s^d J^Cli Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2010 witii funding from The Library of Congress littp://www.arcliive.org/details/addressbydanieluOOullm E 540 N3 "* _ ADDRESS Copy 1 J DANIEL ULLMAN]^, L. L. D., BEFORE THE [ "> SOLDIER'S AND SAILOR'S UNION OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK, Organization of Colored Troops and the Regeneration of the South, DELIVERED AT ALBANY, FEBRUARY 5, 18^^^ WASHINGTON: W are,/ I be, X 1868. PRINTED AT THE GREAT REPUBLIC OFFICE. I ara' W ADDRESS BY DANIEL ULLIAIN, L. L. D., BEPOKE THE SOLDIER'S AND SAILOR'S UNION OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK, Organization of Colored Troops and the Regeneration of the South, DELIVERED AT ALBANY, FEBRUARY 5, 1888. Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen : In the summer of 1862, duriug the operations of the " Army of Virginia," in the Piedmont region, having been prostrated by typhoid fever, as the choice of evils, I was left behind, by the surgeons, to the tender mercies of the Rebels, and was, of course, quickly taken prisoner. Favored with a strong constitution, I survived both the fever and Libby prison. On being paroled, still exceedingly feeble, I returned from Richmond to Washington, on the 10th of October, 1862. I considered it my duty to call immediately on the President. I was re- ceived by Mr. Lincoln in his usually kind man- ner, and at his request, gave to him an ac- count of my sickness and improvement. I found him more serious and depressed than I recollect to have seen him at any other time. It will be remembered that he had issued on the 22d of the previous September, eighteen days before, his proclamation giving notice to the Insurrectionary States, that, at the expi- ration of one hundred days, on the 1st of January, 1863, he would proclaim " all per- sons held as slaves within any State, or desig-. nated part of a State, the people whereof should then be in rebellion, then and thencefor- ward and forever free." Mr. Lincoln appeared to be especially anxious to ascertain what the effect of this proclamation was upon the minds of the people of that porjtion of rebel Virginia, which I had seen. I stated to him my opinions as far as I had been able to form any from my limited means of observation ; — which were that the chief effect had been to intensify their exasperated feelings, and that many had declared to me that, if a carte- blanche were presented, on which to write terms of peace, the condition precedent of all negotiations would be " absolute separation forever." Perceiving that the mind of the President was pre-occupied, I soon took my leave, and returned to the Hotel. About seven o'clock of the evening of the same day, I was roused by a knock at mv door, and a voice saying, " a message from the President." Of course, I immediately repaired to the "White House," and found Mr. Lincoln waiting for me. He said that he had sent for me, because he had" not been satisfied with our interview in. the morning, — that he was so much engrossed at that time with other matters that he had not appreciated what I had said, and desired me to enter more into detail as to what I had heard and observed of the effect of his proc- lamation. I did so. He catechised me closely. My statements appeared to impress h jm deeply. After I had finished, I took the liberty of say- ing, " Mr. President, from what I have heard inWashington to-day, there seem to be doubts as to the issuing of the proclamation of Free- dom on the first of January. Subtile and powerful combinations are organizing, I un- derstand, to influence your action in the pre- mises. You and I know, from long experi- ence, that, on no other question in America, have men been more swerved from the path of truth and justice by shrewd and cun- ningly devised intrigues. I hope this is un- founded^ for, in my judgment, a failure, now, to issue that Proclamation would be disas- trous — far worse than the loss of a great bat- tle. I pray you, having entered upon this policy 10 pursue It to tbe bitler onfl. Hf- gide, sir, shmilil you be tlie frtvof tnriit of . {firing tVtvdum to the • | slurcs of t|ii| niilioi, permit me lo f.<\ , tl • r will 1)0 4.«'o men. whose uBin>-9 wUlj in nil fo- t« re Mill's imirlt tlu> l!Ml> ccntiirv, Ai.kxas Of Itissi.v, ANI* AllKAIlAM OP AMFriUA." too's <-it very iiiue, iinices it be followed. up by eorresfxituiinj Retimu ' "Exinily!" heexclaimeil, "I Imvcahviiys lul-l our frienile, U^^I,h aiinple jiroi-lHiuatioii ol cniiini ipiilion must be iiio[ieriitive." "Sucli ie my liet-ided opiuioii,'' I *aid. " I5ut not so, if. as I 11 ive btrore urjred upon you. Yoti nriii tlx" U!.i k.-(, iiit'l eiiii-^i iliem iiiiw«'d nt« in ti COli • -'iliiml soineiiifie, tu UT^'i -irm the Hli.ek- «ii.-, I. I 111' Mio^t inii-l wity to rriisll llio ItebfJ- ItOTl. ' 2 Tbe sure: t path to ihe cstinctiob of :»ln- rtrr. ' s'. Th« mo.4t fenmblo roods of brinf^nir home to the sliiVM ihttt Im> rMilly intendnd to |free tbern ' • ■ :> ; 'M - . r • , , tjufl in liiH a war- power; Rtjd tliHl it wad II tiiodi- of pri^illy re- dtniii^j the cKpenst-H of tb" war; e^ijie, inlly as iichr it WH* dilfiriilt 10 rali»e troops, exe»'pl by a drall, or by offerioK rainoiu boiinties Tlint ^I fell sure that thus, withntit the exprn.iiture ■f a dollar in bouni M)U,00P to •100,000 t:> ■ iiiij rs. T). I" : ■ ■; I \ i'lOM.li in I- to I redi I rate a race. " .•,.■,,,, ....-.> .j.on me Willi, ''ni- .' would you be willing toeommainl IJlmk r.s ?" My answer fras, ".Mr. I're.^i.h'ht, I. at is 11 hoiiii' iiui-iitiou. I do not know iliat I would, dfrhoif'*, bht Jaifl i\ soldier, it Is my , duty to obey, and 1 confers tbatt would plory I in aiding to strike what, I am sure, will be the tiiost ellectiM' nioral blow of the war. Be- I .«iile.s, I never will advi.se u movement whirh ' "'"lid rt-fiiii' 10 ui^Jerink" ••■■ -^" •• v\ . i • ■ ^aid be, "it Q.inmt 't be done until ul': : I iiiiiUou." IJelhcuii for the iiijjiit 1 wilb kind worda, v^hl od me deeply 111 llie time, and, sim e tin.- •■ diep damnation of bis tukiuK oil",'' hftve ev««r wt)led up from i!:e depths of my heart in gushing tribute to his memory. Immediately niter the issiiinp of the Procla- mation of Freedom, on the 1st of Jaimuiy. IjJtf:<, Ihe President directed tbe Secrt- l«ry of War. .Mr. Stnnton. to order me to rai.'te and (Tpanize Hegiraents of colored troops in tbe |)epirtment ot' the Gulf. My duly \\a» to iiiitiale and siuiiervise the recrnitinp "nd i>fli- c-i.'iing Reijimeiits, of which the privuK^s and I !i(.in-eomiBisi.''ioni-il o(hcer.-< should be Mlack - — I freemen or Ircedmen, — mid to conimand ihem. i This order, now in my possession, bciirs 'lute I 13ih January, l8ii^, and is the lii^ oidfr is- j f ued by Ibis Government, during tbe Kebel* I lion, ref»nliirly avowiOjT mid Hulhoririnif tbe I enlisting of Lllaeks, as 8olilier.<< in the anniui of tbe United Stales. I was directed, in the lirst instance, tn raise four Reginient.-; of In- j I iiilry, and ii liutiillion ot si.\ eompniiii s of . iiioiintcil 8cou^; and, to provide ihcm with ( oUieers, was nutliorized to .-^eluct from the U\b«de army, a stiflicient number ttf idcked veterans. cjHii-c-rs and iirivate.s. For this piir- I pose. I estiiblisbi'd my Headqanrtem in tbe I ( ity of New Vork, and \va* lornisbeti^ at my I ri'qiiest, by the loyal Gorernors of severaj loynl folate-* with lists of Foldiers and ofllciTS. wbo liH'j disiin(;iiislietl theiu^elve.v in the Held — "tbe bravest of ihe brave.'' I'nforiumilely, I could- rei'eive no aid from the chair of the Chief Mapstrate of our own .'^late of New york.— its incumbent beiirg of rather qucBUouiible ' loyalty. 1 was, therefore, obliged to rely vx- r'.usivilyon n\y own JQitfrment, ao far ax Ibis iiotile iSlattf wiiA roneiTiied, jiod, I appridieud,, did not no far astray, ib stlecling nt-miy alli lite otlici-rs of one Ue>.'iui<'nt (rom geutlemon> who bad served in liio 7tb Ke^'inlent of the .Naiional (inard,— so long the pride of our .^lelropolis and ritato. It is instructive, as well as amnsiiio:, to look, back, now, at the condition of the public mind at tliiit period. My Headquarters had s>:arce:ly been estabJished in ^ew York and the nature of my duties bep^an to be whispered around, when threatening anonymous letters began to pour in u[)on me. and I was waited upon by several kind friends to remonstrate with me, as to my course. One friend in par- ticular, a worthy gentleman of high position and influence, was earnest in his entreaties thfi.tl should desist. He stiid I would ruin my reputation foreve.v; that the jinblic was exasperated at the idea of enlisting negro troops ; that I was in danger of being mobbed at any time,* and ' that, in such an event, I couM hardly hope, for aid from the police. Th€. gentleman was answered that Iwas obey- ing orders, .Ind as to being mobbed, I. was surrounded, l>y veterans who were familiar with the whistling of rebel bullets. The riots of the succeeding July showed thnt these were no idle fears on the part of this gentleman. Within oiie year, while at Port Hudson, on the Mississippi, I received a letter from this same friend, in which he said, "you will be astonished, when I inform you that I was one of fifty gentlemen, who, yesterday, marcli- ed, 38 an escort, nt the head of a Rigiment of negro soldiers, from tluion Square, down Broadway to the foot of Canal street." I transferreilthe Cadre oi' my command to the designated fieldof duty in the Department of the Gulf. I had with me more than two hundred oflBcers, a large majority from the Army of the Potomac, who had seen nearly two years service in the field, and mflny of whSui bore the scars of honorable wounds — some were officers of the Regular ArniV— one was a son of the Vice President — ^one an Euro[)ean Prince— several, nephews of Kossuth — otiiers, ofBcers who had served with distinction in tiie armies of Europe, and all, with few exceptions, educated gentlemen. It is hardly worth while, this evening, to particularize the obstacles, which were need- lessly interposed to prevent the success of this movement* At some future day, I may un- dertake the unwelcome, but, perhaps, neces- sary task. The materials are abundant., and iu my possession. Sntlice it to say that there was scarcely a bureau in Washington, New York or New Orleans, that did not in its early stages, throw some impediment in its way : generally covertly, sometimes openly. It more than once required the stern, peremptory order of the i^ecreta^y of War,. to bring some of them up to the full performance of their duty. But the chief opposition came from a quarter, as unnecessary as it was unexpected; — namely,, the deep-seated and extraordinar}' pil^jvidifie',. which existed in the mindsi of a large majority of the white officers of every grade in Louisiana. It is a striking fact- that while the officers sneered at ns, the rank rind' file were our warm friends. Officers of the' Ullmaxn Brigade wnll ever have occasion to remember, with bitten feelings, the con- temptoustreatment they received, at the siege of Port Hudson, from (general itnd other offi- cers, who heaped indignities upon '^^ Nigger Offi<.ers,'' as ihey were wont courteonslj- to style us. There wns nn abundance of 'Tin-'' writine," respecting the policy, by Genera's high in rank, lor transmission to FIi adquar- ters, at Washington. It is not, however, the first instance, in the history of human afiiiiis. where '-hrav* words" Were not accompaniccj by ■" brave deeds." But it was all in vain ; they were gnawing on a file; in spite oi treac^ierous friends and open foes, the' move- ment "was amiignificent success, and the great object, for which I strove was obtained, that of striking a fatal Vdow at slavery through the hands of its own victims. Argong the minor scenes of the drama, it was pleasing to see h6w ra{)itlly the foulest mouthed revilers became enthusiasti(' and [latriotic admirers and laudators ; how jaun- diced eyes were cleared to see Colored Troops only in rainbow tints, when Coinniissiorls in the Field, Staff and Line began to flutter in the air, thickly as .autumn b'aves. ■ Not a few Cojonels,. and some Generals, of Colored Troops, were once their intensely disgusted haters. Such, aias I is ever the history of some classes of humanitj*,*whpn the r.ssortioii of a great principle is weak, especifilly when it takes the form of action, none but n.ien ol earnest conviction are Wiliing- to meet' the opprobium of its support, but when, by their determined energv, it battles its way to povv-. er, no one can count \he number of those who ' were " alwavs its friends." let me say, in this connection, that what-, ever maj^ have been the conduct of others, the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, from the initiation to the Close of this^ movement, proved himself to'be its active and"constant friend. He sustained me at .every Mep, and sliowed himself to be an executive officer of surpassing patriotism and transcendent abili- ty. I am safe in averring that, such were the obstacles thrown in its way, that had it not been for his rare talent and indomitable deter- mination, the whole movement Of arming and organizing Colored Troops would ha-e been a failure. Early after our arrival at the field of opera- tions, mv suViordinates reported tO me that thei'e were active iind extended infl'nences at \Vork among the Blacks, to alarm them and prevent their recruiting, and that the proverb- ial Southern skill ,in intrigue was especially, snd not ODSUccessfullr, Rt work at Headquar- ters, and elsewberi', to thwart the movement. I bud fortien this, ami believing that it would become necessary for me to tise decided Inii- gua(;e, understandlD^; well with whom I had to deal, and rem<-mhpring also that the l're:«i- denl l>iid, on previous occasions, dirtavowed the orders, on the sulject of shivery, of Gen- erals Fremont and Hunter, to prevent hein^' placed in a like catei^ory, I rend to Mr. Lin- coln, bet'ori* leaving Washington, the suhstan- tiul portions of an order I proposed to issue. It received bis unequivocal approval. I now is.oued it. The following are extracts from it .— "II. The General Commanding brings to the particular notice of the officers of this com- mHiid, that thejr are engaged, by the orders of the Governmeut, in a special, peculiar and dilEcull service. They have been selected as posse.-sing qualities which, it is supposed, eminently qualify them for this duty, namely: accurate knowledge of the drill, long experi- ence in the field, pHtietice, diligence, and jnit- riotism. They will lind the constant exercit^e of all these qualities necessary. You are brought into contact with a race, who, having lived in an al)iiormal condition all the days of their lives, are now suddenly ele\aied into being soldiers ot the United Slates fighting against their oppressors, as well for their own liberties as for the integrity of the Uepublic. They are to be mouMed by you into drilled and well disciplined troops Vou cannot display too much wisdom in your conduct, both as regards yourselves and them. Let the laic of kindneis be your guide. Thus acting, you will soon obtain their confidence; you will then find them docile, impressiona- ble, fully imbued with the spirit of subordina- tion (one of the highest attributes of a soldier) possessed of a deep appreciation of kindly treatment ancl of keen perceptions, which en- ables them quickly to discover any Haw in the conduct of their superiors. You have the materials, crude though they now may be, but perfectly malleable, to make the best of soldiers. It remains with you to say whether such shall be the result. Per- form your duly conscientiously, and our be- loved and once happy country will not only have a body of soldiers, who will enthusiasti- cally aid her in fighting her battles, but she will al.«o have the prouii satisfaction of know- ing that she has, at last, taken a practical Step towards the elevation of a hitherto de- graded ami oppressed race. III. The General Commanding learns that the malignant enemies of the Union and the peo]de of the United Huiles, are busily en- gaged in endeavoring to jiersuade the colored populatioa of the South, that if they recruit as soldiers in the armies of the Republic, tbejr will, at the close of the war, be returned to slavery by the Gorernment. It is to be expected, in this unholy war be- tween truth and falsehood — humanity and op- pression — justice and injustice — freedom and slavery — regulated liberty and unrestrained despotism, thjit the atrocious instigators of this foul and unnatural rebellion, together with their secret aiders and symptuhi/.ers, who have the oath of allegiance on their lips and treason in their hearts, should, to sustain themselves, resort to every device which the arch enemy of mankind suggests to their wil- ling minds. This is one of those devices. Let npt the colored men of the South be de- ceived by any thing that may be said by those who are at once their, and the Utdon's foes. The General Commanding, therefore directa bis officer.') of ail grades, to assure every color- ed man whom they recruit, that if he shall, by virtue of the authority delegated to the General, be regularly enlisted into the service of the United States, and shall bear himself as a true and faithful siddier until the end ot the term of his enlistment, he has the sacred honor of the United States jdedged, that tbe whole power of this Government, moral And physical, shall be exerted to secure to him and to his posterity for ever, the inestimable blessings of freedom. It is not in the power of the General Gov- ernment, under the Constitution, to remand a single human being, once freed, to slavery, "otherwise than in |)unishment of crimes, whcrecd" the party s^all have been duly con- victed." Beside, this war, in its consequences, baa rreached a j>oint beyond the power of man. 'PThe first gun that was fired at Fort iSumter Sounded the dealb-knell of slavery. They who fired it were the greatest practical aboli- tionists this nation has produced. The decree went forth from that hour that slavery should quickly cease to exist on this North American continent. Come, then, colored men of tbe Sc^itli, en- list in the armies «>f the United States. Your brethren at I'ort Hudson have shown tg tbe world that they can and will fight, and have displayed as dauntless courage as ever illumi- nated a battle-field. Kinulale their noble ex- ample, and fight under the glorious banner of the Republic, which will he to you, in tbe great KfTi'iiK, as it has been in the past to millions of the white race, the symbol of every tem|ioral blessing. Truth, Justice and God are on our side TlIK^ Wll.l, PHICVAII.." Under that order, the colored freedmen of Louisiana iiocked in crowds to tbe standard of the United States, and recruiting as soldiers in the raniis of our armies, served faithfully to the close of. the war. It is respectfully sub- mitted whether, having thus performed their part of the contract, they are not entitled to demand before God and the world of man- kind, the strict fulfillment, in its letter and spirit, by an honorable and Christian nation, of this solemn pledge, thus distinctly made at a trying crisis in cir history. Let the streets of New Orleans, on the 30th of July last, and the thousand cases of slaughter and murder of men who once vyith us wore the blue uniform of the Union, testify whether this pledge has been redeemed by the American people. . It is in the performance of an imperative duty, that I ask permission to refer, in this public manner, with pride and gratification, to the career of the gentlemen, selected by me, to he associated with me, in this no^el and peculiar field of duty. With a few excep- tions, they all met my expectations. To judge them, now, with discrimination, we must re- gard them from the stand-point of 1863. Nearly all of tliese officers were selected from differ- ent and, in some cases, widely separated com- mands, in the army, where, having participat- ed in numerous battles and conflicts, they en- joyed honorable records. They were selected by me as men, who were willing and compe- tent to take the initiatory steps in the organi- zation of colored troops — a policy manifestly destined to struggle into existence against ve- hement and bitter opposition, both from the friends and foes of our Government. In ap- portioning their grade of merit, then, we must remember that there are periods when dates are full of deep meaning, and none were ever more significant than when, during the dark days of 1863, to accept an appointment in a colored regiment was, in facing a whirlwind of prejudice, to invite the desertion of friends and the implacable hatred of enemies. The former, they met with sorrow, the'latter with derision. If captured by the foe, they well knew they would not be considered or treated as prisoners of war. Jeff'erson Davis and the Confederate Congress had enacted that " a white person commanding negroes or mulat- toes in arms " should be " deemed as inciting servile insurrection," and should, "if captur- ed, be put to death." We well knew these were not unmeaning words. Such was our conclusion, and this knowledge, on the part of some of these officers was made practical by the bitter experience of lying in chains, for months, at Camp Ford, Tyler, Texas, because it was suspected they were connected with Black Regiments. Disregarding all these per- sonal considerations,, they, voluntarily, engag- ed in the work set before them, with a high patriotism rarely equalled, and a conscientious determination in the discharge of duty never excelled. Compelled primarily to teach the colored soldier tltfe ver}' rudiments of a well- regulated evcry-day life, prior to that almost incessant drill and discipline, which, it is well known, require the most patient and zealous perseverance on the part of officers, to accom- plish even a medium proficiency. With but few men, at first, in any regiment, able tp read or write, — steadily, earnestly and faithfully, these officers labored until the whole com- mand was led up, step by step, to a degree of discipline, which has, time and again, drawn special commendation from educated officers of the highest grade, ki^owledge and experi- ence. It is not seen how the Government could have paid a higher compliment to the first four Regiments of Colored Troops, thus raised and organized by me, than this. — Whereas at the cessation of hostilities, nearly all other volui»teer Regiments, while and colored, many of whose terms of service would not have ex- pired for months, were mustered o it, these four were all retained until, long after their full terms expired, and some are yet continued in the service — one, the 81st, is on duty now at New Orleans. These Regiments are respectively designat- ed, the 78th U. S. Colored Infantry, (originally 1st U, S. Volunteers,) commanded by that gal- lant and accomplished soldier. Colonel, subse- quently, Brigadier-General, Samuel B. Jones, of the city of New York : 80th U. S. Colored Infantry, (originally 3d U. S. V.), Colonel, subsequently. Brevet Major-General, Cyrus Hamlin, then by Brevet Brigadier-General Mudget, both of Maine ; 81st U. S. C. I (ori- ginally 4th U. S. v.). Colonel John Apple- ton, of Maine, and then bv Colonel Charles B. Gaskell of New York, and 82d U. S. 0. I. (originally 5th U. S. V.), Colonel L. L. Zulas- ky, of Hungary. I shall, doubtless, be expected to answer the question, so often put, " What sort of sol- diers do Blncks make?" In the first place, I do not think it at all ne- cessary to institute any comparison between them and white troops. If obliged to e!xpres9 an opinion, I must unhesitatingly say, I have seen some white regiments superior to any colored I ever saw. The common error, in judging Blacks, is to look at them as a unit, as a whole, as being all alike — the inferior specimens are selected as samples of all — how would the white races stand such a test ? This error leads to a mul- titude ot other errors. The facts are that they differ from each other, and, perha[)S, are sepa- rable into classes, even more distinctly than any of the races of the Caucasian group. That / 6 U'us :i iiilliv ;ii:«U'tr nil tliiil f)oiut, gtveil IQ tbc 'lit- Adv.iitcetuf tit o:' I t'mn, nil eiincnUii .: ..liii. iu lit I <4r a rued i-At*\ of un ■ .; . ., ■ who provi'ii to b's own sh- l:st.;i.i iin, i|.«- iillt-r infc;l • ; icapucilv for iiii{irovi-iutiiit <>f nil im — •'6iiic- t biivc Hifii lruvcili:i)( in i..^. ..,,.., miJ Mr Cr.ifu •' I liiivc i>'.ictivcd iLal ilicn- uic liillVr- ciKis and int iMi' iiti .-. ivfii liere, «tnd Imvo pAriicularl; u<> ' ! UnylUkmeH are ho{ SJi'jkfp*art4." NuM", 1 btive L.i>iuM.ui4cd colored lli'Ki[ueiit:>. m) goixl. Iroop^ A.-; need be, lUid I bn«'e < oin- uiiwided . ' ' ((.'III, iind mmt very infe- rior. Id NBjal sUte, ihey ivipiiri- ' ■■'*' , III DlliiT s.)l(ii were priily bDiloriiily ri-ported to mo to bi' iiobcr, doc'iU-. .ing that donbu were io i xl<.'ii.sivtdy t'Utert»>iui'd, wbpn weliuvc :bc will-kiiovrn leeord of lliu te.-iiinuiiy hs to tbtir lifiivery itnd jjood couducJ, of so ©xpt;- rifnred ii j'tdpu of wliul (;oiiniitla(:(>D(n :iiid bulferiiKi luis pasiirr! iuiu iii-'iury. hei inf SAy. tlmt I bave riirely veeu r\) iiu« a r|>eciiueii uf a M.ddier, hs tin- hero ' • ' ;' 1 V, who, liaviiiK. it is sJ»i(l, ri'c (I, < ivil luiU luiliiary. in \':\x. ."lb)ii to biti ruct', iUi/1 lo tbis i^uioii, liy Ultinx at Port liudsoi:, ti;;btiii).' jiravely in oiio of tlioee meioorubio cbar^er in.uie by tbe cobiicd r<>(!iiat.-ut> on tbu 27tli ot Uar, lHo.'>. Tbe M'lr-dcMi^-iiiK good (vtnpfr oi tU«;iM> lruop8, Lbvir Kiionlvdg« of loonijiie.'*. tbtfir •(iruiiipt oberii»-iicf, lbvir soldier-likt ; ' ' ■•ixluianci!, itad, uboVH ii,;l. tbi'ir tirni, n, ii'ver-vurjing Iricndabip. wen- '. Tltire iicM-r was u i><:niilbk ot erideiKc ibtit th«re waj< miy foiiudati«oi bir ib<- »;n;. ■!! li IS d'-cfptioii atl'-niptfd, wilb un- I ti-ry, to lie patiiicd off on iiiiiii- ■ slave*- w««rc itintftitfti wlili ilic.i (Oil. 111!. Ill On ibv conlrnry, u tbut a ki'.owb.-d^r ot tbe cHiittfr and of tbe vv'iir WM^i not only i:liiio«t i... <..-.., .imoM|{ Ibeni, but wng aUo reonii kulily iloai and ucciirati', nud tbc) iicv t failed to liaii our advent witb entliusiaBttc delight; stylhig us ibcir "di'hverers.'' I desire bere to gtTe ia uy wijlinc and eAi- pbittic teoiinioDy, »s to Ibe t-xtraordinary fact — and niiouTous utKifn:, wbo:^*' ojiportauities for obM-rvalion (uid inveatigalion liave not bun burpiij-sfd, b;»ve rl'(t<'«'^ted mi* lo <|uolc- tbeiu us liaviu^ bad a like experieuct- — thai ibroutfb nil tbe riiisMitodis of my T.irieil ami niaiiitold expc'rii-nt.'e, 1 havo never met cql- colored luiin, in or out of the Army, who, wilbin toy peraoual ktK)wled){e, wtus uulrieiid- ly to tbe Union caiMC. Wberc. I ask, ia tlmt terrible, bloody, servile insurrection, bo often tbuuderid in our ear.4, to ntfriffiit the laud from it> proprii'ty ? SVt' may ikiw exjifcl tha'l Ibe vountry will ring wilb libouta of -'a war of races!" "rfiiprtiiuacy of Bbii-k ract-s!" — cries to be clabsed Willi tbe lliousand picl4ire^ drawn, in former dnyi, to liorrify u* with tbe imminent danger of a 6«rvile in.surrection. Manifestois. pampbietd, speecbes, editorials will Hood tbe bind, proving; ibut Ibr ''nigger,'' jjow ibat be is free, will relnpue into barluiristti. .MnrdiTj, ontragps, alroiilies of every name and kind, will (ill ibe cohiinne of cerlhiu i;la bunored yearp under t\ system of slavery, there was dHn|;i>r. that the whole blood of tbe re«- giwn would, in process of time, be commingled, beyond the analytical power of any chemist to rt'Polve it into itc original element^. I'uriher; — rl ibere bo of record, on the pag*'!! of aiulxniic history, even of tbe most cultivated bations, an account of in people, who under all tbe nuiltipliedaggrav.ilions and enornlitiej of Fort I'iUow, of Mempbii^, of Neir Orleaiii^, and of a tbow-and otb*r in.stancefl, have excelled tbern in patient endurance, iu (/brislian bo/ie and undevialiiiL' Irieiidship to those wboin tbey regard as llieir deliverers, then, it ban eBcnped liiy search. As lo Ibe capmiiy of ibis psoide for im- provement, I desire lirst to render thanks to ibe American ('bristian Asiueialion, and to other nciive patriots, through whose enligbt- ened and kind ot!i(>p.>i, 1 was furnished with a number of Ten>'hers. and then to static that, within bi\ iiioiilliN all'T the eoinmenceinent of my orgaiiizHlion, it was oHii'ially reported t:o me that live hniidred sobliers, ccaicely one of whom prcvioii-ly knew a letter of the uljiba- bet, h:id learned to read and write "quite well," and that. two to three thousand were adviinciur;- indifferently well. It must not lie lorifotien that the men were adults. In the presence of later developments this may :ip- pear to be inconsiderable. It must be recol- lected, however, that this was the pioneer movement, and that these results were achieved, amidst daily carnpj and drill duties, and in the fiice of an active and daring ene- my. The most marvelous translbrniation tliat I have ever seen in real life, almost excelling the mctiimorphoses .described by Ovid, was that of a poor ignorant plantaticm Black .Mnn. stri[)ped of his rags, and then clothed in the blue uniform of freedom, and subjected for • six mouths to the drill and discipline of a sol- dier. The g-eneral conclusion, then, is that suffi- cient has passed under my personal observa- tion to satisfy me tliat the same discipline under like civil and yolitical institutions, which elevated the Gurths and the Wambas of the days of Richard, the Lion-Hearted of England, into the Ango-Saxon gentlemen of the nineteenth century, would, in process of time, produce its like legitimate etl'ect in raising in the scale of being squalls' poor, de- spised and oppressed African of • America. This age has no psychological phenomena more striking than the eager craving for education e.xhibiiea by the colored people of the South. Ill closing my answer to the question, "what sort of soldiers do Blacks make?" I desire to read the otficial communication, I holii in my hand, from Brevet Major General Thomas W. Sherman, Commanding the Southern Division of Louisiana, himself one of the finest tacti- cians and strictest disciplinarians of the Reg- ular Army: — "Head'r.s Southern Div. of La. New Orleans, La., June 11, 1865. Lient. Col. Ciias. B. G.\skell, Comm'gSlst U. S. Col'dlnf. "I am directed by brevet .M;'jor Genernl Shertnan, Commanding, to say to you that he takes pleasure in stating that the condition of your Regiment is superior to any Volunteer Re^-iment he ever inspected, and in many im- portant points it is equal to that of the best instructed Regultr Troops. "' "These important points are as follows: — General cleanliness, and care of arras and clothing; a life and spirit on the part of Field and Compiiny Officers iu their personal move- ments, and in the conveyance of their orders and commands, thus kispiring the rank and file with a high degree of interest in their duties, and gaining their respect and confi- dence. " The manoeuvers, with but few exceptions were made in that prompt, well-connected aud shoulder to shoulder manner, that must have been pleasing to every soldier present. ■ • "The General congratulates the Lieutenant Colonel Commanding upon the success in the training of his Kegiment, and hopes that it may be retained in service as an examplar around which may rally a large number of this description of troops. 1 am, sir, very resp'ly, your obedient servant, (Signed,) ' WIQKHAM HOFFMAN,- Maj and Ass. Adj't Gen. A true copy. (Signed,) Geo. P. FRnNALD, 1st Lt. and Adj't 81st D. S. C. I!" Major General Sheridan has repeatedly ex- pressed himself, respecting these Regiments, iu terms even more favorable. What then becomes of the speculations of the "Anthrop- ologists," that the colored races have not faculties capable of improvement? Let them meet and answer this one fact; — large bodies of ignorant jjlantation negroes «\vere, in the opinion of officers as competent to judge as any in the service of the United States, trans- formed hy our teaching and discipline, in a period by no means long, iiito troops, capable of military evolutions, bearing no unfavora- ble comparison with the best soldiers of the world. We are now to consider the present condi- tion of the South. I propose to speak of it from the stand-jioint of my own personal ex- perience; derived first, from riiy being a native of a late sla^ie State, Wilmington, Delaware; Second,' from having travelled extensively ^ through the South in years past, and lastly froin having had a command for two years at the S()uth-\Vest. _ ■ ' . I. The Insurrectionary Sthtes need regenera- tion more th;ui reconstruction. The Southern evil is deeper than nfere legislation. Constitutions and Liiws yarely reacli social forces. The reverse is the logical sequence. Naturally they should flow from social institutions. Mankind cannot be legis- lated into virtue. The difficulty at the South is eminently social, sfiritiging from a source, described in M'ords of solemn import, uttered thirty-foyr years ago. by Southern Christians, in a document, issued in 1833, by the Presby- terian Sy:iod of South Carolina and Georgia; 1 re.id an extract;— " We make our appeal to universal ex- perience. We are chained to a putrid carcase, (Slavery.) If sickens and destroys us. We * have a millstone about the. necks of our socie- ty, to sink us deep into the sea of Vice. Our children are corrup'.ing from their infancy, nor can we prevent it. Nor is the influence confined to mere childhood, if that were all it would foe tremendous. But it follows us ioto youth, mKiiliood and old age. In all our intercourse with them (the Sluvi-s) we are un- dergoing a process of IntolU-ctual and mnrul deterioration, and it recjuires almost superliu- uan etfort.'«, to intiintniu a high stauding either for inti-lligence or pioty." Surely these are words of weight, reaching,' Into the fur future. This is ti>e key to unhx k the Southern problem. Thence cuine the nirntal (ind moral induration, which rendered men capable of the fiendish cruelties of An- dersonville, Belle Isle, SMuisbury. F"ort Pillow, Mid, since what, with grim humor, has been called the end of the war, tiie scourging, out- raging and murderin;^ of women, the beating, •booting, drowtiiug an0. No greater mistake was made in the con- duct of the war, than the relieving of Oen- eral Butler from the Command of the Depart- ment of the (iulf; its consequences are felt at this hour. His stern rule and incomparable administrative ability were rapidly producing their natural effects ; and those portions of Louisiana, then under our control, were better fitted on the day of his recall, to commence the work of reconstruction, than they have been at any subsequent day. The report of his departure acted upon the rebels, and ujion their foreign sympathizers, much as the rais- ing of the safety valve of a steam-engine : they bounded with e.xultant elasticity, and displayed their delirious joy in many strange antics. Nor were their rejoicings mis|daced, — the policy of slurring loyalty and conciliating rebels was inunediiilely adopted, or rather followed up, and it will now require a long period of rule under even the rare combina- tion of talent — military and civil, of a genius, so extraordinary as that of (Jeneral Sheridan, — to repair the blunders and crimes of tho past, and to bring the State back to the point where General Butler left her. II. The injliiential claat at the South, — (hf men icho bruui/ht about the rebellion, never uill be luyal. So far as they are concerned, (with many noble exceptions) loyalty can be hoi)ed tor only from future generations. It was unwise to imagine that the simple surrender of the armies of Lee and Johnston could transform malignant Uebels into loyal and peace-loving citizens. The violation of their paroles by the prisoners of Vicksburg and Purl Hudson showed how lightly oaths and pledges of honor ])ressed on the Southern conscience. The wildest dream of the day is that, in which many good people indulge, — that social wick- edness, the bitter fruit of ages, can be eradi- cated by the exhibition of a little magnani- mity. Adults rarely change their opinons ; — their prejudices, scarcely ever. With the mass, opinions are but prejudices. No accumulation of proof, and no cogency of reasoning will ever convince hundreds of thousands of the Insurrectionists, that their theory of the Gov- ernment is illogical and false ; — far less, that they have committed crimes, the atrocity of which will cause humanity to shudder to "the last syllable of recorded time." The legal judgment of Southern lawyers, with some grand except! ms, Chief-Justice Marshall, for instance, has' had a wry slant, on the ques- tion of State sovereignty and State rights, ever since the publication in the early part of this century, of the Lectures and Notes of St. George Tucker on the Commen- taries of Justice Blackstone; — strengthened and confirmed by the subsequent pilgrimage •f Martin Van Buren in search of " the lost rights of the States. We are forced by a painful necessity to believe that the physologi- cal condition of vast masses of the South, re- sulting from the influences, described by the synod of South Carolina and Georgia, renders them incapable of distinguishing clearly be- tween right and wrong. If Aristotle, Bacon and Pascal were summoned again to earth, and should unite in framing an argument, which Mill should revise and correct, proving that the doctrine of secession, under the Consti- tution of the United States, is a false and fatal delu.'iion, and that the " Lost Cause" is a su- premely wicked cause, it would make no more impression on their minds than a pistol-shot on an iron-clad Monitor. Listen,- if you have patience, and can shut your eyes to their col- lossal impudence, to the dismal talk of such men as Henry A. Wise, Herschel V. Johnson and Alexander H. Stephens, prjiting about "holding on" to that Constitution, which they compassed sea and land to destroy ;— declar- ing before the civilized world, of the Govern- ment wliich they strove to establish in its . stead, that " its foundations rest, and its cor- ner-stone is laid in the great truth that slavery is the natural and moral condition of the negro." A magnificent Empire truly ! which, in the 19th century, regardless of the glorious achievements of the Caucasian races in art, science, literature and philosophy, deliberately sought to erect its superstructure on the deg- radation of the African. Committing the un- paralelled blunder and crime of assuming that an insurrectioa to perpetuate slavery and for- tify the power of an insolent Oligarchy, was a revolution in behalf of freedom, and of the rights of man ; this class, now, neither know how to submit, or how to change. They are not unlike the ancienne noblesse of France. Without a tithe of the refinement, courtesy or real chivalry of that remarkable Aristocracy, the Slavocracy remind us constantly of their perfect unconsciousness of the rights of others, their insensibility to the sufferings of those beneath them, their intense conceit of per- sonal superiority and obtuseness to the lessons of experience. Similar causes produced simi- lar results, — punishment struck each like a whirl-wind. Unfortunately, the influence of this Oligarchy was always greatly in excess of its numbers. The wild lust of power per- meated their whole existence, political man- oeuvering was the study of their lives, and the young Southerner was taught that the one indispensable element of life is political suc- cess. This always justified the means. Thus, by playing ofl' the political parties of the North against each other, they controlled the Government for two generations, and, even now, notwithstanding their overwhelming reverses, they, are at this hour plotting, as of old; and, filled with hope, they believe that by resuming their long tried tactics, and re- newing their old alliance with the pseudo De- n ocracy of the North, which, in fact, has Ufver been broken, they wi'l yet achieve a separation, or better, mount again to the po- lisical supremacy of the nation. Let that Democracy once gain a triumph, North, and a screech of defiapce will ring through all the borders of the South. Strange as it is, thou- sands of these men have not relinquished the idea of re-establishing slavery. Surely in that they never will succeed directly, but the man lives not, who can divine what schemes the Slavociacy and the false Democracy combined should they return to power, may not devise and attempt to execute. Among them will be, first, the re-establishing of slavery, in fact, if not in name, or failing in that, making com- pensatiofl to the former owners for the loss of their slaves : — Second, the repudiation of the National debt, or the assumption of the Con- federate. This is no lime, then, for romantic dreams. Stern, practical sense is required. There must be a larger statesmanship, than that which regards the exemption of certain indi- viduals from punishment as the end to be at- tained. Remember that the Rebellion was a stupendous crime, inaugurated and con- ducted by not mistaken or misguided men, but by felons, who knowingly and fiendishly committed the most horrible offences that the human mind can conceive, — perjury, robbery, treason, slaughtering, starving, hanging their 10 vie!" N rule of tuvi! Wh ject ol all llii^ iufA| . -i 1 . .11 , ...I ..i_v ami coirupU.* ^^^ j»iTpi'ti»'ii. a sv^i. lu I'f Uiiiiiiiii sliivcrv .iiMior- rt-iit ((J iiiur il^.ahlivitiiu Ui li(iiuHiiil.v,H6liuri-(it 40 tiuU. Yet, iu Uelitilf ol llieEu tiiea the ftppiul IP niutJe tYktsir tliey tlwll ufsvio wtiHt ioto our N'MtioMiil C'liunviis — vlirir liriixii revk- iui^ Willi the hlood of our t'<(lifr«. Iirutlurs aud s(>U'», Hud witli tlie aid of u deKCiitTate Jtiuitliirii iifiiiocrait'y, itisojeiilly, uh ber«loi6r«, cuiiti'ul ii|iorluniLit*H lu display tilt* terrilile cunsi!<|UL'tK-<; of lb ir aocial iiiato, will sii'idenly, in liie t'utal delusion. 1 lie ■iDrviublf eUifi of an universal luunesiy will be to derate to power in their respttctive Stateii tUe Kt-b^ls, wliu liroii^ciit i)lH)iil tiie in- eurriH tion, aoii Lbu.-i to postpone inditioitely tbe re({ciieralion of iSoulhern society^ Men, wii">!>e llieory and praeli. e of (Joruiinncnl are so I'sipeuliaJly vicious, never can become KiiL'e depositories of poiiieal power in a liepublic. /Peruianent pro;i:icgs iiiutl I'e llie result of nat- ural priij;re98, — not of .sudden, adventitious, or foreefl ineaguri-s. Soi-ialistic forces lie at tlie iia.^it of all ibe relatione of societj, civil, poliii'Mi and ruli);ious. (tu ilie api»licatioo of the."e trutlis to the reju'iieraliou of the JJDUlb, there bag been muvli driiwio}; baik, uut otnly by Bentiineui:il pbiluntliropi.st8, but by iho^c from whom In;!- ter tliin>>8 wire expected. .Much eloi)Dcncp hue bven expended on t^ie boauty and excellemo of ni>'(rnaiiimity ;-vfor^oit.tn(r tlial leoity to iudiTiauaU is »omtfiin)C3 tlie keenest cruelty to the iiii»>j, and llmt much of what past-cs in the World for niucr.aniuiity is hiiiiplyloar: — As Ironi the tinbliiui* lo the ridicAlous, .so, from uiacuiinimiir to fe.ir tbe step is but ime. XliC ' modern dofinitioa of " mu|;it«,iiimity'' i^ to trciit your enemies as friends, and your frieuda 110 uiiemic.^. TIm- Amerlcttn jipdple have BUfTt-'fed frrently from th*" loiiily whiph, Ihroujrh the inilKPnce of the illnrtrionif Ci.ay, wn" <«bown in lSr?3 to the NnHifter«i of .S<>iilh dirolitia. Th<» rebel- lion b m proved liow ^'reat whh the error. Htd Pre*iiienl .Jnr4<(»«(n b<«tn permillt d to execute hi* iiiti'iiiion of indul^'lne in a little "jndicjou'^ hHnt.'iii(r," it is questionHhle whether the peo- ple of the Sontli ronhi hive been drfi'^'Ooned iaio the insurreotion <>f IHfll. Tire celebrated letter on the Bubject of aece.«sioD, which .Mr. ■ " . ' ' c in th* lAutumii of 1851, 1 by the fact that that ^ I. ,. 1 patriot bad somewhat nioditied hi- opinion us to the wi.sdorn uf tbe course piirsui'ii in l8.;;{. The reltellion was precipitated upon nu uDwillinfr people by a .sy.slein of terrorism, and by the pcrsisitent in- culcaiiou of the idea tlint the poltroonery of tbe North would acquietsce in tecession. with- out war. Hut tbe war did come, and the North did li>:l.t. i>nd. a.s in its early indicji- lions, it was maniiebt that tlie eaii.^es l«iii|; tbe ^'rowlb of H|re.s, the contest would not be siiori; 80 now. uot^vithstandinp. ilie formitl abolition o' slavery, thene causes yet penuoHt- in^r. euvelo|iin(( and controllinfr Southern soci- ety, the sfute of war is not over. Tbe re- iit^Uion is ns ranipani as ever, excrpiin^ that it, iuiB not now the physical ability to display its orL'aui/.ed wickedness. ' his Uien, nuwise/unstnlesmanlike ami un- cbrititiau to retiort to any nn'asnre.s,. because of a uiiscalled IV-nity. or ortemporiiry expediency. .\11 me.isures sticuld be initiated, dit^i^oMed and executed on the b.isis of a preat and per- .iiianent future. Fosterity will hold tbi.s (reii- eraiion to a strict account for the mode in which it avails its.df of the victory t)l>t)iined by the .-acrilice of liiindreds of thousands of precious lives and the expenditure ot hilHuns of ireivsuro, Under these cik-mmstuoces; the first duty of the nation, if it intends to di-ichiirire its high liud Kwlemn obligations, by piviiipr (omplete and thnrou^'li protection to^the whole body of the inyal men— white and black — ot th^ fSoutli. is tu Fweep out of <-xi8len(t' the illegal and nnroii.-'iiiutioiKil despotisms, cl.'iiiiiiii;; to be rftnte Governmenis. I'ermit these {;o'vern- me;its to remiiin, and witbd'-aw your ti-oopp^ ajid the loyal men :d' the iSoiiib are left to tbe tender mercy of the rebels— the t^uanirollfi, the Lee.*, tb» VVirz, the Cobbs. the Fosters, the Tomiis, the Fikes, the Windars, the \Vise»and tJie .Mi:h Irdlf- (erence, cowardice or " nngmtnimity " will justly sink us into the Iuwm'. depth of inthmy. 11 Having extipguisUed these desppfigmB, then, the problem to solve is, What is best for the loyal mea of the present and coining; gen- erations ? The wicked men who made such wild use of their [lolitical power as to destroy th«r own inheritance, and who strove to overwbelm in irrenjediable ruin the fab' ic on which rested the welfare of millions, are worthy of consideration, only so far as human- ity dictates. The only rights ihey possess are the rights of the conquered, which are simply the rights of humanity. While, there- fore, Vengeance should be left to that Divine Ruler who has declared that it is His, they should be deprived, hereafter, of the power of doing evil, ihere are two modes of produc- ing this result; first, their enforced absence from the United Statesfor a time covering the period of reoonstruction. This would be thorough and effectual, and as they forfeited their necks, they should render thanks for so easy an escape. Previous to the collapse, they exiiected, witli good cause, a worse fate. But the course of events and of public senti- ment iiidicTiles that this is now impracticable. In default of this, then, second, they should be disfranchised for a term of years. Thjs would not be a measure of revenge, or even of punishment, but simply of protection and se- curitjy. Give to them every just protection for their lives, their liberties aud their property, buf let them no longer have the power of en- dangering the lives, liberties and property of others. Of course it will always be wise and generous to relieve individuals by pardon, whenever their repentance and good conduct will justify it. The practical point, then, is this: disregard- ing fis unworthy tlie attention of a Christian people, that worse than vain theory, that the measure ol' crime is in the inverse ratio of the number of those engaged in its commission, the Insurrectionary States shall be placed ex- clusivelj; in the -hands of the genuine loyal men, white and black, of their several com- munities, and, until the Governments, which they shall organize, in strict conformity with the Laws and Constitution of the United States, shall have respectively obtained con- sistency, firmness and ability to sustain them- selves, they shall be supported by the military power of tiie United States Less than this will be a violation of natio.nal honor aud jus- tice. Let us see upon whom we can rely. As- suming the pnpoulation of the former Slave States at twelve millions, tliis may be an ap- proximate classification : 1. Unionists, white, who always stood firm '. 2,000,000 2. do black, do 3,.000,000 3. do who by persuasion or pressure became rebels........ 2.000,000 4. Secessionists now loyal 2,000,000 5. Rebels, malignant aud iinplaca- ble 2,50.0,000 ,., . . 12,000,000 Tbis'iast' class compiiises ■ the men of whom I have c'hiefly - spoken this eveninj.'. They are the men who, with perjury on their Jijis and in their hearts, in pursuance of a con.spiracy which was thirty jears maturing, contemptu- ously and defiantly iiL 1860-1 walked out of the halls of Congress,- and who, perpetrating the atrocities 6f Andersonville, and a thousand otlier deeds of infamy, now burn school-hous- es, shoot "niggers" and Unionists at sight, and get up riots in ilemoliis and Kew Orleans. The wholesome discipline of years of disfran- chisement will break the power of their malig- nant influence. Class No. 1, the men who never bowed the knee to Baal, must be our chief reliance. Among them, scattered all over the Soiith, arc men of high culture, and of as high-toned principle as any the world contains. The reason is manifest. Men, who in the midst of the whirlwind which swept over the Rebel States, could yet hold on to' their integrity, must necessarily be of :a sn^ierior mould. The prevalent opinion that the rebels monopolized all the intelligence and culture of the insur- rectionary States, is only one of the many blunders which have characterized this com- plication of blunders. This is disproved by the simple mention of the name of luy lament- ed friend, James Lours Petigku, of Charles- ton, than whom this nation never produced a grander old'man. , In class No. 3 may be found many, whifth, if they can be assured of protection, will readily unite in re-framing their commonwealths on just principles. 'J'hen. .^igain, class No. 4 con- tains not a few persons, who, honorable at heart, were, notwithstanding, unwisely drawn into secessionism byeducational prejudices and false doctrines insidiously sown, and who now, recognizing the folly of the rebellion, " accept the situation." Of this class General Longstreet is a notable example. We come now to class No. 2. the colored Unionists who always stood firm. '• There they are, three and a half millions of human be- ings, American citizens, born on this soil — full of hopes and fears, their destinies inextrica- bly interwoven with that of this nation — what is to be done with them? The answer is writ- ten, as with sun-beams, on every page of our history: Yield to them all Ihe rights of citizens, nnd educate them. "Horrible! " exclaim hun- dreds; ''give to tile ignorant negro the inesti- mable privilege of voting!" W^hy not ? It is not a privilege to be granted, but a right to be I'Z recojrniEcd and enforced. Huffrnpp is n right which, on amtlysia, is resolved into two »ic- menu>: First, it is a mitural, personal riglit, becanse (Jovernntents derive "their just pow- ers from the e-nseiit of the poveriied;" and se cond hecausc the al, who res- pectively voted to take eleven States out of the Uaited States. But, not only should suffrage be extended to this class, because it is a personal, natural right, but, also, because it is a high, over-' ruling, absolute, necessity, for our and their security. Independently of all other consid- erations, they must have the right of suffrage that they may defend themselves in their rights. Statistics show that if the question of freedom or slavery. Union or Disunion were now submitted to the White vote alone of the South, slavery would be re-established and the Union dissolved. Unless you resort to the colored vote, the United States cannot •' guarantee to every Stale in this Union a re[)ul)Iican form of government," except by the bayonet. 'I'liis nation is compelled by a moral law, which it cann<)t long resist, to throw around these people the protection of the right of suffrage Otherwise, military governments, a system abnortual in a repub- lic, coutr.iry to our traditions and re|>ugnant to our sentiments, will nece.ssarily bo contin- ue his n*m«» ni.d rend the CoiisniMition of llie United Sliifps. > i« Tnciriiiinfe that ninondnunt info yftHf Oon- .<\ piJ«i l;iws In .•i<"-iT«trtn<'«> uith iff •trM wliito j'toii t\itliliole nil j : ... , . •'-' .-. ■...r..ii.-. *;v.- ;'i iu beni-fici-nt iuHiuJire. I ' 1 ' lit. IK!.- ,,->..;. i.K ;.< -iMiik 'of the final topif ol tlii* li'Mrt S3, 1, ijisire to sftj a ffw wonJs re.--|i' -i:)^' ;i treocnil error, rejrttriliiip the aliilit; ' ite in^n to labor in the region 1 > i ii tlie l*ot()ma<' and tho Uuir, Hiifl i:n. .MLiiiiic and t^re Mis^!?S!])pi. 1 hare bad iilidermv coiiituiiiKl :it tlie .sonth- ■ ' 'I ii'l to lie as iinlipiil-, - iiii. p.\po.«r'd to the ...V. i-.tjoiis. undfr Ikkr niitig like I'.ihor. and tin- ; !id itrdors, whitie troop? irvuf Vrtiiiiiiii. MiA^sacIui-i'tts, New Tork, Oliio, Indiana, MJiub'is, Mi'cLigati'; ,' Wi.4eohsin, f/O'iisiatia and Texijs, to>{eilitr with colored troop- from Mjf^bnri,' MLssf^isijipi," Loiiisi iii.t ' ' : afl Milijeetfd to like conditi(vi> i iS of ilie command were reqiiirrd I. . , i>r-i;ili.- il|\' iind frequently, nF to a!) the inttiicnci'-: nn'> llie power of endurniieo, iiolh wliite and " colored troops, hut br ■<'»t belwecii tliK white and '■n tlU>9e of eAch elHi>s. The . nvM. I -mjvmt- from Mipsonri wert" jdiysicnilv not etunij t'l th('oihpr>i, And tliKsi'froor.MinsiH- ji'Ppi and TexM<» Imd b'ns ciidiirHrKi'' ilian ihu e l>oni I.o'ii-'; Tin. while many 'white re>rinienti5 wepr- m V" !i n Iv tlian atiy colored, except liie f-oni lie white T< (rirttent. owiiiu to i-r.i.-' . oWftB quickly rediiced'nenily hrrff tiy rt>\<:- The con^'tiKiori Hrrired at af(^r i e.iri'dil cornpnrnon «if Inns, was that individiiiil h'iliitvion w.«ll MP the !• ilored. H'Uh aro At time* and i 1, , . .'d. but /lin ri'liiiive iiiHiMivee!*. All in- u it:-. M. ii:i.-i,( mil wiii<-r, whose op]»ortii- nitfeH of obsiTVHlion have hfcii preut, .Mr. Olmsted, i- \'tv cm liatic in lii:i declaration ihnt ''the < liiniite in t).» iirAtr^ntlr* of labor I.T fb«k while riiee inthe Hoiilh'.f IV. The hintory of Kdme, ««iip«ci«lly durinp the !fli«t d«y» of the Repnbllr; that of Franc* prior to the rerolniion of 1789: and that of KnfrUnd, up to and inclndinir our o'.vii times, show thai ercat landed eitates, (freal planta- liotiR, and Rome spi-cieit of ilavcry or serfdom, in form or in jpirit. are ingefMirable. The InvestiariitioriF of histmriniis have e^titb* lislied tli.it >• the largo Konmn pluntntioni", tilled by .ojave labor, were the min ot Italy." The owner.'* of small farm!", the-' Iiol- derp, then, as now. Conldiiot ex: led by vast e.^tatcs, coltirated by ^....^ .....ur. Italy, :?ant the victim of grcHter opjires.'iion — oulminxiing in t!ie awei'pin;; cliangeii and the drcuvlful expia- tion of \iii',). The condition uf the peasaut at tliHt period was simply that of a shivc. While the first revolution of France did n( t intro- duce tlie sy«leiii of dividing the great landed estates of the ngble.'j, yet from that, .period it becaiue the settled pplicy of .the nuUi)D, and. Writers nj^rce Uial. the provisivn of flie Civil Code, wiiich compels au equal divi.-iion of land at the deaili of the owJiec, wjiiie it reti- dci'.s .set f'lom impraclicdlilc, and has raised the , pciiaaiit liO coiuparailve copifoil nud indepen- dence; hati al.so gruiitly intfieaiied (he ]>roduc- tive power of the cmpiiH.'.* *- f» Vraace. «' ' ■' :• • :.-..( tliiiijiti I \ ■ ' v"r.vp:irt IV IK I. .1.1 I , MV WIT^ 1, -iiil.ti. rlri-'ii w" 'W* ..i.-ii. i ■^ iiI-»i.1tit. .in 1 ' 'T- of lli.lii, 1 iIi.hhI 1,1 l'..i I of mill.'. ' I ri.iint (n 1 re I , n.*,H| ...>.,„,.,,, I unn t"!.! Ml.- r • ...■ u.in- In niiitnu Hiid In Nomiuiily. hdiI I n» |)i:i| hr. Kuriie '• l>"<'l; K^vm a likv r>'|iri*i'iitii|i.iii wf llic nfii. iiUprul rliws in ttJiit ««« ilie MiiiUiil |iiiAif)tc ..r rii.iiui i'tiM", Oiip itju>«n df rlill jfiriii^HTlty U dmtbiK-^ th» nytningof A' 15 Turn to another scene — cros?' the British Channel, and how striking the contrast! ■ Mr. Fa-nest Jones says that- in the three Kingdoms tliere are seventy-one millions of acres, and tliirty thonsand landlords. The Duke of Cleveland can ride twenty-three niUes through his own estate; the Quko of De.vop-,. shire has. ninety-six tliousand acres ju the county of Derby alone; the Duke of Richmond possesses three hundred and forty thousand acres; and, it is said, that, while the Duke of Buccleucli can travel severtty piiks on his own land direct to the. Knglish frontier, the Marquis of lireadalbane can ride one hundred miles in a straight line through his property from his own door. So much for the great Barons; how is it- with tlie peasant-^British writers being the authority? They describe his lot as that of the most h.opeless of men, his stolid ignorance as utterly deplorable. The Saturday Review, published in the Metrojiolis, of the Empire, speaking of "British vassals," says: " if fo-- reigtiers write about them, we are inoved to a languid shame and sadness hy thinking how true the picture, and what wretched, nncared for. untaught brutes the people are who .raise the crops on which we live. This is the poor man wliicli xnodcra feudu-lUin produces." The London Review says: "At this time there is no country, no matter liow embarrassed or how po(ir, in which there is so much pressing and painful poverty, so much vice, ignorance and misery as in England. We have failed with our lower classes to such an extent, that in llie country we find some of them working like catHe, fed and housed worse than cattle." Let us return to continental luirope, and visit-Prussia, now confessedly the chief of the Five Grv>at f'o\vers: Whence conjes her great- ness? Largely from the reforms introdnct'd by Baron Von Stein, who, judging by results, may be considered to be the ablest of Euro- pean statesmen in this century. In 1807 the feudal tenure of land existed with all its I'i- gor in Prussia. The peasantry were serfs forced to render to their superior, both agricultural and menial services. The keen and searching eye of Stein saw that this systsni not only de- based the peasant, condemning him to utte'r free trade with Knglancl, which has given France a mar- ket f(jr Ihe iiroihicts of its soil, anil enhanced their jiiice; another reisson is that the si'il I'mm which these \>n>- dncts are obtained belongs to him who cnllivales it wi'h bis hands. The peasant of France is a freeholder; the land is minutely divided iimonii an immense cla'^s of owners. It way ere long, perhaps, in conseqncnce of the policy of the French laws, btcoiiie too minutely par titi.iied. but it has not reached that point yet. and the soil is tilled all the more careliilly and thritfily, because both the soil and its fruits ar^- the propcrry of the tiller. William Cui.len liKYAKT. July 8,1807" ignorance, but, by crippling the productive strength of the realm, reduced it to poverty and weakness. He, therefore, inaugurated a series of edicts, the objecia of whifdi, nmong others, were by a gradutil- process, to extin- guish feudal services, including all' property' in man, or in human labor, and to transform'' the feud;\l tenants of land into freeholders. Htitfon estimates. that ift cotisequ'enGe of these edicts, and the measures necessarily flowing from them, that up to and including the year ISS^, '-8,3,288 peasants had heconie freehold-' " ers, and nearly a million properties had bfeeri " relieved' from more than thirty millions of '• distinct feudal servjces." But Stein did not' stop here, he saw that more was necessary, he, therefore, made the liability to military service universal, and civil education practi- cally universal, pervading, as it does, by means of the philosophical system of Pes'taloKzi, every brder of society, 'and every grade of in- ' telltct. Thus l^russia, which, at the peace! of ' Tilsit, in 1S07, was reduced to the lowest'^ ebb,-^her boundaries contracted, and her pop- ulation not exceeding 4.(i00,000 people, has in. ' 1866-7, risen- to the liighest pitch orgfarid^iit^' and strength', and Iter rural population, once' the most ignorant of Europe, now celebrated, throughout the civilized world, fur their edu- cation, .industry and general intelligence. Prussia is as much indebted to Stein for her crowning victory at Koniggratz as to Bis- marck or Molike. ' Shall we learn nothing from these examples, ' thus by rae hastily and imperfectly sketched? Lords and vassals are correlative terras. Where there are no lords, t'tiere can be no vas- sals. Lords and vassals can not co-exist with- out land. The small freeholder cannot live surrounded by large owners. Where the policy of a country is to congregate masses of laborers on great> landed estates, it matters little by what term you' de ignate them, — in fffect they will be slaves, serfs or vassals. Such is the condition of large sections .of England at this hour. Such was the condi- tion of the South, such will be its condition in the future, unless, in addition to the formal abolition of slavery, all the logical conse- quences of fhat act of supreme wisdom and justice are met, acknowledged and enforced. ■ Let us then follo\v in the patli marked out by the illustrious Stein. If we wish in the future to save generations from the effects of this mono])oly of land, trenching dcep'y, as we have seen, into the economy of human life, the welfare of nations and the perma-i- nence of States, involving in fact, that other kindred question, the proper relation of capi- tal and labor, — the just distribution of the fruits of industry, — theu,tlie huge plantations of the South must be divided. Jf we wish to 16 create an intelligent, froe and industrious yeomanry, the necessity of thi' South — then tboso vast and fertile fields comprising some of the f.iirest portions of the earth, must l»e subdivide