Class JP&GM3 Rnnk ■ K4-\<4 la : Hail, thou Father of eloquence and of Latin literature, first of all to be called Father of his Country ! Well did Caesar the Dictator, though an enemy, once write of thee, thy honor is greater than all triumphs, just as to enlarge the bounds of Roman thought is nobler than to extend the limits of Roman power. Pliny: Nat. Hist. VII. xxx. 117. M. TULLI CICERONIS ORATIONES ET EPISTOL/E SELECT/E SELECT ORATIONS AND LETTERS CICERO OTttij an Introduction, Wotes, ano Uocaoularg BY FRANCIS W. KELSEY UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN Boston ALLYN AND BACON 1802 Copyright, 1892, 5y Francis W. Kelsev. John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, LIFE OF CICERO 3 freedman of Sulla. The older lawyers feared to undertake the case ; and it required more than ordinary courage to run the risk of incurring the enmity of Sulla, who was then supreme. But the young orator maintained his side with tact as well as vehemence, and came off victorious. The strain of professional life soon began to wear upon his health. Desirous of a change, in 79 b. c. he went to Athens, where he attended lectures on rhetoric and philos- ophy. Afterwards he travelled in Asia Minor, and spent some time at Rhodes with Molo, the famous rhetorician, under whom he had previously studied at Rome. After an absence of two years he returned home, not only recovered in health but greatly improved in his style of speaking. His abilities as a pleader quickly gained for him a wide reputation. Having now reached the age at which Roman citizens were permitted to enter upon the course of advancement in the public offices, Cicero presented himself as a candi- date for the quaestorship, and was elected with flattering evidences of his popularity. The year of office (b. c. 75) he spent , in Sicily, as quaestor to the praetor Sextus Pedu- caeus. He discharged the duties assigned him with strict justice and impartiality, — virtues most rare among Roman provincial officers of that period. Five years later he was called upon to plead the cause of the Sicilians against Verres, who had been governor of the island in the years 73—71, and had robbed, scourged, and in other ways maltreated the inhabitants with unprecedented brutality. Many of the most prominent men at Rome found it for their interest to sustain Verres, who was defended by Hortensius, at that time the most famous pleader in the law- courts. Every obstacle that bribery or influence could raise was thrown in the way of the prosecution. But with indomi- 4 INTRODUCTION table persistency, Cicero surmounted every difficulty. He collected evidence, and opened the case. Before the evi- dence was all presented, Hortensius abandoned his client, and Verres fled from Rome, preferring voluntary exile to certain condemnation. Cicero now rose rapidly to the zenith of his popularity and influence. In 69 b. c. he was aedile. It was cus- tomary for aediles to celebrate the public games with lavish expenditure of their own money as a bid for popular favor. Cicero, not possessing the means to rival the display of wealthier predecessors, conducted the celebrations without extravagance, but with so good taste that he lost nothing in general estimation. Striking proof of his standing with the people appeared at the time of his election to the office of praetor, B.C. 67. 1 The year of his praetorship — 66 — was marked by ex- traordinary activity. His office required him to serve as the highest magistrate for the administration of justice in civil matters, and also to preside at the trial of such crim- inal cases as might be assigned him. Nevertheless, as the Roman custom permitted, he kept up his practice at the bar, and successfully conducted the defence of Cluentius, who had been accused of poisoning, with one of the most adroit and effective pleas ever made. This year, also, he mounted the Rostra for the first time, and addressed the people in behalf of the bill of Manilius. The significance of this event was not limited to the fact that it was his first appearance as a political speaker. His attitude regarding the measure pro- posed sorely offended the aristocratic and senatorial party, with whose principles he was really more in sympathy than with those of the opposition ; but it secured for him the friendship of Pompey, who might at any time prove to be 1 See p. 1 1 6, 11. 16-19, and Notes. LIFE OF CICERO O the successor of Sulla as master of Rome, and it won the enthusiastic support of the populace, with whom Pompey was then the hero of the hour. On the expiration of his term as praetor, Cicero declined the governorship of a province, which naturally fell to his lot, and directed all his energies toward securing the consul- ship, the last and highest of the offices in the order of civil preferment. He had six competitors, among whom were Gaius Antonius, 1 an uncle of Mark Antony, and Catiline. These two united to secure the office. They received the powerful support of Marcus Crassus, 2 who had great influence on account of his wealth, and of Julius Caesar, who was com- ing to the front as a political organizer. Nevertheless, Cicero was elected by an overwhelming majority. Antonius was chosen as his colleague, having received a few more votes than Catiline. The new consuls entered upon their official duties January i, B.C. 63. The consulship of Cicero and Antonius was one of the most memorable in the annals of Rome. At the outset an important question of public policy demanded attention. In the December of the preceding year, one of the tribunes of the people, P. Servilius Rullus, had proposed an extravagant scheme for the purchase of lands in Italy for apportionment among the poorer citizens. Cicero's attitude toward the measure in any case could not fail to be one of extreme delicacy. If he opposed it he would jeopardize his standing with the popular party, to which in so great measure he owed his elevation to power ; but if he favored it he would alienate the party of the Senate, with whose leaders he appeared now to have come to an understanding. Yet his position was such that he must commit himself to one side or the other. He 1 See Note to p. 94, 1. 34, collegae. 2 See Vocab. under Crassus (3). 6 INTRODUCTION spoke against the bill, first in the Senate, afterwards before the people, but with so great tact and persuasiveness that he seems to have suffered no loss of influence. A short time afterwards his power over the masses was shown by the ease with which e quelled a popular movement against L. Roscius Otho, who had incurred the displeasure of the populace by- means of a measure providing separate reserved seats at pub- lic spectacles for members of the equestrian order. While consul he defended Gaius Rabirius, one of the few surviving senators who had been present at the mur- der of Saturninus, thirty-seven years before, and who was now, for political effect, charged with the crime. He also spoke in opposition to a bill proposing the restoration of civil rights to the children of those proscribed by Sulla, on the ground that the harmony of the commonwealth would thereby be endangered. But during the latter part of the year all other interests were lost sight of in the excitement attending the discovery of the Catilinarian conspiracy, which for a time threatened to overwhelm the existing order of things in riot and bloodshed. The prompt and efficient ac- tion of Cicero averted the catastrophe. He well deserved the honors which were heaped upon him as savior of the State. After his consulship Cicero again declined the government of a province. According to Roman custom he was now entitled to a permanent seat in the Senate, where he became an active member, at the same time continuing his practice as an advocate. Among other noteworthy cases, in 62 B. c. he defended P. Cornelius Sulla, who had been accused of complicity in the Catilinarian conspiracy, and made his mem- orable plea for the poet Archias. In the same year the mysteries of Bona Dea, 1 from which men were rigorously excluded, were celebrated at the house 1 See Vocab. LIFE OF CICERO 7 of Julius Caesar, then pontifex maximus. P. Clodius Pulcher, a dissolute young patrician, disguised himself as a female musician, and thus gained admission. He was discovered, but made his escape. The offence, on account of its impiety, was brought before the Senate. It was referred' io the board of pontifices, who decided that sacrilege had been committed. At the trial which followed, Clodius tried to prove that he was away from the city on the day of the festival ; but Cicero testified to having been with him in Rome only three hours before the discovery at Caesar's house. By means of the most shameful bribery and intimidation, Clodius secured an acquittal, and was afterward bitterly attacked by Cicero in the Senate. He thenceforth became an avowed enemy of the orator, all the more dangerous because utterly lacking in prin- ciple. Furthermore, Pompey, who had returned from the East loaded with spoils, was led to give up in large measure the advantage he had gained over the other public men, and was drawn into the coalition known as the first triumvirate. As the triumvirs proposed to keep the control of public affairs in their own hands, it was clear that Cicero, through his influence, might work mischief to their plans. Pompey was well disposed toward him ; but Caesar, the ruling spirit of the coalition, finally resolved to humiliate the orator, and found in Clodius a suitable instrument. With Caesar's help Clodius secured an adoption into a plebeian family, that he might become eligible to the office of tribune ; and was chosen to this magistracy for the year 58. Early in the year he brought forward a bill to the effect that any one who should be found to have put Roman citizens to death without a trial should be interdicted from the use of fire and water. 1 This was aimed at Cicero, and had refer- 1 That is, ut ei aqua et igni inter dicer etur, — the usual formula of banishment. 8 INTRODUCTION ence to the execution of the Catilinarian conspirators. If he had ignored the attack, assuming his own innocence as a matter of course, he might perhaps have gained the ad- vantage. But instead, thoroughly frightened, he put on mourning, and appeared in public as a suppliant. Many citi- zens, particularly of the equestrian order, put on mourning also, as a mark of their support. For a time the hostile move- ment was checked ; but the persistency of the tribune availed more than the passing sympathy of the populace. Foresee- ing the success of Clodius, in the latter part of March Cicero fled from Rome. He went first to Vibo, 1 then by way of Tarentum to Brundisium, whence he proceeded through Greece to Thessalonica, — a voluntary exile. Immediately after his departure a formal decree of banishment was passed, forbidding him to live within four hundred miles of the city. It was enacted also that any person who should take meas- ures to secure his recall should be pronounced a public enemy. The spirit of the orator was completely broken. For a time he lost all courage, all hope. 2 Yet within three months after he had gone his friends began to agitate the subject of his return. The consuls and tribunes of the year 5 7 were well disposed toward him. The triumvirs had accomplished their purposes, and viewed with disapprobation the increasing turbulence of Clodius, whose armed band engaged in frequent riots in the city. Caesar was now in Gaul ; but Pompey joined the movement in Cicero's favor. At length the Senate sanctioned a proposal that voters from all parts of Italy should be invited to come to Rome, and unite in passing a bill for his recall. The proposed measure was submitted to the comitia centuriata on the 4th of August, and carried by a large majority. Cicero had come back as far as Dyrrachium 1 See Vocab. 2 See Ep. vn ., vni., IX. LIFE OF CICERO 9 the previous November. On the very day of the assembly he crossed over to Brundisium, where his wife and daughter met him. He proceeded with them slowly to Rome, being received with congratulations and distinguished honors in the towns along the way. At Rome he was welcomed with extravagant demonstrations of joy. His house on the Palatine and his villas were ordered rebuilt at public expense. Yet the city was no longer to him what it had been. The triumvirs were all-powerful. They did not deem it necessary to take Cicero into their confidence, and he dared not offer any opposition. In all outward appearances he was friendly to them. He felt obliged to yield to their wishes on many occasions. In their interest, as he himself informs us, 1 he even defended men to whom he had previously been unfriendly. Intervals of leisure in his professional work he devoted to writing. In 53 b. c. he was chosen augur. On Jan. 20, b. c. 52, the collision between the armed bands of Clodius and Milo occurred at Bovillae, resulting in the death of the former. • Cicero undertook the defence of Milo. At the trial, in April, the adherents of Clodius created great disturbance, and Pompey filled the Forum with soldiers. Cicero was afraid to deliver his speech, but afterward wrote it out and sent it to Milo, who had gone into exile at Massilia. In the same year a law was passed that a consul or praetor should not be eligible to the governorship of a province until five years after the expiration of his term of office. In the mean time provinces were to be assigned to ex- consuls and ex-praetors who had not yet had such an appointment. To Cicero was allotted the province of Cilicia, with the surrounding region. He entered upon his duties in Cilicia on the last day of July, 1 Cf. Ep. ad Fam. VII. 1., ad Att. IV., v., vi. 10 INTRODUCTION b. c. 51. He administered the affairs of the province with great uprightness, but found the position, as he had expected, not at all to his liking. With the help of his brother Quintus, an experienced officer, he subdued certain mountain tribes along the Syrian frontier, and was weak enough to desire a triumph. As soon as the year of his appointment had expired he set out for Rome, reaching the city on the fourth of January, b. c. 49. In the beginning of the year 49 hostilities commenced between Caesar and Pompey. Cicero, having vainly at- tempted to bring about a reconciliation between them, hesi- tated with which to cast in his lot. He finally decided to join the side of Pompey. In June he passed over to Greece, and appears to have been with Pompey till the battle of Pharsalus, which was fought on the 9th of August, B. c. 48. In November he returned to Brundisium. Here he remained unmolested till the following August, when he received a letter from Caesar which relieved him of all apprehensions regarding his personal safety. He now devoted himself to the composition of treatises on subjects connected with rhetoric and philosophy, dividing his time between his different villas. In 46 he divorced his wife Terentia, whom he had mar- ried about the year 79. She appears to have been a high- spirited woman, having withal a large property, regarding the management of which she and her husband did not agree. Being financially embarrassed, he married Publilia, a wealthy young lady, for whom he had been acting as guardian ; but this marriage was soon dissolved. The most crushing blow to his domestic happiness was the death, early in B.C. 45, of his daughter Tullia, 1 to whom he had been devotedly attached. For a time he retired to his secluded 1 See Vocab. LIFE OF CICERO 11 villa at Astura, and gave himself up to grief. 1 Her death left a deep impress upon his writings, which were now more than ever undertaken as a means of consolation. Cicero was fully in sympathy with the assassination of Caesar (March 15, b. c. 44). 2 In the reaction against the conspira- tors he thought it unsafe for him to remain in Italy, and started for Greece. As the ship touched at Regiuni he learned that there was a prospect of reconciliation between Antony and the party of the Senate, and returned to Rome. All hope of a peaceful solution of the existing complications was soon lost. Antony left the city, where Octavianus gradu- ally acquired control. Cicero was once more in a position of influence, the favorite of the people. He assailed Antony before the Senate and from the Rostra, in the so-called Philippic orations. 3 But the coalition of Antony with Lepidus, and of these two later with Octavianus, was fatal to all hopes of the supporters of constitutional liberty. In the latter part of November, b. c. 43, the new triumvirs made out their proscription list. On it were placed the names of seventeen men who were to be put out of the way at once. That of Cicero was among them. The news reached him at Tuscu- lum. He fled to Antium and took ship. Adverse winds pre- vented escape. He landed at Formiae and remained in his villa there, resolved to meet his fate. When the soldiers of the triumvirs came (Dec. 7), his slaves placed him in a litter and started with him through the woods to the seashore, a mile away. They were overtaken, and prepared for defence. Cicero bade them be quiet, and put his head forth from the litter. The executioners struck off both his head and his hands, took them to Rome, and, by order of Antony, nailed them to the Rostra, — the scene of so many of his triumphs. 1 See Ep. xxxiv-xxxvii. 2 See Ep. XL. 3 See pp. 51, 52. 12 INTRODUCTION ii. Cicero as an Orator. No just view of Cicero as an orator can be obtained with- out some knowledge of the nature of oratory, its place in ancient life, and its history up to his time. Oratory may be defined as the art of persuasion by means of speech. It aims not simply to convince, but to lead to a decision, — to move to action. It is' thus distinguished, not only from poetry, the purpose of which primarily is to please, but also from ordinary prose, of which the main function is to make clear to another the thought that one wishes to convey. The oration forms a distinct literary species, with its own traditions, its own laws of structure, and principles of composition. In the life of Greece and Rome oratory played a much more important part than in that of modern times. In an- tiquity those who possessed the rights of citizenship, the voters, lived in cities. The land was tilled ordinarily by slaves or subjects, and there was no large farming class, as there is in our country, in possession of the elective franchise, and liable to hold the balance of power between political parties. The number of voters in ancient States formed a small minority of the whole population. Civic life was concentrated. An ora- tor, speaking in the central part of a city, might gather the whole body of citizens within the sound of his voice. In those States where a democratic form of government prevailed, ora- tory naturally reached its highest perfection ; for in the ancient democracies, unlike those of the modern era, questions were submitted, not to representatives of the people, but directly to the people themselves, with whom lay the decision of the most important matters. The easiest way to reach and mould opinion was through public address. This function of oratory CICERO AS AN ORATOR 13 has now been almost wholly superseded by the newspaper and the political pamphlet. Wide opportunity for public speaking was afforded also by the larger governmental bodies, as the Council at Athens and the Senate at Rome. Finally, the constitution of the tribunals, referring the decision of cases generally to a much greater number of individuals than the modern courts, was favorable to the development of oratory. The practice of oratory at an early date in Greece is clearly indicated by the Homeric poems ; but to Athens belongs the glory of having first produced great orators. Among the leaders in the earlier period of her history at least two, Themistocles and Pericles, were hardly less famous for their eloquence than for their statesmanship. But the treatment of oratory as an art, under the name of rhetoric, began in Sicily in the first half of the fifth century b. c, when the expulsion of the tyrants from Agrigentum and Syracuse, and the establish- ment of democracies, created a demand for instruction in this subject. Gorgias, the greatest of the Sicilian teachers of ora- tory, gave instruction at Athens in the latter part of the same century, emphasizing the poetic coloring of eloquence, while the work of the sophists in the same period tended to point out distinctions in the meanings of words, and directed atten- tion to grammatical usage. The golden age of Athenian oratory lasted from the end of the fifth to the latter part of the fourth century b. c. Among the numerous orators of this period later criticism reckoned ten as pre-eminent : Aeschines, Andocides, Antiphon, Deinarchus, Demosthenes, Hyperides, Isaeus, Isocrates, Lycurgus, and Lysias. Demosthenes was recognized both by his own and by succeeding ages as the greatest of them all. After his death, b. c. 322, with the extinction of Greek liberties, Athenian eloquence rapidly declined. A new type of oratory came into vogue soon after- wards in the Greek cities of the western pari of Asia Minor, — ■ 14 INTRODUCTION known as the Asiatic style. It was more ornate and artificial than that of Athens, which by way of distinction was known as the Attic style. At Rome public speaking was extensively practised from an early time. The flourishing period of Roman oratory lay between the end of the second Punic war and the establish- ment of the Empire. This period of almost two hundred years may be conveniently viewed in three epochs. In the first, the most prominent figure was that of Cato the Censor, whose unpolished but effective oratory reflected his uncom- promising sturdiness of character. Among the younger con- temporaries of Cato was Gaius Laelius, whose speaking showed more refinement. At this time Greek culture was exerting more and more influence upon Roman life, but in oratory apparently there was no study of Greek models. The second epoch extends from the time of the Gracchi to that of the eminent orators Marcus Antonius, grandfather of Mark Antony, and L. Licinius Crassus, who died b. c. 91. The Greek ora- tors were now studied, and Greek teachers of rhetoric were freely employed ; but there was as yet little open acknowledg- ment of indebtedness to them. The two eminent names of the third period are Cicero and Hortensius. In oratory, as in other fields of literature and art, Greek models were now supreme, being taken as standards of excellence. The ques- tion was no longer whether Greece should be the instructor of Rome in eloquence ; it was rather, which style of Greek oratory should be followed, the Attic or the Asiatic. This question each Roman settled for himself, some going so far as to confine their study to a single Greek orator as model. Greek teachers of rhetoric abounded everywhere. Hortensius preferred the florid exuberance of the Asiatic style ; Cicero's taste inclined rather to the compact simplicity of the Attic, to which, however, influenced no doubt by Asiatic models. :*;:; A Roman Orator. From an ancient statue. CICERO AS AN ORATOR 15 in his own speaking he added a richer and more rounded expression. In Cicero's time the theory of oratory had long since been worked out with so great completeness that modern literary criticism has added nothing of importance to it. The matter of oratory was reckoned of three kinds : demonstrative, em- ployed in praising or censuring some one ; deliberative, used with reference to some measure, or proposal, either in the way of advocacy or of opposition ; and juridical, employed in the courts, in accusation or defence. Five qualities were con- sidered essential to an orator. These were : invention, the power to gather facts and arguments ; disposition, the ability to arrange matter in the proper or most effective order; expression, a choice of words suitable to the thought ; memory, a firm grasp of matter, words, and arrangement ; and delivery, a perfect command of the voice, features, and gesticula- tion. A typical oration was said to comprise six parts, as follows : — I. Introduction {exordium), designed to win the favorable attention of the audience ; often divided into two parts : — a. The Opening (principiunt), preliminary remarks. b. The Ingratiating (insinuatid), intended by a skil- ful use of language to remove prejudices and put the audience into a receptive mood. II. Statement of the case (narratio), a summary of the facts leading up to the point at issue. III. Division (partitio, or divisio), indicating the treatment of the theme proposed, or the point to be proved. IV. Proof, or affirmative argument (confirm atid), setting forth the arguments on the speaker's side of the case. V. Rebuttal (refittatio, or reprehensid), refuting the argu- ments of the opposite side. VI. Peroration, or Conclusion {peroratio, or conclusid), bringing the address to an impressive close ; fre- quently divided into three parts : — 16 INTRODUCTION a. Summary (enumeratio), a brief recapitulation of the speaker's points. b. Outburst {indignatio), a burst of anger, designed to excite the indignation of the audience against the opposite side. c. Appeal (conqnestio), an appeal to the sympathies of the audience. According to modern ideas of literary analysis, these six divisions may generally be more conveniently grouped in three, thus : — I. Introduction : — Exordium. Narratio. Partitio. II. Discussion : — Confirmatio. Refutatio. III. Conclusion: — Peroratio or conclusio. This arrangement will be followed in presenting the outline of the eight orations in this edition. Careful rules were laid down by rhetoricians for the han- dling of each of the divisions. We are not to suppose that orators held rigidly to the outline given ; yet it was regarded as the norm, or type, from which wide deviation was excep- tional. The subjects most likely to lead away from it were those which inspired invective. Thus, the orations against Catiline show marked divergence from the typical structure. On the other hand, speeches of a more quiet tone, like that for Pompey's commission, and the majority of those made at the bar, were in this respect more nearly regular. Cicero possessed all the qualities characteristic of a true orator. He was endowed with great activity and versatility CICERO AS AN ORATOR 17 of mind, breadth of view, ready sympathy, and intense feel- ings, — with a marvellous command of language, nice sense of literary form, and excellent memory ; with attractive face and figure, great vivacity of manner, and keen power of repartee. From early youth he cultivated his natural gifts with unflagging industry; fired with the ambition to become the leading public speaker of his day, he set before him- self the highest ideals. He realized his ambition ; and the verdict of the ages has placed his name, with that of Demosthenes, high above all other ancient orators. His orations lack the conciseness and nervous force, the unabat- ing earnestness of the Greek orator; but in richness and fulness of expression, in beauty of language, he is superior. His words gush forth like a torrent. He is broader in the range of thought and feeling to which he appeals. He is equally at home in the dignified tone suitable to the tragic, and in the stinging jest; in savage invective, and in the graceful language of compliment. Yet no comparison be- tween the two men would be fair which did not take into account the difference in the character of the audiences before which they spoke. The polished, critical, cool-headed Athenian could best be influenced through the reason ; the less critical Roman could be more easily swayed by an appeal to the feelings. Cicero was a consummate master of the art of putting things, of saying what he had to say in a way to carry the greatest weight. His points follow one another so naturally that one almost forgets that there is another side of the case. What the other side was, in most instances we do not clearly know ; but Cicero always makes his own appear plausible. On the whole, Demosthenes was stronger in thought, Cicero in literary form. But here, where the greatest power of the Roman orator lay, was also his greatest weakness ; for 2 18 INTRODUCTION now and then copiousness and charm of expression conceal a paucity of ideas. We are also at times conscious of a lack of sharpness in the statement of points. Yet the orations to-day, though in an ancient and difficult tongue, though read and not heard, continue to please and move us as they have pleased and moved men for two thousand years. How much more must they have stirred those to whom they were addressed ! It has been the fashion in some quarters to style Cicero a declaimer, — to assign the oration for the poet Archias, for example, to the province of declamation rather than of true oratory. All such disparagement rests upon a mis- apprehension. If the aim of an oration is to persuade, it should be judged according to the effect produced at the time of delivery, as well as by the effect upon the reader. No other Roman ever moved an audience as Cicero did. Witness his speech for Roscius Otho, which transformed a hostile mob, against their will, into an assemblage of well- disposed citizens. He was equally successful as a pleader ; his contemporaries declared, says Quintilian, that he reigned in the law courts. For these reasons alone, apart from the overwhelming verdict of posterity regarding the power of his speeches, he would worthily be ranked as the greatest of Roman orators, one of the greatest of the world. iii. Cicero as a Writer. At Rome, both in his lifetime and afterward, Cicero was noted hardly less as a writer than as an orator. In his youth he devoted himself to the study of rhetoric and philosophy as a means of training for public speaking ; and he retained an interest in both branches, but more particularly in the latter, which appeared to deepen as years passed by. Moments that CICERO AS A WRITER 19 could be spared from his many engagements were given to reading and to the society of the learned. When driven from his customary pursuits by untoward circumstances, he found diversion and consolation in literary composition. Most of his works were written in the two seasons of enforced retire- ment from political affairs, — the first after his return from exile, b. c. 57, and the second between his reconciliation with Caesar, b. c. 47, and the autumn after the dictator's death, b. c. 44. Not including orations, poems, or correspondence, Cicero left not far from thirty different works. Some of them were brief ; the rest were in two or more books. Fifteen of these works are still extant, and others are known from consider- able sections which have been preserved ; a few have entirely perished. His extant writings on rhetorical and philosophical subjects fill five octavo volumes. Those of the former class comprise several treatises dealing with the theory of oratory, and a sketch of the history of oratory down to Cicero's own time. His philosophical works treat a great variety of topics in morals, theology, and political philosophy. His poems con- sisted in part of translations from the Greek, in part of verses upon Roman themes. Two at least were autobiographical ; their titles were, ' On the Events of my Consulship,' and ' On my Times.' Only a few hundred lines of the poems are extant, most of which are from his translation of Aratus. His correspondence was collected and published after his death. The portion extant fills two octavo volumes, and com- prises eight hundred and sixty-four letters, of which ninety, however, are addressed to Cicero. As a poet Cicero was not successful. His verses were metrically correct, but lacked poetic inspiration. His prose writings, however, are characterized by a finish and charm that have called forth universal admiration. His- services 20 INTRODUCTION to the Latin language and literature cannot be overestimated. Previous to his time Latin prose had been crude, awkward, and labored ; he developed a flowing and graceful style, which set before later writers a model of refined yet forceful expression. Very little had been written in Latin on the subject of philosophy ; so he formed the design of presenting to his countrymen the gist of the Greek speculation in their own tongue. He was admirably fitted for this task by his extended intercourse with teachers of philosophy, his wide reading in the subject, and his own philosophical position, which was eclectic and negative, rather than dogmatic, so that he was able to present the views of the different schools on the whole fairly. He followed Greek models closely, and made few original contributions to the matter which he borrowed. But he coined new Latin terms, introduced illus- trations of his own, and gave to the often dry and technical discussions of the Greeks a living and attractive form. In a word, he popularized philosophy, and his writings in this field are of all the greater value now because in many cases the Greek originals have perished. Most of his works, after the example of the Greeks, were cast in the form of a dialogue. The philosophical vocabulary which he developed prepared the way not only for later Pagan writers, but also for a Latin literature of Christian theology. The orderly development of thought, the graceful transitions, the happy perspective observed in the elaboration of points, the balance, yet va- riety, in the structure of sentences, the harmonious arrange- ment of words, the faultless phrasing, — these are some of the qualities that have caused several of his works to be accepted as literary masterpieces of the first rank. As a stylist Cicero has had no superior and few equals. The tone of the correspondence is naturally less formal than that of the treatises. When chatting with intimate friends, as CICERO AS A MAN 21 Atticus, he is frank and artless, — too much so for his repu- tation ; he is more reserved when writing to others. His letters reflect the mood of the moment. — now sparkling with humor, or overflowing with pleasantries ; now burdened with trouble, or altogether in despair. Nowhere else do we find so vivid a picture of Roman life in his time ; nowhere else, per- haps, except in the autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini, do we have the inmost privacy of a strong mind so unreservedly revealed. The style is matchless for simplicity, clearness, and grace. If the world to-day were to be forced to choose whether it would more willingly part with Cicero's orations, his prose works, or his correspondence, it is doubtful which would be given up with the greatest regret. iv. Cicero as a Man. The character of Cicero presents a singular combination of opposite qualities. Modern writers, who have studiously ex- amined the facts of his career, have held the most diverse opinions concerning it. Middleton, for example, finds Cicero almost faultless, and dwells upon his noble qualities in many pages of undiscriminating praise ; Mommsen, being unable to glorify Caesar and Cicero at the same time, loses no oppor- tunity to belittle the orator as he lavishes unstinted commen- dation upon the dictator. It is clear that views so extreme cannot both be just. In all such matters men's opinions are in large measure determined by their point of view. Mommsen fastens his eye upon the constitutional develop- ment of Rome, and sees in every change of the later re- publican period a nearer approach to the inevitable end, — imperialism. With him Caesar is the incarnation of the im- perialistic principle, and the upholders of the earlier constitu- tional usages are short-sighted supporters of a hopeless cause. 22 INTRODUCTION To a man holding this view, the orator's power as a speaker and influence as a writer appear of little moment. On the other hand, the biographers of Cicero have generally read into his life the lofty ideals of his moral treatises, and have either ignored or tried to explain away his many inconsistencies. A fairer view may be gained by emphasizing neither aspect of his character unduly, but by subjecting his political activities, his moral ideals, and his daily life a, the same impartial scrutiny. The sources of our knowledge of Cicero are threefold : first, the references in contemporary writers, — chiefly Caesar and Sallust, both of whom were more or less unfriendly to him on political grounds ; secondly, his own works ; and thirdly, the statements of later Greek and Roman writers, — mainly, Appian, Dion Cassius, Plutarch, Suetonius, and Floras. By far the greater number of facts about him are gleaned from his own writings, particularly the letters. It is safe to say that if his correspondence had not been preserved, his name would have been spared most of the unfriendly criticism that has gathered about it. He was indiscreet enough to think on paper ; his passing fancies or suggestions, to most of which he may have given no second thought, are to-day before us, subject to cool critical analysis and comparison. It is said that no man is a hero to his valet. What impulsive person, whose eventful life had brought him into contact with many public men in a trying period, would not shrink from having his most private correspondence given to the world ? What man, whose in- most heart should be so revealed, would not be convicted of numberless foibles, weaknesses, inconsistencies? Such are the frailties of human nature ; a most unhappy illustration may be found in the Carlyle correspondence, recently published. The letters of Cicero charm and enlighten us, yet show us many things unworthy of a great man ; but, after all, deeds are CICERO AS A MAN 23 , greater than thoughts, more than words. Granted that a high-minded man, whose prominent position brought him many enemies and numberless trials, may have shown himself, in the privacy of friendly intercourse, at times weak and in- consistent with his professed ideals, — should that make us blind to his nobler traits, or to the greatness of his life-work for humanity? The age of Cicero abounded in eminent men who from childhood had had the advantages of wealth and family pres- tige in their favor. Cicero entered the lists a 'new man,' without great wealth, without a long line of distinguished ancestry to bring him favorable recognition, apparently with- out anything in his favor, excepting a limited acquaintance with public men, a fair education, and an ambition to make the most of himself. He practised law, and generally won his cases. He came forward as a candidate, and received from the people unprecedented favor, for a man without powerful connections, in the rapid promotion to public offices. He accomplished all these things by the sheer force of personal effort, in that period of Roman history when the influence of military leaders was rapidly becoming paramount. Surely this betokens no ordinary power. The natural gifts of Cicero fitted him to be an orator and writer rather than a statesman. His nice sense of balance, and his philosophical habit of looking at all sides of a case, sometimes made it impossible for him to decide quickly where a prompt decision was necessary. His mind was rather of the contemplative than the executive type. His tastes drew him toward the ideal ; but an irresistible impulse drove him into practical affairs. He did not escape the contagious passion for political power characteristic of his generation ; yet he lacked the steadiness of view, the singleness of aim, the per- sistency — perhaps also the courage — needful for one who 24 INTRODUCTION would be more than temporarily great as a political leader. He was possessed also of a naive and thoroughly good-natured egotism, which asserted itself on all occasions. Yet in an age of bribery, he was never convicted of giving or receiving a bribe. In a period of mad dissipation and debauchery, he remained untainted with vice, and in his affection for his daughter has left us one of the most beautiful pictures of ancient home-life. At a time of broils and violence, he was a man of peace, hating strife, — a man of honor in all the relations of life. That was no unfitting tribute paid him by the historian Livy : 1 ' Sixty-three years he lived, so that his death, except that it was violent, cannot be considered un- timely. . . . After both his faults and his virtues have been taken into account, he remains a great, spirited, and dis- tinguished man, to whose praises only the eloquence of a Cicero could do justice.' v. The Portraits of Cicero. The name of Cicero has been given to many busts that have come down from antiquity. The great majority of them, however, have no claim to be considered genuine. One famous bust, at Madrid, is marked with the name of Cicero in an inscription undoubtedly ancient ; but the head is modern. Of the busts in Italian museums which prob- ably give a true likeness of the orator, three are worthy of mention. One is at Florence, in the Uffizi Gallery. The other two are at Rome, one in the Vatican collection, the other in the Capitoline Museum. The frontispiece of this vol- ume is from the one last mentioned. The expansive forehead, the sensitive mouth, and the open, thoughtful face not free from lines of care, correspond closely with the characteristics of Cicero revealed in his works. 1 Sen. Suas. vii. GENERAL VIEW OF THE ORATIONS 25 II. THE ORATIONS OF CICERO. i. General View of the Orations. Cicero left more than a hundred speeches. Of these, fifty- seven are still extant. Fragments of twenty others remain, and the titles of thirty more are known. The themes and general character of the extant orations may be learned from the following summary : — I. Speeches in Legal Cases. a. In civil cases. For Quinctius, delivered B. c. 81 ; in connection with a suit for debt. For Roscius the Comedian, 76 ; in a case concerning payment of damages for the death of a slave. For Tullius, 72 or 71 ; in a suit for damages on account of the destruction of property. For Caecina, 69; in a suit concerning an inheritance. b. In criminal cases. For Roscius of Ameria, b. c. 80. See pp. 2, 3. Against Caecilius, 70 ; a prelude to the action against Verres. Against Verres, 70 ; six speeches in all, of which only the first was actually delivered. See pp. 3, 4. For Fonteius, 69; against a charge of provincial ex- tortion. For Cluentius, 66. See p. 4. For Rabirius, 63. See p. 6. For Murena, 63; against a charge of corrupt canvassing for votes. 26 INTRODUCTION For Cornelius Sulla, 62. See p. 6. For Archias, 62. See p. 45. For Valerius Flaccus, 59 ; against a charge of provin- cial extortion. For Sestius, 56 ; against a charge of violence. Against Vatinius, 56 ; for the impeachment of a witness for the prosecution of Sestius. For Caelius, 56 ; in a suit arising from an intrigue. For Cornelius Balbus, 56 ; against the charge of having illegally assumed the rights of citizenship. For Plancius, 54 ; against a charge of bribery. For Rabirius Postumus, 54 ; against a charge of extortion. For Milo, 52. See p. 9. For Marcellus, 46. See p. 49. For Ligarius, 46 ; in favor of a former partisan of Pom- pey, then in exile. For Deiotarus, King of Galatia, 45 ; against a charge of complicity in a plot to murder Caesar. 2. Political Speeches. On Pompey's Commission, 66. See p. 27. On the Agrarian measure of Rullus, 63 ; three speeches, the first addressed to the Senate, the second and third to the people. There was a fourth speech, now lost. See pp. 5, 6. Against Catiline, 63 ; four speeches. See p. 36. After Return from Exile, four speeches : the first giving thanks to the Senate, 57; the second thanking the people, 57; the third, 'On his House,' showing that his house on the Palatine, destroyed by Clodius, should be restored at public expense, 57 ; the fourth, ' On the Answers of the Soothsayers,' against ob- jections to the rebuilding of his house on a site that had been consecrated, 56. On the Consular Provinces, 56 ; urging the prolongation of Caesar's command in Gaul ; before the Senate. Against Piso, 55 ; an abusive attack upon a personal enemy; before the Senate. Against Antony, 44-43 ; fourteen orations. See p. 51. 30 Longitude East ' /Oyme Byzantium ^°" H f acle a . * 4p «i-UH)K ' *; — Anefga V .Sardes iSAMOS I. ./..'/((.'limit'' THE SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION 27 ii. The Speech on Pompey's Commission. I. OCCASION AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF DELIVERY. The country of Pontus lay in the eastern part of Asia Minor, south of the Black Sea. It was bounded on the west by Paphlagonia and Galatia, on the south by Cappadocia and Lesser Armenia, and on the east by Greater Armenia and Colchis. When Xenophon the Athenian passed through this region, in 400 b. c, it was inhabited by a number of barbarous tribes, which were in nominal subjection to Persia. In less than a century afterwards it was the seat of an independent monarchy, whose reigning house traced its descent back to a former Persian governor. In the earlier part of the second century b. c Pharnaces I. brought the adjoining portions of Paphlagonia under his rule ; and Sinope, a colony of the Greek city Miletus, became the place of royal residence. The last and greatest of the kings of Pontus was Mithridates VI., who came to the throne about 120 b. c, and proved to be a formidable antagonist of Rome. The reverses suffered by the Romans at his hands led Manilius to bring forward a bill granting Pompey extraordinary powers. This was the im- mediate occasion of Cicero's famous speech ' For the Bill of Manilius,' or ' On Pompey's Commission,' which, however, cannot be understood without a more detailed examination of the circumstances leading up to it. Mithridates VI. is one of the most striking characters of ancient history. Possessed of a large and powerful frame, he was endowed also with a mind of great strength and alertness, indomitable courage, and a consuming ambition. He could converse in twenty-five languages, so that he needed no inter- preter in dealing with the different peoples under his sway. 28 INTRODUCTION He delighted to fill his palaces with statuary, pictures, and the surroundings of culture, yet in his relations with rivals and subjects he was a typical Oriental despot, — jealous, cruel, and implacable. He would put to death even the members of his own family for slight reasons ; to protect himself against secret enemies, it is said that he commenced early in life to take poisons in small quantities, that his system might become inured to them. As a general, if he may not be compared with Alexander and Caesar, he may at any rate be mentioned along with the great Oriental conquerors, — Tiglath-Pileser, Cyrus, and Darius ; for with the troops at his command, numerous indeed, but of poor fighting quality, he was able to destroy several Roman armies, and to fight against Rome for almost thirty years. As a hater of the Romans he was second only to Hannibal. Mithridates commenced to reign when very young. After he had established himself firmly upon the throne, he entered upon a career of conquest. He annexed Lesser Armenia and Colchis, and crossed the Caucasus range. Having been re- quested by the Greek cities of Olbia and Chersonesus to chas- tise the marauding tribes north of the Euxine Sea, he sent his generals over the country as far as the Tyras River (now Dniester), and made the whole subject to himself. But on the west side of his kingdom opportunity for extension was checked by the bounds of the Roman province of Asia. This at first comprised the portion of Asia Minor west of Bithynia, Phrygia, and Lycia, which had been bequeathed to the Roman people by Attalus III., the last king of Pergamus, in b. c. 133. The states lying between Pontus and the province, particularly Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Cappadocia, were nominally inde- pendent, but were on good terms with the Romans, and really under a Roman protectorate. A collision between the two aggressive powers — Rome, ever THE SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION 29 impatient of rivals, and Mithridates, fired with the spirit of conquest — was inevitable ; but the first provocation came from the Romans. Early in the reign of Mithridates they took from him Phrygia, which had been under the rule of his father. Biding his time, he increased his resources as rapidly as pos- sible, and formed an alliance with Tigranes, king of Armenia, to whom he gave a daughter in marriage. He made various attempts to get control of Cappadocia, and would have been successful had not the Roman Senate — in 92 b. c. — placed the Cappadocian Ariobarzanes on the throne. The Romans also obliged him to evacuate Paphlagonia, which, he claimed, belonged to him by inheritance. Not yet willing openly to break with Rome, he instigated Tigranes to drive Ariobarzanes out of Cappadocia. About the same time he was instrumental in bringing about the expulsion of Nicomedes III. from Bithy- nia, supporting against the lawful king a claimant of the throne friendly to himself. Both the exiled princes appealed to Rome. She reinstated them without a protest from Mithridates, who had apparently supposed that the disturbances of the Social War would make the Romans forgetful of their interests in the East. Nicomedes, at the instigation of the Roman em- bassador, now assumed the offensive, and invaded Pontus. Mithridates sent to Rome to demand satisfaction, but re- ceived none. He at once prepared for hostilities. Thus began the first Mithridatic war, which lasted from 88 to 84 B. c. Mus- tering an army of 250,000 infantry and 40,000 cavalry, in one season, b. c. 88, he overran Bithynia, Cappadocia, and the greater part of the Roman province of Asia. He defeated the Romans at every point, and gained control of all the western part of Asia Minor, with the exception of a few cities. He poured molten gold down the throat of the Roman governor, M'. Aquillius, in mockery of the man's avarice. He made Per- gamus the place of royal residence. From Ephesus he sent 30 INTRODUCTION forth a decree that on a given day all the Italians in the cities of Asia Minor, without distinction of rank, sex, or age, should be put to death. The command was carried out to the letter. In one day 80,000 Italians, some say 150,000, perished. In the rest of the war Mithridates was less fortunate. He sent two armies to Greece, which were defeated by Sulla in 86 and in 85 b. c. In 85 also his forces were beaten on their own ground by Fimbria, who had succeeded Flaccus as the representative of the Marian party in the East. A peace was concluded with Sulla in 84. According to the terms of it, Mithridates was to pay an indemnity of three thousand talents ($3,500,000), furnish the Romans with eighty galleys, and give up all the territory he had conquered west of Pontus. In the second Mithridatic war (83-81 b. a), Murena, the successor of Sulla in command, was the aggressor. He was soon defeated by Mithridates, who again seized upon Cappa- docia. Sulla, then supreme at Rome, commanded Murena to cease from hostilities, whereupon Mithridates withdrew from Cappadocia. It was clear that no peace beween Mithridates and the Romans could be more than a truce, to be broken whenever either of the contracting parties might find it advantageous to assume the offensive. In 75 Nicomedes died, leaving Bithy- nia by will to the Roman people, who immediately took possession of it. Early in 74 Mithridates commenced war, and prosecuted it vigorously. At the lowest estimate his army comprised 120,000 infantry, of which at least a part was armed and trained according to the Roman system ; "16,000 cavalry, and a hundred scythe-bearing chariots. At first successful, he defeated a Roman army under Cotta, and besieged Chalcedon ; but Lucullus soon forced him to raise the siege. His powerful fleet was in part defeated by the Romans, in part shattered by a storm in the Euxine Sea. THE SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION 31 His great army melted away in successive engagements. The following year Lucullus advanced into Pontus, and in 72 en- camped near the king at Cabira. Mithridates, being hard pressed, gave orders to break camp and retreat. A panic ensued ; the Romans took advantage of the situation and cut his army to pieces. The king would himself have fallen into their hands had his pursuers not stopped to plunder a mule laden with gold. Thus escaping, he sent a eunuch to put to death his wives and sisters, that they might not be captured, and fled to Armenia. Tigranes gave orders that his father-in-law be received with becoming dignity ; yet for a year and a half, wishing to avoid cause of rupture with Rome, he refused to admit the king of Pontus to his presence. At length, offended by the haughty demand of the Romans that he surrender Mithri- dates, he made common cause with the deposed monarch. The kings both raised armies ; but in 69 b. c, before their forces had united, Tigranes engaged in battle with Lucullus at Tigranocerta, and suffered a disastrous defeat. Lucullus now pressed on into the interior of Armenia, towards Artaxata ; but mutiny among his troops prevented further advance, and he led them into Mesopotamia. Mithridates quickly gathered another army, and returned to Pontus. Here he gained a victory over Fabius, the Roman lieutenant, and obtained pos- session of the greater part of the country. In 67 he dealt the Romans a crushing blow in the defeat of the forces under Triarius. Seven thousand Romans fell, including many officers; their camp was taken, and only the fact that Mithridates was wounded saved the rest from destruc- tion. Lucullus was almost powerless on account of the disaffection of his troops. At the end of the year 67 Mithridates was once more in power over Pontus and the adjoining regions; he was in alliance with Tigranes, and 32 INTRODUCTION liable at any moment to make a descent on the province of Asia. But the war with Mithridates and Tigranes was not the only cause of disturbance in Roman foreign relations at this time. For some years pirates had gradually become more and more numerous and powerful in all parts of the Mediterranean. They rendered navigation perilous. They cut off the supplies of grain which Rome was wont to receive by sea. They made raids upon cities along the coast, and even carried men of distinction away from Italy to be held for ransom. The evil had grown to such intolerable proportions that in 67 B. c. A. Gabinius proposed a bill giving Pompey absolute jurisdic- tion for three years over all the Mediterranean coast for fifty miles inland. The bill was passed, though contrary to prece- dent both in the powers it conferred and in the manner of conferring them ; for the people in passing the measure as- sumed a function supposed to belong to the Senate. But Pom- pey more than sustained the reputation he already enjoyed as a commander. In three months he cleared the sea of pirates from the Pillars of Hercules to the Hellespont. While Mithridates was making fruitless the victories of Lucullus, Pompey was capturing the strongholds of the pirates in Cilicia, which was immediately organized into a Roman province. Under these circumstances, early in 66 B. c, Manilius pro- posed to the people that the government of Bithynia, which had been given to the incompetent Glabrio, as well as of Cilicia and Asia, and the absolute command of the war with Mithridates, be intrusted to Pompey. The bill was opposed by the leaders of the aristocratic party, particu- larly Catulus and Hortensius, on constitutional grounds. Cicero's speech was addressed to the people, and served to intensify the popular feeling in favor of Pompey. It is THE SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION 33 not difficult to see what motives probably influenced him in thus breaking with the party whose principles he favored. The aristocrats were indeed glad to have Cicero on their side ; but in the interest of patrician traditions they would never countenance the election of a ' new man ' to the con- sulship, which was the goal of the orator's ambition. It appeared necessary for him to win the favor of the people ; in what way could he do this better than by praising the people's hero? he might at the same time also assure himself of that hero's favor. The speech for the bill of Manilius, or ' On Pompey's Commission,' as it is more commonly called, shows rather the adroitness of the special pleader than the depth of a true statesman. It belongs to the deliberative class, though the part referring to Pompey is properly demonstrative. From whatever point it is viewed, it is a masterly effort. The orderly and effective arrangement of the matter is matched by the rich, yet forceful and pleasing, manner of expression. Whether the objections to Manilius's proposal were valid or not, it was carried. By the end of 66 Pompey had forced Mithridates to take refuge in Dioscurias, a Greek city on the northeast side of the Euxine Sea, and had made terms with Tigranes. The king of Pontus raised another army; but becoming involved in disaffection and treachery, he put an end to his own life in the year 63. Part of his kingdom was annexed to the province of Bithynia ; the rest, left for over a century under native princes, in 63 a. d. became a Roman province under the name of Pontus Polemoniacus. 34 INTRODUCTION 2. OUTLINE OF THE SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION. Introduction. Exordium. Reasons for not having come forward previously as Princifiium. a pu blic speaker. insinuate. Your favor, my practice in speaking, and the happy nature of the theme, the singular merit of Gnaeus Pompey, make it a duty and a pleasure to speak on this occasion, chap. i. Narratio. a war, destructive to our revenues, fraught with danger to our allies, is being waged against us by two very power- ful kings. The voice of all demands the appointment of a certain commander. 11., first paragraph. Panitio. What ought to be done? Three points are to be considered : the character of the war, the greatness of the war, and the choice of a commander, n., second paragraph. Discussion. Confirmatio. A. The character of the war. n., last paragraph. The war is of a kind that involves: — 1. The reputation of the Roman people, who have suffered at the hands of Mithridates more flagrant causes of grievance than those for which our ancestors inflicted summary vengeance, in., iv., v., first paragraph. 2. The safety of our allies, who are threatened by the enemy, and are pleading for the appointment of Pompey. v., last part. 3. Our most important revenues, which are imperilled, not simply by war, but by the mere rumor of war. vi. 4. The property of many Roman citizens engaged in business in Asia, whom expediency and humanity alike require us to pro- tect. VII. B. The greatness of the war : so urgent as to demand active measures, yet not so formidable that there need be apprehension regarding the final issue. VIII., first paragraph. 1. The efforts of Lucullus against the enemy were at first suc- cessful, viii., second paragraph. 2. But reverses followed, and the war is now more urgent than ever. ix. THE SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION 35 C. The choice of a commander. A. Affirmative argument: Pompey the best man. 1. He possesses all the requisite qualifications, namely: — a. Mastery of the art of war. x. b. Traits characteristic of a great general and of a great man: — On the one hand, power of persistent effort, bravery, activity, rapidity of movement, forethought, xi., xn. On the other, incorruptibility, self-restraint, good-faith, cour- tesy, talent, humaneness, xiii., xiv. c. Standing, witnessed by the general demand for his services, the influence of his name, the confidence reposed in him by our enemies, xv., xvi., first paragraph. d. Good luck, xvi., latter part. 2. He is more favorably situated than any one else for prose- cuting the war. xvii., first paragraph. Refutatio. B , Refutation. Objections to the choice of Pom- pey considered. 1. Answer to particular objections: a. To that of Hortensius, that absolute authority ought not to be vested in one person; met by reference to the success of the war against the pirates. Brief answer also to an ob- jection raised against the lieutenancy of Gabinius. xvn., last part; xvm., xix. b. To those of Catulus, based upon the risk of placing all hope in one person, and upon respect for precedent ; shown to be without just grounds, by the citation of examples from the cases of others and of Pompey himself, xx., xxi. 2. Answer to the objections in general: a. The influence of opponents of high standing ought not to outweigh the true interests of the Roman people, xxn., first paragraph. b. This war demands a peculiar combination of military power and irreproachable character, such as only Pompey pos- sesses, xxil., last part; xxiii., first part. c. The standing of the opponents of this measure is offset by that of the eminent men who favor it. xxiii., last paragraph. 36 INTRODUCTION Conclusion. Peroratio. The orator urges Manilius to stand firm, relying upon the support of the people ; calls the gods to witness to the purity of his motives in advocating the measure ; assures the people of his loyalty to the interests of the State and to their cwn wishes, xxiv. iii. The Speeches against Catiline. i. Occasion and Circumstances of Delivery. Lucius Sergius Catilina was born about 108 B.C. He was descended from an old patrician family which had lost its prestige and was in straitened circumstances. From early youth he indulged in all forms of vice with seeming reckless- ness ; yet he was a man of great courage, strong personal magnetism, and unusual abilities as a leader. During the reign of terror under Sulla he distinguished himself, as a partisan of the dictator, by the number of his victims and his remorseless cruelty. Nevertheless he gained the office of praetor for the year 68 b. c, and served as governor of Africa in 67. The following year he returned to Rome to present himself as a candidate for the consulship for 65 ; but he had scarcely entered the city when he was charged with provincial extortion, and thus disqualified for the proposed candidacy. The consuls-elect for 65, P. Autronius Paetus and P. Corne- lius Sulla, soon after their election (July, 66) were impeached for bribery, their office being conferred on L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus. Autronius, Catiline, and Cn. Cal- purnius Piso now formed a plot to murder the new consuls on the day of their entry into office (Jan. 1, B.C. 65), and seize the authority. As the arrangements were then not complete, the execution of the project was deferred till the 5th of the THE SPEECHES AGAINST CATILINE 37 following February, and it was extended to compass the de- struction of many of the leading men of the State. On the appointed day, however, Catiline gave the signal for attack before the armed helpers had assembled in sufficient numbers, and the plot miscarried. This is known as the first conspiracy of Catiline ; the details of it are obscure and uncertain. Nothing daunted, Catiline presented himself as a candidate for the consulship for the year 63, having meanwhile freed himself from the charges against him by wholesale bribery. He set before his associates a program which included the division of the offices of State among themselves, the cancel- lation of all debts, and the murdering of the wealthiest citizens, with the confiscation of their property. As he failed to re- ceive an election, 1 he now rapidly furthered his preparations for a revolution by force of arms. He borrowed great sums of money on his own credit and that of his friends, collected military stores, and gave to C. Manlius, who had been an officer under Sulla, a commission to enroll and train an army. The centre of operations was the neighborhood of Faesulae (now Fiesole) , a few miles north of the city of Florence. As Pompey was in the East, Italy contained no Roman army and no great general, and the time seemed favorable for a sudden stroke. In the midst of these preparations, early in 63, Catiline offered himself as a candidate for the consulship for 62. His plan was, if elected, to put Cicero out of the way ; then, as consul-elect, to enter into coalition with the consul Antonius, who to some extent at least was committed to his plans, and thus gain the supreme power. It happened that one of the conspirators, Q. Curius, had made a confidant of Fulvia, a high-born but dissolute woman, in regard to the projects of Catiline ; she, becoming disturbed at the prospect of a revo- 1 See p. 5. 38 INTRODUCTION lution which threatened the security of all, had allowed in- formation regarding the matter to reach the ears of Cicero, and afterwards entered into communication with him. Through her influence, and the offer of large rewards, Cicero succeeded in inducing Curius to act as a secret agent, or detective, and to report every movement of the conspirators at once to himself. As the time for the consular election (July) drew near, he threw out hints about the danger to be apprehended from Cat- iline, and secured a postponement that there might be oppor- tunity for investigation. He detached his colleague, Antonius, from the revolutionary party by the promise of the governor- ship of the rich province of Macedonia, after the expiration of the consular term. When the election was finally held (the date is uncertain), Catiline was again rejected, and a plot he had formed for the murder of several magistrates was ren- dered incapable of execution by the elaborate preparations of Cicero. Driven now to desperation, Catiline fixed upon Oct. 27 (b. c. 63) as the date for raising the standard of open rebel- lion, and the following day for the massacre of his opponents and the pillaging of Rome. But on Oct. 21 Cicero attacked him openly in the Senate, which, immediately afterwards passed a decree vesting supreme authority in the consuls for the pro- tection of the State. Some days later word came that Man- lius had actually taken up arms on the 27th, as expected, and that slaves were arming in Capua and in Apulia. Thereupon the Senate authorized the drafting of troops, and ordered all precautions for the defence of the city. Catiline was charged with sedition by a young patrician, L. Aemilius Paulus ; pro- testing his innocence, he offered to place himself in free custody. 1 On the night of Nov. 6 he met his followers at the house 1 See n. to p. 69, 1. 5. THE SPEECHES AGAINST CATILINE 39 of Marcus Laeca, where arrangements were perfected for the firing and plundering of Rome. He said that Cicero stood in the way of accomplishing his designs ; whereupon L. Vargunteius, a senator, and C. Cornelius, a knight, volunteered to murder the consul at daybreak in his own house. A report of the meeting was brought to Cicero in the night ; when the would-be assassins went to call on him in the morning, they found the house closed against them. On the 8th of Novem- ber Cicero called a meeting of the Senate in the temple of Jupiter Stator; finding Catiline present, he assailed the arch- conspirator in the bitter invective known as the First Ora- tion against Catiline. Catiline attempted to justify himself, emphasizing the public services and respectability of his fam- ily ; but being greeted with cries of "enemy" and "traitor" he left the Senate. The same night he set out for Etruria, causing the report to be circulated that he was gcing to live in exile at Marseilles. On the following day (Nov. 9) Cicero addressed the peo- ple from the Rostra in the Second Oration, congratulat- ing them on the departure of Catiline, and endeavoring to frighten the remaining conspirators into leaving the city. But though Lentulus, Cethegus, and their associates kept actively at work in Rome, three weeks passed before the consul could secure evidence against them sufficient to war- rant making any arrests. The 19th of December was the date finally set for murdering the officers of State and plun- dering the city. Meanwhile news came that Catiline had assumed command of the insurgent forces at Faesulae. The Senate promptly pronounced' both him and Manlius public enemies, and sent the consul Antonius against them with an army. A delegation from the Allobroges happened to be in Rome at this time, seeking relief from certain abuses. Having re- 40 INTRODUCTION ceived no satisfaction from the Senate, they readily listened to a proposal to interest their people in the conspiracy. Im- pressed with the seriousness of the matter, however, they laid it before their patron, Q. Fabius Sanga, who immediately reported the facts to Cicero. The consul saw here a golden opportunity for obtaining the evidence he so much needed. Acting in accordance with his instructions, the deputies of the Allobroges professed the warmest interest in the conspiracy, and asked for written pledges to take to their people. These were freely given. They promised furthermore that on their way back to Gaul they would turn aside to confer with Cati- line in Etruria ; and Lentulus designated a certain T. Vol- turcius to accompany them, with a letter and messages for Catiline. Late in the night of December 2 the deputies, accompanied by Volturcius, set out from Rome. At the Mulvian bridge, two miles north of the city, they were stopped by two praetors and a company of soldiers sent to intercept them in accordance with a previous understanding with Cicero. After a show of resistance, they yielded up the documents which they had received from the conspirators, and returned to Rome. Early in the morning (Dec. 3), before news of the affair had spread, Cicero sent for Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius, and brought them before the Senate, which met in the temple of Concord, in the Forum. Here Voltur- cius, having turned State's evidence, gave important testi- mony ; the letters delivered to the deputies of the Allobroges, after the seals had been acknowledged by the writers, were read, and the guilt of the conspirators was conclusively estab- lished. The meeting of the Senate lasted till late in the day. At the close Cicero appeared before the people and delivered the Third Oration, which gave an account of the day's pro- ceedings and, like the second, answered the purpose of an official bulletin of information. THE SPEECHES AGAINST CATILINE 41 The day after the arrest of the conspirators, the report was spread abroad that an attempt would be made to rescue them by force ; but stringent measures prevented any outbreak. The next day (Dec. 5) the Senate met to decide what should be done with the prisoners. Silanus, the consul-elect, de- clared himself in favor of putting them to death, and was supported in this by the other senators present till the ques- tion came to Julius Caesar. He proposed that the conspira- tors in custody be distributed under life-sentence among the municipal towns. As the Senate now wavered in opinion, Cicero arose and delivered the Fourth Oration, in which, after reviewing the propositions of both Silanus and Caesar, he clearly revealed his own feeling in favor of the extreme penalty. The decisive turn to the debate, however, was given by Marcus Cato, who spoke so earnestly in favor of the imme- diate execution of the prisoners that he carried the great majority of the Senate with him. That evening Lentulus, Cethegus, Gabinius, Statilius, and Ceparius, who had been captured just outside the city, were strangled * in the Tullia- num, a loathsome subterranean dungeon on the slope of the Capitoline Hill, northwest of the Forum. Early in January (62) the forces of Catiline, comprising not far from 5,000 men, were annihilated near Pistoria (modern Pistoja), about twenty miles northwest of Florence, and he himself, while fighting with the courage of despair, was slain. The Catilinarian orations were written out after their deliv- ery, and no doubt carefully revised before publication. The genuineness of the speeches as they stand has been questioned, but without good reason. As might be expected from the nature of the theme and the occasion, their structure is less symmetrical than that of Cicero's more carefully prepared addresses. The following outlines may be of assistance in following the thought. 1 On the constitutionality of this act, see N. to p. 108, 1. 3. 42 INTRODUCTION 2. Outline of the First Oration against Catiline. Introduction. Exordium. Abrupt outburst against Catiline's effrontery, and the degeneracy of the time. chap, l, 11. 1-18. Narratio. Precedent and authority warrant putting Catiline to death. The danger is great, but he is foiled, i., 1. 19 to end; 11. Discussion. Confirmatio. A. Addressed to Catiline. 1. Your plans are clearly revealed to us. in., iv. 2. It is best for you to leave Rome and take your followers with you ; for a. Your plots against my life have failed, v. b. Here you are hated and feared on account of your crimes, as shown to-day in the Senate, vi., vii. c. No good man will be security for you. vin., to 1. 22. d. The Senate wants you to go. vin., 1. 22 to end. e. You are altogether hopeless; the life of a freebooter will suit you. ix., x. B. Addressed to the Senate. 1. Why do I not have Catiline put to death, as precedent and public interest demand ? Because it is better for him to leave Rome and so lure forth his associates. XL, xn. 2. We are at a climax of wickedness ; but I pledge the victory of the good. xiii. , to 1. 27. Conclusion. Conclusio. Final exhortation to Catiline to depart. Prayer to Jupiter Stator for protection, xiil, end. 3. Outline of the Second Oration. Introduction. Exordium. Congratulations on Catiline's departure, chap. I., 11. 1-8. Narratio. He is conquered and undone. I., 1. 9 to end. Partitio. It was better to drive him forth than to put him to death, on account of his associates. 11. THE SPEECHES AGAINST CATILINE 43 Discussion. Confirmatio. i. Catiline's associates, hopelessly depraved, should leave the city, in., iv., v. 2. Catiline himself, reprobate that he is, has not been driven into exile, but has joined Manlius. vi., vn. 3. Catiline's forces are recruited from six classes, each of which needs a special warning: a. Rich but extravagant men, in financial embarrassment, vin. b. Bankrupts, desirous of power, ix., to 1. 21. c. Veterans of Sulla, who long for a renewal of the seasons of violence, ix., 1. 22 to end. d. Hopeless but restless debtors, x., to 1. 20. e. Professional criminals, x., 11. 21-25. /. Profligates, x., 1. 26 to end. 4. Such forces bear no comparison with ours. xi. Conclusion. Conclusio. The orator reminds the citizens of their duty, and assures them of safety, warns the conspirators (xn.); promises a complete but bloodless victory, with the help of the gods. xill. 4. Outline of the Third Oration. Introduction. The State, your lives, this city have narrowly es- Exordium et Narratio. caped destruction, chap, l, 11. 1-20. Partitio. I shall explain how the conspiracy has been traced out and checked. 1., 1. 21 to end of paragraph. Discussion. Confirmatio, \. My efforts to secure evidence for conviction were crowned with success through the interception of the deputies of the Allobroges and the arrest of leading conspirators. I., end; 11., in. 2. This evidence was to-day presented to the Senate : a. The testimony of Volturcius, and of the Gauls, iv. b. Reading of the letters, — their seals acknowledged by the prisoners, v. c. Action of the Senate after hearing the evidence ; rewards to officers, decrees against nine conspirators, appointment of special thanksgiving, vi. 44 INTRODUCTION 3. The conspiracy is now checked once for all. vit. 4. This result has been achieved through the immediate help of the gods, viii., ix. 5. The present disturbance differs from all preceding disturb- ances in this State in its deadly character, and in the fact that it has been put down without bloodshed, x. Conclusion. Conclusio. For my services I ask only the undying recollection of this day, and your protection, present and future. Guard your homes; I will guard the city. XI., xn. 5. Outline of the Fourth Oration. Introduction. Exordium. My own safety ; its relation to the safety of all. chap. I.; 11., to 1. 31. Narratio. The present state of the conspiracy. 11., end; in. to 1. 26. Partitio. The question of penalty before the Senate, in., 1. 27 to end. Discussion. Confirmatio. 1. The two proposals regarding punishment, the one of Silanus, that the conspirators be put to death ; the other of Caesar, that they be guarded under life-sentence in the municipali- ties. IV. 2. The character of Caesar's proposal, v., to 1. 34. Refutatio. 3. Caesar's objections to the proposal of Silanus met: — a. The conspirators should be treated as enemies, not as citi- zens. v., end. b. Apparent cruelty may in reality be kindness and mercy, vi. 4. Well-considered and decisive action demanded, a. On account of the patriotic feeling of all classes, vn., vni. b. On account of the magnitude and sacredness of the interests at stake, ix. 5. Digression on the orator's peril, and services, x., xi., first part. Conclusion. Conclusio. Vote as the importance of the case demands ; at no matter how great cost to myself, I will carry out your decision. XL, last paragraph. a. d. xn . Kal. Nov. = Oct. 21. a. d. vi. Kal. Nov. = Oct. 27. . a. d. v. Kal. Nov. = Oct. 28. Kal. Nov. = Nov. 1. THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS 45 6. Chronology of the Speeches against Catiline. a. u. c. 691 = b. c. 63. Assembly for the Election of Con- suls for 62 Sept.? Sept.? Cicero lays information about the conspiracy before the Senate, which confers extraordinary au- thority on the consuls .... Manlius takes up arms at Faesulae Day set by Catiline for the massacre of the nobles Unsuccessful attempt on Praeneste Meeting of the conspirators at Lae- ca's, night of a. d. vm. Id. Nov. = Nov. 6. Miscarrying of the plan to murder Cicero, morning of a. d. vn. Id. Nov. = Nov. 7. First Oration, before the Senate a. d. vi. Id. Nov. = Nov. 8. The following night Catiline left Rome. Second Oration, to the people . . a. d. v. Id. Nov. = Nov. 9. Antonius sent north with an army . . . about the middle of Nov. Interception of the deputies of the Allobroges, night of a. d. iv. Non. Dec. = Dec. 2. Arrest of conspirators ; laying of ev- idence before the Senate ; Third Oration, to the people . . . . a. d. 111. Non. Dec. = Dec. 3. Rumors of a proposed attempt to rescue the conspirators pr. Non. Dec. = Dec. 4. Trial of the conspirators before the Senate ; Fourth Oration Non. Dec. = Dec. 5. The following night the five conspir- ators in custody were executed. Catiline falls in battle, beginning of A. u. c. 692 = B. c. 62. iv. The Oration for Archias. 1. occasion and circumstances of delivery. The poet Archias was a Greek by nationality, born at Anti- och, then the chief city of Syria, about 1 19 b. c. He received 46 INTRODUCTION what was considered a liberal education, and early developed a remarkable facility in poetic composition. He was espe- cially gifted as an improviser, being able to compose and recite verses offhand with great skill. As the unsettled state of affairs in his native city gave little encouragement to the arts, while yet a youth he started out to visit the Greek towns in Asia Minor and Greece. Everywhere his talents received enthusiastic recognition. After a time he crossed over to Southern Italy, where public honors were conferred upon him by the citizens of Tarentum, Regium, Neapolis, and perhaps Locri. In 102 b.c. Archias came to Rome. Here he was soon on terms of intimacy with many prominent men ; for the edu- cated Romans of this period as a rule cultivated a taste for Greek literature. But his chief patrons were the Luculli. 1 After he had been at Rome for some time he accompanied M. Lucullus on a journey to Sicily ; on the way back he was hon- ored with the citizenship of Heraclea. In 89 b. c. a law {Lex Plautia Papiria) was passed which conferred Roman citizen- ship on the citizens of such Italian towns as possessed formal treaty relations with Rome. In order to become Roman citi- zens under this act, the inhabitants of the favored cities must be able to fulfil two conditions : they must possess a settled place of residence in Italy, and within sixty days must give their names to one of the Roman praetors holding office at the time. Archias complied with these conditions, and for twenty-seven years his standing as a Roman citizen was unquestioned. At this time a common way of annoying public men was to attack their friends. Lucius Lucullus, who had taken Archias with him on his Asiatic campaigns, was still a man of influence, but had bitter enemies. It was apparently rather to vex him 1 See Vocab. THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS 47 than to disturb Archias that in 62 B.C. a man named Gratius attempted to invalidate the poet's claim of Roman citizenship. Cicero undertook the defence of the case partly no doubt to accommodate Lucullus, partly to discharge an obligation he felt under to Archias. At the trial Quintus Cicero, the orator's brother, presided, being praetor. The case for the prosecu- tion was extremely weak. It rested mainly on the assumption that the poet's citizenship of Heraclea could not be estab- lished, because the records of that city had perished ; and on the fact that his name did not appear on the lists of the Roman census, where it would naturally be registered. But the orator brought forward witnesses whose testimony took the place of the missing records of Heraclea, and easily explained the omission of the poet's name from the census lists. The argument for the defence was irrefutable. As a piece of legal argument, the speech for Archias is less to the point than would be tolerated in a plea before a mod- ern court. Very likely when Cicero wrote it out for publica- tion he cut down the technical portion, dealing with the facts, eliminating such details as would detract from the interest of the reader, but did not reduce the more attractive matter of the latter part, concerning the relation of literary pursuits to the public welfare, and the services of Archias in extending the glory of Rome. A Roman court allowed the presentation of a wider range of matter in sustaining a point than would now be considered in place ; and certainly the orator strengthened his case by showing that the interests of his client were in a measure the interests of the State, whose duty it should always be to favor those who promote literature. The singular charm of this oration lies in its expression of universal sentiment regarding literature, particularly poetry, in a well-nigh faultless style, which at times approaches the manner of the essay. Its genuineness has been attacked, but without success ; nothing could be more Ciceronian. 48 INTRODUCTION 2. Outline of the Oration for Archias. Introduction. Exordium. Obligation of the orator to undertake the defence of Archias. The character of the case, requiring treatment out of the ordinary, chap. i. ; n., first part. Partitio. It will be proved that Archias is a Roman citizen; that if he were not, he ought to be. 11., end. Narratio. Birth, fame, travels of Archias; his reception at Rome ; his enrolment as a citizen at Heraclea, then at Rome, in.; iv., first part. Discussion. A. Proof that Archias is a Roman citizen. Conflrmatio. j. Proof of enrolment as a citizen at Heraclea by wit- nesses, iv., middle. 2. Proof of residence and registration at Rome by the concen- tration of his interests there, by the presence of his name on a praetor's register, and by the recognition of his standing as a citi- zen in various transactions, iv., end ; v. B. Proof that Archias ought in any case to be a Roman citizen. i. The promotion of literature a matter of general interest : — a. Indebtedness of the orator to literature for both ideals and inspiration, vi. Refutatio. fr. Refutation of the objection that there have been great men who were not versed in letters, vn., first part. c. Universal appreciation of literature, vn., latter part ; viil, first part. 2. The special claims of Archias as a poet : — a. Veneration due to poetic genius, vin., latter part. b. His treatment of national themes, ix., first part. c. Precedents from the cases of Ennius and Theophanes. ix., end ; x. d. Fame an incentive and reward of deeds; future services of Archias in magnifying the Roman name. xi. ; xn., first part. Conclusion. Conclusio. a. Summary of evidence, xn., middle. b- Appeal for a sympathetic consideration of the case, xn., latter part. THE ORATION FOR MARCELLUS 49 v. The Address of Thanks for the Pardon of Marcellus. I. OCCASION AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF DELIVERY. Marcus Claudius Marcellus belonged to the most distin- guished of the plebeian branches of the great Claudian gens. Nothing is known of his early life except that from boyhood he was a warm friend of Cicero. He was curule aedile in 5 6 b. c, and consul in 5 1 . During his consulship, being an ardent partisan of Pompey, he manifested the most bitter ha- tred toward Caesar. The latter had recently settled a colony at Coraura, in Cisalpine Gaul, conferring special privileges upon the inhabitants ; Marcellus caused a prominent native of the place to be publicly flogged at Rome, simply in order to bring Caesar's authority into contempt. As the relations be- tween Pompey and Caesar became more and more strained, Marcellus was less vehement, and tried to delay the inevitable outbreak of hostilities ; failing in this attempt, he lent a half- hearted support to the side of Pompey, whom he joined in Epirus. After the battle of Pharsalus he retired to Mytilene and devoted himself to his favorite studies, oratory and phi- losophy, remaining there in voluntary exile. After Caesar had gained the supreme power, his leniency toward his former enemies was a matter of surprise to all. In accordance with his usual policy he paid no attention to Mar- cellus, who resisted the urgent advice of Cicero to ask the dictator's pardon. Meanwhile Marcellus's friends were active in his behalf. At length in the summer of 46, at a meeting of the Senate, Gaius Marcellus, a brother of Marcus, threw himself at Caesar's feet and implored the forgiveness of the exile, being joined in his supplication by many of the senators. Caesar, having commented on the hatred Marcellus had borne him, and on the danger to himself in freely allowing his ene- 4 50 INTRODUCTION mies to return, declared that he would leave the decision of the matter to the Senate, which was apparently unanimous in the desire to have Marcellus restored to civil rights. Cicero was touched by the magnanimity of the dictator, and also thought he saw in this deference to the opinion of the Senate an entering wedge to the restoration of the authority of that body, and promise of a return to the old constitutional forms. Inspired by the occasion, he arose and expressed the feeling of the moment in an impassioned address of thanks to Caesar, the speech known by the inaccurate title of Pro Marcello. Though Marcellus appeared indifferent regarding the opportu- nity to return to Rome, he soon after set out for Italy. Stop- ping at the Piraeus on the way, he was murdered there, doubtless in consequence of a private feud. Since the time of F. A. Wolf, who in 1802 published an elaborate argument against the Ciceronian authorship of the Pro Marcello, the genuineness of this speech has been much discussed. Recent criticism has restored it to Cicero, to whom it undoubtedly belongs. It appears, however, to have been published immediately after its delivery, perhaps from short-hand notes, without the careful revision which Cicero usually gave to his speeches. It possesses a peculiar interest for the modern reader on account of the temporary reconcili- ation of the orator with the dictator which it pictures, even though the enthusiasm of the moment led to an overstatement of Caesar's virtues. Yet such exaggeration, considering the circumstances and the temperament of the speaker, is far from unnatural ; and in fact lends a poetic coloring to the style. 2. Outline of the Marcellus. Introduction. Exordium. The unprecedented clemency of Caesar, shown by the pardon of Marcellus, forces me to speak, chap. i. THE FOURTH SPEECH AGAINST ANTONY 51 Discussion. A. The deeds of Caesar. Confirmatio. i. Great beyond description are Caesar's deeds, espe- cially in war. n. 2. But greater is his clemency, in., iv. 3. The pardon of Marcellus augurs well for the peace and wel- fare of the State, v., vi. B. Caesar's danger. 1. Danger to Caesar is peril to the State, vn. 2. His work is not finished so long as so much remains to be done, not only for the present but also for the future, vill., ix. 5. Caesar's safety is our safety, x. Conclusion. Conditio. For this gracious pardon we all return our heartfelt thanks, xi. vi. The Fourth Speech against Antony. 1. occasion and circumstances of delivery. In the year 44 b. c. Julius Caesar was consul for the fifth time, with Marcus Antonius (known as Mark Antony, or An- tony) as colleague. After the assassination of Caesar (15 March), Antony made a compact with Lepidus, Master of the Horse, and with his help soon gained control of affairs. Those who were prominently connected with the murder of Caesar withdrew from the city. At this time Octavius (after- wards called Octavianus), Caesar's heir, was in Epirus, com- pleting his education by a season in the army. In May he returned to Rome, where, by skilfully taking advantage of every opportunity to advance his own interests, he soon be- came exceedingly popular. As soon as it became clear that the attempt to restore the old constitution had failed, Cicero retired to his villas and employed his time in writing works on philosophy. At the 52 INTRODUCTION end of July, feeling insecure, he went to Sicily, whence on Aug. 2 he set sail for Greece. Being driven back by adverse winds to Leucopetra (south of Regium), he heard that there was a possibility of an agreement between Antony and Brutus and Cassius. Changing his plan he started for Rome, and reached the city on Aug. 31, only to find that all hope of a reconciliation was now gone, and that Antony had summoned a meeting of the Senate for the following day. Cicero, mak- ing a pretence of illness, did not attend this meeting, and in his absence was violently attacked by Antony who, as consul, presided. Now that Cicero was on the ground, a collision with Antony was inevitable. The other consul, Dolabella, who had been elected to fill out the unexpired term of Caesar, was friendly to the party of Brutus. On Sept. 2 he presided at a meeting of the Senate in the Temple of Concord, at which Cicero appeared, and replied to Antony's attack in a speech which, though moderate in tone, was nevertheless de- cided. This was followed in the last weeks of 44 and the earlier part of 43 by other speeches against Antony. Four- teen of these are extant; they are called Philippics, from their similarity to the celebrated Philippics of Demosthenes, directed against Philip of Macedon. In the latter part of November (44) two legions, the Fourth and the Martian, deserted Antony and went over to Octavia- nus, whereupon Antony left Rome, to prevent further defec- tions. On the 20th of December, though both consuls were absent from the city, a meeting of the Senate was called to transact important business ; Cicero arose and in a vehement speech (the Third Philippic), advocated the passing of a vote of thanks to the two legions that had left Antony, and propos- ing to make void the recent changes Antony had made in the assignment of the provinces. Both motions passed. At the close of the meeting Cicero informed the people, in the Fourth Philippic, of the action of the Senate and its significance. THE FOURTH SPEECH AGAINST ANTONY 53 The Fourth Philippic was probably given to the world with- out revision. It is, however, full of interest as a specimen of refined invective, and of considerable historical value as a contemporary document for a period whose political move- ments are complicated and obscure. Its genuineness has been questioned, but without result. 2. Outline of the Fourth Speech against Antony. Introduction. Exordium. The presence of the citizens in so great numbers in- spires the greatest activity and hope for our State. CHAP. I., beginning. Narratioet There is all the greater reason for hope in the fact Partitio. ° r that Antony has been judged an enemy, and that the citizens have warmly approved the decision. I., middle. Discussion. Confirmatio. A. Antony has been judged an enemy : i. The action of the Senate in honoring Octavianus, the oppo- nent of Antony. I., latter part; n., first part. 2. The approved action of the legions in deserting Antony, ii., latter part ; in., first part. 3. The action of D. Brutus in resisting him, and the general ap- proval of that course, in., latter part ; iv., first part. 4. By reason of these things Antony is considered consul only by the desperate, who have hope of booty; and even the gods are on our side, iv., latter part. B. The citizens should remain steadfast in their judgment of Antony as an enemy. 1. No terms of peace with Antony are possible, v., first part. 2. The valor and military precedents of the Roman people ad- mit no halfway measures, v., latter part ; VI., first part. Conclusion. Conclusio. The Roman people are engaged in a deadly struggle. Antony must be put down as Catiline was. So far as in me lies, I shall not be found wanting, vi., latter part. 54 INTRODUCTION III. THE LETTERS OF CICERO, i. Private Correspondence among the Romans. As the relations of Rome with the rest of the ancient world became more and more intimate, and men passed easily from the City to the provinces, while the provincials flocked to Rome, letter-writing increased proportionately in extent and importance. In Cicero's time the Roman of standing fre- quently carried on a voluminous correspondence. There was, however, no postal system like that of to-day ; and let- ters were carried to their destination, if not at too great dis- tance, by special messengers. Letters to persons in distant parts were sent by sea-captains, by the carriers of despatches for certain classes of government officers (particularly the col- lectors of revenue), and in general by any one going that way who could be induced to take charge of them. Communica- tions of a confidential nature were often written in cipher, of which the correspondent had previously been furnished the key, and were sometimes sent in duplicate by different con- veyances. In good weather letters conveyed by land prob- ably went at the rate of fifty miles a day ; but it took three weeks to send from Rome to Athens. The form of letters varied at different periods and accord- ing to circumstances. In the earlier days writing-tablets (tabulae, or pugillares') were exclusively employed. These consisted of two or more thin slips of wood or ivory, usually oblong, and fastened at the back with wires so that they THE LETTERS OF CICERO 55 would open as our books. The average size was probably not much smaller than this page. The inside pages or leaves were provided with a slight raised rim about the margin, so that the enclosed surfaces, which were coated with a thin layer of wax, would not rub. On these surfaces the writing was done with the pointed end of a stilus of metal or bone ; the other end of the stilus was flattened, so that it could be used to rub the wax back over a word or line in which there was an error. The wax was usually black, and the writing showed the color of the underlying wood or ivory, which was white, or at least of a light tint. Tablets of two leaves (that is, with two outside pages and two pages prepared for writing) were called diptycha ; of three leaves, with four pages for writing, triptycha ; there were even pentaptycha, of five leaves, in which there were eight pages that could be written on. When the letter was finished, strong thread was passed through one or more perforations in the margin or even at the centre, then wound closely around the tablets and tied. Over the knot the seal of the sender was stamped in wax or in fine clay. As the handwriting within was often that of an aman- uensis, who in most cases was a slave, the seal was of very great importance as a means of identification. For this rea- son when a letter was opened the thread was cut in such a way as to leave the seal undisturbed. These writing-tablets were so convenient that they continued in use to modern times. At Florence there is a waxen tablet of the year 1301. In the time of Cicero writing-tablets were used for short letters ; but longer communications were often written with a reed pen and ink upon paper prepared from the papyrus. Usually before they were written on, but sometimes afterwards, the pages of paper were pasted together at the sides, forming a long sheet, or roll. The writing was in columns, which were 56 INTRODUCTION parallel to the ends of the sheet, so that the lines ran in the direction of the length. The letter thus prepared was care- fully rolled up, in much the same manner as books ' {libri) were at that time, and was then tied about the middle, a seal being placed over the knot. At the head of a letter stood the name of the sender in the nominative case, with the name of the person to whom it was addressed in the dative, usually accompanied also by the ab- breviation S. D. (= salutem dicit, ' sends greeting '), or S. P. d., S. plur. D. (= Sainton plurimam dicit, ' sends most cordial greeting'). In more formal correspondence pains was taken to give forenames and titles. At the beginning of the letter, S. v. b. e. v. (= si vales, bene est ; valeo), or a similar for- mula was often placed. The close was frequently abrupt ; sometimes vale or a like expression was added, with the date ; the place of writing was given in the ablative. The outside address was of the simplest character, containing the name of the person to whom the letter was sent, in the dative case. ii. Cicero's Correspondence. Cicero did not publish his letters. They were given to the world probably by Tiro (see Vocab., and p. 19), arranged in several collections. Those extant comprise only a portion of the number once known. Mention is made of a collection of the letters to Caesar, which must have contained at least three books ; and there were similar collections of the letters to Pompey, in at least four books, to M. Brutus, in nine books, and to Octavianus, in three ; there was also a collection of let- ters to Hirtius. Of the letters which have been preserved, the first was written in the year 68 b. c. ; the latest in 43, some months before Cicero's death. They vary in length from a few lines to several pages. They are grouped as follows : — THE LETTERS OF CICERO 57 'To his Friends' (ad Familiares, abbreviated ad Fam.); xvi. books. The title is inaccurate, because some of the letters were written to persons not included within the orator's circle of friends, and also because a number of them are not from Cicero, but addressed to him. ' To his brother Quintus ' (ad Qirintian Fratrem, ad Q. Fr.) ; ill. books. The first letter is a rather formal discussion of the duties of a provincial magistrate, in sixteen chapters. 'To Atticus' (ad Atticum, ad Att.); xvi. books. ' To Marcus Brutus ' (ad M. Brutum, ad Brut) ; n. books At least two of the letters to Brutus appear to be forgeries. The literary value of the letters, and their bearing on our knowledge of Cicero, have been alluded to in another connec- tion (see pp. 20-2 2 ) . Among noteworthy characteristics of the style are, the common yet delicate use of colloquial expressions, and the employment of language akin to that of comedy ; the frequent introduction of Greek words and phrases, just as we often give a turn to a sentence with French or German ; the coining of new words on the spur of the moment to suit a passing need ; and the free use of superlatives and diminutives. As might be expected of a correspondent at once so sensitive, sympathetic, and vivacious as Cicero, the letters are varied with an ever-surprising richness of feeling and thought ; and the variety of the matter is hardly greater than that of the man- ner of expression. They are pervaded by a breezy freshness that makes the surroundings and emotions of the writer as real to us as our own experiences. Hence it must always be that the more they are read the more they will be appreciated. But they are not simply entertaining or of general human in- terest ; the light they throw on the inner political movements and social life of the time gives them a value as historical documents second to that of no other writings of the period. 58 INTRODUCTION IV. THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT IN CICERO'S TIME. The speeches and letters of Cicero are full of references to the organization and administration of the Roman state in his time. The following outline may be found helpful in group- ing the scattered information which the reader of them will naturally acquire. It applies to the constitution after the time of Sulla. For the literature of the subject see the editor's "Fifty Topics in Roman Antiquities," pp. 35-37, 17, 18. Citizens Who they were Free inhabitants of Rome. Free inhabitants of Italy, who must go to Rome if they wished to vote. Division : — 35 tribes, each tribe subdivided into 5 classes, each class into 2 centuries, = 350 centuries. Registration : — In the lists of the censors, by whom a citizen was assigned to his tribe, class, and cen- tury. Assem- blies Comitia Centuriata, an assembly by centuries, to elect consuls, praetors, censors. Of the People . \ Comitia Tributa, an assembly by tribes, to elect the lesser magistrates and enact laws, known as plebiscita. Of Counsellors designated by appointment: — Sena- tils, containing about 600 members ; charged with legislation upon foreign affairs, and matters of religion and finance. ROMAN GOVERNMENT IN CICERO'S TIME 59 Officers Magistrates Ordinary [2 Consuls 8 Praetors (i 6 under Caesar) 2 Censors io Tribunes 4 Aediles (6 under Caesar) 20 Quaestors (40 under Caesar) Extraor- dinary I T Dictator M agister Equitum terrex {Secretaries — scribae Criers — fir ae cones Lictors — lictores Summoners — viator es State The Great Collegia Special Priests \ Priesthoods The Lesser Collegia 15 Pontifices (16 under Caesar), in- cluding the Pontifex Maximus 15 Augurs (16 under Caesar) 15 Ouindecimviri sacris faciundis; in charge of the Sibylline books 7 Epulones (10 under Caesar); pro- vided the banquets for the gods 15 Flamens; most important, those of Jupiter, Mars, Ouirinus 6 Vestal Virgins ; in charge of the fire of Vesta Rex Sacrorum ; charged with certain rites and ceremonies Fetiales ; performed rites in connec- tion with the making of treaties and declaration of war Salii ; guardians of the sacred shields Luperci ; conducted the rites of the Lupercalia Fratres Arvales ; priests of Dea Dia 60 INTRODUCTION Legal Ju- risdiction In Civil Procedure " In Criminal P roc edit re For cases between citizens, Praetor Urbanus For cases between citizens and for- eigners, Praetor Peregrinus For cases touching the treasury, the Censors For cases arising in the markets, the Aediles r For certain crimes against religion, Pontifex Maximus For other crimes, permanent juries or courts — quaestiones pcrpetuae — at least eight in number; of which six were presided over by praetors, the rest by foremen (indices guaes- tionis) Provin- cial Ad- ministra- tion. Provinces (64^30 B. c.) Provincial Officers Western : — Sicily, Sardinia (with Cor- sica), Hither Spain, Further Spain, Illyricum, Africa, Narbonese Gaul, Cisalpine Gaul Eastern : — Achaia, Macedonia, Asia, Bithynia, Cyrene (with Crete), Cili- cia, Syria Governor — either an ex-consul or an ex-praetor Quaestor — in charge of finances Subordinate officers — lieutenants (legati), etc. M. TULLI CICERONIS IN L. CATILINAM ORATIO PRIMA HABITA IN SENATU. I. Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra? Quam diu etiam furor iste tuus nos eludet? Quern ad finem sese effrenata iactabit audacia ? Nihilne te nocturnum praesidium Palati, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil concursus bonorum 5 omnium, nihil hie munitissimus habendi senatus locus, nihil horum ora vultusque moverunt? Patere tua consilia non sentis? Constrictam iam omnium horum scientia teneri coniurationem tuam non vides? Quid proxima, quid superiore nocte egeris, ubi fueris, quos 10 convocaveris, quid consili ceperis, quern nostrum ignorare arbitraris? O tempora, O mores ! Senatus haec intellegit, consul videt; hie tamen vivit. Vivit? Immo vero etiam in senatum venit, fit publici consili particeps, 15 notat et designat oculis ad caedem unum quemque nostrum. Nos autem, fortes viri, satis facere rei publicae videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitemus. Ad mortem te, Catilina, duci iussu consulis iam pridem oportebat, in te conferri pestem, quam tu in 20 nos machinaris. An vero vir amplissimus, P. Scipio, pontifex maximus, Ti. Gracchum mediocriter labe- 02 M. TULLI CICERONIS factantem statum rei publicae privatus interfecit; Catilinam, orbem terrae caede atque incendiis vastare cupientem, nos consules perferemus? Nam ilia nimis antiqua praetereo, quod C. Servilius Ahala Sp. Mae- c lium, novis rebus studentem, manu sua occidit. Fuit, fuit ista quondam in hac re publica virtus, ut viri fortes acrioribus suppliciis civem perniciosum quam acerbissimum hostem coercerent. Habemus senatus consultum in te, Catilina, vehemens et grave, non deest I0 rei publicae consilium neque auctoritas huius ordinis; nos, nos, dico aperte, consules desumus. II. Decrevit quondam senatus, ut L. Opimius con- sul videret, ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. Nox nulla intercessit : interfectus est propter quasdam 15 seditionum suspiciones C. Gracchus, clarissimo patre, avo, maioribus ; occisus est cum liberis M. Fulvius consularis. Simili senatus consulto C. Mario et L. Valerio consulibus est permissa res publica; num unum diem postea L. Saturninum tribunum plebis et 20 C. Servilium praetorem mors ac rei publicae poena remorata est? At nos vicesimum iam diem patimur hebescere aciem riorum auctoritatis. Habemus enim huiusce modi senatus consultum, verum inclusum in tabulis, tamquam in vagina reconditum, quo ex sena- 25 tus consulto confestim te interfectum esse, Catilina, convenit. Vivis, et vivis non ad deponendam, sed ad connrmandam audaciam. Cupio, patres conscripti, me esse clementem, cupio in tantis rei publicae periculis me non dissolutum 30 videri, sed iam me ipse inertiae nequitiaeque con- demno. Castra sunt in Italia contra populum Roma- num in Etruriae faucibus collocata, crescit in dies singulos hostium numerus; eorum autem castrorum imperatorem ducemque hostium intra moenia atque IN CATILINAM I. in. 63 adeo in senatu videmus intestinam aliquam cotidie perniciem rei publicae molientem. Si te iam, Catilina, comprehendi, si internci iussero, credo, erit verendum mihi, ne non potius hoc omnes boni serius a me quam quisquam crudelius factum 5 esse dicat. Verum ego hoc, quod iam pridem factum esse oportuit, certa de causa nondum adducor ut fa- ciam. Turn denique interficiere, cum iam nemo tarn improbus, tarn perditus, tarn tui similis inveniri pote- nt, qui id non iure factum esse fateatur. Quam diu 10 quisquam erit, qui te defendere audeat, vives; sed vives ita, ut vivis, multis meis et firmis praesidiis oppressus, ne commovere te contra rem publicam possis. Multorum te etiam oculi et aures non sen- tientem, sicut adhuc fecerunt, speculabuntur atque 15 custodient. III. Etenim quid est, Catilina, quod iam amplius exspectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare coeptus nefarios nee privata domus parietibus continere voces coniurationis tuae potest, si illustrantur, si erumpunt 20 omnia? Muta iam istam mentem, mihi crede ; oblivi- scere caedis atque incendiorum. Teneris undique. Luce sunt clariora nobis tua consilia omnia; quae iam mecum licet recognoscas. Meministine me ante diem XII Kalendas Novembres dicere in senatu, fore 25 in armis certo die, qui dies futurus esset ante diem VI Kalendas Novembres, C. Manlium, audaciae satel- litem atque administrum tuae? Num me fefellit, Catilina, non modo res tanta, tarn atrox tamque incredibilis, verum, id quod multo magis est admi- 30 randum, dies? Dixi ego idem in senatu, caedem te optimatium contulisse in ante diem V Kalendas Novembres, turn cum multi principes civitatis Roma non tarn sui 64 M. TULLI CICERONIS conservandi quam tuorum consiliorum reprimendo- rum causa profugerunt. Num infitiari potes te illo ipso die meis praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclusum commovere te contra rem publicam non potuisse, 5 cum tu discessu ceterorum nostra tamen, qui reman- sissemus, caede te contentum esse dicebas? Quid? cum tu te Praeneste Kalendis ipsis Novembribus occupaturum nocturno impetu esse confideres, sens- istine illam coloniam meo iussu meis praesidiis, io custodiis, vigiliis esse munitam? Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, quod non ego non modo audiam, sed etiam videam planeque sentiam. IV. Recognosce tandem mecum noctem illam supe- riorem ; iam intelleges multo me vigilare acrius ad is salutem quam te ad perniciem rei publicae. Dico te priore nocte venisse inter falcarios — non agam obscure — in M. Laecae domum ; convenisse eodem complures eiusdem amentiae scelerisque socios. Num negare audes? Quid taces? Convincam, si negas ; 20 video enim esse hie in senatu quosdam, qui tecum una fuerunt. O di immortales ! Ubinam gentium sumus? In qua urbe vivimus?' Quam rem publicam habemus? Hie, hie sunt in nostro numero, patres conscripti, in 25 hoc orbis terrae sanctissimo gravissimoque consilio, qui de nostro omnium interitu, qui de huius urbis atque adeo de orbis terrarum exitio cogitent ! Hos ego video et de re publica sententiam rogo et, quos ferro trucidari oportebat, eos nondum voce 30 vulnero ! Fuisti igitur apud Laecam ilia nocte, Catilina ; distribuisti partes Italiae ; statuisti, quo quemque proficisci placeret; delegisti, quos Romae relinque- res, quos tecum educeres; discripsisti urbis partes IN CATILINAM I. v. 65 ad incendia ; confirmasti te ipsum iam esse exiturum ; dixisti paulum tibi esse etiam nunc morae, quod ego viverem. Reperti sunt duo equites Romani, qui te ista cura liberarent et sese ilia ipsa nocte paulo ante lucem me in meo lectulo interfecturos esse 5 pollicerentur. '•" Haec ego omnia, vixdum etiam coetu vestro dimisso, comperi. Domum meam maioribus praesidiis munivi atque firmavi ; exclusi eos, quos tu ad me salutatum mane miseras, cum illi ipsi venissent, quos ego iam multis ac summis viris ad me id 10 temporis venturos esse praedixeram. V. Quae cum ita sint, Catilina, perge, quo coepisti. Egredere aliquando ex urbe ; patent portae, profici- scere. Nimium diu te imperatorem tua ilia Manliana castra desiderant. Educ tecum etiam omnes tuos ; si 15 minus, quam plurimos; purga urbem. Magno me metu liberabis, dum modo inter me atque te murus intersit. Nobiscum versari iam diutius non potes ; non feram, non patiar, non sinam. Magna dis im- mortalibus habenda est atque huic ipsi Iovi Statori, 20 antiquissimo custodi huius urbis, gratia, quod hanc tarn taetram, tarn horribilem tamque infestam rei publicae pestem totiens iam effugimus. Non est saepius in uno homine summa salus periclitanda rei publicae. 2 S Ouam diu mihi, consuli designate, Catilina, insi- diatus es, non publico me praesidio, sed privata diligentia defendi. Cum proximis comitiis consulari- bus me consulem in campo et competitores tuos interficere voluisti, compressi conatus tuos nefarios 3° amicorum praesidio et copiis, nullo tumultu publice concitato ; denique, quotienscumque me petisti, per me tibi obstiti, quamquam videbam perniciem meam cum magna calamitate rei publicae esse coniunctam. 5 QQ M. TULLI CICERONIS Nunc iam aperte rem publicani universam petis; templa deorum immortalium, tecta urbis, vitam om- nium civium, Italiam totam ad exitium et vastitatem vocas. 5 Qua re, quoniam id, quod est primum, et quod huius imperi disciplinaeque maiorum proprium est, facere nondum audeo, faciam id, quod est ad severi- tatem lenius et ad communem salutem utilius. Nam si te interfici iussero, residebit in re publica reliqua io coniuratorum manus ; sin tu, quod te iam dudum hortor, exieris, exhaurietur ex urbe tuorum comitum magna et perniciosa sentina rei publicae. Quid est, Catilina? Num dubitas id me imperante facere, quod iam tua sponte faciebas? Exire ex urbe iubet consul i. hostem. Interrogas me, num in exsilium? Non iubeo, sed, si me consulis, suadeo. VI. Quid est enim, Catilina, quod te iam in hac urbe delectare possit? in qua nemo est extra istam coniurationem perditorum hominum, qui te non rae- 20 tuat; nemo, qui non oderit. Quae nota domesticae turpitudinis non inusta vitae tuae est? Quod priva- tarum rerum dedecus non haeret in fama? Quae libido ab oculis, quod facinus a manibus umquam tuis, quod flagitium a toto corpore afuit? Cui tu 25 adulescentulo, quern corruptelarum illecebris inretisses, non aut ad audaciam ferrum aut ad lubidinem facem praetulisti? Quid vero? nuper, cum morte superioris uxoris novis nuptiis domum vacuefecisses, nonne etiam alio 30 incredibili scelere hoc scelus cumulasti? quod ego praetermitto et facile patior sileri, ne in hac civitate tanti facinoris immanitas aut exstitisse aut non vin- dicate esse videatur. Praetermitto ruinas fortunarum tuarum, quas omnis impendere tibi proximis Idibus IN CATILINAM I. vm. 69 opprimar, sin falsus, ut tandem aliquando timere desinam." VIII. Haec si tecum, ut dixi, patria loquatur, nonne impetrare debeat, etiam si vim adhibere non possit? Quid, quod tu te ipse in custodiam dedisti, quod 5 vitandae suspicionis causa ad M'. Lepidum te habi- tare velle dixisti? A quo non receptus etiam ad me venire ausus es atque, ut domi meae te adservarem, rogasti. Cum a me quoque id responsum tulisses, me nullo modo posse isdem parietibus tuto esse 10 tecum, qui magno in periculo essem, quod isdem moenibus contineremur, ad Q. Metellum praetorem venisti. A quo repudiatus ad sodalem tuum, virum optimum, M. Metellum, demigrasti; quern tu videlicet et ad custodiendum diligentissimum et ad suspican- 15 dum sagacissimum et ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam longe videtur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui se ipse iam dignum custodia iudicarit ! Quae cum ita sint, Catilina, dubitas, si emori aequo animo non potes, abire in 20 aliquas terras et vitam istam, multis suppliciis iustis debitisque ereptam, fugae solitudinique mandare? "Refer," inquis, "ad senatum;" id enim postulas et, si hie ordo placere decreverit te ire in exsilium, obtemperaturum te esse dicis. Non referam, id quod 25 abhorret a meis moribus ; et tamen faciam, ut intel- legas, quid hi de te sentiant. Egredere ex urbe, Cati- lina, libera rem publicam metu ; in exsilium, si hanc vocem exspectas, proficiscere. Quid est, Catilina ? ecquid attendis, ecquid animadvertis horum silentium? 30 Patiuhtur, tacent. Quid exspectas auctoritatem lo- quentium, quorum voluntatem tacitorum perspicis? At si hoc idem huic adulescenti optimo, P. Sestio, si fortissimo viro, M. Marcello, dixissem, iam mihi 70 M. TULLI CICERONIS consuli hoc ipso in templo hire optimo senatus vim et manus intulisset. De te autem, Catilina, cum quiescunt, probant; cum patiuntur, decernunt; cum tacent, clamant; neque hi 5 solum, quorum tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita vilissima, sed etiam illi equites Romani, honestissimi atque optimi viri, ceterique fortissimi cives, qui cir- cumstant senatum, quorum tu et frequentiam videre et studia perspicere et voces paulo ante exaudire io potuisti. Quorum ego vix abs te iam diu manus ac tela contineo, eosdem facile adducam, ut te haec, quae vastare iam pridem studes, relinquentem usque ad portas prosequantur. IX. Quamquam quid loquor? Te ut ulla res 15 frangat? tu ut umquam te corrigas? tu ut ullam fugam meditere? tu ut exsilium cogites? Utinam tibi istam mentem di immortales duint! Tametsi video, si mea voce perterritus ire in exsilium animum in- duxeris, quanta tempestas invidiae nobis, si minus in 20 praesens tempus, recenti memoria scelerum tuorum, at in posteritatem impendeat. Sed est tanti, dum modo ista sit privata calamitas et a rei publicae periculis seiungatur. Sed tu ut vitiis tuis commo- veare, ut legum poenas pertimescas, ut temporibus rei 25 publicae cedas, non est postulandum. Neque enim is es, Catilina, ut te aut pudor umquam a turpitudine aut metus a periculo aut ratio a furore revocarit. Ouam ob rem, ut saepe iam dixi, proficiscere, ac, si mihi inimico, ut praedicas, tuo conflare vis invi- 30 diam, recta perge in exsilium. Vix feram sermones hominum, si id feceris ; vix molem istius invidiae, si in exsilium iussu consulis ieris, sustinebo. Sin autem servire meae laudi et gloriae mavis, egredere cum importuna sceleratorum man u confer te ad IN CATILINAM I. x. 71 Manlium, concita perditos cives, secerne te a bonis, infer patriae bellum, exsulta impio latrocinio, ut a me non eiectus ad alienos, sed invitatus ad tuos isse videaris. Quamquam quid ego te invitem, a quo iam sciam 5 esse praemissos, qui tibi ad Forum Aurelium praesto- larentur, armati? cui iam sciam pactam et constitu- tam cum Manlio diem? a quo etiam aquilam illam argenteam, quam tibi ac tuis omnibus confido per- niciosam ac funestam futuram, cui domi tuae sacra- 10 rium scelerum tuorum constitutum fuit, sciam esse praemissam? Tu ut ilia carere diutius possis, quam venerari ad caedem proficiscens solebas, a cuius altaribus saepe istam impiam dexteram ad necem civium transtulisti? 15 X. Ibis tandem aliquando, quo te iam pridem ista tua cupiditas effrenata ac furiosa rapiebat ; neque enim tibi haec res adfert dolorem, sed quandam in- credibilem voluptatem. Ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas exercuit, fortuna servavit. Num- 20 quam tu non modo otium, sed ne bellum quidem nisi nefarium concupisti. Nactus es ex perditis atque ab omni non modo fortuna, verum etiam spe derelictis conflatam improborum manum. Hie tu qua laetitia perfruere ! quibus gaudiis exsultabis ! quanta in volup- 2 5 tate bacchabere, cum in tanto numero tuorum neque audies virum bonum quemquam neque videbis ! Ad huius vitae studium meditati illi sunt, qui feruntur, labores tui, iacere humi non solum ad obsidendum stuprum, verum etiam ad facinus obe- 3° undum, vigilare non solum insidiantem somno mari- torum, verum etiam bonis otiosorum. Habes, ubi ostentes tuam illam praeclaram patientiam famis, frigoris, inopiae rerum omnium, quibus te brevi 72 M. TULLI CICERONIS tempore confectum esse senties. Tantum profeci turn, cum te a consulatu reppuli, ut exsul potius temptare quam consul vexare rem publicam posses, atque ut id, quod esset a te scelerate susceptum, 5 latrocinium potius quam bellum nominaretur. XI. Nunc, ut a me, patres conscripti, quandam prope iustam patriae querimoniam detester ac depre- cer, percipite, quaeso, diligenter, quae dicam, et ea penitus animis vestris mentibusque mandate. Ete- io nim, si mecum patria, quae mihi vita mea multo est carior, si cuncta Italia, si omnis res publica loquatur : " M. Tulli, quid agis? Tune eum, quern esse hostem comperisti, quern ducem belli futurum vides, 15 quern exspectari imperatorem in castris hostium sentis, auctorem sceleris, principem coniurationis, evocatorem servorum et civium perditorum, exire patiere, ut abs te non emissus ex urbe, sed immissus in urbem esse videatur? Nonne hunc in vincla duci, non ad mortem 20 rapi, non summo supplicio mactari imperabis? "Quid tandem te impedit? Mosne maiorum? At persaepe etiam privati in hac re publica perniciosos cives morte multarunt. An leges, quae de civium Romanorum supplicio rogatae sunt? At numquam 25 in hac urbe, qui a re publica defecerunt, civium iura tenuerunt. An invidiam posteritatis times? Prae- claram vero populo Romano refers gratiam, qui te, hominem per te cognitum, nulla commendatione maio- rum tarn mature ad summum imperium per omnis 30 honorum gradus extulit, si propter invidiae aut ali- cuius periculi metum salutem civium tuorum neglegis. Sed, si quis est invidiae metus, num est vehementius severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia quam inertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda? An, cum bello vastabitur IN CATILINAM I. xn. 73 Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta ardebunt, turn te non existimas invidiae incendio conflagraturum? " XII. His ego sanctissimis rei publicae vocibus et eorum hominum, qui hoc idem sentiunt, mentibus pauca respondebo. Ego, si hoc optimum factu iudi- 5 carem, patres conscripti, Catilinam morte multari, unius usuram horae gladiatori isti ad vivendum non dedissem. Etenim, si summi viri et clarissimi cives Saturnini et Gracchorum et Flacci et "s-uperiorum complurium sanguine non modo se non contami- 10 narunt, sed etiam honestarunt, certe verendum mihi non erat, ne quid hoc parricida civium interfecto invidiae mihi in posteritatem redundaret. Quod si ea mihi maxime impenderet, tamen hoc animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute partam gloriam, non 15 invidiam putarem. Quamquam non nulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea, quae imminent, non videant aut ea, quae vident, dissimulent; < qui spem Catilinae mollibus sententiis aluerunt coniurationemque nascentem non credendo 2 ° corroboraverunt ; quorum auctoritatem secuti multi non solum improbi, verum etiam imperiti, si in hunc animadvertissem, crudeliter et regie factum esse di- cerent. Nunc intellego, si iste, quo intendit, in Manliana castra pervenerit, neminem tarn stultum 25 fore, qui non videat coniurationem esse factam, neminem tarn improbum, qui non fateatur. Hoc autem uno interfecto intellego hanc rei publicae pestem paulisper reprimi, non in perpetuum com- primi posse. Quod si se eiecerit secumque suos 30 eduxerit et eodem ceteros undique collectos liaufra- gos aggregarit, exstinguetur atque delebitur ' non modo haec tarn adulta rei publicae pestis, verum etiam stirps ac semen malorum omnium. 74 M. TULLI CICERONIS XIII. Etenim iam diu, patres conscripti, in his periculis coniurationis insidiisque versamur, sed nescio quo pacto omnium scelerum ac veteris furoris et audaciae maturitas in nostri consulatus tempus erupit. 5 Quod si ex tanto latrocinio iste unus tolletur, vide- bimur fortasse ad breve quoddam tempus cura et metu esse relevati, periculum autem residebit et erit inclusum penitus in venis atque in visceribus rei pu- blicae. Ut saepe homines aegri morbo gravi, cum io aestu febrique iactantur, si aquam gelidam biberunt, primo relevari videntur, deinde multo gravius. vehe- mentiusque adflictantur, sic hie morbus, qui est in re publica, relevatus istius poena, vehementius reliquis vivis ingravescet. 15 Qua re secedant improbi, secernant se a bonis, unum in locum congregentur, muro denique, id quod saepe iam dixi, secernantur a nobis ; desinant insidiari domi suae consuli, circumstare tribunal praetoris ur- bani, obsidere cum gladiis curiam, malleolos et faces 20 ad inflammandam urbem comparare; sit denique in- scriptum in fronte unius cuiusque, quid de re publica sentiat. Polliceor hoc vobis, patres conscripti, tantam in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam, tantam in vobis auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus Romanis virtutem, 25 tantam in omnibus bonis consensionem, ut Catilinae profectione omnia patefacta, illustrata, oppressa, vin- dicata esse videatis. Hisce ominibus, Catilina, cum summa rei publicae salute, cum tua peste ac pernicie cumque eorum 30 exitio,. qui se tecum omni scelere parricidioque iunxe- runt, proficiscere ad impium bellurr. ac nefariuin. Tu, Iuppiter, qui eisdem quibus haec urbs auspiciis a Romulo es constltntus, quern Statorem huius urbis atque imperi vere notninamus, hunc et huius socios IN CATALINAM I. xm. 75 a tuis ceterisque templis, a tectis urbis ac moenibus, a vita fortunisque civium arcebis, et homines bono- rum inimicos, hostis patriae, latrones Italiae, scele- rum foedere inter se ac nefaria societate coniunctos, aeternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis. M. TULLI CICERONIS IN L. CATILINAM ORATIO SECUNDA HABITA AD POPULUM. I. Tandem aliquando, Ouirites, L. Catilinam, furen- tem audacia, scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferro flammaque minitantem, ex urbe vel eiecimus vel emisimus vel 5 ipsum egredientem verbis prosecuti sumus. Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit. Nulla iam pernicies a mon- stro illo atque prodigio moenibus ipsis intra moenia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum huius belli domestici io ducem sine controversia vicimus. Non enim iam inter latera nostra sica ilia versabitur ; non in campo, non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra domesticos parietes pertimescemus. Loco ille motus est, cum est ex urbe depulsus. Palam iam cum hoste nullo im- I5 pediente bellum geremus. Sine dubio perdidimus hominem magnificeque vicimus, cum ilium ex occultis insidiis in apertum latrocinium coniecimus. Quod vero non cruentum mucronem, ut voluit, extulit, quod vivis nobis egressus est, quod ei ferrum e mani- 20 bus extorsimus, quod incolumes cives, quod stantem urbem reliquit, quanto tandem ilium maerore esse adflictum et profligatum putatis? Iacet ille nunc FORUM ROMAJfUM, MONS CAPITOLINITS, MONS PAIATINUS M.TULLI CICERONIS' TEMPORE PEDES ANGLICI Templum Concordiae .Templum Saturni Tabernae Veteres Templum Castoris Aedes Vestae Tabernae Novae Basilica Aemilia Curia Hostilia Rostra( original location) 10. Rostra ( after 4.4 B.C.) 11. Career 12. Tabularium 13. Domus Vestalium 14. Templum Jovis Statoris 15. Domus Ciceronis 16. Templa The location of 3, 6, 7, 9, 14, and 15, is less cer- tain than that of the other buildings. IN CATILINAM II. n. 77 prostratus, Quirites, et se perculsum atque abiectum esse sentit et retorquet oculos profecto saepe ad hanc urbem, quam e suis faucibus ereptam esse luget; quae quidem mihi laetari videtur., quod tan- tam pestem evomuerit forasque proiecerit. 5 II. Ac si quis est talis, quales esse omnes opor- tebat, qui in hoc ipso, in quo exsultat et triumphat oratio mea, me vehementer accuset, quod tam capi- talem hostem non comprehenderim potius quam emiserim, non est ista mea culpa, Quirites, sed 10 temporum. - Interfectum esse L. Catilinam et gravis- simo supplicio adfectum iam pridem oportebat, idque a me et mos maiorum et huius imperi severitas et res'publica postulabat. Sed quam multos fuisse putatis, qui, quae ego deferrem, non crederent? r 5 quam multos, qui etiam defenderent? Ac, si illo sublato depelli a vobis omne periculum iudicarem, iam pridem ego L. Catilinam non modo invidiae meae, verum etiam vitae periculo sustulissem. Sed cum viderem, ne vobis quidem omnibus re etiam 20 turn probata, si ilium, ut erat meritus, morte mul- tassem, fore ut eius socios invidia oppressus persequi non possem, rem hue deduxi, ut turn palam pugnare possetis, cum hostem aperte videretis. Quern quidem ego hostem, Quirites, quam vehe- 25 menter foris esse timendum putem,"Ticet hinc intel- legatis, quod etiam illud moleste fero, quod ex urbe parum comitatus exierit. Utinam ille omnis secum suas copias eduxisset! Tongilium mihi eduxit, quern amare in praetexta coeperat, Publicium et Minucium, 3° quorum aes alienum contractum in popina nullum rei publicae motum adferre poterat; reliquit quos viros ! quanto aere alieno ! quam valentis ! quam nobilis ! 78 M. TULLI CICERONIS III. Itaque ego ilium exercitum prae Gallicanis legionibus et hoc dilectu, quem in agro Piceno et Gallico O. Metellus habuit, et his copiis, quae a nobis cotidie comparantur, magno opere contemno, collec- 5 turn ex senibus desperatis, ex agresti luxuria, ex rusticis decoctoribus, ex eis, qui vadimonia deserere quam ilium exercitum maluerunt; quibus ego non modo si aciem exercitus nostri, verum etiam si edictum praetoris ostendero, concident. Hos, quos io video volitare in fbro, quos stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire, qui nitent unguentis, qui fulgent purpura, mallem secum milites eduxisset; qui si hie permanent, mementote non tarn exercitum ilium esse nobis quam hos, qui exercitum deserue- 15 runt, pertimescendos. Atque hoc etiam sunt timendi magis, quod, quid cogitent, me scire sentiunt, neque tamen permoventur. Video, cui sit Apulia attributa, quis habeat Etruriam, quis agrum Picenum, quis Gallicum, quis sibi has 20 urbanas insidias caedis atque incendiorum depopo- scerit. Omnia superioris noctis consilia ad me perlata esse sentiunt ; patefeci in senatu hesterno die; Catilina ipse pertimuit, [profugit; hi quid ex- spectant? Ne i 11 i vehementer errant, si illam meam 25 pristinam lenitatem perpetuam sperant futuram. IV. Quod exspectavi, iam sum adsecutus, ut vos omnes factam esse aperte coniurationem contra rem publicam videretis ; nisi vero si quis est, qui Catilinae similis cum Catilina sentire non putet./ Non est iam 30 lenitati locus ; severitatem res ipsa flagitat. Unum etiam nunc concedam : exeant, proficiscantur, ne pa- tiantur desiderio sui Catilinam miserum tabescere. Demonstrabo iter, Aurelia via profectus est; si acce- lerare volent, ad vesperam consequentur. IN CATILINAM II. v. 79 O fortunatam rem pubficam, si quidem hanc senti- nam urbis eiecerit ! Uno me hercule Catilina ex- hausto, levata mihi et recreata res publica videtur. Quid enim mali aut sceleris fingi aut cogitari potest, quod non ille conceperit? Quis tota Italia veneficus, s quis gladiator, quis latro, quis sicarius, quis parri- cida, quis testamentorum subiector, quis circumscrip- tor, quis ganeo, quis nepos, quis adulter, quae mulier infamis, quis corruptor iuventutis, quis corruptus, quis perditus inveniri potest, qui se cum Catilina non 10 familiarissime vixisse fateatur? Quae caedes per hosce annos sine illo facta est? quod nefarium stu- prum non per ilium? lam vero quae tanta umquam in ullo homine iuventutis illecebra fuit, quanta in illo? qui alios 15 ipse amabat turpissime, aliorum amori flagitiosissime serviebat, aliis fructum libidinum, aliis mortem paren- tum non modo impellendo, verum etiam adiuvando pollicebatur. Nunc vero quam subito non solum ex urbe, verum etiam ex agris ingentem numerum perdi- 20 torum hominum collegerat ! Nemo non modo Romae, sed ne ullo quidem in angulo totius Italiae oppressus aere aiieno fuit, quern non ad hoc incredibile sceleris foedus asciverit. V. Atque ut eius diversa studia in dissimili ratione 25 perspicere possitis, nemo est in ludo gladiatorio paulo ad facinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilinae esse fateatur; nemo est in scaena levior et nequior, qui se non eiusdem prope sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem tamen, stuprorum et scelerum exercita- 30 tione adsuefactus, frigore et fame et siti et vigiliis perferendis fortis ab istis praedicabatur, cum inclu- striae subsidia atque instrumenta virtutis in lubidine audaciaque consumeret. 80 M. TULLI CICERONIS Hunc vero si secuti erunt sui comites, si ex urbe exierint desperatorum hominum flagitiosi greges, O nos beatos, O rem publicam fortunatam, O praecla- ram laudem consulates mei ! Non enim iam sunt 5 mediocres hominum libidines, non humanae ac tole- randae audaciae; nihil cogitant nisi caedem, nisi incendia, nisi rapinas. Patrimonia sua profuderunt, fortunas suas obligaverunt ; res eos iam pridem, fides nuper deficere coepit; eadem tamen ilia, quae erat 10 in abundantia, libido manet. Quod si in vino et alea comissationes solum et scorta quaererent, essent illi quidem desperandi, sed tamen essent ferendi ; hoc vero quis ferre possit, inertes homines fortissimis viris insidiari, stultissimos prudentissimis, ebriosos sobriis, 15 dormientis vigilantibus? qui mihi accubantes in convi- viis, complexi mulieres impudicas, vino languidi, con- ferti cibo, sertis redimiti, unguentis obliti, debilitati stupris, eructant sermonibus suis caedem bonorum atque urbis incendia. 20 Quibus ego confido impendere fatum aliquod, et poenam iam diu improbitati, nequitiae, sceleri, libi- dini debitam aut instare iam plane aut certe appro- pinquare. Quos si meus consulatus, quoniam sanare non potest, sustulerit, non breve nescio quod tempus, 25 sed multa saecula propagarit rei publicae. Nulla est enim natio, quam pertimescamus ; nullus rex, qui bellum populo Romano facere possit. Omnia sunt externa unius virtute terra marique pacata; domesti- cum bellum manet, intus insidiae sunt, intus inclusum 30 periculum est, intus est hostis. Cum luxuria nobis, cum amentia, cum scelere certandum est. Huic ego me bello ducem profiteor, Quirites ; sus- cipio inimicitias hominum perditorum. Quae sanari poterunt, quacumque ratione sanabo; quae resecanda IN CATILINAM II. vi. 81 erunt, non patiar ad perniciem civitatis manere. Pro- inde aut exeant aut quiescant aut, si et in urbe et in eadem mente permanent, ea, quae merentur, exspectent. VI. At etiam sunt, qui dicant, Ouirites, a me in exsilium eiectum esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo 5 adsequi possem, istos ipsos eicerim, qui haec loquun- tur. Homo enim videlicet timidus aut etiam permo- destus vocem consulis ferre non potuit; simul atque ire in exsilium iussus est, paruit, ivit. Quid? ut hesterno die, Quirites, cum domi meae 10 paene interfectus essem, senatum in aedem Iovis Statoris' convocavi, rem omnem ad patres conscriptos detuli. Quo cum Catilina venisset, quis eum senator appellavit? quis salutavit? quis denique ita aspexit ut perditum civem, ac non potius ut importunissi- 15 mum hostem? Quin etiam principes eius ordinis partem illam subselliorum, ad quam ille accesserat, nudam atque inanem reliquerunt. Hie ego vehemens ille consul, qui verbo civis in exsilium eicio, quaesivi a Catilina, in nocturno con- 20 ventu apud M. Laecam fuisset necne. Cum ille, homo audacissimus, conscientia convictus primo reti- cuisset, patefeci cetera; quid ea nocte egisset, quid in proximam constituisset, quem ad modum esset ei ratio totius belli descripta, edocuL- Cum haesitaret, 2 r cum teneretur, quaesivi, quid dubitaret proficisci eo, quo iam pridem pararet, cum arma, cum secures, cum fasces, cum tubas, cum signa militaria, cum aquilam illam argenteam, cui ille etiam sacrarium domi suae fecerat, scirem esse praemissam. In exsilium eicie- 30 bam, quem iam ingressum esse in bellum videbam? Etenim, credo, Manlius iste centurio, qui in agro Faesulano castra posuit, bellum populo Romano suo nomine indixit, et ilia castra nunc non Catilinam 6 82 M. TULLI CICERONIS ducem exspectant, et ille eiectus in exsilium se Massi- liam, ut aiunt, non in haec castra conferet. VII. O conclicionem miseram non modo admini- strandae, verum etiam conservandae rei publicae ! 5 Nunc si L. Catilina consiliis, laboribus, periculis meis circumclusus ac debilitatus subito pertimuerit, senten- tiam mutaverit, deseruerit suos, consilium belli faciendi abiecerit, ex hoc cursu sceleris ac belli iter ad fugam atque in exsilium converterit, non ille a me spoliatus IO armis audaciae, non obstupefactus ac perterritus mea diligentia, non de spe conatuque depulsus, sed indem- natus, innocens, in exsilium eiectus a consule vi et mi- nis esse dicetur; et erunt, qui ilium, si- hoc fecerit, non improbum, sed miserum, me non diligentissimum con- 15 sulem, sed crudelissimum tyrannum existimari velint ! Est mihi tanti, Quirites, huius invidiae falsae atque iniquae tempestatem subire, dum modo a vobis huius horribilis belli ac nefarii periculum depellatur. Dicatur sane eiectus esse a me, dum modo eat in exsilium. 20 Sed, mihi credite, non est iturus. Numquam ego ab dis immortalibus optabo, Quirites, invidiae meae levandae causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exercitum hostium atque in armis volitare audiatis ; sed triduo tamen audietis ; multoque magis illud timeo, ne mihi sit invidiosum 25 aliquando, quod ilium emiserim potius quam quod eiecerim. Sed cum sint homines, qui ilium, cum pro- fectus sit, eiectum esse dicant, idem, si interfectus esset, quid dicerent? Ouamquam isti, qui Catilinam Massiliam ire dicti- 30 tant, non tarn hoc queruntur quam verentur. Nemo est istorum tarn misericors, qui ilium non ad Man- lium quam ad Massilienses ire malit. Ille autem, si me hercule hoc, quod agit, numquam antea cogi- tasset, tamen latrocinantem se interfici mallet quam IN CATILINAM II. vm. *8 exsulem vivere. Nunc vero, cum ei nihil adhuc prae- ter ipsius voluntatem cogitationemque acciderit, nisi quod vivis nobis Roma profectus est, optemus potius, ut eat in exsilium, quam queramur. VIII. Sed cur tam diu de uno hoste loquimur, et 5 de hoste, qui iam fatetur se esse hostem, et quern, quia, quod semper volui, murus interest, non timeo; de eis, qui dissimulant, qui Romae remanent, qui nobiscum sunt, nihil dicimus? Ouos quidem ego, si ullo modo fieri possit, non tam ulcisci studeo quam 10 sanare sibi ipsos, placare rei publicae, neque, id qua re fieri non possit, si me audire volent, intellego. Exponam enim vobis, Quirites, ex quibus generibus hominum istae copiae comparentur; deinde singulis medicinam consili atque orationis meae, si quam 15 potero, adferam. ; Unum genus est eorum, qui magno in aere alieno maiores etiam possessiones habent, quarum amore ad- ducti dissolvi nullo modo possunt. Horum hominum species est honestissima; sunt enim locupletes ; volun- 20 tas vero et causa impudentissima. Tu agris, tu aedi- ficiis, tu argento, tu familia, tu rebus omnibus ornatus et copiosus sis, et dubites de possessione detrahere, adquirere ad fidem? Quid enim exspectas? Bellum? Quid ergo? in vastatione omnium tuas possessiones 25 sacrosanctas futuras putas? An tabulas novas? Er- rant, qui istas a Catilina exspectant ; meo beneficio tabulae novae proferentur, verum auctionariae ; neque enim isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla salvi esse possunt. Quod si maturius facere voluissent 3° neque, id quod stultissimum est, certare cum usuris fructibus praediorum, et locupletioribus his et melio- ribus civibus uteremur. Sed hosce homines minime puto pertimescendos, quod aut deduci de sententia 84 M. TULLI CICERONIS possunt aut, si permanebunt, magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra rem publicam quam arma laturi. IX. Alterum genus est eorum, qui, quamquam pre- muntur aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspectant, 5 rerum potiri volunt, honores, quos quieta re publica desperant, perturbata se consequi posse arbitrantur. Quibus hoc praecipiendum videtur, unura scilicet et idem quod reliquis omnibus, ut desperent se id, quod conantur, consequi posse; primum omnium me 10 ipsum vigilare, adesse, providere rei publicae ; deinde magnos animos esse in bonis viris, magnam concor- diam in maxima multitudine, magnas praeterea co- pias militum ; deos denique immortalis huic invicto populo, clarissimo imperio, pulcherrimae urbi contra 15 tantam vim sceleris praesentis auxilium esse laturos. Quod si iam sint id, quod summo furore cupiunt, adepti, num i 11 i in cinere urbis et in sanguine civium, quae mente conscelerata ac nefaria concupiverunt, se consules ac dictatores aut etiam reges sperant futu- 20 ros? Non vident id se cupere, quod si adepti sint, fugitivo alicui aut gladiatori concedi sit necesse? Tertium genus est aetate iam adfectum, sed tamen exercitatione robustum; quo ex genere iste est Man- lius, cui nunc Catilina succedit. Hi sunt homines ex 25 eis coloniis, quas Sulla constituit; quas ego universas civium esse optimorum et fortissimorum virorum sen- tio, sed tamen ei sunt coloni, qui se in insperatis ac repentinis pecuniis sumptuosius insolentiusque, iacta- runt. Hi dum aedificant tamquam beati, dum praediis, 30 lectis, familiis magnis, conviviis apparatis delectantur, in tantum aes alienum inciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint, Sulla sit eis ab inferis excitandus; qui etiam non nullos agrestis, homines tenues atque egentes, in eandem illam spem rapinarum veterum impulerunt IN CATILINAM II. x. 85 Quos ego utrosque in eodem genere praedatorum direptorumque pono ; sed eos hoc moneo, desinant furere ac proscriptiones et dictaturas cogitare. Tantus enim illorum temporum dolor inustus est civitati, ut iam ista non modo homines, sed ne pecudes quidem 5 mihi passurae esse videantur. X. Quartum genus est sane varium et mixtum et tur- bulentum ; qui iam pridem premuntur, qui numquam emergunt, qui partim inertia, partim male gerendo negotio, partim etiam sumptibus in vetere aere alieno I0 vacillant; qui vadimoniis, iudiciis, proscriptione bono- rum defatigati, permulti et ex urbe et ex agris se in ilia castra conferre dicuntur. Hosce ego non tarn milites acris quam infitiatores lentos esse arbitror. Qui homines primum, si stare non possunt, corruant; I5 sed ita, ut non modo civitas, sed ne vicini quidem proximi sentiant. Nam illud non intellego, quam ob rem, si vivere honeste non possunt, perire turpiter velint, aut cur rhinore dolore perituros se cum multis, quam si soli pereant, arbitrentur. 20 Quintum genus est parricidarum, sicariorum, deni- que omnium facinerosorum. Quos ego a Catilina non revoco ; nam neque ab eo divelli possunt et pereant sane in latrocinio, quoniam sunt ita multi, ut eos career capere non possit. 25 Postremum autem genus est non solum numero, verum etiam genere ipso atque vita, quod proprium Catilinae est, de eius dilectu, immo vero de complexu eius ac sinu ; quos pexo capillo, nitidos, aut imberbis aut bene barbatos videtis, manicatis et talaribus tuni- 30 cis, velis amictos, non togis ; quorum omnis industria vitae et vigilandi labor in antelucanis cenis expromi- tur. Tn his gregibus omnes aleatores, omnes adulteri, omnes impuri impudicique versantur. Hi pueri tarn 86 M. TULLI CICERONIS lepidi ac delicati non solum amare et ?mari, neque saltare et cantare, sed etiam sicas vibrare et spargere venena didicerunt. Qui nisi exeunt, nisi pereunt, etiam si Catilina perierit, scitote hoc in re pu- 5 blica seminarium Catilinarum futurum. Verum tamen quid sibi isti miseri volunt? Num suas secum muli- erculas sunt in castra ducturi? Quern ad modum autem illis carere poterunt, his praesertim iam noc- tibus? Quo autem pacto lili Appenninum atque 10 illas pruinas ac nives perferent? nisi idcirco se facilius hiemem toleraturos putant, quod nudi in conviviis saltare didicerunt. XI. O bellum magno opere pertimescendum, cum hanc sit habiturus Catilina scortorum cohortem prae- 15 toriam ! Instruite nunc, Quirites, contra has tarn praeclaras Catilinae copias vestra praesidia vestrosque exercitus. Et primum gladiatori i 11 i confecto et saucio consules imperatoresque vestros opponite ; deinde contra illam 20 naufragorum eiectam ac debilitatam manum, florem totius Italiae ac robur educite. Iam vero urbes colo- niarum ac municipiorum respondebunt Catilinae tumulis silvestribus. Neque ego ceteras copias, ornamenta, praesidia vestra cum illius latronis inopia 25 atque egestate conferre debeo. Sed si omissis his rebus, quibus nos suppeditamur, eget ille, senatu, equitibus Romanis, urbe, aerario, vectigalibus, cuncta Italia, provinces omnibus, exteris nationibus, si his rebus omissis causas ipsas, quae inter 30 se confligunt, contendere velimus, ex eo ipso, quam valde illi iaceant, intellegere possumus. Ex hac enim parte pudor pugnat, illinc petulantia ; hinc pudicitia, illinc stuprum ; hinc fides, illinc fraudatio ; hinc pietas, illinc scelus ; hinc constantia, illinc furor; hinc IN CATILINAM II. xn. 87 honestas, iilinc turpitudo ; hinc continentia, Mine li- bido ; denique aequitas, temperantia, fortitudo, pru- dentia, virtutes omnes certant cum iniquitate, luxuria, ignavia, temeritate, cum vitiis omnibus ; postremo copia cum egestate, bona ratio cum perdita, mens 5 sana cum amentia, bona denique spes cum omnium rerum desperatione confligit. In eius modi certamine ac proelio nonne, etiaai si hominum studia deficiant, di ipsi immortales cogant ab his praeclarissimis virtu- tibus tot et tanta vitia superari? 10 XII. Quae cum ita sint, Quirites, vos, quern ad modum iam antea dixi, vestra tecta vigiliis custo^ — diisque defendite ; mihi, ut urbi sine vestro motu ac sine ullo tumultu satis esset praesidi, consultum atque provisum est. Coloni omnes municipesque vestri, i S certiores a me facti de hac nocturna excursione Cati-. linae, facile urbes suas finesque defendent. Gladia- tores, quam sibi ille manum certissimam fore putavit, — quamquam animo meliore sunt quam pars patri- ciorum — ■ potestate tamen nostra continebuntur. Q. 20 Metellus, quern ego hoc prospiciens in agrum Gal- licum Picenumque praemisi, aut opprimet hominem aut eius omnis motus oonatusque prohibebit. Reli- quis autem de rebus constituendis, maturandis, agendis iam ad senatum referemus, quern vocari videtis. — 25 Nunc illos, qui in urbe remanserunt, atque adeo qui contra urbis salutem omniumque vestrum in urbe a Catilina relicti sunt, quamquam sunt hostes, tamen, quia sunt cives, monitos etiam atque etiam volo. Mea lenitas adhuc si cui solutior visa est, hoc ex- 30 spectavit, ut id, quod latebat, erumperet. Quod reli- quum est, iam non possum oblivisci, meam hanc esse patriam, me horum esse consulem, mihi aut cum his vivendum aut pro his esse moriendum. Nullus 88 IN CATILINAM II. xm. est portis custos, nullus insidiator viae; si qui exire volunt, conivere possum ; qui vero se in urbe com- moverit, cuius ego non modo factum, sed inceptum ullum conatumve contra patriam deprehendero, sen- 5 tiet in hac urbe esse consules vigilantis, esse egregios magistratus, esse fortem senatum, esse arma, esse carcerem quern vindicem nefariorum ac manifesto- rum scelerum maiores nostri esse voluerunt. XIII. Atque haec omnia sic agentur, (Quirites, ut 10 maximae res minimo motu, pericula summa nullo tumultu, bellum intestinum ac domesticum post homi- num memoriam crudelissimum et maximum me uno togato duce et imperatore sedetur. Quod ego sic administrabo, Quirites, ut, si ullo modo fieri poterit, 15 ne improbus quidem quisquam in hac urbe poenam sui sceleris sufferat. Sed si vis manifestae audaciae, si impendens patriae periculum me necessario de hac animi lenitate deduxerit, illud profecto perficiam, quod in tanto et tarn insidioso bello vix optandum videtur, 20 ut neque bonus quisquam intereat paucorumque poena vos omnes salvi esse possitis. Quae quidem ego neque mea prudentia neque humanis consiliis fretus polliceor vobis, Quirites, sed multis et non dubiis deorum immortalium significa- 25 tionibus, quibus ego ducibus in hanc spem senten- tiamque sum ingressus ; qui iam non procul, ut quondam solebant, ab externo hoste atque longinquo, sed hie praesentes suo numine atque auxilio sua templa atque urbis tecta defendunt. Quos vos, 30 Quirites, precari, venerari, implorare debetis, ut quam urbem pulcherrimam florentissimamque esse voluerunt, hanc omnibus hostium copiis terra marique superatis a perditissimorum civium nefario scelere defendant. M. TULLI CICERONIS IN L. CATILINAM ORATIO TERTIA HABIT A AD POPULUM. I. Rem publicam, Ouirites, vitamque omnium vestrum, bona, fortunas, coniuges liberosque vestros atque hoc domicilium clarissimi imperi, fortunatissi- mara pulcherrimamque urbem, hodierno die deorum immortalium summo erga vos amore, laboribus, con- 5 siliis, periculis meis e flamma atque ferro ac paene ex faucibus fati ereptam et vobis conservatam ac restitutam videtis. Et si non minus nobis iucundi atque illustres sunt ei dies, quibus conservamur, quam illi, quibus nascimur, i quod salutis certa laetitia est, nascendi incerta condicio, et quod sine sensu nascimur, cum voluptate servamur, profecto, quoniam ilium, qui hanc urbem condidit, ad deos immortalis benevolentia famaque sustulimus, esse apud vos posterosque vestros in honore debebit is, 15 qui eandem hanc urbem conditam amplificatamque servavit. Nam toti urbi, templis, delubris, tectis ac moenibus subiectos prope iam ignis circumdatosque restinximus, idemque gladios in rem publicam destric- tos rettudimus mucronesque eorum a iugulis vestris 20 deiecimus. Quae quoniam in senatu illustrata, pate- facta, comperta sunt per me, vobis iam exponam 90 M. TULLI CICERONIS breviter, Ouirites, ut, et quanta et qua ratione inves- tigata et comprehensa sint, vos, qui et ignoratis et exspectatis, scire possitis. Principio, ut Catilina paucis ante diebus erupit ex 5 urbe, cum sceleris sui socios, huiusce nefarii belli acer- rimos duces, Romae reliquisset, semper vigilavi et providi, Quirites, quem ad modum in tantis et tarn absconditis insidiis salvi esse possemus. II. Nam turn, cum ex urbe Catilinam eiciebam — 10 non enim iam vereor huius verbi invidiam, cum ilia magis sit timenda, quod vivus exierit — sed turn, cum ilium exterminari volebam, aut reliquam coniuratorum manum simul exituram aut eos, qui restitissent, infirmos sine illo ac debiles fore putabam. Atque ego, ut vidi, 15 quos maximo furore et scelere esse inflammatos sciebam, eos nobiscum esse et Romae remansisse, in eo omnes dies noctesque consumpsi, ut, quid agerent, quid moli- rentur, sentirem ac viderem, ut, quoniam auribus vestris propter incredibilem magnitudinem sceleris minorem 20 fidem faceret oratio mea, rem ita comprehenderem, ut turn demum animis saluti vestrae provideretis, cum oculis maleficium ipsum videretis. Itaque, ut comperi legatos Allobrogum belli Trans- alpini et tumultus Gallici excitandi causa a P. Lentulo 25 esse sollicitatos, eosque in Galliam ad suos civis eodem- que itinere cum litteris mandatisque ad Catilinam esse missos, comitemque eis adiunctum esse T. Volturcium, atque huic ad Catilinam esse datas litteras, facultatem mihi oblatam putavi, ut, quod erat dimcillimum, quod- 30 que ego semper optabam ab dis immortalibus, ut tota res non solum a me, sed etiam a senatu et a vobis manifesto deprehenderetur. Itaque hesterno die L. Flaccum et C. Pomptinum praetores, fortissimos atque amantissimos rei publicae IN CATILINAM III. in. 91 viros, ad me vocavi ; rem exposui ; quid fieri placeret, ostendi. I Hi autem, qui omnia de re publica praeclara atque egregia sentirent, sine recusatione ac sine ulla mora negotium susceperunt et, cum advesperasceret, occulte ad pontem Mulvium pervenerunt atque ibi in 5 proximis villis ita bipertito fuerunt, ut Tiberis inter eos et pons interesset. Eodem autem et ipsi sine cuius- quam suspicione multos fortis viros eduxerant, et ego ex praefectura Reatina complures delectos adulescentes, quorum opera utor adsidue in re publica, praesidio cum 10 gladiis miseram. Interim tertia fere vigilia exacta, cum iam pontem Mulvium magno comitatu legati Allobrogum ingredi inciperent unaque Volturcius, fit in eos impetus; edu- cuntur et ab illis gladii et a nostris. Res praetoribus 15 erat nota solis, ignorabatur a ceteris. III. Turn interventu Pomptini atque Flacci pugna sedatur. Litterae, quaecumque erant in eo comitatu, integris signis praetoribus traduntur ; ipsi comprehensi ad me, cum iam dilucesceret, deducuntur. Atque 20 horum omnium scelerum improbissimum machinatorem, Cimbrum Gabinium, statim ad me, nihil dum suspican- tem, vocavi ; deinde item arcessitus est L. Statilius et post eum C. Cethegus ; tardissime autem Lentulus venit, credo, quod in litteris dandis praeter consuetudinem 25 proxima nocte vigilarat. Cum summis et clarissimis huius civitatis viris, qui audita re frequentes ad me mane convenerant, litteras a me prius aperiri quam ad senatum deferri placeret, ne, si nihil esset inventum, temere a me tantus tumultus 30 iniectus civitati videretur, negavi me esse facturum, ut de periculo publico non ad consilium publicum rem integram deferrem. Etenim, Ouirites, si ea, quae erant ad me delata, reperta non essent, tamen ego 92 M. TULLI CICERONIS non arbitrabar in tantis rei publicae periculis esse mihi nimiam diligentiam pertimescendam. Senatum frequentem celeriter, ut vidistis, coegi. Atque interea statim admonitu Allobrogum C. Sulpi- 5 cium praetorem, fortem virum, misi, qui ex aedibus Cethegi, si quid telorum esset, efferret; ex quibus ille maximum sicarum numerum et gladiorum extulit. IV. Introduxi Volturcium sine Gallis ; fidem pub- licam iussu senatus dedi ; hortatus sum, ut ea, quae 10 sciret, sine timore indicaret. Turn ille dixit, cum vix se ex magno timore recreasset, a P. Lentulo se habere ad Catilinam mandata et litteras, ut servorum praesidio uteretur, ut ad urbem quam primum cum exercitu accederet; id autem eo consilio, ut, cum urbem ex 15 omnibus partibus, quern ad modum descriptum dis- tributumque erat, incendissent caedemque infinitam civium fecissent, praesto esset ille, qui et fugientis exei- peret et se cum his urbanis ducibus coniungeret. Introducti autem Galli ius iurandum sibi et litteras 20 ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio ad suam gentem data esse dixerunt, atque ita sibi ab his et a L. Cassio esse prae- scriptum, ut equitatum in Italiam quam primum mitte- rent; pedestres sibi copias non defuturas; Lentulum autem sibi confirmasse ex fatis Sibyllinis haruspicum- 25 que responsis, se esse tertium ilium Cornelium, ad quern regnum huius urbis atque imperium pervenire esset necesse; Cinnam ante se et Sullam fuisse ; eun- demque dixisse fatalem hunc annum esse ad interi- tum huius urbis atque imperi, qui esset annus decimus 30 post virginum absolutionem, post Capitoli autem incensionem vicesimus. Hanc autem Cethego cum ceteris controversiam fuisse dixerunt, quod Lentulo et aliis Saturnalibus caedem fieri atque urbem incendi placeret, Cethego nimium id longum videretur. IN CATILINAM III. v. 93 V. Ac ne longum sit, Quirites, tabellas proferri iussimus, quae a quoque dicebantur datae. Primum ostendimus Cethego signum; cognovit. Nos linum incidimus, legimus. Erat scriptum ipsius manu Allo- brogum senatui et populo, sese, quae eorum legatis 5 confirmasset, facturum esse; orare, ut item illi facerent, quae sibi eorum legati recepissent. Turn Cethegus, qui paulo ante aliquid tamen de gladiis ac sicis, quae apud ipsum erant deprehensa, respondisset dixissetque se semper bonorum ferramentorum studiosum fuisse, 10 recitatis litteris debilitatus atque abiectus conscientia repente conticuit. Introductus est Statilius ; cognovit et signum et ma- num suam. Recitatae sunt tabellae in eandem fere sententiam ; confessus est. 15 Turn ostendi tabellas Lentulo et quaesivi, cogno- sceretne signum. Adnuit. Est vero, inquam, notum quidem signum, imago avi tui, clarissimi viri, qui amavit unice patriam et cives suos ; quae quidem te a tanto scelere etiam muta revocare debuit. Leguntur eadem ratione 20 ad senaturn Allobrogum populumque litterae. Si quid de his rebus dicere vellet, feci potestatermx Atque ille primq quidem negavit; post autem aliquanto, toto iam indicio exposito atque edito, surrexit ; quaesivit a Gallis, quid sibi esset cum eis, quam ob rem domum suam 25 venissent, itemque a Volturcio. Qui cum illi breviter constanterque respondissent, per quem ad eum quo- tiensque venissent, quaesissentque ab eo, nihilne se- cum esset de fatis Sibyllinis locutus, turn ille subito scelere demens, quanta conscientiae vis esset, osten- 30 dit. Nam, cum id posset infitiari, repente praeter opi- nionem omnium confessus est. Ita eum non modo inge'nium illud et dicendi exercitatio, qua semper valuit, sed etiam propter vim sceleris manifesti atque 94 M. TULLI CICERONIS deprehensi impudentia, qua superabat omnis, impro- bitasque defecit. Volturcius vero subito litteras proferri atque aperiri iubet, quas sibi a Lentulo ad Catilinam datas esse di- 5 cebat. Atque ibi vehementissime perturbatus Lentu- lus tamen et signum et manum suam cognovit. Erant autem sine nomine, sed ita: Quis sim, scies ex eo, quern ad te mist. Cura, tit vir sis, et cogita, qtiem in locum sis progressus. Vide, quid 10 tibi iam sit necesse, et cura, ut omnium tibi auxilia ad- iungas, etiam infimorum. Gabinius deinde introductus cum primo impudenter respondere coepisset, ad extremum nihil ex eis, quae Galli insimulabant, negavit. iS Ac mihi quidem, Ouirites, cum ilia certissima visa sunt argumenta atque indicia sceleris, tabellae, signa, manus, denique unius cuiusque confessio, turn multo certiora ilia, color, oculi, vultus, taciturnitas. Sic enim obstipuerant, sic terram intuebantur, sic furtim non 20 numquam inter sese aspiciebant, ut non iam ab aliis indicari, sed indicare se ipsi viderentur. VI. Indiciis expositis atque editis, Quirites, senatum consului, de summa re publica quid fieri placeret. Dictae sunt a principibus acerrimae ac fortissimae 25 sententiae, quas senatus sine ulla varietate est secu- tus. Et quoniam nondum est perscriptum senatus consultum, ex memoria vobis, Ouirites, quid senatus censuerit, exponam. Primum mihi gratiae verbis amplissimis aguntur, 30 quod virtute, consilio, providentia mea res publica maximis periculis sit liberata. Deinde L. Flaccus et C. Pomptinus praetores, quod eorum opera forti fidelique usus essem, merito ac iure laudantur. At- que etiam viro forti, collegae meo, laus impertitur, IN CATILINAM III. vi. 95 quod eos, qui huius coniurationis participes fuissent, a suis et a rei publicae consiliis removisset. Atque ita censuerunt, ut P. Lentulus, cum se prae- tura abdicasset, in custodiam traderetur; itemque uti C. Cethegus, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius, qui omnes prae- 5 sentes erant, in custodiam traderentur; atque idem hoc decretum est in L. Cassium, qui sibi procuratio- nem incendendae urbis depoposcerat ; in M. Cepa- rium, cui ad sollicitandos pastores Apuliam attributam esse erat indicatum ; in P. Furium, qui est ex eis 10 colonis, quos Faesulas L. Sulla deduxit; in Q. An- nium Chilonem, qui una cum hoc Furio semper erat in hac Allobrogum sollicitatione versatus ; in P. Um- brenum, libertinum hominem, a quo primum Gallos ad Gabinium perductos esse constabat. Atque ea 15 lenitate senatus est usus, Quirites, ut ex tanta coniuratione tantaque hac multitudine domesticorum hostium novem hominum perditissimorum poena re publica conservata reliquorum mentes sanari posse arbitraretur. 20 Atque etiam supplicatio dis immortalibus pro singu- lari eorum merito meo nomine decreta est, quod mih[_ primum post hanc urbem conditam togato contigit, et his decreta verbis est, quod urbem incendiis, caede civis, Italiam bello liberas-sem. Quae supplicatio si cum 25 ceteris supplicationibus conferatur, hoc interest, quod ceterae bene gesta, haec una conservata re publica constituta est. Atque illud, quod faciendum primum fuit. factum atque transactum est. Nam P. Lentulus, quamquam 30 patefactis indiciis, confessionibus suis, iudicio senatus non modo praetoris ius, verum etiam civis ami- serat, tamen magistratu se abdicavit, ut, quae religio C. Mario, clarissimo viro, non fuerat, quo minus 96 M. TULLI CICERO C. Glauciam, de quo nihil nominaum erat decretum, praetorem occideret, ea nos religione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo liberaremur. VII. Nunc quoniam, Quirites, consceleratissimi peri- 5 culosissimique belli nefarios duces captos iam et com- prehensos tenetis, existimare debetis omnis Catilinae copias, omnis spes atque opes his depulsis urbis peri- culis concidisse. Quem quidem ego cum ex urbe pellebam, hoc providebam animo, Quirites, remoto io Catilina non mihi esse P. Lentuli somnum nee L. Cassi adipes nee C. Cethegi furiosam temeritatem pertimescendam. Ille erat unus timendus ex istis omnibus, sed tarn diu, dum urbis moenibus continebatur. Omnia norat, om- 15 nium aditus tenebat; appellare, temptare, sollicitare poterat, audebat. Erat ei consilium ad facinus aptum, consilio autem neque manus neque lingua deerat. Iam ad certas res conficiendas certos homines delectos ac descriptos habebat. Neque vero, cum aliquid mandarat, 20 confectum putabat ; nihil erat, quod non ipse obiret, occurreret, vigilaret, laboraret ; frigus, sitim, famem ferre poterat. Hunc ego hominem tarn acrem, tarn audacem, tarn . paratum, tarn callidum, tarn in scelere vigilantem, tarn 25 in perditis rebus diligentem nisi ex domesticis insidiis in castrense latrocinium compulissem — dicam id, quod sentio, Quirites, — non facile hanc tantam molem mali a cervicibus vestris depulissem. Non ille nobis Saturnalia constituisset neque tanto ante exiti ac fati diem rei 30 publicae denuntiavisset neque commisisset, ut signum, ut litterae suae testes manifesti sceleris deprehenderen- tur. Quae nunc illo absente sic gesta sunt, ut nullum in privata domo furtum umquam sit tarn palam inven- tum, quam haec tanta in re publica coniuratio manifesto IN CATILINAM III. vm. 97 inventa atque deprehensa est. Quod si Catilina in urbe ad hanc diem remansisset, quamquam, quoad fuit, omnibus eius consiliis occurri atque obstiti, ta- men, ut levissime dica-m, dimicandum nobis cum illo fuisset, neque nos umquam, cum ille in urbe hostis 5 esset, tantis periculis rem publicam tanta pace, tanto otio, tanto silentio liberassemus. VIII. Quamquam haec omnia, Quirites, ita sunt a me administrata, ut deorum immortalium nutu atque con- silio et gesta et provisa esse videantur. Idque cum 10 coniectura consequi possumus, quod vix videtur humani consili tantarum rerum gubernatio esse potuisse, turn vero ita praesentes his temporibus opem et auxilium nobis tulerunt, ut eos paene oculis videre possemus. Nam ut ilia omittam, visas nocturno tempore ab occi- 15 dente faces ardoremque caeli, ut fulminum iactus, ut terrae motus relinquam ; ut omittam cetera, quae tarn multa nobis consulibus facta sunt, ut haec, quae nunc hunt, canere di immortales viderentur, hoc certe, quod sum dicturus, neque praetermittendum 20 neque relinquendum est. Nam profecto memoria tenetis Cotta et Torquato consulibus complures in Capitolio res de caelo esse percussas, cum et simulacra deorum depulsa sunt et statuae veterum hominum deiectae et legum aera lique- 25 facta et tactus etiam ille, qui hanc urbem condidit, Romulus, quern inauratum in Capitolio, parvum atque lactentem, uberibus lupinis inhiantem, fuisse meministis. Quo quidem tempore cum haruspices ex tota Etruria convenissent, caedes atque incendia et legum interitum 30 et bellum civile ac domesticum et totius urbis atque imperi occasum appropinquare dixerunt, nisi di im- mortales omni ratione placati suo numine prope fata ipsa fiexissent. 7 98 M. TULLI CICERONIS Itaque illorum responsis turn et ludi per decern dies facti sunt, neque res ulla, quae ad placandos deos pertineret, praetermissa est. Idemque iusse,runt simu- lacrum Iovis facere maius et in excelso qollocare et 5 contra, atque antea fuerat, ad orientem convertere ; ac se sperare dixerunt, si illud signum, quod videtis, solis ortum et forum curiamque conspiceret, fore ut ea con- silia, quae clam essent inita contra salutem urbis atque imperi, illustrarentur, ut a senatu populoque Romano 10 perspici possent. Atque illud signum collocandum consules illi locaverunt; sed tanta fuit operis tarditas, ut neque superioribus consulibus neque nobis ante hodiernum diem collocaretur. IX. Hie quis potest esse, Ouirites, tarn aversus a 15 vero, tarn praeceps, tam mente captus, qui neget haec omnia, quae videmus, praecipueque hanc urbem deorum immortalium nutu ac potestate administrari? Etenim, cum esset ita responsum, caedes, incendia, interitum rei publicae comparari, et ea per elves, quae turn propter 20 magnitudinem scelerum 11011 nullis incredibilia videban- tur, ea non modo cogitata a nefariis civibus, verum etiam suscepta esse sensistis^ Illud vero nonne ita praesens est, ut nutu Iovis 'optimi maximi factum esse videatur, ut, cum hodierno die mane per forum meo iussu et coniurati et eorum indices in aedem Concordiae ducerentur, eo ipso tempore signum statueretur? Quo collocato atque ad vos senatumque converso omnia, quae erant cogitata contra salutem omnium, illustrata et "~~ patefacta vidistis. 30 Quo etiam maiore sunt isti odio supplicioque digni, qui non solum vestris domiciliis atque tectis, sed etiam deorum templis atque delubris sunt funestos ac nefarios ignes inferre conati. \Quibus ego si me restitisse dicam, nimium mihi sumam et non sim ferendus; ille, IN CATILINAM III. x. 99 ille Iuppiter restitit; ille Capitolium, ille haec templa, ille cunctam urbem, ille vos omnis sajvos esse voluit. Dis ego immortalibus ducibus hanc nientem, Quirites, voluntatemque suscepi, atque ad haec tanta indicia perveni. 5 lam vero ab Lentulo ceterisque domesticis hostibus tarn dementer tantae res creditae et ignotis et barbaris numquam essent profecto, nisi ab dis immortalibus huic tantae audaciae consilium esset ereptum. Quid vero? ut homines Galli ex civitate male pacata, quae gens 10 una restat, quae bellum populo Romano facere et posse et non nolle videatur, spem imperi ac rerum maximarum ultro sibi a patriciis h'ominibus oblatam neglegerent vestramque salutem suis opibus antepo- nerent, id non divinitus e'sse factum putatis, prae- 15 sertim qui 110s non pugnando, sed tacendo superare potuerint? X. Ouam ob rem, Quirites, quoniam ad omnia pul- vinaria supplicatio decreta est, celebratote illos dies cum coniugibus ac liberis vestris. Nam multi saepe 20 honores dis immortalibus iusti habiti sunt ac debiti, sed profecto iustiores numquam. Erepti enim estis ex crudelissimo ac miserrimo interitu ; sine caede, sine sanguine, sine exercitu, sine dimicatione; togati me uno togato duce et imperatore vicistis. 25 Etenim recordamini, Quirites, omnis civiles dissen- siones, non solum eas, quas audistis, sed eas, quas vosmet ipsi meministis atque vidistis. L. Sulla P. Sulpicium oppressit; C. Marium, custodem huius urbis, multosque fortis viros partim eiecit ex civitate, partim 30 interemit. Cn. Octavius consul armis expulit ex urbe collegam ; omnis hie locus acervis corporum et civium sanguine redundavit. Superavit postea Cinna cum Mario; turn vero, clarissimis viris interfectis lumina 100 M. TULLI CICERONIS civitatis exstincta sunt. Ultus est huius victoriae cru- delitatem postea Sulla; ne dici quidem opus est, quanta deminutione civium et quanta calamitate rei publicae. Dissensit M. Lepidus a clarissimo et fortissimo viro, 5 Q. Catulo ; attulit non tarn ipsius interitus rei publicae luctum quam ceterorum. Atque illae tamen omnes dissensiones erant eius modi, quae non ad delendam, sed ad commutandam rem publicam pertinerent. Non illi nullam esse rem io publicam, sed in ea, quae esset, se esse principes, neque hanc urbem conflagrare, sed se in hac urbe florere voluerunt. Atque illae tamen omnes dissen- siones, quarum nulla exitium rei publicae quaesivit, eius modi fuerunt, ut non reconciliatione concordiae, 15 sed internecione civium diiudicatae sint. In hoc autem uno post hominum memoriam maximo crude- lissimoque bello, quale bellum nulla umquam barba- ria cum sua gente gessit, quo in bello lex haec fuit a Lentulo, Catilina, Cethego, Cassio constituta, ut 20 omnes, qui salva urbe salvi esse possent, in hostium numero ducerentur, ita me gessi, Quirites, ut salvi omnes conservaremini, et, cum hostes vestri tantum civium superfuturum putassent, quantum infinitae cae- di restitisset, tantum autem urbis, quantum flamma 25 obire non potuisset, et urbem et civis integros inco- lumesque servavi. XI. Quibus pro tantis rebus, Quirites, nullum ego a vobis praemium virtutis, nullum insigne honoris, nul- lum monumentum laudis postulo praeterquam huius 30 diei memoriam sempiternam. In animis ego vestris omnes triumphos meos, omnia ornamenta honoris, monumenta gloriae, laudis insignia condi et collocari volo. Nihil me mutum potest delectare, nihil taciturn, nihil denique eius modi, quod etiam minus digni IN CATILINAM III. XII. 101 adsequi possint. Memoria vestra, Quirites, nostrae res alentur, sermonibus crescent, litterarum monu- mentis inveterascent et corroborabuntur ; eandemque diem intellego, quam spero aeternam fore, propaga- tam esse et ad salutem urbis et ad memoriam 5 consulatus mei, unoque tempore in hac re publica duos civis exstitisse, quorum alter finis vestri imperi non terrae, sed caeli regionibus terminaret, alter eiusdem imperi domicilium sedesque servaret. XII. Sed quoniam earum rerum, quas ego gessi, 10 non eadem est fortuna atque condicio quae illorum, qui externa bella gesserunt, quod mihi cum eis vivendum est, quos vici ac subegi, illi hostes aut interfectos aut oppressos reliquerunt, vestrum est, Quirites, si ceteris facta sua recte prosunt, mihi mea 15 ne quando obsint, providere. Mentes enim hominum audacissimorum sceleratae ac nefariae ne vobis nocere possent, ego providi; ne mihi noceant, vestrum est providere. Quamquam, Quirites, mihi quidem ipsi nihil ab istis iam noceri potest. Magnum enim est 20 in bonis praesidium, quod mihi in perpetuum com- paratum est, magna in re publica dignitas, quae me semper tacita defendet, magna vis conscientiae, quam qui neglegunt, cum me violare volent, se ipsi indicabunt. 2 * Est enim in nobis is animus, Quirites, ut non modo nullius audaciae cedamus, sed etiam omnis improbos ultro semper lacessamus. Quod si omnis impetus domesticorum hostium, depulsus a vobis, se in me unum convertit, vobis erit videndum, Quirites, qua 30 condicione posthac eos esse velitis, qui se pro salute vestra obtulerint invidiae periculisque omnibus; mihi quidem ipsi quid est, quod iam ad vitae fructum possit adquiri, cum praesertim neque in honore 102 IN CATILINAM III. xn. vestro neque in gloria virtutis quicquam videam altius, quo mihi libeat ascendere? Illud profecto perficiam, Ouirites, ut ea, quae gessi in consulatu, . privatus tuear atque ornem, ut, si qua est invidia 5 in conservanda re publica suscepta, laedat invidos, rnihi valeat ad gloriam. V Denique ita me in re publica tractabo, ut meminerim semper, quae gesserim, curemque, ut ea virtute, non casu gesta esse videantur. Vos, Quirites, quoniam iam io est nox, venerati Iovem ilium, custodem huius urbis ac vestrum, in vestra tecta discedite et ea, quamquam iam est periculum depulsum, tamen aeque ac priore nocte custodiis vigiliisque defendite. Id ne vobis diutius faciendum sit, atque ut in perpetua pace esse possitis, 15 providebo. M. TULLI CICERONIS IN L. CATILINAM ORATIO QUARTA HABIT A IN SENATU. I. Video, patres conscripti, in me omnium vestrum ora atque oculos esse conversos ; video vos non solum de vestro ac rei publicae, verum etiam, si id depulsum sit, de meo periculo esse sollicitos. Est mihi iucunda in malis et grata in dolore vestra erga me voluntas, sed earn, per deos immortales, deponite atque obliti salutis meae de vobis ac de vestris liberis cogitate. Mihi si haec condicio consulatus data est, ut omnis acerbi- tates, omnis dolores cruciatusque perferrem, feram non solum fortiter, verum etiam libenter, dum modo meis laboribus vobis populoque Romano dignitas salusque pariatur. Ego sum ille consul, patres conscripti, cui non forum, in quo omnis aequitas continetur, non cam- pus, consularibus auspiciis consecratus, non curia, summum auxilium omnium gentium, non domus, commune perfugium, non lectus ad quietem datus, non denique haec sedes honoris umquam vacua mor- tis periculo atque insidiis fuit. V jn multa tacui, multa pertuli, multa concessi, multa rneo quodam dolore in vestro timore sanavi. Nur.c si hunc exitum consulatus mei di immortales 104 M. TULLI CICERONIS esse voluerunt, ut vos populumque Romanum ex caede miserrima, coniuges liberosque vestros virgines- que Vestales ex acerbissima vexatione, templa atque delubra, hanc pulcherrimam patriam omnium nostrum 5 ex foedissima fiamma, totam Italiam ex bello et, vastitate eriperem, quaecumque mihi uni proponetur fortuna, subeatur. Etenim, si P. Lentulus suum no- men inductus a vatibus fatale ad perniciem rei publi- cae fore putavit, cur ego non laeter meum consulatum io ad salutem populi Romani prope fatalem exstitisse? II. Qua re, patres conscripti, consulite vobis, pro- spicite patriae, conservate vos, coniuges, liberos fortu- nasque vestras, populi Romani nomen salutemque defendite ; mihi parcere ac de me cogitare desinite. 15 Nam primum debeo sperare, omnis deos, qui huic urbi praesident, pro eo mihi, ac mereor, relaturos esse gra- tiam ; deinde, si quid obtigerit, aequo animo paratoque moriar. Nam neque turpis mors forti viro potest acci- dere neque immatura consulari nee misera sapienti. 20 Nee tamen ego sum ille ferreus, qui fratris carissimi atque amantissimi praesentis maerore non movear ho- rumque omnium lacrimis, a quibus me circumsessum videtis. Neque meam mentem non domum saepe re- vocat exanimata uxor et abiecta metu filia et parvulus 25 Alius, quern mihi videtur amplecti res publica tam- quam obsidem consulatus mei, neque ille, qui exspec- tans huius exitum diei stat in conspectu meo, gener. Moveor his rebus omnibus, sed in earn partem, uti salvi sint vobiscum omnes, etiam si me vis aliqua 30 oppresserit, potius quam et illi et nos una rei pub- licae peste pereamus. Qua re, patres conscripti, incumbite ad salutem rei publjcae, circumspicite omnes procellas, quae impen- dent, nisi providetis. Non Ti. Gracchus, quod iterum IN CATILINAM IV. in. 105 tribunus plebis fieri voluit, non C. Gracchus, quod agrarios concitare conatus est, non L. Saturninus, quod C. Memmium occidit, in discrimen aliquod atque in vestrae severitatis indicium adducitur; tenentur ei, qui ad urbis incendium, ad vestram omnium caedem, ad 5 Catilinam accipiendum Romae restiterunt; tenentur litterae, signa, manus, denique unius cuiusque confessio ; sollicitantur Allobroges, servitia excitantur, Catilina arcessitur; id est initum consilium, ut interfectis omni- bus nemo ne ad deplorandum quidem populi Romani 10 nomen atque ad lamentandam tanti imperi calamita- tem relinquatur. III. Haec omnia indices detulerunt, rei confessi sunt, vos multis iam iudiciis iudicavistis, primum quod mihi gratias egistis singularibus verbis et mea virtute atque 15 diligentia perditorum hominum coniurationem patefac- tam esse decrevistis; deinde quod P. Lentulum se abdicare praetura coegistis ; turn quod eum et ceteros, de quibus iudicastis, in custodiam dandos censuistis, maximeque quod meo nomine supplicationem decre-- 2 o vistis, qui honos togato habitus ante me est nemini ; postremo hesterno die praemia legatis Allobrogum Titoque Volturcio dedistis amplissima. Quae sunt omnia eius modi, ut ei, qui in custodiam nominatim dati sunt, sine ulla dubitatione a vobis damnati esse 2 S videantur. Sed ego institui referre ad vos, patres conscripti, tamquam integrum, et de facto quid iudicetis, et de poena quid censeatis. Ilia praedicam, quae sunt consulis. Ego magnum in re publica versari furo- 3° rem et nova quaedam misceri et concitari mala iam pridem videbam ; sed hanc tantam, tarn exitiosam ha- beri coniurationem a civibus numquam putavi. Nunc quicquid est, quocumque vestrae mentes inclinant 106 M. TULLI CICERONIS atque sententiae, statuendum vobis ante noctem est. Quantum facinus ad vos delatum sit, videtis. Huic si paucos putatis adfines esse, vehementer erratis. Latius opinione disseminatum est hoc malum ; ma- 5 navit non solum per Italiam, verum etiam transcendit Alpes et obscure serpens multas iam provincias occu- pavit. Id opprimi sustentando aut prolatando nullo pacto potest ; quacumque ratione placet, celeriter vobis vindicandum est. io IV. Video duas adhuc esse sententias; unam D. Silani, qui censet eos, qui haec delere conati sunt, morte esse multandos ; alteram C. Caesaris, qui mortis poenam removet, ceterorum suppliciorum omnis acer- bitates amplectitur. Uterque et pro sua dignitate et 15 pro rerum magnitudine in summa severitate versatur. Alter eos, qui nos omnis vita privare conati sunt, qui delere imperium, qui populi Romani nomen ex- stinguere, punctum temporis frui vita et hoc com- muni spiritu non putat oportere, atque hoc genus 20 poenae saepe in improbos civis in hac re publica esse usurpatum recordatur. Alter intellegit mortem ab dis immortalibus non esse supplici causa constitutam, sed aut nece ssitale m naturae aut laborum ac miseriarum quietem./ltaque 25 earn sapientes numquam inviti, fortes saepe etiam libenter oppetiverunt. Vincula vero, et ea sempi- terna, certe ad singularem poenam nefarii sceleris inventa sunt. Municipiis dispertiri iubet. Habere videtur ista res iniquitatem, si imperare velis, diffi- 30 cultatem, si rogare. Decernatur tamen, si placet. Ego enim suscipiam et, ut spero, reperiam, qui id, quod salutis omnium causa statueritis, non putent esse suae dignitatis recusare. Adiungit gravem poenam municipiis, si quis eorum vincula ruperit; IN CATILINAM IV. v. 107 horribiles custodias circumdat et dignas scelere homi- num perditorum; sancit, ne quis eorum poenam, quos condemnat, aut per senatum aut per populum levare possit; eripit etiam spem, quae sola homines in miseriis consolari solet. Bona praeterea publicari 5 iubet ; vitam solam relinquit nefariis hominibus ; quam si eripuisset, multos una dolores animi atque corporis et omnis scelerum poenas ademisset. Ita- que ut aliqua in vita formido improbis esset posita, apud inferos eius modi quaedam illi antiqui suppli- i cia impiis constituta esse voluerunt, quod videlicet intellegebant his remotis non esse mortem ipsam pertimescendam. V. Nunc, patres conscripti, ego mea video quid in- tersit. Si eritis secuti sententiam C. Caesaris, quoniam 15 hanc is in re pubjica viam, quae popularis habetur, secutus est, fortasse minus erunt hoc auctore et cogni- tore huiusce sententiae mihi populares impetus perti- mescendi ; sin illam alteram, nescio an amplius mihi negoti contrahatur. Sed tamen meorum periculorum 20 rationes utilitas rei publicae vincat. Habemus enim a Caesare, sicut ipsius dignitas et maiorum eius amplitudo postulabat, sententiam tam- quam obsidem perpetuae in rem publicam voluntatis. Intellectum est, quid interesset inter levitatem contio- 25 natorum et animum vere popularem, saluti populi consulentem. Video de istis, qui se populares haberi volunt, abesse non neminem, ne de capite videlicet civium Romanorum sententiam ferat ; at is et nudius tertius in custodiam cives Romanos dedit et supplica- 30 tionem mihi decrevit et indices hesterno die maximis praemiis adfecit. lam hoc nemini dubium est, qui reo custodiam, quaesitori gratulationem, indici • praemium decrevit, quid de tota re et causa iudicarit. 108 M. TULLI CICERONIS At vero C. Caesar intellegit legem Semproniam esse de civibus Romanis constitutam ; qui autem rei publicae sit hostis, eum civem esse nullo modo posse; denique ipsum latorem Semproniae legis iniussu populi poenas 5 rei publicae dependisse. Idem ipsum Lentulum, lar-- gitorem et prodigum, non putat, cum de pernicie populi Romani, exitio huius urbis tarn acerbe, tarn crudeliter cogitarit, etiam appellari posse popularem. Y Itaque homo mitissimus atque lenissimus non dubitat I0 P. Lentulum aeternis tenebris vinculisque mandare et sancit in posterum, ne quis huius supplicio levando se iactare et in perniciem populi Romani posthac popularis esse possit. Adiungit etiam publicationem bonorum, ut omnis animi cruciatus et corporis etiam 15 egestas ac mendicitas consequatur. VI. Ouam ob rem, sive hoc statueritis, dederitis mihi comitem ad contionem populo carum atque iucundum, sive Silani sententiam sequi malueritis, facile me atque vos a crudelitatis vituperatione po- 20 pulus Romanus exsolvet, atque obtinebo earn multo leniorem fuisse. Quamquam, patres conscripti, quae potest esse in tanti sceleris immanitate punienda crudelitas? Ego enim de meo sensu iudico. Nam ita mihi salva re publica vobiscum perfrui liceat, ut 25 ego, quod in hac causa vehementior sum, non atro- citate animi moveor — quis enim est me mitior? — sed singulari quadam humanitate et misericordia. Videor enim mihi videre hanc urbem, lucem orbis terrarum atque arcem omnium gentium, subito uno 30 incendio concidentem ; cerno animo sepulta in patria miseros atque insepultos acervos civium; versatur mihi ante oculos aspectus Cethegi et furor in vestra caede bacchantis. Cum vero mihi proposui reg- nantem Lentulum, sicut ipse se ex fatis sperasse IN CATILINAM IV. vi. confessus est, purpuratum esse huic GabiniumJ cum exercitu venisse Catilinam, turn lamentationemi ma- trum familias, turn fugam virginum atque puerorum ac vexationem virginum Vestalium perhorresco, et, quia mihi vehementer haec videntur misera atque 5 miseranda, idcirco in eos, qui ea perficere voluerunt, me severum vehementemque praebeo. Etenim quaero, si quis pater familias, liberis suis a servo interfectis, uxore occisa, incensa domo, supplicium de servo non quam acerbissimum sumpserit, utrum is clemens ac 10 misericors, an inhumanissimus et crudeiissimus esse videatur. Mihi vero importunus ac ferreus, qui non dolore et cruciatu nocentis suum dolorem cruciatum- que lenierit. Sic nos in his hominibus, qui nos, qui coniuges, 15 qui liberos nostros trucidare voluerunt, qui singulas unius cuiusque nostrum domos et hoc universum rei publicae domicilium delere conati sunt, qui id ege- runt, ut gentem Allobrogum in vestigiis huius urbis atque in cinere defiagrati imperi collocarent, si vehe- 20 mentissimi fuerimus, misericordes habebimur ; sin remissiores esse voluerimus, summae nobis crudeli- tatis in patriae civiumque pernicie fama subeunda est. Nisi vero cuipiam L. Caesar, vir fortissimus et amantissimus rei publicae, crudelior nudius tertius 25 visus est, cum sororis suae, feminae lectissimae, virum praesentem et audientem vita privandum esse dixit, cum avum suum iussu consulis interfectum filiumque eius impuberem, legatum a patre missum, in carcere necatum esse dixit. Quorum quod simile factum, 30 quod initum delendae rei publicae consilium? Largitionis voluntas turn in re publica versata est et partium quaedam contentio. Atque eo tempore huius avus Lentuli, vir clarissimus, armatus Gracchum M. TULLI CICERONIS secutus. Ille etiam grave turn vulnus accepit, ne quid de summa i^e publica deminueretur ; hie ad evertenda rei publicae fundamenta Gallos arces- sit, servitia concitat, Catilinam vocat, attribuit nos S trucidandos Cethego et ceteros civis interficiendos Gabinio, urbem inflammandam Cassio, totam Italiam vastandam diripiendamque Catilinae. Vereamini, cen- seo, ne in hoc scelere tam immani ac nefando nimis aliquid severe statuisse videamini ; multo magis est 10 verendum, ne remissione poenae crudeles in patriam, quam ne severitate animadversionis nimis vehementes in acerbissimos hostis fuisse videamur. VII. Sed ea, quae exaudio, patres conscripti, dis- simulare non possum. Iaciuntur enim voces, quae 15 perveniunt ad auris meas, eorum, qui vereri videntur, ut habeam satis praesidii ad ea, quae vos statueritis hodierno diej.Jiransigunda. Omnia et pr'ovisa et pa- rata et constituta sunt, patres conscripti, cum mea summa cura atque diligentia, turn etiam multo maiore 20 populi Romani ad summum imperium fetinendum et ad communes fortunas corfservandas voluntary ' Omnes adsunt omnium ordinum homines, omnium denique aetatum ; plenum est forum, plena templa cir- cum forum, pleni omnes adieus hums templi ac loci. 25 Causa est enim post urbem concfitam haec inventa sola, in qua omnes s&ntir'ent unum atque idem, prae-? ter eos, qui cum sibi viderent esse pereundum, cum omnibus potius quam soli perire voluerunt. Hosce ego homines excipio et secerno libenter ; neque in 30 improborum civium, sed in acerbissimorum hostium numero habendos puto. Ceteri vero, di immortales ! qua fre'quentia, quo studio, qua virtute ad commu- nem salutem dignitatemque consentiunt! Quid ego hie equites Romanos commemorem? qui IN CATILINAM IV. vm. Ill vobis ita summam brdihis consilique concedunt, ut vobiscum de amore rei publicae certent ; quos ex multorum annorum dissensione huius orchitis ad so- cietatem concordiamque revocatos hodiernus dies vobiscum atque haec causa coniungit. Ouani si con- 5 iunctionem, confirmatam in consulatu meo, perpetuam in re publica tenuerimus, confirmo vobis nullum posthac malum civile ac domesticum ad ullam rei publicae partem esse venturum. Pari studio defendundae rei publicae convenisse 10 video tribunos aerarios, fortissimos viros ; scribas item universos, quos cum casu hie dies ad aerarium frequentasset, video ab exspectatione sortis ad salu- tem communem esse conversos. Omnis ingenuorum adest multitudo, etiam tenuis- 15 simorum. Quis est enim, cui non haec templa, aspectus urbis, possessio libertatis, lux denique haec ipsa et hoc commune patriae solum cum sit carum, turn vero dulce atque iucundum? VIII. Operae pretium est, patres conscripti, liber- 20 tinorum hominum studia cognoscere, qui sua virtute fortunam huius civitatis consecuti, hanc suam esse patriam iudicant, quam quidam hie nati, et summo nati loco, non patriam suam, sed urbem hostium esse iudicaverunt. 25 Sed quid ego hosce homines ordinesque comme- moro, quos privatae fortunae, quos communis res publica, quos denique libertas, ea quae dulcissima est, ad salutem patriae defendendam excitavit ? Ser- vus est nemo, qui modo tolerabili condicione sit 30 servitutis, qui non audaciam civium perhorrescat, qui non haec stare cupiat, qui non quantum audet et quantum potest, conferat ad communem salutem, voluntatis. 112 M. TULLI CICERONIS Qua re si quern vestrum forte commovet hoc, quod auditum est, lenonem quendam Lentuli concur- sare circum tabernas, pretio sperare sollicitare posse animos egentium atque imperitorum, est id quidem 5 coeptum atque temptatum, sed nulli sunt inventi tam aut fortuna miseri aut voluntate perditi, qui non ilium ipsum sellae atque operis et quaestus cotidiani locum, qui non cubile ac lectulum suum, qui denique non cursum hunc otiosum vitae suae salvum esse io velint. Multo vero maxima pars eorum, qui in tabernis sunt, immo vero — id enim potius est di- cendum — genus hoc universum amantissimum est oti. Etenim omne instrumentum, omnis opera atque quaestus frequentia" civium sustentatur, alitur otio ; 15 quorum si quaestus occlusis tabernis minui solet, quid tandem incensis futurum fuit ? IX. Quae cum ita sint, patres conscripti, vobis populi Romani praesidia non desunt ; vos ne populo Romano deesse videamini, providete. Habetis con- 20 sulem ex plurimis periculis et insidiis atque ex media morte non ad vitam suam, sed ad salutem vestram reservatum. Omnes ordines ad conservan- dam rem publicam mente, voluntate, studio, virtute, voce consentiunt. Obsessa facibus et telis impiae 25 coniurationis vobis supplex manus tendit patria com- munis, vobis se, vobis vitam omnium civium, vobis arcem et Capitolium, vobis aras Penatium, vobis ilium ignem Vestae sempiternum, vobis omnium de- orum templa atque delubra, vobis muros atque urbis 30 tecta commendat. Praeterea de vestra vita, de coniugum vestrarum atque liberorum anima, de fortunis omnium, de se- dibus, de focis vestris hodierno die vobis iudicandum est. Habetis ducem memorem vestri, oblitum sui, IN CATILINAM IV. x. 113 quae non semper facultas datur ; habetis omnis ordi- nes, omnis homines, universum populum Romanum, id quod in civili causa hodierno die primum vide- mus, unum atque idem sentientem. Cogitate, quantis laboribus fundatum imperium, quanta virtute stabili- 5 tam libertatem, quanta deorum benignitate auctas exaggeratasque fortunas una nox paene delerit. Id ne umquam posthac non modo non confici, sed ne cogitari quidem possit a civibus, hodierno die pro- videndum est. Atque haec, non ut vos, qui mihi 10 studio paene praecurritis, excitarem, locutus sum, sed ut mea vox, quae debet esse in re publica princeps, officio functa consulari videretur. X. Nunc, ante quam ad sententiam redeo, de me pauca dicam. Ego, quanta manus est coniuratorum, 15 quam videtis esse permagnam, tantam me inimico- rum multitudinem suscepisse video ; sed earn esse iudico turpem et infirmam et abiectam. Quod si aliquando alicuius furore et scelere concitata manus ista plus valuerit quam vestra ac rei publicae digni- 20 tas, me tamen meorum factorum atque consiliorum numquam, patres conscripti, paenitebit. Etenim mors, quam illi fortasse minitantur, omnibus est parata ; vitae tantam laudem, quanta vos me vestris decretis honestastis, nemo est adsecutus. Ceteris enim bene 25 gesta, mihi uni conservata re publica gratulationem decrevistis. Sit Scipio clarus ille, cuius consilio atque virtute Hannibal in Africam redire atque Italia decedere coactus est ; ornetur alter eximia laude Africanus, 30 qui duas urbes huic imperio infestissimas, Kartha- ginem Numantiamque, delevit; habeatur vir egregius Paulus ille, cuius currum rex potentissimus quondam et nobilissimus Perses honestavit; sit aeterna gloria 114 M. TULLI CICERONIS Marius, qui bis Italiam obsidione et metu servitutis liberavit; anteponatur omnibus Pompeius, cuius res gestae atque virtutes isdem quibus solis cursus re- gionibus ac terminis continentur: erit profecto inter 5 horum laudes aliquid loci nostrae gloriae, nisi forte maius est patefacere nobis provincias, quo exire possimus, quam curare, ut etiam illi, qui absunt, habeant, quo victores revertantur. Ouamquam est uno loco condicio melior externae 10 victoriae quam domesticae, quod hostes alienigenae aut oppressi serviunt aut recepti in amicitiam bene- ficio se obligatos putant ; qui autem ex numero civium, dementia aliqua depravati, hostes patriae se- mel esse coeperunt, eos cum a pernicie rei publicae 15 reppuleris, nee vi coercere nee beneficio placare possis. Qua re mihi cum perditis civibus aeternum bellum susceptum esse video. Id ego vestro bono- rumque omnium auxilio memoriaque tantorum peri- culorum, quae non modo in hoc populo, qui servatus 20 est, sed in omnium gentium sermonibus ac mentibus semper haerebit, a me atque a meis facile propulsari posse confido. Neque ulla profecto tanta vis reperie- tur, quae coniunctionem vestram equitumque Roma- norum et tantam conspirationem bonorum omnium 25 confringere et labefactare possit. XI. Quae cum ita sint, pro imperio, pro exercitu, pro provincia, quam neglexi, pro triumpho ceterisque laudis insignibus, quae sunt a me propter urbis vestraeque salutis custodiam repudiata, pro clientelis 30 hospitiisque provincialibus, quae tamen urbanis opi- bus non minore labore tueor quam comparo, pro his igitur omnibus rebus, pro meis in vos singu- laribus studiis proque hac, quam perspicitis, ad conservandam rem publicam diligentia, nihil a vobis IN CATALINAM IV. xi. 115 nisi huius temporis totiusque mei consulatus memo- riam postulo ; quae dum erit in vestris fixa menti- bus, tutissimo me muro saeptum esse arbitrabor. Quod si meam spem vis improborum fefellerit atque superaverit, commendo vobis parvum meum filium, 5 cui profecto satis erit praesidi non solum ad salu- tem, verum etiam ad dignitatem, si eius, qui haec omnia suo solius periculo conservarit, ilium filium esse memineritis. Quapropter de summa salute vestra populique 10 Romani, de vestris coniugibus ac liberis, de aris ac focis, de fanis atque templis, de totius urbis tectis ac sedibus, de imperio ac libertate, de salute Italiae, de universa re publica decernite diligenter, ut insti- tuistis, ac fortiter. Habetis eum consulem, qui et 15 parere vestris decretis non dubitet et ea, quae statu- eritis, quoad vivet, defendere et per se ipsum prae- stare possit. Carcer — Mamertine Prison. Upper Dungeon. Lower Dungeon — Tidhanum. Lower floor of present church above. h. Hole through which the condemned were let down into the Ttdlianum. c. Spring of clear water. dd- Solid rock. M. TULLI CICERONIS DE IMPERII) GNAEI POMPEI ORATIO AD QUI RITES. I. Ouamquam mihi semper frequens conspectus vester multo iucundissimus, hie autem locus ad agendum amplissimus, ad dicendum ornatissimus est visus, Quirites, tamen hoc aditu laudis, qui semper s optimo cuique maxime patuit, non mea me voluntas adhuc, sed vitae meae rationes ab ineunte aetate susceptae prohibuerunt. Nam cum antea per aeta- tem nondum huius auctoritatem loci attingere aud-e- rem statueremque nihil hue nisi perfectum ingenio, 10 elaboratum industria adferri oportere, omne meum tempus amicorum temporibus transmittendum putavi. Ita neque hie locus vacuus umquam fuit ab eis, qui vestram causam defenderent, et meus labor, in privatorum periculis caste integreque versatus, ex 15 vestro iudicio fructum est amplissimum consecutus. Nam cum propter dilationem comitiorum ter praetor primus centuriis cunctis renuntiatus sum, facile in- tellexi, Quirites, et quid de me iudicaretis et quid aliis praescriberetis. 20 Nunc, cum et auctoritatis in me tantum sit, quan- tum vos honoribus mandandis esse voluistis, et ad agendum facultatis tantum, quantum homini vigilanti DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI n. 117 ex forensi usu prope cotidiana dicendi exercitatio potuit adferre, certe et, si quid auctoritatis in me est, apud eos utar, qui earn mihi dederunt, et, si quid in dicendo consequi possum, eis ostendam potissimum, qui ei quoque rei fructum suo iudicio 5 tribuendum esse duxerunt. Atque illud in primis mihi laetandum iure esse video, quod in hac inso- lita mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi causa talis oblata est, in qua oratio deesse nemini possit. Di- cendum est enim de Cn. Pompei singulari eximiaque 10 virtute; huius autem orationis difficilius est exitum quam principium invenire. Ita mihi non tarn copia quam modus in dicendo quaerendus est. II. Atque ut hide oratio mea proficiscatur, unde haec omnis causa ducitur, bellum grave et pericu- 15 losum vestris vectigalibus ac sociis a duobus po- tentissimis regibus infertur, Mithriclate et Tigrane, quorum alter relictus, alter lacessitus occasionem sibi ad occupandam Asiam oblatam esse arbitratur. Equitibus Romanis, honestissimis viris, adferuntur ex 20 Asia cotidie litterae, quorum magnae res aguntur in vestris vectigalibus exercendis occupatae; qui ad me pro necessitudine, quae mihi est cum illo ordine, causam rei publicae periculaque rerum suarum de- tulerunt : Bithyniae, quae nunc vestra provincia est, 25 vicos exustos esse complures ; regnum Ariobarzanis, quod finitimum est vestris vectigalibus, totum esse in hostium potestate ; L. Lucullum magnis rebus gestis ab eo bello discedere ; huic qui successerit, non satis esse paratum ad tantum bellum administran- 30 dum ; unum ab omnibus sociis et civibus ad id bellum imperatorem deposci atque expeti, eundem hunc unum ab hostibus metui, praeterea neminem. Causa quae sit, videtis ; nunc, quid agendum sit, 118 M. TULLI CICERONIS considerate. Primum mihi videtur de genere belli, deinde de magnitudine, turn de imperatore 'deligendo esse dicendum. Genus est enim belli eius modi, quod maxime 5 vestros animos excitare atque inflammare ad perse- quendi studium debeat ; in quo agitur populi Ro- mani gloria, quae vobis a maioribus cum magna in omnibus rebus, turn summa in re militari tradita est ; agitur salus sociorum atque amicorum, pro 10 qua multa maiores vestri magna et gravia bella gesserunt ; aguntur certissima populi Romani vecti- galia et maxima, quibus amissis et pacis ornamenta et subsidia belli requiretis ; aguntur bona multorum civium, quibus est a vobis et ipsorum et rei pub- 15 licae causa consulendum. III. Et quoniam semper appetentes gloriae praeter ceteras gentes atque avidi laudis fuistis, delenda est vobis ilia macula Mithridatico bello superiore concepta, quae penitus iam insedit ac nimis invete- 20 ravit in populi Romani nomine, quod is, qui uno die tota in Asia, tot in civitatibus, uno nuntio atque una significatione litterarum cives Romanos necandos trucidandosque denotavit, non modo adhuc poenam nullam suo dignam scelere suscepit, sed ab 25 illo tempore annum iam tertium et vicesimum reg- nat, et ita regnat, ut se non Ponti neque Cappa- dociae latebris occultare velit, sed emergere ex patrio regno atque in vestris vectigalibus, hoc est, in Asiae luce, versari. 30 Etenim adhuc ita nostri cum illo rege contende- runt imperatores, ut ab illo insignia victoriae, non victoriam reportarent. Triumphavit L. Sulla, tri- umphavit L. Murena de Mithridate, duo fortissimi viri et summi imperatores, sed ita triumpharunt, ut DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI iv., v. 119 ille pulsus superatusque regnaret. Verum tamen illis imperatoribus laus est tribuenda, quod egerunt, venia danda, quod reliquerunt, propterea quod ab eo bello Sullam in Italiam res publica, Murenam Sulla revocavit. 5 IV. Mithridates autem omne reliquum tempus non ad oblivionem veteris belli, sed ad comparationem novi contulit ; qui cum maximas aedificasset ornas- setque classes exercitusque permagnos, quibuscumque ex gentibus potuisset, comparasset et se Bospo- 10 ranis, finitimis suis, bellum inferre simularet, usque in Hispaniam legatos ac litteras misit ad eos duces, quibuscum turn bellum gerebamus, ut, cum duo- bus in locis disiunctissimis maximeque divcrsis uno consilio a binis hostium copiis bellum terra marique r 5 gereretur, vos ancipiti contentione districti de imperio dimicaretis. Sed tamen arteritis partis periculum, Sertorianae atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus firmamenti ac roboris habebat, Cn. Pompei divino consilio ac sin- 20 gulari virtute depulsum est ; in altera parte ita res a L. Lucullo, summo viro, est administrata, ut initia ilia rerum gestarum magna atque praeclara non felicitati eius, sed virtuti, haec autem extrema, quae nuper acciderunt, non culpae, sed fortunae tribuenda 25 esse videantur. Sed de Lucullo dicam alio loco, et ita dicam, Ouirites, ut neque vera laus ei de- tracta oratione mea neque falsa adficta esse videatur; de vestri imperi dignitate atque gloria, quoniam is est exorsus orationis meae, videte quem vobis ani- 30 mum suscipiendum putetis. V. Maiores nostri saepe mercatoribus aut navi- culars nostris iniuriosius tractatis bella gesserunt ; vos, tot milibus civium Romanorum uno nttntio atque 120 M. TULLI CICERONIS uno tempore necatis, quo tandem animo esse debe- tis? Legati quod erant appellati superbius, Corin- thum patres vestri, totius Graeciae lumen, exstinctum esse voluerunt; vos eum regem inultum esse patie- 5 mini, qui legatum populi Romani consularem vinculis ac verberibus atque omni supplicio excruciatum necavit ? Illi libertatem civium Romanorum immi- nutam non tulerunt : vos vitam ereptam neglegetis? Ius legationis verbo violatum illi persecuti sunt ; 10 vos legatum omni supplicio interfectum relinquetis ? Videte, ne, ut illis pulcherrimum fuit tantam vobis imperi gloriam tradere, sic vobis turpissimum sit id, quod accepistis, tueri et conservare non posse. Quid ? quod salus sociorum summum in pericu- 15 lum ac discrimen vocatur, quo tandem animo ferre debetis ? Regno est expulsus Ariobarzanes rex, socius populi Romani atque amicus ; imminent duo reges toti Asiae non solum vobis inimicissimi, sed etiam vestris sociis atque amicis ; civitates autem 20 omnes cuncta Asia atque Graecia vestrum auxilium exspectare propter periculi magnitudinem coguntur ; imperatorem a vobis certum deposcere, cum prae- sertim vos alium miseritis, neque audent neque se id facere sine summo periculo posse arbitrantur. 25 Vident et sentiunt hoc idem, quod vos, unum virum esse, in quo summa sint omnia, et eum propter esse, quo etiam carent aegrius ; cuius adventu ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad maritimum bellum venerit, tamen impetus hostium repressos esse intel- 30 legunt ac retardatos. Hi vos, quoniam libere loqui non licet, tacite rogant, ut se quoque, sicut ceterarum provinciarum socios, dignos existimetis, quorum salutem tali viro commendetis, atque hoc etiam magis, quod ceteros DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI vi. 121 in provinciam eius modi homines cum imperio mit- timus, ut, etiam si ab hoste defendant, tamen ip- sorum adventus in urbes sociorum non multum. ab hostili expugnatione differant ; hunc audiebant antea, nunc praesentem vident tanta temperantia, s tanta mansuetudine, tanta humanitate, ut ei bea- tissimi esse videantur, apud quos ille diutissime commoratur. VI. Qua re, si propter socios, nulla ipsi iniuria lacessiti, maiores nostri cum Antiocho, cum Philippo, 10 cum Aetolis, cum Poenis bella gesserunt, quanto vos studio convenit, iniuriis provocatos, sociorum sa- lutem una cum imperi vestri dignitate defendere, praesertim cum de maximis vestris vectigalibus aga- tur ? Nam ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Qui- 15 rites, tanta sunt, ut eis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contenti esse possimus ; Asia vero tam opima est ac fertilis, ut et ubertate agrorum et varietate fructuum et magnitudine pastionis et multitudine earum rerum, quae exportentur, facile omnibus terris 20 antecellat. Itaque haec vobis provincia, Quirites, si et belli utilitatem et pacis dignitatem retinere vultis, non modo a calamitate, sed etiam a metu calamitatis est deiendenda. Nam in ceteris rebus cum venit 25 calamitas, turn detrimentum accipitur ; at in vecti- galibus non solum adventus mali, sed etiam metus ipse adfert calamitatem. Nam cum hostium copiae non longe absunt, etiam si inruptio nulla facta est, tamen pecuaria relinquitur, agri cultura deseritur, 30 mercatorum navigatio conquiescit. Ita neque ex portu neque ex decumis neque ex scriptura vectigal conservari potest ; qua re saepe totius anni fructus uno rumore periculi atque uno belli terrore amittitur. 122 M. TULLI CICERONIS Quo tandem igitur animo esse existimatis aut eos, qui vectigalia nobis pensitant, aut eos, qui exercent atque exigunt, cum duo reges cum maximis copiis propter adsint? cum una excursio equitatus ■ perbrevi 5 tempore totius anni vectigal auferre possit ? cum publicani familias maximas, quas in saltibus habent, quas in agris, quas in portubus atque custodiis, magno periculo se habere arbitrentur ? Putatisne vos illis rebus frui posse, nisi eos, qui vobis fructui 10 sunt, conservaritis non solum, ut ante dixi, calami- tate, sed etiam calamitatis formidine liberatos? VII. Ac ne illud quidem vobis neglegendum est, quod mihi ego extremum proposueram, cum essem de belli genere dicturus, quod ad multorum bona 15 civium Romanorum pertinet ; quorum vobis pro vestra sapientia, Quirites, habenda est ratio diligen- ter. Nam et publicani, homines honestissimi atque ornatissimi, suas rationes et copias in illam pro- vinciam contulerunt, quorum ipsorum per se res et 20 fortunae vobis curae esse debent. Etenim, si vec- tigalia nervos esse rei publicae semper duximus, eum certe ordinem, qui exercet ilia, firmamentum ceterorum ordinum recte esse dicemus. Deinde ex ceteris ordinibus homines gnavi atque industrii par- 25 tim ipsi in Asia negotiantur, quibus vos absentibus consulere debetis, partim eorum in ea provincia pecunias magnas collocatas habent. Est igitur humanitatis vestrae magnum numerum eorum civium calamitate prohibere, sapientiae videre 30 multorum civium calamitatem a re publica seiunc- tam esse non posse. Etenim primum illud parvi refert, nos publica his omissis vectigalia postea victo- ria recuperare ; neque enim isdem redimendi facultas erit propter calamitatem neque aliis voluntas propter DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI vm. 123 timorem. Deinde, quod nos eadem Asia atque idem iste Mithridates initio belli Asiatici docuit, id quidem certe calamitate docti memoria retinere de- bemus. Nam turn, cum in Asia res magnas per- multi amiserant, scimus Romae solutione impedita 5 fidem concidisse. Non enim possunt una in civitate multi rem ac fortunas amittere, ut non plures se- cum in eandem trahant calamitatem. A quo periculo prohibete rem publicam et mini credite, id quod ipsi videtis, haec fides atque haec 10 ratio pecuniarum, quae Romae, quae in foro ver- satur, implicata est cum illis pecuniis Asiaticis et cohaeret ; ruere ilia non possunt, ut haec non eodem labefacta motu concidant. Qua re videte, num dubitandum vobis sit omni studio ad id bel- 15 lum incumbere, in quo gloria nominis vestri, salus sociorum, vectigalia maxima, fortunae plurimorum civium coniunctae cum re publica defendantur. VIII. Ouoniam de genere belli dixi, nunc de magnitudine pauca dicam. Potest enim hoc dici, 20 belli genus esse ita necessarium, ut sit gerendum, non esse ita magnum, ut sit pertimescendum. In quo maxime laborandum est, ne forte ea vobis, quae diligentissime providenda sunt, contemnenda esse videantur. . 25 Atque ut omnes intellegant me L. Lucullo tan- turn impertire laudis, quantum forti viro et sapienti homini et magno imperatori debeatur, dico eius adventu maximas Mithridati copias omnibus rebus ornatas atque instructas fuisse, urbemque Asiae cla- 30 rissimam nobisque amicissimam, Cyzicenorum, ob- sessam esse ab ipso rege maxima multitudine et oppugnatam vehementissime ; quam L. Lucullus vir- tute, adsiduitate, consilio, summis obsidionis periculfs 124 M. TULLI CICERONIS liberavit ; ab eodem imperatore classem magnam et ornatam, quae ducibus Sertorianis ad Italiam studio atque odio inflammata raperetur, superatam esse atque depressam ; magnas hostium praeterea copias 5 multis proeliis esse deletas patefactumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui antea populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus fuisset ; Sinopen atque Ami- sum, quibus in oppidis erant domicilia regis, omni- bus rebus ornatas ac refertas, ceterasque urbes Ponti 10 et Cappadociae permultas uno aditu adventuque esse captas ; regem spoliatum regno patrio atque avito ad alios se reges atque ad alias gentes sup- plicem contulisse ; atque haec omnia salvis populi Romani sociis atque integris vectigalibus esse gesta. 15 Satis opinor haec esse laudis, atque ita, Quirites, ut hoc vos intellegatis, a nullo istorum, qui huic obtrectant legi atque causae, L. Lucullum similiter ex hoc loco esse laudatum. IX. Requiretur fortasse nunc, quern ad modum, 20 cum haec ita sint, reliquum possit magnum esse bellum. Cognoscite, Quirites ; non enim hoc sine causa quaeri videtur. Primum ex suo regno sic Mithridates profugit, ut ex eodem Ponto Medea ilia quondam profugisse 25 dicitur, quam praedicant in fuga fratris sui membra in eis locis, qua se parens persequeretur, dissipa- visse, ut eorum collectio dispersa maerorque patrius celeritatem persequendi retardaret. Sic Mithridates fugiens maximam vim auri atque argenti pulcher- 30 rimarumque rerum omnium, quas et a maioribus acceperat et ipse bello superiore ex tota Asia di- reptas in suum regnum congesserat, in Ponto omnem reliquit. Haec dum nostri colligunt omnia diligen- tius, rex ipse e manibus effugit. Ita ilium in 35 persequendi studio maeror, hos laetitia tardavit. DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI ix. 125 Hunc in illo timore et fuga Tigranes, rex Arrae- nius, exccpit diffidenteraque rebus suis confirmavit et adflictum erexit perditumque recreavit. Cuius in regnum postea quam L. Lucullus cum exercitu venit, plures etiam gentes contra imperatorem nostrum 5 concitatae sunt. Erat enim metus iniectus eis na- tionibus, quas numquam populus Romanus neque lacessendas bello neque temptandas putavit ; erat etiam alia gravis atque vehemens opinio, quae ani- mos gentium barbararum pervaserat, fani locupletis- 10 simi et religiosissimi diripiendi causa in eas oras nostrum esse exercitum adductum. Ita nationes multae atque magnae novo quodam terrore ac metu concitabantur. Noster autem exercitus, tametsi urbem ex Tigra- 15 nis regno ceperat et proeliis usus erat secundis, tamen nimia longinquitate locorum ac desiderio su- orum commovebatur. Hie iam plura non dicam ; fuit enim illud extremum, ut ex eis locis a mili- tibus nostris reditus magis maturus quam processio 20 longior quaereretur. Mithridates autem et suam manum iam confirmarat, et magnis adventiciis auxi- liis multorum regum et nationum iuvabatur. Nam hoc fere sic fieri solere accepimus, ut regum ad- flictae fortunae facile multorum opes adliciant ad 25 misericordiam, maximeque eorum, qui aut reges sunt aut vivunt in regno, ut eis nomen regale magnum et sanctum esse videatur. Itaque tantum victus efficere potuit, quantum incolumis numquam est ausus optare. Nam, cum se in regnum suum 30 recepisset, non fuit eo contentus, quod ei praeter spem acciderat, ut illam, postea quam pulsus erat, terram umquam attingeret, sed in exercitum nostrum clarum atque victorem impetum fecit. 126 M. TULLI CICE) JNIS Sinite hoc loco, Quirites, sicut poetae solent, qui res Romanas scribunt, praeterire me nostram cala- mitatem, quae tanta fuit, ut earn ad aures impe- ratoris non ex proelio nuntius, sed ex sermone 5 rumor adferret. Hie in illo ipso malo gravissimaque belli offensione L. Lucullus, qui tamen aliqua ex parte eis incommodis mederi fortasse potuisset, ves- tro iussu coactus, qui imperi diuturnitati modum statuendum vetere exemplo putavistis, partem mili- io turn, qui iam stipendiis confecti erant, dimisit, par- tem M'. Glabrioni tradidit. Multa praetereo consulto ; sed ea vos coniectura perspicite, quantum illud bellum factum putetis, quod coniungant reges potentissimi, renovent agi- 15 tatae nationes, suscipiant integrae gentes, novus imperator noster accipiat vetere exercitu pulso. X. Satis mihi multa verba fecisse videor, qua re esset hoc bellum genere ipso necessarium, magni- tudine periculosum ; restat, ut de imperatore ad id 20 bellum deligendo ac tantis rebus praeficiendo dicen- dum esse videatur. Utinam, Quirites, virorum for- tium atque innocentium copiam tantam haberetis, ut haec vobis deliberatio difficilis esset, quemnam po- tissimum tantis rebus ac tanto bello praeficiendum 25 putaretis ! Nunc vero cum sit unus Cn. Pompeius, qui non modo eorum hominum, qui nunc sunt, gloriam, sed etiam antiquitatis memoriam virtute superarit, quae res est, quae cuiusquam animum in hac causa dubium facere possit ? Ego enim sic 30 existimo, in summo imperatore quattuor has res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auc- toritatem, felicitatem. Quis igitur hoc homine scientior umquam aut fuit aut esse debuit ? qui e ludo atque pueritiae disciplinis, m$ Roman Heroic Statue, probably Pompey. DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xi. 127 bello maximo atque acerrimis hostibus, ad patris ex- ercitum atque in militiae disciplinam profectus est ; qui extrema pueritia miles in exercitu fuit summi imperatoris, ineunte adulescentia maximi ipse exerci- tus imperator ; qui saepius cum hoste conflixit, 5 quam quisquam cum inimico concertavit, plura bella gessit quam ceteri legerunt, plures provincias confe- cit quam alii concupiverunt ; cuius adulescentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praeceptis, sed suis imperils, non offensionibus belli, sed victoriis, non 10 stipendiis, sed triumphis est erudita. Quod denique genus esse belli potest, in quo ilium non exercuerit fortuna rei publicae ? Civile, Africa- num, Transalpinum, Hispaniense, servile, navale bel- lum, varia et diversa genera et bellorum et hostium, 15 non solum gesta ab hoc uno, sed etiam confecta, nullam rem esse declarant in usu positam militari, quae huius viri scientiam fugere possit. XI. lam vero virtuti Cn. Pompei quae potest ora- tio par inveniri ? Quid est, quod quisquam aut illo 20 dignum aut vobis novum aut cuiquam inauditum possit adferre ? Neque enim illae sunt solae virtutes imperatoriae, quae vulgo existimantur, labor in ne- gotiis, fortitudo in periculis, industria in agendo, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in providendo ; 25 quae tanta sunt in hoc uno, quanta in omnibus re- liquis impcratoribus, quos aut vidimus aut audivimus, non fuerunt. Testis est Italia, quam ille ipse victor L. Sulla huius virtute et subsidio confessus est liberatam ; 30 testis est Sicilia, quam multis undique cinctam peri- culis non terrore belli, sed consili celeritate expli- cavit ; testis est Africa, quae magnis oppressa hos- tium copiis eorum ipsorum sanguine redundavit ; 128 M. TULLI CICERONIS testis est Gallia, per quam legionibus nostris iter in Hispaniam Gallorum internecione patefactum est ; testis est Hispania, quae saepissime plurimos hostes ab hoc superatos prostratosque conspexit ; testis est 5 iterum et saepius Italia, quae cum servili bello taetro periculosoque premeretur, ab hoc auxilium absente expetivit, quod bellum exspectatione eius attenuatum atque imminutum est, adventu sublatum ac sepultum ; testes nunc vero iam omnes sunt orae 10 atque omnes exterae gentes ac nationes, denique maria omnia cum universa, turn in singulis oris omnes sinus atque portus. Quis enim toto mari locus per hos annos aut tarn firm um habuit praesidium, ut tutus esset, aut tarn 15 fuit abditus, ut lateret ? Quis navigavit, qui non se aut mortis aut servitutis periculo committeret, cum aut hieme aut referto praedonum mari navigaret ? Hoc tantum bellum, tarn turpe, tarn vetus, tarn late divisum atque dispersum quis umquam arbitraretur 20 aut ab omnibus imperatoribus uno anno aut omni- bus annis ab uno imperatore confici posse ? Quam provinciam tenuistis a praedonibus liberam per hosce annos ? Quod vectigal vobis tutum fuit ? Quern socium defendistis ? Cui praesidio classibus vestris 25 fuistis ? Quam multas existimatis insulas esse deser- tas, quam multas aut metu relictas aut a praedoni- bus captas urbes esse sociorum ? XII. Sed quid ego longinqua commemoro ? Fuit hoc quondam, fuit proprium populi Romani, longe 30 a domo bellare et propugnaculis imperi sociorum fortunas, non sua tecta defendere. Sociis ego nos- tris mare per hos annos clausum fuisse dicam, cum exercitus vestri numquam a Brundisio nisi hieme summa transmiserint? Qui ad vos ab exteris nationi- DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xn. 129 bus venirent, captos querar, cum legati populi Ro- mani redempti sint ? Mercatoribus tutum mare non fuisse dicam, cum duodecim secures in praedonum potestatem pervenerint ? Cnidum aut Colophonem aut Samum, nobilissimas urbes, innumerabilesque 5 alias captas esse commemorem, cum vestros portus atque eos portus, quibus vitam ac spiritum ducitis, in praedonum fuisse potestate sciatis ? An vero ignoratis portum Caietae celeberrimum ac plenissimum navium inspectante praetore a prae- 10 donibus esse direptum, ex Miseno autem eius ipsius liberos, qui cum praedonibus antea ibi bellum ges- serat, a praedonibus esse sublatos ? Nam quid ego Ostiense incommodum atque illam labem atque ignominiam rei publicae querar, cum prope inspec- 15 tantibus vobis classis ea, cui consul populi Romani praepositus esset, a praedonibus capta atque op- pressa est ? Pro di immortales ! tantamne unius hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tam brevi tem- pore lucem adferre rei publicae potuit, ut vos, qui 20 modo ante ostium Tiberinum classem hostium vide- batis, ei nunc nullam intra Oceani ostium praedo- num navem esse audiatis ? Atque haec qua edentate gesta sint, quamquam videtis, tamen a me in dicendo praetereunda non 25 sunt. Ouis enim umquam aut obeundi negoti aut consequendi quaestus studio tam brevi tempore tot loca adire, tantos cursus conficere potuit, quam celeriter Cn. Pompeio duce tanti belli impetus navi- gavit ? Qui nondum tempestivo ad navigandum 3° mari Siciliam adiit, Africam exploravit, in Sardinian! cum classe venit atque haec tria frumentaria sub- sidia rei publicae firmissimis praesidiis classibusque munivit 130 M. TULLI CICERONIS Inde cum se in Italiam recepisset, duabus His- paniis et Gallia Transalpina praesidiis ac navibus confirmata, missis item in oram Illyrici maris et in Achaiam omnemque Graeciam navibus Italiae 5 duo maria maximis classibus firmissimisque praesidiis adornavit, ipse autem, ut Brundisio profectus est, undequinquagesimo die totam ad imperium populi Romani Ciliciam adiunxit ; omnes, qui ubique prae- dones fuerunt, partim capti interfectique sunt, par- io tim unius huius se imperio ac potestati dediderunt. Idem Cretensibus, cum ad eum usque in Pamphyliam legatos deprecatoresque misissent, spem deditionis non ademit obsidesque imperavit. Ita tantum bel- lum, tarn diuturnum, tarn longe lateque dispersum, 15 quo bello omnes gentes ac nationes premebantur, Cn. Pompeius extrema hieme apparavit, ineunte vere suscepit, media aestate confecit. XIII. Est hacc divina atque incredibilis virtus imperatoris. Quid ceterae, quas paulo ante com- 20 memorare coeperam, quantae atque quam multae sunt ! Non enim bellandi virtus solum in summo ac perfecto imperatore quaerenda est, sed multae sunt artes eximiae huius administrae comitesque vir- tutis. Ac primum quanta innocentia debent esse 25 imperatores, quanta deinde in omnibus rebus tem- perantia, quanta fide, quanta facilitate, quanto in- genio, quanta humanitate ! Quae breviter qualia sint in Cn. Pompeio consideremus. Summa enim omnia sunt, Quirites, sed ea magis ex aliorum con- 30 tentione quam ipsa per sese cognosci atque intellegi possunt. Ouem enim imperatorem possumus ullo in numero putare, cuius in exercitu centuriatus veneant atque venierint ? Ouid hunc hominem magnum aut am- DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xiv. 131 plum de re publica cogitare, qui pecuniam ex aerario depromptam ad bellum administrandum aut propter cupiditatem provinciae magistratibus diviserit aut propter avaritiam Romae in quaestu reliquerit ? Vestra admurmuratio facit, Quirites, ut agnoscere 5 videamini, qui haec fecerint ; ego autem nomino neminem ; qua re irasci mihi nemo poterit, nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri. Itaque propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum quan- tas calamitates, quocumque ventum sit, nostri exer- I0 citus ferant, quis ignorat ? Itinera, quae per hosce annos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Ro- manorum nostri imperatores fecerint, recordamini ; turn facilius statuetis, quid apud exteras nationes fieri existimetis. Utrum plures arbitramini per hosce j$ annos militum vestrorum armis hostium urbes an hibernis sociorum civitates esse deletas ? Neque enim potest exercitum is continere impe- rator, qui se ipse non continet, neque severus esse in iudicando, qui alios in se severos esse iudices 20 non vult. Hie miramur hunc hominem tantum ex- cellere ceteris, cuius legiones sic in Asiam pervene- rint, ut non modo mantis tanti exercitus, sed ne vestigium quidem cuiquam pacato nocuisse dicatur ? lam vero quern ad modum milites hibernent, cotidie 25 sermones ac litterae perferuntur ; non modo ut sumptum faciat in militem, nemini vis adfertur, sed ne cupienti quidem cuiquam permittitur. Hiemis enim, non avaritiae perfugium maiores nostri in so- ciorum atque amicorum tectis esse voluerunt. 3° XIV. Age vero, ceteris in rebus qua sit tempe- rantia, considerate. Unde illam tantam celeritatem et tarn incredibilem cursum inventum putatis ? Non enim ilium eximia vis remieum aut ars inaudita 132 M. TULLI CICERONIS quaedam gubernandi aut venti aliqui novi tam cele- riter in ultimas terras pertulerunt, sed eae res, quae ceteros remorari solent, non retardarunt ; non ava- ritia ab instituto cursu ad praedam aliquam devocavit, 5 non libido ad voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delec- tationem, non nobilitas urbis ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quietem ; postremo signa et tabulas ceteraque ornamenta Graecorum oppidorum, quae ceteri tollenda arbitrantur, ea sibi ille ne vi- IO senda quidem existimavit. Itaque omnes nunc in eis locis Cn. Pompeium sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe missum, sed de caelo delapsum intuentur ; nunc denique incipiunt credere, fuisse homines Romanos hac quondam continentia, 15 quod iam nationibus exteris incredibile ac falso memoriae proditum videbatur ; nunc imperi vestri splendor illis gentibus lucem adferre coepit ; nunc intellegunt non sine causa maiores suos turn, cum ea temperantia magistratus habebamus, servire populo 20 Romano quam imperare aliis maluisse. Iam vero ita faciles aditus ad eum privatorum, ita liberae querimoniae de aliorum iniuriis esse dicuntur, ut is, qui dignitate principibus excellit, facilitate infimis par esse videatur. 25 Iam quantum consilio, quantum dicendi gravitate et copia valeat, in quo ipso inest quaedam dignitas imperatoria, vos, Quirites, hoc ipso ex loco saepe cognovistis. Fidem vero eius quantam inter socios existimari putatis, quam hostes omnes omnium ge- 30 nerum sanctissimam iudicarint ? Humanitate iam tanta est, ut difficile dictu sit, utrum hostes magis virtutem eius pugnantes timuerint an mansuetudinem victi dilexerint. Et quisquam dubitabit, quin huic hoc tantum bellum transmittendum sit, qui ad omnia DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xv. 133 nostrae memoriae bella conficienda divino quodam consilio natus esse videatur ? XV. Et quoniam auctoritas quoque in bellis ad- ministrandis multum atque in imperio militari valet, certe nemini dubium est, quin ea re idem ille 5 imperator plurimum possit. Vehementer autem per- tinere ad bella administranda, quid hostes, quid socii de imperatoribus nostris existiment, quis ignorat, cum sciamus homines, in tantis rebus ut aut con- temnant aut metuant aut oderint aut ament, opini- 10 one non minus et fama quam aliqua ratione certa commoveri ? Quod igitur nomen umquam in orbe terrarum cla- rius fuit ? cuius res gestae pares ? De quo homine vos, id quod maxime facit auctoritatem, tanta et 15 tarn praeclara iudicia fecistis ? An vero ullam us- quam esse oram tam desertam putatis, quo non illius diei fama pervaserit, cum universus populus Ro- manus referto foro completisque omnibus templis, ex quibus hie locus conspici potest, unum sibi ad 20 commune omnium gentium bellum Cn. Pompeium imperatorem depoposcit ? Itaque, ut plura non dicam neque aliorum exem- plis confirmem, quantum auctoritas valeat in bello, ab eodem Cn. Pompeio omnium rerum egregiarum 25 exempla sumantur ; qui quo die a vobis- maritimo bello praepositus est imperator, tanta repente vilitas annonae ex summa inopia et caritate rei frumentariae consecuta est unius hominis spe ac nomine, quantam vix ex summa ubertate agrorum diuturna pax effi- 30 cere potuisset. lam accepta in Ponto calamitate ex eo proelio, de quo vos paulo ante invitus admonui, cum socii pertimuissent, hostium opes animique crevissent, satis 134 M. TULLI CICERONIS firmum praesidium provincia non haberet, amisissetis Asiam, Ouirites, nisi ad ipsum discrimen eius tem- poris divinitus Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones for- tuna populi Romani attulisset. Huius adventus et 5 Mithridatem insolita inflammatum victoria continuit et Tigranem magnis copiis minitantem Asiae retar- davit. Et quisquam dubitabit, quid virtute perfec- turus sit, qui tantum auctoritate perfecerit ? aut quam facile imperio atque exercitu socios et vecti- io galia conservaturus sit, qui ipso nomine ac rumore defenderit ? XVI. Age vero ilia res quantam declarat eiusdem hominis apud hostes populi Romani auctoritatem, quod ex locis tarn longinquis tamque diversis tarn 15 brevi tempore omnes huic se uni dediderunt ! quod Cretensium legati, cum in eorum insula noster im- perator exercitusque esset, ad Cn. Pompeium in ultimas prope terras venerunt eique se omnes Cre- tensium civitates dedere velle dixerunt ! Quid ? 20 Idem iste Mithridates nonne ad eundem Cn. Pom- peium legatum usque in Hispaniam misit ? eum, quem Pompeius legatum semper iudicavit, ei, qui- bus erat molestum ad eum potissimum esse mis- sum, speculatorem quam legatum iudicari malue- 25 runt. Potestis igitur iam constituere, Quirites, hanc auctoritatem, multis postea rebus gestis magnisque vestris iudiciis amplificatam, quantum apud illos reges, quantum apud exteras nationes valituram esse existimetis. 30 Reliquum est, ut de felicitate, quam praestare de se ipso nemo potest, meminisse et commemorare de altero possumus, sicut aequum est homines de pote- state deorum, timide et pauca dicamus. Ego enim sic existimo, Maximo, Marcello, Scipioni, Mario et DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xvn. 135 ceteris magnis imperatoribus non solum propter vir- tutem, sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata atque exercitus esse commissos. Fuit enim profecto quibusdam summis viris quaedam ad am- plitudinem et ad gloriam et ad res magnas bene 5 gerendas divinitus adiuncta fortuna. De huius au- tem hominis felicitate, de quo nunc agimus, hac utar moderatione dicendi, non ut in illius potestate fortunam positam esse dicam, sed ut praeterita me- minisse, reliqua sperare videamur, ne aut invisa 10 dis immortalibus oratio nostra aut ingrata esse videatur. Itaque non sum praedicaturus, quantas ille res domi militiae, terra marique, quantaque felicitate gesserit ; ut eius semper voluntatibus non modo 15 cives adsenserint, socii obtemperarint, hostes oboe- dierint, sed etiam venti tempestatesque obsecunda- rint : hoc brevissime dicam, neminem umquam tam impudentem fuisse, qui ab dis immortalibus tot et tantas res tacitus auderet optare, quot et quantas di 20 immortales ad Cn. Pompeium detulerunt. Quod ut illi proprium ac perpetuum sit, Ouirites, cum com- munis salutis atque imperi, turn ipsius hominis causa, sicuti facitis, velle et optare debetis. Qua re cum et bellum sit ita necessarium, ut 25 neglegi non possit, ita magnum, ut accuratissime sit administrandum, et cum ei imperatorem praeficere possitis, in quo sit eximia belli scientia, singularis virtus, clarissima auctoritas, egregia fortuna, dubita- tis, Quirites, quin hoc tantum boni, quod vobis 30 ab dis immortalibus oblatum et datum est, in rem publicam conservandam atque amplificandam conferatis ? XVII. Quod si Romae Cn. Pompeius privatus 136 M. TULLI CICERONIS esset hoc tempore, tamen ad tantum bellum is erat deligendus atque mittendus ; nunc, cum ad ceteras summas utilitates haec quoque opportunitas adiun- gatur, ut in eis ipsis locis adsit, ut habeat exerci- 5 turn, ut ab eis, qui habent, accipere statim possit, quid exspectamus ? aut cur non ducibus dis immor- talibus eidem, cui cetera summa cum salute rei publicae commissa sunt, hoc quoque bellum regium committamus? io At enim vir clarissimus, amantissimus rei publicae, vestris beneficiis amplissimis adfectus, Q. Catulus, itemque summis ornamentis honoris, fortunae, virtu- tis, ingeni praeditus, Q. Hortensius, ab hac ratione dissentiunt. Quorum ego auctoritatem apud vos 15 multis locis plurimum valuisse et valere oportere confiteor ; sed in hac causa, tametsi cognoscetis auctoritates contrarias virorum fortissimorum et cla- rissimorum, tamen omissis auctoritatibus ipsa re ac ratione exquirere possumus veritatem, atque hoc 20 facilius, quod ea. omnia, quae a me adhuc dicta sunt, eidem isti vera esse concedunt, et necessarium bel- lum esse et magnum et in uno Cn. Pompeio summa esse omnia. Quid igitur ait Hortensius ? Si uni omnia tri- 25 buenda sint, dignissimum esse Pompeium, sed ad unum tamen omnia deferri non oportere. Obsolevit iam ista oratio, re multo magis quam verbis refutata. Nam tu idem, 0. Hortensi, multa pro tua summa copia ac singulari facultate dicendi et in senatu con- 30 tra virum fortem, A. Gabinium, graviter ornateque dixisti, cum is de uno imperatore contra praedones constituendo legem promulgasset, et ex hoc ipso loco permulta item contra earn legem verba fecisti. Quid ? turn, per deos immortales ! si plus apud DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xvm. 137 populum Romanum auctoritas tua quam ipsius pop- uli Romani salus et vera causa valuisset, hodie hanc gloriam atque hoc orbis terrae imperium tene- remus ? An tibi turn imperium hoc esse videbatur, cum populi Romani legati, quaestores praetoresque 5 capiebantur, cum ex omnibus provinciis commeatu et privato et publico prohibebamur, cum ita clausa nobis erant maria omnia, ut neque privatam rem transmarinam neque publicam iam obire possemus? XVIII. Quae civitas antea umquam fuit, non dico 10 Atheniensium, quae satis late quondam mare tenu- isse dicitur, non Karthaginiensium, qui permultum classe ac maritimis rebus valuerunt, non Rhodio- rum, quorum usque ad nostram memoriam disciplina navalis et gloria remansit ; quae civitas, inquam, 15 antea tarn tenuis, quae tam parva insula fuit, quae non portus suos et agros et aliquam partem regio- nis atque orae maritimae per se ipsa defenderet ? At hercule aliquot annos continuos ante legem Ga- biniam ille populus Romanus, cuius usque ad nostram 20 memoriam nomen invictum in navalibus pugnis per- manserit, magna ac multo maxima parte non modo utilitatis, sed dignitatis atque imperi caruit ; nos, quorum maiores Antiochum regem classe Persemque superarunt omnibusque navalibus pugnis Karthagini- 25 ensis, homines in maritimis rebus exercitatissimos paratissimosque, vicerunt, ei nullo in loco iam prae- donibus pares esse poteramus ; nos, qui antea non modo Italiam tutam habebamus, sed omnes socios in ultimis oris auctoritate nostri imperi salvos prae- 30 stare poteramus, turn, cum insula Delos, tam procul a nobis in Aegaeo mari posita, quo omnes undique cum mercibus atque oneribus commeabant, referta divitiis, parva, sine muro nihil timebat, eidem non 138 M. TULLI CICERONIS modo provinciis atque oris Italiae maritimis ac por- tubus nostris, sed etiam Appia iam via carebamus ; et eis temporibus non pudebat magistrates populi Romani in hunc ipsum locum escendere, cum eum 5 nobis maiores nostri exuviis nauticis et classium spoliis ornatum reliquissent ! XIX. Bono te animo turn, Q. Hortensi, populus Romanus et ceteros, qui erant in eadem sententia, dicere existimavit ea, quae sentiebatis ; sed tamen io in salute communi idem populus Romanus dolori suo maluit quam auctoritati vestrae obtemperare. Itaque una lex, unus vir, unus annus non modo nos ilia miseria ac turpitudine liberavit, sed etiam effecit, ut aliquando vere videremur omnibus genti- 15 bus ac nationibus terra marique imperare. Quo mihi etiam indignius videtur obtrectatum esse adhuc, Gabinio dicam anne Pompeio, an utrique, id quod est verius, ne legaretur A. Gabinius Cn. Pom- peio expetenti ac postulanti. Utrum ille, qui postu- 20 lat ad tantum bellum legatum, quern velit, idoneus non est, qui impetret, cum ceteri. ad expilandos socios diripiendasque provincias, quos voluerunt, le- gatos eduxerint, an ipse, cuius lege salus ac dignitas populo Romano atque omnibus gentibus constituta 25 est, expers esse debet gloriae eius imperatoris atque eius exercitus, qui consilio ipsius ac periculo est constitutus ? An C. Falcidius, Q. Metellus, Q. Cae- lius Latiniensis, Cn. Lentulus, quos omnes honoris causa nomino, cum tribuni plebi fuissent, anno prox- 30 imo legati esse potuerunt ; in uno Gabinio sunt tarn diligentes, qui in hoc bello, quod lege Gabinia geritur, in hoc imperatore atque exercitu, quern per vos ipse constituit, etiam praecipuo iure esse deberet ? DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xx. 189 De quo legando consules spero ad senatum rela- turos. Qui si dubitabunt aut gravabuntur, ego me profiteor relaturum ; neque me impediet cuiusquam inimicum edictum, quo minus vobis fretus vestrum ius beneficiumque defendam, neque praeter interces- 5 sionem quicquam audiam, de qua, ut arbitror, isti ipsi, qui minantur, etiam atque etiam, quid liceat, considerabunt. Mea quidem sententia, Quirites, unus A. Gabinius belli maritimi rerumque gestarum Cn. Pompeio socius ascribitur, propterea quod alter uni 10 illud bellum suscipiendum vestris suffragiis detulit, alter delatum susceptumque confecit. XX. Reliquum est, ut de Q. Catuli auctoritate et sententia dicendutn esse videatur. Qui cum ex vobis quaereret, si in uno Cn. Pompeio omnia poneretis, si 15 quid eo factum esset, in quo spem essetis habituri, cepit magnum suae virtutis fructum ac dignitatis, cum omnes una prope voce in eo ipso vos spem habituros esse dixistis. Etenim talis est vir, ut nulla res tanta sit ac tarn difficilis, quam ille non et con- 20 silio regere et integritate tueri et virtute conficere possit. Sed in hoc ipso ab eo vehementissime dis- sentio, quod, quo minus certa est hominum ac minus diuturna vita, hoc magis res publica, dum per deos immortales licet, frui debet summi viri vita atque 25 virtute. At enim "ne quid novi fiat contra exempla atque instituta maiorum." Non dicam hoc loco, maiores nostros semper in pace consuetudini, in bello utilitati paruisse, semper ad novos casus temporum novorum 30 consiliorum rationes accommodasse ; non dicam, duo bella maxima, Punicum atque Hispaniense, ab uno imperatore esse confecta duasque urbes potentissimas, quae huic imperio maxime minitabantur, Karthaginem 140 M. TULLI CICERONIS atque Numantiam, ab eodem Scipione esse deletas; non commemorabo, nuper ita vobis patribusque ves- tris esse visum, ut in uno C. Mario spes imperi poneretur, ut idem cum Iugurtha, idem cum Cim- 5 bris, idem cum Teutonis bellum administraret ; in ipso Cn. Pompeio, in quo novi constitui nihil vult Q. Catulus, quam multa sint nova summa Q. Catuli voluntate constituta, recordamini. XXI. Quid tarn novum quam adulescentulum pri- 10 vatum exercitum difficili rei publicae tempore confi- cere ? Confecit. Huic praeesse ? Praefuit. Rem optime ductu suo gerere ? Gessit. Quid tarn praeter consuetudinem quam homini peradulescenti, cuius aetas a senatorio gradu longe 15 abesset, imperium atque exercitum dari, Siciliam permitti atque Africam bellumque in ea provincia administrandum ? Fuit in his provinciis singulari innocentia, gravitate, virtute, bellum in Africa maxi- mum confecit, victorem exercitum deportavit. 20 Quid vero tarn inauditum quam equitem Romanum triumphare ? At earn quoque rem populus Romanus non modo vidit, sed omnium etiam studio visendam et concelebrandam putavit. Quid tarn • inusitatum, quam ut, cum duo consules 25 clarissimi fortissimique essent, eques Romanus ad bellum maximum formidolosissimumque pro consule mitteretur? Missus est. Quo quidem tempore cum esset non nemo in senatu, qui diceret non oportere mitti hominem privatum pro consule, L. Philippus 30 dixisse dicitur non se ilium sua sententia pro con- sule, sed pro consulibus mittere. Tanta in eo rei publicae bene gerendae spes constituebatur, ut du- orum consulum munus unius adulescentis virtuti committeretur. DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xxn. 141 Quid tarn singulare, quam ut ex senatus consulto legibus solutus consul ante fieret, quam ullum alium magistratum per leges capere licuisset ? Quid tarn incredibile, quam ut iterum eques Romanus ex sena- tus consulto triumpharet? Quae in omnibus homi- 5 nibus nova post hominum memoriam constituta sunt, ea tarn multa non sunt quam haec, quae in hoc uno homine videmus. Atque haec tot exempla, tanta ac tam nova, profecta sunt in eundem hominem a Q. Catuli atque a ceterorum eiusdem dignitatis am- 10 plissimorum hominum auctoritate. XXII. Qua re videant, ne sit periniquum et non ferendum, illorum auctoritatem de Cn. Pompei dig- nitate a vobis comprobatam semper esse, vestrum ab illis de eodem homine iudicium populique Ro- 15 mani auctoritatem improbari, praesertim cum iam suo iure populus Romanus in hoc homine suam auctoritatem vel contra omnes, qui dissentiunt, possit defendere, propterea quod isdem istis reclamantibus vos unum ilium ex omnibus delegistis, quern bello 20 praedonum praeponeretis. Hoc si vos temere fecistis et rei publicae parum consuluistis, recte isti studia vestra suis consiliis regere conantur; sin autem vos plus turn in re publica vidistis, vos eis repugnan- tibus per vosmet ipsos dignitatem huic imperio, 25 salutem orbi terrarum attulistis, aliquando isti prin- cipes et sibi et ceteris populi Romani universi auctoritati parendum esse fateantur. Atque in hoc bello Asiatico et regio non solum militaris ilia virtus, quae est in Cn. Pompeio sin- 30 gularis, sed aliae quoque virtutes animi magnae et multae requiruntur. Difficile est in Asia, Cilicia, Syria, regnisque interiorum nationum ita versari nostrum imperatorem, ut nihil aliud nisi de hoste 142 M. TULLI CICERONIS ac de laude cogitet. Deinde etiam si qui sunt pudore ac temperantia moderatiores, tamen eos esse tales propter multitudinem cupidorum hominum nemo arbitratur. Difficile est dictu, Ouirites, quanto in 5 odio simus apud exteras nationes propter eorum, quos ad eas per hos annos cum imperio misimus, libidines et iniurias. Quod enim fanum putatis in illis terris nostris magistratibus religiosum, quam civitatem sanctam, quam domum satis clausam ac io munitam fuisse ? Urbes iam locupletes et copiosae requirunter, quibus causa belli propter diripiendi cupiditatem inferatur. Libenter haec coram cum Q. Catulo et Q. Horten- sio, summis et clarissimis viris, disputarem ; noverunt 15 enim sociorum vulnera, vident eorum calamitates, querimonias audiunt. Pro sociis vos contra hostes exercitum mittere putatis, an hostium simulatione contra socios atque amicos ? Quae civitas est in Asia, quae non modo imperatoris aut legati, sed 20 unius tribuni militum animos ac spiritus capere possit ? XXIII. Qua re, etiam si quern habetis, qui col- latis signis exercitus regios superare posse videatur, tamen, nisi erit idem, qui se a pecuniis sociorum, 25 qui ab eorum coniugibus ac liberis, qui ab orna- mentis fanorum atque oppidorum, qui ab auro ga- zaque regia manus, oculos, animum cohibere possit, non erit idoneus, qui ad bellum Asiaticum regiumque mittatur. Ecquam putatis civitatem pacatam fuisse, 30 quae locuples sit ? ecquam esse locupletem, quae istis pacata esse videatur? Ora maritima, Quirites, Cn. Pompeium non solum propter rei militaris gloriam, sed etiam propter animi continentiam requisivit. Videbat enim impe- DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xxiv. 143 ratores locupletari quotannis pecunia publica praeter paucos, neque eos quicquam aliud adsequi classium nomine, nisi ut detrimentis accipiendis maiore ad- fici turpitudine videremur. Nunc qua cupiditate homines in provincias, quibus iacturis et quibus 5 condicionibus proficiscantur, ignorant videlicet isti, qui ad unum deferenda omnia esse non arbitrantur : quasi vero Cn. Pompeium non cum suis virtutibus, turn etiam alienis vitiis magnum esse videamus. Qua re nolite dubitare, quin huic uni credatis omnia, 10 qui inter tot annos unus inventus sit, quern socii in urbes suas cum exercitu venisse gaudeant. Quod si auctoritatibus hanc causam, Quirites, con- firmandam putatis, est vobis auctor vir bellorum omnium maximarumque rerum peritissimus, P. Ser- 15 vilius, cuius tantae res gestae terra marique exsti- terunt, ut, cum de bello deliberetis, auctor vobis gravior esse nemo debeat ; est C. Curio, summis vestris benefices maximisque rebus gestis, summo ingenio et prudentia praeditus ; est Cn. Lentulus, 20 in quo omnes pro amplissimis vestris honoribus summum consilium, summam gravitatem esse cog- novistis ; est C. Cassius, integritate, virtute, constan- tia singulari. Qua re videte, ut horum auctoritatibus illorum orationi, qui dissentiunt, respondere posse 25 videamur. XXIV. Quae cum ita sint, C. Manili, primum istam tuam et legem et voluntatem et sententiam laudo vehementissimeque comprobo ; deinde te hortor, ut auctore populo Romano maneas in sententia neve 3° cuiusquam vim aut minas pertimescas. Primum in te satis esse animi perseverantiaeque arbitror ; deinde, cum tantam multitudinem cum tanto studio adesse videamus, quantam iterum nunc in eodem > 144 DE IMPERIO GNAEI POMPEI xxiv. homine praeficiendo videmus, quid est, quod aut de re aut de perficiendi facultate dubitemus ? Ego autem, quicquid est in me studi, consili, laboris, ingeni, quicquid hoc beneficio populi Ro- 5 mani atque hac potestate praetoria, quicquid aucto- ritate, fide, constantia possum, id omne ad hanc rem conficiendam tibi et populo Romano polliceor ac defero ; testorque omnes deos, et eos maxime, qui huic loco temploque praesident, qui omnium io mentes eorum, qui ad rem publicam adeunt, maxime perspiciunt, me hoc neque rogatu facere cuiusquam, neque quo Cn. Pompei gratiam mihi per hanc cau- sam conciliari putem, neque quo mihi ex cuiusquam amplitudine aut praesidia periculis aut adiumenta 15 honoribus quaeram, propterea quod pericula facile, ut hominem praestare oportet, innocentia tecti repel- lemus, honorem autem neque ab uno neque ex hoc loco, sed eadem ilia nostra laboriosissima ratione vitae, si vestra voluntas feret, consequemur. 20 Ouam ob rem, quicquid in hac causa mihi sus- ceptum est, Ouirites, id ego omne me rei publicae causa suscepisse confirmo, tantumque abest, ut ali- quam mihi bonam gratiam quaesisse videar, ut mul- tas me etiam simultates partim obscuras, partim 25 apertas intellegam, mihi non necessarias, vobis non inutiles suscepisse. Sed ego me hoc honore prae- ditum, tantis vestris beneficiis adfectum statui, Qui- rites, vestram voluntatem et rei publicae dignitatem et salutem provinciarum atque sociorum meis omni- o bus commodis et rationibus praeferre oportere. M. TULLI CICERONIS PRO A. LICINIO ARCHIA POET A ORATIO. I. Si quid est in me ingeni, iudices, quod sentio quam sit exiguum, aut si qua exercitatio dicendi, in qua me non infitior mediocriter esse versatum, aut si huiusce rei ratio aliqua ab optimarum artium studiis ac disciplina profecta, a qua ego nullum 5 confiteor aetatis meae tempus abhorruisse, earum rerum omnium vel in primis hie A. Licinius fruc- tum a me^ repetere prope suo iure debet. Nam, quoad longissime potest mens mea respicere spa- tium praeteriti temporis et pueritiae memoriam re- 10 cordari ultimam, inde usque repetens hunc video mihi principem et ad suscipiendam et ad ingredien- dam rationem horum studiorum exstitisse. Quod si haec vox huius hortatu praeceptisque conformata non nullis aliquando saluti fuit, a quo 15 id accepimus, quo ceteris opitulari et alios servare possumus, huic profecto ipsi, quantum est situm in nobis, et opem et salutem ferre debemus. Ac ne quis a nobis hoc ita dici forte miretur, quod alia quaedam in hoc facultas sit ingeni neque haec 20 dicendi ratio aut disciplina, ne nos quidem huic uni studio penitus umquam dediti fuimus. Etenim omnes artes, quae ad humanitatem pertinent, habent 146 M. TULLI CICERONIS quoddam commune vinclum et quasi cognatione qua- dam inter se continentur. II. Sed ne cui vestrum mirum esse videatur, me in quaestione legitima et in iudicio publico, cum res 5 agatur apud praetorem populi Romani, rectissimum virum, et apud severissimos iudices, tanto conventu hominum ac frequentia hoc uti genere dicendi, quod non modo a consuetudine iudiciorum, verum etiam a forensi sermone abhorreat, quaeso a vobis, ut in io hac causa mini detis hanc veniam, accommodatam huic reo, vobis, quern ad modum spero, non mol- estam, ut me pro summo poeta atque eruditissimo homine dicentem, hoc concursu hominum litteratissi- morum, hac vestra humanitate, hoc denique praetore I5 exercente iudicium, patiamini de studiis humanitatis ac litterarum paulo loqui liberius et in eius modi persona, quae propter otium ac studium minime in iudiciis periculisque tractata est, uti prope novo quodam et inusitato genere dicendi. Quod si mihi 20 a vobis tribui concedique sentiam, perficiam pro- fecto, ut hunc A. Licinium non modo non segre- gandum, cum sit civis, a numero civium, verum etiam, si non esset, putetis asciscendum fuisse. III. Nam, ut primum ex pueris excessit Archias 25 atque ab eis artibus, quibus aetas puerilis ad hu- manitatem informari solet, se ^ad scribendi studium contulit, primum Antiochiae — nam' ibi natus est loco nobili — celebri quondam urbe et copiosa atque eruditissimis hominibus liberalissimisque studiis adflu- 3° enti, celeriter antecellere omnibus ingeni gloria contigit. Post in ceteris Asiae partibus cunctaque Graecia sic eius adventus celebrabantur, ut famam ingeni exspec- tatio hominis, exspectationem ipsius adventus admira- tioque superaret. PRO ARCHIA POETA ORATIO iv. 147 Erat Italia turn plena Graecarum artium ac dis- ciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio vehementius turn colebantur quam nunc eisdem in oppidis, et hie Romae propter tranquillitatem rei publicae non neglegebantur. Itaque hunc et Tarentini et Regini 5 et Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt, et omnes, qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant iudicare, cognitione atque hospitio dignum existimarunt. Hac tanta celebritate famae cum esset iam absentibus notus, Romam venit Mario consule et Catulo. Nactus est 10 primum consules eos, quorum alter res ad scribendum maximas, alter cum res gestas turn etiam studium atque aures adhibere posset. Statim Luculli, cum praetextatus etiam turn Ar- chias esset, eum domum suam receperunt. Et erat 15 hoc non solum ingeni ac litterarum, verum etiam naturae atque virtutis, ut domus, quae huius adule- scentiae prima favit, eadem esset familiarissima se- nectuti. Erat temporibus illis iucundus Q. Metello illi Numidico et eius Pio filio, audiebatur a M. 20 Aemilio, vivebat cum Q. Catulo et patre et filio, a L. Crasso colebatur; Lucullos vero et Drusum et Octavios et Catonem et totam Hortensiorum do- mum devinctam consuetudine cum teneret, adficieba- tur summo honore, quod eum non solum colebant, 25 qui aliquid percipere atque audire studebant, verum etiam si qui forte simulabant. IV. Interim satis longo intervallo, cum esset cum M. Lucullo in Siciliam profectus et cum ex ea provincia cum eodem Lucullo decederet, venit He- 30 racliam. Quae cum esset civitas aequissimo hire ac foedere, adscribi se in earn civitatem voluit, idque, cum ipse per se dignus putaretur, turn auctoritate et gratia Luculli ab Heracliensibus im- 148 M. TULLI CICERONIS petravit. Data est civitas Silvani lege et Carbonis : Si qui foederatis civitatibus ascripti fuis- SENT, SI TUM, CUM LEX FEREBATUR, IN ITALIA DOMICILIUM HABUISSENT ET SI SEXAGINTA DIEBUS S APUD PRAETOREM ESSENT PROFESSI. Cum hie do- micilium Romae multos iam annos haberet, professus est apud praetorem O. Metellum, familiarissimum suum. Si nihil aliud nisi de civitate ac lege dicimus, 10 nihil dico amplius ; causa dicta est. Quid enini horum infirmari, Grati, potest ? Heracliaene esse eum ascriptum negabis ? Adest vir summa aucto- ritate et religione et fide, M. Lucullus ; qui se non opinari, sed scire, non audivisse, sed vidisse, non 15 interfuisse, sed egisse dicit. Adsunt Heraclienses legati, nobilissimi homines, huius iudici causa cum mandatis et cum publico testimonies qui hunc ad- scriptum Heracliensem dicunt. Hie tu tabulas desideras Heracliensium publicas, 20 quas Italico bello incenso tabulario interisse scimus omnes ? Est ridiculum ad ea, quae habemus, nihil dicere, quaerere, quae habere non possumus, et de hominum memoria tacere, litterarum memoriam fla- gitare ; et, cum habeas amplissimi viri religionem, 25 integerrimi municipi ius iurandum fidemque, ea, quae depravari nullo modo possunt, repudiare ; tabu- las, quas idem dicis solere corrumpi, desiderare. - An domicilium Romae non habuit is, qui tot annis ante civitatem datam sedem omnium rerum 30 ac fortunarum suarum Romae collocavit ? An non est professus ? Immo vero eis tabulis professus, quae solae ex ilia professione collegioque praetorum obtinent publicarum tabularum auctoritatem. V. Nam, cum Appi tabulae neglegentius adser- PRO ARCHIA POETA ORATIO v. ' 149 vatae dicerentur, Gabini, quamdiu incolumis fuit, levitas, post damnationem calamitas oranera tabu- larum fidem resignasset, Metellus, homo sanctissi- mus modestissimusque omnium, tanta diligentia fuit, ut ad L. Lentulum praetorem et ad iudices venerit 5 et unius nominis litura se commotum esse dixerit. His igitur in tabulis nullam lituram in nomine A. Licini videtis. Quae cum ita sint, quid est, quod de eius civitate dubitetis, praesertim cum aliis quo- que in civitatibus fuerit ascriptus ? Etenim, cum 10 mediocribus multis et aut nulla aut humili aliqua arte praeditis gratuito civitatem in Graecia homines impertiebant, Reginos credo aut Locrenses aut Nea- politanos aut Tarentinos, quod scaenicis artificibus largiri solebant, id huic summa ingeni praedito 15 gloria noluisse ! Quid? cum ceteri non modo post civitatem datam, sed etiam post legem Papiam aliquo modo in eorum municipiorum tabulas inrepserunt; hie, qui ne utitur quidem illis, in quibus est scriptus, quod semper se 20 Heracliensem esse voluit, reicietur ? Census nostros requiris. Scilicet; est enim obscurum proximis cen- soribus hunc cum clarissimo imperatore, L. Lucullo, apud exercitum fuisse, superioribus cum eodem quaestore fuisse in Asia, primis, Iulio et Crasso, 25 nullam populi partem esse censam. Sed, quoniam census non ius civitatis confirmat ac tantum modo indicat eum, qui sit census, se iam turn gessisse pro cive, eis temporibus is, quern tu criminaris ne ipsius quidem iudicio in civium Romanorum iure 30 esse versatum, et testamentum saepe fecit nostris legibus et adiit hereditates civium Romanorum et in beneficiis ad aerarium delatus est a L. Lucullo pro consule. Quaere argumenta, si quae potes ; 150 M. TULLI CICERONIS numquam enim hie neque suo neque amicorum iudicio revincetur. VI/^Quaeres a nobis, Grati, cur tanto opere hoc homine delectemur. Quia suppeditat nobis, ubi et 5 animus ex hoc forensi strepitu reficiatur et aures convicio defessae conquiescant. An tu existimas aut suppetere nobis posse, quod cotidie dicamus in tanta varietate rerum, nisi animos nostros doctrina excolamus, aut ferre animos tantam posse contentio- io nem, nisi eos doctrina eadem relaxemus ? Ego vero fateor me his studiis esse deditum. Ceteros pudeat, si qui ita se litteris abdiderunt, ut nihil possint ex eis neque ad communem adferre fructum neque in aspectum lucemque proferre ; me autem quid pu- 15 deat, qui tot annos ita vivo, indices, ut a nullius umquam me tempore aut commodo aut otium meum abstraxerit aut voluptas avocarit aut denique som- nus retardarit ? /O^Qua re quis tandem me reprehendat, aut quis 20 mihi iure suscenseat, si quantum ceteris ad suas res — ebejiiidas, quantum ad festos dies ludorum cele- brandos, quantum ad alias voluptates et ad ipsam ^requiem animi et corporis conceditur temporum, quantum alii tribuunt tempestivis conviviis, quantum 25 denique alveolo, quantum pilae, tantum mihi egomet ad haec studia recolenda sumpsero ? Atque hoc ideo mihi concedendum est magis, quod ex his studiis haec quoque crescit o ratio— et-iacultas, quae quantacumque in me est, numquam amicorum perk 30 culis defuit. Quae si cui levior videtur, ilia quidem certe, quae summa sunt, ex quo fonte hauriam, sentio. /^"Nam, nisi multorum praeceptis multisque litteris 'mihi ab adulescentia suasissem, nihil esse in 'vita PRO ARCHIA POETA ORATIO vn. 151 magno opere expetendum nisi laudem atque hones- tatem, in ea autem persequenda omnes cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque exsili parvi esse ducenda, numquam me pro salute vestra in tot ac tantas dimicationes atque in hos profligatorum 5 hominum cotidianos impetus obiecissem. A Sed pleni omnes sunt libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena ex- emplorum vetustas ; quae iacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi litterarum lumen accederet. Quam multas nobis imagines non solum ad intuendum, verum etiam ad 10 imitandum fortissimorum virorum expressas scripto- res et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt ! Quas ego mihi semper in administranda re publica proponens animum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum excellentium conformabam. 15 VII. Quaeret quispiam : " Quid ? illi ipsi summi viri, quorum virtutes litteris ~procTitae sunt, istane doctrina, quam tu effers laudibus, eruditi fuerunt?" Difficile est hoc de omnibus confirmare, sed ta- men est certum, quid respondeam. Ego multos 20 homines excellenti animo ac virtute fuisse sine doc- trina, et naturae ipsius habitu prope divino per se ipsos et moderatos et graves exstitisse fateor ; etiam illud adiungo, saepius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina quam sine natura valuisse 25 doctrinam. Atque idem ego contendo, cum ad naturam eximiam et illustrem accesserit ratio quae- dam conformatioque doctrinae, turn illud nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare solere exsistere. Ex hoc esse hunc numero, quern patres nostri viderunt, 30 divinum hominem, Africanum, ex hoc C. Laelium, L. Furium, moderatissimos homines et continentis- simos, ex hoc fortissimum virum et illis temporibus doctissimum, M. Catonem, ilium senem ; qui pro- 5 152 M. TULLI CICERONIS fecto, si nihil ad percipiendam colendamque virtutem litteris adiuvarentur, numquam se ad earum studium contulissent. f Quod si non hie tantus fructus ostenderetur, et si ex his studiis delectatio sola peteretur, tamen, ut ^lopinor, hanc animi remissionem humanissimam ac ^J liberalissimam iudicaretis. Nam ceterae neque tem- porum sunt neque aetatum omnium neque locorum; /at haec studia adulescentiam alunt, senectutem ob- io lectant, secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium ac jsolacium praebent, delectant domi, non impediunt 1 foris; pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinantur, rusticantur. VIII. Quod si ipsi haec neque attingere neque sensu nostro gustare possemus, tamen ea mirari is deberemus, etiam cum in aliis videremus. Quis nostrum tarn animo agresti ac duro fuit, ut Rosci morte nuper non commoveretur ? qui cum esset senex mortuus, tamen propter excellentem artem ac venustatem videbatur omnino mori non debuisse. 20 Ergo ille corporis motu tantum amorem sibi conci- liarat a nobis omnibus ; nos animorum incredibiles motus celeritatemque ingeniorum neglegemus ? Quotiens ego hunc Archiam vidi, iudices, — utar enim vestra benignitate, quoniam me in hoc novo 25 genere dicendi tarn diligenter attenditis, — quotiens ego hunc vidi, cum litteram scripsisset nullam, ma- gnum numerum optimorum versuum de eis ipsis rebus, quae turn agerentur, dicere ex tempore ! quotiens revocatum eandem rem dicere commutatis 30 verbis atque sententiis ! Quae vero accurate cogi- tateque scripsisset, ea sic vidi probari, ut ad vete- rum scriptorum laudem perveniret. Hunc ego non diligam, non admirer, non omni ratione defendendum putem? Atque sic a summis hominibus eruditis- PRO ARCHIA POETA ORATIO ix. 153 simisque accepimus, ceterarum rerum studia ex doc- trina et praeceptis et arte constare ; poetam natura ipsa valere et mentis viribus excitari et quasi divino quodam spiritu inflari. Qua re suo iure noster ille Ennius "sanctos" appellat poetas, quod quasi deorum 5 aliquo dono atque munere commendati nobis esse videantur. Sit igitur, iudices, sanctum apud vos, humanissi- mos homines, hoc poetae nomen, quod nulla um- quam barbaria violavit. Saxa et solitudines voci 10 respondent, bestiae saepe immanes cantu flectuntur atque consistunt ; nos instituti rebus optimis non poetarum voce moveamur ? Homerum Colophonii civem esse dicunt suum, Chii suum vindicant, Sala- minii repetunt, Smyrnaei vero suum esse confirmant, 15 itaque etiam delubrum eius in oppido dedicave- runt; permulti alii praeterea pugnant inter se atque contendunt. IX. Ergo illi alienum, quia poeta fuit, post mor- tem etiam expetunt ; nos hunc vivum, qui et volun- 20 tate et legibus noster est, repudiabimus, praesertim cum omne olim studium atque omne ingenium con- tulerit Archias ad populi Romani gloriam laudemque celebrandam ? Nam et Cimbricas res adulescens attigit et ipsi illi C. Mario, qui durior ad haec studia 25 videbatur, iucundus fuit. Neque enim quisquam est tarn aversus a Musis, qui non mandari versibus aeternum suorum laborum facile praeconium patia- tur. Themistoclem ilium, summum Athenis virum, dixisse aiunt, cum ex eo quaereretur, quod acroama 30 aut cuius vocem libentissime audiret : Eius, a quo sua virtus optime praedicaretur. Itaque ille Marius item eximie L. Plotium dilexit, cuius ingenio puta- bat ea, quae gesserat, posse celebrari. 154 M. TULLI CICERONIS Mithridaticum vero bellum, magnum atque difficile et in multa varietate terra marique versatum, totum ab hoc expressum est ; qui libri non modo L. Lu- cullum, fortissimum et clarissimum virum, verum 5 etiam populi Romani nomen illustrant. Populus enim Romanus aperuit Lucullo imperante Pontum, et regiis quondam opibus et ipsa natura et regione vallatum ; populi Romani exercitus eodem duce non maxima manu innumerabilis Armeniorum copias 10 fudit ; populi Romani laus est, urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum eiusdem consilio ex omni impetu regio atque e totius belli ore ac faucibus ereptam esse atque servatam ; nostra semper feretur et praedicabitur L. Lucullo dimicante, cum interfectis ducibus depressa 15 hostium classis est, incredibilis apud Tenedum pugna ilia navalis, nostra sunt tropaea, nostra monumenta, nostri triumphi. Quae quorum ingeniis efferuntur, ab eis populi Romani fama celebratur. Carus fuit Africano superiori noster Ennius, itaque 20 etiam in sepulcro Scipionum putatur is esse con- stitutus ex marmore ; at eis laudibus certe non solum ipse, qui laudatur, sed etiam populi Romani nomen ornatur. In caelum huius proavus Cato tollitur ; magnus honos populi Romani rebus ad- 25 iungitur. Omnes denique illi Maximi, Marcelli, Fulvii non sine communi omnium nostrum laude decorantur. X. Ergo ilium, qui haec fecerat, Rudinum homi- nem, maiores nostri in civitatem receperunt ; nos 30 hunc Heracliensem, multis civitatibus expetitum, in hac autem legibus constitutum, de nostra civitate eiciemus ? Nam, si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Graecis versibus percipi quam ex Latinis, vehemen- PRO ARCHIA POETA ORATIO x. 155 ter errat, propterea quod Graeca leguntur in omni- bus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur. Qua re, si res eae, quas gessimus, orbis terrae regionibus definiuntur, cupere debemus, quo manuum nostrarum tela pervenerint, eodem 5 gloriam famamque penetrare, quod cum ipsis popu- lis, de quorum rebus scribitur, haec ampla sunt, turn eis certe, qui de vita gloriae causa dimicant, hoc maximum et periculorum incitamentum est et laborum. 10 Quam multos scriptores rerum suarum magnus ille Alexander secum habuisse dicitur ! Atque is tamen, cum in Sigeo ad Achillis tumulum astitisset, " O fortunate," inquit, " adulescens, qui tuae virtutis Ho- merum praeconem inveneris ! " Et vere. Nam, nisi 15 Ilias ilia exstitisset, idem tumulus, qui corpus eius contexerat, noraen etiam obruisset. Quid ? noster hie Magnus, qui cum virtute fortu- nam adaequavit, nonne Theophanem Mytilenaeum, scriptorem rerum suarum, in contione militum civi- 2 o tate donavit, et nostri ill i fortes viri, sed rustici ac milites, dulcedine quadam gloriae commoti, quasi participes eiusdem laudis, magno illud clamore ap- probaverunt ? Itaque, credo, si civis Romanus Ar- chias legibus non esset, ut ab aliquo imperatore 25 civitate donaretur, perficere non potuit. Sulla cum Hispanos et Gallos donaret, credo, hunc petentem repudiasset ; quern nos in contione vidimus, cum ei libellum malus poeta de populo subiecisset, quod epigramma in eum fecisset, tantum modo alternis 30 versibus longiusculis, statim ex eis rebus, quas turn vendebat, iubere ei praemium tribui, sed ea condi- cione, ne quid postea scriberet. Qui sedulitatem mali poetae duxerit aliquo tamen praemio dignam, 156 M. TULLI CICERONIS huius ingenium et virtutem in scribendo et copiam non expetisset ? Quid ? a O. Metello Pio, famili- arissimo suo, qui civitate multos donavit, neque per se neque per Lucullos impetravisset ? qui praeser- 5 tim usque eo de suis rebus scribi cuperet, ut etiam Cordubae natis poetis, pingue quiddam sonantibus atque peregrinum, tamen aures suas dederet. XI. Neque enim est hoc dissimulandum, quod ob- scurari non potest, sed prae nobis ferendum : trahi- io mur omnes studio laudis, et optimus quisque maxime gloria ducitur. Ipsi ill I philosophi etiam in eis libellis, quos de contemnenda gloria scribunt, nomen suum inscribunt ; in eo ipso, in quo praedicationem nobilitatemque despiciunt, praedicari de se ac nomi- 15 nari volunt. Decimus quidem Brutus, summus vir et imperator, Acci, amicissimi sui, carminibus tem- plorum ac monumentorum aditus exornavit suorum. lam vero ille, qui cum Aetolis Ennio comite bella- vit, Fulvius, non dubitavit Martis manubias Musis 20 c'onsecrare. Qua re, in qua urbe imperatores prope armati poetarum nomen et Musarum delubra colue- runt, in ea non debent togati iudices a Musarum honore et a poetarum salute abhorrere. Atque ut id libentius faciatis, iam me vobis, 25 iudices, indicabo et de meo quodam amore gloriae nimis acri fortasse, verum tamen honesto, vobis confitebor. Nam, quas res nos in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul pro salute huius imperi et pro vita civium proque universa re publica gessimus, attigit 30 hie versibus atque incohavit. Quibus auditis, quod mihi magna res et iucunda visa est, hunc ad per- nciendum adhortatus sum. Nullam enim virtus aliam mercedem laborum peri- culorumque desiderat praeter hanc laudis et gloriae ; PRO ARCHIA POETA ORATIO xn. 157 qua quidem detracta, iudices, quid est, quod in hoc tarn exiguo vitae curriculo tantis nos in laborious exerceamus ? Certe, si nihil animus praesentiret in posterum, et si, quibus regionibus vitae spatium circumscriptum 5 est, eisdem omnes cogitationes terminaret suas, nee tantis se laboribus frangeret neque tot curis vigili- isque angeretur nee totiens de ipsa vita dimicaret. Nunc insidet quaedam in optimo quoque virtus, quae noctes ac dies animum gloriae stimulis con- 10 citat atque admonet, non cum vitae tempore esse dimittendam commemorationem nominis nostri, sed cum omni posteritate adaequandam. XII. An vero tarn parvi animi videamur esse omnes, qui in re publica atque in his vitae pericu- 15 lis laboribusque versamur, ut, cum usque ad extre- mum spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum siinul moritura omnia arbitremur? An statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi ho- 20 mines reliquerunt; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem nonne multo malle debemus, summis ingeniis expressam et politam ? Ego vero omnia, quae gerebam, iam turn in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memo- 25 riarn sempiternam. Haec vero sive a meo sensu post mortem afutura est, sive, ut sapientissimi ho- mines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi mei partem pertinebit, nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector. 3° Qua re conservate, iudices, hominem pudore eo, quern amicorum videtis comprobari cum dignitate turn etiam vetustate, ingenio autem tanto, quantum id convenit existimari, quod summorum hominum 158 PRO ARCHIA POETA ORATIO XII. ingeniis expetitum esse videatis, causa vero eius modi, quae beneficio legis, auctoritate municipi, tes- timonio Luculli, tabulis Metelli comprobetur. Quae cum ita sint, petimus a vobis, iudices, si qua non 5 modo humana, verum etiam divina in tantis ingeniis commendatio debet esse, ut eum, qui vos, qui ve- stros imperatores, qui populi Romani res gestas semper ornavit, qui etiam his recentibus nostris vestrisque domesticis periculis aeternum se testimo- io nium laudis daturum esse profitetur, estque ex eo numero, qui semper apud omnes' sancti sunt habiti itaque dicti, sic in vestram accipiatis fidem, ut humanitate vestra levatus potius quam acerbitate violatus esse videatur. 15 Quae de causa pro mea consuetudine breviter simpliciterque dixi, iudices, ea confido probata esse omnibus ; quae autem remota a mea iudicialique consuetudine et de hominis ingenio et communiter de ipsius studio locutus sum, ea, iudices, a vobis 20 spero esse in bonam partem accepta ; ab eo, qui iudicium exercet, certo scio. Tumulus, called the Tomb of Achilles. M. TULLI CICERONIS PRO M MARCELLO ORATIO. I. Diuturni silenti, patres conscripti, quo eram his temporibus usus, non timore aliquo, sed . partim do- lore, partim verecundia, finem hodiernus dies attulit, idemque initium, quae vellem quaeque sentirem, meo pristino more dicendi. Tantam enim mansuetudinem, 5 tam inusitatam inauditamque clementiam, tantum in summa potestate rerum omnium modum, tam deni- que incredibilem sapientiam ac paene divinam tacitus praeterire nullo modo possum. M. enim Marcello vobis, patres conscripti, reique publicae reddito, non 10 illius solum, sed etiam meam vocem et auctoritatem et vobis et rei publicae conservatam ac restitutam puto. Dolebam enim, patres conscripti, et vehemen- ter angebar virum talem, cum in eadem causa, in qua ego, fuisset, non in eadem esse fortuna, nee mihi per- 15 suadere poteram nee fas esse ducebam versari me in nostro vetere curriculo illo aemulo atque imitatore studiorum ac laborum meorum quasi quodam socio a me et comite distracto. Ergo et mihi meae pristinae vitae consuetudinem, 20 C. Caesar, interclusam aperuisti et his omnibus ad bene de omni re publica sperandum quasi signum aliquod sustulisti. Intellectum est enim mihi quidem in multis et maxime in me ipso, sed paulo ante in 160 M. TULLI CICERONIS omnibus, cum M. Marcellum senatui reique publicae concessisti, commemoratis praesertim offensionibus, te auctoritatem huius ordinis dignitatemque rei publicae tuis vel doloribus vel suspicionibus anteferre. Ille qui- 5 dem fructum omnis ante actae vitae hodierno die maxi- mum cepit, cum summo consensu senatus, turn iudicio tuo gravissimo et maximo. Ex quo profecto intelle- gis, quanta in dato beneficio sit laus, cum in accepto sit tanta gloria. Est vero fortunatus ille, cuius ex IO salute non minor paene ad omnes, quam ad ipsum ventura sit, laetitia pervenerit; quod quidem ei merito atque optimo iure contigit. Quis enim est illo aut nobilitate aut probitate aut optimarum artium studio aut innocentia aut ullo laudis genere praestantior? I5 II. Nullius tantum flumen est ingeni, nullius dicendi aut scribendi tanta vis, tanta copia, quae non dicam exornare, sed enarrare, C. Caesar, res tuas gestas possit. Tamen adfirmo, et hoc pace dicam tua, nul- lam in his esse laudem ampliorem quam earn, quam 20 hodierno die consecutus es. Soleo saepe ante oculos ponere idque libenter crebris usurpare sermonibus, om- nis nostrorum imperatorum, omnis exterarum gentium potentissimorumque populorum, omnis clarissimorum regum res gestas cum tuis nee contentionum magni- 25 tudine nee numero proeliorum nee varietate regionum nee celeritate conficiendi nee dissimilitudine bellorum posse conferri, nee vero disiunctissimas terras citius passibus cuiusquam potuisse peragrari, quam tuis non dicam cursibus, sed victoriis lustratae sunt. 30 Quae quidem ego nisi ita magna esse fatear, ut ea vix cuiusquam mens aut cogitatio capere possit, amens sim; sed tamen sunt alia maiora. Nam bellicas lau- des solent quidam extenuare verbis easque detrahere ducibus, communicare cum multis, ne propriae sint Truly a wonderful man was Cains Julius Caesar/ Better be first, he said, in a little Iberian village, Than be second in Rome; — and I think he was right when he said it. Longfellow: The Courtship of Miles Standish. PRO M. MARCELLO ORATIO in. 161 imperatorum. Et certe in armis militum virtus, loco- rum opportunitas, auxilia sociorum, classes, commea- tus multum iuvant, maximam vero partem quasi suo iure Fortuna sibi vindicat et, quicquid prospere ges- tum est, id paene omne ducit suum. At vero huius 5 gloriae, C. Caesar, quam es paulo ante adeptus, so- cium habes neminem ; totum hoc, quantumcumque est, quod certe maximum est, totum est, inquam, tuum. Nihil sibi ex ista laude centurio, nihil prae- fectus, *hil cohors, nihil turma decerpit; quin etiam 10 ilia ipsa rerum humanarum domina, Fortuna, in istius societatem gloriae se non offert ; tibi cedit, tuam esse totam et propriam fatetur. Numquam enim temeritas cum sapientia commiscetur, neque ad consilium casus admittitur. 15 III. Domuisti gentes immanitate barbaras, multitu- dine innumerabiles, locis infinitas, omni copiarum gen- ere abundantes ; sed tamen ea vicisti, quae et naturam et condicionem, ut vinci possent, habebant. Nulla est enim tanta vis, quae non ferro et viribus debilitari 20 frangique possit. Animum vincere, iracundiam cohi- bere, victoriam temperare, adversarium nobilitate, inge- nio, virtute praestantem non modo extollere iacentem, sed etiam amplificare eius pristinam dignitatem, haec qui facit, non ego eum cum summis viris comparo, 25 sed simillimum deo iudico. Itaque, C. Caesar, bellicae tuae laudes celebrabuntur illae quidcm non solum nostris, sed paene omnium gentium litteris atque linguis, nee ulla umquam aetas de tuis laudibus conticescet ; sed tamen eius modi res 30 nescio quo modo, etiam cum leguntur, obstrepi cla- more militum videntur et tubarum sono. At vero cum aliquid clementer, mansuete, iuste, moderate, sapienter factum, in iracundia praesertim, quae est 11 162 M. TULLI CICERONIS inimica consilio, et in victoria, quae natura insolens et superba est, audimus aut legimus, quo studio in- cendimur, non modo in gestis rebus, sed etiam in fictis, ut eos saepe, quos numquam vidimus, diliga- 5 mus ! Te vero, quem praesentem intuemur, cuius mentem sensusque et os cernimus, ut, quicquid belli fortuna reliquum rei publicae fecerit, id esse salvum velis, quibus laudibus efferemus? quibus studiis pro- sequemur? qua benevolentia complectemur? Parietes 10 me dius Fidius, ut mihi videtur, huius curiae tibi gra- tias agere gestiunt, quod brevi tempore futura sit ilia auctoritas in his maiorum suorum et suis sedibus. IV. Equidem cum C. Marcelli, viri optimi et com- memorabili pietate praediti, lacrimas modo vobiscum 15 viderem, omnium Marcellorum meum pectus memoria offudit, quibus tu etiam mortuis M.' Marcello con- servato dignitatem suam reddidisti nobilissimamque familiam iam ad paucos redactam paene ab interitu vindicasti. Hunc tu igitur diem tuis maximis et in- 20 numerabilibus gratulationibus hire antepones. Haec enim res unius est propria C. Caesaris; cete- rae duce te gestae magnae illae quidem, sed tamen multo magnoque comitatu. Huius autem rei tu idem es et dux et comes ; quae quidem tanta est, ut tro- 25 paeis et monumentis tuis adlatura finem sit aetas — nihil est enim opere et manu factum, quod non ali- quando conficiat et consumat vetustas — at haec tua iustitia et lenitas animi florescit cotidie magis, ita ut, quantum tuis operibus diuturnitas detrahet, tantum 30 adferat laudibus. Et ceteros quidem omnes victores bellorum civilium iam ante aequitate et misericordia viceras : hodierno vero die te ipsum vicisti. Vereor, ut hoc, quod dicam, perinde intellegi possit auditum, atque ipse cogitans sentio ; ipsam victoriam vicisse PRO M. MARCELLO ORATIO v. 163 videris, cum ea, quae ilia erat adepta, victis remisisti. Nam cum ipsius victoriae condicione omnes victi oc- cidissemus, clementiae tuae iudicio conservati sumus. Recte igitur unus invictus es, a quo etiam ipsius vic- toriae condicio visque devicta est. 5 V. Atque hoc C. Caesaris iudicium, patres con- scripti, quam late pateat, attendite. Omnes enim, qui ad ilia arma fato sumus nescio quo rei publicae misero funestoque compulsi, etsi aliqua culpa tenemur erroris humani, scelere certe liberati sumus. Nam, 10 cum M. Marcellum deprecantibus vobis rei publicae conservavit, me et mihi et item rei publicae nullo deprecante, reliquos amplissimos viros et sibi ipsos et patriae reddidit, quorum et frequentiam et dignitatem hoc ipso in consessu videtis, non ille hostes induxit 15 in curiam, sed iudicavit a plerisque ignoratione potius et falso atque inani metu quam cupiditate aut crudeli- tate bellum esse susceptum. Quo quidem in bello semper de pace audiendum putavi semperque dolui non modo pacem, sed etiam 20 orationem civium pacem flagitantium repudiari. Ne- que enim ego ilia nee ulla umquam secutus sum arma civilia, semperque mea consilia pacis et togae socia, non belli atque armorum fuerunt. Hominem sum secutus privato consilio, non publico, tantumque 25 apud me grati animi fidelis memoria valuit, ut nulla non modo cupiditate, sed ne spe quidem prudens et sciens tamquam ad interitum ruerem voluntarium. Quod quidem meum consilium minime obscurum fuit. Nam et in hoc ordine integra re multa de pace dixi 30 et in ipso bello eadem etiam cum capitis mei periculo sensi. Ex quo nemo iam erit tarn iniustus existimator rerum, qui dubitet, quae Caesaris de bello voluntas fuerit, cum pacis auctores conservandos statim censue- 164 M. TULLI CICER0N1S rit, ceteris fuerit iratior. Atque id minus mirum for- tasse turn, cum esset incertus exitus et anceps fortuna belli ; qui vero victor pacis auctores diligit, is pro- fecto declarat se maluisse non dimicare quam vincere. 5 VI. Atque huius quidem rei M. Marcello sum testis. Nostri enim sensus ut in pace semper, sic turn etiam in bello congruebant. Ouotiens ego eum et quanto cum dolore vidi, cum insolentiam certorum hominum, turn etiam ipsius victoriae ferocitatem extimescentem ! 10 Quo gratior tua liberalitas, C. Caesar, nobis, qui ilia vidimus, debet esse. Non enim iam causae sunt inter se, sed victoriae comparandae. Vidimus tuam victo- riam proeliorum exitu terminatam ; gladium vagina vacuum in urbe non vidimus. Quos amisimus cives, 15 eos Martis vis perculit, non ira victoriae, ut dubitare debeat nemo, quin multos, si fieri posset, C. Caesar ab inferis excitaret, quoniam ex eadem acie conservat, quos potest. Alterius vero partis nihil amplius dicam quam, id 20 quod omnes verebamur, nimis iracundam futuram fuisse victoriam. Quidam enim non modo armatis, sed interdum etiam otiosis minabantur nee, quid quis- que sensisset, sed ubi fuisset, cogitandum esse dice- bant, ut mihi quidem videantur di immortales, etiam 25 si poenas a populo Romano ob aliquod delictum ex- petiverunt, qui civile bellum tantum et tam luctuosum excitaverunt, vel placati iam vel satiati aliquando omnem spem salutis ad clementiam victoris et sapi- entiam contulisse. 30 Qua re gaude tuo isto tam excellenti bono, et fruere cum fortuna et gloria, turn etiam natura et moribus tuis; ex quo quidem maximus est fructus iucunditasque sapienti. Cetera cum tua recordabere, etsi persaepe virtuti, tamen plerumque felicitati tuae PRO M. MARCELLO ORATIO vn. 165 gratulabere ; de nobis, quos in re publica tecum simul esse voluisti quotiens cogitabis, totiens de maximis tuis beneficiis, totiens de incredibili liberalitate, totiens de singulari sapientia tua cogitabis ; quae non modo summa bona, sed nimirum audebo vel sola dicere. 5 Tantus est enim splendor in laude vera, tanta in magnitudine animi et consili dignitas, ut haec a Vir- tute donata, cetera a Fortuna commodata esse videan- tur. Noli igitur in conservandis bonis viris defatigari, non cupiditate praesertim aliqua aut pravitate lapsis, 10 sed opinione offici stulta fortasse, certe non improba, et specie quadam rei publicae. Non enim tua ulla culpa est, si te aliqui timuerunt, contraque summa laus, quod minime timendum fuisse senserunt. VII. Nunc venio ad gravissimam querellam et atro- 15 cissimam suspicionem tuam, quae non tibi ipsi magis quam cum omnibus civibus, turn maxime nobis, qui a te conservati sumus, providenda est; quam etsi spero falsam esse, tamen numquam extenuabo verbis. Tua enim cautio nostra cautio est, ut, si in alterutro 20 peccandum sit, malim videri nimis timidus quam parum prudens. Sed quisnam est iste tarn demens? de tuisne — tametsi qui magis sunt tui, quam qui- bus tu salutem insperantibus reddidisti? — an ex hoc numero, qui una tecum fuerunt? Non est credibilis 25 tantus in ullo furor, ut, quo duce omnia summa sit adeptus, huius vitam non anteponat suae. An, si nihil tui cogitant sceleris, cavendum est, ne quid inimici? Qui? omnes enim, qui fuerunt, aut sua per- tinacia vitam amiserunt aut tua misericordia retinue- 30 runt, ut aut nulli supersint de inimicis aut, qui fuerunt, sint amicissimi. Sed tamen cum in animis hominum tantae latebrae sint et tanti recessus, augeamus sane suspicionem 166 M. TULLI CICERONIS tuam ; simul enim augebimus diligentiam. Nam quis est omnium tam ignarus rerum, tarn rudis in re pub- lica, tam nihil umquam nee de sua nee de communi salute cogitans, qui non intellegat tua salute contineri 5 suam et ex unius tua, vita pendere omnium? Equi- dem de te dies noctesque, ut debeo, cogitans casus dumtaxat humanos et incertos eventus valetudinis et naturae communis fragilitatem extimesco, doleoque, cum res publica immortalis esse debeat, earn in unius io mortalis anima consistere. Si vero ad humanos casus incertosque motus valetudinis sceleris etiam accedit insidiarumque consensio, quern deum, si cupiat, posse opitulari rei publicae credamus? VIII. Omnia sunt excitanda tibi, C. Caesar, uni, 15 quae iacere sentis, belli ipsius impetu, quod necesse fuit, perculsa atque prostrata; constituenda iudicia, revocanda fides, comprimendae libidines, propaganda suboles, omnia, quae dilapsa iam diffluxerunt, severis legibus vincienda sunt. Non fuit recusandum in tanto 20 civili bello, tanto animorum ardore et armorum, quin quassata res publica, quicumque belli eventus fuisset, multa perderet et ornamenta dignitatis et praesidia stabilitatis suae, multaque uterque dux faceret arma- tus, quae idem togatus fieri prohibuisset. Quae qui- 25 dem tibi nunc omnia belli vulnera sananda sunt, quibus praeter te mederi nemo potest. Itaque illam tuam praeclarissimam et sapientissi- mara vocem invitus audivi : "Satis diu vel naturae vixi vel gloriae." Satis, si ita vis, fortasse naturae, 30 addo etiam, si placet, gloriae; at, quod maximum est, patriae certe parum. Qua re omitte istam, quae- so, doctorum hominum in contemnenda morte pru- dentiam; noli nostro periculo esse sapiens. Saepe enim venit ad aures meas, te idem istud nimis crebro PRO M. MARCELLO ORATIO ix. 167 dicere, tibi satis te vixisse. Credo ; sed turn id audi- rem, si tibi soli viveres aut si tibi etiam soli natus esses. Omnium salutem civium cunctamque rem publicam res tuae gestae complexae sunt; tantum abes a perfectione maximorum operum, ut funda- 5 menta nondum, quae cogitas, ieceris. Hie tu modum vitae tuae non salute rei publicae, sed aequitate animi definies? Quid, si istud ne gloriae tuae qui- dem satis est? cuius te esse avidissimum, quamvis sis sapiens, non negabis. 10 " Parumne igitur," inquies, "magna relinquemus? " Immo vero aliis quamvis multis satis, tibi uni parum. Ouicquid est enim, quamvis amplum sit, id est parum turn, cum est aliquid amplius. Quod si rerum tuarum immortalium, C. Caesar, hie exitus futurus fuit, ut 15 devictis adversariis rem publicam in eo statu relin- queres, in quo nunc est, vide, quaeso, ne tua divina virtus admirationis plus sit habitura quam gloriae, si quidem gloria est illustris ac pervagata magnorum vel in suos cives vel in patriam vel in omne genus 20 hominum fama meritorum. IX. Haec igitur tibi reliqua pars est; hie restat actus, in hoc elaborandum est, ut rem publicam con stituas, eaque tu in primis summa tranquilitate et otio perfruare ; turn te, si voles, cum et patriae, quod de- 25 bes, solveris et naturam ipsam expleveris satietate vivendi, satis diu vixisse dicito. Quid enim est om- nino hoc ipsum diu, in quo est aliquid extremum? Quod cum venit, omnis voluptas praeterita pro nihilo est, quia postea nulla est futura, Quamquam iste 30 tuus animus numquam his angustiis, quas natura no- bis ad vivendum dedit, contentus fuit, semper immor- talitatis amore flagravit. Nee vero haec tua vita ducenda est, quae corpore 168 M. TULLI CICERONIS et spiritu continetur; ilia, inquam, ilia vita est tua, quae vigebit memoria saeculorum omnium, quam pos- teritas alet, quam ipsa aeternitas semper tuebitur. Huic tu inservias, huic te ostentes oportet, quae qui- 5 dem, quae miretur, iam pridem multa habet ; nunc etiam, quae laudet, exspectat. Obstipescent posted certe imperia, provincias, Rhenum, Oceanum, Nilum, pugnas innumerabiles, incredibiles victorias, monu- menta, munera, triumphos audientes et legentes tuos. io Sed nisi haec urbs stabilita tuis consiliis et institutis erit, vagabitur modo tuum nomen longe atque late, sedem stabilem et domicilium certum non habebit. Erit inter eos etiam, qui nascentur, sicut inter nos fuit, magna dissensio, cum alii laudibus ad caelum 15 res tuas gestas efferent, alii fortasse aliquid requirent, idque vel maximum, nisi belli civilis incendium salute patriae restinxeris, ut illud fati fuisse videatur, hoc consili. Servi igitur eis etiam iudicibus, qui multis post saeculis de te iudicabunt, et quidem haud scio 20 an incorruptius quam nos ; nam et sine amore et sine cupiditate et rursus sine odio et sine invidia iudica- bunt. Id autem etiam si turn ad te, ut quidam falso putant, non pertinebit, nunc certe pertinet esse te talem, ut tuas laudes obscuratura nulla umquam sit 25 oblivio. X. Diversae voluntates civium fuerunt distractaeque sententiae. Non enim consiliis solum et studiis, sed armis etiam et castris dissidebamus ; erat enim obscu- ritas quaedam, erat certamen inter clarissimos duces ; 30 multi dubitabant, quid optimum esset, multi, quid sibi expediret, multi, quid deceret, non nulli etiam, quid liceret. Perfuncta res publica est hoc misero fatalique bello ; vicit is, qui non fortuna inflammaret odium suum, sed bonitate leniret, neque omnes, quibus PRO M. MARCELLO ORATIO xi. 169 iratus esset, eosdem etiam exsilio aut morte dignos iudicaret. Arma ab aliis posita, ab aliis erepta sunt. Ingratus est iniustusque civis, qui armorum periculo liberatus animum tamen retinet armatum, ut etiam ille melior sit, qui in acie cecidit, qui in causa ani- 5 mam profudit. Quae enim pertinacia quibusdam, ea- dem aliis constantia videri potest. Sed iam omnis fracta dissensio est armis, exstincta aequitate victoris ; restat, ut omnes unum velint, qui modo habent aliquid non solum sapientiae, sed etiam 10 sanitatis. Nisi te, C. Caesar, salvo et in ista sententia, qua cum antea, turn hodie vel maxime usus es, ma- nente salvi esse non possumus. Qua re omnes te, qui haec salva esse volumus, et hortamur et obsecra- mus, ut vitae tuae et saluti consulas, omnesque tibi, — 15 ut pro aliis etiam loquar, quod de me ipse sentio, — quoniam subesse aliquid putas, quod cavendum sit, non modo excubias et custodias, sed etiam laterum nostrorum oppositus et corporum pollicemur. XI. Sed ut, unde est orsa, in eodem terminetur 20 oratio, maximas tibi omnes gratias agimus, C. Caesar, maiores etiam habemus. Nam omnes idem sentiunt, quod ex omnium precibus et lacrimis sentire potuisti. Sed quia non est omnibus stantibus necesse dicere, a me certe dici volunt, cui necesse est quodam modo ; 25 et, quod fieri decet M. Marcello a te huic ordini populoque Romano et rei publicae reddito, fieri id intellego. Nam laetari omnes non de unius solum, sed de communi salute sentio. Quod autem summae benevolentiae est, quae mea 30 erga ilium omnibus semper nota fuit, ut vix C. Mar- cello, optimo et amantissimo fratri, praeter eum qui- dem cederem nemini, cum id sollicitudine, cura, labore tarn diu praestiterim, quam diu est de illius 170 PRO M. MARCELLO ORATIO XI. salute dubitatum, certe hoc tempore magnis curis, molestiis, doloribus liberatus praestare debeo. Itaque, C. Caesar, sic tibi gratias ago, ut omnibus me rebus a te non conservato solum, sed etiam ornato, tamen 5 ad tua in me unum innumerabilia merita, quod fieri iam posse non arbitrabar, maximus hoc tuo facto cumulus accesserit. M. TULLI CICERONIS IN M. ANTONIUM ORATIO PHILIPPICA QUARTA. I. Frequentia vestrum incredibilis, Quirites, contio- que tanta, quantam meminisse non videor, et alacrita- tem mihi summam defendendae rei publicae adfert et spem recuperandae. Quamquam animus mihi quidem numquam defuit, tempora defuerunt, quae simul ac 5 primum aliquid lucis ostendere visa sunt, princeps vestrae libertatis defendendae fui. Quod si id ante facere conatus essem, nunc facere non possem. Ho- dierno enim die, Quirites, ne mediocrem rem actam arbitremini, fundamenta iacta sunt reliquarum actio- 10 num. Nam est hostis a senatu nondum verbo appel- latus, sed re iam iudicatus Antonius. Nunc vero multo sum erectior, quod vos quoque ilium hostem esse tanto consensu tantoque clamore approbavistis. Neque enim, Quirites, fieri potest, ut non aut ei sint 15 impii, qui contra consulem exercitus comparaverunt, aut ille hostis, contra quern iure arma sumpta sunt. Hanc igitur dubitationem, quamquam nulla erat, tamen ne qua posset esse, senatus hodierno die sus- tulit. C. Caesar, qui rem publicam libertatemque 20 vestram suo studio, consilio, patrimonio denique tuta- tus est et tutatur, maximis senatus laudibus ornatus est. Laudo, laudo vos, Quirites, quod gratissimis animis pro^equimini nomen clarissimi adulescentis vel 172 M. TULLI CICERONIS pueri potius — sunt enim facta eius immortalitatis, nomen aetatis. Multa memini, multa audivi, multa legi, Quirites ; nihil ex omnium saeculorum memoria tale cognovi, — qui, cum servitute premeremur, in 5 dies malum cresceret, praesidi nihil haberemus, capi- talem et pestiferum a Brundisio turn M. Antoni redi- tu m timeremus, hoc insperatum omnibus consilium, incognitum certe ceperit, ut exercitum invictum ex paternis militibus conficeret Antonique furorem cru- io delissimis consiliis incitatum a pernicie rei publicae averteret. II. Quis est enim, qui hoc non intellegat, nisi Caesar exercitum paravisset, non sine exitio nostro futurum Antoni reditum fuisse? Ita enim se recipi- 15 ebat ardens odio vestri, cruentus sanguine civium Romanorum, quos Suessae, quos Brundisi occiderat, ut nihil nisi de pernicie populi Romani cogitaret. Quod autem praesidium erat salutis libertatisque ves- trae, si C. Caesaris fortissimorum sui patris militum 20 exercitus non fuisset? Cuius de laudibus et honori- bus, qui ei pro divinis et immortalibus meritis divini immortalesque debentur, mihi senatus adsensus paulo ante decrevit, ut primo quoque tempore referretur. Quo decreto quis non perspicit hostem esse Anto- 25 nium iudicatum? Quern enim possumus appellare eum, contra quern qui exercitus ducunt, eis senatus arbitratur singulares exquirendos honores? Quid? legio Martia, quae mihi videtur divinitus ab eo deo traxisse nomen, a quo populum Romanum generatum 30 accepimus, non ipsa suis decretis prius quam senatus hostem iudicavit Antonium? Nam si ille non hostis, hos, qui consulem reliquerunt, hostes necesse est iudicemus. Praeclare et loco, Quirites, reclamatione vestra factum pulcherrimum Martialium comprobavis- IN M. ANTONIUM ORATIO IV. in. 173 tis ; qui se ad senatus auctoritatem, ad libertatem ves- tram, ad universam rem publicam contulerunt, hostem ilium et latronem et parricidam patriae reliquerunt. Nee solum id animose et fortiter, sed considerate eti- am sapienterque fecerunt; Albae constiterunt, in urbe 5 opportuna, munita, propinqua, fortissimorum virorum, fidelissimorum civium atque optimorum. Huius Mar- tiae legionis legio quarta imitata virtutem, duce L. Egnatuleio, quem senatus merito paulo ante laudavit, C. Caesaris exercitum persecuta est. 10 III. Quae exspectas, M. Antoni, iudicia graviora? Caesar fertur in caelum, qui contra te exercitum comparavit; laudantur exquisitissimis verbis legiones, quae te reliquerunt, quae a te arcessitae sunt, quae essent, si te consulem quam hostem maluisses, tuae; 15 quarum legionum fortissimum verissimumque iudicium confirmat senatus, comprobat universus populus Ro- manus, nisi forte vos, Ouirites, consulem, non hostem iudicatis Antonium. Sic arbitrabar, Ouirites, vos iudicare, ut ostenditis. 20 Quid? municipia, colonias, praefecturas num aliter iudicare censetis? Omnes mortales una mente con- sentiunt, omnia arma eorum, qui haec salva velint, contra illam pestem esse capienda. Quid? D. Bruti iudicium, Quirites, quod ex hodierno eius edicto per- 25 spicere potuistis, num cui tandem contemnendum videtur? Recte et vere negatis, Ouirites. Est enim quasi deorum immortalium beneficio et munere datum rei publicae Brutorum genus et noraen ad libertatem populi Romani vel constituendam vel recipiendam. 30 Quid igitur D. Brutus de M. Antonio iudicavit? Ex- cludit provincia, exercitu obsistit, Galliam totam hor- tatur ad bellum, ipsam sua sponte suoque iudicio excitatam. Si consul Antonius, Brutus hostis ; si con- 174 M. TULLI CICERONIS servator rei publicae Brutus, hostis Antonius. Num igitur, utrum horum sit, dubitare possumus? IV. Atque ut vos una mente unaque voce dubitare vos negatis, sic modo decrevit senatus, D. Brutum 5 optime de re publica mereri, cum senatus auctorita- tem populique Romani libertatem imperiumque defen- deret. A quo defenderet? Nempe ab hoste ; quae est enim alia laudanda defensio? Deinceps laudatur provincia Gallia meritoque ornatur verbis amplissimis 10 ab senatu, quod resistat Antonio. Quem si consulem ilia provincia putaret neque eum reciperet, magno scelere se astringeret; omnes enim in consulis iure et imperio debent esse provinciae. Negat hoc D. Brutus imperator, consul designatus, natus rei publi- 15 cae civis ; negat Gallia, negat cuncta Italia, negat senatus, negatis vos. Ouis ilium igitur consulem nisi latrones putant? Quamquam ne ei quidem ipsi, quod loquuntur, id sentiunt, nee ab iudicio omnium mortalium, quamvis 20 impii nefariique sint, sicut sunt, dissentire possunt. Sed spes rapiendi atque praedandi occaecat animos eorum, quos non bonorum donatio, non agrorum ad- signatio, non ilia infinita hasta satiavit; qui sibi urbem, qui bona et fortunas civium ad praedam proposue- 25 runt; qui, dum hie sit, quod rapiant, quod auferant, nihil sibi defuturum arbitrantur; quibus M. Antonius — o di immortales, avertite et detestamini, quaeso, hoc omen! — urbem se divisurum esse promisit. Ita vero, Quirites, ut precamini, eveniat, atque huius 30 amentiae poena in ipsum familiamque eius recidat ! Quod ita futurum esse confido. lam enim non solum homines, sed etiam deos immortales ad rem publicam conservandam arbitror consensisse. Sive enim prodi- giis atque portentis di immortales nobis futura prae- IN M. ANTONIUM ORATIO IV. v. 175 dicunt, ita sunt aperte pronuntiata, ut et illi poena et nobis libertas appropinquet, sive tantus consensus omnium sine impulsu deorum esse non potuit, quid est, quod de voluntate caelestium dubitare possimus? V. Reliquum est, Quirites, ut vos in ista sententia, 5 quam prae vobis fertis, perseveretis. Faciam igitur, ut imperatores instructa acie solent, quamquam para- tissimos milites ad proeliandum videant, ut eos tamen adhortentur, sic ego vos ardentes et erectos ad liber- tatem recuperandam cohortabor. 10 Non est vobis, Quirites, cum eo hoste certamen, cum quo aliqua pacis condicio esse possit. Neque enim ille servitutem vestram ut antea, sed iam iratus sanguinem concupiscit. Nullus ei ludus videtur esse iucundior quam cruor, quam caedes, quam ante ocu- 15 los trucidatio civium. Non est vobis res, Quirites, cum scelerato homine atque nefario, sed cum immani taetraque belua, quae quoniam in foveam incidit, ob- ruatur. Si enim illim emerserit, nullius supplici cru- delitas erit recusanda. Sed tenetur, premitur, urguetur 20 nunc eis copiis, quas iam habemus, mox eis, quas paucis diebus novi consules comparabunt. Incumbite in causam, Quirites, ut facitis. Numquam maior con- sensus vester in ulla causa fuit, numquam tarn vehe- menter cum senatu consociati fuistis. Nee mirum ; 25 agitur enim, non qua condicione victuri, sed victurine simus an cum supplicio ignominiaque perituri. Quamquam mortem quidem natura omnibus pro- posuit, crudelitatem mortis et dedecus virtus propul- sare solet, quae propria est Romani generis et seminis. 30 Hanc retinete, quaeso, quam vobis tamquam heredita- tem maiores vestri reliquerunt. Nam cum alia omnia falsa, incerta sint, caduca, mobilia, virtus est una altissimis defixa radicibus ; quae numquam vi ulla labefactari potest, numquam demoveri loco. Hac 35 176 IN M. ANTONIUM ORATIO IV. vi. virtute maiores vestri primum universam Italiam devi- cerunt, deinde Karthaginem exciderunt, Numantiam everterunt, potentissimos reges, bellicosissimas gentes in dicionem huius imperi redegerunt. 5 VI. Ac maioribus quidem vestris, Quirites, cum eo hoste res erat, qui haberet rem publicam, curiam, aerarium, consensum et concordiam civium, rationem aliquam, si ita res tulisset, pacis et foederis ; hie ves- ter hostis vestram rem publicam oppugnat, ipse habet 10 nullam ; senatum, id est orbis terrae consilium, delere gestit, ipse consilium publicum nullum habet; aera- rium vestrum exhausit. suum non habet. Nam con- cordiam civium qui habere potest, nullam cum habet civitatem? pacis vero quae potest esse cum eo ratio, 15 in quo est incredibilis crudelitas, fides nulla? Est igitur, Quirites, populo Romano, victori omnium gentium, omne certamen cum percussore, cum latrone, cum Spartaco. Nam quod se similem esse Catilinae gloriari solet, scelere par est illi, industria inferior. 20 I lie cum exercitum nullum habuisset, repente confia- vit ; hie eum exercitum, quern accepit, amisit. Ut igitur Catilinam diligentia mea, senatus auctoritate, vestro studio et virtute fregistis, sic Antoni nefarium latrocinium vestra cum senatu concordia tanta, quanta 25 numquam fuit, felicitate et virtute exercituum ducum- que vestrorum brevi tempore oppressum audietis. Equidem quantum cura, labore, vigiliis, auctoritate, consilio eniti atque emcere potero, nihil praetermit- tam, quod ad libertatem vestram pertinere arbitrabor ; 30 neque enim id pro vestris amplissimis in me bene- ficiis sine scelere facere possum. Hodierno autem die primum referente viro fortissimo vobisque amicis- simo, hoc M. Servilio, collegisque eius, ornatissimis viris, optimis civibus, longo intervallo me auctore et 35 principe ad spem libertatis exarsimus. M. TULLI CICERONIS EPISTOLAE SELECTAE. I. Scripta est epistola Romae A. u. c. 686. CICERO ATT/CO SAL. Apud matrem recte est, eaque nobis curae est. L. Cincio HS. XXCD. constitui me curaturum Idibus Febr. Tu velim ea, quae nobis emisse te et parasse scribis, des operam lit quam primum habeamus, et velim cogites, id quod mihi pollicitus es, quern ad 5 modum bibliothecam nobis conficere possis; omnem spem delectationis nostrae, quam, cum in otium venerimus, habere volumus, in tua humanitate posi- tam habemus. II. Scr. Romae a. u. c. 692. M. TULLIUS M. F. CICERO S. D. CN. POMPEIO CN. F. MAG NO IMPERATORI. S. T. E. Q. V. B. E. Ex litteris tuis, quas publice 10 misisti, cepi una cum omnibus incredibilem volupta- tem ; tantam enim spem oti ostendisti, quantam ego semper omnibus te uno fretus pollicebar. Sed hoc scito, tuos veteres hostis, novos amicos, vehementer lit- teris perculsos atque ex magna spe deturbatos iacere. 15 Ad me autem litteras, quas misisti, quamquam ex- iguam significationem tuae erga me voluntatis habe- 178 M. TULLI CICERONIS bant, tamen mihi scito iucundas fuisse; nulla enim re tam laetari soleo quam meorum officiorum conscientia, quibus si quando non mutue respondetur, apud me plus offici residere facillime patior. Illud non dubito, s quin, si te mea summa erga te studia parum mihi adiunxerint, res publica nos inter nos conciliatura coniuncturaque sit. Ac, ne ignores, quid ego in tuis litteris desiderarim, scribam aperte, sicut et mea natura et nostra amicitia I0 postulat. Res eas gessi, quarum aliquam in tuis lit- teris et nostrae necessitudinis et rei publicae causa gratulationem exspectavi ; quam ego abs te praeter- missam esse arbitror, quod vererere, ne cuius animum offenderes. Sed scito ea, quae nos pro salute patriae !^ gessimus, orbis terrae iudicio ac testimonio compro- bari ; quae, cum veneris, tanto consilio tantaque animi magnitudine a me gesta esse cognosces, ut tibi multo maiori, quam Africanus fuit, me non multo minorem quam Laelium facile et in re publica et in amicitia 20 adiunctum esse patiare. III. Scr. in Tusculano mense Martio A. u. c. 695. CICERO ATT/CO SAL. Fecisti mihi pergratum, quod Serapionis librum ad me misisti, ex quo quidem ego — quod inter nos liceat dicere — millesimam partem vix intellego. Pro eo tibi praesentem pecuniam solvi imperavi, ne tu 25 expensum muneribus ferres. At, quoniam nummo- rum mentio facta est, amabo te, cura, ut cum Titinio, quoquo modo poteris, transigas; si in eo, quod osten- derat, non stat, mihi maxime placet ea, quae male EPISTOLAE SELECTAE, III. 179 empta sunt, reddi, si voluntate Pomponiae fieri pote- nt; si ne id quidem, nummi potius addantur, quam ullus sit scrupulus. Valde hoc velim, ante, quam proficiscare, amanter, ut soles, diligenterque conficias. Clodius ergo, ut ais, ad Tigranem? velim Syrpiae 5 condicione, sed facile patior; accommodatius enim no- bis erit ad liberam legationem tempus illud, cum et Quintus noster iam, ut speramus, in otio consederit, et, iste sacerdos Bonae Deae cuius modi futurus sit, scierimus. Interea quidem cum Musis nos delectabimus 10 animo aequo, imrao vero etiam gaudenti ac libenti ; neque mihi umquam veniet in mentem Crasso invidere neque paenitere, quod a me ipse non desciverim. De geographia, dabo operam, ut tibi satisfaciam ; sed nihil certi polliceor. Magnum opus est, sed 15 tamen, ut iubes, curabo, ut huius peregrinationis ali- quod tibi opus exstet. Tu quicquid indagaris de re publica et maxime, quos consules futuros putes, facito ut sciam. Tametsi nimis sum curiosus; statui enim nihil iam de re publica cogitare. 20 Terentiae saltum perspeximus. Quid quaeris? prae- ter quercum Dodonaeam nihil desideramus, quo mi- nus Epirum ipsam possidere videamur. Nos circiter Kal. aut in Formiano erimus aut in Pompeiano. Tu, si in Formiano 110:1 erimus, si nos 25 amas, in Pompeianum venito ; id et nobis erit periu- cundum et tibi non sane devium. De muro imperavi Philotimo, ne impediret, quo minus id fieret, quoa tibi videretur; tu censeo tamen adhibeas Vettium. His temporibus, tarn dubia vita 30 optimi cuiusque, magni aestimo unius aestatis fructum palaestrae Palatinae, sed ita tamen, ut nihil minus velim, quam Pomponiam et puerum versari in timore ruinae. 180 M TULLl' CICERONIS IV. Scr. in Formiano mense Aprili A. u. c. 695. CICERO ATT/CO SAL. Facinus indignum ! epistolam av6a>pel tibi a Tribus Tabernis rescriptam ad tuas suavissimas epistolas ne- minem reddidisse ! At scito eum fasciculum, quo illam conieceram, domum eo ipso die latum esse, 5 quo ego dederam, et ad me in Formianum relatum esse ; itaque tibi tuam epistolam iussi referri, ex qua intellegeres, quam mihi turn illae gratae fuissent. Romae quod scribis sileri, ita putabam ; at hercule in agris non siletur, nee iam ipsi agri regnum ves- 10 trum ferre possunt. Si vero in hanc Trfkenrvkov veneris Aatarpvyovir]v — Formias dico, — qui fremitus hominum ! quam irati animi ! quanto in odio noster amicus Magnus ! cuius cognomen una cum Crassi Divitis cognomine consenescit. Credas mihi velim : 15 neminem adhuc offendi, qui haec tam lente, quam ego fero, ferret. Qua re, mihi crede, \vapov aliquem habuissem ; nam cnrovhd^eiv sine periculo vix possumus. " Ridere igitur,'' inquies, " possumus." Non, me hercule, facillime; verum ta- men aliam aberrationem a molestiis nullam habemus. " Ubi igitur," inquies, " philosophia? " Tua quidem 5 in culina, mea in palaestra est. Pudet enim servire ; itaque facio me alias res agere, ne convicium Platonis audiam. De Hispania nihil adhuc certi, nihil omnino novi. Te abesse mea causa moleste fero, tua gaudeo. Sed 10 flagitat tabellarius ; valebis igitur meque, ut a puero fecisti, amabis. XXXIV. Scr. Asturae mense Martio A. u. c. 709. CICERO ATT/CO SAL. Apud Appuleium, quoniam in perpetuum non pla- cet, in dies ut excuser, videbis. In hac solitudine careo omnium colloquio, cumque mane me in silvam 15 abstrusi densam et asperam, non exeo inde ante ves- perum ; secundum te nihil est mihi amicius solitu- dine. In ea mihi omnis sermo est cum litteris ; eum tamen interpellat fletus, cui repugno, quoad possum, sed adhuc pares non sumus. Bruto, ut suades, rescri- 20 bam ; eas litteras eras habebis. Cum erit cui des, dabis. XXXV. Scr. Asturae mense Martio a. u. c. 709. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Te tuis negotiis relictis nolo ad me venire. Ego potius accedam, si diutius impediere ; etsi ne disces- 200 M. TULLI CICERONIS sissem quidem e conspectu tuo, nisi me plane nihil ulla res adiuvaret. Quod si esset aliquod levamen, id esset in te uno, et, cum primum ab aliquo poterit esse, a te erit ; nunc tamen ipsum sine te esse non 5 possum. Sed nee tuae domi probabatur nee meae poteram, nee, si propius essem uspiam, tecum tamen essem ; idem enim te impediret, quo minus mecum esses, quod nunc etiam impedit. Mihi adhuc nihil aptius fuit hac solitudine, quam vereor ne Philippus to tollat; heri enim vesperi venerat. Me scriptio et lit- terae non leniunt, sed obturbant. XXXVI. Scr. Asturae mense Martio a. u. c. 709. CICERO ATT/CO SAL. Dum recordationes fugio, quae quasi morsu quo- dam dolorem efficiunt, refugio ad te admonendum ; quod velim mihi ignoscas, cuicuimodi est. Etenim 15 habeo non nullos ex eis, quos nunc lectito, auctores, qui dicant fieri id oportere, quod saepe tecum egi et quod a te approbari volo : de fano illo dico, de quo tantum, quantum me amas, velim cogites. Equidem neque de genere dubito — placet enim mihi Cluati, — 20 neque de re — statutum est enim, — ■ de loco non numquam. Velim igitur cogites. Ego, quantum his temporibus tarn eruditis fieri potuerit, profecto illam consecrabo omni genere monu- mentorum ab omnium ingeniis sumptorum et Grae- 25 corum et Latinorum, quae res forsitan sit refricatura vulnus meum; sed iam quasi voto quodam et pro- misso me teneri puto, longumque illud tempus, cum non ero, magis me movet quam hoc exiguum, quod EPISTOLAE SELECTAE, XXXVII. 201 mihi tamen nimium longum videtur; habeo enim nihil, temptatis rebus omnibus, in quo adquiescam. Nam, dum illud tractabam, de quo ad te ante scripsi, quasi fovebam dolores meos ; nunc omnia respuo, nee quicquam habeo tolerabilius quam solitudinem, quam, 5 quod eram veritus, non obturbavit Philippus; nam, ut heri me- salutavit, statim Romam profectus est. Epistolam, quam ad Brutum, ut tibi placuerat, scripsi, misi ad te. Curabis cum tua perferendam ; eius tamen misi ad te exemplum, ut, si minus place- 10 ret, ne mitteres. Domestica quod ais ordine administrari, scribes, quae sint ea ; quaedam enim exspecto. Cocceius vide ne frustretur; nam, Libo quod pollicetur, ut Eros scribit, non incertum puto. De sorte mea Sul- 15 picio confido et Egnatio scilicet. De Appuleio quid est quod labores, cum sit excusatio facilis? Tibi ad me venire, ut ostendis, vide ne non sit facile ; est enim longum iter, discedentemque te, quod celeriter tibi erit fortasse faciendum, non sine magno 20 dolore dimittam. Sed omnia, ut voles ; ego enim, quidquid feceris, id cum recte, turn etiam mea causa factum putabo. XXXVII. Scr. Asturae exeunte mense Aprili A. u. c. 709. CICERO ATT/CO SAL. Fanum fieri volo, neque hoc mihi eripi potest. Sepulcri similitudinem effugere non tarn propter poe- 25 nam legis studeo, quam ut maxime adsequar dirodeco- criv. Quod poteram, si in ipsa villa facerem, sed, ut 202 M. TULLI CICERONIS saepe locuti sumus, commutationes dominorum refor- mido ; in agro ubicumque fecero, mihi videor adsequi posse, ut posteritas habeat religionem. Hae meae tibi ineptiae — fateor enim — ferendae sunt; non habeo, 5 ne me quidem ipsum, quicum tarn audacter commu- nicem quam tecum. Sin tibi res, si locus, si institu- tum placet, lege, quaeso, legem mihique earn mitte; si quid in mentem veniet, quo modo earn effugere possimus, utemur. io Ad Brutum si quid scribes, nisi alienum putabis, obiurgato eum, quod in Cumano esse noluerit prop- ter earn causam, quam tibi dixit; cogitanti enim mihi nihil tarn videtur potuisse facere rustice. Et, si tibi placebit sic agere de fano, ut coepimus, velim cohor- 5 tere et exacuas Cluatium ; nam, etiam si alio loco placebit, illius nobis opera consilioque utendum puto. Tu ad villam fortasse eras. XXXVIII. Scr. anno incerto. CICERO TREBATIO SAL. Illuseras heri inter scyphos, quod dixeram contro- versiam esse, possetne heres, quod furtum antea fac- 20 turn esset, furti recte agere. Itaque, etsi domum bene potus seroque redieram, tamen id caput, ubi haec controversia est, notavi et descriptum tibi misi, ut scires id, quod tu neminem sensisse dicebas, Sex. Aelium, M'. Manilium, M. Brutum sensisse; ego 25 tamen Scaevolae et Testae adsentior. EPISTOLAE SELECTAE XXXIX.-XLI. 203 XXXIX. Scr. in Tusculano mense Maio A. u. c. 709. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Domi te libenter esse facile credo ; sed velim scire, quid tibi restet aut iamne confeceris. Ego te in Tus- culano exspecto, eoque magis, quod Tironi statim te venturum scripsisti et addidisti te putare opus esse. Sentiebam omnino, quantum mihi praesens prodesses, 5 sed multo magis post discessum tuum sentio ; quam ob rem, ut ante ad te scripsi, aut ego ad te totus aut tu ad me, quod licebit. XL. Scr. A. u. c. 710. CICERO BASILO SAL. Tibi gratulor, mihi gaudeo. Te amo, tua tueor. A te amari et, quid agas quidque agatur, certior 10 fieri volo. XLI. Scr. in Tusculano exeunte mense Iunio A. u. c. 710. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Mirifice torqueor, sine dolore tamen ; sed permulta mihi de nostro itinere in utramque partem occurrunt. "Quo usque?" inquies. Quoad erit integrum; erit autem usque, dum ad navem. Pansa si rescripserit, 15 et meam tibi et illius epistolam mittam. Silium ex- spectabam, cui hypomnema compositum est. Si quid novi. Ego litteras misi ad Brutum, cuius de itinere etiam ex te velim, si quid scies, cognoscere. 204 M. TULLI CICERONIS XLII. Scr. in Tusculano a. d. in. Kalendas Quinctilis A. u. C. 710. CICERO ATT/CO SAL. De meo itinere variae sententiae, multi enim ad me ; sed tu incumbe, quaeso, in earn curam : magna res est. An probas, si ad Kal. Ian. cogitamus ? meus animus est aequus, ita tamen, si nihil offensionis 5 sit. Velim etiam scire, quo die olim piaculum, mys- teria scilicet. Utut est res, casus consilium nostri itineris iudicabit. Dubitemus igitur; est enim hiberna navigatio odiosa, eoque ex te quaesieram mysteriorum diem. Brutum, ut scribis, visum iri a me puto. Ego 10 hinc volo pr. Kal. XLIII. Scr. in Arpinati A. D. v. Nonas Quinctilis A. u. C 710. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Ego, ut ad te pridie scripseram, Nonis constitu- eram venire in Puteolanum ; ibi igitur cotidie tuas litteras exspectabo, et maxime de ludis, de quibus etiam ad Brutum tibi scribendum est, cuius epistolae, 15 quam interpretari ipse vix poteram, exemplum pridie tibi miseram. Atticae meae velim me ita excuses, ut omnem culpam in te transferas et ei tamen confirmes me minime totum amorem eo mecum abstulisse. EPISTOLAE SELECTAE XLIV., XLV. 205 XLIV. Scr. in Puteolano prid. Nonas Novembres A. u. c. 710. CICERO ATTICO SAL. Binae uno die mihi litterae ab Octaviano ; nunc quidem, ut Romam statim veniam, velle se rem agere per senatum. Cui ego non posse senatum ante K. Ianuar., quod quidem ita credo. Ille autem addit, " consilio tuo." Quid multa? Ille urget, ego 5 autem a-KijTTTOfiai. Non confido aetati; ignoro, quo animo; nihil sine Pansa tuo volo. Vereor, ne valeat Antonius, nee a mari discedere libet, et metuo, ne quae apto-rela me absente. Var- roni quidem displicet consilium pueri, mihi non. Si 10 firmas copias habet, Brutum habere potest, et rem gerit palam ; centuriat Capuae, dinumerat. lam iam- que video bellum. Ad haec rescribe. Tabellarium meum Kalend. Roma profectum sine tuis litteris miror. 15 XLV. Scr. Romae in Nonas Maias A. u. c. 711. CICERO PLANCO SAL. O gratam famam biduo ante victoriam de subsidio tuo, de studio, de celeritate, de copiis ! Atque etiam hostibus fusis spes omnis est in te. Fugisse enim ex proelio Mutinensi dicuntur notissimi latronum duces. Est autem non minus gratum extrema delere quam 20 prima depellere. Equidem exspectabam iam tuas litteras, idque cum multis, sperabamque etiam Lepidum rei publicae tern- 206 EPISTOLAE SELECTAE, XLVI. poribus admonitum tecum et rei publicae esse factu- rum. In illam igitur curam incumbe, mi Plance, ut ne quae scintilla taeterrimi belli relinquatur. Quod si erit factum, et rem publicam divino beneficio ad- 5 feceris et ipse aeternam gloriam consequere. D. III. Non. Mai. XLVI. Scr. Romae xim Kal. Quinctilis A. u. c. 711. M. CICERO S. D. D. BRUTO. Exspectanti mihi tuas cotidie litteras Lupus nos- ter subito denuntiavit, ut ad te scriberem, si quid vellem. Ego autem, etsi, quid scriberem, non habe- 10 bam — acta enim ad te mitti sciebam, inanem autem sermonem litterarum tibi iniucundum esse audiebam — brevitatem secutus sum te magistro. Scito igitur in te et in collega spem omnem esse. De Bruto autem nihil adhuc certi ; quern ego, quern 15 ad modum praecipis, privatis litteris ad bellum com- mune vocare non desino. Qui utinam iam adesset ! Intestinum urbis malum, quod est non mediocre, minus timeremus. Sed quid ago? Non imitor \a- Kwvia-fxbv tuum; altera iam pagella procedit. Vince 20 et vale. Xllll. K. Quinctil. NOTES. NOTES. THE FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. M. Tulli Ciceronis: see p. I. A. 80, a ; H. 649, and 649, i. 1 For Tulli instead of Tullii, see A. 40, b; G. 29, R. 1; H. 51, 5. In L. Catilinam: this title, though used of the four Cati- linarian speeches, is, strictly speaking, applicable only to the first ; cf. 2 the outlines on pp. 42-44. Cicero himself, in naming his ten ' consular ' orations, characterizes those against Catiline as follows (ad Att. II. i. 3): septima {oratio, the first Catilinarian), qua Catilinam emisi ; octava, qitam habui ad populum postri- die quam Catilina profugit ; nona in contione, qtio die Allo- broges indicartcnt ; decima in senatu, Nonis Decetnbribus. Habita: ' delivered ; ' an idiomatic use of habere, like that of the German halten in rede halten. in S e n a t u : for the place and circumstances of delivery, see p. 39, and below, 11. 4-7- Introduction. Page 61. Chapter I. 1. Quo usque : strengthened by tan- dem, ' How long, pray ; ' introduces an abrupt, indignant question, 1 A. = Allen and Greenough's Latin Grammar, G. = Gildersleeve's, H. = Harkness's. References like this, p. 65, 7 (page 65, line 7) are to the pages of this book. Translations of Latin words or phrases are put in single quotation marks. 2 Cf. (confer) — "compare; " sc. (scilicet) = "supply," or "understood;" n. — "note;" r. = "remark;" Vocab. = "Vocabulary," at the end of the book; dir. disc. = "direct discourse;" indir. disc. = "indirect discourse" {oratio obliqua); constr. = "construction;" 1. = " line ; " lit. = " literally; " dep. = "depends" or "dependent;" trans. = " translate " or "translation;" pred. — " predicate." For other abbreviations see the list preceding the vocabulary. 14 210 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 61. suggested by the appearance of Catiline in the Senate. Sallust (Cat. xx. 9), puts a similar expression into the mouth of Catiline : quae (= ' and this state of affairs ') quo usque tandem patie- mini, fortissumi viri f abutere : abutere, not abutere. patientia: A. 249; G. 405 ; H. 421, 1. 2. etiam : temporal, ' still.' furor iste tuus : ' that frenzy of yours.' Why is iste used ? Cf. A. 102, c; G. 291, R. ; H. 450, 1, n. eludet : here in the sense of ' make sport of.' 3. Quern ad finem : i. e. how far, how long. effrenata : suggests what com- parison ? 4. Nihil : adverbial ace, taking the place of an emphatic non. A. 240, a, N. ; G. 331, R. 3 ; H. 378, 2. The rhetorical force is heightened by the repetition of nihil with each item mentioned. praesidium Palati : the situation, shape, and elevation of the Palatine hill made it one of the strongest military positions in Rome. At a very early period it was surrounded by a massive wall, extensive portions of which still remained in Cicero's time. Consequently in times of special danger it was occupied by a gar- rison. Cf. Middleton's " Remains of Ancient Rome," Vol. I., Chap. iv. 5. vigiliae : the Senate had ordered that watchmen be placed on guard throughout the city, under the charge of the lesser magistrates (aediles, tribunes, and quaestors). See Sail. Cat. xxx. 7, and xxxi. 1-3, where the 'terror' of the Roman populace is vividly described. bonorum : i. e. bonorum civium, = ' of the patriotic,' who had assembled in great num- bers before the temple where the Senate was in session. 6. hie . . . locus : the temple of Jupiter Stator (cf. p. 74, 32-34 and N.), on the Palatine, where the Senate had met, for the sake of security, rather than in the Senate-house (see Vocab. under curia, 1), or in one of the temples about the Forum. Cicero had taken the precaution to protect the temple with a company of armed knights. See Plan facing p. j6. 7. horum : the senators ; spoken with a gesture. ora vultusque : = ' the expression on the faces' (see p. 81, 13-18, particularly the sen- tence quis denique . . . hosteni) ; hendiadys, for which see A. 385 ; G. 695 ; H. 636, m. 2. 8. Constrictam — teneri : 'is held and bound fast,' as a captive wild beast closely fettered. A. 292, r. ; G. 667, r. i ; H. 549, 5. 10. proxima [nqcte] : Nov. 7. superiore nocte : Nov. 6; see p. 45, and cf. N. to p. 81, 10. quos : for Page 62.] NOTES 211 a list of the principal conspirators see Sail. Cat. xvn. 3-4. 11. quern : introduces a dir. question ; the other interrogatives in this sentence are indir. 13. tempora: A. 240, d) G. 340; H. 381. 14. consul: sing, as referring to the office rather than to the consuls as individuals; so in 1. 19 also. Vivit ? = '"Lives" did I say?' the argument is strengthened by first questioning, then sup- plementing, the previous statement, — a figure called by the grammarians correctio. 15. publici consili particeps : in accordance with the Roman custom, after his praetorship Cati- line had been given a seat in the Senate. 16. notat et de- signat : ' singles out and marks.' unum quemque nostrum : i. e. 'us one by one,' individually. Why not nostri? A. 194, b; G. 362, R. ; H. 446, N. 3. 17. fortes viri : ironical. satis facere rei publicae videmur [nobis]: trans, 'we think we are doing our duty by the state ; ' satis facere videmur is stronger than satis faciamus, which would have been more in accord- ance with the ordinary construction. 18. istius : 'of that (wretch).' 19. te duci — iam pridem oportebat : ' you ought long ago to have been led.' iussu consulis : i. e. in accordance with the authority vested in the consuls by the Senate's decree of Oct. 21 ; see p. 38. Whether this authority was sufficient to warrant putting a Roman citizen to death without a formal trial is yet an open question; see p. 108, 1. 3, and n. 20. con- ferri : sc. iam pridem oportebat. 21. An : introduces a rhe- torical double question, in which (see Ouintil. VIII. iv. 13) not only wholes but even parts are forcefully contrasted. In trans- lating, the first member may be made subordinate and intro- duced by 'If or ' While ; ' or the expression may be varied, thus: 'What? did not Publius Scipio . . ., and shall we . . . ? ' P. Scipio : see Vocab. under Scipio, (3), and Mommsen's " His- tory of Rome," Vol. III. 22. pontifex maximus — - priva- tus : the office of supreme pontiff, although one of great dignity and influence, was not reckoned among the magistracies ; cf. p. 59. mediocriter labefactantem : ' though only in slight measure disturbing ; ' strongly contrasted with orbem . . . cupientem. Page 62. 3. consules: contrasted with privates, 1. 1. ilia nimis antiqua : ' those (precedents) as too remote ; ' only one in- stance is given. A. 102, b: H. 450, 3. 4. quod . . . occidit : 212 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 62. in apposition with ilia. A. 333, and N. ; G. 525 ; H. 540, iv. n. C. Servilius Ahala : master of the horse under the dictator Cincinnatus. 5. Fuit, fuit : repetition for emphasis ; so in 1. 11, nos, nos. 6. ista: here almost = talis. 8. senatus consultum : the decree {ultimum decretum) of Oct. 21 ; see p. 38. 10. rei publicae : dat. with deest. The thought is : the Senate has given the emergency due deliberation, and has conferred the proper authority upon the consuls ; not the deliberative but the executive branch of the government is at fault. By thus complimenting the Senate and transferring the blame to his col- league and himself, the orator clearly strengthens his case with the senators. 11. desumus : i. e. rei publicae desumus. II. 12. Decrevit, etc. : having alluded to remote precedents, the orator passes to those nearer his own time. Those cited present a sharp contrast with the dilatoriness of the consuls in dealing with Catiline, and suggest immediate and decisive action. The intent of the speaker here is evidently not so much to convince the Senate as to frighten Catiline into leav- ing the City. L. Opimius . . . caperet : the language of the decree is of interest (see Cic. Phil. VIII. iv. 14): quod L. Opimius consul verba fecit de re publica, de ea re ceusuerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicum defenderet. The other consul, O. Fabius Maximus, was in the southern part of Transalpine Gaul at the time. 13. quid detriment! : ' any harm.' A. 216,^,3; G. 371 ; H. 397, 3. 14. propter , . . sus- piciones : a form of expression purposely mild, to heighten the contrast. 15. clarissimo, etc. : = ' though a son, grandson, and descendant of very famous men.' A. 251 ; G. 402 ; H. 419, 11.. The mother of the Gracchi was the noble Cornelia, daughter of the elder Scipio Africanus ; their father, Tiberius Sem- pronius Gracchus, was twice consul, and twice honored with a triumph ; and among their ancestors of the same name was that Tiberius Gracchus who in 214 b. c. got together air army com- posed largely of slaves and conquered Hanno near Beneven- tum. 16. liberis : two sons; cf. p. 109, 28-30, and N. M. Fulvius : see Vocab. under Flaccus, (1). 17. L. Valerio : dat. See Vocab. under Flaccus, (2). 20. C. Servilium : see Vocab. under Glaucia. ac : introduces an explanation of mors, 'and (that) as state's penalty.' 21. re- morata est : the force of remorari here, as often, is ' to keep ' Page 63.] NOTES 213 one 'waiting.' The thought is simply, eodem die interfecti sunt. vicesimum : in round numbers ; how many days since Oct. 21? 22. horum: spoken with a gesture; but the reference is not so much to the authority of the Senate as to that which the Senate had vested in the consuls. 23. in tabulis : ' in the archives,' among the records of the proceed- ings of the Senate. 24. tamquam, etc. : carries out the com- parison suggested by aciem, 1. 22. 26. convenit : milder than oportuit ; ' you might well have been put to death.' et : put rhetorically for et qitidem. ad . . . audaciam : in what ways may purpose be expressed in Latin ? 28. Cupio . . . cupio . . . videri : rhetorical expression for cupio me esse clementem neque tamen dissolutum videri. A. 271, a, N. 1 ; H. 535, 11. patres conscripti : the senators as in- dividuals were called senatores ; sitting as a body they were always addressed as patres conscripti. The origin and primitive force of the latter title are not clearly understood. The prevalent view is, that patres, ' fathers,' or ' chiefs,' was the term of address used in the beginning, when the Senate as a council of advisers consisted exclusively of patricians ; and that conscripti, ' elect,' or 'chosen,' refers to the plebeian members admitted afterwards. On the other hand, it has been maintained that the phrase con- tains no reminiscence of an original social distinction, but means simply ' assembled fathers.' 29. dissolutum: stronger than neglegens. 30. inertiae nequitiaeque : ' of inactivity and lack of energy.' A. 220 ; G. 377; H. 409, 11. 31. in Italia: not in the provinces, but near home, where rebellion would least be expected. 32. in Etru- riae faucibus : at Faesulae, a convenient centre for military operations because it commanded one of the main routes into Cisalpine Gaul. It was also a good rallying-point for the old soldiers of Sulla, being one of Sulla's colonies; cf. p. 95, 11. in dies : see Idioms. Page 63. 1- adeo : ' actually.' 2. rei publicae : not gen. 3. iam : ' at once.' 4. credo : ironical, ' I suppose,' or ' of course.' ne non . . . hoc : 1. e, ne non omnes boni hoc a 7ne serins factum esse dicant potius quam, etc. The force of erit verendum is really made negative by the ironical turn, as if the orator had said non verendum erit. From the influence of this negation the subordinate negative clause ne non . . . {dicant) 214 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 64 acquires an affirmative force ; ' I shall not have to fear that . . . will not say ' = ' I shall have to fear that . . . will say.' A. 331,/; G. 552; H. 498, in., N. 1. 5 boni : cf. p. 61, 5, and n. serius, crudelius : A. 93, a ; H. 444, 1. quisquam: usually found in negative sentences ; here = ' any one at all,' implying that there may be one or two such, but not more. 6. quod . . . oportuit : cf. p. 61, 19 and n. 8 inteificiere : the consul avoids the expression te interficiam, which might have been expected from the preceding argument. 9. tui : why not dat. ? A. 234, d, 2 ; G. 356, R. 1 ; H. 391, 11. 4, (2). 12. ita, ut: 'just as.' 13. oppressus : 'overpowered.' 14. Multo- rum : emphatic. Discussion. A. Addressed to Catiline, m.-x. III. 18. exspectes : A. 320, a ; G. 633, 634 ; H. 503, I. 19. parietibus : how different from murus, moenia f conti- nere : i. e. intus servare. 21. crede : see p. 363. 22. caedis : A. 219; G. 375; H. 406, 11. Teneris : i. e. Deprehensus es. 24. licet recognoscas : ' you may recall ; ' concessive expression instead of the imp. ante diem xn, etc. : = ante diem duo- decimnm ; trans, as if die duodecimo ante Kalendas Novembres, i. e. Oct. 21. A. 259, e, and 376, a; G. Appendix ; H. 642- 644. 26. ante diem VI : cf. pp. 38, 45. 27. satellitem : implies a lower kind of service than admiuistnim. 28. fefel- lit : see Idioms. 34. sui conservandi [causa] : ' in order to save themselves ; ' idiomatic use of the gerundive with sui. A. 298, a, and N. ; G. 429, R. 1 ; H. 542, 1., N. 1 Page 64- 2 profugerunt : why not subj. ? A. 325, and N. ; G. 582; H. 517, 2. 3. die: cf. p. 45. 5. nostra caede: trans, as if caede nostri. A. 197,/; H. 445, 6. remansisse- mus : what form in dir. disc. ? 6 Quid : ace. ; idiomatic use, originating in some such expression as Quid dicam de hoc? Its force here is that of our ' again,' 'furthermore.' 7. Praeneste : from its location, its situation upon an eminence, and its strong fortifications, Praeneste was an advantageous centre for military operations. In early times it had been an important member of the Latin League. When it became a Roman colony is not Pace 65.] NOTES 215 known ; probably in the time of Sulla. 10 Nihil . . . cogi- tas : climax, with anaphora. A. 344,/; H. 636, 111. 3. IV. 13. noctem superiorem — priore nocte (1. 16) : = 'night before last,' the night of Nov. 6. 14. ad: 'with a view to,' ' with reference to.' 15. Dico : emphatic, directing attention to the speaker's intimate knowledge of all the plans and acts of the conspirators ; cf. p. 38. 16. inter falcarios : ' on Scythe-makers' Street,' or ' in the Scythe-makers' Quarter ; ' condensed expression to indicate the location of Laeca's house. non agam obscure : i. e. aperte dicam, mentioning the name. 18. complures — socios : cf. Sail. Cat. xxvn. 3-4: intemfiesta node (' in the dead of night ') coniurationis principes convocat per M. Porcium Laecam, etc. 19. Quid taces : spoken after a brief pause, — doubtless a moment of singular impressiveness. 20. in senatu : defines and strengthens hie. 22. O di, etc. : outburst against the treason of Catiline's sympathizers in the Senate, suggested by the thought of the pre- ceding sentence. Ubinam gentium: see Idioms. A. 216, a, 4; G. 371, R. 4; H. 397, 4. 24. Hie, hie : cf. p. 62, 5, and N. 25. sanctissimo : sanctus, as often, ' worthy of reverence,' ' worthy of respect.' 26. qui : ' (men) who.' nostro omnium : trans, as if nostri omnium. A. 217, a, n. ; G. 363, R. ; H. 396, Hi., N. 2. 28. de re publica sententiam rogo : with hos, in the phrase of our parliamentary law, = ' I put the question to them on (matters affecting) the public welfare.' As consul Cicero presided at meetings of the Senate appointed by him, and called upon the senators in turn for their votes upon each question. A senator might respond either with his vote simply or with a speech explaining or defending his position (sententia). 29. voce vulnero : i. e. I do not call them by name. 31. Fuisti igitur : the orator returns from his digression (11. 22-30) to the topic in hand ; igitur refers back to 1. 18, Num negare audes ? Quid taces ? implying that Catiline's silence indicates his assent. 32. quo : ' to which part,' ' to which division.' statuisti : refers to the process of deliberation, while placeret (tibi) suggests the decision. Page 65. 1. ad incendia : modern anarchists have an ad- vantage over the ancient in that they understand the use of violent explosives. Had Catiline and his followers been familiar with dynamite, — the last resort of the coward and the despe- 216 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 65. rado, — the conspiracy might not so easily have been sup- pressed, confirmasti: A. 128, a ; G. 151; H. 235. 2. pau- lum . . morae : in dir. disc, est mihi etiam nunc paulum morae (idiomatically, ' I am even now suffering a little delay ') ; hence in the indir. form we find nunc instead of turn, which might have been expected from the tense of dixisti. 3. vi- verem : why not indie. ? duo equites : according to Sallust (Cat. xxviii. 1), C. Cornelius, a knight, and L. Vargunteius, a senator. 4. cura : A. 243; G. 388; H. 414, 1. liberarent : subj. of characteristic, with qui = tales, tit. ilia . . . lucem : i. e. early in the morning of Nov. 7; see N. to p. 81, 10. 5. lectulo : the diminutive, suggestive of home-life and retire- ment, heightens the impression of wickedness associated with the intended crime. 9. salutatum : ' in order to pay their re- spects.' A. 302; G. 436; H. 546. Roman gentlemen received their clients and friends early in the morning ; the earlier the visit, the greater the respect implied. cum: 'since.' 10. iam : ' already,' i. e. after the meeting at Laeca's and before the early morning call of the would-be assassins. By means of his nu- merous slaves and special guards (cf. p. 91, 8-1 1), Cicero was able to keep in constant communication with his friends and supporters, day and night. id temporis : see Idioms. A. 216, a, 3 and 240 b; G. 331, R. 3 ; H. 378, 2. V- 12. Quae . . . sint : see Idioms. A. 201, e\ G. 612, r. i ; H. 453. For the outline of the following argument, see p. 42. 13. aliquando : for tandem aliquando. 14. Manliana castra : the camp at Faesulae. A. 214, a, 2; G. 360, r. 1 ; H. 395, n. 2. 15. Educ, etc. : i. e. Educ etiam oinnes tuos (' your associates ') tecum, si fieri fiotest ; si minus (trans, as if si non), at tamen educ quam plurimos. 16. quam plurimos : see Idioms. 18. intersit: A. 314; G. 575; H. 513, 1. versari : here 'abide.' 19. non . . . sinam : cf. p. 64, 10 and N. Magna : i. e. maona gratia habenda est dis immortalibus, etc. A. 344, e ; G. 675, 1, 3 ; H. 561, in. 20. huic ipsi Iovi Statori; with a gesture toward the statue of the divinity in whose temple they were. 21. antiquissimo custodi : see N. to p. 74, 32. 23. pestem : abstract for concrete. 24. in uno homine : i. e. in te uno, as shown by what follows ; the existence of the state ought not too often to be endangered by the conduct of one man. Page 66.] NOTES 217 26. mihi, consuli designato : i. e. during the latter part of the year 64. That Cicero was Catiline's main object of attack is evident from the statement of Sallust, Cat. xxvi. 1. 27. pri- vata diligentia : {Cicero) circum se praesidia amicorum atque clientium occulte habebat. Sail. Cat. xxvi. 4. 28. proximis comitiis : held for the election of consuls for the year 62 ; see pp. 37, 38. 29. in campo : i. e. in campo Martio, where the comitia centuriata (see. p. 59) were held. competitores tuos: D. Junius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena, who received the election, and Servius Sulpicius. 31. nullo tumultu publice concitato : i. e. without calling out the troops, = ' without any official summons to arms.' 32. me : for me unum. per me : i. e. meis copiis, instead of publicis copiis. 33. perni- ciem meam . . . coniunctam : i. e. si perirem, etiam rein pttb- licam magna calamitate adfectum iri. 34. rei publicae : kind of gen. ? Page 66. 5- Qua re : ' And for this reason,' = ' Wherefore.' id: the putting of Catiline to death. primum : 'the first thing ' to be done, as we say. 6. huius imperi : i. e. nostri imperi, the power given to the consuls by the Senate's decree of Oct. 21 ; see p. 62, 8-1 1. A. 218 ; G. 373 ; H. 399. disci- plinae maiorum proprium : shown by the precedents cited, p. 62. 7. ad : ' with respect to.' 10. quod : for id (referring to the clause sin tu exieris) quod ; trans, quod . . . hortor idiomatically, ' as I have long been urging you.' A. 238, b ; G. 331, r. 2; H. 371, 11. 12 sen- tina rei publicae : treated as expressing one concept, hence followed by the gen. (tuorum) comitum, = ' consisting of your as- sociates.' Cf. Sail. Cat. xxxvii. 5 : Omnes, quos flagititim aut facinus domo expulerat, ei Romam sicut in sentinam confluxe- rant, where sentina by metonymy is used of the receptacle (== 'cess-pool ') rather than the 'sewage.' Quid est: like our 'How now?' 'How is that?' 13. me imperante : see Idioms. 14. faciebas : 'you were trying to do.' A. 277,^; G. 224; H. 469, 11. 1. consul hostem : more dignified and more forcible than ego te. 15. num : ' still, not ; ' fuller, ' you don't mean into exile, do you ? ' VI. 17. Quid est enim : rhetorical question, much more effective than the simple form of statement, Nihil est enifn. The very thought of his career of crime, and the fear and 218 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 67. hatred with which he is regarded, ought to make Catiline flee the city. 19. coniurationem : concrete, ' sworn band.' 20. do- mesticae : arising from his family relations (see 1. 28 et seq.), while privatarum rerum (1. 21) refers to his private life in gen- eral, as distinguished from his public career. 21. inusta: ' branded upon,' as on the forehead of a runaway slave. 23. facinus : ' wicked deed ' affecting others, while flagititim is a ' burning shame ' touching more directly the agent himself. 26. facem praetulisti : as slaves were wont to do for their masters when going about the streets by night. The fascinating but baneful influence which Catiline gained over the young is described by Sallust, Cat. xiv. 5-7. 28. Quid vero : introduces still stronger evidence of Catiline's wickedness. morte : for nece. This murder is mentioned nowhere else. 29. alio scelere : i. e. the murder of a son by the first marriage, from fear that he might become a source of annoyance to the new wife, whose name was Aurelia Orestilla. 30. quod: 'but this.' A. 201, e ; G. 612, R. 1 ; H. 453. 32. non vindicata esse : = ' to have been left unpunished ; ' sc. si ex- stiterit. A. 271, <:; H. 536, 2, (1), N. According to Roman crimi- nal procedure (cf. p. 60) a court would take cognizance of a crime only when some one formally directed attention to it by lodg- ing a complaint. In this instance the fact that no one could be found who would bring so atrocious and well-known a crime to the notice of the authorities — the orator implies — bore witness to the shameful degeneracy of the times. 34. omnis : ace. with quas ; trans, as if omnium fortuna- rum, 'the complete downfall of all your fortunes, which.' prox- imis Idibus : the Ides and Kalends (to a less extent the Nones also) were the customary times for the computation of interest and the payment of debts. Cicero hints that Catiline, hopelessly in debt (cf. p. 37), is nearing a financial crisis, and will realize the failure of all his schemes when the next day of settlement comes, as his creditors are losing confidence in him. Page 67- 3. difficultatem : financial ' straits.' summam : see Idioms. 7. cum: 'seeing that.' A. 326; G. 587; H. 517. horum : cf. p. 61, 7, and N. 8. pridie Kalendas Ianuarias : i. e. Dec. 31, in the year 66; on the following day it was proposed to murder the in-coming consuls, Cotta and Torquatus ; see p. 36, Page 68.] NOTES 219 A. 261, a ; H. 437, 1. 10. manum . . . paravisse : in prepar- ation for the attempt on Feb. 5, B. c. 65. 12. mentem aliquam: 'any reflection,' ' any (change of) purpose.' for- tunam : Catiline accidentally gave the signal prematurely ; see P- 37- 14. ilia: 'those (earlier attempts).' neque . . . postea : = nam et nota sunt et multa alia postea a te commissa sunt; the negative force of neque affects the whole sentence, while that of noti is confined to multa. 17. petitiones ita coniectas : ' thrusts so directed ; ' this phrase, as that in the next line, is borrowed from the speech of fencers or gladiators. ut . . . viderentur : render idiomatically, ' that it did not seem possible to avoid them.' How lit. ? In cases like this the Latin prefers the personal construction, the English the impersonal. A. 330, b; G. 528; H. 534, n. 1. 18. declinatione et corpore: hendiadys ; ' by a mere twist of the body.' 19. neque tamen : trans, as if et tamen . . . noil. 20. tibi: A. 229; G. 344, r. 2 ; H. 385, 2. 21. excidit : i. e. e manibus tuis. 22. Quae . . . defigere : i. e. Et qui- dem quibus sacris ea {sua) abs te iuitiata ac devota sit, quod (' for the reason that ') putas necesse esse earn in corpore consults defigere, nescio (' I'm sure I don't know,' i. e. 'I don't care to say '). A weapon with which a violent deed had been com- mitted was often consecrated to a divinity. VII. 26. odio : ' enmity.' permotus esse: why not permoveri? 27. quae tibi nulla debetur : idiomatically, ' which you do not at all deserve ; ' nulla is much stronger here than non. Cf. A. 191 ; G. 324, r. 6 ; H. 443. 30. contigit : used generally of favorable occurrences. 31. vo- cis, taciturnitatis : explanatory genitives. 33. Quid, quod: 'What of this, that;' cf. N. to p. 64, 6. quod . . . sunt : explained by the following clause. 34. tibi : trans, as if abs te. Cf. N. to p. 159, 23. A. 2^2, a; G. 352; H. 388, 1. Page 68. 1. constituti fuerunt : more forcible than constituti sunt, as implying that Catiline's attempts are all and altogether in the past. 3. quo animo: see Idioms. 4. isto pacto, ut: ' in such a way, as,' — ' as.' 5. omnes cives : Cicero does 220 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 69. not regard the followers of Catiline as citizens. domum . . . arbitraris : i. e. domum meant mihi relinquendam esse puta- rem ; tu tibi urbem relinquendam esse non arbitraris? Notice the conditional statements in this paragraph, which lead up to a climax (' slaves ' — ' citizens ' — ' parents '), and present the ora- tor's thought far more effectively than the simple direct asser- tion of the same points. 7. iniuria : ' undeservedly.' suspectum : here an adj., but trans. ' an object of suspicion.' 9. omnium : we should say ' by all.' cum : cf. p. 67, 7 and n. 10. odium : sc. esse. 14. tui : A. 344, e\ G. 675, 1, 3 ; H. 561, ill. 16. Nunc: = vvv 8e, ' But as it is.' 17. nihil . . . cogitare : te cogitare nihil (for de nulla re) nisi de, etc. 18. parricidio : for exitio, or interitu, carrying out the personification of patria as com- munis parens. huius ; ' her.' 19. iudicium sequere : i. e. iudicio, quod de te facit, obtemperabis. 21. Quae : ' Now she.' 22. tacita : ' (though) silent ; ' oxy- moron in tacita loquitur, the force of which is somewhat les- sened by quodam modo, 'in a way.' A. p. 431; H. 637, xi. 6. 23. annis : abl. as indicating the period in which (not through which) the statement in exstitit was true. per te : why not abs te ? 25. neces : in connection with the proscriptions of Sulla; see p. 36. The pi. of nex is rare. sociorum : i.e. provincialium. Previous to 89 B. c. only the inhabitants of the Italian cities in league with Rome were called sociij but as these were then admitted to the Roman citizenship (p. 148, 1-5), the term was afterwards extended to the natives of the prov- inces. The reference here is to Catiline's governorship in Africa, which was characterized by rapacity and brutality. 27. quaestiones : ' judicial investigations.' Catiline had been accused of provincial extortion, but had purchased an acquittal. 28. ferenda : see Idioms. 30. totam : i. e. not now merely in regard to individuals or provinces, but as a whole. quic- quid increpuerit : = ' at every sound ; ' how lit. ? 31. vi- deri : we should say ' apparently.' 32. quod a tuo scelere : trans, as if a quo foium scelus. Page 69- VIII. 3. loquatur, debeat : the condition is in fact impossible; but consistently with the personification of patria it is conceived as possible, and hence put in the pres. subj. 4. possit: concessive. A. 313, c; G. 606; H. 515, 11. Page 70.] NOTES 221 5. Quid, quod : cf. p. 67, 33, and n. in custodiam : i. e. in custodiam liber am. In cases where a Roman citizen was charged with a crime against the state, if a person of rank he was not imprisoned but put under surveillance, either in his own house or in the house of some magistrate who became respon- sible for his appearance when wanted for trial. In this in- stance Catiline had been accused of inciting to riot (sedition) by Lucius Paulus; see p. 38. Nothing better illustrates the au- dacity of the man than the attempt to get Lepidus, Metellus, and even Cicero, to take charge of him. Owing to the rapid culmination of events the trial did not take place. 6. ad: in the sense of apud. 8. domi : A. 258, d; G. 412, R. 1; H. 426, 2. 10. nullo modo : 'by no means.' parietibus : abl. of means, but trans, with ' within.' 12. con- tineremur : why not indie. ? 13. virum optimum : bitter irony. 14. videlicet : sarcastic. 17. carcere, vinculis : con- trasted with custodia in the sense of custodia libera. 19. iu- dicarit : A. 320, a ; G. 633, 634 ; H. 503, 1. Full form ? Quae . . . sint : see Idioms. 20. aequo animo : 'with resig- nation.' You deserve physical death, by your own hand or by that of the executioner; if you cannot be brought to this, at least favor us with your political death by going into exile. 23. Refer: sc. rem, 'the matter.' See Idioms. postulas : perhaps' referring to previous utterances of Catiline. 25. re- feram : i. e. rem ad senatum. id . . . moribus : = ' a course inconsistent with my character' as a mild man opposed to severe measures. As a matter of fact, however, the right to pronounce a sentence of exile belonged to the courts alone, and was outside the jurisdiction of the Senate. 27. hi: cf. horum, p. 61, 7, and n. Egredere . . . profi- ciscere : probably spoken with deliberation and great distinct- ness. 29. Quid est: spoken after a pause, giving opportunity for dissent; cf. p. 66, 12, and n. There were friends of Catiline present (see p. 73, 17 et seq.), but after the orator's vigorous reference to them (p. 64, 20-30) they did not dare to come to the rescue of their leader. 31. auctoritatem : ' the express request.' 34. M. Marcello : see Vocab. under Marcellus (2), and pp. 49, 50. Page 70- 1. hoc ipso in templo : heightens the rhetorical effect ; a temple was considered a place of refuge, its sacredness 222 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 71. being a protection against violence. vim et manus : = 1 violent hands ; ' hendiadys. 3. cum quiescunt, probant : = ' by their stillness, they ap- prove ; ' coincident action, hence indie, with cum. Notice the oxymoron and climax in the three cum-cla.uses. 4. neque hi solum : trans, as if et non solum hi. 5, auctoritas, etc. : refers back to p. 69, 24. 6. illi : with a gesture ; the knights were gathered in front of the temple, in view of the speaker. Cf. N. to p. 61, 6. 7. ceteri cives : below the rank of sena- tor and knight. 9. paulo ante : i. e. as Catiline was entering the temple to meet with the Senate. exaudire : here ' plainly hear,' ' hear distinctly.' 11. haec : i. e. the city Rome and the Roman power ; doubt- less spoken with a wide gesture. 12. iam pridem : see Idioms. 13. ad portas : it was customary for the friends and relatives of those who were going into exile to escort them as far as the city gate ; Catiline will have a large escort of those eager to see him depart, who will also protect him. IX. 14. Quamquam : ' And yet.' Te ut, etc. : idiomatic, ' You — anything break your resolution ? You — ever reform yourself?' A. 332,^; G. 560; H. 486, n. n. 17. duint : = dent j archaic form, apparently from stem du-, with subj. ending same as in velint, possint ; appropriate in prayers and wishes, just as our so-called " solemn " style, where the use of " thee " and "thou" is likewise archaic. A. 128, e, 2, and 267, b\ G. 191, 3, and 254; H. 240, 3, and 483, 1. 18. animum : see Idioms. 19. nobis : refers to Cicero alone, as shown by the use of mea in 1. 18. A. 98, b ; G. 195, R. 7; H. 446, N. 2. 21. in posteritatem : = in postei'um temp7ts. That Cicero's fear was not groundless, his subsequent persecution and suffer- ings plainly enough showed. See pp. 7-9. est tanti : ' it is worth while,' i. e. invidiam istam mihi i?npendei'e. A. 252, a ; G. 379 : H. 404, 405. 22. privata : ' personal,' not extending beyond the person of the speaker. 24. temporibus : ' to the exigencies'- — that Catiline subordinate his personal convenience to the good of the state. 26. is : ' such a man.' 29. inimico, ut praedicas : Catiline interpreted the acts of the consul as those of a ' personal enemy.' Cf. N. to p. 6$, 26. 30. Vix feram ; see Idioms. Page 71. 2. latrocinio : ' brigandage,' as against law and Page 71.] NOTES 223 order ; called impio because against the Fatherland — communis parens. 3. ad alienos : sc. isse. 5. Quamquam : asp. 70, 14. quid: adverbial ace, = ' why.' invitem: A. 268; G. 251 ; H. 486, II., 6. 6. esse praemissos : '(men) have been sent forward,' in the night of Nov. 7. qui . . . praestolarentur : trans, by ' t o ' with the infin. 8. aqui- iam illam argenteam : in Marius's time a silver eagle with out- stretched wings was adopted as the ensign of the legion ; later eagles were sometimes of gold. The one mentioned here had been carried in the army of Marius, in the campaign against the Cimbri (Sail. Cat. lix. 3). 10. cui : refers to aquilam. sacrarium : the eagle of a legion was considered sacred, and intimately associated with the fortunes of the host. When in camp it was kept in a con- secrated place near the commander's tent. So Catiline is here represented as having the eagle in a ' sanctuary ' or ' shrine ' in his house, and as making it an object of veneration. 11. sce- lerum tuorum : characterizes sacrarium ; freely, ' sacred to your crimes.' 12. tu — possis ; cf. p. 70, 14, and n. X. 18. haec res : departure to join Manlius in war against the state. 20- voluntas : ' inclination.' fortuna servavit : Catiline had thus far escaped punishment for his misdeeds. 21. 11011 modo : trans, as if non modo non. In expressions like this the Latin omits the negative after modo, because a negative is understood with the verb (in this case concupisti) from the following clause ; but as English idiom requires the verb in the first clause, the negative must be supplied in trans- lating. A. 149, e; G. 484, 3, and r. 1 ; H. 552, 2. 22. ne- farium : i. e. civile. ex perditis : i. e. ex (hominibus) per- ditis atque derelictis non modo ab omni fortuna verum etiam (ab omni) spe. G. 403, R. 1 ; H. 415, I. 2. 28. huius vitae : the life of a bandit. meditati sunt : here passive. 29. feruntur : here = praedicantur, ' are (so much) talked about,' ' are matter of current report.' labores : ' exertions.' iacere, vigilare : in apposition with labores. 30. obsidendum : here = speculandum. 32. otiosorum : peaceably disposed citizens, who would go to bed with no thought of danger from burglars or brigands. Habes, ubi ostentes : ' You have an opportunity to display ; ' ubi with the sense of {locum) in quo is used with the subj. of charac- teristic. 224 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 72. Page 72- 2. a consulatu reppuli : at the last consular election ; cf. p. 65, 28-30, and n. exsul, consul : play upon words; so below (1. 18), emissus, im missus. 5. latrocinium : cf. p. 71, 2, and N. B. Addressed to the Senate, xi.-xm., 1. 27. XI. 7. detester ac deprecer : ' I may beg to avert and plead against.' The following justification of the orator's course is a kind of refutatio ; it seems too elaborate to have been altogether extempore, and was very likely inserted, or at least ex- panded, when the speech was revised for publication. 11. est : why not sit ? A. 342, «, N. ; H. 529, 11., n. i (2). 12. lo- quatur : the apodosis is omitted, on account of the length of the address which follows ; for the mood, cf. p. 69, 3, and N. Notice the climax in patria — cuncta Italia — omnis res publica. 13. Tune . . . patiere : cf. A. 346, a, b ; G. 685 and 686, 2 ; H. 573. 16. evocatorem servorum : according to Sallust (Cat. lvi. 5), Catiline refused the help of slaves, thinking that it would be to his disadvantage if he should appear to have made common cause with them ; yet Lentulus urged their em- ployment, and there were uprisings of slaves at Capua and in Apulia at this time. 19. vincla : A. 10, c; H. 635, 2. 22. persaepe . . . multarunt : rhetorical exaggeration ; the orator has cited only one case of the kind (p. 61, 21 et seq.). 23. leges : the laws guarding the right of appeal to the people from the decision of a magistrate. The earliest was one of the Valerian Laws (508 B. C), which enacted : ne quis magistratus civem Ro7nanum adversus provocationem (' against an appeal ' to the people assembled in co?nitia) necaret neve verberaret. There was also a Lex Portia (probably of 197 B. c), which seems to have made it possible for a Roman citizen to save himself from the death penalty, or from scourging, by volun- tarily going into exile ; and the right of appeal, in accordance with which a Roman could not be put to death or flogged without the assent of the people, was reaffirmed by one of the laws proposed by Gaius Gracchus, b. c. 123. Cicero's position is, that citizens who have taken up arms against the state have forfeited their civil rights, and are no longer entitled to the protection afforded by the laws. On this question, see N. to p. 108, 3. Page 74.] NOTES 225 27. refers : see Idioms. 28. hominem . . . rnaiorum : Cicero was a novas homo. commendatione : A. 251 ; G. 402; H. 419, 11. 29. tarn mature — extulit : Cicero was elected to each office suo anno, i. e. in each case as soon as he had reached the age required by law. Usually ' new men ' were not able to secure the consulship till some years after they had reached the legal age. 30. honorum : = ' of public office.' 33. severitatis : ' arising from strictness.' iner- tiae : cf. p. 62, 30, and n. Page 73- XII. 3. vocibus : ' utterances,' as contrasted with the ' thoughts ' (mentibtis) of those who keep their opinions to themselves. 4. idem: A. 238, b; G. 331, r. 3; H. 378, 2. 5. factu : A. 303, r. ; G. 437 ; H. 547. iudicarem : why not plup. ? 6. Catilinam multari : in apposition with hoc. 8. summi viri : magistrates, as L. Opimius ; while clarissimi cives refers to private citizens, as P. Scipio (p. 61, 1. 21 et seq.). 3. Flacci : M. Fulvius Flaccus ; see p. 62, 16. 12. quid invidiae : here ' any enmity.' 13. in posteritatem : cf. p. 70, 21, and n. redundaret : 'should overwhelm me,' as a flood which has burst over the banks of a stream. Quod : 'But.' A. 240, b; G. 612, R. 1 ; H. 453, 6. 17. Quamquam : ' But ; ' introduces a more immediate reason for apprehension than that mentioned above. non nulli : = ' some.' hoc ordine : = senatu. qui : why with subj., while quae — quae (1. 18) are with the indie? 19. sententiis : ' expressions of opinion.' 21. multi : i. e. multi alii, extra hunc ordinem. 22. improbi : i. e. ei qui ea, qiiae vident, dissimulant ; while imperiti refers to those qui ea, quae im- minent, non vident. 23. regie : = rvpavviKcos, tyrannice, i. e. more after the manner of a tyrant than of a Roman magis- trate, factum esse : ' (the deed) had been done.' dicerent : notice the force of the impf., ' would be saying.' 30. eiece- rit : i. e. ex urbe. 31. naufragos : implies financial wreck ; while ferditu<; usually refers to moral ruin. Page 74. XIII. 2. nescio quo pacto : = nescio quo modo, 'somehow.' A. 334, e; G. 469, R. 2 ; H. 529, 5, 3). 5. latro- cinio : concrete, 'band of brigands.' 8. venis atque visce- ribus : a parallel to our "flesh and blood." 9. Ut, etc.: A. 346, b ; G. 685-687 ; H. 573, and N. 2. 10. aestu febrique : = ' in the burning heat of fever.' What figure ? 13. rele- 226 FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 75. vatus : = si relevatus erit. A. 310, a; G. 594, 2; H. 507, 3- N. 7. 17. insidiari . . . consuli : see p. 65, 2-1 1. 18. circum- stare tribunal : for the purpose of intimidation, thus interfering with the administration of justice. The tribunal of the 'city praetor ' (cf. p. 60) was in the Comitium. 19. cum gladiis : for armati. curiam : the curia Hostilia, where the Senate usually met; see Vocab. under curia (1). malleolos : 'fire- darts,' used principally in siege operations. They were shaped like a mallet, the head being filled with tow and pitch, which were ignited before the missile was thrown. 25. omnibus bonis : ' all patriotic citizens,' exclusive of the senators and knights just mentioned. 27. videatis : 'you shall see.' Why is the pres. subj. in Latin often used with reference to future time ? Conclusion. 28. Hisce ominibus : ' With these prophetic words.' cum . . . exitio : in our idiom, ' to the highest welfare of the state, to the plague and destruction of yourself,' etc. 31. impium : cf. p. 71, 1. 2, and N. 32. Tu, Iuppiter : the orator addresses the statue of Jupiter Stator in the temple, and through it the divinity represented by it. eisdem quibus auspiciis : = eisdem auspiciis qidbus. The statement is not literally true ; for though there was a tra- dition that Romulus in a battle with the Sabines vowed a temple to Jupiter Stator on this site, the temple was not actu- ally built till 294 b. c. (Liv. I. xn. 5, X. xxxvu. 15). 33. Stato- rem : here ' Establishes' ' Protector ; ' in the vow as given by Livy, the word means rather 'stayer of flight.' Page 75- 5. aeternis suppliciis : cf. p. 107, 8-13, and N. Page 76.] NOTES 227 THE SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. Page 76- In L. Catilinam: see N. on p. 209. In some of the oldest mss. the following argument of this oration is found: Superiore libro (here = oratione) Catilina circumven- tus eloquentia Ciceronis spontaneum elegit exsilium, unde ora- tor! maxima venisse videbatur invidia. Sed postero die timore dissimulato processit ad popultim fingens se timere quod emiserit Catilinam, ut minus sit invidiosum, quod eum in exsilium expulerit. Prooemium sumptum ab exsultatione dicentis ver- bis paene triumpkantibus, qui sine damno rei publicae superare bellum potuerit. Habita ad Populum: speeches addressed ' to the people ' were delivered from the Rostra, an elevated speaker's platform, to the front of which were fastened the bronze beaks of the ships captured in the famous sea-fight off Antium, in 338 b. c. ; hence the name. The original location of the Ros- tra was in the Comitium, at the edge of the Forum ; see Plan opposite p. 76. The speaker faced the people assembled in the Forum; directly behind them were the Old Shops (Tabernae Veteres), low stores or booths along the southwestern side. If he glanced to the left he saw the Temple of Castor and Pol- lux and perhaps the round Temple of Vesta, behind which rose the northern slope of the Palatine Hill ; if he turned toward the right, his eye fell on the Temple of Saturn, or the Temple of Concord, or, high above these, the southern part of the Capi- toline Hill crowned with the splendid and imposing Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. From the Old Rostra were deliv- ered many of the greatest speeches of ancient Rome ; among them that of Cicero for the Bill of Manilius, and the Second and Third against Catiline. In 44 b. c. Julius Caesar removed the Rostra to the upper end of the Forum (see Plan), bringing thither the beaks and many statues that had adorned the old Rostra. The founda- tions of this later structure have been discovered. It was about 228 SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 76. seventy feet long and ten feet high. On the front apparently were thirty-nine beaks, arranged in two tiers. This speaker's platform also witnessed stirring scenes. Here Julius Caesar refused the crown offered him by Antony ; here also his bleed- ing form was exposed to public gaze, and Antony's funeral address stirred the populace to fury. Here Cicero delivered several of the Philippics; and to the Rostra above the beaks his head and hands were n,ailed (Plut. Cic. xlix.) ; cf. p. n. and Middleton's " Remains of Ancient Rome," Vol. I., chapters VI., VII. Introduction, l, ii. I. 1. Tandem aliquando : ' Now at last.' For the circum- stances of delivery, and an outline of the argument, see pp. 39, 42, 43. Quirites : not Romani, because addressed as voters rather than as soldiers. 2. scelus anhelantem : cf. Acts ix. 1, 'breathing out threatenings and slaughter.' 4. vel . . . vel . . . vel : gives the hearers a choice among three alternatives ; apparently the orator did not dare to say outright that he had driven Catiline forth (cf. p. 90, 9-14). This whole chapter, as Halm justly remarks, appears to our modern taste somewhat inflated, from the accumulation of synonyms and striking ex- pressions ; but it must be remembered that the speech was addressed to the people, with whom this style of speaking was more effective, and more in place, than it would have been in the Senate. 5. ipsum egredientem : trans, as if eum sua sponte egredien- tem. verbis prosecuti sumus : just as we accompany departing friends with " Bon voyage ! " " Good luck to you ! " and similar expressions ; ironical, but cf. p. 70, 13 and N. Abiit . . . erupit : difference in meaning between these four words ? 6. monstro : suggests something unnatural, a physical or moral ' monstrosity ; ' while prodigio implies influence of the supernatural, something uncanny or of ill omen, a ' portent.' 7. moenibus ipsis : i. e, iirbi ipsi et eius aedificiis. 10. controversia : see Idioms. 11. latera : we should say ' breast ; ' cf. p. 67, 20-24. versabitur : ' will ply its task.' in campo : cf. p. 65, 28-32 and n. 12. in curia . . . parie- tes : cf. p. 74, 17-20, and 69, 9-12. 13. Loco motus est: Page 77.] NOTES 229 ' was forced from his vantage-ground,' an expression drawn from the language of wrestlers and gladiators. 14. nullo : see Idioms. 16. hominem : 'the fellow;' used instead of ilium or eutn, with implied contempt. cum : ' in that.' occultis : introduced in contrast with apertU7ii (1. 17); for insidiis itself involves the idea of concealment. 17. la- trocinium : cf. p. 71, 2 and N. 18. extulit : i. e. ex urbe. 19. vivis nobis : ' while we were (yet) living.' Why abl. ? 22. Iacet : as a gladiator who has lost in his fight and been struck down. Page 77- 2. retorquet . . . faucibus : as some monstrous and bloodthirsty wild beast, cheated of its prey. 4. qui- dem : adversative; with quae, 'but it.' II, 7. in hoc ipso : ' in this very matter ; ' explained by quod . . . emiserim. 9. comprehenderim : A. 341, d; G. 541 ; H. 516, 11. 10. non . . . culpa: in full, istius rei culpa non est mea culpa. sed temporum : ' but (that) of circumstances.' 11. Interfectum esse: cf. p. 61, 19 and N. 13. huius im- peri : cf. p. 66, 6, and n. 14. res publica : for salus rei publicae, ' the welfare of the state.' fuisse : i. e. among the senators; cf. p. 73, 17 et seq. 16. defenderent : 'tried to justify (it).' 17. Ac : z=z ' And yet,' in spite of the scepticism and opposi- tion in the Senate. illo sublato : ' by putting him out of the way.' A. 255, 5, N. ; G. 409; H. 431, 2. 18. iudicarem . . . sustulissem : cf. p. 73, 5-8, and n. 19. invidiae meae peri- culo : i. e. periculo ut in invidiam venirem j trans, 'at the risk of personal enmity.' 20. ne . . . probata : == ' as the matter had not yet been made clear to all even of your number,' not to mention the senators who professed ignorance or openly sympathized with Catiline (quam multos, 11. 14, 16). 22. fore ut — possem : a round-about form of expression, made necessary by the lack of a fut. infin. (participle) of posse ; in dir. disc, si multavero, non potero. A. 337; G. 659; H. 527, 1. 23. hue: 'to this point;' cf. p. 76, 15-17. 25. Quem . . . putem : trans, as if Et quam vehementer ilium quidem nostem, etc. The irony increases in intensity to the end of the chapter. 26. hinc, quod: 'from this, that.' 28. comitatus : here pass. ; with parum, = ' with too small a retinue;' node intempesta (cf. n. to p. 64, 18) cu7)i pqucis in 230 SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 78. Manliana castra profectus est (Sail. Cat. xxxn. i). exierit : why not same mood as fero (1. 27)? 29. Tongilium, Publicium, Minucium : mentioned apparently as typical reprobates of the Catilinarian contingent. mihi : ethical dat. ; ' He has taken forth my Tongilius,' ' He has, I see, taken Tongilius out.' A. 236; G. 351 ; H. 389. 30. in praetexta : =praetextatu»i, i. e. 'when a youth.' The toga of the ordinary Roman citizen was white, retaining the color of the undyed wool ; but sons of freeborn parents were allowed to wear a toga with a red border (see Vocab. under purpura), until they became of age. The plain garment (in this connec- tion called toga virilis) was placed upon the youth, with appro- priate ceremonies, at the Feast of the Liberalia (March 17), when he was between fourteen and sixteen years old. 31. popina : a low place where wines and articles of food were sold ; fre- quented largely by slaves. 33. aere : why abl. ? Discussion, iii.-xi. Page 78- III. 1. ilium exercitum : of Catiline ; explained by collectum (1. 4) et seq. Gallicanis legionibus : the regular troops stationed in Cisalpine Gaul, which could easily be brought down to Faesulae from the north ; cf. N. to p. 62, 32. 2. dilectu : a fresh ' levy ' of soldiers drafted in the coast regions east of Faesulae ; also within easy reach. 3. Gallico [agro] : ' the Gallic country,' so called because formerly settled by the Senones, a Gallic tribe. It lay south of the Rubicon (hence in Italy, not in Cisalpine Gaul), and extended along the coast as far south as Picenum, including the cities Ariminum, Pisaurum, Fanum, and Sena Gallica. Q. Metellus : he had been sent north to draft troops immediately after the senate learned of the operations of Manlius at Faesulae. Cf. Vocab., Metellus, (4). 5. senibus desperatis : veterans from the army of Sulla ; non mtllos ex Sullanis colonics, qtiibus lubido atque luxuria ex magnis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerat (Sail. Cat. xxvm. 4). Cf. p. 84, 22, et seq. agresti luxuria : abstract for concrete. 6. decoctoribus : the Romans viewed extravagance in living, and resulting bankruptcy, with the sternest disapproval. va- dimonia deserere : ' to forsake their legal obligations ; i. e. Page 78.] NOTES 231 having given security to appear in court when summoned, they preferred to run away and let judgment go against them by default, which in this case would be satisfied by the confiscation and sale of any property they might leave behind. 7. qui- bus si : = hi, si eis. 9. edictum praetoris : particularly that part in which the penalties for forsaking one's legal obligations were given. Each praetor, on entering upon the duties of his office, issued a ' proclamation ' of the principles and penalties in accordance with which- — apart from the established rules of the Civil Law — he purposed to administer justice during his term. Cf. p. 6o. concident : ' they will fall powerless,' very like our colloquial expression, " fall all in a heap." Hos : ' these ' conspirators who dare yet to remain in the city ; in sharp contrast with the wretches just characterized. 11. uuguentis : fragrant oils, which were thoroughly rubbed into the skin after a bath. 12. purpura : not on the toga, but on the under-garment, the tunica, on which senators and knights were allowed to have one or two perpendicular brilliant red stripes. The stripe distinguishing the senator was broad (latus clavus) ; those of the knight were narrow (angnstus clavus), a stripe running down from each shoulder on the front, and probably also on the back, of the tunic. milites : ' as soldiers ; ' most editions read suos milites, ' his own force,' i. e. 'his body-guard.' eduxisset : A. 331, f,R.; G. 546, R. 3; H. 499, 2. 13. qui si: 'but if they.' 17. neque tamen : trans, as if et tamen non ; their audacious confidence implies that there must be behind them some secret and dangerous force. 18. Apulia, et seq. : cf. p. 64, 32, et seq., and Sail. Cat. xxvu. 1 : Sefttimium quendam Camertem in agrum Picenum, C. Iulium in Apuliam (Catiliua) dimisit, ftrae- terea alium alio, quern tibique oftportunum sibi fore credebat. 19. Gallicum [agrum] : cf. 1. 2 above, and N. 20. urbanas : = in urbe. caedis : trans, with ' for.' 21. superioris noc- tis : cf. p. 64, 13, et seq. If the chronology given on p. 45 is correct (cf. p. 81, 10, and n.), the expression here is inexact, as two nights had passed since the meeting at Laeca's. 24. Ne : here not negative. IV. 28. nisi si : ' unless perhaps,' nisi having an adverbial force. A. 315, a, 2; G. 592, R. 2; H. 507, 3, N. 4. 29. simi- 232 SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 79. lis : ace. ; ' (men) like Catiline.' 32. miserum : ' wretchedly,' 'in wretchedness.' A. 191; G. 324, R. 6 ; H. 443. 33. via: A. 258,^; G. 387; H. 420, 1, 3). The report was circulated that Catiline was going to Marseilles, into exile. 34. volent : fut., where our idiom requires the pres. Page 79. 1. rem publicam : why ace. ? sentinam : cf. p. 66, 10-12, and n. 2. exhausto : carries out the idea of sentinam. 5. Italia : A. 258, /, 2 ; G. 386 ; H. 425, 2. 7. circumscriptor : ' confidence-man,' who makes it his busi- ness to defraud the inexperienced, particularly the young. 10. perditus : here a subst., 'reprobate.' 15. iuventutis illecebra : cf. p. 66, 26, and n., and Cic. Pro Caelio, v. 12, et seq. 17. fructum : 'gratification.' 18. impellendo, adiuvando : almost = impellens, adiuvans. 21. non modo : i. e. non modo nonfuitj cf. p. 71, 21, and N. V- 25. Atque . . . possitis : introductory purpose clause, only loosely connected with the main idea. Cf. H. 499. 2, N. diversa . . . ratione : ' different pursuits in an altogether dif- ferent sphere (of life).' 26. ludo gladiatorio : in the gladia- torial schools, or barracks, captives, slaves, and condemned malefactors forced to serve as gladiators, received a merciless training. 27. audacior : i. e. than his fellows. intimum : ' bosom-friend,' while sodalis (1. 29) is a ' fraternity friend,' or ' society brother,' as we say, — one bound by the same vows to mutual obligations. 28. levior, nequior : i. e. than the average. Actors in Rome were generally slaves or freedmen, their occupation being considered degrading. 31. frigore . . . perferendis : the gerundive construction used as abl. of specifica- tion instead of dat. with adstiefactus (= ' hardened '). 32. cum : ' although.' 33. instrumenta virtutis : i. e. the mental quali- ties and physical traits which render the practice of virtue possible. Page 80- 1- Hunc, et seq. : stands as a climax to p. 79, 1-3. sui : instead of eius. Cf. A. 196, c\ G. 521, 2. 4. laudem consulatus mei : cf. p. 74, 1-4. 5. mediocres : i. e. quae modum ('limit') quendam habeant. lubidines, audaciae : 'lust for pleasures,' 'deeds of boldness.' A. 75, c; G. 195, R. 5; H. 130, 2. humanae : ' consistent with human nature.' 8. fortunas : refers particularly to landed property. res : i. e. res familiaris, ' means,' ' property,' as contrasted with Page 81.] NOTES 233 fides, ' credit.' 9. nuper : after Catiline's last candidacy for the consulship, the failure of which had frustrated their plans and hopes, and caused their creditors to become impatient. Cf. p. 66, 34, and N. 11. alea : gambling was one of the most prevalent and pernicious vices of Roman life. comissa- tiones : a Roman banquet was followed by a drinking-bout. This was sometimes held in a different place from that in which the dinner was served, and the merry revellers would proceed thither through the streets with torches and music. 13. inertes : referring to their dislike of exertion. 15. dor- mientis : with the force of an adjective, 'the sleepy.' mihi: cf. p. 77, 29, and n. 17. sertis : of ivy or myrtle, entwined with roses or other flowers ; worn not only because agreeable, but also because such ' garlands ' were thought to ward off or delay intoxication. unguentis : see N. to p. 78, 11. obliti : not obliti. 20. Quibus : A. 201, e; G. 612, R. 1 ; H. 453. 24. breve nescio quod: i. e. breve quoddam. A. 334, e ; G. 469, R. 2; H. 455, 2. 25. propagarit rei publicae : 'it will have se- cured to the state the continuance of,' i, e. ' it will have pro- longed the existence of the state for ; ' the ordinary form of expression would have been, non in breve nescio quod tempus, sed in multa saecula propagarit rem publicum. 28. unius : i. e. of Pompey, who was now at the zenith of his fame, having finished the wars with Sertorius, with the Pirates, and with Mithridates. Cf. p. 127, 13-15, and notes. 29. intus . . . hostis : climax, anaphora, asyndeton, as also in Cum . . . est. 32. suscipio inimicitias : cf. p. 70, 21, and N. 34. qua- cumque ratione : sc. potcro, or sanari poterunt. Page 81- 3. permanent: taken literally with urbe, figura- tively with mente, as when we say, " He missed his train and his opportunity ; " trans, by two verbs. VI. 4. At: often used to introduce an objection which the speaker wishes to meet. Chapters vi. and vn. are a kind of refutatio (cf. p. 15). 5. Quod: cf. p. 73, 13, and N. verbo : 'by a word (merely)' 'by a (single) word.' 7. Homo: cf. p. 76, 16, and N. ; notice the irony of the sentence, which sounds as if the orator were quoting or parodving a statement of one of Catiline's defenders. 9. paruit, ivit : the rhetorical effect is heightened by the asyndeton. A. 346, c; G. 475, R. ; H. 636, 1. 1. 234 SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 81. 10. hesterno die : if the attempt on Cicero's life was made on the morning of Nov. 7, and this speech was delivered on Nov. 9, hesterno die can be taken only with the principal clause, senatum . . . convocavi, not with cum . . . interfectus essem. To many this interpretation has seemed somewhat forced ; and it is also been thought strange that the orator was able to get word of the proposed murder to so many friends in the brief interval between the midnight gathering at Laeca's and day- break of the following morning (see p. 65, 10, and N.). On the supposition that hestertio die is to be taken with cum . . . in- terfectus essem, two explanations have been offered. The first is, that the First Oration was delivered on the 7th of Novem- ber, and the Second on the 8th. Much may be said in favor of this view from other evidence, and until recently it has been held by a good many scholars. The other explanation, pro- posed by Mommsen (Hermes, Vol. I., p. 435), is, that while Cornelius and Vargunteius offered and expected to kill the consul on the morning after the meeting, it was so late when the assembly at Laeca's broke up that they were obliged to postpone their action for twenty-four hours. To this the reply may be made, that Cicero's own words seem decisive for the morning after the meeting, and that the two men assigned to the deed, knowing Catiline's impatience (p. 65, 2, 3), would no doubt have excused themselves, if the meeting continued too long, in order to make the attempt as they had promised. On the whole, — though there are many points of obscurity and difficulty, — the chronology given on p. 45 seems best to repre- sent the course of events, and is that accepted by the majority of scholars ; cf. Stern, " Catilina," pp. 166-174; but particularly John in " Philologus " for 1888 (Vol. XLVL, p. 650, et seq.). The clause cum . . . interfectus essem may be taken as paren- thetical, and unemphatic. 11. aedem Iovis Statoris : see p. 61, 6, and N. 13. Quo . . . reliquerunt : cf. p. 67, 28, et seq. 14. ita, ut : in our idiom, ' as ; ' here = ' merely as.' 20. quaesivi, et seq. : see Or. I., chap. iv. 21. necne : A. 211, a; G. 461; H. 529, 3, 2). 22. conscientia : 'by his guilty knowledge,' 'by his sense of guilt.' 24. in proximam [noctem] : the night of Nov. 7. We are not told what Cati- line's plans for that night (cf. p. 61, 10) were; but probably if Page 83.] NOTES 235 the attempt on Cicero's life had been successful, it would have been immediately followed by similar deeds of violence already planned and only awaiting a favorable opportunity. 25. ratio totius belli: 'the plan of the entire campaign.' 26. quaesivi : cf. p. 65, 12-25; p. 71, 5-15. 27. pararet : i. e. proficisci. secures, fasces : ensigns of magisterial author- ity, the assumption of which by Catiline was unlawful, even though he had been entitled to the use of them when a praetor ; cum fascibus at que aliis itnperi ins ig nib us in castra ad Manlium contendit (Sail. Cat. xxxvi. 1). 28. aquilam, sacrarium : see p. 71, 8-10, and notes. 30. eiciebam : why not eieci? 32. credo : cf. p. 63, 4, and N. in agro Faesulano : cf. p. 62, 32, and N. 33. suo : with emphasis; 'on his own account.' Page 82- 2. haec castra : not ilia castra, as in the preced- ing clause, because contrasted with the more distant Massilia. VIL 3. condicionem : here ' lot,' ' task,' ' vocation,' refer- ring to the peculiar difficulties surrounding the office of consul. 6. debilitatus : ' crippled.' 12. vi et minis : ' by threats of violence;' hendiadys. 15. tyrannum : cf. p. 73, 23, and n. 16. Est mini : see Idioms, and N. to p. 70, 21. falsae: ' misdirected,' as based upon ungrounded charges. 18. de- pellatur : cf. p. 70, 23. 20. non est iturus : ' he does not intend to go ; ' more forcible than non ibit. 24. illud : in our idiom 'this,' as referring to what follows. A. 102, b ; G. 292, 4; H. 450, 3. 29. Quamquam: 'And yet.' 31. tam misericors : Cati- line's true friends ought to rejoice to hear that he has gone to Marseilles and avoided war with the state, thus to escape sure destruction ; but in fact those who are posing as his friends are merely his associates in crime, who would be grievously disap- pointed if he did not go to Faesulae; for that would mean the frustrating of all their evil plans and hopes. 33. me : A. 240, d, N. 2; G. 340; H. 381, and p. 152, foot-note 4. 34. la- trocinantem : i. e. ' in the midst of brigandage.' Page 83- 1. Nunc : ' But as it is.' 2. nisi quod : intro- duces an exception. G. 592, R. 3 ; H. 555, in. 1. 3. vivis nobis: cf. p. 76, 19, and n. 4. quam queramur : we cer- tainly have no reason to complain that he has left us, no matter with what aim in view. A. 332, b ; G. 647, R. 4 ; H. 502, 2. 236 SECO'ND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 83. VIII. 5- s ed : the orator passes from Catiline's case to that of his associates. 7. quod: cf. p. 66, lo, and N. murus ; why not paries? cf. p. 69, 9-13. 8. de eis : in contrast with the absent Catiline. qui dissimulant : i. e. se hostes esse. 10. ulcisci : here =punire, persequi. 11. sanare sibi ipsos : ' to restore (them) to themselves,' i. e. ' to restore them to their right minds ; ' like our colloquial phrase, ' to bring him to his senses.' 13. ex . . . comparentur : the following characterizations (cf. p. 43) seem to have been introduced for two reasons : to, dis- abuse the people of any ungrounded apprehensions regarding the extent and strength of the conspiracy, and to overawe the conspirators themselves by revealing an intimate acquaintance with the character and condition of their constituency. 17. in : ' (although) in.' 18. possessiones : particularly lands and buildings. 19. dissolvi : = ' to clear themselves,' by sell- ing out and paying up their indebtedness. 20. species : 'outward appearance.' voluntas, causa: 'inclination' or ' intentions,' ' attitude ' toward the government. 21. Tu, etc. : addressed to an imaginary representative of this class, ' You — to be abundantly supplied . . . and (yet) to hesitate . . . ' Cf. p. 70, 14, and N. 22. argento : ' with silver ware,' ' with plate,' chased and ornamented with artistic designs. Much beautiful sil- ver ware of the Roman period has been discovered. familia : 'establishment, 1 comprising slaves and freedmen, particularly the former. 24. adquirere ad fidem : i. e. by the cancellation of indebted- ness, on the principle that a man's credit is better if he have even a small property free from debt than if he have a great estate mortgaged to nearly or quite its full value. 26. sacro- sanctas : i. e. exempt from the general destruction. tabulas novas : ' new accounts,' following the repudiation of all out- standing debts. This was an important part of Catiline's pro- gram : Turn Catilina polliceri tabulas novas, proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia, quae bellum atque lubido victorum fert (Sail. Cat. xxi. 2). 27. meo beneficio : = ' thanks to me.' 28. auctionariae : ' (those) of the auctioneers ; ' the consul will interfere, and will clear off these debts by confiscating the mortgaged property and selling it at auction. It seems that Cicero when consul Page 84.] NOTES 237 actually made an attempt to improve the general credit by drastic measures of some sort; see Cic. de Off. II. xxiv. 84; cf. pro Sulla, XX. 56. 30. salvi : financially ' sound.' 32. fructi- bus praediorum : ' by the income of their estates ; ' as this was less than the interest they had to pay, the contest between in- come and outgo was a losing one. his — uteremur : ' we should find them' (or 'in them'). 33. minime : as compared with the following classes. Page 84. IX. 3. premuntur aere alieno : i. e. are hope- lessly in debt, not having property to offset their indebtedness, and thus being worse off than those in the first class. 5. re- rum : A. 223, a; G. 405, k.. 3 ; H. 410, v. 3. honores : 'the public offices.' 6. perturbata : sc. ea. 7. ununi et idem : much stronger than idem alone. scilicet : ' that is to say,' ' as I hardly need say.' 8. quod reliquis omnibus : sc. praeci- pienditm videtur. 9. primum : adj. or adv. ? me . . . laturos : gives the ground for tit desperent j '(from the thought) that I,' etc. 11. animos : ' spirit.' 15. praesentis : ' with immediate pres- ence.' Cf. p. 88, 28. 16. Quod si — adepti sint : 'But sup- posing they have once obtained.' 21. fugitivo alicui : ' to some runaway (slave) ; ' an allusion not only to the fact of human experience that if free reign be given to violence the most violent and lawless will prevail, but also to the terrible experiences of the wars with Spartacus and the slaves. Cf. p. 72, 16, and n. 21. concedi : see Idioms. 22. Tertium genus : cf. p. 43, and Sail. Cat. xvi. 4 : Plerique Sullani milites, largius suo usz, rapinaruni et victoriae veteris memores, civile bellum exoptabant. 25. eis coloniis : Sulla rewarded 120,000 of his troops (so Appian, Bel. Civ. 1. 104) with lands, dispossessing the previous owners. A large number of these ' colonies ' were planted in Etruria, the inhabitants of which had been staunch supporters of the party of Marius. universas : ' on the whole,' ' in general ; ' the orator softens his sweeping statement in order not to give offence. 29. beati : 'well off,' 'well-to-do.' To a soldier who had been serving for about six cents a day the possession of even a small landed property naturally seemed great wealth. 30. appara- tus : ' splendid,' in the decoration and furniture of the dining- room, as well as in the table service and viands. 31. in tantum aes : see Idioms under aes. salvi : as p. 83, 30. 238 SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 85. 33. agrestis : in many cases no doubt the previous posses- sors of the farms taken by Sulla's soldiers ; cf. Sail. Cat. xxviii. 4 : Interea Manlius in Etruria plebem sollicitare, egestate simul ac dolore iniuriae novarum rerum cupidam, quod Sullae dominatione agros bonaqtie omnia amiserat. Page 85- i- Quos, etc. : 'Now I put both of these classes in the same category.' 2. eos hoc : see p. 361. A. 238, b\ G. 331, R. 2; H. 374, 2, and 371, n. 4. illorum temporum : of the dictatorship and proscriptions of Sulla. 5. non modo : cf. p. 71, 21, and N. 6. videantur : for trans, cf. p. 67, 1 7, and n. X. 8. qui: i. e. eorum qui. premuntur : i. e. aere alienoj cf. p. 84, 3, and N. 9. emergunt : 'get their heads above water,' as we say. 11. iudiciis : by vademoniis (cf. p. j8, 6 and N.), iudiciis, and proscription bonorum, the three steps in an action for debt are indicated : (a) The summons, in re- sponse to which the debtor must give ' bail ' to present himself at the specified time for trial, (b) The ' trial,' followed by a sen- tence, (c) The execution, which comprised a taking possession of the property and the sale of it at auction, in case the judg- ment was not satisfied in full within a certain fixed period. 16. non modo civitas : i. e. non sentiat. 20. soli : ' by themselves.' 24. pereant: '(I pray) they may perish.' 25. career: see N. to p. 88, 7. 26. est : sc. postrcmu/n, in the sense of both ' last ' and 'lowest.' 27. proprium Catilinae . . . sinu : = ' Catiline's own, of his special choice, — no, rather his dearest bosom friends.' 29. imberbis : i. e. with smooth, womanish faces. 30. bene barbatos : a sign of dissolute life ; for in this period it was not customary to let the beard grow except in times of mourning. manicatis . . . tunicis : at this time it was con- sidered in good taste to wear the tunic sleeveless and extend- ing just below the knees; sleeved tunics were looked upon as a badge of effeminacy. 31. velis : 'with sails,' spoken con- temptuously of the breadth of the fop's toga. 33. gregibus: scornfully, 'gangs.' Page 86. 1. neque : ' and not (only).' 2. spargere venena : i. e. in wine or other drinks. 6. mulierculas : dim. here to express contempt. Page 87.] NOTES XI. 16. praesidia : 'garrisons' of troops stationed in the cities for defence, as distinguished from exercitus, the 'hosts'- under training in the field. 18. confecto et saucio : cf. p. 76, 22 et seq. 20. naufra- gorum : see N. to p. 73, 31. eiectam : carrying out the idea of naufragorum, ' stranded.' 21. coloniarum, municipiorum : partitive gen., dividing the concept urbes, both of these classes of towns possessing fortifications. 22. respondebunt : in ordinary prose pares erunt. 23. tumulis silvestribus : the natural resort of brigands. 24. inopia, egestate : Catiline had two legions, but according to Sallust (Cat. lvi. 3) only about one-fourth of his men were properly armed. 29. causas : the parties and the principles. 30. conten- dere : here = confer re. 31. intellegere possumus : instead of intellegamus. Ex hac parte: 'on this side.' 34. pie- tas : i. e. erga patriam. Page 87. 1- honestas : not ' honesty.' 2. aequitas . . . prudentia: the four so-called cardinal virtues of Plato and the Stoics were ' justice ' (diKcuoavvt], = iustitia, represented here by aequitas), ' self-mastery ' (aaxfrpoavvt], = temperantia), ' courage ' (dvbpeia, = fortitude), and ' wisdom ' (cppovrjo-is, = prudentia). 3. omnes : in our idiom 'all (other).' 5. bona ratio: in a political sense, ' an upright principle ; ' conservatism against an- archy. 6. cum omnium rerum desperatione : = ' with utter despair.' Conclusion, xii., xiii. XII. 12. dixi : omitted by some editors, because the speech as it now stands contains no other passage corresponding with this. 13. mini — consultum atque provisum est : = ' on me rests the responsibility, which has been fully met, of seeing to it that,' etc. urbi, etc.: see Idioms. 14. sine ullo tumultu : cf. p. 65, 31, and N. 16. hac nocturna excur- sione : see n. to p. 77, 28. 17. Gladiatores : a particular f fear to the Romans after the war with Spartacus. instance the Senate had made special provision for the gladiators under control; see Sail. Cat. xxx. 7. . quamquam . . . patriciorum : a side-thrust at Catiline's ts among the aristocracy. 20. Q. Metellus, et seq. : ■. 78, 1-4, and notes. 22. hominem : cf. p. 76, 16, and N. 240 SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 88. 25. vocari : i. e. per praecones (cf. p. 59) ; apparently a meet- ing, of the Senate followed soon after the close of this speech. 28. hostes : see N. to p. 108, 3. 30. hoc exspectavit : 'it has held this in view.' 31. Quod reliquum: see Idioms. Page 88. 1- portis : in our idiom, ' at the gates.' 2. qui : ' if any one.' 3. cuius : almost = si illius. 7. carcerem : now known as the Mamertine Prison ; properly called ' an avenger,' because never used as a place of confinement for life sentences, but only for the detention of prisoners who gave no bail pending trial, or for the execution of those condemned. In the lower Dungeon, or Tullianum, many notable men perished ; among them Jugurtha, and the Gallic general Vercingetorix. See illustration on p. 115, and N. to p. 115, 15. XIII. 10. nullo tumultu : cf. p. 65, 31, and N. 13. to- gato : i. e. as a civil magistrate ; in war the sagum for the soldier and the paludamentum for the commander took the place of the toga. Cicero prided himself on the fact that his victory over Catiline was won without an appeal to the military. 20. ueque — -que: rare for neque — et j -que, 'but.' 24. significationibus : explained p. 97, 15, et seq. 26. ut quondam : as at the battle of Lake Regillus, the legend of which is given, in a spirited form, in Macaulay's " Lays of An- cient Rome." 28. suo numine : ' with their divine will.' Page 90.] NOTES 241 THE THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 89. In L. Catilinam: see N. on p. 209. Habita ad Populum : see N. on p. 227. Introduction, i. to p. 90, 3. I. 1. Quirites : see N. to p. 76, 1. For the date and cir- cumstances of delivery, and an outline of the matter, see pp. 39, 40, 43, 45. 3. imperi: A. 40, 6; G. 29, R. 1 ; H. 51, 5. 6. flamma atque ferro : cf. p. 76, 3. Which did Cicero con- sider worse, flamma or ferritin? A. 156, a (atque) ; G. 479; H. 554, 1., 2. 7. ex faucibus fati : like our expression, 'from the jaws of death.' 8. restitutam videtis : sc. esse. The news of the arrest at the Mulvian bridge had spread like wild- fire, so that many already knew something at least of what the orator was about to say to them. II. nascendi condicio : '(our) lot at birth,' the position or surroundings into which we are born. 13. ilium : the belief in the deification of Romulus, under the name Quirinus, was kept alive by an annual festival, the Quirinalia. This was held on the 17th of February, in commemoration of the day on which he was said to have been taken up into heaven. 14. bene- volentia famaque : 'with affection and praise.' 17. delu- bris : the lesser sanctuaries. 20. rettudimus : ' we have struck back. 1 21. Quae quoniam : = ' And since all this.' 22. per me : ' (and that too) through my agency.' A. 246, b ; G. 403; H. 415, 1., 1, N. 1. Page 90. 1. quanta : = quantae res. 3. exspectatis : the people had a right to look to the consul for an official report. Discussion, i. (p. 90, 4) -x. 4. ut : here ' ever since.' paucis ante diebus : in fact almost four weeks before ; for Catiline left Rome on the night of Nov. 8 (cf. p. 45). The orator makes as little as possible of the interval, in % order not to direct attention to the fact that 16 242 THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 91. during so long a time nothing was accomplished in the way of checking the conspiracy. erupit : cf. p. 76, 5-6. 5. sce- leris sui socios : their nefarious plans for the destruction of the city are given by Sallust, Cat. xliii. 11, 9. eiciebam : why impf. ? 10. 11011 . . . invidiam : cf. p. 71, 4, et seq., and N. to p. 76, 4. 12. exterminari : not . . . ' exterminated.' 13. eos . , . putabam : cf. p. 87, 26, et seq. 20. fidem faceret : see Idioms. rem ita compre- henderem : ' I might get the matter so in my grasp ; ' the consul bent all his energies toward securing tangible and con- victing evidence. 23. ut compesi: through Quintus Fabius Sanga ; see pp. 39, 40. 24. tumultus : when applied to political matters, used only of disturbances in Italy and Cisalpine Gaul ; cf. Cicero's explanation (Phil. VIII. i. 3): Quid est enim almd tu- multus nisi perturbatio tanta, ut maior timor oriatur ? . . . Itaque maiores nostri tunntltum Italicum, quod erat domesti- cus (hence liable to cause a panic on account of its nearness), tumultum Gallicum, quod erat Italiae Jinitimus, praeterea nul- lum nominabant. 25. eodem itinere : their road lay through Etruria. 26. ad: '(addressed) to.' 28. facultatem oblatam : see Idioms. 33. hestemo die: Dec. 2. L. Flaccum : see Vocab. under Flaccum (3). 34. amantissimos : see Idioms. Page 91. 1- rem : ' the plan ' for intercepting the deputies of the Allobroges. placeret: see Idioms. 2. qui . . . sentirent : in our idiom, ' being men of sound and excellent political sentiments in all respects ; ' subj. on account of the causal force of qui. 5. pontem Mulvium : the foundations at least still remain in the Ponte Molle, two Roman miles north of Rome; see Illustration facing p. 90. Across this bridge ran the Via Flaminia, one of the most important of the roads lead- ing to the north of Italy ; and here Constantine defeated Max- entius in the memorable battle of 312 a. d. 9. ex praefectura Reatina : Cicero was patron of Reate, i. e. he was the legal representative of the inhabitants of Reate at Rome; he could therefore count on their loyalty to him. 10. in re publica : i. e. 'for public business.' 12. tertia fere vigilia exacta : about 3 A.M.; the night was divided up into four watches of equal length. See Idioms. Page 91.] NOTES 243 13. magno comitatu : A. 248, a, n. ; G. 391, R. 1 , H. 419, ill 1, 1). 15. Res praetoribus . . , solis .- the soldiers with the praetors did not know for what purpose they had been sent out ; and the deputies of the Allobroges, though they no doubt understood in a general way that they would be asked to give up the documents received from the conspirators, had ap- parently not been informed when or how the demand would be made upon them, so that the attack at first surprised them. Cf. Sail. Cat. xlv. III. 17. Turn interventu, et seq. : i. e. the praetors ex- plained that they represented the consul, to whom the docu- ments were to be delivered. Sallust says that the Gauls, as soon as they understood matters, placed themselves in charge of the praetors ; but that Volturcius made a valiant resistance until he saw that he was deserted by the rest, whereupon he surrendered, begging that his life be spared. 19. integris signis : 'with the seals unbroken;' see p. 55. ipsi : the Gallic deputies and Volturcius. 20. cum iam dilucesceret : early in the morning of Dec. 3. 23. vocavi : as chief executive the consul had the right to summon citizens into his presence, and even to have them brought by force if they offered resistance. In this case the deputies and the conspirators were no doubt kept at the orator's house, which stood on the northwest slope of the Palatine hill, until they were taken before the Senate ; cf. Plan facing p. 76. 25. credo : scornful, alluding to the ' sleepiness ' of Lentulus (see p. 96, 10); the letter (see p. 94, 8-1 1), in the preparation of which he is represented as having "burned the midnight oil," contains less than fprty words ' 26. vigilarat : ' he had been up late.' 27. viris : many of them had no doubt been sent for by the consul himself, to be his witnesses and advisers. 28. fre- quentes : ' in great numbers.' 29. quam deferri : quant de- ferrevi or quam deferrentur might have been expected. Cf. A. 335, c, N. 2. 30. nihil . i. e. nothing incriminating, temere ; ' rashly,' without sufficient reason. 31. esse fac- turum, ut — deferrem : periphrasis, more emphatic than the simple delaturum esse ; with negavi (= dixi non\ ' I said that in a matter fraught with danger to the state I could not but lay the facts unprejudiced before the state's council.' Cf. A. 332, e ; G. 557 ; H. 498, II., N. 2. 33. si : = etiam si, 'even if.' 244 THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 92. Page 92. 3. frequentem: 'with full attendance.' The Senate met in the Temple of Concord, in the Forum; see Plan facing p. 76. coegi : the term regularly used of convening the Senate. 6. quid ; see Idioms. IV. 8. Introduxi : i. e. before the Senate. fideui publi- cam dedi : ' I gave him a pledge in the name of the state,' 1. e. a pledge of pardon if he would turn state's evidence ; fol- lowed by inssu seuatus because the Senate alone had authority to grant or promise amnesty. 12. ad : as p. 90, 26. ut : '(to the effect) that.' 14. id: i. e. ut id faceret. ex: in our idiom, 'in.' 15. omnibus partibus : according to Sallust (Cat. xliii. 2) the city was to be fired in twelve places at once, under the di- rection of Statilius and Gabinius ; but Plutarch (Cic. xvm.) says in a hundred places. quern . . . erat: parenthetical explana- tion of the speaker ; hence with the indie. Cf. p. 64, 34. 16. caedem infinitam . cf. Plut. Cic. xvm. : 'There was noth- ing small or mean about the designs of Lentulus; for he had resolved to kill the entire Senate, and as many of the other citi- zens as he could.' 17. ille : Catiline. 21. dixerunt : followed by indirect discourse in two degrees of subordination, — as a wheel within a wheel, — thus : (1) by esse firaescriptum, which in turn is followed by pedeslres . . . defuturas in indir. disc, subordinate to itself; (2) by Lentuhim . . . confirmasse, similarly followed by se . . . fuissej (3) by eundem dixisse, to which annum . . . vicesimus is subordinate. The reflexive in each case refers to the chief agent or subject of the clause to which its own clause is subordinate; thus sibi (1- 21) refers to Galli (1. 19), but sibi (1. 23) to his et L. Cassio (1. 21). 24. ex fatis Sibyllinis : = ' from the Sibylline prophecies.' The original Sibylline Books, purchased by King Tarquin, per- ished when the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline hill was burned, in 83 B. c. After that a new collection of Sibylline prophecies was made with great care at the different places where oracles were given through sibyls, and placed in the new Temple (cf. N. to 1. 30). Here they were guarded by a special college of priests, the Ouindecimviri, who consulted them, how- ever, only upon request of the Senate. In addition to these, there appear to have been smaller private collections, of a simi- Page 93.] NOTES 245 lar character ; and to one of these latter, in the possession of some family of the Cornelian gens, Lentulus probably referred. 27. necesse ; see Idioms. 28. fatalem annum : really no more ' decreed by fate ' than that year in the famous prophecy of Mother Shipton, — " The world unto an end shall come In eighteen hundred and eighty-one." 30. virginum : for virgiuum Vestalium. The trial of a Vestal on the charge of breaking her vows was considered in a high degree portentous, even though her innocence might be proved and the trial followed by acquittal. Capitoli incensionem : in 83 B. c. ; immediately afterwards Sulla commenced to rebuild the temple on a much grander scale, but the edifice was not completed till some years later, by Quintus Lutatius Catulus. According to Sallust, the soothsayers were quoted as affirming that the twentieth year after the burning of the Capitol would be one of bloody civil war. 33. Saturnalibus : Dec. 19, the chief day of the festival; a favorable time for a bold stroke, on account of the cessation of business and the merriment and freedom of restraint character- istic of the festival of* Saturn, during which the Romans "kept open house " to friends and clients. 34. nimium longum : 'too far off,' 'too remote (a date).' Page 93. V. 1. ne longum : see Idioms. tabellas : con- taining the litterae of p. 92, 19. 2. datae : sc. esse. Cf. A. 271, c; H. 536, 2, 1), n. 3. cognovit: 'he acknowledged (it)' as his own. For the seal, the thread, and other matters con- nected with the form of the letters, see pp. 54-57. Cicero had done well to leave the letters untouched until they could be opened in the presence of the Senate. 7. sibi — recepis- sent : 'had undertaken for him,' i. e. had promised him. 8. aliquid: see Idioms. Kind of ace? tamen : 'never- theless,' though appearances were all against him. quae : why neuter? A. 198, a-, G. 616, R. 5 ; H. 445, 3, N. 1. 10. bo- norum ferramentorum studiosum : ' a fancier of good tools ; ' avoiding the use of telorum and implying that he was a col- lector, a connoisseur, of steel implements in general. 11. con- scientia : as p. 81, 22. 14. in eandem sententiam : i. e. scriptae. See Idioms. 18. avi tui: see Vocab. under Lentulus (1). It was customary 246 THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 94. to place upon seals the likenesses of distinguished ancestors. 20. etiani muta : ' even though speechless ; ' with revocare, oxy- moron, eadem ratione : ' of the same tenor,' ' to the same effect.' 21 Si: 'In case.' 23. negavit : 'said, No,' i.e. that he did not care to say anything. 24. exposito atque edito : in our court phrase, 'given and taken down,' i. e. taken down in writing by the senators who were keeping the record. 25. quid, etc. : see Idioms. 27. per quern: i. e. a quo perducti, referring to Umbrenus. 30. scelere demens : i. e. conscientia sceleris demens f actus. 33. exercitatio : ' readiness.' Of the oratory of this Lentulus Cicero elsewhere says (Brut. lxvi. 235) : ' His slowness of thought and delivery was lost sight of by reason of the impres- siveness of his person, his gesticulation alike skilful and full of grace, and the sweetness and power of his voice.' Page 94. 1. superabat: 'endeavored to surpass.' A. 277, c; G. 224; H. 469, 11., 1. 7. sine nomine . without address or signature, we should say. sed ita ; • ' but as follows,' the contents indicating the person- ality of sender and receiver. The same letter is thus given by Sallust (Cat. xliv. 5; text of Eussner): Qui sini, ex eo, quern ad' te misi, cognosces. Fac co- gites, in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te virum esse. Consideres, quid tuae ratione s postulent. Anxi- liuni petas ab omnibus, etiani ab infimis. This version of the letter differs from that given by Cicero only in greater refinement of expression. The latter shows traces of the haste in which the letter was no doubt written, and may be accepted as unquestionably the original form. 11. infimorum : = servorum j cf. p. 92, 12, and n. to p. 72, 16. 12. cum primo : 'although at first.' 13. ex eis : A. 216, c ; G. 371, R. 5; H. 397, 3, n. 3. 15. certissima : force of the superlative ? Cf. certiora in 1. 18. VI. 22. expositis atque editis : cf. p. 93, 24, and N. Why is Indiciis pi. ? 23. de summa re publica : i. e. de sahtte rei publicae. 24. Dictae . . , sententiae . on the method of procedure, see N. to p. 64, 28. a principibus : ' by the leaders ' of the Senate, comprising the consuls-elect, who voted first; after them the ex-consuls voted. Page 95.] NOTES 247 29. gratiae: see p. 362. verbis: see Idioms. 30. quod: 'because (as they said).' A. 341, d; G. 541 ; H. 516, 11. vir- tute : ' by my resolution.' 32. opera : we say ' services.' 34. collegae meo : in the consulship ; i. e. Gaius Antonius Hy- brida, who had been a supporter of Catiline until Cicero won him over ; cf. p. 38. Page 95. 1. eos . . removisset: i. e. he had refused to have anything more to do with them, either as a public officer or as an individual. 3. cum . . . abdicasset : no action could be brought against a Roman magistrate so long as he remained in office, his per- son and office being considered inviolable (sacrosanctus). 4. in custodiam : see N. to p. 69, 5. 7. L. Cassium : Cassius, Fu- rius, Annius Ch*ilo, and Umbrenus escaped; Ceparius had left the city, but was arrested and brought back. 11. colonis : see N, to p. 84, 25. 18. novem hominum : of these only five actually suffered the penalty imposed; see N. to p. 115, 15. 21. supplicatio : here refers to a period of public thanks- giving, in this case probably of five days' duration. The chief religious observance on such occasions was the banquet for the gods (lectistemiu/u). Couches, on which images of the gods re- clined, were placed in front of the temples and shrines, and offerings of food and wine were set before them. 22. meo nomine . = honoris met causa, ' in my honor.' quod : ' (an experience) which.' 23. primum : ' for the first time.' togato : cf. p. 88, 13, and N. ; in previous cases a thanksgiving had been appointed only in recognition of military successes. 24. quod : cf. p. 94, 30, and N. 25. Italiam bello : rhetorical exaggeration. Quae si: 'And if this.' 26. hoc interest: 'there is this difference;' more forcible than hoc interesse videatur, the indie, implying that the difference certainly exists, whether the comparison be made or not. 27. ceterae bene gesta : i. e. ceterae snpplicationes bene, gesta re ftnblica constitutae sunt. 29. factum atque transactum est : originally a legal formula. 33. magistratu se abdicavit : of course under compulsion ; but the form of voluntary resignation must be kept up (cf. 1. 4, above). Plutarch says (Cic. xix.): ' Lentulus, having been con- victed, resigned his office (for he happened to be praetor), and laying aside his purple-bordered toga in the Senate, assumed a 248 THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. [Page 96. garb in keeping with his misfortune. 1 The last clause may mean that he put on the white toga of the ordinary citizen (see N. to p. 77, 30), but more likely that he secured one of dark color, as the Romans were wont to do, as a sign of mourning in times of trouble. ut, et seq. : ' that we might be free from religious scruple, . . . though such scruples had not prevented Gaius Marius from,' etc. ; referring to the sacredness of the per- son of a magistrate. Marius, however, was only indirectly re- sponsible for the death of Glaucia, who was pelted to death by a mob. Page 96. 1. nihil: see Idioms. VII. 10. somnum, adipes : cf. N. to p. 91, 25. Shakespeare (following a hint of Plutarch's) represents Caesar as saying : " Let me have men about me that are fat ; Sleek-headed men, and such as sleep o' nights : Yond' Cassius has a lean and hungry look ; He thinks too much : such men are dangerous." 11. C. Cethegi furiosam temeritatem : according to Sallust (Cat. xliii. 3), ' Cethegus kept making complaint about the inac- tivity of his associates. He said that they were losing great opportunities by their hesitation and procrastination ; that at such a critical time they needed action, not deliberation ; and that if he could get a few to help him, even if the rest should hang back, he would make an attack on the Senate.' 13. tarn diu, dum ; '(only) so long as.' A. 276, e, N. ; G. 571. 14. omnium aditus tenebat : ' he understood how to get at every one.' 16. consilium, etc. : he could not only plan crime, but also carry out his wicked plans. 18. certas, certos . particular,' ' special.' 19. descriptos : ' assigned ' to the part they were to take, 'detailed.' 20. quod: prop- erly with obiret only ; ' which he did not undertake, did not meet; on which he did not bestow watchfulness, effort.' 24. paratum: 'ready (to strike).' 25. in perditis : see Idioms. 28. Saturnalia : see p. 92, 33, and N. It yet lacked more than two weeks to the Saturnalia ; Catiline would have set the day of destruction earlier. 30. neque commisisset : 'and would not have made the mistake of allowing his seal ... to be secured as,' etc. ; i. e. if he had remained in the city. Page 97.] NOTES 249 Page 97. 4. ut levissime : see Idioms. H. 499, 2, n. VIII. 8. Quamquam : ' And yet' 10. cum : ' not only.' 11. vix videtur . . . esse potuisse : ' it seems hardly possible that human wisdom can have directed matters of so great mo- ment.' Cf. N. to p. 67, 17. A. 214, c; G. 365; H. 402. 13. praesentes : cf. p. 84, 15, and N. 15. ilia: those that had been noticed some time previously ; contrasted with haec in 1. 18. How far Cicero himself believed in portents is doubt- ful ; but, as other Roman statesmen, he was ready to make the most of them in dealing with a superstitious populace. These unusual phenomena were treated at length in his poem ' On his Consulship;' cf. his De Div., I., XL, xn., xill., and Plin. Nat. Hist, II., § 137. omittam — omittam : an example of prae- teritio ; cf. p. 135, 13, and n. ab occidente : a quarter of ill omen. See Idioms. 16. faces, etc.: cf. Dio Cass., XXXVII., xx v., 2 (referring to this time) : ' Many thunderbolts fell from a cloudless sky, and the earth shook violently ; spectral forms also were seen in many places, and torches shot up into the sky above the sun- set.' For the portents preceding the murder of Caesar, see the editor's "Selections from Ovid," pp. 156, 157, and notes. 17. quae tarn multa : either 'so many of which,' or 'which in so great number.' A. 216, e ; G. 368, r. 2 ; H. 397, 2, n. 21. relinquendum : ' left out of consideration ; ' how different from praetennittendum ? 22. Cotta et Torquato consulibus : the year 65 B. C. 23. de caelo : see Idioms. 24. depulsa : from their pedes- tals. 25. veterum hominum : 'of men of the olden time;' in and about the Capitol stood a host of statues. aera : ' the bronzes,' i. e. bronze pillars or tablets; see Dio Cass., XXXVII., IX.: 'The writing of the pillars, on which the laws were graven, ran together and became illegible.' Such copies of laws were set up in and around temples; but this passage does not refer to the Laws of the Twelve Tables, which were placed in the Forum, in the earlier period at least on the Rostra. 28. fuisse : i. e. it was at that time on the Capitoline hill, but has since been removed. A bronze group similar to that here described (the twins Romulus and Remus being modern) is now in a museum on the Capitoline hill at Rome. The wolf, undoubtedly of very ancient workmanship, is perhaps the same 250 THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 98. as that referred to here, for it shows a fracture which may not unlikely have been caused by lightning. 32. nisi : i. e. and would be upon us ' unless.' Page 98. 1. responsis : why abl. ? ludi : all the Roman public games (including the various spectacles of the circus, am- phitheatre, and theatre) were religious in their origin. 4. fa- cere : the subject-acc, referring to those seeking advice, is omitted. in excelso : ' on a high (pedestal) ; ' cf. Cic. de Div. I., xii., 20, 21. 5. contra, atque antea fuerat : 'opposite to what it had previously been.' According to the ancient Roman custom, the worshipper faced the east, so that statues of divini- ties would naturally look toward the west, unless there were some reason to the contrary. 6. illud signum, quod videtis : spoken with a gesture on the right toward the height of the Capitoline hill, where the new statue on its column was plainly visible from the Rostra and the Forum ; see N. to Habita in Populum, on p. 227, and Plan facing p. 76. 10. collocandum locaverunt : 'let the contract for erecting.' The charge of such contracts properly belonged to the censors ; but the censors for b. c. 65, Quintus Lutatius Catulus and Marcus Licinius Crassus, disagreed and resigned, so that the function in this ease devolved upon the consuls. 12. superioribus consulibus : i. e. consuls for the two preceding years. The consuls for 64 were Lucius Julius Caesar and Gaius Figulus. nobis: s. c. consulibus; see Idioms. IX. 14. aversus, mente captus : see Idioms. 15. qui neget : ' as to say that — not.' haec omnia : the visible universe; spoken with a wide gesture. 19. et ea : 'and that too.' A. 195, c; G. 293, R. 2 ; H. 451, 2. quae : '(prophe- cies) which.' 23. praesens : 'immediate,' 'evident.' 24. per forum : as Cicero's house was on the Palatine hill and the conspirators had come to him there (see p. 91, 23, and N.), he was obliged to conduct them through the Forum in order to reach the Temple of Concord, where the Senate met; see Plan facing p. 76. 30. Quo : ' And on this account.' 34. ille : with a gesture on the right toward the statue, the divinity being associated with the image ; cf. p. 74, 32, and N. Notice the forceful anaph- ora, with asyndeta and climax. Page 100.] NOTES 251 Page 99. 1- haec templa . about the Forum; spoken with a gesture. 3. hanc nientem voluntatemque : ' this purpose and determination.' 9. audaciae : why dat. ? consilium esset ereptum : on the theory of the proverb, quos deus perdere vult, demeriiat. 10. homines Galli : 'men from Gaul;' more forcible than Galli alone, suggesting the bravery and fickleness of the Gal- lic character. quae gens una: 'the only people which.' 12. non nolle . ' to be not indisposed ; ' in 66 B. C. Piso had put down an uprising among the Allobroges : but in 6i they rebelled again. 13. ultro : 'without their seeking (it).' 16. qui — potuerint : ' as they had it in their power.' X- 18, ad omnia pulvinaria : i. e. omnibus dis quorum pul- vinaria Romae erant, referring to the lectistemium j see N. to p. 95, 21. 25. togato : cf. p. 88,9-13, and N. 27. sed eas, et seq. : for the events referred to in this para- graph (all of which had happened within the quarter of a cen- tury preceding b. c. 63), consult the Vocab. under each name, and the Roman histories. 29. custodem huius urbis : so characterized from his victories over the Teutons and Cimbri. 30. collegam : Cornelius China. hie locus : the Forum. 32. redundavit : construed by zeugma with acervis j trans, with acervis, ' was choked ; ' with sanguine, ' overflowed.' 34. lumina civitatis : members of the aristocratic party, as the consuls Gnaeus Octavms and Lucius Merula, Quintus Catu- lus, the orator Marcus Antonius, the Pontifex Quintus Scaevola, and others. Page 100. 1. Ultus est . . . Sulla : in 82 B. C. 2. quanta deminutione civium : according to Mommsen (" History of Rome," Vol. III., p. 423), the proscription lists of Sulla con- tained the names of at least 4,700 citizens, including 40 sena- tors and 1,600 knights. 6. ceterorum : i. e. who perished with him. 8. quae : = ut eae. 16. uno : strengthens the superlative. post : see Idioms. 17. quale bellum, quo in bello : ' a war such as,' 'a war in which.' barbaria : abstract for concrete, = 'horde of savages.' 20. salvi : i.e. financially 'safe,' who had property enough to make it worth while to murder them ; different force in salva and in salvi of 1. 21. 22. tantum civium: '(only) so many citizens.' A. 216, a, 3 ; G. 371; H. 252 THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 102. 397, 3, N. 5. 23. quantum . . . restitisset : ' as had remained over from unlimited slaughter ; ' i. e. 'as had escaped unchecked bloodshed.' Conclusion, xi. XL 27. Quibus pro tantis rebus: 'Now in return for these so great services (of mine).' 33. Nihil niutum : as a statue. Page 101. 2. res: 'achievements.' 4. diem: 'period;' in eandemque diem propagatam esse et salutem urbis et memo- riam consulates inei might have been expected. Cicero be- lieved that the memory of his consulship would endure as long as Rome's sovereignty, which would last forever. Cf. Bryce's " Holy Roman Empire." 7. alter . . . terminaret : Pompey ; rhetorical exaggeration, yet not without some basis ; for Pompey had fought with Sertorius in the extreme west, and with Mithfi- dates in the extreme east. XII. 11. condicio : ' lot' quae illorum : ' as of those.' 14. vestrum est: 'it is your (duty).' 15. recte : = merito, '(and) deservedly.' 20. nihil: see Idioms. A. 230; G. 208; H. 384, 5. 23. tacita : ' though silent,' i. e. by silent influ- ence, conscientiae : ' of inner knowledge ' that Cicero had really saved the state. 24. quam . . . indicabunt : i. e. si qui, ea {conscientid) neglecta, me violare volent, se ipsi indica- bunt (' they will betray themselves ' by their very appearance). 27. nullius : for the gen. of nemo. 28. Quod si, et seq. : cf. p. 70, 19-21, and N. 33. fructum : 'gains.' 34. in honore vestro : i. e. ' in the honors you have it in your power to bestow.' Page 102. 1. virtutis : 'won by valor.' Kind of gen.? quicquam altius : ' any greater height.' 4. ornem : ' make even more splendid.' ut : final. 7. me tractabo : = versabor, ' I shall conduct myself.' 10. est nox : the meeting of the Senate preceding this address lasted till late in the day. ilium : cf. p. 98, 34, and N. 12. aeque ac : ' just the same as.' priore nocte : after the second oration; cf. p. 87, 11-13. 15. providebo : a hint at the fate of the conspirators in custody. Page 103] NOTES 253 THE FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. Page 103. In L. Catilinam: see n. on p. 209. Habita in Senatu : Dec. 5, b. c. 63, the Senate being as- sembled in the Temple of Concord ; cf. Plan facing p. 76. Introduction, i.-iii. I. 1. Video — in me, etc. : for the circumstances of delivery, and an outline of the thought, see pp. 41, 44. At what point in the debate Cicero spoke is not clear ; but evidently the dis- cussion regarding the punishment of the conspirators was be- coming involved with the question of his own safety. That the debate should for the moment take this direction is not strange, for the consul was yet the hope of all patriots in the contest with the conspiracy, which had been shown to be so dangerous; while in view of the desperate character of the leaders, and his efforts to bring them to justice, every one knew that he would be the first object of attack. At this point, when the senators were looking toward him to divine his feeling in the matter, the orator took advantage of his position as presiding officer (see p. 113, 12-13) t0 ur g e them to make all personal considerations sec- ondary to the true interests of the state, and presented clearly the two views before the house regarding the disposition of the conspirators, delicately but distinctly revealing his own prefer- ence for the extreme penalty. The exordium, which under other circumstances might have appeared unwarrantably egotistical, is thus seen to be entirely in keeping with the occasion, whether it was spoken as it stands, or the present form is a fuller state- ment of what was said at the time. 5. in dolore : i. e. animi. voluntas : = ' kindly regard ; ' it is not their good-will but their anxiety for his welfare that the orator begs them to lay one side. 14. aequitas : for instiiiaj cf. p. 87, 2, and N. continetur : 'is centred;' the law courts were about the Forum. 15. au- spiciis : abl. ; an election of consuls was held only after certain 254 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [r AG E 104. auspices, taken in the Campus Martius, had been declared favorable. curia: there is no record of any attempt on the orator's life in the Senate-house; but cf. p. 74, 19. 16. aux- ilium omnium gentium : refers to the Senate's adjustment of foreign relations; cf. p. 58. 17. commune perfugium : sug- gestive of that maxim of English law, " Every man's house is his castle." datus : to be taken closely with lectus. 18. haec sedes honoris : the curule chair, the official seat of the higher Roman magistrates. It had a square seat, with no ^.^^-^^ ^ back or arms, and was so made that ^ it would fold up as a camp-stool. P^^^j^^^OT^S^^^ This arrangement appears to have T^k vld^ Xi k een originally a matter of conven- ^-^dV^/N^ / Jr ience, that the chair might readily /?s^^^y^$^^ De moved about, implying magiste- __jfe- //-%s^~' \, ria ^ jurisdiction wherever it was ^=^4^ _-=g0^^ placed ; possibly in the earliest times it was carried in the chariot with the magistrate (hence curulis, from currus, ' carriage-chair '), See Illustration. 20. multa tacui : a hint at the revelations he might have made — had he thought it expedient — involving prominent men in the conspiracy; such, perhaps, as Caesar and Crassus. 21. meo . . . timore : i. e. yours the v fear merely, but mine the pain ('with some pain to myself').' Page 104. 2. virgines Vestales : cf. N. to p. 92, 30. 4. delu- bra: cf. p. 89, 17, and N. 5. totam Italiam : cf. p. 95, 25, and N. 8. fatale. etc.: see p. 92, 23-31. 10. prope : 'I might almost say,' ' as it were ; ' softens fatalem exstitisse, which otherwise would have seemed arrogant. Notice the chiasmus in fatale ad perniciem — ad salutem fatalem. A. 344,/; G. 684; H. 562. II. 11. consulite : cf. Idjoms. 16. praesident : in the sense of tuentur. pro eo, ac: see Idioms. 17. si quid obtigerit : euphemistic, as shown by moriar. 19. consulari : ' to him who has been consul,' because he has reached the highest goal of human ambition, the highest honor men can bestow. sapienti : 'to the philosopher;' cf. p. 106, 25. The ancient systems of philosophy, but more particularly the Stoic and the Epicurean, inculcated disregard of death. Page 105.] NOTES 255 20. ille ferreus : ' a man so made of iron,' ' a man so devoid of feeling.' fratris : now praetor-elect ; see Vocab. under Cicero (2). 21 horum omnium : senators, the orator's special friends, who were disturbed at the thought of danger to him. The Greeks and the Romans gave vent to their feelings much more freely than would be considered in good form among us. 24. exanimata : from anxiety. uxor, filia, filius . see Vocab, under Terentia, Tullia, and Cicero (3) ; Marcus, the son, was now only two years old. 26. ille — gener ; see Vocab., under Piso. As Piso was not yet admitted to the Senate, he stood with the throng before the open door of the tem- ple. 28 in earn partem : = ' (only) to this determination.' 30. quam: for quam ul. A. 332,0, G. 647, R. 4; H. 502, 2. una: = communi. 31. peste : instrumental abb, where we should use ' in.' 32. incumbite : nautical term ; cf. procellas, 1. 33. 34. Non Ti. Gracchus : ' Not a Tiberius Gracchus,' or ' No Tiberius Gracchus.' iterum: in the time of the Gracchi it was not lawful to hold the office of tribune of the people for two years in succession. Page 105. 2. agrarios • those who favored a more equable division and management of the public lands. 5. vestram omnium : trans, as if vestri omnium. Why ? 6. Romae restiterunt : i. e. instead of going forth with Catiline. 7. lit terae, signa, manus : i. e. the letters with each one's seal and hand-writing; see p. 93, 1 et seq. 8. servitia: abstract for con- crete, — servij see p. 94, 9- 11. 9, id est: sums up ; ; in short, the design was formed, that.' 10. nemo ne — quidem : A. 209, a, 1 ; G. 444; H. 553, 2. 12. relinquatur . present because consilium (1. 9), summing up the preceding present tenses, looks toward the future; our idiom here requires the impf. III. 14. multis . . . iudicavistis . ' you have already, by many (previous) decisions, settled ; ' a very clever turn, imply- ing that the Senate had already committed itself regarding the guilt of the conspirators and its own jurisdiction in the case. 15. gratias . . . decrevistis : see p. 94, 29-31. 17. P Lentu lum . . .. coegistis: see p 95, 33, and N. 19. in custodiam see p. 95, 3-15. 20. meo nomine.- see p. 95, 21-25, ar >d N. 22 praemia — amplissima . what these were is not known ; probably they were gifts of money. Reason for the position of 256 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 106. amplissima ? 24. nominatim dati sunt : i. e. each prisoner was placed in charge of a different person; see N. to p. 69, 5. According to Sallust (Cat. xlvii. 4), Lentulus was turned over to the aedile P. Lentulus Spinther, Cethegus to Quintus Corm- ficius, Statilius to Gaius Caesar, Gabinius to Marcus Crassus, and Ceparius, after he was caught, to the senator Gnaeus Terentius. 27. institui : here = coepi. referre : object ? 28. tam- quam integrum: 'as still an open question,' notwithstanding the fact that you have virtually passed a sentence of condemnation already. 30. consulis ; as chief executive of the state and presiding officer of the Senate; cf. N. to p. 61, 14. 31. mis- ceri : idiomatically, ' were brewing.' 32 haberi : stronger than factum esse j habere is used of holding meetings of political bodies, as the Senate. 33. putavi : forcible ; so we some- times say, ' I never thought it of him,' when we mean ' I never would have thought it of him.' Page 106. I- statuendum ... est : ' you must reach a decision before nightfall ; ' because a decree of the Senate passed after sunset was not valid, and because the emergency was such as to admit of no postponement of action. 3. vehe- menter: see Idioms. 4. Latius : see Idioms, 6. multas provincias occupavit : rhetorical exaggeration ; yet Catiline had reckoned on receiving armies from Spain and Mauretania (Sail. Cat. xxi. 3). Discussion, iv.-xi., 1. 9. IV. 10. duas sententias: cf. pp. 41, 44. D. Silani: as consul-elect he was the first one called on to give his opinion and vote. Cf. n. to p. 94, 24. 11. haec: cf. p. 70, 11, and N. 12. C. Caesaris: he was now praetor-elect, and therefore one of the first to be called on after the consuls-elect and ex-consuls. His speech is given at length by Sallust, Cat. Li. 13. re- movet : brief for removendzan esse censet. 15. in — versatur : ' insists upon.' 24. laborum ac miseriarum : like our phrase, ' toils and troubles.' Caesar's argument is, that life sentence is a severer punishment than the death penalty ; he thinks that death ends all. Sallust reports his words thus (Cat. li. 20): De poena pos- sum equidem dicer e — id quod res habet — in luctu atque Page 107] NOTES Zo7 miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse j earn cuucta vwrtalium mala dissolvere j ultra neque curae neque gau- dio locum esse. 25. inviti : trans, by an adv. A. 191 ; G. 324, R. 6; H. 443. 26. Vincula : in a general sense. et ea: cf. 98, 19, and N. 27. singularem poenam : as in the case of a certain Vettienus, who had cut off the fingers of his left hand in order to make himself unfit for military service ; he was condemned to im- prisonment for life, with the confiscation of his property. Still, sentence to perpetual imprisonment or death was much rarer in Rome than with us, for the reason that citizens could escape sentence by going into exile. Cf. n. to p. 72, 23. 28. dispertiri : sc. eos, the conspirators. 29. iniquitatem : ' unfairness,' because imposing a heavy and unnecessary burden on the municipalities ; ' difficulty,' because if not obliged to re- ceive the charge they would be disinclined voluntarily to accept it. 30. placet: see Idioms. 33. Adiungit : sc. Caesar. Page 107. 1- custodias: 'prison regulations.' 7. quam si: 'but if — this.' 9 in vita: i.e. while yet on earth. 10. illi antiqui : ' those men of the olden time,' particularly the poets, as Homer. 11. voluerunt : ' wished ' to have it believed, = ' made out ; ' the language implies that Cicero himself did not believe in future punishment. The orator is now addressing the Senate, the members of which in the main were sceptical in regard to the teachings of the national religion ; when talk- ing to the people his attitude toward current beliefs is different. See p. 75, 5 ; cf. N. to p. 97. 15. V. 14. Nunc :=' Under these conditions.' intersit : cf. Idioms. A. 222, 0; G. 381 ; H. 408, 1. 2. 18. populates im- petus : ' attacks of the people.' Caesar was allied with the popular or democratic party, which was constantly making efforts to break the power of the Senate and the aristocracy. 19. illam alteram of Silanus. nescio an: here = ' probably.' amplius negoti : ' a larger measure of difficulty. 20. Sed tamen : ' But (even if this be the case), nevertheless.' 22. enim : ' then ; ' the orator enters upon a closer examina- tion of Caesar's proposition. 23. maiorum : referring not only to the prominence of the Caesar family for a century pre- vious to this time, but also to the alleged descent of the Iulii from lulus, Aeneas's son. 24. obsidem : ' pledge.' 25. In- 17 258 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 108. tellectum est, quid interesset : ' we understood (when Caesar spoke) what a difference there is.' 28. non neminem : = ' more than one.' de capite : ' re- garding the life ; ' they absented themselves with the pretext that only the people assembled in the comitia had the right to pass a sentence of death upon a Roman citizen, and that the Senate in dealing with the conspirators was going beyond its jurisdiction. 29 is: refers to non nemo; 'but those men.' nudius tertius : i. e. at the meeting of the Senate on Dec. 3 ; there these pretended friends of the people joined with the rest of the Senate in acts which virtually condemned the conspir- ators (cf. p. 105, 25), thus tacitly admitting the jurisdiction of the Senate in the case. To judge from this the decrees of the Senate on Dec. 3 must have been carried unanimously. 32. adfecit : cf. p. 361. hoc, etc. : hoc, quid {Me), qui . . . decrevit, de tota re et causa { ' the whole matter of fact and question at issue '), iudicarit, riemini dubium est. 33. quaesi- tori: refers to Cicero as having conducted the investigation; the term is technically applied to the presiding officer of a quaes- tio, or court for criminal cases. gratulationem : here = supplica tionem . Page 108. 1 At : introduces the orator's reply to Caesar's argument. intellegit : as shown by Caesar's not refusing to vote on the matters before the Senate, Dec. 3 ; by voting then, as Cicero clearly enough indicates, he admitted the jurisdiction of the Senate in dealing with the conspirators as 'enemies,' not as ' citizens.' legem Semproniam : proposed by Gaius Sempronius Gracchus b. c. 123, enacting ne de capite civium Romanorum iniussu populi iudicaretur ; see N. to p. 72, 23. Cicero cites this enactment particularly because he wishes to point his argument with an allusion to the death of Gracchus without a trial by the people or an appeal, as show- ing that immediately after the passage of the law it was so construed that those considered enemies of their country were not protected by it. 3. hostis, eum civem nullo modo : i. e. granted that a Roman citizen can only be tried before a regular court, and cannot be put to death without an opportunity to appeal his case to the Roman people gathered in assembly (see N. to p. 72, 23); yet if he makes an attempt against his country, by that Page 108. NOTES 259 very act he becomes a 'public enemy,' is no longer entitled to the protection afforded by laws guarding the rights of citizens, and as an enemy may properly be tried and sentenced by the Senate. To us the argument here seems like begging the ques- tion. For, first of all, the question whether a man is a 'public enemy ' or not is one of fact, which can properly be determined only after due deliberation by a judicial body having jurisdic- tion in such matters ; and at Rome there were two courts for two different kinds of crimes against the state, the quaestio perpetua for cases of treason (tie maiestate), and that for cases of violence or riot (de vi). But even in cases of treason the pre- cedents at least of the earlier time guarded sacredly the right of appeal to the people. Certainly according to the letter of the Roman constitution, the Senate had not the jurisdiction to try and condemn the conspirators, at any rate without an opportu- nity to appeal from its decision. Again, in the first oration Cicero had earnestly maintained the position that the supreme power vested in the consuls by the Senate {ultimum decretum) was sufficient to warrant putting a disturber of the peace to death at once, without the formal- ity of a trial or appeal; but when the Catilinarian conspirators were actually in his power, he shifted the responsibility by re- ferring their fate to the Senate. As a matter of fact this right of the consul, when invested with the supreme power, had been conceded by the aristocracy, but never admitted by the popular party; only this year the aged Rabirius had been called to ac- count for his part in the killing of Saturninus (see p. 6). But if there was no warrant on strictly constitutional grounds for the attitude of the consul or of the Senate in this case, and for the execution of the conspirators without a formal trial, on other grounds there was justification most ample. Through- out the speeches the orator is constantly reminding his hearers of the peril which is threatening the state, the city Rome, their own lives. Human society as an organism, as represented by states and communities, has a right to protect itself to maintain its own existence. At Rome the constitution had literally broken down; it had shown itself incapable of adjustment to the wide expansion of political boundaries and to the rapid de- velopment of new conditions in the last centuries of the repub- lic This plot of Catiline was anarchistic, contemplating not 260 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 109. merely a redistribution of political emoluments, but the over- throw of existing institutions amid riot and bloodshed. Where the orator urges the public safety as ground for decisive action against the enemies of society, his argument must stand as long as society itself shall endure ; it is just as applicable now as it was then. If it is ever justifiable for a governmental body to vio- late the letter of a constitution in obedience to the higher law of the self-preservation of society itself, the Roman Senate was fully justified in taking cognizance of the case of the Catilina- rian conspirators, and dealing with them summarily. 8. popularem : ' a friend of the people.' 13. publica- tionem bonorum : confiscation of property usually accompa- nied severe sentences; still Caesar's attitude in this matter is difficult to understand. He probably believed that the Senate had no right to condemn the conspirators; yet his motion itself recognized the Senate's jurisdiction. It may be that he pro- posed the life sentence simply to save the lives of the prisoners temporarily, trusting to the future to restore either their free- dom or their property, or both, if after sufficient time the sen- tence seemed too severe. VI. 17. comitem : Caesar, who, if his motion prevailed, would according to custom accompany the consul when formal announcement of it should be made to the people. 20. earn : i. e. Silani sententiam. 24. ita — ut : 'so may it be my lot to enjoy . . . as.' 28. Videor, etc. : a striking example of vision, a figure known to the Roman rhetoricians as subieciio in oculos. 30. sepulta in patria : we should say, 'on the grave of my country.' 31. miseros, insepultos : trans, as if with civium. acervos : i. e. acervos corporum. 32. aspectus : ' the (ferocious) appearance.' 33. regnantem : more graphic than regnare. A. 292, e ; G. 536 ; H. 535, I-, 4- 34 - fatis : cf - P- 92, 24, and N. Page 109. 1. purpuratum : suggesting oriental luxury and despotism; for in the eastern monarchies the ministers and courtiers nearest the king were dressed in royal purple. 3. fa- milias: A. 36, b\ G. 27, R. 1; H. 49, 1. 9. supplicium : see Idioms. 11. an : for an potius. 12. qui : = si is. A. 316; G. 599: H. 507, in., 2. Owing to the immense numbers of slaves owned by the Romans, recourse was had to the sever- Page 110] NOTES 261 est measures to keep them submissive. If a master was killed by a slave, all the slaves under his roof at the time were put to death, on the pretext that they ought to have prevented the crime. 15. in: 'in the case of.' 19. vestigiis : 'remains.' 23. fama ; in the sense of infamia. 24. Nisi vero : intro- duces an exception ironically. A. 315, b\ G. 592, r. 4. L. Caesar : see Vocab. under Caesar (2). He made these remarks probably at the meeting of the Senate, Dec. 3, when called upon to give his vote. 26. virum : ' husband ; ' the conspirator Lentulus, who had married Lucius Caesar's sister Julia. 28. avum : M. Fulvius Flaccus, put to death by the consul Opimius ; see p. 62, 16. Lucius Caesar introduced this prece- dent from his family history in order to justify the severity of his judgment on Lentulus. 29. legatum : the boy, eighteen years of age, had been sent by his father to treat with Opimius, who would listen to no offer of reconciliation. As he was sent a second time, Opimius placed him in custody, and then sud- denly directing a vigorous attack slew among others both the father and the elder brother. Afterwards the younger son was killed in prison. 30. Quorum : = Atque horum. simile : i. e. to what the Catilinarian conspirators proposed ; sc. fuit. 32. versata est . ' prevailed,' ' was prevalent.' 34. avus : see Vocab. under Lentulus (1); cf. p. 93, 18. Page 110. 2. quid . . . deminueretur : = ' that the welfare of the state might not suffer in any degree.' hie : i. e. hie Lentulus j but hie does not imply that Lentulus was now present. Probably the conspirators were kept closely guarded during this meeting of the Senate, in the various houses to which they had been assigned. 4. servitia : cf. p. 105, 8, and N. 7. Vereamini, censeo : ' Of course you may well be afraid ; ' ironical ; potential subj. VII. 13. ea, quae exaudio : refers to whispered remarks among the senators, as shown by what follows. 15. vereri — ut : cf. est verendum, ne (1. 10); difference in force? 17. trans- igunda : A. 12, d, end; G. 151, 5; H. 239. Omnia . . . sunt: strong guards had been placed about the Forum and the adja- cent parts. 19. multo maiore — voluntate ; why separated ? A. 344, e; G. 675, 1, 3 ; H. 561, III. 20. summum imperium : '(their) full sovereignty,' threatened by Catiline; perhaps also a 262 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 111. hint at the designs of Lentulus. 23. circum forum : attribu- tive to templa. 24. huius templi ac loci : the temple of Concord ; redundant expression. 25. Causa — haec — sola : reason for position ? post : see Idioms. 26. omnes : o nines cives, several classes of whom are mentioned below. 28. soli : cf. p. 85, 20, and N, 34. Quid — commemorem : notice the difference between this and qtiid — commemoro (p. 111, 26). Page 111. 1- ita — ut : = ' only so far that.' summam ordiuis consilique : ' the first place in rank and counsel.' 2. de : we should say ' in.' 3. huius ordinis : = ' with this body,' the Senate. The strife between the Senate and the body of knights arose over the right to sit as jurors for criminal trials, in the quaestiones per- petuae (cf. p. 60). Originally this right belonged exclusively to members of the Senate ; but most of the greater trials arose from the misgovernment of provinces, and as the governors in all cases were senators, miscarriage of justice was alarmingly frequent. To remedy this evil, Gaius Gracchus in 122 b. c. had a law passed which took away from the senators the right to serve in such trials, and conferred it upon the knights exclu- sively. This arrangement proved to be hardly better than the other ; for the knights, as the capitalist body, controlled the farming of revenues, having their financial agents {publicani) in every province ; and they were influenced in their judgment of questions of misgovernment very largely by the consideration whether the governor on trial had been favorable or unfavor- able to the men of their class engaged in collecting the revenue in the territory under his administration. Sulla restored the earlier arrangement; but the feeling between the orders was more bitter than ever. Finally in 70 B. c. the Lex Aarelia brought about at least a surface reconciliation, by providing for a division of judicial functions equally between the Senate, the body of knights, and the paymasters {tribuni aerarii), a class recognized now for the first time. 3. societatem concordiamque : ' harmonious fellowship ; ' hendiadys. 4. revocatos : by the Lex Aurelia, passed seven years before ; but previous to this day no emergency had arisen of such a character as to bring this harmony to the surface and make it manifest to all. Page 112.] NOTES 263 11. tribunos aerarios : the position and functions of these officials are not clearly understood, apart from the fact that they were plebeians, and that in earlier times at least they were especially concerned with the collecting and disbursement of moneys for military purposes. scribas : s. c. foiblicos. As at Rome the principal officers of government changed every year, the permanent 'clerks' or 'secretaries' naturally came to be in- dispensable by reason of their experience, and reached a degree of importance entitling them to recognition as a distinct class. The most prominent among them were those under the quaes- tors (scribae quaestorii); for the management of the public finances in large measure rested in their hands. 12. quos casu, etc.: on the nones of December the" new quaestors came to the Treasury (in the Temple of Saturn, near the Temple of Concord ; see Plan facing p. 76), in order to settle by lot in what provinces they would spend their year of office. The clerks gathered at the same place to determine (probably also by lot) under what quaestors they were to serve. 13. fre- quentasset : ' had gathered in throngs ; ' plup. on account of esse conversos. 15. ingenuorum : 'free-born citizens,' as contrasted with those that had come up from slavery, the 'freedmen' (libertini); cf. 1. 20. VIII. 20. Operae : see Idioms. 21. sua virtute : i. e. by their exertions they had obtained their liberty and secured the boon of citizenship. Cf. p. 58, and Acts xxii. 27, 28. 26. commemoro ; why not commemorem? 29. Servus est nemo : more emphatic than nullus servt(s est. 30. qui modo — sit : ' provided only he be,' or ' none at least who is ; ' close limitation of servus nemo, while the following relative clauses deal with broader characteristics. 32. haec : cf. p. 70, 11, and n. non quantum, etc.: i.e. noti tantum voluntatis conferat, quantiwi conferre audet ; referring to slaves of the conspirators. Reason for the position of voluntatis ? Page 112. 2. lenonem : a term of contempt. 3. pretio : ' for money.' Why abl. ? 7. ilium — locum : referring par- ticularly to the Forum, on two sides of which at this time there were rows of shops (tabemae); see Plan. 8. lectulum : cf. p. 65, 5, and N. 9. otiosum : ' quiet,' ' peaceful,' as undis- turbed by war's alarms. 13. instrumentum : ' appliance (of 264 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 113. industry).' 14. frequentia civium sustentatur, alitur otio : what is this arrangement of words called ? A. 344, / ; G. 684 ; H. 562. 16. quid, etc. : more forcible than quid tandem fuis- set, si incensae essent? A. 310; G. 594, 2; H. 507, ill., 3, n. 7. IX. 20. ex media morte : see Idioms. 27. arcem : on the northern summit of the Capitoline hill, while the Capitolium occupied the southern; these elevations were separated at the middle of the hill by a depression. aras Penatium : i. e. aras Penatium publicorum, in the Temple of Vesta. 28. il- ium : with a gesture toward the small round Temple of Vesta, over the centre of whose conical roof perhaps a thread of smoke was seen curling upwards; cf. Plan facing p. 76. No- tice the rhetorical effect of the anaphora and asyndeta. 32. omnium : sc. vestri. 33. hodierno die : see p. 106, I, and n. Page 113. 1- quae — facultas : ' an advantage which.' habetis : ' you have (on your side).' 3. in civili causa : ' in a political- issue.' 4. quantis . . . delerit . condensed for quantis laboribus fundatum sit imperium (' the sovereignty ' of our state), quanta virtute stabilita sit libertas, . . . quae una nox paene delerit. Why subj. ? 7. una nox : the night of the arrest of the Allobroges, as indicated by a passage in the oration for Flaccus (xl. 102): O nox ilia, quae paene aeternas huic urbi tenebras attulisti, cum Galli ad bellum, Catilina ad urbem, coniurati ad ferrum et flammam vocabantur ; some, however, think that the night of the meeting at Laeca's, or that of the 19th of December, is referred to. 8. non modo non : the second non is omitted in some of the mss., and may possibly have been inserted by some copyist. Cf. p. 71, 21, and N. 13. officio consulari : Cf. N. to p. I03, I. X. 14. ad sententiam : sc. rogandam ; cf. N. to p. 64, 28. 20. dignitas : here = auctoritas. 22. paenitebit : cf. Idioms. mors, quam — minitantur : so modern anarchists are constantly threatening death to those who enforce the laws. 26. gratu- lationem : = supplicationem. Cf. p. 95, 21-28, and N. 28. ille : force? A. 102, b ; G. 292, 2; H. 450, 4. 29. in Africam redire, Italia decedere : hysteron proteron. A. 385 ; H. 636, v., 2. 30. Africanus : see Vocab. under Scipio (2). 33. quondam : belongs with the superlatives. Page 115.] NOTES 265 Page 114. 1. bis : by conquering the Teutones at Aquae Sex- tiae in 102 b. c, the Cimbri at Vercellae in 101. 3. isdem . . . continentur : cf. p. 101, 7-9, and N. 5. nisi forte: like nisi vero (cf . p. 109, 24), used to introduce an exception ironically. A. 315, b; G. 592, r. 4. 8. habeant, quo : i. e. liabeant locum, quo. 9. uno loco: 'in one respect.' 14. cum: = 'although,' '- even though ; ' here, as not infrequently, with the indefinite second person singular. 16. possis : ' you cannot hope to be able.' Why subj. ? 23. coniunctioiiem . . . Romano- rum : so soon as the common danger was past, the old strife between the two orders broke out again; cf. N. to p. in, 3. XI. 26. pro : ' in place of.' imperio : the military com- mand associated with the governorship of a province. exer- citu : which he might have as provincial governor. 27. pro- vincia : the provinces set aside for tlie consuls of 63 on the expiration of their term of office were Cisalpine Gaul and Macedonia, of which the latter fell by lot to Cicero, the former to Antonius. But the orator made an exchange, in order to give Macedonia, which of the two was far preferable, to his colleague (see p. 38) ; and afterwards gave up Cisalpine Gaul also, in order to remain at Rome. triumpho : which might be secured by an aggressive governorship. 29. clientelis : provincial communities often retained a gov- ernor after his term as their legal and business representative at Rome, — a relation considered both honorable and lucrative for the Roman. 30. quae: 'relations which.' urbanis opibus : 'by my influence in the city.' 31. tueor : refers to the old, comparo to the new, relations. pro : here ' in return for.' Page 115. 1- memoriam : cf. p. 100, 27, et seq. 4. meam . . . superaverit : ' is destined to frustrate my hopes and to prevail.' 5. filium : see p. 104, 24, and N. 8. suo solius periculo : ' with danger to himself alone.' H. 398, 3. Conclusion, 15. qui . . . possit : Cicero was as good as his word. After the speech of Marcus Cato (Sail. Cat., lii. ; cf. p. 41), the Senate voted for the execution of the conspirators. The consul thought it best to carry out the decree before nightfall, as the darkness 266 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE [Page 115. might encourage an attempt at rescue (cf. Sail. Cat., LV.). Hav- ing distributed an armed force about the central parts of the city, he himself conducted Lentulus to the Mamertine Prison; the other conspirators were brought thither by the praetors. ' In the prison,' says Sallust, ' there is a place called the Tullianum (see Illustration on p. 115), about twelve feet below the sur- face of the ground. It is built with strong walls, and above it there is a room constructed with stone vaulting ; but it is a dis- gusting and horrible place, on account of the filth, the darkness, and the stench. After Lentulus had been let down into this dungeon, the executioners broke his neck with a noose ; so that patrician, of the most noble line of the Cornelii, a man who had exercised the consular authority at Rome, met an end suited to his character and his deeds. Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius suffered the same penalty.' When they were all dead, it is said that Cicero, who had waited at the door of the prison, proclaimed the outcome to the silent and expectant crowd that filled the Forum, with the single word Fuerunt, 'They are no more.' Page 116.] NOTES 267 THE SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION. Page 116- Imperio ; here referring to a military command of a special character (see p. 32) ; = ' Commission.' In the best MSS. the title is given as de imperio Cn. Pompei y in some others, as pro lege Manilia. Introduction, i.-ii. (p. 118, 1. 3). Exordium (see p. 34). I, 1. frequens conspectus vester : refers to the sea of upturned faces over which the orator looked as he came forward on the Rostra; 'your assembled presence,' ' your thronging presence.' For the occasion and circumstances of delivery, see p. 27 et seq. 2 hie locus : see N. to Habita ad Populum, on p. 227. ad agendum: i. e. ad agendum cum populo, 'for addressing the people,' an expression used only of a magistrate, and applicable to Cicero, as praetor ; but ad dicendum (sc. apud popu/um), 'for public speaking,' has reference to any one not a magistrate who may have been permitted to speak from the Rostra. The same distinction is carried out in the adjectives ; for what was ' most dignified ' for a magistrate was ' most honorable,' ' most full of honor ' for a private citizen. 4. aditu laudis : ' pathway to fame.' Kind of gen. ? 5. op- timo cuique: 'to all the best' in a political sense; outside of the magistrates only the most eminent men of the state were allowed to speak from the Rostra. A. 93, c\ G, 305; H. 458, 1. mea me: cf. p. 159, 20, and x. 6. rationes ; = 'plan.' ab ineunte aetate : refers to the beginning of life as a citizen, when the boy put on the toga virilis (see N. to P- 11-, 3°) ! = ' from my entrance upon civil life,' ' when I became of age.' 7. per aetatem : 'by reason of my years.' 8. huius auctoritatem loci : = ' this place of dignity.' A. 344, g. 268 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 117- 9- perfectum ingenio : i. e. finished with maturity of intel- lectual powers ; referring to the thought, while elaboratum has reference to the form. 11 temporibus ; ' demands.' 12. Ita : belongs with the clause mens labor . . . consecictus. In trans, make the first clause subordinate ; ' So while this place, . . . my efforts,' etc. The co-ordinate construction was preferred by the orator for the sake of the rhetorical antithesis. 13. vestram causam : i. e. cansam ret publicae. 14. peri- culis : often used of criminal trials ; here a synonym of tem- poribus above. caste integreque : ' irreproachably,' as not having accepted presents contrary to the Cincian Law, passed in 204 b. c, which made it unlawful for an advocate to receive fees ; ' and incorruptibly,' as never having taken a bribe to handle his side of the case poorly so as to allow an opponent to win the suit over his client. 16. dilationem comitiorum : many circumstances were con- sidered of enough significance to warrant the interruption and postponement of an election. Such were the occurrence of lightning, thunder, or rain, which were supposed to indicate the disapproval of the gods ; the setting of the sun before the vot- ing was all done ; and the outbreak of a disturbance in the city. The reasons for a postponement in this c^se are not known. \ 17. primus — renuntiatus sum ; ' I had been tlie first to be announced.' There were eight praetorships to jDe filled (cf. p. 59). Cicero each time received the first choice of all the centuries ; but on the first two occasions the comitia were ad- journed before the other seven praetors had all. been elected, and the election had to be held over again - as if nothing had been done. 18. quid aliis praescriberetis : i. e. ut ipsi quoque caste integreque in aliorum periculis versarentur. 20. auctoritatis : ' personal influence.' 21. honoribus man- dan dis : 'by entrusting official positions' to me. 22. vigilanti : ' energetic ; ' so we speak of a ' wide-awake ' man. Page 117. 1- forensi : = ' in the courts ; ' cf. p. 103, 14, and N. 3. utar : ' I shall make .use (of it).' 4. in dicendo : = ' as an orator.' 5. ei rei : ' that accomplishment.' fructum : in the way of a longer opportunity to speak, and that too with the prestige of an official position. 6. Atque : 'And further.' 7. in . . . dicendi: = 'while I have not had Page 117.] NOTES 269 practice in speaking from this place.' 9. oratio : ' speech,' 'language.' 10. Cn. : Why not Gn.f A. 6 ; H. 2, 3. 11. virtute : i. e. virtute imfteratoria, ' military character,' the combination of qualities found in a perfect general. orationis : here 'matter.' Narratio. II, 14. Atque : ' And so.' The narratio is brief, because the people were already familiar with the facts. hide — unde , . . ducitur : ' with that in which this entire state of affairs origi- nates.' 16. vectigalibus : 'payers of tribute,' 'tributaries,' the inhabitants of the provinces Asia and Bithynia ; while sociis includes not only the provincials (see N. to p. 68, 25), but also the rulers and inhabitants of associated states, as Cappa- docia and Galatia. 17. Mithridate : the original form of the word was Mithradates. 18. relictus : ' let slip ' by Lucullus before Cabira; see p. 31. lacessitus : 'provoked' by the haughty demand of the Roman ambassador Appius Claudius for the surrender of Mithridates ; for the excuse which Tigranes made see Memnon, xlvi. 20. Equitibus: the capitalists; cf. N. to p. ill, 3. 21. Asia: the Roman province, comprising Mysia, Lydia, Caria, Lycia, and Phrygia; see Map. magnae . . . occupatae : 'great fortunes are at stake, invested in farming your revenues ; ' see n. to p. 122, 2. 23. necessitudine, etc. : Cicero's family belonged to the order of knights ; see p. 1 . 25. Bithyniae . . . neminem : in indir. disc, as representing the contents of the letters. nunc : Bithynia had been left by will to the Roman people by Nicomedes III. in 75 b. c, and organized as a province the following year. 26. regnum Ariobarzanis : Cappadocia. 27. vestris vectigalibus : ' the lands tributary to you,' 'your tithe-yielding lands,' the taxes being put by metonymy for the regions in which they were raised. 29. ab eo bello : we should say ' from the seat of war.' huic qui successerit : Giabrio. 30 non esse paratum : sc. eum ; a hint at the notorious incompetency of Glabrio. 31. unum : i. e. Pompey. civibus : Roman citizens in Asia Minor, as indicated by the position after sociis- 270 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 118 Partitio. 34. Causa, et seq. : a short but clear and appropriate transi- tion to the treatment of the subject. A statement of the theme, as that in quid agendum sit, considerate, was called by the rhetoricians propositio. Discussion. A. The Character of the War. n. (p. 118, 1. 4) -vn. Page 118. 4. quod : grammatically refers back to genus, logically to belli j in our idiom, ' The war is of such a character (i. e. being defensive) that it ought' 5. ad persequendi studium: = ad id (bellum) studiose perseqnendum. 6. agitur: 'is at stake.' In the enumeration with agitur, aguntur (notice the forceful anaphora), an outline of the subsequent argument of this division is given ; first coma the considerations involv- ing the national honor, then those based upon expediency. 9. amicorum : the title ' friend of the Roman People ' was often conferred upon allied princes. 11. certissima : the wealth and fertility of the province Asia were proverbial ; cf . p. 121, 17 et seq. 12. pacis ornamenta, subsidia belli: chiastic order. The former refers particularly to the sums lavished on the erection of temples and public buildings, and on the main- tenance of public worship. 14. a vobis : not dat., to avoid confusion with the dat. quidus ; 'for whose interests you must make provision.' III. 16. Et : ' And (indeed),' ' And (to be sure).' praeter ceteras : in our idiom, ' above all other.' 18. bello supe- riore : 88-84 c - C. ; no account is made of the second Mithri- datic war, 83-81 ; cf. pp. 29, 30. 19. insedit : 'has sunk in.' 21. tota in Asia : used instead of tota Asia, so as to cor- respond with tot in civitatiMis. Cf. A. 258, f, 2 ; G. 386 ; H. 425, 2. 22. una significatione litterarum : = ' by a single written order,' explaining nuntioj like our phrase, 'by a stroke of the pen.' So Ahasuerus (Xerxes) sent forth an order to destroy all the Jews (Esther hi. 12-15). 24. suscepit: 'has suffered.' 26. et ita:=:'yes, and so.' 28. patrio regno: cf. p. 27. vectigalibus : cf. p. 117, 27, and n. 29. in Asiae luce : = Page 119.] NOTES 271 'in the front of Asia,' 'in the face of Asia,' the populous and highly civilized regions along the Aegean Sea ; contrasted with Ponti neque Cappadociae latebris. 31. insignia victoriae : for triumphos ; preferred for the sake of contrast with victoriam. 32. L. Sulla : his triumph was in 8 1 and lasted two days, presenting a magnificent display of spoils and captives; that of Murena — more a mockery than a triumph — was celebrated in the following year. 34. ita : i. e. in such a limited way — after the manner of "the play of Ham- let with Hamlet left out." Page 119. 1. ille . . . regnaret : ' (though) routed and van- quished, he (yet) remained king.' 2. quod egerunt : ' in that they were energetic,' ' in that they did something ; ' implied re- flection upon Glabrio, who is doing nothing. 3. reliquerunt: 'left (something) undone.' 4. res publica : 'the (condition of) public affairs,' 'the public interest.' IV. 7. ad oblivionem veteris belli : i. e. ad oblivionem ve- teris belli facienda?n sibi el populo Romano. 10. Bospora- nis : peoples along the Cimmerian Bosporus (Bosporus Cim- merzcus), in the modern Crimea; see Map. 12. legatos ac litteras : a kind of hendiadys ; we should say, ' envoys with letters.' duces : Sertorius and his associates. This alliance was brought about by two renegade Romans, Lucius Magius and Lucius Fannius. Sertorius sent Roman officers to train the forces of Mithridates; the latter agreed to send ships and men to Sertorius (see p. 124, 2-4). 14. disiunctissimus : 'very widely separated,' while maxime diversis means ' most unlike,' referring to the differences in climate and surroundings. 15. binis : why not duo ? Cf. A. 95, b; G. 95, R. 2 ; H. 174, 2, 3). 16. ancipiti : ' on two sides.' de imperio : ' for empire,' 'for sovereignty.' 19. quae . . . habebat : spoken out of compliment to Pom- pey. firmamenti : ' support,' referring to external resources, as contrasted with roboris, ' strength,' internal power. 21. vir- tute : cf. p. 117, 11, and N. res —est administrata : for bellum est administratum. 22. initia . . . videantur : = ' it appears that those great and brilliant successes at the begin- ning must have been due, not to good fortune, but to general- ship,' etc. Cf. N. to p. 67, 17. 24. extrema . . . fortunae : see p. 31 ; the defeat of Triarius took place in the absence of 272 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 120. Lucullus. 27. ut — videatur : ' that it will be seen that.' Why not fut. ? 30. exorsus : ' first part ; ' more general than exordium. 31. putetis : Cicero often introduces a word meaning 'think,' 'consider,' in cases like this, in order to soften the expression. Trans, freely, ' in your view,' as if quem . . . suscipiendum followed immediately after videte. V. 33. nostris : ' of ours.' iniuriosius : ' (only) somewhat unfairly ; ' perhaps the orator has in mind the wars against the piratical peoples of Illyria. Cf. Cic. in Verr. V. lviii. 149: Quot bella maiores nostras et quanta suscepisse arbitramini, quod cives Romani iniuria adfecti, quod navicularii retenti, quod mercatores spoliati dicerentur ? Page 120. 2. appellati superbius : at a meeting of the Achaean League, at Corinth. Cicero for obvious reasons adopts the mildest form of the tradition regarding the treatment of the ambassadors ; according to one account they were hooted out of the meeting, and in another mention is made of violence. 3. totius Graeciae lumen : there is a similar expression in a fugitive Greek verse, Kopwdos aa-rpov ova aarjpov 'E\Xd8os, ' Co- rinth, of Greece the undimmed star.' So Milton (Par. Regained, iv. 240) speaks of " Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts." exstinctum : not exstinctam, on account of the influence of the nearer appositive lumen. A. 204, b ; G. 202, exc. 3 ; H. 462, N. 2. 5. legatum consularem : Manius Aquillius, who had been consul in ioi B. c. with Marius ; see p. 29. 6. omni suppli- cio : ' with every kind of torture.' excruciatum necavit : trans, as if excruciavit et necavit. A. 292, R. ; G. 667, R. 1 ; H. 549, 5. 8. vitam ereptam : ' the taking of life,' i. e. civibus Romanis. A. 292, a; G. 667, R. 2; H. 549, 5, N. 2. 9. verbo : 'by a word (merely).' 10. relinquetis : for in- ultum esse patiemini. Of the sacredness of the right of em- bassy Cicero elsewhere says (de Har. Res. xvi. 34): Sic enim sentio, ius legatorum, cum hominum praesidio munitum sit, turn etia7n divi?io hire esse vallatum. 14. Quid, quod : cf. p. 67, 33, and N. summum pericu- lum ac discrimen : rhetorical amplification, as if we should say 'the greatest and extreme danger.' 15. animo : see Idioms. 16. Ariobarzanes : see pp. 29, 30. 17. ami- Page 121.] NOTES 273 cus : see N. top. i iS, 9. duo reges : see p. 117, 15-19. 20. cuncta Asia : without in, after the analogy of tota Asia; cf. p. 118, 21, and N. 24, id facere, etc.: Glabrio or Lucul- lus might make life a burden for them if they should present such a request. 25. quod vos : i. e. videte et senlitis. 26. summa sint omnia : ' all qualities exist in the highest degree.' propter : 'close at hand,' in Cilicia, settling the affairs of that region after the campaign against the pirates. 27. quo :' wherefore.' carent aegrius : we might say, ' feel all the worse ' not to have his help. ipso : = ' merely.' 28. maritimum bellum : see p. 32. 29. impetus hostium repressos : it was thought that Mithridates refrained from following up his victory over Triarius and pushing again to the west of Asia on account of the nearness of Pompey, who might come up from the south coast and attack him in the rear. 33. dignos, et seq. : ' to consider them worthy of having their welfare entrusted to such a man.' A. 320, f; G. 556, R. 2; H. 503, 11. 2. 34. hoc : why abl. ? ceteros : here = ' in other cases.' Page 121. 2. defendant : sc. earn (i. e. provincicun). 3. ad- ventus : pi. because more than one instance is thought of. 4. hostili expugnatione : almost = hostium expugnatione ; see p. 131, 9, et seq. 5. praesentem : cf. p. 120, 26, and N. 8. commoratur : the indie, shows that here the orator is pre- senting the thought as his own, rather than that of the pro- vincials. VI. 9 propter socios : unhappily in ancient as in modern times, the rights of allies only too often have been made merely a pretext to crush a weaker or rival power. 10. cum An- tiocho : on behalf of the kings Attalus and Eumenes of Perga- mus, and the Rhodians; 192-188 B. c. cum Philippo : at the request of Athens; 201-196 B.C. 11. cum Aetolis : they had become involved in the war with Antiochus, 191. cum Poenis : in the First Punic war, at the request of the Mamer- tini, in Messana; in the Second, for Saguntum; and in the Third, for Massinissa. The orator presents instances of wars for allies first with two kings, then with two peoples, making no account of the chronological order. 14. de . . . agatur : trans, as if maxima vestra vectigalia 18 274 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 122. aguntur; cf. p. I iS, n. 16. tanta : tantula, i. e. '(only) great enough.' ad — tutandas ; i. e. to provide for the troops stationed in those provinces. 17. Asia : Sicily and Asia were the most fertile among all the Roman provinces. 18. uber- tate, etc. : an enumeration of the three great sources of revenue, — produce of the soil, pasturage, and exports and imports. 19. fructuum : ' of products,' including not only the different varieties of grain, but also vegetables, as peas and beans, and olive-oil and wine. 20. quae exportentur : yielding porioria; cf. 1. 31, below. 22. et belli utilitatem et pacis dignitatem rhetorical ex- pression for eas res (i. e. vectigalia) quibus et belli utilitas et pacis dignitas continentur ; cf. p. 118, 12, and N. 25. venit : i. e. venit. 26. in : ' in the case of.' 31. ex portu : cor- responds to mercatorum navigatio. Customs duties {porioria) were collected at the harbors. 32. decumis : 'tithes,' i.e. a tenth of all the produce of the soil. ex scriptura : ' from (pasturage) registration.' The herdsmen and shepherds were obliged to state in writing to the tax-collectors the number of animals they purposed to keep in the pastures during the season ; the lists thus obtained were made the basis of taxation for this source of revenue. Page 122. 2. qui — pensitant : the natives ; Roman citizens at this time paid no taxes anywhere. qui exercent : 'who farm (them).' The revenues of a province at this time were sold to the highest bidder, that is to the corporation or indi- vidual who would agree to collect and pay over the largest sum to the state treasury each year for a specified term, keeping all that might be collected over and above that sum for profit. Revenue farmers were required to give ample security, and were bound by rigorous contracts. In the case of Asia and the other large provinces, the amounts involved were so enormous that the revenues were farmed by great stock companies, which kept their headquarters at Rome, where all payments were made into the treasury, but had stockholders or other repre- sentatives at every place in the territory in which they made collections. Ordinarily each company undertook to handle but one kind of revenue. So wealthy and powerful were these revenue corporations, which were composed of members of the equestrian order, the knights, that in a measure they took the Page 122.] NOTES 275 place of government banking institutions. 3. exigunt : '(who) collect (them) ; ' refers particularly to the members of the cor- poration on the ground, who in the actual collecting were assisted by paid agents and slaves. 6. familias : ' troops of helpers,' mainly slaves. in salti- bus : ' on the pasture lands,' collecting taxes on flocks and herds. 7. portubus : A. 70, d; G. 67, R. I ; H. 117, 1, 2). custodiis : ' (at the) stations,' guarding frontiers and coasts to prevent smuggling. 8. magno periculo : ' (only) at great risk.' Putatisne : might Num fintatis have been expected? 9. vo- bis fructui : = ' a source of income to you.' VII. 12. Ac ne illud quidem : ' And that too — not.' 13. cum essem — dicturus : ' as I set out to speak.' 14. ad — pertinet : ' it (i. e. belhim) affects.' 17. et : expects a cor- responding et, the place of which is taken by deinde in 1. 23. 18. ornatissimi : from a financial point of view. rationes et copias : ' enterprises and capital' 19. ipsorum per se : ' in and of themselves ' as a class, leaving other interests out of consideration. 21. nervos rei publicae : like our ' sinews of war.' 22. eum ordinem: i.e. piddicanorum. firmamentum, etc.: i. e. because holding the purse-strings ; see N. to 1. 2, above. 23. ceterorum ordinum : comprising (a) the senatorial order; (b) those members of the equestrian order not members of the revenue corporations, i. e. or do equestris so far as this was not included in the ordo (publicanorum) of 1. 22 ; and ic) the third estate, or commons, — ■ all those not belonging to the senatorial or equestrian orders. 25. ipsi : ' in person,' referring to the men of the commons who were in the provinces, especially as traders. quibus : cf. Idioms. absentibus : 'in their absence' from Italy; cf. p. 58 under "citizens." 26. partim eorum : '(while) part of them.' (A. 216, «, 4; G. 371, R. 4; H. 397, 4), i. e. ex ceteris ordinibus, having especial reference to members of the Senate. It was considered inconsistent with the standing of senators to engage openly in commercial enterprises ; hence they often made invest- ments as silent partners with those engaged in business in the provinces. 27. pecunias : ' sums of money ; ' hence magnas instead of multas. collocatas habent: 'have placed' in a financial sense, 'have invested.' A. 292, c; G. 230; H. 388, 1, N. 276 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 123. 28. Est : subject ? 30. a re publica : i. e. a calamitate rei publicae. 31. parvi refert : in reply to a possible objection, = 'there is little in the consideration that.' A. 252, a ; G. 379; H. 404. 32. his : sc. vectigalibus. 33. isdem, etc. : the present revenue farmers, ruined, will not have the ' means,' others will not dare, to undertake the farming of revenues in these regions hereafter. redimendi : sc. vectigalia ; the regu- lar term used of bidding off the right to collect the revenues of a particular province or district. Page 123. 2. iste : the orator views Mithridates as if he were an opponent present before them. 3. certe : with docti, ' at any rate made wiser.' 4. res : ' property.' 5. solutione impedita: 'by the stopping of payments' from the province. 6. fidem : ' credit.' 7. ut, etc. : trans, by ' without ' and a participial construction. Is the economic principle stated a sound one ? 10. haec ratio pecuniarum : ' this system of finance.' 11. in foro : the shops of the money changers and money lenders {tabernae argentariae) were about the Forum. 12. implicata est cum — et cohaeret : ' is involved and intimately connected with.' 13. ilia : ' those (interests).' 14. eodem motu : ' by the same shock.' Qua re videte : introduces the summing up of the first division of the speech. 15. studio : ' earnestness.' 17. fortunae — coniunctae cum re publica : ' interests involved with those of the state.' B. The Greatness of the War. viii.-ix. VIII. 20. enim : 'Now really.' 22. ita magnum : used instead of tantum, to correspond with ita necessarium. In quo : ' And in this regard.' 26. L. Lucullo, et seq. : the laudation of Lucullus is intro- duced opportunely at this point. The orator thereby forestalls the possible charge of slighting the services of this general, arouses the interest of his audience by suggesting the inquiry how, if Lucullus accomplished so much, the war can now be so urgent, and prepares the way for the commendation of Pom- pey, who is to be made out so much greater. 28. dico : emphatic, ' I affirm.' eius adventu : ' at (the time of) his arrival.' 29. Mithridati: A. 235, a; G. 343, R. 2 . H. 384, 4, n. 2. copias : see p. 30. 30. instructas fuisse Page 124.] NOTES 277 — obsessam esse: in dir, disc, instructae erant — obsidebatur. Why ? urbem, et seq. : after withdrawing from Chalcedon (see p. 30) Mithridates besieged Cyzicus, which held out against him with great obstinacy. After a time Lucullus cut off his supplies and forced him to give up the siege and retreat. Page 124. 1. liberavit : parenthetical statement, hence not liberatam esse. classem : consisting of fifty ships and con- veying ten thousand men ; it was defeated near the island of Lemnos in the Aegean Sea. See N. to p. 154, 15. 2. stu- dio : ' with party feeling.' 3. raperetur : ' was being hurried along ; ' appropriately spoken of a fleet of war-ships driven by oars. 6 Pontum : see p. 27 and Map. qui : concessive, = cum is. 7. ex omni aditu : i. e. ex omni parte, tibi aditus est. Cf. p. 154, 5, et seq. 8. domicilia regis: i. e. /3ao/Afta, 'royal residences.' 10. permultas : 'in very great number.' uno aditu: rhetorical exaggeration; several of the cities offered vigorous resistance, and were finally taken only after a siege. 12. alios reges : Tigranes, king of Armenia ; Machares, a son of Mithridates, who ruled the regions about the Cimmerian Bosporus ; and Arsaces, king of the Parthians. 13. salvis : in a financial sense, as often ; freely, ' without taxing the allies of the Roman people, and without drawing on your revenues,' the booty amounting to more than enough to pay the expenses of the war. 15. atque ita : 'and of such a degree.' 16. huic obtrectant legi: 'oppose this bill,' on the ground that Lucullus is able to bring the war to a successful termination. IX. 19. Requiretur fortasse : anticipating a possible objec- tion ; having given Lucullus so high praise, the orator proceeds to show why he is no longer able to cope with Mithridates. 24. Ponto : used in a broad sense, also with anachronism ; for the myth of Medea was associated with Colchis, which was east of Pontus proper, and could be reckoned with it only as forming a part of the kingdom of Mithridates, — that, too, long after the time to which the myth belonged. ilia : trans. ' the famous.' A. 102, b; G. 292, 2; H. 450, 4. 25. quam, etc.: as Medea was fleeing with Jason — the story ran — and wished to impede the pursuit of her father Aeetes, she hacked to pieces her small brother Absyrtus and scattered the fragments of his body along the way. 27. eorum collectio dispersa : i. e. 278 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 125. collectio eorum dispersortun ('in different places'). 31. bello . . . congesserat : see p. 29. direptas : trans, as if diripuerat et. A. 292, r. ; G. 667, r. 1 ; H. 549, 5. 33. omnia : reason for position ? diligentius : put mildly for avide. 34. il- ium : Aeetes. 35. hos : the soldiers of Lucullus. Page 125. 2. excepit: not immediately ; see p. 31. rebus: dat. after diffidentem. 3. recreavit : as we say, 'put new life into him.' Cuius in regnum — venit : in 69 b. c. ; see p. 31. 5. gentes : peoples along the Caspian Sea and southwards to the Persian Gulf ; cf. Plut. Lucullus, xxvi. 7 quas . . . putavit : implying criticism of Lucullus, Though there had been no lack of pretexts for interference, the Roman Senate had refrained from becoming involved in hostilities with Tigranes and other rulers in the interior. 8. lacessendas bello : = ' provoked by (active) hostilities,' while teniptandas, ' exasperated,' refers to the taxing of patience with, unreasonable demands and petty meanness. 9. gravis atque vehemens opinio : ' a deep-seated and fanatical conviction.' 10. fani : what temple is referred to is not known; according to Momm- sen (Vol. IV., p. 89), probably " the temple of the Persian Nanaea or Anaitis in Elymais or the modern Luristan, the most celebrated and the richest shrine in the whole region of the Euphrates." 15. urbem : Tigranocerta ; see Map. ex regno : instead of regni ; lends prominence to the fact that but one city was taken, and indirectly detracts from the credit of Lucullus. 16. proeliis . see Idioms. 17, tamen . . . commovebatur : a euphemistic way of alluding to the mutiny, which was the real cause of the retreat. For the facts cf. p. 31. 18. Hie: ' On this point.' 19. illud extremum : ' the final outcome.' 25. fortunae : pi. because referring to more than one instance. multorum opes: i.e. multos potentes ; we should say 'many men of resources.' 30. regnum suum : Pontus. 31. eo : explained by the clause 7/t . . . attingeret. Page 126. 1- poetae : as perhaps Naevius, who wrote a his- tory of the First Punic War in Saturnian metre ; or Ennius (see Vocab.) in his Annates. 2. calamitatem : euphemistic for cladem, referring to the defeat of Triarius in 67 B. c. 4. non ex proelio nuntius : i. e. Lucullus first learned of the defeat from the natives, before messengers from Triarius Page 12S.J NOTES 279 reached him. Some understand the passage to imply that not a Roman of that corps was left alive to tell the tale ; this would be rhetorical exaggeration, for Triarius escaped, as well as a small portion of his troops. 5. in illo ipso malo : i. e. in that disaster as it stood, = 'immediately upon that disaster.' 6. tamen : 'nevertheless,' in spite of the seriousness of the defeat. aliqua ex parte : < in some measure.' 7. potuisset : i. e. if he had retained the command. Why subj. ? vestro — qui : cf. nostra — qui, p. 64, 5 and N. 9. vetere exemplo : ' in accordance with ancient precedent.' Lucullus had held command in Asia since 74; but the limitation of the period of military commissions was being observed now less strictly than ever before. The real reason for the recall of Lucullus lay in the number and activity of his personal enemies. 10. qui: '(those) who.' Lucullus remained in charge of a part of his troops till Pompey assumed command of the war against Mithridates. 12. ea : i. e. quae praetereo ; explained by quantum . . . pulso. 13. quantum : i. e. quam magnum et quam pericu- losum. putetis : 'you are to consider;' cf. N. to p. 119, 31. 14. coniungant : = 'unite in waging.' Reason for the order of words in this and the following clauses ? 15. integrae : with which the Romans have not yet waged war. novus : hence inexperienced ; a hint at Glabrio. 16. noster : ' of ours,' 'sent by us.' C. The Choice of a Commander, x.-xxiii. A. Affirmative Argument (see p. 35). X. 17. Satis . . . videor : ' I think I have said enough (to show) ; ' followed by a summary of the preceding parts. 18. esset: trans, as if present; why not sit? A. 287, z; H. 495, 1. 19. restat ut — dicendum esse videatur : = ' there remains only the apparent necessity of speaking,' ' I have yet to speak only of ; ' restat ut, like reliqtium est ut, is used to in- troduce the last point in a series ; here, the last of the three main divisions of the speech. 21. videatur : used, like pu- tetis (cf. p. 119, 31, and N.), to lend an air of modesty to the expression and round out the sentence. 280 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 127. 22. inuocentium : opposed to avarorum j see p. 130, 24 et seq. haberetis : why not habeatis f A. 267, and b ; G. 253, 254; H. 483, 1, 2. 23. potissimum : = ' above all others.' 25. unus : ' (only) one.' 26. sunt : why not sint ? 27. an- tiquitatis : abstract for concrete ; ' the men of the past cherished in memory.' virtute : cf. p. 117, 11 and N. 30. summo : 'of the first rank.' res: 'qualities.' 31. scientiam rei militaris : ' mastery of the art of war.' An enumeration such as the following was called by the rhetoricians a thesis. vir- tutern : here 'power as a general.' 33. scientior : sc. rei militaris. 34. pueritiae discipli- nis : 'the training of childhood.' Page 127. 1. bello maximo : the Social War. In 89 b. c. Pompey's father, then consul, took Asculum and conquered the people of Picenum. The next year as proconsul he reduced the Vestinians and Paelignians. In 87, at the request of the Senate, he went to Rome to prevent Cinna from entering the city ; and at this time young Pompey rendered him important service in repressing mutiny and thwarting plots to take his life. 4. ineunte : see Idioms. In 83 b. c, as Sulla came back from the East, Pompey raised three legions in the Picene country, where his father had great estates, and set out to join that champion of the aristocracy. On the way he gained three victories over detachments of the Marian party. When he finally joined Sulla, greeting his commander with the salutation " Imperator," the latter, pleased with his troops and his victo- ries, hailed him "Imperator" in return. 5. hoste, inimico : distinction ? 7. confecit : ' has com- pletely reduced.' 9. alienis . . . triumphis : an elaborate but forceful climax of antitheses. 13. Civile [bellum] : between Marius and Sulla ; reference in particular to Pompey's brief and victorious campaign in 82 b. c. against Carbo in Sicily, and that in jy against M. Aemilius Lepi- dus, who endeavored to overthrow the constitution as established by Sulla, but was driven out of Italy, then out of Cisalpine Gaul. Africanum : this campaign, also in 82 b. c, was against Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, of the Marian party, and Hiarbas, king of Numidia, who had entered into an alliance with him. With six legions Pompey destroyed the forces of both commanders at Utica, and captured their camp. Domitius was killed. Hiar- Page 128.] NOTES 281 bas escaped to his own kingdom, where he was shortly afterwards murdered, being succeeded by Hiempsal. 14. Transalpinum : a series of engagements with tribes of Transalpine Gaul that had been induced by emissaries of Serto- rius to oppose Pompey on his march to Spain, in 76 B. c. Hispaniense : with Sertorius and the remnants of the Sertorian party in Spain ; this war came to an end shortly after the death of Sertorius in 72 B. c. Between Hispaniense and ser'vile the mss. insert mixtum ex civitatibus atque ex bellicosissimis na- tionibics. The thought of the inserted clause is not inappro- priate in the connection ; yet it is not good Latin, and interrupts the movement of the sentence, so that it may safely be rejected as not Ciceronian, at least in its present form. servile : on his way from Spain in 71, Pompey accidentally fell in with a troop of five thousand slaves from the army of Spartacus, and easily defeated and slew them. They had escaped the fate of their associates in the battle with Crassus in Lucania, and were trying to cut their way through into Gaul. Elated with the vic- tory, Pompey sent word to the Senate that Crassus had beaten the slaves in battle, but that he had plucked up the war by the roots. navale : with the pirates; see p. 32, and chap. xn. 15. varia . . . hostium : i.e. 'different kinds of wars with enemies in far different places.' 17. nullam . . . militari : 'that there is no point arising in military experience.' XI. 19- virtuti : here 'character,' as the sum of the traits mentioned below. 22. illae sunt, etc. : illae virtutes impera- toriae ('qualities befitting a commander'), quae viclgo existi- mantur (' are generally so regarded '), non stint solae virtutes imperatoriae. The 'other qualities' are not discussed till chap. xiii. (p. 130, 19 et seq.). 23. labor in negotiis : i.e.' power of application in matters of routine.' 24. industria in agendo : ' energy in action.' 25. consilium in providendo : 'resource in calculation.' 26. quae : ' and these qualities.' 29. Italia, etc. : see N. to 1. 4, above. The orator touches lightly on this point ; for Pompey's service under Sulla was against the leaders of that party to representatives of which he was speaking. 31. Sicilia — Africa: see N. to 1. 13, above. Page 128 1. Gallia — Hispania — Italia : see n. to p. 127, 14. 7. absente : in Spain. Crassus requested the Senate to 282 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 128. recall Pompey from Spain and Marcus Lucullus from Thrace to help in putting down the war with Spartacus, then made haste to finish the war himself in order to get the full credit. 9. iam: 'further.' 11. universa : 'throughout their extent.' 13. Quis locus, etc. : the boldness and success of the pirates at the time referred to almost transcend belief. In the words of Mommsen (Vol. IV., p. 99): "Almost under the eyes of the fleet of Lucullus, the pirate Athenodorus surprised in 685 (= 69 B. c.) the island of Uelos, destroyed its far-famed shrines and temples, and carried off the whole population into slavery. The island Lipara, near Sicily, paid to the pirates a fixed tribute annually to remain exempt from like attacks. Another pirate chief, Hera- cleon, destroyed in 682 (72 B. c.) the squadron equipped in Sicily against him, and ventured with no more than four open boats to sail into the open harbor of Syracuse. . . . But even die sacred soil of Italy was no longer respected by the shameless transgressors : from Croton they carried off with them the tem- ple treasures of the Lacinian Hera ; they landed in Brundisium, Misenum, and Caieta, in the Etruscan ports, and even in Ostia itself ; they seized the most eminent Roman officers as captives, among others the admiral of the Cilician army, and two praetors with their whole retinue, with the dreaded fasces themselves and all the insignia of their dignity; . . . they destroyed in the port of Ostia the Roman war fleet equipped against them and com- manded by a consul. The Latin husbandman, the traveller on the Appian highway, the genteel visitor at the terrestrial para- dise of Baiae, were no longer secure of their property or their life for a single moment ; all traffic and all intercourse were sus- pended ; the most dreadful scarcity prevailed in Italy, and espe- cially in the capital, which subsisted on transmarine grain." 17. hieme : i. e. exposed to winter storms; yet even these (cf. Dio Cass., XXXVI., iv.) were not a protection against the freebooters. Navigation on the Mediterranean ordinarily ceased from about the middle of November to the earlier part of March; cf. Acts xxvii. 9, 12. referto : followed by the gen. after the analogy of plenus. A. 218, a ; G. 373; H. 399, I., 3. 20. omnibus imperatoribus : i. e. living at that time. Notice the chiastic order in ab omnibus uno anno — omnibus annis ab uno imperatore. omnibus annis : i. e. of his life. XII. 28. Fuit: not erat, as implying that what has been no Page 129.] NOTES 283 longer is ; cf. p. 62, 5 and N. 29. proprium : ' characteristic' 30. propugnaculis : armies and fleets. 32. dicam : why subj. ? 33. vestri : emphatic, ' your own.' According to Plu- tarch (Pomp, xxiv.), the pirates had more than a thousand ships, and had captured over four hundred towns. hieme : see Idioms. Page 129. 1. venirent: to Rome, as ambassadors. 2. re- dempti sint : ' were ransomed.' There is a story that a certain Roman ambassador was ransomed by his wife ; as no other instance of the kind has come down to us, possibly the pi. here is rhetorical. 3. duodecim secures : i. e. two praetors ; for outside of Rome a praetor was allowed to have six lictors. Cf. Plut. Pomp. xxiv. : ' On one occasion (the pirates) seized two praetors, Sextilius and Bellinus, in their purple-bordered robes of office, together with their attendants and lictors, and carried them all off.' 4. Cnidum, etc. : all formerly great commercial centres. See Map. 7. eos portus, quibus, etc. : Caieta, Misenum, Ostia. Owing to the decline of Italian farming and the enormous increase of population at Rome, the city depended for its sub- sistence on the supplies of grain which were imported from Sicily, Sardinia, Egypt, and Africa, through the harbors nearest the city. If the importation of grain was interfered with, there was immediate alarm ; if it was stopped, distress was soon felt. 9. An vero ignoratis : in ordinary prose, Nam profecto tion ignoratis. celeberrimum : ' much frequented.' 10. inspec- tante praetore : ' under the eyes of the praetor ' who, presum- ably, had been sent to protect the harbor. 12. liberos : rhetorical pi. ; the daughter of Marcus Antonius the orator was taken, and was ' ransomed for a great sum of money ' (Plut. Pomp. xxiv.). For the efforts of this Antonius against the pirates in 102 B.C., see Mommsen, Vol. III., p. 171; for those of his son, see n. to p. 143, 2. 15. cum : i. e. quae turn accepta est, cum. prope inspec- tantibus vobis : Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, was only sixteen miles from Rome; yet there the pirates sailed into the harbor ' and burned the ships and plundered everything ' (Dio Cass. XXXVI. v.). 16. consul : his name, omitted by Cicero no doubt to spare the disgrace, is not known. 20. lucem : i. e. hope of safety. adferre : ' shed.' 22. ei : saves the 284 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 130. repetition of vos ; in our idiom, = ' even you.' How lit.? Oceani ostium : i. e. /return Gaditanum, the Straits of Gibral- tar ; contrasted — also with chiastic arrangement — with ostium Tiberinum. The contrast was more forceful to the ancient than to the modern mind, because of the primitive but current con- ception of the ocean as a stream flowing about the earth. 24. Atque: 'And then.' 25. praetereunda non sunt: for praetereundum non est ; attracted to agree with haec, which be- longs with gesta sint. 27. tarn brevi tempore : repeated in celeriter j for tain brevi tempore quam celeriter is simply a fuller expression for tarn celeriter quam, making prominent the great rapidity of movement. 29. tanti belli impetus : i. e. ' an attacking fleet of so great force ; ' a striking metaphor, per- haps chosen to provide a subject parallel with quis ; in simple prose, qtiam Cn. Pompeius dux cum tanta classe tanto impetu navigavit. 31. adiit, exploravit, venit : simultaneously, through his lieutenants. 32. frumentaria subsidia : see N. to 1. 7, above. Page 130. 1. duabus Hispaniis: Citeriore et Ulteriore ; cf. p. 6o. 2. Gallia Transalpina : i. e. Gallia Narbonensis, along the southern coast. 4. Achaiam : when coupled with Graecia refers to the Peloponnesus only; the province of Achaia was not organized till many years after the subjugation of Greece, in 146 B. c. Italiae duo maria : the Tuscan and the Adriatic. 6. ut : ' after.' 8. Ciliciam : the stronghold of piracy. 10. imperio ac potestati : i. e. they not only surrendered, but surrendered unconditionally. According to Strabo (XIV. ill. par. 665), Pompey burned more than thirteen hundred ships of the pirates (cf. n. to p. 128, 33), 'and utterly destroyed their settle- ments. Of those who survived the battles he carried some off to Soli (in Cilicia ; see Map), to which he gave the name Pom- peiopolis, and others to Dyme (in Thrace), which was losing its population, but is now a Roman colony.' 11. Cretensibus, etc. : the task of subduing the Cretans had been assigned in 68 b. c. to Quintus Metellus, who was carrying it out with the greatest cruelty. Nominally Crete came under the provisions of the Gabinian bill ; and Pompey, in the face of all requirements of military courtesy, encouraged the inhabitants to make terms with him, from whom they would no doubt receive better treatment than from Metellus. The latter, however, Page 131.] NOTES 285 strenuously resisted this interference with his prerogatives, and Pompey wisely let the matter drop. usque in Pamphyliam : strong expression, appropriate for one going from Rome ; but it was only a short distance from Crete to Pamphylia. Cicero's hearers were not well posted on nice points in the geography of the Orient. 12. legatos deprecatoresque : i. e. legatos ad depreca7idii7>i. 13. non ademit ; ' he did not withhold.' -que : = ' but.' 15. quo bello : ' a war in which.' XIII. 18. Est haec: 'Such is.' 19. Quid : = ' But further.' quas paulo ante, etc. : implied rather than men- tioned, p. 127, 22-23. 21. bellandi virtus: not merely 'fighting quality,' as shown by what follows; rather 'military character.' 23. artes : not ' arts ; ' used as a synonym of virtutes. huius . . . virtutis : = ' which attend and wait upon this trait ; ' cf. p. 35, 3. 27. Quae: 'Now — these.' Why neut. ? 28. Summa, etc.: cf. p. 120, 26, and N. 29. aliorum : 'with others,' we should say. 32. ullo in numero : i.e. imperatorum j = ' of any standing.' 34. Quid, etc. : sc. putare possumus j ' What exalted or worthy thought for the welfare of the state can we suppose that this man has, who.' A. 238, b; G. 331, R. 3 ; H. 378, 2. It is not known to whom reference is made. Page 131. 3. cupiditatem provinciae : i. e. cupiditatem provinciae retinendae j the commander mentioned by way of illustration was supposed to be already in charge. 4. in quaestu : i. e. on interest. So Cicero charges Piso (in Pis. xxxv. 86), among other dishonorable transactions, with having placed 18,000,000 sesterces (more than $725,000) of govern- ment money at interest in Rome. 5. facit : ' shows.' 7. nisi qui : ' unless (some one) who ; ' on the principle expressed in our proverb, " Whom the cap fits, let him put it on." 11. ferant : ' bring ' with them. 12. civium Romanorum : free inhabitants of Italy who had become Roman citizens after 89 B. c. ; cf. p. 148, 1-5 and n. 13. fecerint : why not fecerunt ? 15. plures, etc. : plures urbes hostium armis mili- tum vestrorum esse deletas. Reason for the order of words ? 17. hibernis : provincial cities (with the exception of the Uberae civitates) were required to furnish winter-quarters for the Ro- man forces; but they frequently purchased exemption from the intolerable burden with great sums of money. 286 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 132. 18. Neque enim : ' And (with good reason), for — not. 1 19. qui . . . continet : perhaps a hint at the self-indulgence of the luxury-loving Lucullus. 21. Hie : ' Under these con- ditions.' 23. non iuodo: trans, as if non 7/iodo non ; cf. p. 71, 21, and N. manus, vestigium: the" former, as free from rob- bery and extortion; the latter, as doing no damage to fields and crops along the line of march. 24. cuiquam pacato : = 'a single friendly native.' 26. sermones ac litterae : we should say, ' verbal and written reports.' 27. militem : col- lective, ' soldiery.' 28. Hiemis : ' from the winter,' objective gen. ; but avaritiae, ' for avarice,' is subjective. XIV. 31. Age vero : 'But come,' like Age nunc, ' Come now,' a mark of vivid transition ; used in the singular even when the following verb, as here, is a pi. imp. temperantia : one of the four cardinal virtues ; see p. 87, 2, and N. 33. incre- dibilem cursum : ' inconceivable (rapidity of) movement.' iu- veutum : sc. esse, ' was acquired,' ' was made possible.' Page 132. 5- amoenitas : i. e. amoenilas locorum, ' the charm of natural scenery.' 6. ad cognitionem : = 'to make its acquaintance,' ' to visit it' 7. signa et tabulas ; ' statues and paintings,' which Roman generals systematically appropriated and carried off, as Mummius at the sacking of Corinth. 13. delapsum : we should say, ' sent down,' as having a divinely appointed mission. 14. fuisse . . . quod : i. e. ' that there really were men of Rome in the olden time who possessed such self-mastery as this (which we see in Pompey),' a fact which.' 15. falso memoriae proditum : we should say, ' based upon unfounded tradition.' 17. adferre : cf. p. 129, 20. 19. ea : for tanta. 21. aditus ad : in our idiom, ' audiences with.' The order in which the remaining artes eximiae are treated is somewhat dif- ferent from that given at the beginning (p. 130, 26-27), and is as follows : facilitas (11. 20-24) 5 ingenium (25-28) ; fides (28-30) ; hu- manitas (30 et seq.). liberae : i. e. non impeditae. 23. par : ' on a level with.' 25. quantum — valeat : ' how great power he possesses.' consilio : 'insight' 26. in quo ipso: '(a talent) in which of itself.' 27. imperatoria: 'befitting a commander.' hoc ipso ex loco : put briefly for cum hoc ipso ex loco (i. e. the Rostra) verba faceret. For Cicero's estimate of Pompey's ora- Page 134.] NOTES 287 tory, see Brut, lxviii. 239. 33. Et : ' then ; ' Et qUisquam in- troduces the conclusion of the preceding line of argument. Notwithstanding the orator's high praise, Pompey's career as a whole shows that he was a cold-blooded and extremely selfish man, with whom his own advancement was ever the ruling mo- tive. His humaneness is praised also by Dio Cassius (XXXVI. xx.) ; but the fact remains that he could be cruel, and even treacherous, when his own interests seemed to demand it. 34. transmittendum : i. e. from the hands of Glabrio ; hence not deferendum. Page 133. 1- nostrae memoriae : i. e. nostri temporis ; eius te??iporis cuius meminimus. XV. 3. auctoritas : ' standing.' 4. multum, plurimum : see Idioms. A. 238, b; G. 331, r. 3 ; H. 378, 2. 5. ea re: ' in this regard.' 6. Vehementer pertinere ad : ' that it has a very important bearing on.' 8. quis : cf. p. 61, 11, and N. 14. De : ' On.' 16. iudicia : in the offices and commands conferred upon him by the people, as in the following instance. 17. illius diei : when the bill of Gabinius (see p. 32) was passed. 19. templis : i. e. the steps of the temples about the Forum. 23. ut plura non dicam neque : i.e.' to leave more unsaid and not to ; ' stronger than tie plura dicam. 26. qui quo die : = nam eo die quo is, ' for on the day on which he.' 27. vilitas aunonae : Plutarch says (Pomp, xxvi.) that ' the immediate fall in the prices of market goods (rasv aviav) caused the delighted people to remark that the very name of Pompey had ended the war.' 28. ex summa inopia : temporal, while ex summa ubertate is causal. 29. hominis : objective gen. with spe (' in such a man ') and subjective with nomine (= ' his '). 31. potuisset : why subj. ? 33. invitus : trans, as if an adv. A. 191; G. 324, R. 6; H. 443. admonui : p. 126, 1 et seq. Page 134. 2. ad ipsum discrimen eius temporis : ' at the decisive moment of that crisis.' 3. ad : not in, because Pom- pey did not enter the regions mentioned ; trans. ' into the vicin- ity of.' 1. Et: as p. 132, 33. perfecturus sit: 'he is going to accomplish ; ' stronger than perficiat. 10. rumore : i. e. eius advetitus. XVI 12. Age vero: cf. p. 131, 31, and N. 16. noster 288 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 135. imperator : ' a commander of ours,' i. e. Quintus Metellus. The orator makes the most of a proceeding not at all creditable to Pompey ; see N. to p. 130, 11. 17. esset: A. 313, d; G. 588; H. 515, in. in ultimas prope terras: rhetorical exaggera- tion; cf. p. 130, 11, and N. 19. Quid : cf. p. 64, 6, and N. 20. Mithridates, etc. : Mithridates conducted negotiations with Sertorius in Spain (cf. p. 119, 12, and N.) ; but of this incident nothing is known be- yond what is said — or intimated — here. The construction of eum . . . iudicavit is awkward and un-Ciceronian ; Eberhard bracketed the words eum — Pompeius legatum semper indicavit as spurious, so that the sentence would read quern ei, quibus erat molestum, etc. 22. quibus erat molestum : 'who were vexed ; ' the reference is probably to Metellus Pius, the other commander in the war with Sertorius. 23. potissimum : i. e. rather than to any one else. Cf. p. 126, 23, and N. 25. hanc auctoritatem : why placed here rather than in the clause quan- tum . . . valituram esse? 21. iudiciis : cf. p. 133, 16, and N. 30. Reliquum est, ut : 'It only remains to;' introduces a transition to the fourth and last consideration in the argument concerning Pompey's military character. Cf. p. 126, 19, and N. praestare de : ' guarantee for.' 31. meminisse, etc. : asyn- deton ; in our idiom, '(but which) we,' etc. 32. sicut . . . deorum : sc. dicere ; 'as men ought to speak of (that which lies within) the power of the gods.' 33. timide et pauca : = 'reverently and (with only) a few words.' 34. sic exi- stimo : = ' hold this opinion.' Page 135. 3. Fuit enim profecto adiuncta : = ' For there has certainly been at the side of.' 4. ad . . . gloriam : i. e. ad a?nplitudi7iem augendam et ad gloriam adipiscendam. 10. videamur: trans, 'that we (I) may be seen.' Why? in- visa : ' offensive ' on account of arrogance and presumption, the manifestation of which on the part of mortal man was thought to call down the jealous vengeance and retribution of the gods. The story of Niobe illustrates this belief; see the editor's "Selections from Ovid," pp. 132-137. 11. ingrata : 'thank- less,' as not recognizing in past blessings the hope and promise of future gifts. 13. non sum praedicaturus : it would be difficult to present the good luck of Pompey more strongly than in this paragraph, Page 136.] NOTES 289 where the orator professes to refrain from treating the topic, — a fine example of the rhetorical figure called by the ancient grammarians praeteritio. 17. venti tempestatesque : in our phrase, 'wind and weather.' 18. hoc: '(only) this.' 20. tacitus : '(even) in silence,' — the unuttered prayers of the heart. quot et quantas : in our idiom simply ' as ; ' the Latin expression is more forcible than the English. 21. Quod ... sit : ' And that this (favor of fortune) may be his sure and lasting possession.' 24. facitis : ' you are (actually) doing.' 25. Qua re : introduces a summary of all the preceding argu- ment as a preparation for that which is to follow. Cf. N. to p. 66, 5. 29. dubitatis : ' do you (still) hesitate ; ' followed by quin . . . conferatis ('to,' etc.) instead of conferre, because the interrogation gives the principal clause a negative force. A. 319, d\ G. 551, 2; H. 505, 1. 1. 30. hoc tantum boni : 'this so great blessing,' 'this so great advantage.' XVII. 34. Quod si: A. 240, b; G. 612, r. i; H. 453, 6. privatus : ' a private citizen.' Page 136. 1. is erat deligendus : ' he would be the one to be chosen.' A. 30S, c\ H. 511, 2. 2. nunc: cf. p. 68, 16, and N. 3. haec opportunitas : explained by the following ^/-clauses. 5. qui habent : for qui exercitits habe?it ; i.e. Lucullus, who with the remnants of his forces was on the upper Halys (see Map) near Pontus ; Glabrio, who was lingering in the west of Asia ; and Marcius Rex, who had three legions in Cilicia. 7. cetera summa cum salute : ' other (trusts) — to the highest welfare.' Cf. p. 74, 28, and n. B. Refutation. 10. At enim : 'But (not so); for,' 'But indeed;' introduces an objection. Cf. p. 35. 11. adfectus : 'honored;' he had been consul in 78 b. c. 12. honoris, fortunae, virtutis, ingeni : i. e. as an ex-consul, as a man of wealth, as a man of character (though his methods of acquiring wealth were said not to be above reproach), and as a man of talent. Hortensius was Cicero's chief rival in oratory ; cf. p. 14. 13. ratione : ' view.' 14. Quorum : ' Now of those men. 1 auctoritatem : here ' weight of opinion.' 15. multis locis : ' on many occa- sions.' plurimum valuisse : see Idioms. 17. virorum : the supporters of Manilius ; see p. 143, 13 et seq. 18. omissis 19 290 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 137. auctoribus : ' if we lay aside (the weight of) opinions.' ipsa re ac ratione : = ' the actual state of the case.' 21. isti : the opponents of the bill. A. 102, c\ H. p. 248, foot-note 4. 22. summa, etc.: cf. p. 120, 26, and N. 25. ad . . . oportere : we should say, ' that all powers ought not to be vested in a single individual.' The concentration of power authorized by the bill of Gabinius and contemplated by that of Manilius was inconsistent with both the spirit and the letter of the Roman constitution. A balance of authority be- tween the departments of government, so that, except in the emergencies provided for by the dictatorship, one person might not become supreme, had been the aim of the republican or- ganization from the beginning. For this principle the aristo- cratic party had earnestly contended ; and Cicero at heart was thoroughly in sympathy with it. He could not return any answer to the argument of Hortensius on constitutional grounds ; and so he parried it skilfully by gliding off into a digression on the horrors and disgrace of the supremacy of the pirates, and Pom- pey's success in ridding the Mediterranean of this pest. His sole counter-argument is, if Pompey rescued the state then, why not now ? In fact neither Hortensius nor Cicero nor any of their contemporaries, excepting possibly Caesar, understood that the tendencies of the Roman government were no longer within the channels of the constitution, or within the control of any political party. These had long since set toward imperialism, toward an absolute monarchy, which was sure to come sooner or later. The bill of Manilius was passed, not so much because it was supported by the eloquence of Cicero as for the reason that it was directly in the line of governmental tendencies at this time, another advance toward the permanent supremacy of an individual. 27. ista oratio: 'that argument of yours.' 28. Hortensi : A. 40, c; G. 29, R. 2; H. 51, 5. 30. fortem: as sustaining his position against the strenuous opposition of the aristocracy. Cf. p. 138, 26, and n. 32. promulgasset : 'had given notice' in accordance with the rule which required that a bill be announced publicly at least seventeen days before it could be voted on. The interval afforded opportunity for the discussion of a measure in the Senate as well as among the people. Page 137- 2. vera causa : ' the true interest.' 4. An : Page 137.] NOTES 291 A. 211, b\ G. 459; H. 353, n. 4. 5. legati, etc. : see p. 129, 1 et seq. The quaestors were probably those in the retinue of the captured praetors. 6. commeatu : see N. to p. 129, 7. 8. rem — obire : 'to transact business.' See n. to p. 128, 13. XVIII. 10- Quae civitas, etc. : for the argument see N. to p. 136, 25. non dico Atheniensium : = ' I do not mean that of Athens.' The sovereignty of Athens as a maritime power in the fourth century B. c. extended over the islands in the Aegean Sea, the coast of Asia Minor as far as Pamphylia, and the Thracian Bosporus as far north as the Euxine Sea. Cf. Map. 11. mare: i. e. imperium maris. 12. permultum: see Idioms. 13. Rhodiorum : after the time of Alexander Rhodes became the most powerful among maritime states, and also a centre of art and culture. Its power had now declined, but even in Cicero's day men went to Rhodes to study oratory, as did Caesar and Cicero himself. 16. quae non : = lit ea — noil. 19. legem Gabiniam : see p. 32. 20. cuius nomen : ' although its name.' A. 320, e ; G. 637; H. 515, in. 21. invictum: true only in a rhetorical sense. 22. ac : = ' and in fact.' 23. utilitatis : because of inability to collect revenues and protect commerce. dignitatis et imperi: because unable to protect its allies or even its own officers. 24. Antiochum after the battle at Thermopylae, in 191 b. c, the Romans opened a way to Asia across the Aegean Sea by defeating two fleets of Antiochus near the Ionian coast, and also an allied fleet, commanded by Hannibal, off Aspendus. Persem : after the battle of Pydna, B.C. 168, Perseus fled to Samothrace, but there gave himself up without a struggle to the Roman admiral Gnaeus Octavius. Octavius afterwards cele- brated a triumph in honor of this event, a triumph, as Livy dryly remarks (XLV. xlii.), 'without captives and without spoils.' 25. omnibus navalibus pugnis : rhetorical overstatement ; witness the crushing defeat of Marcus Claudius Pulcher off Drepanum, in Sicily, in 249 B. c. 27. ei : saves the repetition of nos ; = 'even we.' Cf. p. 129, 22, and n. 28. pares. = 'a match for.' 30. salvos praestare : = ' to guarantee the safety of.' 32. quo . . . commeabant : Delos was a convenient stopping-place for the route between Greece and Asia, and was thought to be secure from all attack on account of the sacred- 292 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 138, ness of its sanctuaries; cf. N. to p. 70, 1. After the destruction of Corinth, b. c. 146, it increased rapidly in importance as a centre of traffic. Already in the First Mithridatic War it had suffered at the hands of a general of Mithridates, Menophanes by name, who murdered the inhabitants, carried away the offer- ings and treasures of the temples, and razed the city Delos to the ground. 33. referta . . . muro : ' although filled,' etc. 34. eidem : as ei, in 1. 27. Page 138. 2 Appia via, etc. : i. e. even the Appian Way was unsafe-, see N. to p. 128, 13. 4. hunc ipsum locum: the Rostra, as adorned with the spoils of naval victories {exuviis nauticis); see n. on p. 227. XIX. 7. Bono animo : here ' with good intentions.' 10. in salute communi : = 'in a matter affecting the public safety.' dolori : ' hurt.' 16. Quo, et seq. : ' Wherefore I think it all the more a shame that opposition has been raised,' etc. The rest of this chapter is devoted to a digression regarding the question whether Gabinius should be allowed to serve under Pompey as a lieu- tenant. Provincial lieutenants were nominated by the Senate, which ordinarily consulted the wishes of the governors. There was a law that if any one proposed a bill granting extraordinary powers to a magistracy, neither he nor his relatives should be eligible to the position ; and this provision was construed to apply also to the subordinate officer under a magistrate with extraordinary authority. When Pompey undertook the command of the war with the pirates, Gabinius was a tribune, and could not leave the city. Though his term as tribune had expired, he was still ineligible to a lieutenancy so long as Pompey was holding the command proposed by him. Here again the orator does not argue the case on legal grounds, and touches very lightly on the point at issue. 20. idoneus . . . impetret : = ' is not fit to have his request granted.' Reason for the subjunctives ? 26. periculo : in the confusion and strife attending the passing of this bill Gabi- nius nearly lost his life. See Mommsen, Vol. IV. p. 135 et seq. 27. An, et seq. : trans, the clause C. Falcidhis . , . potuertmt with ' while,' commencing the interrogation with in uno Gabinio. The Latin often chooses the antithetical or co-ordinating form Page 139.] NOTES 293 of statement where the English prefers the arrangement of principal and subordinate clauses. 28. honoris causa nomino : ' I mention with all due respect ; ' a kind of apology for bringing in the names of men still living. 29. anno proximo : apparently there was a pro- vision, or at least a custom, that tribunes of the people should not go out as lieutenants the next year after their term of office. 31. diligentes : 'scrupulous.' 32. in: trans, by 'under' with hoc imfteratore, 'in' with exercitu. 33. prae- cipuo iure : i. e. praeter alios; with esse \legatus~\ deberet, 'ought above all others to be (a lieutenant).' Some, however, think that legatus need not be supplied, and render 'ought to have the first claim.' Page 139. 2. dubitabunt : i. e. rem ad senatum referre. ego . . . relaturum : taking advantage of the right he had as praetor to bring business before the Senate. 4. inimicum edictum : of a consul, who as presiding officer might endeavor to head off the threatened proposal by issuing a ' decree ' con- fining the Senate to the order of the day. vestrum ius beneficiumque : as conferred upon Pompey and entitling him to have whom he might choose as lieutenants. 5. neque, etc. : — ' and I shall heed nothing short of a veto,' pronounced by a consul or tribune. The orator could afford to threaten ; for if the bill of Manilius failed to pass, there would be no oppor- tunity for Gabinius to go as lieutenant ; if it passed, so soon as Pompey undertook the commission established by it the main obstacle to Gabinius's lieutenancy ceased (see N. to p. 138, 16). In fact Gabinius did serve with Pompey under the new commission, and took advantage of his position to amass a fortune. 6. isti . . . considerabunt : i. e. it is very doubtful if they will dare to interpose a veto. 10. socius ascribitur : ' is enrolled as an associate.' XX. 13. Reliquum est : cf. p. 126, 19, and N. auctori- tate : cf. p. 136, 14, and n. 15. quaereret : i.e. in an address to the people on the bill of Gabinius. omnia poneretis : = 'you should vest all authority;' see n. to p. 136, 25. si . . . factum esset : 'if anything should happen to him,' euphemistic; cf. p. 104, 17, and n. A. 244, d; G. 396, R. I ; H. 415, in., N. 1. 18. cum : = eo, quod, ' in that.' 294 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 140. 19. talis est vir, etc. : this high tribute to the character of Catulus is borne out by all that is known of him. 22. in hoc ipso: 'on this very point,' the uncertainty of human life; the orator very neatly turns the point on Catulus. vehemen- tissime : see Idioms. 23. quo minus — hoc magis : ' the less — the more.' A. 250, R. ; G. 400; H. 423. 25. viri vita atque virtute : notice the alliteration. 27. At enim : cf. p. 136, 10, and n. ; the ellipsis maybe sup- plied thus, — At intperiwm Cn. Pompeio deferendum non est; est enim cavendum ne quid, etc. Our ancestors did not concen- trate authority in the hands of one man ; therefore we ought not to do so. Cf. N. to p. 136, 25. 28. Non dicam, etc. : cf. p. 135, 13, and N. 30. ad . . . rationes : freely, 'the con- siderations of new measures to the demands of new conditions.' 32. ab uno imperatore : Scipio was consul in 147 B. C, and again in 134, in spite of the law that no one should be twice consul ; and in both consulships he won glorious victories. Marius was seven times consul. Page 140. 2. nuper : forty years previously. 7. summa Q. Catuli voluntate : ' with the fullest approval of Quintus Catulus,' i. e. of the aristocratic party which Catulus repre- sented ; it is not necessary to suppose that Catulus himself actually voted for each measure mentioned. XXI. 9- Quid : sc. fiat. 10. difficili, etc. : see Idioms. conficere : ' raise.' For the incident referred to, see N. to p. 127, 4. 11. Huic praeesse : sc. what? Rem — gerere : see Idioms. 14. a senatorio gradu : when Pompey was sent to Sicily (see N° to p. 127, 13) he was only twenty-four years old. In this period a man was not admitted to the Senate till he had held the office of quaestor, and one could not become quaestor be- fore the end of his thirtieth year. 19. deportavit : the term regularly used of bringing anything from the provinces to Rome. 20. equitem Romanum triumphare : ordinarily only consuls and praetors were allowed to triumph : the triumph of Pompey, in celebration of his victory over Hiarbas (see N. to p. 127, 13; triumphs were not allowed for victories over Roman citizens in the civil wars), was the first exception to this rule. 22. vidit : 'has witnessed,' 'has lived to see;' while visere means 'to go to see' out of curiosity, and conceleb?-are 'to join in celebrating' with festal attire and shouts of joy. studio : ' enthusiasm.' Page 141.] NOTES 295 24. inusitatum : in the sense of contra morem. duo con- sules : of the year 77 B. C, Mamercus Aemilius Lepidus and Decimus Junius Brutus, both of whom had declined to assume command of the war with Sertorius. 26. bellum : see N. to Hisfianiense, p. 127, 14. pro consule : i. e. with the rank and authority of a proconsul in a province. 28. 11011 nemo : we should say, 'more than one.' 29. L. Philippus : famous for his sharp wit. 31. rei . . . gerendae : ' of a successful han- dling of the state's interest.' Page 141. 1. ex senatus consulto : well introduced here, as pointing out the favoring of Pompey by the Senate, the party which was opposing this bill. The Senate settled mat- ters pertaining to triumphs ; yet in setting aside the restrictions referred to, it assumed a prerogative belonging to the people. 2. legibus solutus : ' released from the restrictions ' which placed the earliest legal age for holding the consulship at forty- three, and made it necessary for a man to have been praetor before consul, and quaestor before praetor. Pompey became consul when he was thirty-five. ullum alium magistratum : Cicero is thinking only of the consular offices ; for the quaestor- ship could have been held after the age of thirty. Mommsen, however, thinks that the legal age for the quaestorship was thirty-seven, though men were for various reasons admitted to it earlier. 4. iterum eques : i. e. not yet admitted to the Senate and into the senatorial order; cf. N. to p. 122, 23. This triumph was over the Spanish tribes in alliance with Sertorius (n. to p. 127, 14), and was celebrated Dec. 31, B. c. 71, the day before Pompey en- tered upon the duties of the consulship. 5. Quae in — nova, ea : = ' And the innovations which in the case of.' 8. Atque : 'And further;' the aristocracy through the Senate are respon- sible for all these innovations. XXII. 12. non ferendum : = intolerabile. 16. cum: ' now that.' 24. plus . . . vidistis : ' have had a deeper insight in regard to public interests.' 26. aliquando : for tandem aliquando. isti principes : Catulus and Hortensius as leaders of the aristocracy. 29. Atque, etc. : application of the more general statement in chapters xiii. and xiv. to the case in hand. Asiatico et regio : the epithets suggest the luxury of surroundings and 296 SPEECH ON POMPEY'S COMMISSION [Page 142. wealth of plunder against the seductions of which few Roman officers were proof. 33. interiorum : ' further inland.' 34. nostrum imperatorem : ' a general of ours.' nihil aliud : i. e. de alia re. Kind of ace. ? Page 142. 2. pudore ac temperantia moderatiores : = 'possessed of more than ordinary conscientiousness and self- mastery.' 3. cupidorum : i. e. pecuniae; for avarorum. 7. libidines : ' acts of lawlessness.' 11. quibus causa belli . . . inferatur : ' against which a pretext for war can be devised.' 13. coram : as we say, ' between ourselves,' where we can talk over men and deeds freely. 17. hostium simula- tione : = ' making the enemy a pretext (merely).' 19. non modo : trans, as if non modo non; the following sed is for sed etiam. H. 552, 2. 20. animos ac spiritus capere : 'satisfy the arrogance and insolence.' XXIII 22. collatis signis : see Idioms. How lit. ? 24. erit idem: 'shall also be (one).' 26. gaza : Persian word, gen- erally used of oriental treasure. 27. manus, oculos, ani- mum : rhetorical amplification of se. 29. Ecquam : emphatic. pacatam fuisse : 'has been considered tranquillized,' i.e. 'has been left in peace.' 31. pacata esse : ' to be in a state of tranquillity.' The only alleviating feature of the Roman pro- vincial government of this period is, that it was in many cases no more harsh or rapacious than the government which pre- ceded it. Page 143- 1- pecunia publica : see p. 131, 1-4, and N. praeter paucos : a saving phrase, to avoid giving offence by a sweeping statement. 2. neque . . . nomine : ' and that they were gaining nothing else with their fleets existing only in name ' (how lit ?) ; i. e. the fleets being in so deplorable a state because the money appropriated for them had been embezzled. A noto- rious instance was that of Marcus Antonius, named Creticus, son of the orator, who in 74 B. c. held a command against the pirates which he turned to his own advantage, finally losing what fleet he had in a battle with the Cretans. 4. cupiditate : for money. Men ran heavily into debt with a view to recouping themselves from the governorship of a prov- ince. 5. iacturis : 'outlays,' expenditures incurred in buying one's way to power. 6. condicionibus : ' terms ' with cred- itors and political supporters. 7. qui . . . arbitrantur : cf. Page 144.] NOTES 297 p. 136, 25, and n. 10. nolite dubitare : 'do not hesitate.' A. 269, a, 2; G. 264, II. ; H. 4S9, 1). For the constr. with quin, cf. p. 135, 29, and N. 11. unus : 'the (only) one.' 14. est vobis auctor . ' you have as a supporter ' of the bill. 15. P. Servilius : see Vocab. under Vatia. 18. Curio : see Vocab. under Curio (1). 20. ingenio : here, as often, refers particularly to oratorical talent. 21. pro : ' consistently with.' 22. gravitatem : when censor in 70 B. c. with Lucius Gellius, this Lentulus (no. 4 in Vocab.) removed from the Senate no fewer than sixty-four members, not far from an eighth of the whole number. 24. ut : here ' how,' ' whether.' Conclusion, xxiv. XXIV. 27. Quae . . . sint : here used to introduce the con- clusion of the entire speech ; cf. p. 36. 28. voluntatem et sententiam : 'feeling and expressed opinion,' amplifying legem. 30. auctore populo Romano : as we should say ' backed by the Roman people,' ' with the Roman people behind you.' 31. vim aut minas : perhaps a hint at the unhappy experience of Gabinius the year before; cf. p. 138, 26, and N. 33. studio: as p. 140, 22. 34. iterum nunc : counting the passing of Gabinius's bill as the first time. in : ' in the case of.' Page 144- 1. quid est, quod : ' what reason is there, that.' de re : i. e. de praeficieiido Pompeio. 4. quicquid: see Idioms. hoc beneficio : 'by reason of this preferment,' the honor of the praetorship, as explained and amplified by the following clause. 9. huic loco temploque : ' this place and consecrated spot.' The original idea of tern* plum was a place set aside for worship ; after that either a place or a building that had been consecrated by certain reli- gious acts. The Rostra belonged to the latter category. 12. quo: = quia, 'because.' 13. quo : = ut eo, 'in order that by this means.' 17. ab uno : for ab (' at the hands of ') uno homine, referring to Pompey. 18. ratione : ' calling,' ' profession,' of advocate. 20. mini: trans, as ifr^Hs- me; see N. to p. 159, 23. 22. tan- tum, etc. : see Vocab. under absum. A. 332, d; G. 556, R. 1 ; H. 502, 3. 25. non inutiles : litotes. A. 209, c\ H. 637, viii. 27. beneficiis : praetorship, curule aedileship, quaes- torship. 30. rationibus : ' interests.' 298 THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS [Page 145. THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS. Page 145- A. Licinio Archia : the name Archias (Apxlas) was not an uncommon one, particularly among the Dorian Greeks. The Latin nomen and praenomen were assumed when the poet became a Roman citizen, Licinius being the gens name of his chief patrons, the Luculli ; but why he chose the forename Aulus instead of one of those common in the family of the Luculli is not clear. O ratio: delivered before a court {quaestio), over which the orator's brother, Ouintus Cicero, presided, being then praetor. Whether this was one of the regular courts (cf. p. 6o), as the quaestio de maiestate, or a commission established by the statute under which the poet was brought to trial, is not known ; it is more likely to have been the latter. For an outline of the thought, see p. 48. Introduction. Exordium — Partitio. I., 11. I. 1. Si quid, etc. : ' Whatever talent (i. e. for public speak- ing ; see N. to p. 143, 20), . . . whatever readiness of speech, . . . whatever (acquaintance with the) theory of this art (of public speaking), . . . reside in me, jurors.' The orator mentions the first two essentials to success in oratory (natural ability and the readiness acquired by practice) as leading up to the third, in which lay the basis of his obligation to Archias. ingeni : why not ingenii? quod: subject of sit; trans, as if et id. Self-depreciatory beginnings were common in speeches of this kind, being intended to win the favorable attention of the jurors. 2. aut — aut : for et — et, as more modest. 3. non infitior: litotes. A. 209, c; H. 637, vm. Notice the increase in positiveness in sentio — non infitior — confiteor. 4. optimarum . . . disciplina : = ' the pursuit and training of the most liberal studies' (cf. p. 146, 29), i. e. philology, or gram- Page 146.] NOTES 299 mar in the broad sense, rhetoric, music, and philosophy. Cicero was a firm believer in general culture as a foundation for ora- tory. 5. a qua . . . abhorruisse : ' to which . . . has been inattentive,' or ' of which . . . has been neglectful ; ' the ante- cedent of qua is ratio. Cicero, as a practical lawyer, in a way apologizes to a jury of practical men for having given atten- tion to the theory of oratory. 6. aetatis : = vitae. 7. vel : ' even.' hie : not necessarily spoken with a gesture ; why ? A. Licinius : the orator cleverly assumes the citizenship of Ar- chias by using his Latin name. 8. suo iure : 'by an indefeasible right;' stronger than iure alone, as implying that the right is fully admitted by the speaker. Cf. G. 299, r. ; H. 449, 2. 9. quoad longissime : = ' just as far as.' 10. memoriam ultimam : ' the earliest recollection.' 11. hide usque repetens : = ' going back even to that time.' How lit. ? 12. suscipiendam : ' choosing.' 13. rationem : ' course.' 14. Quod : ' Now.' A. 240, b ; G. 612, R. 1 ; H. 453, 6. prae- ceptis : not institutione, ' instruction,' because Archias was only an intimate adviser, not a teacher, of Cicero. 15. 11011 nullis aliquando : modest expression. a quo : the apodosis begins here. 16. ceteris : ' the rest ' of my clients in general, who have availed themselves of my services. alios : ' (many) others ' than Archias, who have been brought to trial before a criminal court. Both ceteris and alios are proleptic, and should be introduced in trans, after huic ipsi. 17. quantum, etc. : see Idioms. 19. ita : ' so (strongly).' alia, etc. : strange that an orator should confess obligation to a poet. 20. sit: what different force would est have here ? neque : ' and not.' 21. aut : instead of ac, on account of the preceding negative. huic uni studio : of oratory. 22. penitus : ' exclusively.' dediti fuimus : ' have been devoted ; ' fuimus is often preferred to sumus when the accompanying perfect pass, participle, as here, has more of an adjective than a participial force. Page 146- 2. inter se continentur : ' stand related to one another.' Cf. Cic. de Orat. III. vi. 21 : Est etiam ilia Platonis vera . . . vox ( ' saying ' ) omnem doctrinam harum ingenua- rum et humanarum artium uno quodam societatis vinculo contineri. 800 THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS [Page 146. II. 4. in . . . publico : in our phrase, ' before a statute commission and state's court ; ' quaestio legitima, as established under a statute (lex) and not as a special commission (quaestio extraordinarid), such as were sometimes raised for criminal cases ; indicium publicum, as a court for cases affecting the state, not for the trial of contentions between individuals. res agritur : ' the case is being tried.' 5. praetorem : see N. to oratio, on p. 298. 6. conventu hominum ac frequentia : in phrases like this Cicero usually puts the gen. after the first noun. Cf. A. 344, £■; G. 682; H. 564, 11. 9. ut — detis veniam, ut patiamini : forceful pleonasm. 11. huic reo : ' to this (my) client.' 13. hoc : ' such.' 14. hoc praetore : the commentators in- terpret this as a complimentary reference to the taste and achievements of Quintus Cicero as a literary man and poet. His poems have all perished with the exception of a few verses, among which are a couple of cynical epigrams. 16. liberius : i. e. liberius quam patitur cotisuetudo iudiciorum et fori, as Cicero himself says elsewhere (Brut. xxxi. 120). in eius modi persona: ' in (the case of) a character such as this' of Archias. 17. otium ac studium : ' retirement and devotion to study.' in — tractata est : we say ' has been drawn into.' 18. periculis : = ' legal actions,' referring to criminal cases, 19. Quod si : here = et si id. 20. tribui : implies that a request is granted freely ; concedi, not without opposition. 21. segregandum : sc. esse. 23. asciscendum fuisse : sc. in numerum civium j why not esse? Narratio. iii.-iv. (1. 8). III. 24. ut primum : see Idioms. a pueris : concrete for abstract ; = a pueritia. 25. ad: 'with a view to.' 27. An- tiochiae : at this time second in importance only to Alexandria among the cities of the East, notwithstanding the fact that it had been greatly disturbed by the dynastic quarrels which had rent the kingdom of Syria, and by the inroads of the Parthians. 28. loco: 'station,' 'rank.' urbe: A. 184, c; G. 412, R. 2; H. 363, 4, 2). 29. studiis : see N. to p. 145, 4. adfluenti : = abundanti. 30. contigit : used with the infin. by Cicero only here. 31. cuncta Graecia : cf. p. 120, 20, and N. Page 147.] NOTES 301 33. ipsius : subjective with adventus, objective with admiratio ; ' his coming (in each case) and the admiration for him.' It was nothing uncommon for poets, particularly such as extemporized, to wander from place to place. Cf. p. 46. Page 147. 1. Italia : contrasted with Latio, but referring particularly to Southern Italy, the region of the Greek cities. 2. Latio : in a broad sense, meaning all that part of Italy where Latin was spoken; cf. p. 155, 2, and n. 3. turn: before the Social War. 4. tranquillitatem : between the death of Gaius Gracchus (121 b. c.) and the outbreak of the Social War (91) only the disturbance caused by Saturninus and Glaucia (100 B. c.) broke the ' calm ' of the city. 5. et Tarentini : the et is correlative with et before omnes, 1. 7. A man might be a citi- zen of several of these Greek cities at the same time ; but the citizenship of Rome was exclusive. 6. praemiis : garlands, gifts, banquets, etc. 8. dignuni : sc. esse. 9. absentibus : from our point of view, absens might have been expected. 10. Mario consule et Catulo : 102 B.C.; perhaps instead of the usual order, Mario et Catulo consulibus, because Marius was much the more promi- nent of the two. 11. res maximas, res gestas : sc. suppedi- tare from adhibere, which governs them loosely by zeugma. 12. studium atque aures : = ' literary interest and taste.' Catulus was a man of unusual culture. 14. praetextatus : = adulescentnlus ; see n. to p. 77, 30. The orator speaks of Archias as if he had always been a Roman. It is not easy to understand how the Greek cities could have granted their franchise so readily to a lad of sixteen or eighteen years; perhaps Cicero's words are not to be taken literally in regard to the age of the poet. 15. erat hoc : ' this was (an evidence).' 17. naturae atque virtutis : ' of (his) disposition and character.' 19. tempori- bus illis : following the year 102 b. c. 21. vivebat cum: 'he was on intimate terms with.' 24. adficiebatur summo ho- nore : ' he was the recipient of the highest honor,' not only at the hands of those mentioned, but on the part of others also. 27. si qui : ' whoever,' ' any who,' A taste for Greek was con- sidered the proper thing ; and many joined in lionizing Archias merely because it was the fashion. simulabant : sc. se stu- dere, etc. 302 THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS [Page 148. IV. 28. Interim : Rome being still his place of residence. satis : ' tolerably.' intervallo : probably not far from ten years. Why abl. ? 29. M. Lucullo : he appears to have gone to Sicily on private business. ex ea provincia dece- deret : the ordinary expression used of a provincial officer leaving his province ; employed here apparently to lend an air of dignity and formality to the journey of Archias. 30. Hera- cliam : here probably the father of Marcus and Lucius Lucullus was living in exile. 31. iure : ' standing ' in the eyes of Romans, coupled with foedere, 'treaty relations' with Rome. Since 278 B. c. Heraclea had been connected with Rome by a treaty, the terms of which were unusually favorable. 33. per se : here ' for his own sake,' ' on his own account.' 34. auctoritate : influence aris- ing from high standing, as distinguished from gratia, influence due to private acquaintance. Page 148- 1 civitas : civitas Romana. Silvani lege et Carbonis : known as the lex Plautia Papiria, passed 89 B. c. ; see p. 46. 2. Si qui : trans, as if eis, qui. ascripti : as citizens. 3. si — si : introduce the conditions subordinate to the clause si qui . . . fuissent. ferebatur : A. 342, a ; G. 630, R. 1; H. 529, 11., N. 1, 2). 4. domicilium : 'a (legal) residence.' sexaginta diebus : ' within sixty days.' Why abl. ? 5. praetorem . in 89 B. c. there were six praetors (the num- ber was raised to eight by Sulla; cf. p. 59), before any one of whom the acknowledgment contemplated by the law could be made ; cf. 1. 32. Three of the six are mentioned in this speech, Metellus Pius (no. 2 in Vocab.), Appius Claudius Pulcher (1. 34, below), and Lucius Lentulus. essent professi : sc. nomina. 6. haberet: not habuisset, in order to emphasize the fact that Archias continued to reside at Rome. 7. familiarissimum : used as subst., = familiarissimum amicum. Discussion. A. Proof that Archias is a Roman citizen, iv. (1. 9)-x. 9. de civitate ac lege : i. e. de civitate Romana lege Plautia Papiria data. 10. causa dicta est : ' our case is sta-ted,' in that it has been shown that my client fulfilled the three condi- tions, enrolment as a citizen in an allied state, a legal residence in Italy, and proper acknowledgment before a praetor. Page 149.] NOTES 303 11. Grati : curtly addressed without his forename ; cf. Q. Hor- tensi (p. 136, 28, and p. 138, 7); C. Manili (p. 143, 27); C. Caesar (p. 159, 21, et al.); and even in an invective we find M. Antoni (p. 173, 11). A. 40, c; G. 29, R. 2; H. 51, 5. Heracliae: A. 258, c, 2 ; G. 412; H. 425, 2. 12. Adest : as witness and supporter; sc. nobis. auctoritate : here 'weight,' 'reliability;' but religione, 'scrupulousness.' 14. opinari : i.e. luuic He- racliae adscriptum esse. 15. egisse : 'was instrumental' in bringing it about. 17. publico : on behalf of the corpora- tion of Heraclea. 19. Hie : ' At this point.' tabulas : ' registers,' ' records ' containing the names of the citizens. 20. Italico bello : probably some sacking of the city in the Social War caused the conflagration referred to. 21. ad: 'in relation to,' 'in reply to.' 22. quaerere : = requirere. 23. hominum memoria, litterarum memoriam : repetition of memoria in order to heighten the contrast between the depositions of the witnesses and the missing documentary evidence. Cf. p. 118, 31, 32, and N. tacere : ' to remain silent ; ' like our phrase ' to keep still,' implying the suppression of that which might be spoken. 27. corrumpi : see 1. 34 et seq. 28. Romae : consistent with 1. 6, above ; stronger than in Italia, which might have been expected from the wording of the statute (1. 3). 29. ante civitatem datam : i. e. to inhabi- tants of allied cities. See Idioms. A. 292, a; G. 667, r. 2, H. 549, 5, n. 2. 32. ilia professione collegioque praetorum . — professione apud illud collegium praetorum facta, covering the registration of the six praetors of 89 B. c. ; cf. N. to 1. 5. V. 34. Appi : thought to have been the father of the disso- lute Clodius, Cicero's enemy, for whom see pp. 7, 8. Page 149. 1. Gabini : asyndeton ; we should say ' and of Gabinius.' 2. calamitas : mild expression for the loss of civil rights ; Gabinius Capito had been condemned for provincial extor- tion in his governorship of Achaia. omnem tabularum fidem resignasset : ' had destroyed all confidence in his records.' For the force of re-signare, lit. 'to break open the seal of,' cf. p. 55. 3. sanctissimus modestissimusque : ' the most conscientious and law-observing.' 4. diligentia : ' painstaking.' 5. prae- torem, iudices : Metellus was probably giving testimony in a case concerning citizenship. 304 THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS [Page 149. 7. His in tabulis : of Metellus. A. Licini : not A. Licini Archiae, because the poet would be registered only by his Latin name. 8. quid est, quod : ' what reason is there to.' 9. eius : instead of huius, because referring to Archias as reg- istered, as A. Licinius, rather than as present. civitate : at Heraclea. 10. fuerit : not sit, because the registration of citizens in these places had ceased after 89 B. c, when the inhabitants became Roman citizens. Etenim, etc.: a reductio ad absurdum. 12. Graecia : = Magna Graecia. 13. credo : cf. p. 63, 4, and N. Locrenses : the people of Locri Epize- fthyrii, on the eastern side of the extreme southwestern part, the toe, of Italy. 14. scaenicis artificibus : cf. N. to p. 79, 28. 17 Quid : cf. p. 64, 6, and n. post : cf. Idioms, and p. 148, 29. 18. legem Papiam : passed in 65 B. c, enacting that all persons not possessing a legal residence in Italy must leave Rome. It was probably under this law that Archias was brought to trial. 20. illis [tabulis]: the records of Regium, Locri, Naples, Tarentum. 21. Census: including each census taken between 89 and 65 B. c. 22. Scilicet : ' Certainly ; ' sarcastic. obscurum [tibi] : = tibi non notum. proximis censoribus : = ' at the last taking of the census,' in 70 B. c, by Lucius Gellius Publicola and Gnaeus Lentulus Clodianus. Censors had been chosen for 65 and for 64 b. c, but they had resigned without taking the census. 24. apud exercitum : not hi exercitu, for Archias went merely as a companion, or attache, of the commander. superioribus [censoribus]: 'at the next to the last census,' taken by Lucius Marcius Philippus and Marcus Perperna, in 86 b. c. eodem quaestore : ' the same ' Lucullus, who was then ' quaestor ' under Sulla. 25. primis [censoribus] : ' the first ' after Archias had become a citizen, in 89 ; Julius Caesar Strabo and Publicus Licinius Crassus, the censors for that year, resigned without undertaking the work. 29. pro : ' as.' eis temporibus : the apodosis begins here, ne ipsius quidem iudicio : because he did not have his name placed on the census registers. 30. in — esse versatum : = ' had (any) share in.' 31. saepe : perhaps in times of special danger, in his travels with Lucullus. The Roman law recog- nized only the wills of Roman citizens as valid. 32. heredi- Page 150.] NOTES 305 tates civium Romanorum : in general only Roman citizens could inherit from Roman citizens. 33. delatus est : ' he was reported,' instead of nomen delatum est. Proconsuls and propraetors were obliged to deliver their accounts to the Trea- sury within thirty days after they came back to Rome. In connection with these it was customary to hand in a list of those men on the staff or in the retinue of the provincial gov- ernor whose services were deemed worthy of compensation from the state. Page 150. 1. hie . . . revincetur : i. e. Archias and his friends have always acted on the assumption that he was a citizen. With this point the orator closes the technical side of his case. Cf. p. 48. neque — neque : ' either — or.' A. 209, a, 2; G. 444; H. 553, 2. B. Proof that Archias ought to be a citizen, vi.-xii. (1. 30). VI- 3. Quaeres, etc. : introduces the remarks on literature anticipated in chap. 11. ; technically they are extra causam. Cf. p. 47. 4. ubi : ' (that) with which ; ' with the sub), of characteristic. 5. ex: 'after.' forensi: cf. p. 117, 1, and N. 6. convicio : i. e. convicio litigantium, ' din ' of voices in the court. 7. suppetere : = suppeditari. nobis : ' us ' advo- cates and orators as a class. Quintilian (X. i. 27) recommends to orators the reading of poetry, and alludes to this passage. 11. his studiis : cf. p. 145, 4, and n. esse deditum : cf. p. 145, 22, and N. 12. litteris : perhaps originally written in litteris ; if not, must be construed as an instrumental abl. 13. neque — neque : as in 1. 1 above ; ad . . . fructum (== utili- tateni) refers to the public services of a man of literary culture, in . . . proferre to authorship. 14. aspectum lucemque : = 'the light of publicity.' quid: as p. 71, 5. pudeat, etc.: another apology to the Roman jury of practical men ; cf. n. to p. 145, 5. 16. tempore: for periculo (cf. p. 146, 18, and N.); contrasted with commodo, referring to civil cases. 19. Qua re: cf. p. 66, 5, and n. 20. quantum — tem- porum : why so far separated ? 21. ludorum : celebrated in connection with the religious festivals. 22. ipsam : = ' sim- ply,' ' merely.' 23. temporum : pi. as referring to the portions of time given to each kind of recreation. 24. tem- pestivis: 'early,' commencing before 3 p.m.; hence 'protracted/ 306 THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS [Page 151. 25. alveolo: cf. p. 8o, n, and N. pilae : why put after coti- viviis and alveolo is not clear ; for ball-playing was considered an entirely respectable form of amusement. 28. oratio et facultas : hendiadys for facultas oratorio., 'oratorical power.' 29. quantacumque in me est: 'so far as it resides in me,' 'so far as in me lies.' amicorum peri- culis : cf. p. 116, n. 30. ilia: the moral principles set forth in the following paragraph. 33. praeceptis : the teachings of the philosophers. multis litteris : in our phrase, ' by wide reading.' Page 151. 1- laudem atque honestatem : i. e. ' glory gained by merit,' hendiadys; hence the sing, ea in 1. 2. 3. mortis atque exsili : by using atque the orator indicates that he con- siders exile worse than death. parvi : A. 252, a ; G. 379; H. 404. 5. profligatorum hominum : sympathizers with the Catilinarian conspirators ; they finally brought about the exile of Cicero. 6. pleni : i. e. talium praeceptorum. 7. sapientium voces : the utterances of the philosophers. 8. quae omnia : ' all of which,' 'and (yet) they all.' A. 216,^; G. 368, R. 2; H. 397, 2, n. 10. imagines — expressas : ' forms,' ' ideals ' — ' finely portrayed ; ' exprimere is used to denote the sharp, clear presentation of details by the art of the sculptor or painter. 14. hominum excellentium : i. e. de hominibus excellentibus. VII. 16. Quaeret quispiam : introduces an objection, which the orator wishes to meet ; cf. p. 48. 20. est certum : sc. mihi j 'I am decided what answer to give.' 25. naturam sine doctrina — sine natura doctri- nam : forceful chiasmus. 26. Atque idem ego contendo : ' But I maintain (this) also.' 27. ratio quaedam conforma- tioque doctrinae : quida?n is often inserted by Cicero to indi- cate that he is using a word in an unusual sense, or is not altogether satisfied with it ; 'what I may call the systematic training and culture afforded by learning.' 28. illud . . . singulare : ' some noble and unique excellence.' 30. hunc — Africanum : the younger Scipio; hie is used to denote that which is nearer in time. 32. moderatissimos et continentissimos : ' men of the greatest self-command and even temper.' 34. qui : ' and these men.' Pack 153.] NOTES 307 Page 152. 1. nihil: as p. 6i, 4. 2. adiuvarentur : 'were (continually) aided,' so long as they lived; more forcible than the plup. 4. non — ostenderetur : ' were not shown (clearly),' i. e. ' were not assured.' 7. ceterae : sc. animi remissiones. 8. omnium: with temporum, aetatum, locortim. 9. alunt : ' strengthen.' 10. adversis : i. e. eis qui in adversis rebus sunt. VIII. 15. etiam cum — videremus : i.e. etiam videntes. 16. Rosci : his chief characteristic as an actor was gracefulness. 17. commoveretur : ' was deeply moved.' 20. Ergo, etc. : argument from less to greater. motu : '(simply) by the movement.' 22. motus : the Latin often uses the pi. where we prefer a sing, abstract noun ; motus am'morum — ' mental activity,' developed by training, as distinguished from celeritatem ingenuorum, ' natural quickness.' 23. utar : ' I shall take advantage of.' 26. nullam : emphatic, 'not a.' 28. agerentur : A. 342: G. 631 ; H. 529, 11. 29. revocatum : for an encore. eandem rem : for de eadem re. 31. veterum scriptorum : i. e. Graecorum. All the writings of Archias have perished with the exception of eighteen epi- grams (cf. Reinach, De Archia, p. 28, et seq.), which are assigned to him with a strong probability that they are genuine. To judge from these, his success as an extemporizer consisted chiefly in the ability to patch together, on the spur of the moment, phrases, lines, and passages from the older poets which had previously been committed to memory. The same explana- tion would account also for the resemblance of his more elab- orate productions to the writings of the classic Greek writers. By having a memory stored with original and selected passages appropriate to many subjects and occasions, a good ear for metres, and constant practice, a professional extemporizer was able to perform feats that appeared little short of the marvel- lous, — and that, too, without being a great poet. Page 153. 1 ex — constare : ' are based on.' 2. natura ipsa valere : ' derives his power from nature herself.' 3. men- tis viribus excitari : i. e. independently of outside influences, or of education. 4. suo iure : see p. 145, 8, and N. ; cf. the editor's "Selections from Ovid," pp. 62, 179. noster : 'of 308 THE ORATION FOR ARCHIAS [Page 154. ours ' as a Latin poet, in contrast with the Greek poets just referred to. 10. barbaria, etc. : there was never a people so sunk in sav- agery that it did not respect the poet. Saxa . . . consistunt: a reference to the mythical musicians, as Amphion, Arion, and Orpheus ; cf. " Selections from Ovid," p. 278, n. to 1. 40, and p. 52. 12. rebus : for artibus. 13. Homerum : according to the well-known Greek couplet, seven cities claimed to be the birthplace of Homer : — 'Eiwra woXeis diepifrvcnv irepl plfav 'Ofx-qpov, lifxvpva, 'P65os, Ko\oiXoo-oXvapov : ' trifle,' ' foolery,' to write about. o-irovSdteiv : — de rebus seriis agere ; cf. p. 368. 2. periculo : the supremacy of Caesar made it necessary for his former op- ponents to be careful about their expressions of opinion in regard to public matters. 3. facillime : 'very readily.' 5. Ubi — philosophia: cf. p. 180, 18, and n. 6. in culina : Cicero rallies Cassius for his belief in Epicureanism, which laid Page 200.] NOTES 349 much stress upon the enjoyment of the physical life. in palae- stra: where I not only exercise the body, but also freshen and train the mind in oratorical practice. 6. servire : ' to be a slave,' under the absolute government of Caesar. 7. facio : ' I make out,' ' pretend.' convicium Platonis : in which the philosopher reproaches those who do not maintain their freedom. 9. Hispania : where Caesar was conducting a campaign against the sons of Pompey. 10. mea causa : ' on my own account.' XXXIV. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XII. xv.). Astura ; b. c. 45. 13. Apud Appuleium . . . ut excuser : = ' that excuse be made for me to Appuleius,' who had been chosen augur. It was customary to celebrate the admission of a new member into the college of augurs (cf. p. 59) by a splendid banquet, con- tinued for several days, at which all the members were expected to be present unless suffering from illness. Cicero was stricken with grief at the death of Tullia (see pp. 10, 11); not wishing to seem ungracious by declining in advance to be present, he wished to have his absence excused ' each day ' that the ban- quet lasted. placet : sc. excusari. 14. videbis : for velim {ut) videas. 21. Cum . . . des : = ' when you find a man to give it (the letter for Marcus Brutus) to.' XXXV. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XII. xvi.). Astura; b. c. 45. 23. tuis negotiis relictis venire : trans, as if relinquere tua negotia et venire. Why ? Page 200. 1. nihil: as p. 61, 4. 5. probabatur : i.e. mihi te convenire. Cicero could not stay at Atticus's because of the bustle and publicity, which would be unendurable to him in the midst of his grief ; nor at his own home, because ot the num- ber of those who would come to offer consolation which he could not accept. 9. Philippus : he probably had a villa near Cicero, at Astura. 350 TO ATTICUS [Page 201. XXXVI. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XII. xviii.). Astura ; b. c. 45. 12. recordationes fugio : Tullia was dead, after having been divorced from Dolabella ; he himself had divorced Terentia. mar- ried Publilia, and now separated from her. He had had bitter quarrels with his brother Quintus, and was without hope for the future of the state. 16. quod, etc. : he proposes to build a chapel in honor of Tullia. 19. genere : architectural 'style,' 'plan.' 21. Ve- lim cogites : ' will you kindly give the matter considera- tion.' 23. monumentorum : monumentum includes not only com- memorative structures of every kind, but also memorial writings, whether poetry or prose; here the. word has reference particu- larly to inscriptions and poems, the latter by both Greek and Roman poets. 28. ero : = exsistam. hoc exiguum [tern- pus] : i. e. vitae. Page 201. 2. nihil — in quo adquiescam : his philosophy breaks down in the presence of death ; having no certain hope of reunion with his dear Tullia in a future life, he finds no consolation in anything. Cf. p. 157, 26-30, and n. temptatis : render ' having tried.' 3. illud : a treatise on consolation, De Consolatione ; cf. ad Att. XII. xiv. 3. 6. ut : 'as soon as.' 9. Curabis cum tua perferendum : ' Kindly have it sent (to him) along with your (letter).' 12. Domestica : ' my household affairs.' quod : A. 333, and n. ; G. 525; H. 540, iv., N. scribes: 'please write.' 13. quaedam enim exspecto : i, e. quaedam enim stmt, de quibus scire aipiam. Cocceius, Libo : both seem to have owed Cicero money, Sulpicius and Egnatius perhaps being se- curity for the latter, or for both. 16. quid . . . labores : ' what reason is there for you to give yourself uneasiness;' cf. p. 199, 13, and N. 18. vide . . . facile : = ' do not give yourself too much trouble.' Page 202.] NOTES 351 XXXVII. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XII. xxxvi.). Astura, b. c. 45. 24. Fanum : see p. 200, 12-21, and n. 26. legis : cf. p. 202, 7. oiroGeWiv : see p. 368. The deification of individuals — so foreign to our ideas — was familiar and acceptable to the Romans on account of their worship of ancestors (see Coulanges, " The Ancient City "). The deification of Julius Caesar was un- doubtedly talked about at this time (cf. the editor's " Selections from Ovid," pp. 155-158); and later the Roman emperors were worshipped even before they were dead. What Cicero's exact idea was it is not easy to divine ; probably he meant in some way to attach to the shrine an association of worship, so that it would always be kept in repair. 27. Quod poteram : ' And I could attain this end.' in ipsa villa : in one of the courts, which formed so attractive a feature of the Roman country houses. Page 202. 1. dominorum : i. e. of the villa ; future proprie- tors would alter or rebuild the villa, and the shrine would probably be neglected or destroyed. 3. habeat religionem : i. e. treat the shrine with veneration ; this the superstitious country folk were much more likely to do than the sceptical people of the upper classes. 4. non habeo — quicum : = 'I have no one with whom.' 6. institutum : i. e. genus; cf. p. 200, 19. 7. lege : imp. ; the law referred to {legem) was probably some enactment of the college of pontifices regarding rites in honor of the dead, and posted up where all could read it. 8, in mentem veniet : sc. tibi. 11. Cumano : either Cicero's villa, or that of Marcus Brutus at Cumae. 13. facere rustice : ' act rudely.' XXXVIII. TO TREBATIUS TESTA (ad Fam. VII. xxil.). 18. Illuseras : 'You made fun (of me).' 20. furti recte agere : ' could properly bring an action for theft,' for property filched or embezzled from an estate before the heir took possession. Testa had maintained that there was no divis- ion of opinion on the subject, and that the action would lie. A. 220; G. 377; H. 409, 11. 22. miai: 'I send' with this. 23. sensisse : used of the formal giving of a legal opinion. 352 TO ATTICUS [Page 203. XXXIX. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XII. xlviii.). Tusculan Villa ; b. c. 45. Page 203. 1- Domi, etc. : see Idioms. 2. iamne confe- ceris : ' whether you have quite finished ' the business that took you away from home. 6. post discessum tuum : he had apparently met Atticus for a brief interview at some point away from Tusculum. 7. totus : ' wholly,' i. e. for a long and sat- isfactory visit; sc. veniam. 8. quod licebit : = quod face) e poteris (as Boot suggests); in our idiom, 'whatever shall best suit your convenience.' XL. TO BASILUS (ad Fam. VI. xv.). b. c. 44. 9. tibi gratulor : on the death of Caesar; see Vocab., Basilus. XLI. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XV. xxiii.). Tusculan Villa ; B. c. 44. 13. nostro itinere : Antony had gained the upper hand at Rome; the conspirators against Caesar, and their friends, were fleeing. Cicero thought of going to Greece, having received a free embassy (see N. to p. 179, 7). His son was at this time studying at Athens. in utramque partem : whether to go or not. 14. Quo usque : i. e. Quo tisque deliberabis, torqueris ? erit [integrum]: '(the question) shall remain open' until I am actually on shipboard. 17. Si quid novi : i. e. velim ad me scribas si quid novi sit. XLII. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XV. xxv.). Tusculan villa ; b. c. 44. Page 204. 1- meo itinere : cf. p. 203, 13, and N. multi : sc. veniunt. 3. cogitamus : i. e. ad tirbem redire. meus animus : I am content to go abroad or to return to Rome, provided by either course I can avoid giving offence. 5. pia- culum, mysteria : the 'mysteries' 1 of Bona Dea, celebrated in December; called piaculum, because of the desecration by Clo- dius (see pp. 6, 7). 8. eo : ' on that account ; ' he thinks of returning to Rome before bad weather (cf. N. to p. 128, 17), and Page 206.] NOTES 353 would like to know what Atticus thinks about his being there by the time of the festival of Bona Dea. XLIII. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XV. xxvm.). Villa at Arpinum ; B. c. 44. 13. ludis : given by Marcus Brutus. 15, poteram, mise- ram : trans, as if possum, misi. 17. in te : Atticus had either neglected to give Caecilia the greeting sent by Cicero, or had not told her that he had come, so that she failed to meet him. XLIV. TO ATTICUS (ad Att. XVI. ix.). Villa at Puteoli ; B. c. 44. Page 205. 1. Binae : A. 95, b ; G. 95, r, 2; H. 174, 2, 3). nunc quidem : sc. rogat. 2. velle : dep. on what ? 3. Cui ego : sc. respondi. non posse : ' could not take action.' 5. consilio tuo : he declared that he would follow Cicero's advice. Quid multa : = ' Why (say) more ? ' 6. o-ktjttto|icu ; = moras necto excusando ; see p. 368. aetati : cf. p. 171, 24, and n. quo animo : sc. sit. 10. pueri : Octavianus. 11. Brutum : Decimus Brutus, who could hold Cisalpine Gaul against Antony. Cf. p. 173, 25, and n. 12. centuriat : i. e. veteranos milites centuriat. See p. 172, 6-1 1, and N. lam iamque : here = ' more and more clearly.' XLV. TO PLANCUS (ad Fam. X. xiv.). Rome ; b. c. 43. 16. victoriam : over Antony, at Mutina, in April. Plancus had declared against Antony and raised a force, with which he afterwards joined Decimus Brutus. 22. exspectabam : ' I am looking for.' 23. Lepidum : he soon afterwards united with Antony. XLVI. TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (ad Fam. XI. xxv.). Rome ; B. c. 43. Page 206. 8. quid vellem : sc. scribere. 10. acta: 'pro- ceedings' of the Senate, and also of the popular assemblies, 23 354 TO DECIMUS BRUTUS [Page 206. which at this time were published at the close of each session or meeting. 13. collega : Plancus. 14. Bruto : Marcus Brutus. 17. Intestinum urbis malum : many were urging the choice of Octavianus for the consulship, though he was far from the legal age and had not held the earlier offices. 18. minus timeremus : i. e. si adesset. \aKwvio-fi,6v tuum : =: ' your Spartan brevity.' 19. pagella : the letter was written on a small tablet. HELPS TO THE STUDY OF CICERO. For references on the writings of Cicero, his public life, and the history of Rome in his time, see the editor's Topical Outline of Latin Literature, p. 15 (Boston, 1891). For references on special topics, see Harrington's Helps to the Lntelligent Study of College Preparatory Latin (Boston, 1888). For a concise account of the manuscripts of the various works, with an enumeration of the more important editions, special treatises, dictionaries, and articles, see Teuffel and Schwabe's History of Roman Literature, English Trans- lation of the Fifth German Edition, by Warr, Vol. 1., §§ 177-189 (London, 1891). For editions and literature prior to 1881, see Engelmann's Bib- liotheca sc7-iptorum dassicorum, 8th ed., Part II. (Leipzig, 1882). For ancient oratory, and Cicero as an orator, see Jebb's Attic Orators (2 vols. London, 1876); Blass, Die attische Bered- samkeit (3d ed., 4 vols. Leipzig, 1868-1880); Cucheval and Berger, Histoire de P eloquence latin'e depuis Forigine de Rome jusqiia Ciceron (2d ed., 2 vols. Paris, 1881); Westermann, Geschichte der rbmischen Beredsamkeit (Leip- zig, 1835), and the introductions to annotated editions of the De Oratore, Brutus, and Orator. Lives of Cicero: ancient, by Plutarch; modern, among others, by Middleton (2 vols. London, 1741. New ed. 1848); Forsyth (2 vols. London, 1864); Trollope (2 vols. London and New York, 1880); also, Boissier, Ciceron et ses amis (7th ed. Paris, 1884) ; Aly, Cicero, sein Leben und seine Schriften (Berlin, 1891); and Collins, Cicero, in 'An- cient Classics for English Readers.' 356 HELPS TO THE STUDY OF CICERO EDITIONS. TEXT OF COMPLETE WORKS. Baiter and Kayser : M. Tullii Ciceronis opera quae supersunt omnia. Leipzig, 1 860-1 869. Memorabilia vitae Ciceronis in Vol. 1. ; Index nominum in Vol. xi. Klotz : M. Tullii Ciceronis scripta quae manserunt omnia. 5 parts, in 11 vols. Leipzig, 1 863-1 871. New revision in charge of C. F. W. Miiller, of which 7 vols, have appeared. Orelli, Baiter, Halm : M. Tullii Ciceronis opera quae super- sunt oinnia. 8 vols. Zurich, 1 833-1 862. Vol. 5 contains a collection of the scholiasts on Cicero ; Vols. 6-8, the valuable Onomasticon Tulliauum, in which are included, — a chrono- logical view of Cicero's life, the Roman calendar from 63 to 45 b. c, and a bibliography (Vol. 6) ; a full geographical and historical index (Vol. 7) ; a lexicon of Greek words, collections of the laws cited and of formulae, the Fasti consulares, and the Roman triumphs to the reign of Tiberius (Vol. 8). ORATIONS. The following are among the annotated editions : — Long: All the orations. 4 vols. London, 1855-1862. Halm: Die Reden gegen Catilina, und fur Archias. 13th ed., revised by Laubmann. Berlin, 1 891. English version of Halm's 7th ed., with some additions, by A. S. Wilkins. London, 1870; latest reprint, 1891. Halm : Die Reden fiir Roscius aus Ameria und uber das Impe- rium des Cn. Pompeius. 10th ed., revised by Laubmann. Berlin, 1886. English version of the 8th ed., by Wilkins. London, 1879; latest reprint, 1889. Richter and Eberhard : Catilinarische Reden. 5th ed. Leip- zig, 1888. Rede iiber das Imperium des Cn. Pompeius. 4th ed., 1890. Rede fiir den Dichter Archias. 3d ed., 1884. Reden fiir Marcellus, Ligarius, Deiotarus. 3d ed., 1886. Hachtmann : Reden gegen Catilina. 3d ed. Gotha, 1890. Upcott : Speeches against Catilina. Oxford, 1887. Pasdera : Le orazioni Catilinarie. Turin, 1885. HELPS TO THE STUDY OF CICERO 357 Benecke : Orationes in L. Catilinam. Leipzig, 1828. De inperio Cn. Po?npei. Leipzig, 1834. Deuerling : Rede ilber das Imperium des Cn. Pompeius. 2d ed. Gotha, 1889. Reid: Pro A rchia. New ed. Cambridge, 1 891. Sturenburg : Pro Archia. Leipzig, 1839. Thomas : Pro Archia, with French notes. Mons, 1882. Wolf : M. Tulli Ciceronis quae vulgo fertur or ado pro M. Mar- . cello. Berlin, 1802. Cf. with this ed., Orationem pro M. Marcello, quam Frid. Aug. Wolfius a M. Tttllio Cicerone abiudicavit, denuo defendit . . . Franciscus Hahne. Dis. inaug. Braunschweig, 1876. King: The Philippic Orations. 2d ed. Oxford, 1878. Gast : Erste, vierte, und vierzehnte Philippische Rede. Leipzig, 1891. Among special works bearing on the orations are : — Beesly : Catiline, Clodius, and Tiberius. London, 1878. Con- tains an erratic but brilliant apology for Catiline. Hagen : Untersuchungen iiber r'dmische Geschichte. Erster Theil. Cat/Una. Konigsberg, 1854. Stern: Catilina und die Parteikdmpfe in Rom der Jahre 66-63. Dorpat, 1883. Reinach: De Archia Poeta. Paris, 1890. letters. Tyrrell : The Correspondence of M. Tullius Cicero, arranged according to its chronological order, with a revision of the text, a commentary, and introductory essays. Dublin and London. Vol. I., 1879; VoL n -> 1886; Vol. ill. (including letters of b. c. 50), 1890. Schutz : All the letters, with Latin notes. 6 vols. Halle, 1809- 1812. Boot : Epistolarum ad Attiatm libri xvi. Latin notes, critical and explanatory. 2 vols. Amsterdam, 1 865-1 866. There are numerous annotated collections of selected letters of Cicero. Among them may be mentioned those by Tyrrell (London and New York, 1891); Supfle, 9th ed., revised by Boeckel (Karlsruhe, 1885) ; Watson (3d ed., Oxford, 1881); 358 HELPS TO THE STUDY OF CICERO Parry (London, 1867); Muirhead (London, 1885); Pritch- ard and Bernard (2d ed., London, 1888). Books useful in connection with the letters are : — Jeans : The Life and Letters of Cicero j a translation of the Letters in Watson's ed. London, 1880. Merivale: Abeken's Cicero in his Letters. London, 1854. Church : Roman Life in the Days of Cicero. London and New York, 1884. IDIOMS AND PHRASES. a me ipse non descivi, / did not prove false to myself. ab eo vehementissime dissentio, / disagree with him most emphati- cally. ab ineunte aetate, from the begin- ning of life. ab inferis, from the Underworld, from the dead. ab oecidente, in the west. abest non nemo, more than one is azuay, some are aivay. abiectus metu, prostrated 'with fear. aeeipere in vestram fidem, to take into yonr confidence. ad caelum efferre laudibus, to land to the skies. ad expilandos soeios diripiendas- que provincias, to rob allies and plunder provinces. ad Lepidum habitare, to live at the house of Lepidus, to live at Lepi- diis's. ad rem publieam adire, to engage in the administration of public affairs, to take office. adire hereditatem, to enter upon an inheritance, take possession of an inheritance. adniti de triumpho, to make every effort to secure a triumph. adversae res, adversity, misfortune. aeque cams &c,just as dear as. aequo animo, calmly, without anx- iety ; with resignation. aequum est, it is fair, it is right. aere alieno premi, to be heavily in debt. aes alienum, debt, indebtedness. in tantum aes alienum, so deeply into debt. agere cum aliquo, to treat with any one, plead with any one. agere gratias, to thank. nihil agis, you accomplish nothing. quid agis P how do you do ? how are you ? also, what are you about ? what do you mean ? agitur populi Romani gloria, the glory of the Roman people is at stake. agitur de vectigalibus, the revenues are imperilled. alia omnia, all things else, every- thing else. aliqua ex parte, in some measure. aliquid amplum cogitare, to enter- tain some noble sentiment. aliquid de ingeniis iudicare, to form any judgment of (his) abilities. aliquid loci, some place, so?ne room. aliquid respondit, he made some answer or other. aliquid sapientiae, any degree of prudence, any prudence. amabo te, will you kindly, please. amans rei publicae, devoted to his country. 360 IDIOMS AND PHRASES amantissimus rei publicae, very devoted to his country, of the loftiest patriotism. amplius negoti, a larger measure of difficulty, more trouble. amplius negoti mini contrahitur, lam more deeply involved in diffi- cttlty. aneeps contentio, a contest on two sides. animo cernere, to see in fancy, see in imagination. quo animo esse debetis? what feeli7ig ought you to have ? how ought you to feel ? quo animo f erre debetis, zuith what spirit ought you to endure. animos ac spiritus eapere, to endure the arrogance and inso- lence. animose et fortiter facere aliquid, to do something with spirit and bravery. animum armatum retinere, to re- tain a spirit of hostility. animum inducere, to make up one's mind. animum vincere, to coiiquer one's spirit. ante acta vita, past life. ante civitatem datam, prior to the granting of citizeiiship. p a u c i s ante diebus, a few days ago. p a u 1 o ante, a little while ago. ante me, before me ; before my time. apud inferos, in the Underworld. apud Laecam, at Laecd's house, at Laeca's. apud Tenedum, off Tenedos. aspieere inter sese, to look at one another. auctor gravior, an adviser of greater weight. audita re, having heard of the matter. aures dare, to give attention. aversus a Musis, unfriendly to the Muses. aversus a vero, hostile to truth. bella legere, to read about wars. bellum in multa varietate versa- tum, a war waged with many vicissitudes. bellum apparare, to get ready for war. bellum confieere, to put an end to a war, bring a war to a successful termination. bellum coniungere, to tuiite in waging ivar. bellum excitare, to stir up war. bellum inferre, to make war upon. bellum suseipere, to commence war. bene barbatus, with full beard. bene de re publica mereri, to do good service for one's country, to be useful to the state. bene de re publica sperare, to have great hope for the state. bene potus, having drunk freely, being quite mellow. bono animo dicere, to say with good intention. bono animo esse, to be of good cheer ; to be well disposed. m e a causa, on my account, for my sake. honoris causa nomino, / men- tion in the way of honor ; I men- tion with due respect. vitandae suspicionis causa, in order to avoid suspicion. d e certa causa,7^r« certain reason. causam dicere, to state a case, to plead a case. certior factus, having been in~ formed. certior fieri, to be informed. certior em facere, to inform. IDIOMS AND PHRASES 361 civitatem alicui dare, to grant citizenship to any one, bestow the franchise on any one. i n civitatem ascribere, to enroll as a citizen. eum civitate donare, to bestow the franchise on him. cogere senatum, to convene the Senate. collatis signis, in the shock of battle, in regular engagements. colonias constituere, to found colo- nies. concedi alicui necesse est, it must inevitably be given up to some one. consilia inire, to form plans. consulere alicui, to look out for the interest of any one. consulere aliquem, to consult any one, to ask advice of any one. consulere vobis, to look out for your interest. contra atque, opposite to what, con- trary to what. dare operam, to take pains, to make an effort. de caelo percelli, to be struck by lightning. detrimentum accipere, to suffer loss. difficili rei publieae tempore, at a time of peril for the state, at a critical time for the state. diffidens rebus suis, in a state of despair regarding his own re- sources. dilectum habere, to raise a levy, to draft. domi libenter sum, / am glad to be at home. domi meae, at my house. e portu egredi, to set sail. eadem fortuna quae illorum, the same lot as that of those. eo magis, all the more. eos hoc moneo, / give them this warning. eos praemiis adfecit, he bestowed gifts upon them. erit verendum mini, I shall have to be afraid, I shall have to fear. est mini tanti, it is well worth while for me, it is well worth my while. m i h i est invidiosum, I find it a source of unpopularity, it is a source of unpopularity to me. etiam atque etiam, again and again. ex belli ore ac f aucibus, from the open jaws of war. ex eo quaeritur, the question is put to him, inquiry is made of him. ex hac parte, on this side. ex magna spe deturbari, to be de- prived of great hopes. ex marmore constitutus, fashioned in marble. ex media morte,/;w« the midst of death. ex pedibus laborare, to have trouble with one 's feet, to have the gout. ex pueris,//w« childhood. ex senatus consulto, in accordance with a decree of the Senate, in ac- cordance with the Senate's decree. ex tempore, off-hand, on the spur of the moment, without prepara- tion. ex vestro iudicio, in consequence of your judgment. exercitum conficere, to raise an army. extrema hieme, at the end of winter. extrema pueritia, at the end of boyhood. fac ut sciam, let me know. fac ut valeas, do keep well. fac ut tuam valetudinem cures, do take care of your health. 362 IDIOMS AND PHRASES facere alicui pergratum, to do any one a great favor. facere potestatem dicendi, to offer an opportunity to speak, to give an opportunity for saying. faeiam te certiorem, / will inform yon. facultas oblata est, an opportunity was presented. falso memoriae proditum, based upon unfounded tradition. familiarissime vivere, to be on the most intimate terms. m e fefellit dies, / was mistaken in the day. n u m m e fefellit dies ? / was not mistaken in the day, was I? was I mistaken in regard to the date ? v i x f eram, / shall find it hard to endure, I shall hardly be able to bear. f erenda non fuerunt, they ought not to have been endured. ferenda mihi non fuerunt, / ought not to have put up with them. ferre moleste, to pe annoyed, to feel grieved. ferro fiammaque, with fire and sword. fidem facere, to convince, to com- mand confidence. minorem fidem facere, to fail. to convince, fail to command entire confidence. fidem publieam dare, to give a pledge of safety in the name of the state. fingere sibi, to imagine. fundamenta iacere, to lay the foundations. gratiam alicuius conciliare, to win the favor of some one. gratiam habere, to feel thankful, to be gratefid. b o n a m gratiam quaerere, to court popularity. gratiam ref erre, to return a favor, to requite, recompense. gratias agere, to give thanks, to thank. raaximas gratias agere, to thank most heartily. gratum facere, to do a favor. hieme summa, in the dead of winter, in the depth of winter. hoc praeeipiendum est, this advice ought to be given. e i s hoc praeeipiendum est, they ought to be given this piece of advice. hodierno die mane, this morning. i n honore esse debebit is, h e will deserve to be in honor. honorum gradus, the grades of public office, the avenues of official preferment. iam diu teneo, / have long been holding. iam dudum hortor, I have long beeti urging. iam pridem studes, you have long been eagerly desiring, this long time you have been eager. iam turn, even then, at that very time. id quod eonsequi conantur, what they are trying to attain, their ends. id temporis, at that particular time, at just that time. idem qui, the same as. idem sentire, to have the same feel- ing, the same opinion. imperare obsides, to levy hostages, make a requisition for hostages. imperare omnibus gentibus,^ rule over all peoples. in agendo, in action. in armis, under arms, in arms ; in the pursuit of arms, in war. in caelum, to the skies. IDIOMS AND PHRASES 363 in eustodiam dare, to place in cus- tody, to put under surveillance. in dato benefieio, in the granting of a favor. in dies, day by day, every day, in dies singulos, each successive day. in earn partem, ut, to the end that. in eandem fere sententiam, to much the same effect, of about the same import. m malis, in the midst of evils. in optimo quoque, in all the best. in perditis rebus, in profligacy. in perpetuum, for all time, forever. in posteritatem, for the future. in posterum, for the future. in posterum tempus, for future time, for the future. in praesens tempus, for the present. in quaestu relinquere, to leave on interest. incumbite in causam, throw your- selves into the cause. ineunte aduleseentia, at the begin- ning of youth. ineunte vere, at the opening of spring. inferre bellum, to make war upon. inire consilium, to form a plan. inspectante praetore, tinder the eyes of the praetor. integris signis, with the seals un- broken. ' inter se, with each other, with one another. ira victoriae, the fury of victory. isto pacto ut, in such a way as, as. iudicium faeere, to pass an opinion, to pass judgment. ius civitatis, the rights of citizenship, citizenship. latius opinione, more widely than you think, than one would think. laudibus in caelum f erre, to praise to the skies. loco motus est, he was forced from his vantage-ground. locorum opportunitas, advantages of position. magno in aere alieno, deeply in debt. male emere, to purchase at too high a price, to buy too dear. male gerere negotium, to manage one's business badly. maximas gratias agere, to return most hearty thanks. maxime elaborandum est, very great effort must be made, all pains must be taken. me imperante, at my bidding. me quid pudeat ? why should I be ashamed ? mea interest, it is for my interest, to my advantage ; I am concerned. Medea ilia, the famous Medea. media aestate, at midsummer. memoria tenere, to remember, to keep in mind. mente eaptus, beside himself. meo nomine, in my name, on my account ; in my honor. meorum factorum paenitebit, / shall be sorry for what I did, I shall regret my action. mibi crede, credite, believe me, upon my 'word. mihi in animo est, it is my inten- tion, I intend. mini in mentem venit, it occurs to me. mihi placet, / think best, I re- solve. mihi suadeo, / am persuaded. minus est erratum, no mistake has been made. moleste ferre, to be annoyed, to feel grieved. multum valere, to be very power- ful ; to have great influence, be very important. 364 IDIOMS AND PHRASES mutue respondere, to make ade- quate return, make a fair return. ne longum sit, not to be tedious, not to bore you. necesse est pervenire, must inevi- tably come, must inevitably fall (to). nescio an, perhaps I might better say, probably. nescio quid, something, some. nescio quo modo, somehow. nescio quo pacto, somehow. nihil aliud nisi de hoste cogitare, to think of nothing but the enemy, to have no thought for anything except the enemy. nihil de re publica cogitare, to give no thought to political matters, give no thought to public affairs. nihil nisi de parricidio cogitare, to think of nothing but murder. nihil deeretum est, no decree was passed, no motion was carried. nihil mini noceri potest, no harm can be done me. nobis consulibus, in our consulship, in my consulship. noctes ac dies, day and night. noli esse, be not. noli defatigari, be not wearied, do not allmv yourself to become weary. nolite dubitare, do not hesitate. m e o nomine, in my name, in my honor. s u o nomine, on his own account. novis rebus studere, to be eager for a revolution, be desirous of a revo- lution. nudius tertius, day before yesterday. nullo impediente, with no one hin- dering, with none to hinder. nullo modo, in no way, by no means. occasio oblata est, an opportunity presented itself. omnes unum volunt, all are of one opinion. omnium rerum desperatio, utter despair. operare pretium est, /'/ is worth while. operam dare, to take pains, to make an effort. opinione celerius, sooner than was expected. t e oportet duei, you ought to be led. te iam pridem oportebat duci, you ought long ago to have been led. optime de re publica mereri, to render most important service to one's country. optimo iure, with the fairest possi- ble reason. optimus quisque, all the best. opus est, there is need, it is neces- sary. orbis terrae, orbis terrarum, the world, the whole world. pace tua, with your permission. parum comitatus, with too small a retinue, with too small an escort. parvi refert, it matters little. pauca dicere, to say a few words. paulum mihi est morae, / am suf- fering a little delay. pecunias collocatas habere, to have sums of money invested. per causam, under the pretext. per hanc causam, under this pre- text, with this as a pretext. per f ortunas vide, for heaven's sake see to it, lake care. perinde atque, just as, exactly as. permagni nostra interest, it is of very great importance to us ; or, it is very important for me. permultum valere, to be exceed- ingly powerful, to possess very great influence. IDIOMS AND PHRASES 365 pingue quiddam sonantes atque peregrinum, offering some stupid and outlandish composition. e i s placet, they think best, they resolve. plurimum posse, to have the greatest influence, to be most powerful, be pre-eminent. plurimum valere, to have very great weight, exert very great in- fluence. poenam sceleris sufferre, to suffer punishment for crime. poenam suscipere, to receive punish7)ient, undergo punish- ment. poenas expetere ab aliquo, to in- flict punishment oti any one, to visit any one with retribution. poet civitatem datam, after the granting of citizenship, after the franchise was granted. post hominum memoriam, zvithin the memory of matt. post urbem conditam, since the founding of the City, since the City was founded. post hanc urbem conditam, since the founding of this City, since this City was founded. praeter opinionem omnium, contrary to the expectation of all. praeter spem, contrary to expec- tation, beyond one's expectation. primo quoque tempore, at the ear- liest possible m oni ent. priore nocte, night before last. pro eo ac mereor, in such measure as I deserve, in proportion to my deserts. proeliis secundis uti, to have suc- cessful engagements, to come off victorious in battle. prope inspectantibus vobis, almost under your eyes. proxima nocte, last night. qua re, wherefore. quae cum ita sint, now since these things are so, and since this is so. quam ob rem, on what account? wherefore. quam plurimi, as many as possible. quam primum, as soon as possible. quantum est situm in nobis, so far as in us lies, so far as in me lies. quern ad finem? to what limit? how far ? quern ad modum, in what way ? how ; as. quern venisse gaudent, at the arri- val of whom they rejoice. quicquid increpuerit, at every sound. quicquid possum, whatever influ- ence I possess, whatever I can accomplish. quicquid studi, whatever enthu- siasm. quid consili ? what scheme ? what plan ? quid illo fieri placet? what does he want to have done ? quid interest? what difference is there ? quid mihi cum vobis est? what business have I with you ? what have I to do with you ? quid novi ? what news ? quid novi, a 7 ly thing new, any- thing without precedetit. quid telorum, any weapons. s i quid telorum, whatever weapons, quid Tullia net ? what will become of Tullia ? quieta re publica, when the state is undisturbed, when the state is free from agitation. quoad erit integrum, so long as it shall remain an open ques- tion. quod reliquum est, for the rest, for the future. IDIOMS AND PHRASES ratio totius belli, the plan of the entire campaign, or of the entire war. referre ad senatum, to lay before the Senate. referre gratiam, to return a favor, to requite, recompense. reliquum est, it remains. rem deferre ad patres conscrip- tos, to report a matter to the Sen- ate in session. rem gerere, to manage business. rem optime gerere, to manage business exceedingly well. remoto Catilina, with Catiline out of the way. rerum potiri, to get control of the government. res gestae, achievements, exploits, deeds. res se habet, the case stands. salutem dicere, to send greeting. salutem nuntiare, to carry one's regards. satis f aeere rei publicae, to do one's duty by the state. satis laudis, sufficient praise, praise enough. seriptor rerum, writer of history, historian. seriptor rerum suarum, chronicler of his achievements, biographer. se praetura abdicare, to resign the office of praetor. se pro eive gerere, to conduct one's self as a citizen. secundae res, prosperity. a senatorio gradu longe abesse, to be far too young for member- ship in the Senate. senatui placuit, the Senate voted, the Senate passed a resolution. senatum consulere, to ask the opin- ion of the Senate, to consult the Senate. senatum eonvocare, to convoke the Senate, call a meeting of the Senate. sententiam f erre, to cast a vote. sententiam rogare, to put the ques- tion, to call for a vote. si curae tibi est, if you care about it, if you take interest in it. si in eo stat, if he persists in that, if he remains firm in that. si vestra voluntas feret, if such be your pleasure. si vobis placet, if you think best. simul ac, simul atque, as soon as. sine controversia, beyond question, indisputably. sine dubio, beyond doubt. sine ulla mora, at once. t u a sponte, of your own accord. sui conservandi causa, in order to save themselves. summa res publica, the highest in- terest of the state. summum supplicium, the severest punishment. summus imperator, a commander of the first rank. suo nomine, on his own account. superiore nocte, night before last. supplicium de aliquo sumere, to inflict punishment upon any one. tandem aliquando, noiu at length, then at length. tantum abest ut . . . videar, ut so far am I front appearing, . . . that. te auctore, on your advice. te oportet, see oportet. terra marique, on land and sea. tertia fere vigilia exacta, at about the end of the third watch. si transactum est, if all is over. tua sponte, of your own accord. ubinam gentium sumus P where in the world are we ? IDIOMS AND PHRASES 367 ullo modo, in any way, by any means. una signiiieatione litterarum, by a single writte7i order. urbi satis praesidi est, the city has a sufficient garrison, the city is amply garrisoned. ut arbitror, in my judgment. ut levissime dieam, to put the case very mildly, to speak, with extreme moderation. ut primum, as soon as. uti aliquo familiariter, to be on Ul- timate terms with any one. vacui temp oris nihil, no leisure time, no leisure. vadimonium deserere, to forsake an obligation to appear in court, to forfeit one's recognizance. vehementer angere, to be greatly troubled, be much disturbed. vehementer cum senatu consoci- ari, to be thoroughly in accord with the Senate. vehementer errare, to be very much mistaken. velim dispicias res Romanas, will you kindly think over matters at Rome. velim eo me excuses, will you please to make excuse for me to him, excuse me to him. veniam dare, to pardon. ventum est, they (or he) came, have come. verba facere, to speak. verbis amplissimis, in most distin- guished terms, in the handsomest terms. verendum erat mihi, / ought to have feared. vereri ne, to fear that. vereri ut, to fear that . .- . not. vestrum est providere, it is your duty to make provision. vi et minis, by threats of vio- lence. vir optimus, an exceedingly worthy gentleman, a most excellent man. vis et manus, violent hands. vitae meae rationes, my plan of life. vix feram, / shall find it hard to bear, I shall hardly be able to endure. voculae recreandae causa, in order to strengthen my poor voice. voluptatem capere, to receive pleas- tire, take delight. GREEK WORDS. atcrxpos, ■<&, -6v, adj., [alax os > s a me], comp. atVxiW, sup. at- (rxfo"ros, shameful, base, contemp- tible, disgraceful. dva<|>aCvw, - from 6e6s], deification, a form of consecration which caused the person receiving it to be con- sidered as a divinity. dpio"T€ia, -ay, 7), [apicrrevoi, be best, from &pi], ox-eyed, cozv-eyed, i. e. having large, lustrous eyes ; in Homer applied to Juno, suggest- ing her majestic beauty. €Tri.8T|fU0S, -ov, adj., [eiri, dyj/JLOs], among the people, native ; preva- lent among the people, as a disease, epidemic. Acuo-Tpiryovios, -a, -ov, Homeric ace. sing. fem. AaLcrrpvyoviTiv, adj., [Aaio-rpvySves ], Laestrygo- nian, of the Laestrygonians, a mythical folk of gigantic stature, said to have lived along the west coast of Italy below Formiae, or in Sicily. XaKcoviTrr)Ka, ecridnroo-a, [o-iccttt), silence], be silent, keep silence, remain silent. 0-KT)1TTW, O-KTjTpto, pI'Op J mid. 0~K7\- izTofxai, prop one 's self, lean on, rely on, hence allege by way of excuse, make excuses, excuse one's self. i\oa>, -7)0-03, [