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 Published by the Union Eepnblican Oongi-eesiond Oommittee, Washinffton, D. 0. 
 
 PLATFORMS 
 
 Republican and Copperhead Parties. 
 
 GRANT AND O0LFAX'S LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 BLAIR'S THREAT OF CIVIL WAR. 
 
 WHAT THE COPPERHEAD PLATFORM MEANS. 
 
 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM. 
 Adopted at Chicago, May 21, 1868. 
 
 The National Union Republican party of the United States, assembled in National 
 Convention, in the city of Chicago, on the 20th day of May, 1868, make the followino- 
 declaration of principles : 
 
 First — We congratulate the country on the assured success of the reconstruction 
 policy of Congress as evinced by the adoption, in a majority of the States lately in 
 rebellion, of constitutions securing equal civil and political rights to all, and regard it 
 as the duty of the Government to sustain these constitutions, and to prevent the people 
 of such States from being remitted to a state of anarchy or military rule. 
 
 Second— The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the South, 
 was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and 
 must be maintained ; while the question of suffrage in all the loyal States properly 
 belongs to the people of those States. 
 
 Third — We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime ; and national 
 honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness in the utmost good faith to all 
 creditors at homo and abroad, not only according to the letter, but the spirit of the 
 laws under which it was contracted. 
 
 Fourth — It is due to the labor of the nation, that taxation should be equalized and 
 reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. 
 
 Fifth — The National Debt, contracted as it has been tor the pireservation of the 
 Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption, and 
 it is tbe duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon whenever it can hon- 
 estly be done. 
 

 Sixth — That the best policy to dirmnish our burden of debt, is to bo improve our 
 credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now 
 I^ay, and -must continue to pay so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert. 
 is threatened or suspected. 
 
 Seventh — The Government of the United States should be administered with the 
 strictest economy; and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and fos- 
 tered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical reform. 
 
 Eighth — We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of Abraham Lin- 
 coln, and i-egret the accession of Andrew Johnson to the Presidency, who has acted 
 treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged to support : 
 he has usurped high legislative and judicial functions ; has refused to execute the laws ; 
 has used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the laws ; has em- 
 ployed his executive powers to render insecure the property, peace, liberty, and life of 
 the citizens ; has abused the pardoning power ; has denounced the National Legisla- 
 ture as unconstitutional ; has persistently and corruptly resisted, by every means in his 
 power, every pi*oper attempt at the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion ; has 
 perverted the public patronage into an engine of wholesale corruption ; and has been 
 justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and properly pronounced guilty 
 thereof by the votes of thirty-five Senators. 
 
 NiNTu^— The doctrine of Great Britain and other European Powers, that because a 
 man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard by the United 
 States as a relic of the feudal times, not authorized by the law of nations, and at war 
 with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to be pro- 
 tected in all their rights of citizenship, as though they were native born ; and no citi- 
 zen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be liable to arrest and imprison- 
 ment by any foreign Power for acts done or words spoken in this country ; and, if so 
 arrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of the Government to interfere in his behalf. 
 
 Tenth — Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there were none enti- 
 tled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured the hard- 
 ships of campaign and cruise, and imperiled their lives in the service of the country. 
 The bounties and pensions provided by law for these brave defenders of the nation, are 
 obligations never to be forgotten. The widows and orphans of the gallant dead are 
 the wards of the people — a sacred legacy bequeathed to the nation's protecting care. 
 
 Eleventh — Foreign emigration, which, in the past, has added so much to the wealth, 
 development of resources and increase of power to this nation — the asylum of the 
 oppressed of all nations — should be fostered and encourngod by a liberal and just policy. 
 
 Twelfth — This Convention declares its sympathy with all the oppressed people 
 which are struggling for their rights. 
 
 ADDITIONAL RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED. 
 
 Wc highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forgiveness with which the men 
 who have served the rebellion, but now frankly and honestly co-operate with us in re- 
 storing the peace of the country, and reconstructing the Southern State governments 
 upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are received back into the com- 
 munion of the loyal people ; and we favor the removal of the disqualifications and re- 
 strictions imposod upon the late rebels, in the same measure as the spirit of disloyalty 
 will die out, and as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people. 
 
 "We recognize the great principles laid down in the immortal Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence as the true foundation of Democratic Government; and we hail with gladness every 
 effort toward making these principles a living reality oa every inch of American so3. 
 
^i.. ,\ ^'^N^^AL GRANT'S' LRTTER OP ACCRPTANCU 
 
 r^lr^ 'hv^^r, T r. TT ' ' ' WAsniXGtoN, May29. 18G8. 
 
 ^ * 10 IxK^RAL J. R. Hawley, iV65/c£e/!^ ira?/o«aZ Unian Republican Convention : 
 
 ' <tl,r9i r°r Ir ^'?'P^'"g ^^^ nomination of the National Union Republican Convention of 
 -Mnezistot May instant, It seems proper that some statement of views bpv^-v^tfvention 
 acceptance of the nomination should be expressed. Tl^^-a-a ueiieve express the feelings 
 wei^ marked with wisdom^ moderatAft\5a ihe country through its recent trials. 
 
 r endorse ttie resolutions. If elected to the office of President of the United States it 
 will be my endeavor to administer all the laws in good faith, with economy, and with the 
 view of giving peace, quiet, and protection everywhere. 
 
 In times like the present it is impossible, ot at least eminently imjiroper, to lay down a 
 policy to be adhered to, right or wrong, through an administration of four yea-r?. New 
 political issues, not foreseen, are constantly arising, the views of the public on old ones 
 are constantly changing, and a purely administrative officer should always be left free to 
 execute the will of the people. I always have respected that will, and always shall. 
 
 Peace and universal prosperity, its sequence, with economy of administration, will 
 lighten the burden of taxation, while it constantly reduces the national debt. Let us 
 
 1 „„„ ^^„„„ ■' " ' •■ •-,. '".' .i f<::' ■.! 1 -U) fJii, -Vti ./O' III!.. tvjn.'iJ,- 
 
 nave peace. , i i. ., . 
 
 With great reepect, your otedient servant, ' •"•'"'• ' ■"■" 
 
 ■'■ ' U. S. G-RANT. 
 
 :',;:' mil ii 
 HON. SCHUYLER COLFAX'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANOE. 
 
 Washingtox, D. C, May 30. 1808. 
 Hon. J. R. Hawlet, President of the National Union RepiMican Committee : 
 
 Dear Sir : The platform adopted by the patriotic Convention over which you presided, 
 and the resolutions which so happily suppliment it, so entirely agree with my views as to 
 a just national policy, that my thanks are due to the delegates as much for this clear and 
 auspicious declaration of principles, as for the domination with "which I have been hon- 
 ored, and which I gratefully accept. 
 
 When a great rebellion, which imperiled the national ekisteric^, was at last overthrown, 
 the duty of all others, devolving upon those entrusted with the responsibilities of legisla- 
 tion, evidently was to require that the revolted States should be readmitted to participa- 
 tion in the Government against which they had erred only on such a basis as to increase 
 and fortify, not to weaken or endanger, the strength and power of the nation. Certainly 
 no one ought to have claimed that they should bd readmitted under such rule that tieir 
 organization as States could ever again be used, as at the opening of the war, to defy the 
 national authority or to destroy the national unity. This principle has been the pole star 
 of those who have inflexibly insisted on the Concessional policy your convention so cor- 
 dially endorsed. 
 
 Baffled by executive opposition and persistent refusals to accept any plan of reconstruc- 
 tion proffered by Congress, justice and public safety at last combined to teach us that 
 only be an enlargement of suffrage in those States could the desired end be attained, and 
 that it was even more safe to give the ballot to those who loved the Union than to those 
 who had sought ineffectually to destroy it. The assured success of this legislation is being 
 written on the adamant of history, and will be our triumphant vindication. More clearly 
 too, than ever before does the nation now recognize that the greatest glory of a republic is 
 that it throws the shield of its protection over the humblest ai^d the weakest of its people, 
 and vindicates the rights of the poor and the powerless as faithfully as those of the rich 
 and the powerful. 
 
I rejo.., ,00, in this connection, to fir d in your platform the ^-f -f^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 that naturalize! citizens must be protected abroad " at every hazard as though they we^e 
 natwe bom." Our whole people are foreigner or ^--dent. o^ or^^^^^ 0- fajh^ 
 
 ers established by arms theh- right to be called a nation. l\f ""^''*';°! „^^ .^ ,.^^, 
 the nghtto welcome to our shores all who are willing by oatl.s of f ^^J^i ^ameTor 
 American ciuzens. Perpetual allegiance, as claimed abroad, is ^ y^^^^^^Yilt Ou 
 nationa.VV^,.„e, and would make all slaves to the soil where first they saw kght^ Our 
 been sealed in the life- biobuoAL'h fully these oaths of fidelity to the.r adopted laud t^je 
 the dead if we did not protect their living brethrcft"f/}rid^..-SW<i^«>^^«^ ^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^? 
 ity for which, side by side with the native born, our soldiers of foreign birth laid down 
 their lives? 
 
 It was fitting, too, that the representatives of a party which had proved so true to na- 
 tional duty in time of war, should speak so clearly in time of peace for the maintenance 
 untarnished of the national honor, national credit and good faith as regard its debt, the 
 cost of our national existence. 
 
 I do not need to extend this reply by further comment on a platform which has elicited 
 such hearty approval throughout the land. The debt of gratitude it acknowledges to the 
 brave men Avho saved the Union from destruction, the frank approval of amnesty based 
 on repentance and loyalty, the demand for the most thorough economy and honesty in the 
 Government, the sympathy of the party of liberty with all throughout the World who long 
 for the liberty we here enjoy, and tke recognition of the sublime principles of the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, are worthy of the organization on whose banners they are to be 
 written in the coming contest. Its past record cannot be blotted out or forgotten. If 
 there had been no Republican party, slavery would to-day cast its baneful shadow over the 
 Republic. If there had been no Republican party, a free press and free speech would be 
 as unknown from the Potomac to the Rio Grande as ten years ago. If the Republican 
 party could have been stricken from existence when the banner of rebellion was unfurled, 
 and when the response of " no coercion" was heard at the North, Ave would have had no 
 nation to-day. But for the Republican party daring to risk the odium of tax and draft 
 laws our flag could not have been kept flying in the field until the long-hoped-for victory 
 came. Without a Republican party the Civil Rights bill — the guaranty of equality under 
 the law to the humble and the defenseless, as well as the strong — would not be to-day upon 
 our national statute book. 
 
 With such inspiration from the past, and following the example of the founders of the 
 Republic, who called the victorious General of the Revolution to preside over the land his 
 triumphs had saved from its enemies, I cannot doubt that our labors will be crowned with 
 success. And it will be a success that will bring restored hope, confidence, prosperity and 
 progress, South as well as North, West as well as East, and, above all, the blessings, un- 
 der Providence, of national concord and peace. 
 
 Very truly yours, , SCHUYLER COLFAX. 
 
 COPPERHEAD AND REBEL NATIONAL PLATFORM, 
 
 Adopted at New Yoric, July 7, 1868. 
 
 The Democratic party in National Convention assembled, reposing its trust in the intel- 
 ligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice of the people, standing upon the Constitu- 
 tion as the foundation and limitation of the .powers of the Government, and the guarantee 
 of the liberties of the citizen, and recoguiKing the questions of Slavery and Secession as 
 having boe« settled for all time to come by the war, or the voluntary action of tht? South- 
 
^°w^ft^fL'° *;°°^'^^^?^^o°»l convcntioiw assembled, and never to be renewed or re-a^itated 
 do with the retarn of peace demand : 'o-agit-ateu, 
 
 ■r^!!=f77^°'°'°^'''^ restoration of all the States to their rights in the Union, «nder th^ 
 Constitution, and of civil government to the American people 
 
 SECON^Ainnesty for all past political offenses and the regulation of the elective fran- 
 chise in the States bj their citizens. wiecuve rran 
 
 TuiuD-Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable • all 
 ^tiSthTr.^'""^ '^'' ?'"P^" by taxation, .except so much as i? requisitrfSn Sch ^my- 
 mlnt i^l T'^uv' «9»°o°ycalIy administered, beiA^.^AftBrystote, upon their f^e. 
 ment and where the obligations of the Gove^ria-Lm provide that they shall b4 paid in coin 
 l.!r „-""?'i^ii5^'ancfmju8tice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States. 
 
 Fourth — Equal taxation of every species of property according to its real value, in- 
 cluding Government bonds and other public securities. 
 
 Fifth — One currency for the Government and the people, the laborer and the office- 
 holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the bond-holder." 
 
 Sixth — Economy in the administration of the Government, the reduction of the stand- 
 ing army and navy, tke abolition of the Freedmen's Bureau, and all political instrument- 
 alities designed to secure negro supremacy ; simplification of the system and discontin- 
 uance of inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting Internal Revenue, so that the 
 burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened, the credit of the Government, and the 
 currency mado good, the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the State Militia int« 
 National forces in time of peace, and a tariff for revenue upon foreign in^ports, and such 
 equal taxation under the Internal Revenue laws as will afford incidental protection to 
 domestic manufactures, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least bur- 
 den upon and best promote and encourage the great industrial interests of the country. 
 
 Sevexth — Reform of abuses in the Administration, the expulsion ©f corrupt men from 
 office, the abrogation of useless offices, the restoration of rightful authority to and the in- 
 dependence of the Executive and Judicial Departments of the Government, the subordi- 
 nation of the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of Congress and 
 the despotism of the sword may cease. 
 
 Eighth — Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born citizens at home 
 and abroad, the assertion of American nationality which shall command the respect of 
 foreign powers and furnish an example and encouragement to people struggling for na- 
 tional integrity, constitutional liberty, and industrial rights; and the maintenance of the 
 rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doctrine of immutable allegiance and 
 the claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crime committed beyond their 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 That we regard the Reconstruction acts (so called) of Congress, as usurpations and 
 unconstitutional, revolutionary and void. That the President of the United States, 
 Andrew Johnson, in exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggressions of 
 Congress. upon the Constitutional rights of the States and the people, is entitled to the 
 gratitude of the whole American people, and in behalf of the Democratic party we tender 
 him our thanks for his patriotic efforts in that regard. 
 
 FRANK BLAIR'S REVOLUTIONRY LETTER. 
 
 Washixgtok, June 30, 18G8. 
 
 Dear Colonel : In reply to your inquiries I beg leave to say that I leave to you to de- 
 termine, on consultation with my friends from Missouri, whether my name shall be pre- 
 sented to the Democratic convention, and to submit the following, as what I consider the 
 real and only issue in this contest. 
 
 The reconstruction policy of the Radicals will be complete before the next election; the 
 States so long excluded will have been admitted; negro suffrage established, and the car- 
 pet-bagers installed in their seats in b"tli branches of Congres-s. There is no possibility 
 of changing the political character of liK' Senate, even if the Democrats should elect their 
 President and a majority of the popular ItrancTi of Congress. We cannot, therefore, undi^ 
 the Radical plan of reconstruction by Congressional action; the Senate will continue a bar 
 to its repeal- Must we submit to it? How can it be overthrown? It can only be over- 
 thrown by the authority of the Executive, who is sworn to maintain the Constitution, and 
 who will CeuI to do his duty if he allows the Constitution to perish under a series of Coa- 
 gressional enactments which sire in palpable violauon of i^ fuadantental priap'iples. 
 
6 ^ _____.^ . 
 
 If the President elected by the Democracy enforces or permits others to enforce these 
 reconstruction acta, the Radices by the accession of twenty spurious, Senators and K^pre- 
 sentatives will control both branches of Congress, and his Administration will bo as pow- 
 erless as the present one of Mr. Johnson. . r^ .-. r 1 fl „f ;= f^,. 
 
 There is but one way to restore the Government and the Constitution, and that is foi 
 -^President elect to declare these acts null and void, compel the army to undo its usur- 
 
 ipel 
 
 obligations of the Constitution. It will not be able to withstand the public judgment, if 
 distinctly invoked and clearly expressed on this fundamental issue, and it is the sure way 
 to avoid all future strife to put the issue i^lainly to the country. 
 
 I repeat that this is the real and only question which we should allow to control us: 
 Shall we submit to the usurpations by which the Government has been overthrown, or shall 
 we e.vert oui-solves for its full and comple restoration ? It is idle to talk of bonds, green- 
 backs, gold, the public faith, and the public credit. What can a Democratic President do- 
 in regard to any of these, with a Congress i» both branches controlled by the carpet-bag- 
 gers and their allies ? He will be powerless to stop the supplies by which idle negroes 
 are organized into political clubs — by which an army is maintained to protect these vaga- 
 bonds in their outrages upon the ballot. These, and things like these, eat up the revenue 
 and resources of the Government and destroy its credit — make the difference between 
 gold and greenbacks. We must restore the Constitution before we can restore the finances, 
 and to do this we must have a President who will execute the will of the people by tramp- 
 ling into dust the usurpation of Congress, known as the reconstruction acts. I wish to 
 stand before the Convention upon this issue, but it is one which embraces everthing else 
 that is of value in its large and comprehensive results'. It is the one thing that includes 
 all that is worth a contest, and without it there is nothing that gives dignity, honor, or 
 value to the struggle. Your friend, FRANK P.' BLAIR. 
 
 Colonel James 0. Bkoadhead. 
 
 THE COPPERHEAD PLATFORM MEANS WAR. 
 
 In commenting upon the national platform adopted by the Rebel and Copperhead De- 
 mocracy in New York, in July, construed not only by their positive declarations, but by 
 the character of their nominations, and especially by Blair's revolutionary letter. Sena- 
 tor Morton, of Indiana, said: 
 
 General Grant, iii his letter of acceptance, said, " Let us have peace;" but the Demo- 
 cratic party by their Convention in New York have said, "Let us have war ; there 
 shall be no peace." They have declared in substance, I might say perhaps, in direct 
 lerms, that the reconstruction of these States under the several acts of Congress shall not 
 be permitted to stand, but shall be overturned by military force if they get the power. 
 They have announced that there shall be no peace in this country ; that there shall be no 
 eettlement of our troubles except upon the condition of the triumph of tkose who have 
 t>een in rebellion. This platform and these nominations are a declaration of renewal of 
 the rebellion. Let me call your attention to a part of the eighth resolution in regard to 
 this very question. In speaking of the reconstruction of the States, they go on to say 
 that the power to regulate suffrage exists with "each State," making no difference between 
 loyal States that have been at peace and States that have been in rebellion, puttiBg 
 them all upon the same footing : 
 
 " An'j that any attorapt by Congress ou auy pretext whatever to deprive the State of this riglit, oriuterfere 
 with its cxerciBe, is a liugrant usurpatiou of power which can find no warrant in the Constitution ; and, if 
 t-aiiotiojicd by the people, will subvert our form of Government. And can only end in a single ceutralized and 
 on«ilid!(ted Government, in which the separ.ate existence of the Statea will bo entirely absorbed, and an 
 unqualified despotism be established in place of a Federal Union of coequal States, and that wo regard the 
 reconstruction acts (so-calUrt) of Congress, as such usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolutionary, and 
 void." 
 
 This convention has called upon the rebels of the South to regard t|iesO goverhmeiits, 
 organized by authority of acis of Congress by the people of those States as usui-pations, 
 tinconstitutional, and void, and has thereby invited them again to insurrection and rebellion. 
 That is what that resolution means. There is where the Democratic party has placed 
 JtBelf and its candidate, tliat there shall be no acquiescence in the action of Congress, 
 bet that contlnue<i resistance is and shall be their policy. They have replied to Gep«ral 
 
Orant by saying, "There shall be no peace, but the war shall be renewed." There can 
 be no other policy for that party unless it acquiesces: If it does not accept these recon- 
 struction acts there can be no policy but that of resistance and a renewal of the war. — 
 They declare these reconstruction aots to be unconstitutional and void. Being void, no- 
 body is bound to regard them; they have no authority over any one to coerce or to pun- 
 ish, and may be resisted by any one with itopunit}'. That is not the language of this 
 resolution, but it is the substance and the meaning of it; and in consequence of this 
 it received the indorsement and the approbation of the hundreds of rebels who were 
 in that Convention from the South, men who organized the rebel government and organ- 
 ized and led the rebel ai-mies in battle. This, then, is the issue, a continuance of the war ; 
 u renewal of the rebellion ; because it is either that, or it is submission and acquies- 
 cence to what has been done. But, we are not left to grope for the meaning of ths 
 convention : we are not left even to seek for it by inference. We have a letter of Gen- 
 eral Francis P. Blair, written less than one week ago, and this letter has been indorsed 
 by that Convention by his nomination as their candidate for the Vice Presidency. 
 
 The treasonable letter of Blair, printed above, having been read Mr. Morton continued: 
 
 That is the Democratic platform. General Blair, whatever you may say of him, is a bold, 
 Outspoken man, and he spoke the sentiment of that Convention, lie says, '" Upon these 
 sentiments I want to stand before the Convention ;" and upon those sentiments he was 
 nominated. Therefore, I say that the language of the Democratic Convention at New 
 York to the whole country is war ; resistance by force of arras to Congressional legislation : 
 the overthrow by force of arms of the governments that have been erected in the rebel 
 States under the lavrs enacted by Congress; the continuance of this rebellion ; continu- 
 ance of this struggle in a somewhat different form, but still the same struggle, contending 
 for the same principles. It is now announced formally, not at Montgomery, not at Ricli- 
 moiid, but at New York. The country need not be at any loss to understand the charac- 
 ter of the contest upon which we are entering. It is not one of peace and acquies- 
 cence, of consolidation whereby the ravages of war may be repaired ; but it is a !iew de- 
 claration of war ; a new announcement of the rebellion under somewhat different cir- 
 cumstances, but under circumstances formidable, dangerous, and solumn. Let the countrj- 
 look the struggle in the face. 
 
 General Blair has said truly that all that is said about greenbacks and bonds and ques- 
 tions of finance is mere nonsense. The great issue is the question of overturning the new 
 State governments by force, ihe restoration of the power of the rebels, or as they call it 
 the white men's government in those States, and all the rest is leather and prunnella. 
 We owe a debt of gratitude to General Blair for his frankness. There need be no decep- 
 tion practiced now, and there can be none. If Seymour shall be elected upon that plat- 
 form he stands pledged to use the army of the United States for the purpose of over- 
 turning the governments that have been established in the South by the voice of the 
 whole people, and by that army to place the power back again into the hands of the rebels. 
 They were there with him' in that Convention. They have given to him their counsel. 
 They have indorsed Mr. Seymour, and the Convention and all have indorsed General 
 Francis P. Blair. 
 
 I know that we shall be told in the Northwest that they intend to have the same cur- 
 rency for the Government and the people, for the bondholder and the laborer. They 
 will proclaim taxation of the bonds, aS the great issue upon which they expect to get 
 votes ; but that wili be a deception. The great issue underlying the whole contest — 
 and we liave the solemn declaration of their candidate for Vice President to that effect — 
 will be the renewal of the war to overturn the State governments that have jiist been es- 
 tablished under the acts of Congress. General Blair has relieved the Republican party 
 j of a great deal of labor. He has unmasked the enemy with whom we have to deal, and 
 \\ he has placed before the country the very issue, peace or war. 
 
 REBEL CONSTRUCTION OF THE PLATFORM. 
 The rebel supporters of Seymour and Blair, and especially those who procured their 
 nomination, like Forrest, the hero of the Fort Pillow massacre, the rebel Generals Preston 
 of Kentucky, and Hampton, of South Carolina, and Johnson's ex-(iovernor I*erry of the 
 ; latter State, all understand the platform exactly as Senator Morton and th.e Republicans 
 do. The South Carolina' rebels have held a meeting at Columbia to ratify the nomination 
 of Seymour and Blair by thr> New York Democratic convention. Gov. Perry, .just returned 
 from New York, addressed the meeting, and was received with enthusiastic applause. 
 He spok'' nearly an hour, giving a very interesting account of the way in which the dele- 
 
lL2n,f ^ OF CONGRESS 
 
 gation from this State was received in New York, and detailed the manner and cause of the 
 votes cast by our delegates. He said that Hampton was the lion of the convention. 
 [Deafening cheers.] Hampton was courted by all parties, North, South, East, and West, 
 and when, as a member of the Committee on Platform, he submitted that section which de- 
 clares the reconstruction acts void and revolutionary, the rest of the committee told him to 
 make it as strong as he pleased, they icovld endorse it. 
 
 Governor Perry paid the highest encomiums to Seymour and Blair. He said the former 
 was the greatest statesman of the Democratic party, and the latter the gallant officer Avho 
 had the manliness, after the fight was over, to hold out the hand of fellowship. Alluding 
 to the late act of Congress respecting the electoral college, Pej-ry said that it was the 
 greatest fraud yet attemptetl, and meant that if the Southern States cas" their votes for 
 Grant they would be counted, if for Seymour they would be excluded. In this case, he 
 eaid. General Blair's letter would have a pra^-tical illustration, and the Demoorats North 
 and South would rise up a.nd drive the usurpers frpm the halls of legislation. [Immense 
 applause.] 
 
 GEXERAL Sheridan's opinion of general grant. 
 
 "It is, perhaps, needless for me to tell you how light my heart is on account of the glo- 
 rious record, in front of which Gen. Grant now stands before the country. 
 
 ''The country now begins to appreciate that his was the only hand which patted me on 
 the shoulder and gave me encouragement, when I, almost alone, stuck up my little battle* 
 flag at New Orleans to assist a second time in saving the country and preserving the re- 
 cord of our soldiers. 
 
 '^Two solutions were necessary for the settlement of the Rebellion. The first was to iaJcf. 
 away its military strength. That loas done at Appotomax. The second, to take away 
 its political strength. That will be done next November. Itwillbe a short campaign, but as 
 decisive as Appotomax. ' ' 
 
 GEN. m'PHERSON's OPINION OF GEN. GRANT. 
 
 •'General U. S. Grant I regard as one of the most remarkable men of our country. With- 
 out aspiring to be a genius, or possessing those characteristics which impress one forcibly 
 at first sight, his sterling good sense, calm judgment, and persistency of purpose more than 
 compensate for those dashing brilliant qualities which are apt to captivate at first glance. 
 To know and appreciate General Grant fully, one ought to be a member of his military 
 family. Though possessing a remarkable reticence as far as military operations are con- 
 cerned, 7ieis frank and affable, converses well, and has a peculiarly retentive memory. 
 When not oppressed with the cares of his position, he is very fond of talking, telling, 
 anecdotes, &c. His purity of character is unimpeachable, and his patriotisni of the most 
 exalted kind. He is generous to a fault, humane and true, and a steadfast friend to those 
 whom he deems worthy of his confidence. He can be relied upon in case of emergency.'' 
 
 GEN. Sherman's opinion op gen. grant. 
 
 " You are now Washington's legitimate successor, ..-aid occupy a position of almost dan- 
 gerous elevation ; but if you can continue, as heretofore, to be yourself, simple, honest, and 
 unpretending, you will enjoy through life the respect and love of friends, and the homage 
 of millions of human beings, that will award you -a large share in securing to them and 
 their descendants a government of law and stability." 
 
 * * * * -x- * * * 
 
 "Until you had won Donelson, I confess I was almost cowed by the terrible array of 
 anarchical elements that presented themselves at every point ; but that admitted a ray of 
 light I have followed since. tjt- 7 • 
 
 " I believe you are as brave, patriotic, and just as the great prototype, Washington; as 
 unselfish, kind-hearted and honest a man as should be. But the chief characteristic is the 
 simple faith in success you have always manifested, which 1 can liken to nothing else 
 than the faith a Christian has in his Saviour. , i j 
 
 "This faith gave you victory at Shiloh and Vicksburg. Also, when you have completed 
 your preparations, you go into battle without hesitation, as at Chattanooga— no doubts, 
 no reserves ; and I tell you it was this that made us act with confidence. 1 knew where- 
 ever I was that you thought of me, and if I got in a tight place, you would help me, if 
 alive." 
 
 printed at the office of the great republic, WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 786 534 8 • 
 
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