"^^ \ V. *• ./^.'^^'\ /.tS^^-^ ..**\.i;^.V /.i 0^^ ^-^ <#'^ ^> 4 "^^^0^ ^-^9^ * Ay .5>^>. .^' ^^^ -.^^Ji^" ^^'% °-TO^^/ V ^- <,_ -o.*" ,0 1^ ,o* "^-t.. V .ILf* '^'?' TvT* A /.i^'V /.^'^^A .-^*\c:,^%\ ^0^ ' "V^'^V^ \J'^?^V^ "v*^"**^^^ K* ^^ ^^ V<^^ "a>V 0-., -^O q,. *.. ^^^•c.o-'\/ "^^^^'^-S^' ~V^^7^'\^^' "^^^ ■^^^ V. VAo^ 7 ^-1 O^ . , «<*'S 'avple of these United States, in the true spirit of their institutions, go- vern themselves by their own agents freely cho- sen and responsible to them, animated with com- mon sympathies and common interests, and ame- nable at all times, to the control of public opinion; or, renouncing the precious inheritance confer- red upon by tiie valor and wisdom of their ances- tors, tamely submit to be ruled and lorded over, by a sordid and selfish aristocracy, in tke form of a great moneyed corporation, without response bility, without sympathy, without check of anj sort, legal or moral? The Bank of the U. States has abundantly shewn by its conduct, that, though nominally established for commercial purposes, its ruling passion (in conformity to the example of all great moneyed associ.itions, of which history has recorded the existence,) is that of political domination. To secure itself against opposition in the pursuit of its schemes, it seeks to command the public councils, and by an influence, both ex- ternal and internal, to control and supersede the action of the Government. Nor is it difficult to conceive, that an institution, like the Bank of the United States, wielding an immense capital, pene- trating with its branches every ])ortion of the Union, connecting itself by the fearful extent of its operations (nmouiiting annually to between three and four hundred millions of dollars,) with. the business and concerns of every individual in the community — it is not difficult to conceive, I say, that such an institution, if unchecked in its career, should be able to make itself virtually the master of the country. Sjiould it unhappily tri- umph in the daring struggle it is now maintaini.ig with the constituted authorities of the nation, the forms of the Constitution may still remain, but, as a system of popular Government, its substance and vitality will be gone forever. We shall be henceforward, in fact, the vassals and slaves of a heartless moneyed power, whose despotic sway will only be rendered the more intolerable by the bitter mockery of the still subsisting forms and semblance of free Government. Let it not be supposed, gentlemen, that the ob- ject of this struggle on the part of the Bank, is a mere restoration of the public deposites to its ieeping. Its aim is far higher and deeper — no- thing less than the renewal of its charter, and the perpetuation of its power. I foresaw, from the commencement of the controversy, and declared in my place in the Senate, that these two great questions were indissolubly connected — insepara- ble parts of the same system. It was impossible \ to conceive that the restoration of the deposites for tlie brief space of two years, could be so urgently sought, or that it could be expected to afford any valuable relief from the pecuniary pressure pro- duced by the winding up of the Bank, unless it were regarded as the certain means and immediate precurser of a renewal of its charter. What was opinion then, is now fact; prediction has been con- verted into history. The Chairman of the Com- mittee on Finance, in the Senate, has, as we have seen, given notice, that by direction and authority ^f the committee, he would, on the 17th iust. (the day before yesterday,) bring forward a measure, deemed by them the only one of effectual relief for the distresses of the country, to wit: a mea- sure "for the restoration of the deposites and the rechartering of the Bank;" thus associating the tw» objects, (as they now stand by their own na- tures,) in indissoluble connection. ' The chairman of the committee exposes, at the same time, with a, frankness, for which, in these times, he merits no small praise, the whole plan of operations on which the friends of the measure rely for success. With a view to "unite different opinions," as he informs us, the Bank is proposed to be recharter- ed " for a short period, " as if, in point of principle, the constitution would not be as much violated by a recharter for a single day, as for twenty years, and as if, too, a recharter for four or five years, (the term probably projiosed,) woidd not certain Ij put it in the power of the Bank to secure here- after an indefinite extension of its existence. He then tells us, that, "considering the present state of opinion witliin the walls of Congress, and with the Chief Executive Magistrate, the measure is to be submitted to the People in a more direct and emphatic manner than is usual in ordinary cases;" expressing, at the same time, his b.'lief, that "in vrdir to relieve themselves from the distresses under whichihey labor, if the question were now put to the People, not less than three-fourths of them would give an affirmative response." We arc, then, finally told, that, "while the present stata of embarrassment and distress shall continue," (as continue it must, according to the committee, till the Bank is rechartered,) "an adjournment of Congress is a thing not to be thought of." What, gentlemen, is the obvious interpretation, the plain English of all this? The distresses ^ the People being relied on as the cogent instr' ment of persuasion, the Bank is to go on to aggr* vate, by every means in its power,the pecuniary di tress of the country. Under the duress of this pre ■^ ^ure the People will, it is expected, "in order to ru lieve" their pockets, compromise their principle." and call upon their Representatives for a rechai j ter of the Bank. While these extorted insti'ui tions of the People are pouring in, the Senate i \ to lay siege to the House of Representatives, aw ' prevent, an adjournment of Congress; and tlii grand operaiion is to terminate only only with ; i surrender, at discretion, of the People and thei Representatives, to the coercion of the Bank Here is a bold and frank avowal, at least, of botl the end and tiie mean of the great struggle whicl is now convulsing the country. That end is open ly proclaimed to be, a recharter of the Bank and the means relied on for success, is tlie new " species of /oz-^ure, by the infliction of pecuniar) distress, operating first on the People, and through .. them on their Representatives. , If I have not greatly misunderstood my counJ trymen, this scheme of operations is founded on s i total misconception of their character. Every | new oppression of the Bank, will but confirn: them in their resolution to put down the oppress sor. Every additional instance of embarrassmen' * and distress produced by it, will be but an argu- ment the more against the existence of an institu- tion, capable of inflicting such wanton and gratui- tous mischief on the country. It has been justly said by an eloquent and philosophical writer, that "men are often hardened by their very pains, and the mind, strengthened even by the torments of the body, rises with a strong defiance against its oppressor." So will it be with the free and enlightened people of this country, in regard to the oppressions of the Bank. They will hurl back defiance in the teeth of the oppressor. In- stead of the submissive and " affirmative response" which has been anticipated, they will answer in the proud spirit of freemen: " We know too well the blessings of liberty, to permit any paltry con- sideration ot money to weigh against them. We know too well how much, both of blood and trea- sure, the establishment of our institutions cost our gallant ancestors, not to be ready and willing to bear the small sacrifice, (insignificant, indeed, compared with that they manfully encountered,) which may now be thrown upon us in their main- tenance and defence. We shall glory in the op- portunity, if the Bank so will it, of showing our devotion to those institutions, by meeting, not only with fortitude, but with disdain, all the rfis- trcsses it can inflict upon us, in the utmost extre- mity of Its vengeance; and, far from indulging the unworthy thought of deprecating its wrath, by instructing our representatives to yield to its de- mand of a rechater, we will enjoin it upon them to redouble their opposition, and not to relax iu their efforts, till this unconstitutional and sordid tyranny has been finally put down." The arguments with which it has been attempt- ed to alieuate the people from the support of their government in this vital struggle, have no less un- derrated their intelligence and sagacity, than the scheme of operations relied on to overcome their principles, has underrated their patriotism and virtue. They have been told tliat tlie President has united in his own hands the power of the sword and of the purse--that, by the Constitution, he holds the one, and by his own arbitrary and lawless act, he has grasped the other— that the separation of these two powers is a ftmdamental ma.xim of free government, and that their union m the same hands forms an unmitigated despotism. Now, gentlemen, in the first place, the enlighten- ed people of this country know full well, tliat the maxim so pompously and frequently cited, with regard to the fundamental importance of a sepa- ration ofthe powers of the purse and the sword, is a maxim of monarchies, and Is consequently wholly inapplicable to our republican institutions. In mo- narchical systems, the power ofthe sword, to wit, that of raising armies, equipping fleets, making war, Sec, being m the hands of an hereditary Chief Magistrate, holding his power independent- ly of the people, it is indispensable to the preser- vation ofthe public liberties, that the power of the purse should be separated from it, and placed objects for which the money so raised is to be ex- pended, this power is, in like manner, confided by the Constitution to Congress, the Immediate Repre- sentatives of the people, and has neither been claimed nor exercised, in any way whatever, by the President. "Will it be pretended that he has raised, or attempted to raise, by his authority, a solitary cent from tiie pockets of the people; or that he has, by his authority, undertaken to expend a solitary cent ofthe public money for objects not authorized by Congress^ And yet, if he has not, what ground is tliere for the accusation tliat he has arbitrarily and lawlessly usurped the power ofthe public purse? Can any color be found for such a charge in the circumstance that, under the Con- stitution and laws, the E.xecutive Department be- ing intrusted with the collection, keeping, and ac- countability ofthe public moneys, the President, as the responsible head of that department, and ia execution of a power to that effect expressly granted by Congress, had thought it necessary and proper, that the unexpended balance ofthe pub- lic moneys should be removed from one place of keeping, where the trust had been shamelessly abused, to another, where such abuse was not ap- prehended? I think, gentlemen, you will amwer with one voice, No. The people also have been told, that the Presi- dent had broken into the public Treasury, seized the public money, and th.it he now controls the in other hands. But, in our free, republican sys- 1 whole public revenue of the country. These de- tem, this reason for a separation of the powers of I nunciations have been made, as if, by the mere the purse and the sword has no application what ever, and they are both lodged, where only they can be safely lodged, in the hands of the "repre- sentatives of the people. Our Constitution, there- fore, does not recognise, but expresslv repudiates this monarchical maxim; for, the fundamental principle of American liberty, as vou have so well declared by the sentiment embodied in your first toast, is, the union of the sword and purse in the hands of the people. But yet, under color of an antiquated maxim, borrowed from the English and other European monarchies, and entirely in- applicable to our free institutions, attempts have been made to alarm the jealousies of the people with regard to the security of their liberties in this respect. The President, gentlemen, holils neither the power of the purse, nor tliat of the sword. They are both, as you have justly and properly snid, in the hands of the people by their representatives. The circumstance of the President being by the Constitution commander of the Army and Navy, when raised, and ofthe militia, when called forthi does not give him the power ofthe swoi-d; but it isthepowerofmsiVi^q- the Army and Navy, of calling forth the militia, of declaring the war In which they are to be used, and of directing for what objects they may be employed; it is these powers which form the power of the sword, and every one of them has been expressly confided by the Constitution to Congress, the immediate repre- sentatives of the people. As commander-in-chief, the President is but an instrument ofthe powers of Congress. _ So, in regard to the power of the purse, which consists in that of raising money from transfer ofthe public deposltes from one set of Banks to another, the ])ub!ic moneys have been taken out of that official and responsible custody, which alone constitutes the Tieasury — and, as If they were now at the unlimited disjjositl.m ofthe President, to be used by him for his private pur- poses, or to be bestowed in largesses on his favo- rites, just as he may think proper. Are not repre- sentations such as these an insult to the under- standings of the people? Is it supposed thit the citizens of this enlightened Republic are wholly ignorant ofthe laws and institutions under which they live? The people know full well, gentle- men, that the public moneys are as much now un- der the responsible guard of the public Treasury as they ever were — that not a dollar has been, or can be, drawn out and expended for any purpose which has not been expressly authorized and sanctioned by their Representatives in Congress — and that the President cannot get a cent even of his own salary, without passing thnjugh all the precautionary forms and checks of a warrant drawn by the Secretary, countersigned by the Comptroller, recorded by the Register, and or- dered to be paid by the Treasurer, which the law has prescribed. To sustain these charges against your patriotic Chief Magistrate, gentlemen, novelties of the most startling character have been advanced in regard to the administrative and constitutional theory of the government. It has been contend- ed, that the Treasury Department is not an Ex- ecutive Department — that the Secr&tary of the Treasury, though from the first organization of the government to the present day, he has, as the the pockets ofthe people, and of designating the I 'lead of an Executive Department, held a seat in the Cabinet of the President, and has been, both by the usiiages of the Government and the pro- visions of law, placed in ihe same relations with the President i.s the other Secretaries or Heads of Depaitments are; yet, unlike them, he is wholly independent of the President: in short, that th. ugh the power of removal and con- trol on the part of the President, with regard to all the Secretaries, was fully considered and set- tled in the most solemn manner, by the first Con- gress which assembled under the Constitution, and has ever since remained undisputed; yet that that, and all subsequent Congresses, to the pre- sent day, mistook the principles of the Consti tulion in this respect, and that, while by its the- ory, the P'esident, as the- Executive head, is responsible for the ccnduct of all his Secretaries, he is to have no power to control the conduct of those for whom lie is thus responsible! These novel and extraordinary doctrines will be appre- ciated as they ought to be, by those whom it most concerns, and to whom it riglitfullv belongs to appreciate them. The same enlightened and in- corruptible tribunal, too, will not fail to see, that in the actual position of the great question, they are now called on to decide, there can be niD neutrals. A vital issue is joined between a dar- ing and unconstitutional moneyed power, strug- gling for supremacy on the one hand, and be- tween tlie delegated and responsible government of the people seeking to vindicate and maintain the powers which have been committed to it in trust lor the public good, on the other. In such a contest, he who, by exaggerated or unfounded charges against the government, contributes to deprive it of the public confidence and support necessary to sustain it in so momentous a strug- gle, as efiectually aids the bank and subserves its triumph, as he who should come forth openly as the champion and advocate of the bank. * Nor can the People of Virginia forget, that the firmness, moral courage, and constitutional principles of the present Chief Magistrate, have formed the great dyke, which has protected the political doctrines so long cherished by her from the swelling tide of federal encroachment. Break down that dyke at the present moment, by cause- lessly and rashly undermining the foundation of popular confidence and aflection on which it rests, and the united currents which are now setting in from so many difierent points, will sweep from the public administraiion every ves- tige of the principles and doctrines of Virginia. It may be asserted, without fear of contradiciion, that no President of tli« United Stales has ever done more for the ascendency of Virginia princi- ples, than the present Chief Magistrate. I co- operated with you, gentlemen, and a large ma- jority of our fellow citizens of the State, in his election; and I may safely say, that no one ex- pec'.ation entertained by any of us.at that time.has been fals^ilied by the course of his admiiii;-;tration. Yo 1 will nil recollect, gentlemen, that : t tliat pe- riod, an unconslitutioiuil and coirujitiiig system of Internal Improvements, under the the pntron;ige of the Federal Government, was rapidly extend- ing its dangerous lures ami mischievous abus ;, over the country — that an unequal and oppres- sive system of taxation, for the protection and advancement of sectional interests, was steadily increasing its burthens, to the almost entire anni- hilation of tlie freedom of industry — and that the Bank of the United States, with the favor it then enjoyed, seemed likely to perpetuate for ever its triumph over the prostrate constitution of the land. These were the lliree grent, and, as we deemed them, pernicious and unconstitutional systems of national policy, against which the efforts of Virgi- nia had been zealously and perseveringly exerted through a long course of fruitless opposition. — rluy seemed, at that time, to be so fixed in ti\e affections of a majority of the nation, and in the habits of the public administration, that the pre- sent Chief Magistrate was called to the head of the Government, more, perhaps, in the confi- dence that he would restrain their abuses, tlian with tiie hope of his waging, as he has done, a war of uncoTiipr.imising opposition to them, on principle. But this he has manfully done; and, by the courageous exertion of his constitutional power, or by the moral influence of his great and deserved popularity, he has razed each one of these systems of gigantic corruption to the ground. Nothing can be more conclusive than the testimo- ny of one of the most zealous of his adversaries, and a leadlngmember of the administration which he succeeded, on this point. That gentleman has told us, on a recent occasion, that " If the pi-e- sent Chief Magistrate should go on in the course of innovation, (or, as we should call it, salutary reform,) he had coinmenced, hardly a vestige of the policy of the government, as it was on the 4th of Miircii, 1829, would remain on the 4th of i March, 1837." Now, gentlemen, tliisis precisely the mission whicli we, of Virginia, at least, intend- ed by our votes, to confide to him; and if he has gone farther in its successful accomplishment tlian we had ventured to h.ope, it surely furnishes no matter for reproach or complaint with us, how- ever natur.tllj' it may do so to those who have been opposed alike to him, and to the policy and doc- trines of Virginia. On what ground of principle or honor is it, then, thst Virginia is now to unite with those who have been her steadfast political adversaries, in making war on an administration of her own choice, which has faithfully and tri- umphantly carried out her doctrines, and n-ore than fulfilled her most sanguine expectations' Before I close the remarks, gentlemen, which stemed cilled for on the present occasion, I shall find in your kindness and ])artiality an apology for a single observatioii on a subject relating to my- stlf. When, on my return from the service of my country in a foreign land, I was unexpectedly, and without any solicitation on my part, presented to the Legislature of my native State as a candi- d..te for a seat in the Senate of the United States, a gentleman, then a membci-, Hud perhaps the oldest member of the House of Delegates, one who had known me from my boyhood, and who had been, and is still, 1 am protid to say, my friend, tiirougii good ;ii;d llirotigii evil report, addressed me a Uiter r< questing- to know my opinions brief- ly on the leaiiiiig political topics of the day. In my reply, which was written on my journey heme- ward, and was necessarily hurried, I answered in his own laconic and significant language, that "I was anti-TarifF, anti-Nullification, anti-Bank, and a firm and decided supporter of the policy of Gen. Jackson's administration." My letter was read by him in his place in the House of Delegatf s; as is, doubtless, recollected by two gentlemen now present, and then members of the Legislature; and upon the declarations of opinion contained in it, I had the honor of being unanimously elected (witli the exception of four or five votes) to the Senate of the United Stules— an honor which no one could appreciate with more grateful sensibili- ty tlian myseii; for tlie confidence and affection of my native St.ite I have ever regarded as the higli- est reward of my public service. Now, gentle- men, I think 1 have a right to ask, that my conduct in the discharge of tlie high duties confided to me, should be tried by the declaiation of princi pies I then made, and upon wliich I was unani- mously elected, with the exception mentioned. It has so happened that, in the course of the last eventful twelve-month, occasions have occurred to test the sincerity of every one of the opinions I profcssetl. It will be admitt. d, I think, by all that, by my course during the last session of Con- gress,^ I proved myself anti-Nullification and anti- Tariff — l)y my course during tl>e present, anti- Bank — and on both occasions, the friend of the present Administration, by giving- it that candid and honorable support which it seemed to me to deserve at the hands of the I'eople — especially the Peoplfi of Virginia. While I have thus redeemed every one of the pledges made by me at the time of my election, and upon which I was chosen by an almost unan- imous vote, iiud, as it would now seem, precisely because I have so redeemed them, I have had the misfortune to fall under the displeasure of the Legislature. Let it be my consolation to know! that, when I was chosen to the honorable office I ! have felt myself called on to lay down, it was! upon an honest and frank declaration of my prin-! ciples, to which I have faithfully adliered— that l' have broken no pledge, violated no promise, de- ceived no expectation. If there has been any change of princi|;le or opinion, I think 1 may stand up in the face of the world, and say, I have not changed. Nor do I believe, that the People of Virginia have changed. Amid the sudden and capi-icious mutations of parties, amid the violent conflicts of political ambition — the enlightened steadiness of the People, their incorruptible fi- dehty, and unwavering attachment to principle, have ever formed my most cheering reliance, and on their verdict, I shall rest with conscious secu- rity. When we look around us, and witness the infuriated contests of political leaders for power, the reckless extravagance of party spirit which animates the'r followers, the too o'ften angry and violent debutes of our public bocfies, and the fu- rious proscriptions of the public press, the heart of the patriot sickens with despondency and ap- prehension, for the fate of our republican system. But when our eyes are turned from this scene back to the People, the fountain of power — when we see ^Ae/n calm and unexcited, though vigilant and enlightened observers of the proceedings of their public men, marking with discriminating judgment, the merits and demerits of each, but kindling with the passions, and enlisting under the ambitious lead of none — shaping by their pa- triotic will, and controlling by the sober exercise of their power, the actual administration of their own affairs — our confidence revives with inerens- ed strength, and we feel that our happy institu- tions arc founded on the imperishable rock of ages. It is in this conviction, deeply felt and cherished with, enlivening confidence, that I offer you a sentiment, gentlemen, in which your hearty concurrence is assured to me, in advance: The People, the rightful source of all power — Their virtue and vigilance the corrective of bad, the support of good government. 6. The People are sovereign: Let those who in- struct their agentii, first go to the source of all legitimate political power. 7. James Madison: Look for his Ijistory to the annals of his country, and his doctrines of '98 and '99 — Time may blanch his brow and bend his form, imt his name, like his principles, will be immor- tal. 8. Andrew Jackson, President of the United Slates: The Thtsus of Executive reform — he has not only pierced the corrupt labyrinth of the Bank, but he has destroyed the monster, and res- cued the liberties of the people from its expiring grasp. 9. Nallljiers, Nationals, and Bankites. The ex- tremes of parties divided among themselves — united only in their ruthless and reckless warfare against the present administration. 10. The Governor of Virginia: Official authori- ty, when it stoops from "its pride of place," sinks into the mere partisan — gratuitousl} and un- called-for, transcends the line of its prescribed duty — it is then deservedly censured and justly reb liked. 11. The Union of the States and the Rights of the States: May the Traitor who dares to attempt the: destruction of either, find a Brutus with a dagger for his heart. 12. The modern Triumvirate, Calhoun, thty^ and Webster: A rare and mysterious coalition, striving to win the Empire by division; but, if gained, each one determined to aim at a monopo- ly of the whole. 13. William J. Duane: He who needs the ad- vice of a father, and 's insensible to the obliga- tions of a sacred pledge, is incapabla of advising, and unworthy of a seat in the councils of his coun- try. 14. Woman: " Her look is to man's eyes a beam Of loveliness that never sets; Her voice is to his ear a dream Of melody it ne'er forgets. Alike in motion or repose — Awake or slumbering, sure to win; Her form, a vase transparent, shows The spirit's light enshrined within." VOLUNTEERS. 1. By the Committee. Our Guest, Capt. Par- tridge: The distinguished instructer of youth — he will always teach the true doctrines of Repub- licanism. 8 After the annunciation of this toast, Capt. Par- tridge rose, and after expressing his acknowledg- ments, in a brief and neal address, offered the following toist: 2. The Youth of our country: With pride may our citizens point to them, and say, " These are our jewels." 3. By Col. G. W. Kinsolving. W. C Rives, Virginia's talented and favorite son: He .stands unmoved amidst the conflicting elements of the political world; may no clouds of prejudice ob- scure him in this political storm. A toast sent by Mr. Jesse Lewis, who had in- tended to be present in person, but was prevent- ed by circumstances beyond his control: 4. The ship of State: A bold and hazardous tack, but now, probably, tlie only one that could have defeated the enemy. 5. By Thomas .J. Randolph. Jesse Lewis: Thomas Jefferson's sample of a nation's wealth. 6. Bv the Committee. Our Guest, Col. Wil- son, of Boteto\irt, a faithful and able member of the Republican phalanx in the late Legislature of Virginia. [After this toast was announced. Col. Wilson rose, and in a brief address defended the princi- ples he had maintained in the late Legislature, and ottered the following:] 7. T!)e People of Virginia: May they speak in a voice not to be misunderstood, against the re- storation of the deposites and the recharter of the United States Bank. Thomas W. Maury, President of the Day, be- ing called upon for a toast, gave the following: 8. The Address of the Minority of the Legisla- ture of Virginia on the deposite question — a torch from the vestal fane of '98. The popular breeze will fan the flame till it shall cease to be the lesser fire. Sent by Col. John R. Jones, who was unavoida- bly prevented from attending: 9. Our Guest, ' William C. Rives: The honest politician, the true patriot, and firm supporter of the constitut'on of the United States. May his services ever be remembered with gratitude by the American People. 10. By Col. Thomas Durret. William C. Rives: We hail him as the faithful and indepen- dent interpreter of the Constitution, and able supporter of the administration. May our next Legislature replace him in that station, which his magnanimity and high sense of honor caused him to resign. ' 11. By Col. David Hays. William F. Gordon: False to his constituents; and 1 am in hopes the People will let him know it, when he returns home. 12. By Craven Peyton. The Americans: Wise, brave and just. All the wealth of the universe would not i.iduce them to tarnish the fame of their two sons, Andrew Jackson and William C. Rives. 13. By a student of the University. Our Guest, the Hon. Judge Irvin, of Michigan Territory — a true Virginian and firm supporter of the present administration. [After this toast, Judge Irvir\ made his ac- knowledgements in an appropriate manner, and oflTendthe following:] 14. Virginia now, and Virginia forever. 15. By Dr. Ch:istain Cocke. General Jackson — the stripling soldier of the revolution — the ve- teran hero of the last war, and now the venerable and unflinching patriot of to-day. 16. By Allen T. Peebles. The guests at this banquet, a band of freemen, who are resolved to aid in saving the democracy of our country, by sedulousl)' supporting the disciples of the Jeffer- son Republic in School. 17. By Williiim S. Dabney. The next Presi- dent of the United St:ites: May he, like the pre- sent, be called to office by the vDice of the Peo- ple, unawed by the frowns and unseduced by the smiles of any soulless corporation whatever. 18. By William H. Brockenbrough. Virgi- nia, unbullied and unbought — her voice in '98, tUTor could not stifle — in '34, the Bank cannot buy. 19. By Capt. John H. Craven. Patriots of '98 and '99, watch! The enemy ai'e on the lines, or in the camp. 20. By Col. Samuel Carr. The Rights of the States and ihe Union of the States — avoiding nullification on the one side, and consolidation on the others both equally daftgerous to the per- petuity fuid fi-eedom of our institutions. 21. By Henry White, Esq. one of the Vice Presidents. The ensuing Ajjril Elections. Vir- ginia expects every man to do his duty without fear, favor, or affection. 22. By Charles I. Merewether. May the re- solutions and ins/ructions sent to our Senator by our last Legislature, cause the political death of the majority; but the People will reward the mi- nority. W AgH 'Ao^ 'oK X V '■^ • • • 'o.»- A <, «J?«<.«=> -^v^^^^ ^^o.^^' ^:5. 'o . . * /% <- . . . -^^^^ < . . « • .0 o, 'o • . *=l, 1