. 
 they must of necessity suppose Colonizationists a very wicked set of peo- 
 
 * Address delivered before the free people of color in New York, Philadelphia, and other cit- 
 ies, June, 1831. By Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 t Address, p. 20. Much surprise has been expressed at the excitement in New Haven relative 
 to the proposition for establishing an African College in that city. It should be remembered that 
 this Address had been recently delivered there., and produced a <irreat ex( itenient among the col- 
 ored pe< pie. It is not stranfre that the people object to a College which should place the colored 
 people under such instructions, and such an influence. The late excitement in Canterbury, Ct. 
 ?eems to have been produced by an attempt to establish a female school for colored persons, 
 against the wishes ufthp people, 'i he teacher was informed by the civil authority and select men. 
 " tliat the citizens of Canterbury were opposed to this school, which was to be under the patron- 
 age of Arnold Butrurn — his extravagant views were to be taugfit in that school." * * « "The 
 
 Liberator was to be the mouth-piece of the school, and Miss [the teacher] had declared 
 
 tliat Colonizing the people of color, was a system of fraud, from beginning to end-" Tocarry the 
 ^v;hool into ellect, it seems ; Ir. Buffum, and other gentlemen from abroad, undertook to inter- 
 fere with the deliberations of the town meeting in (,'anterbury. [See account of the proceeding! 
 as given by the civil authority and select men. — JVorwich Courier, MarcK-Xi. 
 
pie, who are anxious to ' turn them off to die like old horses.' But what 
 is the efTect of the Society and the Colony upon the free colored peo- 
 ple in this country ? The Society by its agents and publications, has 
 described the condition of the colored people, and urged their suffer- 
 ings, and degradation, and exposure to temptation and crime, as rea- 
 sons for doing something for tlieir Avelfare. If they have in any instance 
 described their condition as worse than it is, they have in such instance 
 done wrong. The effect of this course, however, has been to arouse 
 the colored people to a sense of their condition and to efforts for improve- 
 ment. The Society has done much to call the attention of the communi- 
 ty to the condition of the colored race — awaken sympathy in their behalf 
 and call forth efforts for their improvement here, or their emigration to 
 Liberia and elevation there. The friends of Colonization must desire the 
 education of the colored people in order to their being qualified for citi- 
 zens of Liberia. If they become intelligent, virtuous, and free from 
 prejudice, they will not be so easily duped by. those who would prevent 
 their emigration, and they will make better citizens whether they reside 
 in this country or in Africa. This view seems to be taken by friends of 
 Colonization in slave States, as well as in New England. The last re- 
 port of the Synod of Virginia,* says : "The Colonization Society shares 
 larotly in the sympatliies and benevolent efforts of this portion of the 
 clmrch. Contributions to this enterprise are increasing ; and many who 
 are watching in hope the briglitening prospects of the Christian colony 
 planted on the shores of Africa, are also directing their attention to the 
 long neglected duty of instructing those of the colored race, wlio are iviih- 
 in the sphere of their immediute influence. As a church, we have reason 
 to thank God that some of our number are awake to the vast importance 
 of this subject. The conviction is impressed on their hearts, we trust, 
 by the Spirit of truth, that new efforts must be made to give regularhj, 
 sound religious instructions, to tlie colored people tvithin our bounds." 
 These two objects seem to go hand in hand. 
 
 The success of the Colony increases the interest awakened by the degra- 
 ded condition of the colored people in this country. It demonstrates the 
 abi^urdity of an opinion v/hich has extensively prevailed, that the blacks 
 are incapable of being elevated. It proves that they are men, capable 
 of feeling the motives which elevate other men. Their language is : 
 <' Forming a community of oar own, in the land of our forefathers; 
 having the commerce, and soil and resources of the country at our dis- 
 posal, we know nothing of that debasing inferiority with which our very 
 color stamped us in America. There is nottiing here to create the feel- 
 ing on our part — nothing to cherish the feeling of superiority in the 
 minds of foreigners who visit us. It is this moral emancipation — this lib- 
 eration of the mind from worse than iron fetters — that repays us ten 
 thousand times over, for all it has cost us, and makes us grateful to God 
 and our American patrons for the happy change which has taken place in 
 our situation."f * 
 
 The prosperity of the Colonists as it becomes known to the colore,d 
 people in x^oierica will remove their discouragement, elevate their hopes, 
 and rouse them to efforts, eitlier that they may join their brethren in Af- 
 
 * U'estern Luminary, Dec. 12, 1832. The Synod has more than 9000 comniunicants. 
 f Address of the Colonists. 
 
33 
 
 rica, Of rival their condition in this countr3^ As colored men rise in 
 condition and character, become intelligent and virtuous, either here or 
 in Africa, the prejudices of the whites will soften, and give place to feel- 
 ings of sympathy and respect. When the colored people in this coun- 
 try shall manifest a strong desire for improvement, and endeavor by prop- 
 er merisures to help themselves, the whites will be more ready to assist 
 them. If a portion of the laboring blacks remove to Africa, there will be 
 more employment for those who remain. It is absurd to say that, if " a 
 portion of the colored people consent to be removed, those Avho remain 
 will obtain little or no employment," as it would be to say, that if labor- 
 ers from Vermont emigrate to Ohio, " those who remain will obtain little 
 or no employment, and receive little or no education ; consequently 
 they will always be miserable and degraded." Let the colored people 
 cease to be jealous of the whites and be industrious, enterprising, faithful 
 laborers, and employment and means of education Avill not be wanting, 
 so long as there are friends of African Colonization who can furnish 
 them.. The great number of free blacks who are without employment in 
 some of the slave states increases their temptations to crime, and their 
 consequent punislmient, and the jealousy of the whites, and the laws 
 which seem to us oppressive. Let a considerable portion of these be 
 removed and placed in circumstances of comfort ; and the sufferings and 
 temptations and crimes of the remainder would be diminished, the jeal- 
 ousy of tha whites would cease, those laws would be repealed, and ne- 
 cessary provision be made for the welfare of the blacks. 
 
 4, The influence of the Colonization Society lessens the danger of 
 insurrection. 
 
 This danger arises mainly from two causes ; the sufferings of the 
 slaves, and the sufferings of the free blacks. The love of freedom is 
 inseparable from the human soul. Slaves must desire freedom, and be 
 willing to make great sacrifices to obtain it, especially if excited by cruel 
 treatment, or by seditionary instructions and a prospect of success. La- 
 bor to them is odious, because it is constrained, and is performed for 
 others. Perhaps the strongest idea they attach to freedom is, liberty to 
 be idle and do as tliey please. This idea is easily obtained. They see 
 that wliite men do not work, but go and come at will, and live or revel 
 upon the labor of others. This is a palpable definition of freedom to 
 the untaught slave. He sees also that tliose of his own color who are 
 free are generally idle, and indulge in their favorite amusements and 
 vices. He believes himself entitled to the same rights, and there is a 
 constant temptation to secure them by violence. The desire of freedom 
 is ready to burst out on any emergency, and where there is unkindness 
 and severity in their treatment, the spirit of revenge must be deeply 
 rooted and rankling in their hearts. Thus there will be constant danger 
 of insurrection. 
 
 This danger is greatly increased by the condition and influence of the 
 free blacks. These are either slaves liberated, or their descendents. 
 A large portion of them in the slave states are poor and wretched, either 
 because Ihey will not labor, or cannot find employment. Tliey must 
 have a subsistence in some way ; if not by honest industry, it must be by 
 stealth. They have been so much accustomed to consider the whites as 
 their oppressors, and their sense of right and wrong is so much perv'erted 
 c 
 
34 
 
 or obscured by their circumstances, that, to steal from the whites, does 
 not seem to them a great sin ; and it is not strange that this crime should 
 frequently be detected among free blacks. 
 
 Then there is a strong temptation to exert a bad influence over the 
 slaves — to entice them into scenes of dissipation where this is possible 
 — draw from them property committed to their care — promote a spirit of 
 discontent and insubordination, — circulate among them inflammatory sen- 
 timents orally, and seditionary writings among such as can read. This 
 occasions severe laws for the government both of free blacks and slaves. 
 Free blacks become objects of suspicion and dread, laws are passed 
 compelling them to leave the state, or give security for their good be- 
 havior. Slaves are prohibited from learning to read, lest they should be 
 furnished with such writings as will promote insurrection. They are 
 prevented from holding meetings for improvement or social tintercourse, 
 lest they should plot the destruction of their masters. They are care- 
 fully watched or guarded by night, lest they should rally for the midnight 
 attack. In proportion to their insubordination will be the severity of 
 their treatment. This severity and insubordination mutually increase 
 each other, and the whole process tends directly to insurrection. The 
 Colonization Cause will do much to check this tendency. By the same 
 process that it benefits the free colored people in this country, or pro- 
 vides for them an asylum in Africa and makes it easy of access, it les- 
 sens their sufferings, inspires them with hope, stimulates them to exer- 
 tion, mitigates the rigor of their treatment, and diminishes their tempta- 
 tions to mischief, and the danger of insurrection. Let the slaves under- 
 stand that a process is going on which is designed for their benefit by 
 removing their temptations, securing their better treatment, such as wili 
 enable their masters to give them freedom and place them in circum- 
 stances of comfort, it will do much to quell the spirit of revenge, and 
 prevent the shedding of blood. 
 
 5. The successful operations of the Society will benefit the slaves 
 and open the way for their emancipation and elevation. Whatever tends 
 to lessen the danger of insurrection, will secure kinder treatment to 
 the slaves. Remove this danger, and thousands of masters coud not re- 
 sist the conviction that it is their duty to give their slaves instruction. 
 Laws forbidding their instruction would be repealed. We have already 
 seen that the moral influence of the society tends to the voluntary eman- 
 cipation of slaves. "It will remove the difiiculties which have hitherto 
 deterred hundreds of humane masters from emancipation, and increase 
 manifold the motives of the slaves to seek, and the masters to grant, 
 emancipation." As the colony prospers, her commerce will extend, her 
 vessels will be seen in our ports and her enterprising merchants be seen 
 and respected in our cities ; and the master who holds their brethren in 
 bondage will slu-ink from the presence of such men. Let civilization 
 extend into Africa and elevate her population, and the consciences ot 
 Americans would as readily admit of holding Europeans in slavery a;^ 
 Africans. 
 
 " When Africa shall have put on the garments of civilization, and the 
 influences of her regeneration shall be felt throughout this land, our 
 most tenacious and obstinate slave-holder will shrink from the relation he 
 bears to her children. The poor creatures whom he formerly regarded 
 
35 
 
 as but a few removes above the brute, will now present himself before 
 the new associations of his master's mind as his fellow. man and his equal 
 — and the slave m ill be permitted to g-o free."* Multitudes of masters, 
 as they watch the progress of the colony, will become fully convinced 
 that slaves can be liberated with benefit to themselves, and without in- 
 jury to others, and they will pursue a course of discipline which will fit 
 them for self government and support. By the moral influences which 
 the Colonization Society has set in motion, and will yet draw in its train, 
 there is much reason to hope that changes in public sentiment will take 
 place and benevolent eflbrts move onward, till every slave is free and in 
 circumstances where freedom can be enjoyed. 
 
 6. The successful operation of the society Avill exert a powerful in- 
 fluence in softening the asperity of feeling between the North and the 
 South — removing the alienation, and strengthening the union of the 
 states. Slavery has been a fruitful source of discord and jealousy. 
 Existing only in a portion of the states, it is still the occasion' of mutual 
 recrimination. The citizens of the free states, holding sla\'^ry in abhor- 
 rence and believing it their duty to use all lawful means for its extinction, 
 are liable to talk and act unwisely in relation to it, and the citizens of 
 the slave states are naturally prone to be suspicious of every allusion to 
 slavery, and every measure adopted in the free states for its removal. 
 Here is the secret of the strange and varied opposition to the Coloniza-, 
 tion Society in its early eiforts. The society has done much to diminish 
 the jealousy among its members scattered through all the states.f 
 
 The slave holder who desires to emancipate can do so in a way con- 
 sistent with the laws of the states, the rights and interests of his fellow 
 citizens, and the best good of his slaves, and no objection can reasonably be 
 made to it. The slave holder who is not disposed to follow his example 
 has no reason to object. The Society seeks not to interfere with any 
 rights or interests secured to him by law, and if he chooses not to patron- 
 ise he has no right to oppose it. 
 
 The friends of humanity, the prudent and pious of all sects, sections, 
 
 and parties, can unite, and act in harmony, for the benefit of the free 
 
 blacks, on the simple provision of its constitution. Here is common ground 
 
 " which all can meet and interchange their various views in relation to 
 
 very and kindred interests; and who does not see that such facilities 
 
 * Speech of Gerrit Smith, 14 An. Report, p. 11. 
 t Some solicitude has doubtless been felt in relation tn discussions, and difTerent views and exci- 
 ted feelings, at the adjourned meetings of the Society in Washington tlielast winter, and certain 
 Kditors liave seemed to taJie a particular pleasure in dwelliiie upon those discussions, and mag- 
 nifying the dilTerences, as if the Society were near to dissolution, and they were in liaste to re- 
 joice over its ruins. l)y comparing the reports of several correspondents of northern papers, il 
 would seem that the excitement was occasioned, partly by misunderstanding the objects to be 
 gained by proposed alterations, and partly by the management of designing individuals. Some 
 ( hanges had been made in the Board of Managers, and some alterations were proposed in the 
 constitution. Before the proposed alterations could be acted upon, it appears that certain persons 
 jwrUculnrhj ititerMtcd, took occasion to sound an alarm in the ears of southern members, by rep- 
 J resentins that those who had proposed the alterations had "become abolitionists." By this it 
 was understood, not merely that they abhorred slaven' and desired that all proper measnres 
 should be taken for its peaceful and safe removal, for this had been an established and well known 
 fact for years ; bnt it was rumored that they had adopted, ;n substance, tliose views of Abolition 
 which in Xew England constitute what is propi^rly termed G(iiri.',-viii.~m. and that these alterations 
 were designed to pave the way for letting iti U|)on the southern states the spirit and me.ai<nrcs of 
 this northern Abolitionism. No wonder that this rumor occasioned excitement, jealousy and mis- 
 uuderstandins, and made it necessary to pass a resolution, that there was no design of departing 
 from the objects of the Society, as defined in the second article of the constitution. This excite- 
 ment will doubtless lead to an interchange of views, which will promote harmony of feeling and 
 action among the friends of humanity in all parts of^the country, unless tliose who have an nbject 
 (norajjt shall succeed in throwing in fire-brands, to do the work of Sampson's " young foxes." 
 
I 36 
 
 afford the fairest opportunity for devising plans, in which all parties can 
 unite, for the removal of an evil wliicli all deplore ? It is certain that the 
 friends of colonization in the North and South, as tliey become more ac- 
 quainted with each other's views, become less jealous, and more like mem- 
 bers of one family, having common interests and responsibilities. A dis- 
 tinguished citizen of the South said with emphasis not long since in 
 relation to nullification movements in South Carolina, "I have been look- 
 ing at this subject with deep interest for some time, and have been aston- 
 ished at the result of my inquiries. / know of no consistent friend of the 
 Colonization Societij in South Carolina or the other slave states, ivho is not 
 also a UNio\ man." To a mind familiar with the history of the Society 
 there is nothing astonishing in this fact. The measures of the Society 
 have been peaccfwl and eminently fitted to produce union if correctly 
 understood. Furnishing, as it has, a medium of communication for its 
 friends in all, parts of the Union, it has spread before them facts which 
 are peculiarly fitted to soften asperity, and promote a spirit of forbearance 
 and conciliation. 
 
 Friends of the Society in New England, while their abhon-ence of Sla- 
 very is not at all diminished, have learned that nothing can be gained by 
 harsh or reproachful language ; that it is idle to aim at its peaceful termi- 
 nation by any measures which the planters themselves cannot be persuaded 
 to countenance ; and that interference of such a nature as must of neces- 
 sity jeopardize their safety and pi'ovoke their hostility, is not likely to se- 
 cifire their approbation or benefit their slaves. 
 
 Friends of the Society at the South, as they reflect upon slavery, and 
 the condition of the whole colored race, and become acquainted with 
 Northern feelings, see that there is some reason for the hostdity to Sla- 
 very in New England. When they perceive that with alltJieir abhorrence 
 of slavery, and all tlie inconvenience they suffer from it, the people of the 
 the free states are still disposed to treat their Southern brethren with for- 
 bearance, and assist in any reasonable measures for removing an acknoAvl- 
 edged evil, more disastrous to the South than the North, jealousy subsides 
 and gives place to kindness and respect. Let the operations of the Society 
 be fairly understood, and be carried forward with prudence and energy, 
 there will be a rallying point, around which will cluster all the friends of lib- 
 erty and humanity, of man and of God. Its peaceful doctrines and measures 
 will disarm prejudice and will silence opposition or render it harmless : Its 
 facts and motives will awaken sympathy and enlist effort : Its success will 
 remove the causes of alienation which now exist, and bind in holy brother- 
 hood the hearts of good men in all parts of the nation, and the shout of 
 '■'■Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable" shall meet a 
 hearty response in every village, and vibrate in every heart. 
 
 7. The success of the Society wdl greatly increase benevolent feeling 
 and action in this country. It is a fact established by experiment and 
 common sense, that whatever calls into exercise benevolent feelings in- 
 creases their power, as really as exercise of the body increases its muscu- 
 lar power. If benevolent feelings exist they will produce corresponding 
 action. Among all the benevolent societies of the present day, perhaps 
 no one has done more than this to awaken such feelings. Many persons 
 are disposed to patronize this who do not patronize others. Many who at 
 first looked upon it as a wild attempt to perform impossibilities, now find 
 
37 
 
 their views enlarged, tlieir expectations are sanguine and their free will 
 oiferings liberal. The progress already made by the society in overcom- 
 ing the obstacles of prejudice, ignorance and selfishness, peopling peace- 
 ful happy villages on a barbarous shore, causing the yells of savage war- 
 fare and the shrieks of tortured captives to give place to the " busy hum'' 
 of civilized society and the songs of Zion ; the slave factory and the slave 
 ship to give place to extended warehouses and merchant vessels, is well 
 fitted to silence the cavils of avarice and incredulity, and enforce the di- 
 rection, " attempt great things, expect great things." 
 
 Let any one read the publications of the society, he will doubtless find 
 here and there a sentence or sentiment which he cannot approve. But if 
 one can trace its history or read an Annual Report, or the speeclies at an 
 annual meeting of the Society, or a volume of the African Repository, and 
 not have his benevolent feelings enlarged, he can furnish convincing proof 
 that he has none, or that prejudice has rendered them strangely obtuse. 
 It has been peculiarly interesting to watch the progress of some power- 
 ful minds in their examination of the publications of this Society. The 
 examination has frequently been commenced with a great degree of in- 
 difference, perhaps with prejudice, but the facts and arguments had a resist- 
 less energy, and the mind could not dwell upon them unmoved. The best 
 feelings of the heart have been enlisted, and the individual has risen from 
 the investigation an ardent friend, and perhaps an eloquent and persever- 
 ing advocate of Colonization. Let the whole community be thoroughly 
 acquainted with the history and tendency of the society, and there will 
 not be wanting advocates or patrons. Let its success be equal to its pres- 
 ent prospects and its power of doing good, if properly sustained, and no 
 object of Christian philanthropy will be thought too great for an experi- 
 ment. Changes will be wrought in the condition of degraded human be- 
 ings, and in public sentiment in regard to them, which will write upon 
 every enlightened mind, in living characters, the soul stirring truth, that 
 there is no race of men on earth too low to be elevated to freedom and 
 happiness by human agency, aided and directed by the truth, and grace, 
 and Spirit of God. The Society is making one of those grand experiments 
 which if successful, must inspire hope and prayer and set in motion influ- 
 ences and efforts, which will not cease, till Africa shall be regenerated, 
 and stand forth among the nations of the earth as distinguished for her 
 greatness and glory as she has "been for her degradation and misery — till 
 the command of the Savior " go teach all nations" shall be obeyed ; 
 and songs of salvation shall be heard wherever there are human beings. 
 
 8. I plead the cause of the Colonization Society, because while it is 
 doing much good, it need not stand in the way of any other benevolent 
 enterprize. It is of course favorable to the operations of Bible, Tract, 
 Education, Sabbath School, Missionary and Seamen's Friend Societies,and 
 opens a most inviting field for all of them to cultivate. If affords pecu- 
 liar facilities for such Societies to push their adventures into the interior. 
 
 By its intercourse with the native tribes, the colony will afford protec- 
 tion to the Missionary who may penetrate the interior, and, if proper means 
 are furnished, will train up Missionaries for the purpose. Let bibles and 
 tracts and schoolmasters and Missionaries follow the British Steamboat 
 up the Niger, and let efforts be made for the intellectual and moral reno- 
 vation of the people as vigorous and persevering as those Avhich resulted 
 
38 
 
 in the discovery of that River ; the Society will bid them God speed.* 
 To those "vvho would elevate the colored people in this country the 
 friends of Colonization Avill say, go on and prosper, only let your efforts 
 be wisely directed. 
 
 " It has been said that the society is unfriendly to the improvement of 
 the free people of color while they remain in the United States. There 
 IS NO TRUTH i-v THE ASSERTION. Jfe rejoiccin their prosperitij and hap- 
 piness "f Build a ' manual labor school,' increase their means of educa- 
 tion and happiness by every proper means, only beware that you do not 
 fill them with prejudice and bitterness ag-ainst the whites. Do not mis- 
 represent tlie efforts and sentiments of those who are endeavoring to do 
 them good in another manner. Do not tell the colored people that 'every 
 one who is induced to go to Liberia ought to be considered a traitor to 
 their cause,' or use influence to prejudice them against the Society, or the 
 colony ; in fine do them no injury, but only good, and the friends of Col- 
 onization will approve and aid yoiir efforts. The advocate of immediatf 
 abolition has no reason to oppose the society ; its tendency as has been 
 clearly proved is favorable to emancipation. And if some of its friends, in 
 common with the great body of the American people, have expressed the 
 opinion that immediate universal emancipation is impracticable, or that it 
 would not be beneficial either to the slaves or the nation, they are doubt- 
 less open to farther light, and stand ready to retract whenever convinced 
 they are in error. They of course believe that if universal emancipation 
 v.ere to take place, the colored people would need tlie aid of the society 
 more than they now do ; and that to abandon it would be to blot out the 
 ^tcii- of promise, and witlier the brightest hopes and prospects of the whole 
 African race. Entertaining these views, the friends of Colonization in 
 New England will prosecute their enterprise, till a better plan is devised ; 
 < r till it is discovered that it stands in the way of a better one. If ridi- 
 culed and opposed, may they imitate him, who when reviled, reviled not 
 again, but prayed for his enemies, and toiled and suffered for their wel- 
 fare. Let them be stimulated by his example to obey that injunction 
 ' whatsoever ye would that men should do to you do ye even so to them, 
 they shall receive the reward and the welcome of ' good and faithful ser- 
 vants.' The present children of Africa may misunderstand the move- 
 ments and motives and be jealous of the friends of Colonization, but her 
 future generations will rise and call them blessed, and these efforts whl 
 one day excite feelings of joy and gratitude wherever human beings can 
 trace the history of the American Colonization Society. 
 
 * The managers urge the establishment of a High School or Seminary " to prepare youth not 
 only to become able teachers" but " to fulfil successfully their duties as public officers, or Minis- 
 ters of religion," and invite donations for this purpose. [i?ee 16th report page 7.] Where are the 
 men who will be pioneers in this work, and establish a Manual labor school or College in Liberia, 
 that shall advance the interests of science, arts, agriculture, education, government and religion 
 in the colony, and train up teachers and missionaries for the interior? To what object would 
 fuiuls be more cheerfullv contributed in New England ? 
 
 t Africar, Repository Sept. 1831 p. 205. 
 
PART II. 
 
 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 
 
 1. The Liberator. 2. Address to the free people of color, hj Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 
 3. Constitution of the Knc England dnti Slavery Society. 4. TheJlbolitionist. 5. 
 First Annual Report of the J\\ E. Anti Slavery Society. 
 
 Several years since, Mr. Garrison commenced his warfare upon the system of 
 slavery, and for a time, he was associated with Mr. Liindy, at Baltimore, in publish- 
 iniT the Genius of Universal Emancipation, in which he gave great offence to the 
 citizens of the South. He was at length prosecuted for a libel, com'icted, fined, 
 and imprisoned. It was thought by many, that he suffered unjustly, for pleading 
 the cause of the oppressed; and much sympathy was excited in his behalf. Poet- 
 rj' and newspaper paragraphs written by him in confinement, were copied into ma- 
 H}' of the papers, widely circulated, and read with deep interest. His fine was 
 paid by a gentleman of New York and his person set at liberty : after which, he 
 went to Boston and commenced the Liberator, the third volume of which is now 
 publishing weekly by himself and Mr. Isaac Knapp, and circulated extensively 
 among the free colored people. 
 
 Early in 1831, he commenced his attacks upon the Colonization Society, and in 
 June, he addressed the free people of color in Philadelphia, New York, and other 
 cities, advising, them, among otiier things, (some of which are praise-worthy,) 'To 
 sustain those periodicals devoted to their cause : ' To support each other' — that is, 
 'Sell to each other, and buy of each other, in preference of the whites.' * To 
 •maintain their rights in ail cases, and at whatever expense.'* To ' maintain their 
 rights as they icould defend their lives.' i ^ Finally,' he advises them to ' abandon 
 all thoughts of colonizing themselves as a people in Africa, Hayti, Upper Canada, 
 or elseichcre.'X This was soon afterwards published and circulated industriously 
 among the colored people ; more than one-fourth of it devoted to opposing the 
 Colonization Society. During the same year, preparations were made by him and 
 a few others, and the Anti Slavery Society was formed in Boston, Jan. 1, 1632. 
 The following gentlemen were appointed its officers. 
 
 Arnold Buffum, President. Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Cor. Sec. 
 
 James C. Odiorne, ) j.. p • , Joshua Coffin, ■ Rec. Sec. 
 
 Alonzo Lewis, ^ i' >ce rrcsiacnts. Michael H. Simpson, Trefls. 
 
 At the monthly meeting in February, it was voted "that a copy of the Constitu- 
 tion and address of the Society be sent to all the editors of newspapers," and 
 '' to every Clergyman in New England, earnestly soliciting his co-operation in pro- 
 moting the objects of the Society." Although the Constitution has no allusion to 
 African Colonization, more than one-third of the address is devoted to opposing the 
 Colonization Society. During the year, Mr. Garrison published his 'Thoughts' on 
 Colonization, which he commends to the " attention of the two most powerful 
 classes in this country — Editors of newspapers, and the Clergy ,"§ as 'tlie power- 
 ful influence of the Clergy is to be brokcn.'\\ In January, 1H33, the Abolitionist 
 was commenced by the Society ; edited by a Committee. During the same month, 
 the First Annual JNIeeting was held, and the First Report, with an Appendix, has 
 recently appeared from the press of Garrison &• Knapp, in a pamphlet of 54 pages. 
 The Report and numbers of the Abolitionist already issued, show that the Man- 
 
 * Address, p. 14. t I'J- iP- I'i'- etc. ^p. 38. |ip. T. 
 
40 
 
 agers adopt Mr. Garrison's opposition to the Colonization Society, and make it a 
 prominent part of their oliject. More than half the Report is occupied by an attack 
 upon the Colonization Society, and the reasons why "they denounce and oppose 
 it," are given in the true style and spirit of his "Thoughts." Speaking of their 
 success, the Managers say, 
 
 " With feeble means, the Society has produced great results. It lias constantly employed it3 
 Presiding officer as an Agent for the past six niontlis, to go forth to the people, and urge its claims 
 upon their cl)arities and confidence. His labors, it is believed, have been extensively useful. 
 Tiie Managers bear honorable testimony to his zeal, faithfulness and ability. Other agents have 
 been successfully employed for a shorter period. J'ive thousand copies of the Constitution and 
 address of the Society have been printed for gratuitous distribution. A liberal pur- 
 chase has been made of Mr, Garrison's "Thouirhts on African Colonization," for a similar 
 purpose. The Society has efiecledi the cmancii>ation of a young slace-boij in this city by a suit 
 AT Lvw. It is now making strenuous exertions for the establishment of a Manual Labor School, 
 for the education of colored youth, and will probably attain its object. It has effected the con- 
 version of a multitude of minds to the doctrine of immediate abolition, and given a wide and sal- 
 utary check to the progress of the Colonization Society.''* 
 
 From the Liberator, it appears that the President, Mr. Buffum, while giving ad- 
 dresses on Slavery, frequently attacked the Colonization Society.! Mr. Johnson, 
 the i)resent Recording Secretary, | lectured in 1.5 or 20 places in New England du- 
 ring the last year, and in some, if not all ofthem, attackodthe Colonization Socie- 
 ty. Mr. Garrison, while travelling in Maine as an Agent of the Anti Slavery So- 
 ciety, attended a meeting called by the friends of Colonization, and occupied a con- 
 siderable portion of two evenings in opposing the Society. § He has frequently lec- 
 tured against the Society in Massachusetts. 
 
 An effort has been made by officers of the Society to prejudice benevolent in- 
 dividuals in Great Britian against the Colonization System. Mr. Garrison wrote 
 to James Cropper, in May 1832. Mr. Buffamalso has written to him and to Thom- 
 as Clarkson. The prominent object of these letters, and the documents sent with 
 them, seems to have been to persuade them that the Colonization Society is a "con- 
 spiracy against human rights." They have been successful in persuading James 
 Cropper, Joseph Phillips, and Capt. Charles Stuart to oppose the Society, b}' 
 publishing objections to it gathered from the " letters — Thoughts — and — Lib- 
 erator" of Mr. Garrison : and their comnmnications furnish new materials for the 
 New Eng-land Anti Slavery publications.il 
 
 It has seemed to be necessary to trace the movements of the Sociely thus mi- 
 nutely, as the constitution does not explain all the objects which the Society is 
 aiming to accomplish. 
 
 " The objects of the Society shall be, to endeavor by all means sanctioned by law, humanity 
 and religion, to effect the abolition-of slavery in the United States; to improve the condition of 
 the free people of color, to improve and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and 
 rights, and obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites."** 
 
 Who would suppose from this article that the Anti Slavery Society is devoting a 
 prominent part of its efforts to opposing the Colonization Society.'' 
 
 As a citizen of New England, I cannot but desire the abolition of slavery, and 
 the elevation of the people of color to freedom and happiness; but there are rea- 
 sons why I cannot co-operate with the Nev^ England Anti Slavery Society, which a 
 sense of duty urges me to state thus publicly. Before doing this, it seems necessa- 
 ry to express more fully my views in relation to slavery, and the objects of the So- 
 ciety as stated in the Constitution. I believe, 
 
 1. That slavery is a moral wrong, and a great political evil — a curse both to the 
 slave, the master and the nation. 
 
 2. That slaves ought to be liberated as soon as they can be with benefit to them- 
 selves, and without producing evils greater than slavery itself, and that it is the 
 interest as well as rfw^i/ of proprietors and States, to pursue the best means for ef- 
 fecting this purpose. 
 
 3. That there are but two ways in which they can be emancipated : one of these is 
 by force, the other by the consent of their masters. 
 
 4. That we have no right, civil or religious, to liberate them by force, or pursue 
 such means as would tend to insurrections. 
 
 o. That as slavery is a national evil, and as New England ships, and seamen, and 
 capital were actively employed in enslaving the fathers, it is right that the citi- 
 zens of New England should share the labor and expense of giving freedom and 
 happiness to the children. 
 
 *p. 42. t See his letters in the Liberat'br for six months previous to February 1. JLibcr- 
 itor, Jan 12, over the signature of R. N. iS See Kennebeck Journal, Oct. 12, j832. 
 
 ]| Letter of Joseph Phillips, Lib. Dec. 15, 1832. **Constitution, Article 2. 
 
41 
 
 (J. That whatever can be done by the people of New England, in a spirit of kind- 
 ness, to assist the proprietors of slaves to think and act right on this whole subject, 
 IS a reasonable duty. 
 
 7. Calling them hard names, insulting or abusing, or pursuing measures fitted to 
 exasperate them, is not likely to produce right feelings or action among proprie- 
 tors, or benefit their slaves. 
 
 8. That the free colored people in this country have strong claims upon our sym- 
 l)athy and assistance ; and while those who desire it should be assisted to remove 
 :n Liberia, those who remain in this country should be furnished with means of 
 
 ducation and every possible facility for becoming good citizens. 
 
 9. That whatever tends to make them jealous of the whites andexjcite bitter and 
 vindictive feelings, is not fitted to make them good citizens, or secure for them the 
 respect and assistance tiiey need. >■ 
 
 10. That to circulate among the free blacks of Nev/ England, publications, 
 which, if circulated in the slave States, would necessarily tend to insurrection, is 
 injurious to the colored people, and 7iot sanctioned hy kno, humanity, or religion.^ 
 
 in relation to the founders and patrons of the New England Anti Slavery Soci- 
 oty, I am happy to admit, 
 
 1. That they ardently desire to benefit the whole colored race, and are willing to 
 •make vigorous efforts for this purpose. 
 
 2. That some of them have manifested a zeal and perseverance worthy of this 
 noble enterprize. 
 
 3. That in their publications there are many noble sentiments, worthy of the 
 approbation of all men. 
 
 4. To the objects of the Society, as expressed in the second article of the Consti- 
 tution, if properly pursued, I could have no objection. But I cannot co-operate 
 with the Society, 
 
 1 . Because it opjioses the Colonization Society, although no provision is made for 
 this in the Constitution. 
 
 After the most thorough examination, this opposition seems to me unreasonable ; 
 audit is bad policy to tear down a Society which is proved to be a good one, for 
 the sake of building up another of doubtful tendency, and one which, if suc- 
 cessful, would render the former indispensable. If the Anti Slavery Society could 
 persuade the Southern people to emancipate all their slaves this year, there would 
 be more work for the Colonization Society than ever before. Take an illustration. 
 
 In Virginia, are several thousand free blacks, but few of whom are proprietors of 
 land, and the greater part are miserably poor, either for want of employment or 
 disposition to labor. Several thousand slaves are annually sold from Virginia in- 
 to other States, still leaving enough to perform the labor. Let the masters eman- 
 cipate and hire their laborers, they will pursue the policy of the northern farmer, 
 — hire the best workmen and as few of them as can do his work. As free men 
 perform more labor than slaves, a much smaller number would be employed, and 
 consequently, a large number would be thrown out of employment : the.se added 
 to the thousands now annually sold from the state, and the other thousands previ- 
 ously free, would make up an immense surplus population unemploj'cd, and un- 
 provided for, which must have a vent somewhere. It would surely be a work of 
 mercy to furnish a home in Africa for those who might desire it, and to oppose the 
 Colonization Society, or prejudice the colored people against it, would be to them 
 an act of extreme cruelty. But the spirit and manner of this opposition are pecu- 
 liarly objectionable. Mr. Garrison's ' Thoughts,' of which 'a liberal jmrchasc has 
 hccninade hy the Jl?iti Slavery Society for gratuitous distribution,' abound in griev- 
 ous charges and hard names. 
 
 " I am prepared to show that those who have entered into tlii.s conspiracy against hu- 
 man RIGHTS, are unanimous in abusing their victims: unanimous in their mode of attack: 
 unanimous in proclaiming the absurdity that our free blacks are natives of Africa : unanimous in 
 
 * " r deem it to be my duty to express to you, at this time, my opinion, that to publish books, 
 pamplilcts, or newspaper.-;, designed to be circulated liere and in other States of tlio Union, and 
 having a necessary tendency to excite in the minds of our citizens deadly hatred and hostility 
 against their brethren of other States, and to stimulate the slave population of those States to 
 rise against their masters, and to effect by fire and sword their emancipation, is an offence 
 against this commonwealth, and that it may be prosecuted as a misdemeanor, at common law. 
 It is said that pamphlets and papers of such cliaractor have been published in Boston and sent to 
 the Southern States, and that they have caused great alarm and complaint there. It cannot be 
 denied, that it is just cause both of alarm and complaint." Charge of Judge Tkacher to the Oraiu! 
 Jurrj of the County of Suffolk, in March, also in Dec. 1832. 
 
 t Thoughts, p. 10. See also introduction to this work. 
 
43 
 
 propagating the libel, tliat tliey, cannot be elevated and improved in this country '• unanimous in 
 opposing their instruction : unanimous in apologizing tor the crime of slavery, &c.* " It is a 
 conspiracy to send the free people of color to Africa under a benevolent pretence, but really that 
 the slaves may be held more securely in bondage. It is a conspiracy based upon fear, oppres- 
 sion and falsehood, which draws its aliment from the prejudices of the people, which is sustain- 
 ed by duplicity, which really upholds the slave system, which fascinates while it destroys, which 
 tnilangers the safety and happiness of the country, which no precept of the Bible can justify, 
 which is implacable in its spirit, which sliould he annihilated at a blow. 
 
 " These are my accusations, and if I do not substantiate them, I am willing to be covered with 
 reproach."* 
 
 "Ye crafty calculators : ye hard hearted iiicoriigible sinners I ye greedy and relentless robbers ! 
 ye contemners of justice and inercy ! ye trembling, pitiful, pale-faced usurpers ! ray soul spurns 
 you with unspeakable disgust." 
 
 "The Coloniwtion Cro/l is a diabolical pursuit which a great part of our Christian community 
 are engaged in."t 
 
 " But to the awful disappointment of all such blasphemers, they will meet the justice of God, 
 which will be to them a devouring sword. "J 
 
 The report of the Society breathes much of tlie same spirit. After speaking ol 
 it as " not only a burlesque upon moral cntcrprizcs, hut the acme of folly,' the Man- 
 agers say, 
 
 " T\\t reason, too, which is given by the Colonization Society for this expulsion is monstrous ; 
 and as often as it is urged in any of its reports, or its official organ, or by any of its itinerants, 
 should fill the readers or hearers of the base libel with indignation. It is — that the American peo- 
 ple are so incorrigibly vile, so lost to all sense of shame ; so far beyond repentance, so proscrip- 
 tive in their feelings, so filled with all malice, prejudice and^hate, that, to the latest generation , 
 they will not cease to treat their free colored countrymen in the most tyrannous and dastardly 
 manner, unless they are separated by a breadth of 4,U0() miles. And in order to vindicate this 
 tinnodly spirit, the Managers of the American Colonization Society in their last Annual Bepoit 
 utter this blasphemy, "&:c $ 
 
 "With such a spirit, I cannot hold fellowship : — such weapons I cannot wield : 
 especially against au institution embodying a great portion of the best men in the 
 nation. With a Society that pursues such measures, I cannot co-operate. 
 
 2. The Anti Slavery Society does not give an account of its funds, or the manner 
 of expending them. 
 
 The Annual report acknowledges donations from four individuals, and the 
 Agent, in his Reports, published in the Liberator, speaks of taking contributions, 
 without stating the amount. But we have no means of ascertaining the eimouni 
 of funds during the last year. Why this omission.'' What was the amount of 
 contributions taken by the Agent in Andover, Woburn, Belchertown, Springfield, 
 Greenfield, and many other places in Massachusetts, Walpole and Keene, N. H 
 and other places which might be named .'' What is the amount of individual do- 
 nations.' and how have the funds been expended ? We are indeed told that a 'lib- 
 eral purchase of Mr. Garrison's Thoughts has been made,' and ' 5,000 copies of 
 the Constitution and Address of the Society have been printed for gratuitous 
 distribution,' and that Agents have been employed to urge the claims of the Soci- 
 eXy ujjon the charities and confidence of the people. || But how much has it cost 
 to make a ' liberal purchase' of a pamphlet of 2'^G pages — which the Methodist 
 Quarterly Review pronounces " a publication essentially slanderous in all 
 ITS pAKTS,"1T and to circulate 5,000 copies of an address, one third of which is an 
 attack upon the Col. Society ? How much does it cost to enable the 'prcsidenV of 
 the Society to travel and " urge its claims on the charities of the people," by tell- 
 ing them that "the object of the Colonization Society was to banish from our land 
 the free people of color; that it has unvaryingly pursuedt his single object; that 
 it still contemplates the entire banishment of 300,0U0 of the free citizens of the 
 United States to the coast of Africa, by means which must be marked with great 
 cruelty and suffering; that the avowed object to be obtained by their banishment 
 is, increased security, permanency and profit to the slave system?"** How large 
 part of the funds has been expended to give " a wide and salutary check to the 
 progress of the Colonization Society .'"'tt How much has been expended in abol- 
 ishing slavery in " the emancipation of a young slave boy in Boston by a suit at 
 law :"tt and how much has been devoted to elevating the free colored people, and 
 in what manner.'' These are subjects on which the citizens of New England need 
 more light, before they can co-operate extensively with the Anti Slavery Society. 
 
 3. JVith its course of management thus far, the society is engaged in a hopeless en- 
 terprise. 
 
 * Thoughts, p. 10. fib. part If, p. G3. J:Ib. p. 64. From an Address before the colored 
 population of Providence, R. I. Nov. 27, 1828. ^ Report, p. 23. ||See Report, p. 42. 
 
 IT Review of 'Thouglits on African Colonization' in the Methodist Magazine for Jan. 1833. 
 ** Mr, Buffum's repoj^t of his lecture before the Ko.\bury Lyceum, ft Report, p. 42. JJIb. 
 
43 
 
 There is no good reason to expect the destruction of tlie Colonization Society 
 by such measures. Notwithstanding the 'wide and salutary check to its progress,' 
 it lias accomplished almost twice as much during the last year as in any preced- 
 ing one. 
 
 There is little prospect of convincing the American people by such means, that 
 ' the Colonization Society deceives mid misleads the notion ;'* that all who patron- 
 ize it are miserably duped, or are too wicked to do right ; that its Managers are 
 guilty of ' hlasphemy;' \ or its Agents o? wnntonhj promulgating gross fictions, es- 
 PRESSLV TO DECEIVE." &C.+ niis-stating the principles and opciations of the Col. 
 Society, and gulling the ignorant and thoughtless into a support of a most nefarious 
 scheme,"^ or triumphing '6?/ «ioW deception, \\ or that the Iriends of Colonization are 
 " unanimous in abusing their victims," " propagating libels," or " opposing the in- 
 struction of tlie colored people.* 
 
 Tlierc is little hope of the 'peaceful abolition of slavery in this way. It is now sev- 
 eral years since Mr. Garrison commenced his efforts, and the Southern people 
 surely have not been ignorant of them. He was imprisoned in Maryland. The 
 Legislature of Georgia has offered $.5000 for his apprehension, and the Committee 
 of Vigilance of Charleston, S. C. offered ^1500 more. The Executive of Virgin- 
 ia, it is said, has taken public notice of him. All these circumstances are pecu- 
 liarly fitted to give his efforts notoriety, add 'oil to the fire of his zeal' and excite 
 sympathy among those who abhor slavery. Although the Society has existed but 
 one j'ear, the Managers say " It has jiroduccd great results." '• It has done more 
 to make slavery a subject of national investigation, to excite discussion, and tf 
 maintain the freedom of speech on a hitlierto prohibited theme, than all other So- 
 cieties now in operation." And it has emancipated one young slave in Bos- 
 ton ! I !** 
 
 While the Society has done so much 1o abolish slavery, the Report states, " with- 
 in the last two years-, the legislatures of Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, Lou- 
 isiana, Alabama, and Tennessee have passed laws respecting the free colored and 
 slave population of those States, which are in the highest degree atrocious. "tt 
 
 It also exhorts abolitionists to bear meekly " the taunts and reproaches of half- 
 wa)' reformers, and temporizing gradualists, who accuse them of provoking slave 
 holders to treat their slaves more rigorously than ever. "It For one, I despair of 
 the peaceful aholition of slavery by such measures as have been pursued, whether I 
 judge from their character or their actual results ;§§ and finally, I despair of per- 
 
 * Garrison's Thoughts. f An. Eep. p. 23. J Liberator, Feb. 2, 1833. $ lb. Dec. 29, 
 1832. II Abolitionist, No. 1, pace 7. 
 
 ** Supreme Judicial Court Dec. 4, 1832. Before Shaw, Chief Justice. 
 
 A habeas cmyus was brouglit against Mrs. Howard, a lady who had resided in the Island of 
 Cuba, in order to have the body of Francisco, a colored boy, 12 or 14 years of age, (whom it was 
 alleged that the defendant intended to carry to the Island of Cuba, and there keep or sell as a 
 slave,) brought before the Court. - 
 
 The defendant, in her return to the habeas corpus, stated in writing, that the hoy, Francisco, 
 ipas her servant, that he was free, and that she did not claim him as a slave." After hearing tlip 
 evidence and arguments on both sides, and '■'after examining Francisco privately, and ascertaining 
 that it was his desire to (jo with Mrs. Iloicard," Chief Justice Shaw gave an opinion of whicli 
 the following is the conclusion. " The Court must act as the boy's guardian. He appears to be 
 attached to i<irs. Howard, and to be desirous of going with her, and 1 think it is for his interest t(» 
 do so, if he pleases. He can therefore go with her or not, as he chooses. And all persons will 
 be prohibited from interfering by force to prevent him from going with her, if such continues his 
 wish."— Boston Jitlas, ahrid'^ed. See Rep. p. 47. ttP- 13- IJlb. p. 12. 
 
 §§ The advocates of this .Society seem to have a peculiar fondness for proving the impractica- 
 bility of Colonization by mathematical demonstration, and it may be proper here to borrow one 
 of their illustrations. Its author as a preacher of the 'impartial doctrine'' will not surely object toil. 
 
 '' While [one young slave has been liberated] in a year, 200 have been born to perpetual slave- 
 ry in a day. Now, at this rate, how long would it take the [Anti Slavery] Society to remove 
 slavery from the country.' If [with the ze;ilous efforts of Mr. tiarrison for several years, the cir- 
 culation of his paper and pamphlets, and the ' great results of the Society during the past year,' 
 they have effected the emancipation of a young slave boy in Boston, by a suit at law, who was 
 ALREADY- FREE and NOT claimed as a slave,] how long will it require this society, to banish slave- 
 ry fro ai this free and happy land of liberty, where slaves are bought and sold as cattle ?" — 
 [Speech of Rev. .Mr. Russell, of Watertown against the Colonization Society, delivered at the an- 
 niversary of the N. E. Anti Slavery Society. See L berator, Jan 2(), 1833.] " Truly, sir, this 
 beats the fable of the frog jumping out of the well : for in this case the frog jumps up two feet every 
 day, but falls back more than three feet every night. But to be serious, the project is impractica- 
 ble." [Speech of Amasa Walker, Esq. at the same meeting, ib.] If these illustrations apply 
 to the Colonization Society, they do with greater force applyto the Anti Slavery Society, espe- 
 cially when it is remembered that laws preventing emancipation, and oppressing the colored 
 people have been passed in so many slave states, since the Liberator and similar publications 
 have been in circulation. 
 
44 
 
 suading the thinking and virtuous citizens of New England to co-operate with the 
 Society when they understand its measures and its real bearino-s. 
 
 3. The ■publications and measures of the Society are pcciiUarly fitted to create jeal- 
 ousy amona- the colored people in the free States — make them hostile to the whites — 
 (md thus prevent efforts for their improvement, or render such efforts U7isucsessful . 
 
 I see not how any one can deny this, after reading these publications, and the 
 Resolutions and Addresses and remonstrances of the free colored people, and as- 
 certaining that most of them hav chccncaHedforihivithin two jjears, or si7ice the Lib- 
 erator began to circulate among them. 
 
 The spirit which breathes in many of these publications, if imbibed by the color- 
 ed people, is fitted to make them suspicious and insolent, and thus to throw 
 them out of employment, render them odious to the whites, and prevent efforts to 
 improve them. And if the most prudent efforts were made for their improvement, 
 while in a state of excitement and suspicion, the colored people would not profit by 
 them. 
 
 4. The influence of such publications must be still more injurious to the free 
 blacks in the slave states. It is sometimes said ' We do not send these publica- 
 tions south of the Potomac' But it is certain that they sometimes find their way 
 into tlie slave States, and their influence extends much farther than they are read. 
 " You must hold an active corrcspo7idcnce on the subject with your brethren all over 
 the country, and conjure them all to stand Jirm." So says Mr. Garrison in relation 
 to Colonization. It is natural that they should do so on other subjects as well as 
 on tliis, and that they should circulate the writings of their abl,er advocates. 
 
 It is not strange that the colored people who come under such instructions should 
 " look upon the Colonization Society as a peace disturbing combination :"* that 
 their orators should declare that the Colonization craft is a diabolicai, pursuit,! or 
 that they should exhort their hearers in the following strain : " our forefathers 
 fought, and bled, and died to achieve the independence of the United States. U'hij 
 should ice forbear contending foktiie prize .'' It becomes every colored citizen 
 in the United States to step forward boldly and gallantly defend his rights." 
 [Extract liom the Address of Mr. Peter Osborne to the people of color in the Af- 
 rican church, New Haven, Ct. July 5, 183"2. Liberator, Dec. 1.] 
 
 It is not strange that the colored people should be excited by such a process. 
 Sentiments like the above, circulated among an ignorantpopulation, are wonder- 
 fully fitted to produce excitement. It is easy to account for the numerous resolu- 
 tions and remonstrances and addresses of the colored people published in Mr. Gar- 
 rison's Thoughts, and copied into the Annual Report of the Anti Slavery Society. 
 And what must bo the effect of such excitement, as it extends among the colored 
 people in the slave states .' Evidently to insure their more rigorous treatment — oc- 
 casion laws forbidding their instruction! — requiring them to leave the State or give 
 security for their good behaviour, and in various ways to render theii condition 
 more wretched. If there is danger that free blacks will be banished from this 
 country, or from the slave States, that danger arises not from the measures of the 
 Colonization Society, but from tlio influence of such instructions as are now cir- 
 culated among portions of the colored people. 
 
 5. This process increases the danger of insxirrection — prevents the instruction of 
 slaves — and throws obstacles in theway of emancipation, unless it is to beeff'ected by 
 FORCE. [See part I. p. 33, &c.] " A letter from a highly respectable and ardent 
 friend of ye'mancipation at Richmond, (Va.) says : nothing is more dreaded by the 
 great mass of persons opposed on 'principle to slavery in this region, than such in- 
 flamniatory publications as the Liberator. They throw increased obstacles in the loay 
 of emancipation: and if they could have all the injluencc that seems to be aimed at, 
 they icould bring on a struggle that must result in the extermination of the blacks. % 
 
 Another writer says : 
 
 " I consider the efforts and writings of Mr Garrison as tending powerfully to 
 excite in the free colored people deadly hostility to the whites — to occasion the 
 
 * Resolutions passed by a Convention of colored people. An. Report, p. 38. 
 
 t Address before the Colored people in Providence, R. I. by Rev Hosea Eastman. Oarrison's 
 Thoughts, part 2. p. 64. 
 
 t [t [the Colonization Society] does nothing to prevent the instruction of the blacks. T hat has 
 been effected, as 1 believe, so for as legislation can doit, by Garrison's paper and a pamphlet 
 .surreptitiously circulated about two years ago, said to be written by one Walker, in IJoston. 
 These occasioned laws by which our Sabbath and week day schools for free blacks, which were 
 very beneficial to them, have been entirely put down. — Letter of a friend of emancipation in Rich- 
 mond, Va. (S Boston Transcript, Dec. 23. 1832. 
 
more rio-orous treatment of the slaves — endanger the safety of the South, and the 
 union of the States." 
 
 These men are not Slave holders. They are Northern men, with Northern ab- 
 horrence of Slavery ; who have resided for a few years at the South, and anxious- 
 ly observed the influence of such publications and measures. The strictures of a 
 late reviewer are worthy of serious consideration : 
 
 " The style which he employs — we beg his friends and advisers candidly to pon- 
 der tliis remark — is not the style to do good with. Satan cannot cast out Satan. 
 Such wrath and railing, such recklessness and coarseness of vituperation, as fill 
 his writings, may inflame, but cannot enlighten, may irritate, but cannot con- 
 vince. '\^ e believe that cool and patient argument may do much, even v/ith Slave 
 holders : we are sure that ' sound and fury ' can do nothing but mischief. V/e 
 cannot doubt that the efforts of this writer, and his coadjutors, are disastrously de- 
 laying the arrival of that hour, when public sentiment, in the Slave holding 
 
 tates, shall turn with a rapid and irresistible tide against Slavery."* 
 
 G. If the puliUattions ami measures of the Socicttj arc sanctioned in the Nortlurn 
 States, they must iiccessarihj increase the alienation between the JVorth and South and 
 potcerfulhj tend to a dissolution of the Union. These publications are peculiarly 
 fitted to engender a spirit of bitterness and wrath against Slave holders, which un- 
 fits its possessor for acting prudently or usefully in relation to Slavery. The un- 
 seemlj' epithets and charges, lavished indiscriminately upon the Southern people, 
 by some of the readers and admirers of these publications, are revolting to every 
 benevolent feeling. Should this spririt become prevalent at the North, or should 
 the Southern people receive the impression that it is countenanced here, the con- 
 sequences would be most disastrous. There is no necessity of long extracts to 
 show that the publications are fitted to create this spirit. Witness tlie language 
 applied to friends of Colonization as quoted in the second part of this pamphlet ; 
 and the epithets applied to Slave holders without distinction in the challenges no- 
 ticed in the introduction. t Can such lajiguage and such a spirit, tolerated at the 
 North, do ought but mischief.' Will it not lead to disunion ? This consideration 
 probably will not avail much witli those who agree with IMr. Garrison. Speaking 
 of the Constitution of the United States, he says: 
 
 " We pronounce it the most bloody and heaven-daring arrangement ever made by men for the 
 continuance and protection of a system of the most atrocious villany ever exhibited on earth. 
 Ves— we recognize the compact, but with feelings of shame and indignation ; and it will be held 
 in everlasting infamy by the friends of justice and humanity throughout the world. It was a 
 compact foimed at the sacrifice of the bodies and souls of millions of our race, for the sake of 
 achieving a political object— an unblushing and monstrous coalition to do evil that good might 
 come."— Lih. Dec. 29, 1832. 
 
 "It is said that if you agitate this question, [slavery] you will divide the Union. Believe it 
 not ; but should disunion follow, the fault will not be yours. You must perform your duty, faith- 
 fully, fearlessly and promptly, and leave the consequences to God : that duty clearly is, to cease 
 from giving countenance and protection to southern kidnappers. Let them s"epaiate, if they cau 
 muster courage enough— and the liberation of their slaves is certain."— Wem. 
 
 With such sentiments and such measures, I am not prepared to co-operate. 
 
 7. The publications and measures of the Society produce unkind feelings, lan- 
 guage and conduct among friends and neighbors in the free States, and are fitted 
 to crush the spiiit of benevolence, and destroy the confidence of men in all benev- 
 olent enterprises. 
 
 It would seem that Mr Garrison has a wonderful power to transform those who 
 -ive his writings full credit, into his own image. The various news paper at- 
 tacks on the Colonization Society, wherever they originate, breathe much the same 
 spirit, and indicate either that the writers have been moulded by his influence, or 
 that only those of a certain temperament embark in this opposition. How shall 
 language like the following, and from a source so respectable, be explained without 
 such a supposition .' 
 
 " I know not how to express the emotions— disgust, sorrow, indignation— which 
 this subject av.akens within ine. A foul conspiracy against the colored Aiiieri- 
 
 * Review of Thoughts on African Colonization, Christian Spectator, March 1833. 
 
 t Note to page 0, see also the following from a challenge signed bv Politicus : " Evmj Slave 
 holder vho hohU a public ojficc in the Uidtcd iitatcs, is siUllii of wilful and corrupt periuru.''^~Lib- 
 riitor March la, li^?,3. = - j i r j v 
 
 _^ The following is part of an article copied from the Boston Telegraph edited by Rev. Moses 
 .lac her. _ Tne article is signed by " One who Has rights" probably the same " Presbuterian 
 MiniHer '■ wnose challenge is referred to above. 
 
 >' Kvcry American Slave holder is the originator of Slavery; a Kidnajiper, whose turpitude is more 
 ncjarious and criminal, than any of the human Flesh Traders who ever pirated on the coast of Africa 1 
 I am prepared to demonstrate the truth of this le.vt ; &c.'>— iii. March 9, 1833. 
 
46 
 
 can seems to have been formed in this country ; — to slander lum, revile him, tread 
 him under foot.^— .4 tygcr's ski7i is thrown upon him ; and then what a rush of men 
 and dogs .'* 
 
 Is this the spirit of the " beloved disciple" — is it the spirit of Christ? or is it 
 the spirit ol Mr. Garrison ? Is it the style of the New Testament ? or of the Lib- 
 erator, which the writer calls •' Mr. Garrison's admirable paper ?"i 
 
 Are not the challenges and communications of " one who has rights " and of 
 '■' \\ ATCH3IAN " and •■■ poLiTicus " legitimate fruits of the seed sown in the Libera- 
 tor and other publications of Mr. Garrison ? Many of the correspondents of the 
 Liberator furnish abundant evidence of their sentiments having been " chann;cd " 
 i.ir formed by his writings, if they had not frankly confessed it. Their communica- 
 tions, show in the language of Professor Wright, " That William Lloyd Garrison 
 has come down upon [them] like a thunder bolt.''t But do such " thnndcr-bolts " 
 purify the moral atmosphere, and compose tlie warring elements in this day of ex- 
 citement.' Do men wlio are thus tltundirstruck become better fitted to act right r 
 — to do to others as they would that others should do to them .' Do these men, as 
 they become familiar with such writings, increase in their '■'■long-suffering' and 
 '•gentleness " and "charity," as well as their zeal? Judging from the nature of 
 the human mind, or from an acquaintance with some who applaud these writings, 
 I canuot resist the painful conviction that the reverse is true; that the more violent 
 and boisterous passions are thereby nourished, the feelings of kindness and benev- 
 ■;lence withered and lost in the lightning blaze of such thnnder-storms. The 
 same mode of attack, if leveled against any other benevolent enterprise, and pur- 
 sued with similar zeal, would lead astray some minds, and if generally counten- 
 anced would prostrate the noblest charities of the age. Some have engaged in, 
 this opposition doubtless with the purest motives ; but there are those in almost 
 every community who are glad of an ajiology for opposing a benevolent society. 
 Some of this class arc unquestionably joining heartily in this opposition, in the 
 hope that they shall soon stand upon the ruins of the Colonization Society, and 
 attack successtully other societies, which now seem less vulnerable. The spirit of 
 this opposition is the spirit of radicalism ; a spirit with which I have no fellow- 
 ship. 
 
 d. Another reason why I cannot co-operate with this Society, is, that the 
 managers are furyiishing British Ediiurs and Reviewers icith the most rare materials 
 for slandering this Country. 
 
 I do not suppose they intend this— they may not have considered the use which 
 will be made of their efforts. They liave sent letters and publications to benev- 
 olent individuals, and enlisted their efforts in opposing the Colonization Society, 
 m oi-der to prevent Mr. Cresson from collecting funds in England. Perhaps this 
 was all they at first intended. But it is known that tliere are those in Great Brit- 
 tain who have a keen relish for the v.ritings of such travellers as Capt. Hall and 
 Madam Trollope, and are disposed to seize every opportunity for saying hard things 
 of the American people. Neither of these writers have furnished more precious 
 morsels for such a taste, than are to be found in the ' Liberator ' and ' Thoughts 
 on African Colonization.' Some in Er»gland are doubtless very glad of these ma- 
 terials at this time. A spirit of Commercial enterprise is exploring with eager ex- 
 pectation the regions opened in Africa by the discovery of the Landers, and the 
 American Colony at Liberia occupies a territory which would be very convenient 
 for the use of British capitalists, engaged in African commerce. And besides, this 
 Colony is becoming no meair rival of Sierra Leone. It is introducing republican 
 principles and American institutions and enterprise into that Continent, in a man- 
 ner which is not fitted to secure the special favor of those who hold us and our in- 
 stitutions in contempt. These considerations will lessen to some extent, the im- 
 portance of British opinions in relation to the American Colonization Society. 
 Allowing that Capt. Stuart, and James Cropper, and Joseph Phillips are actuated 
 by the purest motives in opposing this Society, the people of New England will 
 not think their opinions entirely conclusive, when it is known that they are based 
 upon Mr. Garrison's writings.'^ Cai)t. Stuart has written two pamphlets, winch 
 
 * Letter of Professor Beriah Green of the Western Reserve College, Genius of Temperance 
 Jlarc!i20. t Lib. Jan. 1633. j Genius of Temperance Vol. 3, No. 41. 
 
 <S " Your letter— Tlioughts— and Liberator have furnished abundant materials for (apt. . tuarl 
 to 'write another P: raphleton the subject of the Colonization Society It will be prnited at James 
 Cropper^s expense and distriliited tliroiighuut £v}rlaiid. If this does not drive Llliot Cres- 
 «os oL'T OF England, we shall, if necessary, fot^.m a society."— /.citcr of Jonepli yiM- 
 Ups to Stir. OarrUon. Lib. Dec. 15, 1832. 
 
47 
 
 liave been widely circulated, and reviewed by several English papers. The Me- 
 chanics Magazine in an article, headed ''J\"cgro Colony of Liberia." says: -This 
 self-styled ' philanthropic ' undertaking turns out to he a mere delusion." The Liv- 
 erpool Mercury has expressed similar views. 
 
 T!ie Eclectic Review has also published an extended notice of Mv. Garrison's 
 'Thoughts' and Capt. Stuart's pamphlet. It is to be regretted that this work, 
 /\vhich has usually exhibited so much candor in its notices of American Institu- 
 ^. tions. should have lieen misled on this subject by the publications referred to. or 
 / by the zeal of those gentlemen engaged in circulating them in England. Jaipes 
 Cropper, at whose expense Capt. Stuart's pamphlet was printed, speaks of the 
 Colonization Society as " That most abominable attempt to perpetuate slave- 
 ry "* and '• a scheme, the most diabolical that ever entered into the heetrt of nuin 
 to devise."" Joseph Phillips calls it " that satanic aiid diabolical combination 
 and co.vspiracv against that most interesting portion of the pojjulettion of the Uni- 
 ted States."* Such sentiments from active friends of abolition in England, the 
 .Vew-England Anti-Slavery Society is aiding to circulate both in that country and 
 in this. It cannot be' urged that this is the work of some rash individuals, for 
 v.-liose conduct the Society is not responsible. It is the work of the founders of 
 l.'ie Society. Tiic .Managers have now " appointed Wm. Llovd Garrison as t/ieir 
 Jlgent," and he is about to sail for England under their direction, " for the purpose 
 of procuring funds to aid in the establishment of the proposed Manual La- 
 bor School for colored youth, atid of disseminating in that country the truth ( .' ) 
 in relation to American Slaveiy,«7irf its allv, the American Colonization Society "t 
 
 As a lover of iny country I cannot desire to see her thus represented in Great 
 Britain. If by " disseminating the truth in relation to the Colonization Society," is 
 meant the repetition of such charo-es as have already been sent there in his 
 •■Thoughts" and '• Liberator," the sentence should read " dissemiruitinar ma- 
 terials which icill aid British Reviewers eind Editors 171 vilifying the people of the 
 United States." 
 
 If the Managers of this Society would pursue such measures for the instruc- 
 tion and elevation of the free colored people as are fitted to accomplish that object, 
 instead of filling their minds with jealousy and bitterness, — if they would cease 
 their violent opposition to those who are endeavoring to do them o-ood in another 
 manner, there would be no need of sending to Eiigland for tunds to establish a 
 '•Manual Labor School." Friends of Colonization generally in New Enoland, 
 would unquestionably, be forward in this enterprise, but for objections such as 
 have been referred to. If these objections are not real, if they do not justify the 
 people of New-England in their unwillingness to co-operate with the Anti-Slave- 
 ry Society in efforts for African improvement, it is hoped that the Managers of ' 
 that Society will obviate them. Let them show that their course of measuns will 
 in the best manner benefit the African race, bond and free ; that all their means 
 and measures are " sanctioned by laic, humanity utid religion ; ' and there is no indi- 
 vidual who will more cheerfully lend them his feeble assistance than 
 
 A Citizen of New England. 
 
 * Lib. Dec. 15, 1S32. f Lib. March 9, 1833. 
 
 -Page 24, second line from the bottom, for G \y. P. Curtis read G. W. P. Custls. 
 
a: 
 
 TME COIiOI¥IZATI©r¥IST, 
 
 JOURNAL, or FREEDOM. 
 
 A ptBticATiON with the above title kas been commenced in Boston by George 
 W. Light, & Co. The first number has just appeared from the press, and does 
 credit to the enterprizing publishers. The Prospectus and. the first artiqle, explain 
 the course the publishers intend to pursue, and deserve the attention of the friends 
 of" Liberty an'd the Union." The writer has two reasons for noticing it in 
 this place. 
 
 1. A conviction that such a work is needed in JS'cw England. 
 
 2. A confidence tJuit if properly sustained, the publishers loiU make it.what is 
 
 needed. 
 
 A Citizen of New England. 
 
 1]3= The above work is publislicd in monthly numbers of 32 pages each, at tico 
 dollars per annum. Persons becoming responsible for five copies, will receive a 
 sixtli gratis. Subscriptions received at the office of the Vermont Chronicle. 
 
LEJa'l2