Fa HOLLiNGER pH8J MILL RUN F3-1543 E 420 .F68 Copy 1 PORTIONS OF SEVERAL SPEECHES or -<-. i^ ,/- HON. H: S.'FOOTE, OF MISSISSIPPI, ON THE QUESTION OF ADJOURNMENT. # DEUVEREO IN_THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, COMMENCING JUNE 22, 1848. ( ■■■' WASHINGTON: PRIKTED AT TH^ CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. K^ ? 1848. i QUESTION OF ADJOURNMENT. The Resolution from the House fixing the time for the adjournment of the two Houses of Congress on the 17th July, being under consideration — Mr. FOOTE said: Mr. President, the question of adjournment has awakened more feeling in the Senate, and given rise to a much more extended discussion than any of us anticipated. Heartily concurring in all that has been heretofore said in opposition to fixing a day, at this time, upon which the deliberations of Congress at the present session shall be made to terminate, I seize the op- portunity of stating an additional consideration, which of itself would be of sufficient cogency to control my action upon this subject. There is, at least, one measure, before the adoption of which, Congress, in my judgment, should never consent to adjourn: I allude to the organization of Terri- torial Governments in Oregon, California, and New Mexico. I know that there are question's of peculiar delicacy and importance involved in the contemplated establishment of Territorial Govern- ments in the regions named; but I am only the more desirous, on that account, that they should be boldly met and promptly decided. If these questions remain open during the Presidential con- test, it is impossible to conjecture what conse- quences may arise. The intense excitement now raging in two opposite quarters of the Confederacy, and every day growing more and more intense, may put at hazard the Union itself, and will cer- tainly (;all into being two sectional factions, divided by a mere geographical line, which will never cease to war upon each other as long as the Union shall continue. I regard the present as far the most auspicious period which will ever occur for obviating this great danger, and once more restoring fraternal amity and concord. Besides, sir, I am willmg to confess that I am not a little desirous of ascertaining, ere Congress shall adjourn, of what precise materiel the Whig party is composed — whether that party, if it can reach the seats of authority once more, will be in- clined to enforce its ancient views of governmental policy, or will be content, as has been promised by, certain leading members of it, to permit the policy of the present Administration to remain undisturbed. There is still another point upon which 1 desire to obtain a more satisfactory expla- nation than has heretofore been given. Will Gen- eral Taylor, if elected, be willing to use the veto power against the Wilmot proviso? On this sub- ject his language has been so far most painfully ambiguous and contradictory; and in the two sec- tions of the Union he is claimed both as friendly and adverse to this accursed measure. IN'or has the language of his friends and supporters in the two Houses of Congress been more satisfactory. Sir, the people are resolved not to be hoodwinked any longer by the dexterous tacticians of party; they are resolved to have explicit declarations of opinion from all who aspire- to their suflfrages in regard to this all-important question. No arts of evasion or subterfuge will any longer avail those who have heretofore practised them. Should the Whig leaders here be compelled to show their hands and avow their real principles and designs, the speedy overthrow of their party could not be possibly avoided. This they well know; and therefore it is that so much anxiety has been evinced by certain gentlemen to bring about an im- mediate adjournment. I am not willing to gratify them at the expense of the country; and I shall therefore, as I have already said, vote against fixing any particular day of adjournment for the present. I am free to acknowledge that the conduct of Whig Senators, in desiring to avoid a positive com- mittal upon the great questions now in agitation, is in excellent keeping with the course pursued by the Convention of their party which lately assem- bled in Philadelphia; which remarkable body is known to have met and adjourned without the least declaration of principles, or the most remote allusion to the objects which they desire to attain. The fabled journey of ^neas to hell was not a whit more mysterious than the movements of those wise men who the other day were seen counselling to- gether in Independence Hall. Truly may it be said of them, as of the son of Anchises and the Sibyl, ibant sola sub node. Nor was the idea of the golden offering to Proserpine entirely forgotten among them; for did not the president of this famous body, even in his opening speech, announce to the multitude who surrounded him, boldly to inscribe upon their banner the significant motto, "To the victors belong the spoils.'" I am deci- dedly of opinion, that we are bound, as liberal men, to make more or less allowance for the members of the Philadelphia Convention; we should not perhaps censure them too severely for not laying down a regular party platform for the opening Presidential campaign. It had been undoubtedly ascertained among them, that no political creed could be devised to which any considerable num- ber of their body would be able to subscribe, and therefore was it judged most discreet to forego en- tirely the consideration of everything like principle. Availability and the spoils of office were alone looked to. It was not desired to give offence to any who might be inclined to support General Taylor on any possible ground; and the utmost care was accordingly employed to avoid the intro- duction of topics which might produce disputation, and develop contrariety of sentiment. It was resolved, in the language of St. Paul, " to be all things to all men," at least for a season; or, in the well-known words of a distinguished Whig of Vir- ginia, it was deemed politic to extend the Whig " net so widely as to catch birds of every feather." Such was the conduct of the Whig Convention of 1840; and succeeding then in deluding the people, it is hoped that similar arts may be equally suc- cessful at the present time. Sir, it shall not be my fault if the game of 1840 shall be played over again successfully. I am resolved that the Whig leaders here at least shall avow their principles, and explain those of their Presidential candidate, or permit the most unfavorable presumptions to be deduced from their silence. After some remarks from Messrs. MANGUM and BRADBURY—. Mr. FOOTE resumed. I always regret to be compelled to differ from my distinguished friend from Maine, who has just addressed the Senate, but on this occasion 1 find it impossible to avoid it. The honorable Senator from North Carolina [Mr. Mangum] has done me the honor to notice some of the suggestions thrown out by me upon the question of adjournment, and has expressed a willingness to do battle in behalf of the Presidential ticket lately nominated at Philadelphia. This is exactly \vhat I expected from the cljivalry of that gentleman. I feat", though, that he will find himself but slenderly supported by his customary allies in this Chamber; and it is still more certain, that in venturing upon discussion, he does not pay the least respect to the example of discreet silence set him in Philadelphia; where were assembled men professing free-trade principles, and ultra-protec- tionists; men in favor, even yet, of a national bank, and men who avow themselves opposed to banks and banking in every conceivable shape and form; independent treasury men, and men opposed to the independent treasury; men opposed to the Mexican war, and men in favor of it; no territory men, and men whose appetite for territorial acqui- sition can only be satisfied by all Mexico, and Cuba into the bargain; friends of the Wilmot proviso, and enemies to all restrictions upon settlement in our territorial domain of any kind whatsoever, save what the settlers shall themselves impose. Will the Senator from North Carolina have the goodness to inform the Senate and the country, with what class of his supporters it is that General Taylor concurs ? It would be a pity that any of his pres- ent friends should be disappointed by his course as President, should he chance to be elected. I am afraid they might be tempted to denounce him as a traitor, as it is well known they did Mr. Tyler vinder similar circumstances. If the Senator from North Carolina, then, can in advance inform us what General Taylor's real opinions are, I feel cer- tain he will do much present good and prevent future misunderstanding among the friends of that distinguished personage. Whether he will strengthen the General very greatly for the present canvass, is perhaps more doubtful; though I regard the experiment as decidedly v^orthy of trial. In the absence of a clear and satisfactory exposition of the General's political opinions from the Con- vention which nominated him, I have been dis-* posed to look to other sources for information, and the result of my scrutiny I will proceed to lay be- fore the Senate. I find that the newspapers sua-" taining his pretensions all recognize him as a Whig, and, as such, in favor of that whole class of meas- ures understood to be embraced in what is known as Whig policy. This is certainly contradictory to declarations which some of us encountered last winter in the social circles of Washington, when it was freely and positively asserted by several who v.'ere presumed to speak by authority, that General Taylor, if elected, would not be inclined to disturb the measures of domestic policy so successfully put in operation by the present Ad^ ministration; but inasmuch as no written assu' ranee has been given by him, at least none that it has been deemed safe to promulge, of his will- ingness to play the part of a Democratic President, though taken up by the Whig party, and to be elected to the Presidency, if at all, by Whig votes, I suppose we shall have to regard him as a genuine and unadulterated Whig of the most approved Clay and Webster stamp. There is one point, however, upon which the newspapers of the Whig party seem to diflfer very widely indeed: I allude to the Wilmot proviso. For it is a striking fact, that whilst the southern Whig editors all set him down as a zealous and inflexible pro-slavery man,, whose pecuniary interests as a large slaveholde will insure his firm and steady opposition to al attempts to restrict the extension of domestic slave, ry, by Congressional legislation, within its present territorial limits; the newspapers of the Whig party in that section of the Union where this sya-- tern of slavery is not tolerated by law, and where the fiercest opposition is exhibited to its further diffusion, without a single exception, so far as I have been able to ascertain, have presented him to their respective readers as a Wilmot proviso man, and as such, prepared if elevated to the Executive chair of the nation, to withhold his veto from this noxious measure — thus permitting it to become one of the permanent laws of the Republic. I dislike exceedingly to run into detail upon this head; but holding it to be quite important that the South should understand in time the precise extent of the danger to v/hich she stands exposed on this vita! point, I shall take the liberty of laying before the Senate and the country a few extracts from leading Whig journals of extensive circulation in the free States of the Union, from which the general course of the editors sustaining General Taylor's preten- sions in that section of the Confederacy may be easily inferred. And first, I will read an extract from the " Daily Democrat," published at Rochester, New York, which is as follows. "And here is the precise difference between Cass anil Gen. Taylor. It is possilde that General Taylor entertains doubts of the expediency of prohibiting slavery in the Territories, and th.il he would not originate or recommend such a measure. " It may even be, that he shares in the scruples of General Cass, as to the grant of power to Congress to legislate for them upon this sitbject. But General Taylor tells as that the personal opinions of the Executive ouijlitiiot to control the action of Congress; nor ought his ohjedions to be interposed when questions of constitutional jiower hay e been settled by the various depcirtnicnts of GovernBient, and acquiesced in by the peaple. lis " Now, we are entirely willins; to rest the power of Con- gress to restrain tile extension of slavery upon its having buen settled by all the departments of Government, and acquiesced in [<y the people. We can sliow that it has been exercised in respect to six Territories by a perpetual inter- diction of slavery, and in four oiliers ttie li'i;islative power of Congress over slavery has been asserted in the way of limitation and re^'ulation ; that every President has, in some way, recognized tlia existence of this power ; that it has been solemnly declared by the courts of the United States, and of nearly, if not quite, all those of every slave State. General Taylor, therefore, is bound and pledged not to interpose objections, if he entertains any, to arrester de- feat the action of Congress." Next, a short extract from the " Boston Atlas" claims attention. It reads thus: " We are not unaware that there are some among us who are reluctant to yield to General Taylor their support, even tliongh the nominee of the PhilacJelphia Convention. We feel assured "that they can be but few. " Let them, if they really mean to be ri^ht, atid to act for the best, and with clear consciences, consider whether they really have any good grounds for their hesitation to support Gen- eral Taylor; and above all, let them take into view the fear- ful responsiliilily tliey will take upon themselves, if, by their opposition, they bring upon the country all the awful con- sequences itivolved in the election of Lewis Cass. Let them ponder these things well. Let them learn — as thej will learn, if they will not be deaf and blind to the truth— that General Taylor is a Whig in principle — is in favor of peace — opposed to all war — believes slavery to be a curse to the country, and desires its e.vtormination — and is opposed to the further extension of slave territory." Next, I will invite notice to an extract from the " Toledo Blade," published in Ohio: "General Taylor declares expressly in his tlrst letter, written two years since, to James M. Taylor, Esq., then editor of the " Cincinnati Signal," that he considers the ordinance of 1787 the best code of laws for the government of a new territory in existence. Now, what is the prominent feature of this ordinance .-■ Is it not, clearly, that no slavery shall exist in the Territory for which it was framed? Here is tlie doctrine of the Wilmot proviso fully endorsed. If the language of General Taylor means anything, it means every- thnig, and allhough he inay, troin his peculiar location and occupation, as an extensive planter, find it necessary to liold slaves himself, it does not follow that he should approve of the extension of the evil of slavery into territory now free, any more than that Lewis Cass, who has spent liis life in a free State — whose sympathies and assuciatioiis have all been with free laborers — should not approve of it. General Cass, we bi-lieve, is not suspected of entertaining any other than the most radical views in favor of an extension of slavery. If he does, the platform erected for him by his party, and his own letter of acceptance and endorsement, greatly belie him. "Again, his views upon the qualified use of the veto, re- stricting it to matters that are clearly unconstitutional, and never to be employed against a decisive Congressional vote, are stronger safeguards against the extension of slavery than any personal pledges of o|)position. This is power and au- thority; it is thcopinion of awise head and good heart, upon a subject which, of itself, is the very fountain of all law. Would General Taylor veto the Wilmot proviso.' Would he dare to say to the assembled Congress of the United States, it is unconstitutional to pass such a law.' especially after his endorsement of it in his first letter, after declaring his opposition to the war, and after expressing a determina- tion to avoid the use of the veto, except in the most extreme cases .' We do not believe it ! '• How is it with the Locofocos,' Their platform tells a different story. They oppose the Wilmot proviso, favor the use of the veto, approve of the war and its results. Now, with such doctrines, what else can be expected than that, if Cass should be elected to the Presidency, every wi.-h of the most violent pro-slavery men would be immediately gratified.' We could expect nothing else, for these are the principles of their doctrinal, nominating Convention." Next, an article from the Cincinnati Gazette will be found worthy of consideration: "The nomination of General Taylor by the Whig Na- tional Convention is responsive to the authoritative voice of the. popular will of the Whigs of the Union, Isgitimately expressed in the mode and manner which they themselves provided. " In April, 1647, the editor of the Cincinnati Signal sent to General Taylor an editorial article, in which is the fol- lowing: " ' The only path of safety for those who may hereafter fill the Presidential olhce, is to rest in the discharge of ICxccu- tive functions, and let the legislative will of the people find utterance and enactments. The American people are about to assume the responsibility of framing the institutions of the Pacific States. We have no fears for the issue, if the arena of the hi!;h debate is the assemblies of the people and their representative halls. 7'he citcnvion over the continent beyond, lite Rio Grande of the oritinnncc of llSl, is an ohjcct too hi<ih and permanent to be baffled by Presidential vetoes.' " To the article from which the above extract is made, General Taylor responded, in a letter of date May 18, 1847, acknowledging his 'high opinion and decided approval of the views and sentiments.' "Here, it will be noticed, that General T ay ]or decidedly approves of giving to the will and acts of Congress ' force and effect,' unrestricted by kingly letocs, and that no Execu- tive veto shotild prcoent the extension of the ordinance of 1787 over newly acquired Mexican territory.^' The following' extract from the " Pittsburg Journal," one of the strongest Wilmot proviso papers in the country, wiir be found to the same effect: " The position of General Taylor'in regard to this all-im- portant question, is perfectly satisfactory to the Whigs of the North. What we desire in a President is, that he shall not interpose to defeat the will of the people as expressed through Congress. In the language of Mr. Forward, the Whigs want nothing that they cannot obtain through the action of Con- gress. " " Genera! Taylor's position is one which will make him the executor, not the dictator, of the public will. " If the Wilmot proviso is adopted hy Congress, General Taylor, as President, will not veto it. " We regard General Taylor as opposed to the extension of slavery, although a southern man. " The extract from Mr. Ashmun's address, which we pub- lish above, is the ground upon which we go into the support of General Taylor. This ground is sure, firm, and safe." Let me now call attention to the address which has just been issued by the State Central Whig Committee of Ohio to the voters of that State. The whole address is too long to have read; but the succeeding extract will plainly show what are the views of the Whigs of Ohio in regard to Geti- eral Taylor's principles, and especially as to his views on the Wilmot proviso: " It would doubtless have been more consonant to the . Whigs of Ohio, had a candidate been selected whose resi- dence and associations would have naturally inclined hiiti to agree with us fully on this subject. His residence and as- sociations, however, have not blinded Generiii Taylor to the evils of the institution of slavery, and the moral depravity of its extension. On the subject of slavery extension, the views of General Taylor are freely expressed in his approval of the sentiments contained in tlie following extract of an editorial article published in the ' Cincinnati Signal' of April, 1847, and sent by the editor to General Taylor: " ' The only path of safety for those who may hereafter fill ' the Presidential office, is to rest in the discharge of Execu- ' tive functions, and let the legislative will of the people find ' utterance and enactment. The American people are about ' to assume the responsibility of framing the institutions of ' the Pacific States. We have no fears for the issue, if the ' arena of the high debate is the assemblies of the people ' and their representative halls. The extension over the cotv- [ tincnt beyond the Rio Grande of the ordinance of 1787, is an ' object too Id^h and permanent to he bajffled by Presidential ' vetoes.' " To the article from which the above extract is made, General Taylor responded, in a letter of date May 18, 1847, acknowledging his 'high opinion and decided approval of the views and sentiments.' " Here, it will be noticed, that General Taylor decidedly approves of giving to the will and acts of Congress ' force and eftect,' unrestricted by kingly vetoes, and that no Ex- ecutive veto should prcoent the extension of the ordinance of 1787 over newly ac(pdred Mexican territory." In addition to these testimonials, I beg leave to suggest to gentlemen not already apprised of the 6 fact, that a certain manifesto has been recently ad- dressed to the Whigs of Massachusetts, by one of her leading representatives in Congress, and who was also a member of the Philadelphia Convention, which, if not expressly contradicted by General Taylor during the Presidential canvass, will bind him, as an honoi'able man, to throw no obstacles, as President of the United States, in the way of the Wilmot proviso. I allude to the circular of Mr. Ashmun to his constituents, which has evi- dently constituted the basis upon which the Whigs of Massachusetts have rallied to the support of General Taylor. That document reads as fol- lows: "General Taylor (says In) was not my preference; but I believe him to be a true Whig, an honest and capable man, opposed to the acquisition of Texas, with sound and con- servative principles, opposed to further enlarging the bound- aries of our Union; and although he lives in the latitude where slavery is tolerated, yet I do not believe that he de- sires or approves its extension. His declared sentiments are a guarantee that he will never, in the slightest manner, interfere with the action of Congress when it shall forbid the existence of slavery in our nevvly-acquircd territories. Let the representatives of the people and of the States be left free to act upon that question, uncontrolled by Executive influence and Executive veto, and we are safe. I need not, I am confident, give to you any assurance that whenever the question, in any form, shall be presented during my ofhcial term, the rights of humanity shall find in me an unyieldinir advocate. Tlie issue will soon come; it is to be met in the Halls of Congress; and then it is to be decided, in all proba- bihty, during the continuance of Mr. Polk's administration. Let the people of the free Slates looiv to their representa- tives I" Such is the condition of things in New England and the free States generally, in regard to General Taylor's attitude upon the Wilmot proviso. I do rot charge him in direct terms with being at heart favorable to the Wilmot proviso; but I do insist, and with the utmost confidence, too, that if elected without further explanation, his supporters among the " conscience Whigs," as they are called, would have great right to complain of any attempt on his part, as President, to defeat their favorite meas- ure, by the interposition of the Executive veto. And now, sir, I again appeal to the friends of Gen- eral Taylor in this body for some assurance as to the conduct of their Presidential candidate on this subject, should he chance to be elected, as they seem now so confidently to anticipate. Our candidate has come out plainly and unequivocally, and magnani- mously risked his election upon the soundness of his views. Should he be chosen President, no fas- tidious delicacy would restrain him in the exercise of the veto power upon all measures deemed by him unconstitutional, and he has declared his opinion that the Wilmot proviso is unconstitutional, in phraseology too explicit to be misunderstood by the dullest intellect in the Republic. But if Gen- eral Taylor's position as a Presidential candidate is so objectionable for the reasons now stated, how much more objectionable does he become when regarded as associated with Alillard Fillmore, of NewYork,upon the Whig ticket.' Mr. Fillmore has been known all his life — and no man, here or else- where, will dare deny it — to have been a thorough- going Whig of the true Boston stamp. He' is the reputed author of the tariff of 1842, and has never wavered in the support of ultra Whig prin- ciples. I am not authorized to charge him with being an Abolitionist; but no one cari^ safely con- tradict the assertion, that whilst a member of the House of P^epresentatives in Congress, he gave more than one vote which strongly smacked of abolition. His general course as a politician is well known to the country; but as all are not familiar with the incidents which have marked his public life for severaUyears past, I deem it pru- dent to read on this occasioii an extract from a letter which I have just received from an accom- plished and honorable friend of mine in the State of New York, wiiose means of obtaining correct information on this subject are such as few persons living possess, and whose reputation for veracity and fairness authorize me to avouch, as I solemnly do, the perfect accuracy of his whole statement: Albany, June 19, 1848. My dear Sir: I am happy to re|)ly to your favor of the 12lh instant, in the terms which I have replied to other simi- lar applications, to give you any information respecting Mr. Fillmore within my reach. You are not mistaken in the fact that Fillmore is a Wil- mot provisoist. He is so, out and out, as all know who have any knowledge of his opinions and associations. Nobody here doubts his position in this respect. He left Congress before the question came up in that body, and in our own State he has not been called upon for his views in this re- spect, because his political friends, the Whigs, who were rampant proviso men, never imagined that his provisoism was a matter to be questioned by anybody. It certainly never lias been here. He was nominated for Comptroller, the most imi)!)rtant and responsible State office in the State, by the Whig Slate Convention, last October, with the knowledge that his views were in perfect coincidence with those of the Convention, and with the Whig party of the State. You may recollect that the Democratic State Convention held at the close, of la^t September, laid on the table and re- fused to adopt the Wilmot yiromso ottered by a prominent " Barnburner," and, that upon that issue, the faction known by that name, led off by Preston King, George Rathhun, J. Van Buren, &c., &,c., denounced, opposed, and, with the Whigs, voted against the Democratic tickets. Tlie Whig State Convention, held the next week, adopted the identical resolution refused by the Democratic Convention, as fol- lows : " Resolved, That while the Whig freemen of New York, represented in this ConvenUon, will faithfully adhere to all the compiomises of the Constitution, and zealously main- tain all the reserved rights of the States, they declare, since the crisis has arrived when the question must be met, their uncompromising hostility to the extension of slavery into territory now free, or which may he hereafter acquired by any action of the Government of our Union." This Whig Convention nominated Fillmore for Comp- troller. The address adopted by the Convention avowed the doctrines of the resolution, and presented them as the great and essential issue of the campaign. It had these passages : " The Union as it is," "Aut no more territory is our watch- word," " unless it be free." " The voice o'f New York is powerful in the Union, and we have striven faithfully (in Fillmore & Co.) to present good sound sense men to person- ate our principles." The address of the New York Whig Central State Com- mittee, to the Whigs of the State, was as follows, (October 25,) in behalf of Fiilmore k. Co.: "The Whigs of the State have long seen and known that thestooe poicer was the governing power of this Union. They have seen and felt that that power was exerted in hosUllty to the free men and free labor of the North ; they have seeii that power make, and now see it making, most extraordi- nary efforts to extend its dominion and increase ife strength ; they have seen northern politicians and northern statesmen truckling, bending, yielding to that power for the sake of participating in its patronage, feeding upon the loaves and fishes which it had to bestow, and enjoying the spoils with which usurpers and tyrants in all ages reward the instru- ments they use to accomplish their ends. This yon have seen, and deplored its consequences, and you have labored, but hitherto in vain, to avert them. But now a more glori- ous prospect opens to your view. You have before you a renewed and striking instance of that great and cheering truth, that the Almighty, in his infinite wisdom, has provided and orda'ined that the indulgence of an evil and vicious course, whether in moral or political action, carries vi'ith it not only its own punishment, but also its own corrective. Elated with its unexampled success, the slave ponder has become so exactive, imperious, and tyrannical, that the ' endurance' of its nortlirrn ' ally' has ce:ised to be a virtue, aiid now, lor the first time in the history of our Government, our eyes behold, anil our ears are greeted with tlie glad tidings, Uiat a large and overwhelming majority of the free spirits of tiie North are determined, at once and forever, to put limits 10 tire bounds of slavery within our glorious Union, and to say to it, ' tbou ha<t gone thus far, but thou slialt no further go.' Our opponents (the Democrats) at Syracuse, with a Bacrilegious contempt of God's holy Sabbath, well befitting tlie occasion and the deed, laid a resolution against the ex- tension of slavery on the table,upon the strange and anoma- lous ground that the question of setting bounds to slavery was a fireband tlirown into a convention nf frscmen. On the following week, another convention of freemen rescued this resolution from the contempt with which its predecessor liad treated it, by DXiXt.MorsLY adopting it. And now we appeal to the free spirits of the North — the freemen of New York — to go to the polls with that power and energy which the spirit of true freedom never fails to inspire, and at the going down of the sun oa the night of the second of Novem- ber, let the Empire State, through her ballot-bo.ves, proclaim, in tones of thunder, in the language of the immortal JetTer- son, 'all men are by nature free and equal;' and let the lightning of Heaven, before the sun sets on the following day,scauer the glad tidings throughout the lengih and breadth of oui country, that hereafter and forever New York will not consent to the extension of the hounds of slavery." (Signed by all the Whig State Committees, then and now the patriotic, active, and intimate political associates and supporters of Mr. Fillmore.) The "Evening Journal"' is the organ of the Whig party and of Mr. Fillmore, at Albany. It is the leading Whig paper in the State. From the moment of Fillmore's nomination last October to the close of the canvass, it was filled with proviso- articles and appeals. The contest seemed in that quarter, as in the State address, to have no other point or issue. And every day the support of the proviso was urged as the great rallying point of the Whig cause and their can- didates, and the Democrats and their candidates were as- sailed in the fiercest manner as its enemies. I could send you innumerable extracts, showing that the burden of the Whig labors of Fillmore & Co. was the proviso. A few will sutiice. In our State now, the same men are engaged in the sup- port of T.iylor and Fillmore ; and upon the same grounds tlie same papers support him. The Evening Journal of this aiteriioon says: " We will adhere unflinchingly to every sentiment we liave uttered against the extension of slavery, and in favor of preserving the freedom of the soil obtained from Mexico. In supporting General Taylor, we are rendering to the cause the best service in our power. General Cass, a thorough dough-face, has sacrificed freedom for a Presidential nomi- nation. He stands pledged to veto a free soil bill should Congress send such a bill to him. General Taylor, on the other hand, though a slavery man as it exists, is opposed to ex- tending the ecil, and u-ill sign any bill that Congress shall pass on the subject." The battle in New York will be a fierce one. We shall encounter the Whigs and the leading" Barnburners," led by King, J. Van Biiren, and others, and no doubt with the ap- proval of the senior Mr. Van Buren. And the more rabid of the proviso school and pretended Democrats will nomi- nate their fonrfi'/afcs for President and Vice President either at their convention on the 22d, or at an adjourned conven- tion in -'Vugust, intended to embrace a wider range of dele- gales from other States. It may be counted, we think, that tlie great body of the Democracy of the State will support the national Demo- cratic nominations ; that many VVIiigs will refuse to support General Taylor; and that out of the State, if not in it, we sliall gain in one form all we lose in the other. At all events, you may rely upon our best efforts to sustain the Democratic cause and its candidates. One thing is certain, that if the South shall fail to sup- port Cass and Butler, with open and manly avowal of prin- ciples, on which the South can stand, and shall prefer Tay- lor and Fillmore from the party which has proclaimed the proviso, and denounced the southern or " slave power" in every form of epitiiet and hostility, they can never hope afterwards to recover a fair and just position in the Union. With great respect, your obedient servant. Extracts referred, to in the preceding Letter. [From the Evening Journal, October 11, 1847.] " Our opponents will be active ; they have everything at stake; their hope of success in the Presidential contest rests upon the result now. They have pressed into this election the issue (the proviso) upon which that contest will hang. If. by the election of llungorford &. Co., (the candidate op- posed to Fillmore,) the Wilinot proviso is condemned, the enemies of that principle will be emboldened, and they will have a right to be. If the extension of human bondage is sanctioned by the freemen of the Empire State, the advo- cates of sl.ivery will have a right to deem the institution in accordance with the views of the North. Such a result must be avoided. New York must not endorse the inhuman principle so boldly broached by the Administration. It would be in the highest degree disgraceful ; but this disgrace can only be avoided by ti|e repudiation of the men who are laboring to bring it about, and the election of those (Fillmore St Co.) u'Ao are pledged to the IVilmot pi-oviso." [From the same, October 1.3.] " The pensioned emissaries of slavery in this State have made a distinct issue. By voting down an endorsement of the Wilinot proviso, they superadded to every other issue that issue, m:)re importantthanallothers,sl3.very or freedom. It is to be seen in whose favor the verdict of the ballot-bos will be rendered." [From the same, October 20.] " Slavery or'Freedom. — The approaching election will decide the question whether the electors of New York are in favor of freedom or slavery. The order has gone out from Washington, and been proclaimed here by the emissaries of the General Government, that the Empire State must suc- cumb to the slave power. For the first time in our political history, the State convention of a great party (the Demo- cratic party) has ignobly spurned a resolution protesting against cursing free soil with human slavery. The issue is distinctly raised— the appeal is boldly made to the ballot- box. Ei'cry vote deposited uill he a declaration for or against the principle embodied i7i the Wilinot proviso. The election of the nominees of a convention born of bribery and fraud, would be hailed as a triumph of slavery ; their defeat would inspire a well-founded hope of the ultimate triumph of the great principle for which every true man is contending." [From the same, October 27.] " O.N ! TO VICTORY ! — The busy note of preparation comes upon us from all quarters. The ever true and faithful work- ingmen of the Whig party are ready and eager for tiiis con- test. The people appreciate the momentous issue involved in this contest. They know that questions of infinitely greater importance than the success of any party are at stake. The result of the contest will decide whether slavery or freedom has the popular verdict. This was made an is- sue by order of the General Government. The freemen's resolution (the proviso) was spurned by a fraudulently con- stituted majority at S.yracuse. They even refused it the poor formality of a direct vote. They ignoniiniously laid it upon the table. But the people, while they must despise its author, thank him for the issue ; the resolution contemptu- ously smothered will be rescued from dishonor. It was trampled upon by a subservient majority, but it will be mag- nified through the ballot-boxes. That which was condemned by the ' dough-faces,' will be exalted by the people." [From the same, October 28.] " Strike for freedom ! The emissaries of the (Seneral Government smothered the white man's resolution, (the proviso.) Let the traitors be remembered at the ballot- boxes. Let the potent voice of New York be heard in de- nunciation of the recreants who would tarnish her fair fame- by a compulsory endorsement of slavery. Strike for free- dom !" [From the same, November 1.] "Slavery overshadowing freedom. — The territory demanded of Mexico by Mr. Trist as a condition of peace, is large enough to form five States as large as New York. With the boundaries of slavery thus enlarged, what has the North to expect but a perpetuation of the dominion of sla- very?" [From the same — same date.] " Slaves are claimed and held as property; they are not recognized as men, or allowed to enjoy any ot^ the attributes or rights of mankind. But, while at the North property qualifications for voting have been repudiated, the South votes for its slaves. In all the southern States five slaves give two votes. This monstrous inequality has been toler- ated as one of the compromises of the Constitution ; but let us not extend this odious principle — let us not add new slave teTritory, that slavery may increase its political power." [ Of course Fillmore and company were recognized everywhere as entertaining these sentiments, and as the champions and standard-bearers of the party avowing and 8 entertaining them. Such was the character of all the pro- ceedings of all their county conventions and meetings.] [Resolutions unanimously adopted at the Whig general meeting in the city of New York approving the nomina- tion of Fillmore and company.] " Resolved, Thnl we earnestly deprecate, and will resist to the utmost, the extension of human slavery under our laws and our flas, into any territory previously free from tliat scourge. We deny the constitutional right to extend and establish it, and we call on all who love liberty, what- ever their name or party, to unite with us in averting the evil and reproach of propagating bondage from this boasted land of freedom. " Resolved, That In Millard Fillmore and * * * on the Whig State ticket, we have candidates of more integ- rity, undoubted capacity, unsullied character, and unwaver- ing Whig principles, whom we are proud to eulogize and point to as champions of our cause, and we will give them tiiat support which they eminently deserve, and which our country's good emphatically requires at our hands." Such, then, are the political chai-acteristics of the gentleman selected by the Whig Convention in Philadelphia, to be voted for in connection with General Taylor; such are the principles of that personage who, in the event of General, Taylor's death before the expiration of his official term, would have charge of the Executive department of the Government at this critical period in our his- tory. I now solemnly call upon the friends of this ill-omened ticket to deny one single fact which I have stated in regard to Mr. Fillmore, or to con- fess that they are striving for the election of a man to the Vice Presidency of the Union, and opening the way, in the event named, to the Presidency itself, of a person who, in many respects, is more objectionable as a politician than any individual who has ever heretofore been able to obtain a nomination at the hands even of a Whig Conven- tion, since the system of nominettion was first adopted. After some observations from Mr. MANGUM — Mr. FOOTE resumed. I am certainly quite gratified at finding that the honorable Senator from North Carolina concurs with me touching the ap- propriateness of the present occasion for the discus- sion which is now in progress. He seems to be quite astonished, though, that anyone should find I it at all difficult to understand the present princi- [ pies of the Whig party. Whiggery, says he, is ' the sun in Heaven, irradiating and refreshing with ! its heat all surrounding nature. Well, sir, I have \ seen it somewhere mentioned, that in ancient times' there was once a theory afloat which as- serted the existence of two distinct species of stars in the firmament — one class of which emitted rays of light, whilst the others emitted rays of dark- ness. I think all who have witnessed this debate will acknowledge that if Whiggery be really a sun, it is not such a sun as supplies any large quantum of illumination, or that, like the veritable Phoebus, its brightness is too intense to allow the substance of which it is composed to be ascertained by the casual beholder — being, perchance, as the poet ex- presses it, "dark from excess of light." If the Senator from North Carolina will deign to periTiit a little of the light in which that sun of Whiggery of which he has spoken must abound, to fall upon certain opake spots which now stand for Whig prin- ciples, I am sure that he would confer a great favor upon many, and do not a little service to the coun- try. Will the Senator from North Carolina be kind enough to tell us whether the Whig party, if they get into power, will again struggle to establish a national bank .' Mr. MANGUM. I will answer the Senator, but I will not now interrupt him. Mr. FOOTE. If the Senator shall answer sat- isfactorily, he will be more successful than any of his party have been lately. I see the Senator from Delaware [Mr. Clayton] in his place, and I am reminded of a certain published letter of his, issued in the autumn of 1846, in which he proclaimed the existence of the old party issues. Does he adhere to what he then declared? Mr. CLAYTON. The letter to which the Senator refers was in relation to a protective tariff. That was the only subject embraced in it. Mr. FOOTE. I think the Senator is mistaken; but it matters not; the Senator from Delaware then insisted upon the restoration of the tariff of 1843, and I understand him yet to do so; and doubtless he expects General Taylor to aid in its restoration. Well, sir, if General Taylor will explicitly ac- knowledge that he is in favor of the tariff 1842, I can assure his friends that his supporters in the South will soon dwindle to a corporal's guard. But let me ask the Senator from North Carolina, who has undertaken to give us information in regard to General Taylor's politics, to tell us whether he is in favor of the independent treasury. What are his views in relation to the Mexican war .' Did he, or does he, approve or disapprove the conduct of his own Government in prosecuting that war.' Was he really, as Mr. Ashmun asserts, opposed to the annexation of Texas } Was he opposed to our receiving territorial indemnity from Mexico .' Would he, if President, veto the Wilmot proviso or not.' The Senator frotri North Carolina has announced to us that he has determined to support General Taylor, because he knows him to be a Whig, and recognizes him to be a well-informed politician. This is really surprising. General Taylor himself acknowledges his utter ignorance of politics, be- wails his want of mature ideas on the subject, and declares that he has paid no attention to questions of party politics for forty years, and yet he is now lauded for his vast political knowledge and high competency as a statesman. It would be gratify- ing to many to be able to find out the school at which he has succeeded in acquiring proficiency in statesmanship so rapidly. No other such in- stance of success in the accumulation of knowledge has heretofore occurred in the history of the world: and I can hardly believe that another such instance will occur in all future time. Since he is really so well-informed at present in politics, it is still more wonderful that he keeps his learning so much to himself. Surely he should not hide his light under a bushel. I have heard it said, that there was this striking difference between intellectual acquisitions and acquisitions of every other kind: man is so constituted, that if he obtain a new idea, he feels actually unhappy until an opportunity is afforded to him of communicating it to others. General Taylor's case is clearly an exception to the general rule; for he is as absolutely silent now upon all political topics as he was when confessedly in a state of profound ignorance. It has pleased the Senator from North Carolina to assail the standard-bearer of the Democratic party, our admired candidate for Presidential honors-, in a style and manner far more unkind than I had anticipated; and yet I cannot perceive that 9 he has done him the least injury. The fact is, the character and qualifications of our candidate are such as to make it impossible for his adversaries to weaken him by assailment, however ingenious or malignant. The wiiole American people know him to be a man of the highest abilities, of large attainments in science, thoroughly accomplished in ail things appertaining to the management of public affairs, sober, industrious, persevering, frank, independent, wise in counsel, fearless in action, of unblemished reputation in private life, and possessed of every quality which can confer dignity or secure friendship. His history as a public man is fa.miliar to the whole world. I shall not now dwell upon it in detail. It is entirely un- necessary. But I trust I may be pardoned for saying thus much: for more than six months past, I have known him familiarly; I have been a close observer of his conduct in this body, and have listened to his sage counsels in privacy; and it has ever seemed to me, that it would have been impossible for any man whom I have known, or of whom I have read, to discharge all the duties of a wise and patriotic Senator, with more complete success than I have seen them performed by him. During his connection with the management of public affairs, no man has had to encounter more difficulties, or to meet more new and perilous questions than he has; and yet no one can justly charge him with having on any occasion recoiled from responsibility, or with having in the least degree wearied with continued well doing. Whilst among us in this body, he was oftentimes thrown into collision with the ablest debaters and most skillful tacticians that the Whig party could sup- ply; very peculiar • efforts have been oftentimes made, as the result of special arrangement and combination, to bear him down or to embarrass him; but gentlemen will permit me to aver, that I remember no conflict in which he was worsted by his antagonists, or in which he failed to acquire new honor from the encounter. His great simpli- city and manliness of character enabled us always to ascertain his true attitude upon every public question, when most others were holding them- selves in reserve; and he is the last man in the nation who could seek official advancement by concealing his opinions — giving conflicting assu- rances to adverse factions — or who could permit himself to be shuffled into high station by mere dexterity and chicane. He is before the country, avowing openly the well-known creed of his party; to all the resolutions of our National Convention he has publicly and cordially subscribed; and upon most of the principles involved therein he has heretofore been compelled to act in the course of his career as a public man. Weil might he say, as he did say lately, in his letter accepting the nomi- nation to the Presidency: " This letter, gentlemen, closes my profession of political faitli. Receiving my flr^l appointment from that pure pa- triot, an9 great expounder of American Democracy, Mr. Jefferson, more than forty years ajo, the intervening period of my life has been almost wholly passed in the service of my country, and has been marked by many vicissitudes, and been attended with many trying circumstances both in peace and war. If my conduct in these situations, and the opin- ions I have been called upon to form and express from time to time, upon all the great party topics of the day, do not I furnish a clear exposition of my views respecting tliem, and j at tlie same time a sufficient pledge of my faithful adhe- rence to their practical application, wherever and whenever ' I may be required to act, anything further I might now say, would be mere delusion, unworthy of my-sclf, and justly otiensive to the great party in whose name you are now acting." Such is our candidate for the Presidency, and such his opinions: who does not perceive the injus- tice attempted to be done him on this occasion, by charging him with attempting to conceal his prin- ciples the other day at Cleveland, when he was rudely and presumptuously catechised in a vast crowd, amidst a scene of tumult and confusion, which, had he attempted to speak at length, would have subjected him to every sort of misinterpre- tation and consequent misrepresentation .' When the candidate of the Whig party shall have avowed a single principle clearly and unequivocally, his advocates here may have some little ground to complain of General Cass's conduct at Cleveland; but until that distant day — a day which I fear is never to be realized — I would admonish them to be as silent as the grave itself upon this subject. I believe I may venture to assure gentlemen also, that there is not much danger of our candidate for the Presidency flooding the country with election- eering letters during the canvass, as General Tay- lor has done; and I will go further, and engage that not a single letter will ever be published over his signature of which he will not be the sole^u- thor; and whose style shall not plainly bespeak its origin. But how is it, on the subject of letters, with General Taylor? Why, the number of his epistles is legion; and such wondrous variety do they exhibit, both in phraseology and substance, as to have filled his friends with regret, and to have called forth commiseration even from his enemies. Some of these famous letters are short, concise, and nervous; others are long, verbose, and meaningless; others glitter with all the mere- tricious ornaments of a false rhetoric; whilst others again are full of false grammar, confused ideas, involved sentences, and the most rude and unpol- ished nonsense. (i)ne or two of these letters are supposed to have been written in this city and forwarded to him for his signature at his place of residence in the far southwest; and these bear in- dubitable tokens of having been concocted by old stagers in politics, for the purpose of deceiving and deluding. I venture to assert that General Taylor cannot by possibility be the author of all these letters; and I defy any of his friends here to rise and assert that they do so believe. Mr. President, I feel that I should poorly per- form my duty on this occasion were I to omit to allude to a personage whose name cannot be men- tioned anywhere without awakening sentiments of respect and admiration, and who, among all true Whigs, has been for a long time regarded as the very personification and embodiment of their principles as a party. Henry Clay ! Henry Clay ! ! "Clanim et vcnerabile nomenH" So spoke of him lately in our hearing an eloquent Senator, who is no longer one of our body — the justice of whose commendation I felt bound. to admit in full Senate. Where is Henry Clay? In retirement? How? By the cruel ostracism of an ungrateful party — a party first organized by him upon its true platform; a party which learned all its principles from his eloquent lips; sustained by him, defended by him, sometimes led to victory by him. when hope seemed forever to have abandoYied the Whig standard, and 10 when all other voices but his had grown silent from uttei despair. His high abilities, his lieroic fear- lessness, his noble energy of character, his unsur- passed eloquence, his profound devotion to the Whig cause, his thorough knowledge of men and parties, his masterly dexterity as a party tac- tician, his deep and firm hold upon popular feel- ing — all, all have been forgotten, overlooked, dis- regarded, almost mocked at and despised; and, oh! shame upon such heartlessness! such cruel and insulting disregard of his sensibilities ! a man has been nominated in preference to him, who pro- fesses utter ignorance of Whig principles — who disdains to be recognized as the exponent of the Whig creed, who has not even voted at an election in forty years; — and he, too, a military chieftain! yes, a military chieftain !! — though Mr. Clay had, more than twenty years ago, denounced the elec- tion of a mere military chieftain to the Presidential oifice as worse than war, pestilence, and famine com- bined!! Sir, such an instance of flagrant injustice has never before been perpetrated by party .managers in any age of the world. The great leader of the Whig hosts, after being persuaded to allow his name to be used in the Philadelphia Convention, in his old age, when even party enmity had almost soft- ened into friendship, and respect, and veneration, ha^ been cast out, reprobated, trampled under foot, massacred by professing but false friends, and, I may almost say, buried, without the decencies of a public funeral! Since the days of Julius Cresar, nothing has occurred equal to this enormous out- rage! Surely it was not necessary that this man, too, should die by the violence of his own friends! surely it was not necessary to butcher him in a manner so cruel, so barbarous. If the time had come to make a victim of such a man, surely he ruight at least (o have been " carved as a dish fit for the gods," not " hewn as a carcass fit for hounds." " But yesterday, the word of this man nn'ght (with his own party) have stood against the world; now lies he there, and none so poor as do him reverence." But, sir, I prophesy, that true men will yet arise to avenge his martyrdom, and that those who have been heard exulting over fallen greatness will yet be made to feel the punishment which their perfidy deserves. I warn them to prepare their ears for the indignant denunciations of a hero in despair, whose mighty " Spirit ranging for revenge, Witli Ate liy liisside, come liotfrom hell, Shall, ill Whig confines, with a monarch's voice Cry Havoc, and let slip the dogs of war — That this foul deed shall smell above the earth With carrion men groaning for burial." Mr. JOHNSON made a speech of some length, after which — Mr. FOOTE resumed. It must be obvious to all that the Senator from Maryland has failed most egregiously in his attempt to establish his charge of there having been two editions of the life of Cass published in this city, under Democratic direction, one for circulation in the North, and the other in the South; difl^ering from each other in regard to the Wilmot Proviso. The truth is — as I am told can be easily proved, if necessary — that there never have been two editions on hand at the Globe oflice at the same time; and that, of all the editions published, as large a number were sent to one section of the Union as to the other. In addition, I will remark that there is really no repugnance, or very material diflerence of any kind, between the two editions which have been subjected to criticism here, so far as the Wilmot proviso is concerned. One of these editions runs somewhat more into detail on this subject than the other, which it was deemed expedient to en- liven and adorn with the letter of General Jack- son, and General Cass's views in regard to the revolutionary movements in France — a subject which he is well known to have discussed at a public meeting in this city some time after the first edition of his life had issued from the press. Besides, sir, this earnestly-urged charge becomes perfectly ridiculous when we reflect upon the fact that General Cass's letter to Mr. Nicholson, plainly declaring his hostility to the Wilmot pro- viso, has been published, in pamphlet form, by thousands upon thousands, and distributed all over the Republic, and has been republished in every leading Democratic and Whig newspaper on the continent; so that it cannot be possible that any intelligent man anywhere can be ignorant of his true attitude. Why, sir, I have seen some ten or a dozen different lives of General Taylor, and some of them ridiculous enough, God knows; but who ever tliought of holding him or the Whig party responsible for any of them? I will not argue this matter gravely; I scorn to do so; it is unworthy of this body and the respectable Sena- tors who introduced it to our notice. The Senator from North Carolina [Mr. Man- gum] has closed his elaborate defence of General Taylor; an address characterized by ability, learning, and a peculiar astuteness of mind. But all will admit, who have listened to it, that he has given no new information to the Senate and the country relative to General Taylor's political opinions. This is just as I had anticipated, and had beforehand ventured to predict. Surely, if any one knows anything positively on this sub- ject, the Senator from North Carolina cannot re- main in ignorance. He is one of the most promi- nent leaders of the Whig party; and though it be true, as he says, that he is but newly initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries of Taylorism; yet suificient time having elapsed since General Taylor's nomi- nation to allow the Senator from North Carolina to give in his adhesion to him, I do not see why we might not reasonably demand from him one or two substantial political reasons at least for sup- porting him as a Presidential candidate. If not ori- ginally as much in the confidence of his chosen candidate as some others, I trust that he at least occupies such an attitude at present as will enable him to learn all that it is important for him to find out concerning the principles of his candidate, to enable him to do efficient service in his support. Mr. President, I regret that my friend, the Sen- ator from North Carolina, who so decidedly de- clines a regular vindication of the Whig ticket, should have put himself to the trouble of assailing that of the Democratic party. More especially do 1 regret that he should have gone out of his way to denounce General Cass's alleged change of opin- ion upon the Wilmot proviso. I have lierelofore explained the conduct of General Cass in regard to this imputed change of opinion, and will not trouble the Senate further on the subject at this time. But before my friend from North Carolina so bolster- 11 ously complains of General Cass's supposed incon- sistency, and charges it so fiercely to be a deeply disreputable thing for a statesman of years and ex- perience to undergo and confess the least alteration of judgment upon a grave public question, I am of opinion that it would be at least discreet in him to recollect, that perchance he is not himself now the advocate here of all the principles which he once zealously maintained. I shall not go at large and minutely into the history of that worthy Senator, for the purpose of pointing out liis inconsistencies; but there is one remarkable change of opinion, made manifest by the Senator for the first time, I believe, in the progress of this debate, which is altogether so glaring and material that he will ex- cuse me for making specific mention of it. It will be recollected, that whilst the Senator from North Carolina wixs addressing the Senate, I propounded several interrogatories to him, which he undertook to answer. Among them were the following: What were General Taylor's views touching the origin of the Mexican war? Did he believe it to have arisen by the act of Mexico, or by the act of the United States? Was Mexico in the right in regard to the commencement of the war, and our country in the wrong? Or was Mexico in the wrong, and our country in the right? The honorable Senator avowed that he could not an- swer for General Taylor, but had no hesitation in answering for himself; and, in doing so, de- clared, ihat it was his deliberate conviction that the war had been commenced by the President of the United States, and unjustly and unnecessarily , commenced by him. I shall not stop now to de- fend the President and our own country from the present animadversions of the Senator from North \ Carolina. I prefer reminding the Senator of what he himself said in this b.ody, on a very noted occa- sion. When, sir, on the 19th day of May, 1846, a bill was received from the House of Representa- tives, entitled "An act providing for the prosecu- tion of the existing war between the United States and the Republic of Mexico," and was undergoing consideration in this Chamber, the honorable Sen- ator from North Carolina addressed the Senate at some length , and used , in the progress of his speech , the following language: ■ " He had no disposition to embarrass tlie passage of the bill. He should, however, greatly hesitate to vole for it in its present shape, inasmuch as it was equivalent to a dec- laration of war; bul he was prepared atonce to vote supplies to any amount, whether of men or money. All he asked was, that the political question as to the actual existence of a war might be separated from the vote of supplies. If the friends of the Administration wanted their fifty thousand men and their ten millions of dollars, they could have looth in half an hour, if they would not embarrass the bill by connectingsit with the other questions." * * " "They were not willing to assume the fact, without evidence, that a state of war between the United States and Mexico did actually exist. Suppose that the troops which crossed the l^ia Grande [Mexican troops, of course] had acted without the ctuthoritji of their Government, fas now, Mr. President, we know they did not,] and that the collision which had un- happily taken place wasounng to their own unauthorized act : was any Senator prepared to say, that according to the doc- trines of national law, this constituted a state of war between the two nations.' The act of these military officers might j'et be disavowed," &c. * * * "If we were actually at war, then he was under the impression that our forces ouglit to cross the river, and that we should not stop until we had dictated peace at the capital of the Mexican empire." Well, Mr. President, we have since ascertained, and the Senator will not deny the fact, that all which was done by the Mexican officers and soldiers referred to, so far from being disavowed by their Government, was done by express ordera of that Government, and has been repeatedly sanc- tioned and justified in the most solemn and formal manner. We now know that a state of war did actually exist on the 12th day of May, 1846, not by the unauthorized act of Mexican officers and soldiers, but under the express authority of the Mexican Government; and the President ascer- taining these to be the actual facts of the case, did, in accordance with the recommendation of the Senator from North Carolina, use all the men and money placed in his hands, in the vigorous prosecu- tion of the war, and has actually " dictated peace at the capital of the Mexican empire." And now what is the conduct of the Senator from North Carolina? Why, he turns short round upon the President, asserts that he brought it on, and not the Mexican Government at all, and denounces him in the harshest manner for what he has thought it incumbent upon him to do in vindication of the national honor. If the Senator from North Caro- lina will specify one such act of inconsistency in the whole history of General Cass as a statesman, I shall be willing to admit that the censures which he has bestowed upon him are not wholly unde- served. Mr. Clavton having occupied the attention of the Senate for several hours, Mr. FOOTE thus responded to him: Mr. President: I have heard it said, that it is an established rule among professed rhetoricians, both ancientand modern, that the peroration should always be the most brilliant and imposing part of a speech. It will be readily acknowledged by those who have listened to the honorable Sen- ator from Delaware, that the conclusion of that very magnificent harangue which has riveted our attention for the last two hours, or more, is not altogether a very striking exemplification of the rule alluded to. After discussing with great abil- ity, and with much of the pomp and circumstance of the war oratorical, many of the loftiest and most enkindling topics which can claim the considera- tion of enlightened statesmen, or rouse the sensi- bilities of the patriot, he descends, with a balhotic impetuosity which has no parallel, to the exami- nation and elaborate discussion of one of the most petty and trivial topics which ever found its way into a grave deliberative assembly; and thus is he content to close his speech ! Well, sir, since the Senator has resolved that we shall look into the act of the Territorial Legisla- ture of Michigan, to which he says the sanction of our candidate for Presidential honors was actually given, let us examine it. It is as follows: AN ACT for the punishment of idle and disorderly persons. Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Governor and Judges of the Territory of Michigan, That any justice of the peace may sentence any vagrant, lewd, iille, or disorderly persons, stulh- born servants, common drunkards, night-walkers, pilferers, or any persons wanton or licentious in speech, indecent behavior, common railers or brawlers, such as neglect their calling and employment, misspend what ihey earn, and do not provide for themselves or families, to be whipped, not exceeding ten stripes, or to be delivered over to any consta- ble, to be hired out for tlie best wages that can be procured; 12 the proceeds of which to be applied to the use of the poor of the county. Made, and dated, and published at Detroit the 27th day of July, 1818. LEWIS CASS, Governor of the Territory of Michigan. A. B. WOODWARD, Presiding Judge of the Territory of Michigan. J. WITHERALL, JOHN GRIFFIN, Judges of the Territory of Michigan. Sir, this law is almost precisely correspondent with statutes to be found upon the statute-book of every State in this Union. I am informed that it is an exactcopy of the statute of Vermont on this sub- ject; and I know that there are but few States in the Union which have not at one time had a similar one. Whether General Cass introduced the bill in the Territorial Legislature, of which he was a component member, (for I understand that the whole legislative power was vested in the Governor and three judges of the Territorial court;) whetlier he sanctioned it when proposed by another; or whether it became a law in opposition to his judg- ment and wishes, we are not informed, nor do I deem it at all material to ascertain. For my part, I am perfectly willing that all such miscreants as are described in the Territorial law of Michigan may vote against us in the coming Presidential contest — being perfectly convinced that there will be a sufficient number of honest, industrious, or- derly Democratic voters to secure us the most signal triumph which has been achieved by the Democratic party since the overthrow of the elder Adams. And now, Mr. President, in closing this debate, I have only to repeat, what I have so often reitera- ted, that the leaders of the Whig party in this body have been called upon to defend their principles, and they have undertaken to do so, but have totally failed even to make a single distinct issue with us. They have been called upon to explain the princi- ples of their Presidential candidate, and they have all confessed their utter inability to do so. They have been requested to affix some definite inter- pretation to the published letters of General Tay- lor, and they have confessed themselves incompe- tent to the task. The Senator from Delaware says that General Taylor's political creed is to be found in his Allison letter. I have asked him what the Allison letter means upon several important points, and he acknowledges that he is unable to inform me. I have invited the honorable Senator's atten- tion specially to his own letter published in the autumn of 1846, in which he declares that all the old party issues of 1844 are to be decided by the Presidential contest of 1848. I have inquired of him whetherhe adheres to what he then published. He promised me an answer, but has closed his speech withoutcomplying with his promise. From this time forward, let no man assert that the Whigs, as a party, have any political principles; for certain it is, that if they have principles, they are such as they are ashamed to avow, and dare not attempt to vindicate by argument. % • LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 897 622 8 V ' >>* HOLLINGER pH 8.5 MILL RUN F3-1543