E ^ 
 
 .C7e 
 

 COLONIZATION AND ABOLITION 
 
 CONTRASTED. 
 
 Published hy Herman Hooker, corner of Fifth and Chesnut streets, Philadelphia. To whom 
 all orders {executed to cash only) may be addressed, pod paid, if by Mail. 
 
 Price 6^^ ce7its single; $5 per 100; a7id $40 per 1000. 
 
 (Entered according to Act of Coo^res?, by Herman Hooker, in the Clerk's Office of the Cmirt nf ttie Ei-'-rn nis'rid of Pennsylvanij. ] 
 
 ANCIENT AFRICA. 
 
 "It was during the 18th dynasty of Egypt- 
 that the first colonization of Greece 
 ''place. Three steps lead us from Athens, 
 
 "ugh Rome, to the institutions of England." — 
 (Foreign Quarterly.) Europe, then, owes its 
 civilization to Africa ; America, to Europe. To 
 complete the circle and discharge the debt, it re- 
 mains for Europe and America to re-establish the 
 civilization of Africa. With the Africans, civiliza- 
 tion, in its higher forms, originated ; to them may 
 be traced the great events which led to the social 
 well-being of the civilized world — to the esta- 
 blilhment of legislative, judicial, and fiscal de- 
 partments of government, and of the whole 
 frame-work of political mechanism, necessaiy to 
 give motion, steadiness, and permanence to the 
 social machine. While Carthage and Thebes 
 are remembered ; while the monuments of 
 Afric's ancient grandem cower to heaven amidst 
 her desert sands ; while her forgotten arts stand 
 chiselled in the eternal rocks ; while her mum- 
 mies are pirated from her tombs to be display- 
 ed in the museums of Europe and America; 
 while the renown of her Pharaohs is proclaimed 
 in Holy Writ ; while the names of Hannibal, 
 Hanno, Ju'gurtha, Terence, Origen, Tertullian, 
 Augustine, and Cyprian, are prominent in his- 
 tory ; while Ethiopia looks out from behind the 
 clouds of antiquity, beaming with the splendours 
 of civihzation ; and while the god Budha, an 
 African, of the negro race, in all his parts and 
 features, is worshipped by 200 millions of the 
 human race, of another species, the world must 
 yet have some reverence for such a people. 
 
 It seems to be established by recent discove- 
 ries, that so far are we, moderns, from having 
 made any extraordinary advance in arts, con- 
 tributing to the splendour or comfort of society, 
 we have yet to recover many of great import- 
 ance, known to the ancient Africans. Not the 
 slightest improvement has been made in the 
 tasteful forms, or exquisite finisli, of household 
 furniture, to this dav ; and the whole process ef 
 manufacturing silk and cotton, with all its details 
 of carding, spinning, reeling, weaving, dyeing, 
 and patterning, owes its origin to Africans. 
 
 COLONIZATION. 
 " The object to which its attention is to be 
 exclusively directed, is to promote and execute a 
 plan for colonizing, with their own consent, the 
 
 I free people of colour residing in our country, in 
 I Africa, or such other place as Congress shall 
 1 deem expedient. And the Society shall act to 
 I effect this object, in co-operation with the Ge- 
 I nera^ Government, and such of the States as may 
 aditjit regulations on the subject." — 2d. Art. Con. 
 The objects of the friends of Colonization, are : 
 
 I. To rescue the free colouJed people of the 
 United States from their political and social dis- 
 advantages. 
 
 II. To place them in a country where they 
 may enjoy the benefits of free gtjvernment, with 
 all the blessings which it brings in its train. 
 
 III. T-O spread civilization, sound morals, and 
 true religion throughout the continent of Africa. 
 
 IV. To arrest and destroy the slave trade. 
 
 V. To aflilird slave owners, who wish or are 
 I willing to liberate their slaves, an asylum for 
 
 their reception. 
 
 There are, doubtless, other objects entertained 
 by some of the advocates of Colonization ; but 
 our aim is to represent comprehensively the 
 principal and leading ones; and such as aire re- 
 cognised by all friends of the cause. 
 
 ABOLITION. 
 
 AnoLTTTO?r, according to the doctrines by 
 which it is now sustained in this country, we 
 think, is fairly represented as follows : 
 
 I. It assun.ies, that to hold men in involuntary 
 servitude, is in all cases a .sin. 
 
 n. It elevates this principle, in application to 
 slavery as it exists in this country, above the law 
 of the land. 
 
 III. It denies not only the right, but the fact, 
 of such a thing as what is commonly under- 
 stood hy slave property. 
 
 IV. it claims for those held in bondage, im- 
 mediate emancipation. 
 
 V. It denies the claim to indemnification for 
 such discharge. 
 
 VI. It mamtains the lawfulness and incul- 
 cates the duty of using all possible endeavours 
 to apply these principles for the liberation of 
 American slaves. 
 
 VII. It repudiates all responsibility, as apper- 
 taining to itself, for any disastrous results that 
 may flow from its action on these grounds. 
 
 VIIL It claims for all the descendants of the 
 African race to be found in the country, an 
 ! elevation to equal privileges with the white 
 ' population, in all the relations of life. 
 
r 
 
 Or C 
 
 2 
 
 COLONIZATION AND 
 
 rX. It opposes Colonization on the grounds, 
 that it is A control over freedom ; that the 
 coloured people, born here, have as good title to 
 all ibe advani:in:es of the country as the whites; 
 and that the riiihts of amalsjamation arc indis- 
 pensable to the full scope of freedom, and to the 
 greatest happiness of mankind. 
 
 There are, doubtless, some Abolitionists who do 
 not profess to go, and who probably would not 
 go, the length and breadth of all and each several 
 of these propositions. It is fair, therefore, to 
 allow to all such the advantage of their own po- 
 sition. We think, however, it will generally be 
 allowed, in view of all that is before the public 
 as evidence on these points, that our statement 
 of this creed is substantially, if not in every par- 
 ticular specitically and exactly, correct. 
 
 In regard to llie first rule, some, if not all, Abo- 
 litionists would doubtless admit, if they could 
 long enough be blind to the consequence, that the 
 involuntary servitude of minors and apprentices, 
 and of other relations that might be specified, is 
 a suitable regulation of society. But this admis- 
 sion Wduld upset the principle of the rule, that it 
 IS in all cnscs a sin. This, nevertheless, is a doc- 
 trine of ,'Vbolitionists, though, doubtless, they mean 
 to confine the application of the principle to one 
 lorm of involuntary servitude. 
 
 In regard to the 2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th proposi- 
 tions, it will, perhaps, be sufficient to quote two 
 or three sentences fiom Dr. Channing, to show 
 that they have high authoiity: " I always hear 
 with pain the doctrine, too common among law- 
 j-ers, that property is the creature of the law. ... 
 I maintain that the slaveholder has no defence in 
 the law, or in the opinion of the civilized world, 
 for continuing to hold slaves. He is bound to 
 free them, and to do so the sooner on account of 
 
 their great value I utterly deny such a 
 
 right (the right of indemnification) in a man who 
 surrenders what is not his own The ques- 
 tion of surrendering fugitive slaves seems to me 
 to fall plainly, immediately, under the great pri- 
 mitive truths of morality. To send back the 
 slave, is to treat the innocent as guilty ; it is to 
 enforce a criminal claim." In case of a servil* 
 insurrection. Dr. Channing says: "We ought to 
 disarm them ; but ought we to replace their 
 chains ?" 
 
 In regaid to the 6th proposition, we are aware 
 that the term " possible," as applicable to phy- 
 'sical force, is disclaimed. In the first stages of 
 the Abolition movement, the use o{ polilics, as an 
 instrument, was also disclaimed. Will those 
 who understand the spirit of Abolition, trust it 
 with physical force f In regard to the 7th pro- 
 position, Dr. Channing has a word or two on the 
 point, not insignificant, and enough to make the 
 ear tingle that hears them, if it is to be imagined 
 they are a true prophecy : " I do not allow that 
 human beings, God's rational and moral creatures, 
 who cannot be held as property, without unut- 
 terable wrong, may still be retained as chattels, 
 from apprfhension of the evils irhirh a restora- 
 tion of llicir rightu may lirin/f on the State. . . A 
 wynteriovR, adorable Providence pennits and con- 
 trols 7nassarre, war, and the rage of savage man, 
 for the Kubversion of corrupt inslilulionsjuat as 
 it purifies the tainted atmosphere by sforins and 
 lightnings .'"' As there can be no mistake as to 
 what this language applies, it is horrible indeed ! 
 The Jacobins of J' ranee weic babes in know- 
 
 ledge, and women in bravery, as compared with 
 such sentiments and such a drum-beat.* 
 
 As regards the 8lh proposition, it is a text too 
 often preached upon, not to be well understood, 
 and a doctrine which, we suppose, will not De 
 disclaimed in that quarter. Nor are we aware 
 that the 9th will be objected to as an unfair state- 
 ment, unless, perhaps, ^some Abolitionists would 
 pause at amalgamation'on the ground of taste. 
 Nevertheless, it is commonly understood to be a 
 leaven of the creed, and not without reason. We 
 are willing that any Abcditionists should make 
 such abatements from these comprehensive state- 
 ments, and such qualifications, as may suit their 
 views ; though we think they will generally 
 allow them to be correct. It is their own fault 
 if they are unfair, as the public have received 
 the impression from their own pulpits and their 
 own publications. 
 
 MonF.R?f Abolition, we believe, is histori- 
 cally a schism from Colonization, having origi^ 
 nated in a disbelief of its tendency to abdlm^ 
 slavery. This disbelief is based on the follovvi^. 
 statements : First, that the scheme of Coloniza- 
 tion is inadequate to effect any considerable re- 
 duction on a coloured population of two millions 
 and a half, increasing at the rate of sixty thou- 
 sand a year. And next, if it were adequate to 
 this purpose, its operation would only increase 
 the value of slaves, and present temptations to 
 perpetuate slavery. 
 
 As Colonization leaves slavery just where the 
 Federal compact leaves it, in the sovereignty of 
 the slave States, and is content with its own de- 
 clared objects, it is not incumbent upon it to dis- 
 pose of this objection, which is based on the 
 ground of its negative character, viz. that it does 
 not do what it has neither professed nor engaged 
 to do. Nevertheless, the objection may be an- 
 svrered independent of the influence of Coloniza- 
 tion. First, that it is made on a false assumption ; 
 next, that it is made out of time ; and, lastly, that 
 it is made in view of only one of many causes 
 more active than itself, and tending to super- 
 sede it. 
 
 1. The objection is made on a false assumption, 
 viz. that a reduction of the coloured population 
 of this country is necessary to the otijects in 
 view; whereas, it by no means follows. As 
 many as are here now, are, perhaps, likely to 
 remain, and a part of the increase ; and they 
 might find motives for staying, even if they were 
 free to go. Nay, it is possible, and not unnatu- 
 ral, that a gradual increase on the present num- 
 ber, in the most prosperous and inviting state of 
 the commonwealth of Liberia, after it shall have 
 risen to an independent and powerful empire, and 
 that even in the event of a universal emancipa- 
 
 • Clianninc'i ri-niarkB on the HJavcry question, in 
 a letter to Junalhan Phillips, lisq 
 
 * Wc have heard the following principle advocated 
 by high authority :— That whatever be the cost of 
 eiriancjpation to slaveholders and their state of 
 society, in wealth or lifi', it Is jnsi, and the greater 
 vKiiibcr will be beneliliMl by llii- cliiiiiL'e. It is some- 
 liines stated in lliis lorm: Tlir liii|ipiMPss of ibree 
 is more iniporlant than of om- ; (■s|ic(i:illy is it wor- 
 thy of bi'iny soM;;bi, wlnii ilic one will ordinarily 
 li;.vr ;is L-n,..l :i . Iiuur a- ilic three. It is of course 
 
 iiiiiii i>i i. i!i:h II , ,nr\\ iW ii..w;ind then \ie sacrificed. 
 
 Tlir r.Mili- lit -i;i ii a . Ijai.i: ■, :is In St. Domingo, are 
 
 iiui 1 nii-iil'T'cl in iliis (Ic of reasoning; but it is 
 
 assumed thai ilie rbang.-, though effected by such 
 nieau!!, will be a blessing to the p;irly eniancipatea 
 from one stale of bondage to pass directly into an' 
 other. 
 
 bv^d-KfXLL 
 
 
ABOLITION CONTRASTED. 
 
 3 
 
 tion, should yet remain on this continent. It is 
 possible that the African colonies should be ade- 
 quately fed, and the new republic well sustained 
 by the three causes of immigration, natural in- 
 crease, and incorporation of native tribes, without 
 diminishing the coloured population of this coun- 
 try, or even cljecking the increase. Neverthe- 
 less, if a reduction should be desirable, tliere 
 is not so much ditficulty in that, as seems to be 
 imagined. 
 
 2. For, the objection is made otit of time. The 
 past or present rate of emigration is no criterion 
 for the future. When once the Commonvvealth 
 of Liberia is well established ; when the free co- 
 loured people of this country shall be convinced 
 by facts, that it offers them the best and only 
 chance of rising to importance and equality in the 
 social state, and an opportunity of acquiring 
 wealth and distinction ; and when the independ- 
 ent sovereignty of Liberia shall be acknowledged, 
 and its national flag respected, we shall no longer 
 have to go begging for the cause, but it will sup- 
 port itself. Then, as certainly as men are go- 
 
 •verned by motives to better their condition, so 
 certainly will the descendants of Africans in this 
 country flock in clouds to the land of their fathers, 
 at their own expense, and for their own objects 
 of ambition and personal aggrandizement. The 
 same reasons which bring the depressed and op- 
 pressed Europeans to America ; the same reasons 
 which brought our fathers here, and made this 
 country what it is; the same reasons which roll 
 on our population towards the Rocky Mountains 
 and the shores of tlie Pacific, creating and adding 
 new States to our Union, extending our empire and 
 augmenting our wealth and importance as a na- 
 tion, will attract and impel the coloured popula- 
 tion of this country to Africa, and lead to similar 
 results.* 
 
 3. This objection is made in view of only one 
 of many causes more active than itself and tend- 
 ing to supersede it. 
 
 It may be observed, however, that this objec- 
 tion is a theory, and the following two facts, al- 
 ready established, effectually overthrow it: First, 
 the fewer the slaves in any section of country, 
 the greater is the disposition to emancipate. Se- 
 condly, the fewer there are of free coloured people, 
 leads to the same result. The number of slaves 
 in Maryland, in 1790, was 103,036; the number 
 of free coloured people at the same time, was 
 8,042. In 1830, the slaves were 102,878; and 
 the free coloured .52,942. In 1831, the legislature 
 of Maryland made an appropriation of $200,000, 
 in ten annual instalments, for colonization. In 
 eight years from that date, 1,867 were manumit- 
 ted, most of whom were registered for coloniza- 
 tion, and 286 emancipated the last of these years 
 — thus demonstrating the increase of the dispo- 
 sition. 
 
 We find upon examination, that not less than 
 $2,600,000 have already been sacrificed by slave- 
 
 * It is now ascertained, that 200,000 Africans are 
 annually brought to America, and sold as slaves. — 
 Could not the United States, by the benevolence and 
 patriotism of its citizens, in connexion with a wise 
 and politic appropriation from the public treasury, 
 send back to Liberia 50,000 annually, if it should be 
 judged best ? Shall it be said, that such criminal and 
 blood-stained cupidity so nmch outdoes tlie benevo- 
 lence, humanity, and patriotism of the American 
 people'! The fact that so many Africans are brought 
 this way, for such a purpose, is proof that an equal 
 number could be sent back, if a proper spirit existed. 
 But when once this enterprise is well agoing, it will 
 support itself. From 60 to 70,000 persons'have emi- 
 grated in one year from Great Britain and Ireland, 
 voluntarily, to North America. 
 
 holders, as the free-will offerings of individuals, 
 taking the aggregate of the average value of the 
 slaves liberated, the outfits, and other endow- 
 ments for emigration, and the numerous, in some 
 instances magnificent, bequests to the cause of 
 Colonization, which have been the accompani- 
 ments of these voluntary acts of manumission. 
 The Pennsylvania Colonization Society alone re- 
 ported in 1838, the otler of 130 slaves from dif- 
 ferent slaveholders, estimated at $78,000, if that 
 institution would be at the expense of sending 
 them to Liberia, f^very where in the slave 
 States, the disposition to emancipate increases 
 with the progress of Colonization.* 
 
 The very cause, therefore, on which this objec- 
 tion is founded, disappears in the actual opera- 
 tion of Colonization; and the facts are directly 
 contrary to the theory. 
 
 But the more active causes which supersede it, 
 are worthy of a passing notice. The Abolition- 
 ists say, and we will allow they believe, that the 
 opinion of general society, that is, of the world, 
 is rising and pouring in like a flood, to bear away 
 slavery from the face of the earth. Well, then, 
 they need not trouble themselves about the ten- 
 dency of Colonization to perpetuate slavery, even 
 if it were so. Their own convictions are an an- 
 swer to their own argument. 
 
 Moreover, there is in fact more of pure, genu- 
 ine, unalloyed Abolition in the South, than in the 
 North ; and nowhere else has it found such elo- 
 quent advocates as among slaveholders, them- 
 selves slaveholders. The South understands the 
 subject ; the North does not. The South is prac- 
 tical ; the North deals in abstractions. Abolition 
 in the South, is principle ; in the North, it is fac- 
 tion. In the South, it has regard to public safety, 
 and the good of all parties; in the North, it is 
 revolutionary, and reckless of consequences. 
 Abolition was moving over the South like the 
 waves of the sea, till northern Abolition begaa 
 its crusade. Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and 
 Tennessee were in action, and the elements of 
 southern society were at the task. But when 
 northern Abolition stepped forth into a field not 
 its own, all was hushed. The halls of southern 
 legislation, instead of thundering with the call 
 for emancipation, were crammed with bills for 
 public safety and protection against foreign in- 
 terference. 
 
 Such, briefly and comprehensively, are the 
 well known facts ; and, left to itself, the South 
 would yet and again be stirred up, though, doubt- 
 less, at a later period, to its appropriate business 
 of dealing with its own evils. The leaven is 
 there, and cannot be ejected ; and it seeks relief 
 in the only channel now open to it — that of Colo- 
 nization. It is a simple matter of fact, that Co- 
 lonization, for want of means, cannot take what 
 
 ♦ These gifts of emancipation, (which are in fact a 
 surrender of just so much property as the sale of 
 these slaves would amount to), and the donations, 
 endowments, and bequests which accompany them, 
 are not, indeed, accredited in the usual way, as con- 
 tributions to Colonization. They are unseen, and ge- 
 nerally unobserved. Nevertheless, they are, in fact 
 the most substantial supports of the cause, though 
 the donors receive little credit for it. While the 
 North is giving its fives, tens, and hundreds, the 
 South, in this wav, is yielding up its thousaiuls, tens 
 
 j of thousaiiii.-;, anil hundreds of thousands, to Coloni- 
 zation.' Thrre is literally and exactly all this dif- 
 ference bftween the two cases. The South ^ices tba 
 slave, ami in addition to that, sustains its moieljr 
 
 I of the burden of sending him to Africa. Many have 
 given their all and impoverished themselves and 
 
 j their heirs— a sacrifice, we imagine, which is rarely 
 
 1 to be found in northern charities. 
 
COLONIZATION AND 
 
 the South urges upon it. Is this objection, there- 
 fore, valid r' 
 
 But af;,iin : The hif^h value of shvc pioporty 
 in our southern Stales, results from line pruiluc- 
 tion of two or three stiples, and the moment a 
 successful competition shall arise in other quar- 
 tets, it will be a burden. 
 
 The amount of cotton raised in the whole 
 ■world is estimated at ten hundred millions of 
 pounds, of which 550 millions is the product of 
 our slave States. In 1791, those States produced 
 only 2,000,000 lbs.; in lS01,itwas 40,000,000; 
 in iSll,it was 80,000.000; in 1821, it was 170,- 
 000,000; in 1S2G, it was 348,250,000; now it is 
 550.000,000. In Texas, cotton can be raised with 
 half the labour; and labour can be got for half 
 the price, as the slave trade is open to that coun- 
 try — both of which considerations give an advan- 
 tage of 200 per cent, to Texas over the southern 
 States in this competition. A slave can be bought 
 there for $500 dollais, who would cost $1000 at 
 New Orlea'ns. The effect of this is obvious, and 
 must very soon be felt. Great Britain, too, that 
 )iow gives annually a market for 320 to 350,000,- 
 000 of pounds of cotton produced by the slave 
 labour of the United States, is preparing to obtain 
 it from her own dominions in the East, and it is 
 understood she can do it. Western Asia now pro- 
 duces 190,000,000 lbs. of cotton annually ; South 
 America, including Mexico, 65,000,000 ; Egypt, 
 27,000,000 ; the West Indies, 8,000,000; and West 
 Afiica itself produces 33,000,000, nearly as much 
 as our slave States in ISOI. The same maybe 
 said of the other great staples of our southern 
 States. A competition is fast rising in other quar- 
 ters, where climate and soil are better adapted, 
 and labour is vastly chi';iper. Africa itself and 
 alone — in the application of that system which is 
 now attracting so much attention in Uieat Bri- 
 tain, in the hands of Mr. Buxton as leader, and 
 which was first opened by the American Coloni- 
 zatioli Society*— is able, by her population and 
 natural capabilities, to raise a competition in all 
 the products of the labour of her children in fo- 
 reign bondage, which, by motives of interest only, 
 with the parties; concerned, ivill be sufficient to 
 break their chains, and open the way for their re- 
 turn. As this is the natural order, so we have 
 reason to believe that it is the great plan, of [Pro- 
 vidence — to make Africa the instrument of her 
 own redemption. 
 
 * History will doubtless record the fact, that the 
 true theory of African Colonization,, as a scheme of 
 lienevolcnce, originated in America. There is an es. 
 eenlial difference between the British and Aniericai 
 plans. The former, so far as appears, propose* 
 to hold these establishments as Ikilish colonies, 
 Willi a dominant Eiigli;-li |)o])ul ition ; wliereas, the 
 latter aims to n^iir tlriii u> m..iim;iI ioib'piMi.liMice 
 
 under a pure Afriraii c, j. , • i h \\\r u liiic man 
 
 i.iiiotto beadnnit.'d iM r,, i: : i/.i-iislii|i. He 
 
 can only lie a residonl I'lr - . i ; :i nl i,'niii"r;iry pur- 
 poses. This is a fundainrntal prKiiipl.; ot' tin: con- 
 Btlliitinn of Liberia, and one of disiiiictive, vital im- 
 porlaiicK to the great end of elevating ami ennoblinj; 
 the African race, by a social regeneration. Any 
 Ibiiig short of this, we apprehend, will he a failure, 
 MO far as respects the highest aim, in a thoroui;!) re- 
 gcneratioM of that p,!ople ; and it is to be hoped, that 
 our Hritish lirelbren will yet adapt their operaiions 
 to thiM radical and iinportatit point. Mr. Uu.xton is 
 (InulitlesH right in Combining political and conimer- 
 oial objects in his plan, in order to secure public in- 
 terest and patronage; and such, hereafter, is likely 
 to be the character of our own endeavours ; but this 
 need not vitiate or weaken the fundamental principle 
 q( niaUing the Africans a distinct and sovereign peo- 
 pli; It is gratifying to learn, by letters just received 
 in Ibis country from Mr. Ituxlon, that a |)ulilic niove- 
 nciit lias already been iiiiije in Lomloii lou'urd.s the 
 planting of new colonies in Africa. Uod speed them ! 
 
 " When wi- i-eil'Tt, that the accomplishment of this 
 d'~- ■ !'i I'-.r -1,1) feasible mode — viz. nndortlie plan 
 111 i i ; 11 — coKtem()lates their restor:aioii to 
 
 Hill : .1; ! ,, line, with the habits and the iiintitu- 
 le.H.-i.l iHi, ,.\-, n I'avoured land, prepared to propa- 
 gate the blessings of (Jhristianity and the arts of 
 civiliziition, we may dare, without profanely at- 
 tempting to search oiit the secrets of the Most High, 
 to flatter ourselves, that we discern in its realization, 
 ibe wi.sdom and end of that appointment, by which 
 they were originally brought to our shores. What a 
 mysterious and holy sanction — what a lofty encou- 
 ragement does not this consideration impart to our 
 enterprise ■? Our own benevolence thus e.xpiates th« 
 wrongs of others, and Africa is redee.nied from her 
 savage thraldom by the religion, the sciences, and 
 the arts, which her rccfaJHici/ sons have brought with 
 them from the land of their captivity."— (Jl//-. ^. 
 Rives of Virginia.) 
 
 It is manifest, therefore, that there are nume- 
 rous, active, and powerful causes involved in the 
 career of a high and mysterious Providence, ope- 
 rating in the world, and pervading that region of 
 our own society where slavery exists, which can 
 but supersede entirely any such influence of Co- 
 lonization as has been objected to, allowing it to 
 exist in given ciicumstances. Colonization has^ 
 one object — the civilization of Africa by a draft 
 on the fres coloured population of this country, 
 and on such as may be made free for that purpose, 
 for the good of the whole race; and is only re- 
 sponsible, in the prosecution of this object, for not 
 doing violence to any existing frame of society. 
 It would be equally pertinent, and equally forci- 
 ble, to rind fault with Bible, Missionary, Temper- 
 ance, and other societies, because they do not go 
 for Abolition, as to find fault with Colonization 
 for the same reason. 
 
 Moreover, tfiis great objection, that Coloniza- 
 tion tends to confirm and perpetuate slavery, 
 which has so loiig been wielded with some etFect 
 as a theory, may now, in the progress of events 
 and in view of the practical operation of the two 
 S3'stems, be turned with unanswerable force 
 against those who have hitherto so much affected 
 to, triumph in its use. For it is established be- 
 yond controversy, that Colonizjtion incre.ises the 
 disposition to eimncipate, while Abolition* bars 
 the door to this object, and rivets the chains of 
 slavery, with a hundred-fold power. 
 
 In the event of a prosperous republic in Africa, 
 a new spectacle will be presented to the eye of 
 man ; a new page and a new era will have been 
 opened in history ; and its influence on this coun- 
 try, and on the world, cannot now be conceived. 
 It is the vulgar arithmetic of vul^sr, narrow, and 
 short-sighted minds, darkened bj' ignorance and 
 swayed by sentiment, which enibarrisses this 
 question, and leads to erroneous conclusions, 
 i'hey seem alil^e incapable of comprehending 
 and appreciating the gradual and sublime march 
 of society, in the natural channels and legitimate 
 stages of improvement, and v.'ould fain torture 
 its action by the application of force, to its great 
 peril, if not to its death, and expose it to incon- 
 ceivable disaster. 
 
 Colonization has already done more than was 
 ever .dreamt of, and opened new and brighter 
 
 * Although we have assayed to develope the cha- 
 rter of .\bolition in the propositions on our first 
 
 munly, and we Ibiiik justly, regarded as an improper 
 ami uni onstitiitioiial interference of a combination 
 of peopli' ill ilie IVee Stales, with the domestic condi- 
 tion and instiniiions of the slave States. As such, 
 it in uliorn of tin; honours, both of a humane and 
 paiiiitic enterprise, and merged In the responsibili- 
 ties of A I-OLiriCAL MISDEMEANOB. 
 
ABOLITION CONTRASTED. 
 
 prospects on the destinies of the African race. 
 The American Board of Commissioneis for Fo- 
 reign Missions — than whom a more sagacious 
 body is not to be found in the world — say, in 
 their Report for 1839: " It would seem to be our 
 wisest course to assume the periaancnce of these 
 Colonies, (Liberian,) and their futuie ascendancy 
 over tile native tribes, as unquestionable facts, 
 and to frame our measures accordingly." In the 
 progress of events, awider scope has been opened 
 to the aspirations, and higher motives have grown 
 up in the prospects, of African Colonization. It 
 is the crown of empire that now hangs suspended 
 among the celestial signs of that region of the. 
 globe. 15ut they who hold in their hands such 
 blessings for a distant region and for another con- 
 tinent, have also committed to their charge the 
 wand of peace at home, to be swayed in a stormy 
 and thre:ttening hour. As if the prescience of 
 Dninitv IikI fumed the scheme — and we veiily 
 belic\eit did — nolhmg could be btttei adiptid 
 as a hea u g p^wer lor buch a bieach, oi the 
 soother of sulU n agit tion 
 
 "The schei e rt C 1 iiziti n b\ itist ins tlie 
 prudent md well Incit li I l\ 1 in l Ul tlie 
 sound he,irt<d i i _ < \n hretliren it tlie Noilh tur 
 iii=hes both thpre iml here tbe iiio^t Innnonuing 
 incenliveb to i f tein il co opeiation an 1 the strong 
 est moral bulw ir acanist tbe exasptratuig dt&igns 
 of Abolition ' —Mr Rues 
 
 THE TRUE WA\ 
 It IS e\ dp t lb il 111 pnblictn ci nee of ill tint 
 pnrlii II ol lie f bi stian \\ irUI win li must bp li 1 
 resp II 1 1p t r lb laigcst blme it in^ni\ that Ins 
 been (1 ji f to tbe \trican race is iff tti d with c in 
 puncti )i Ti i disposed to imke reparation Tbt 
 great pi iitical que tion is — bow best it cm be done ' 
 It IS r It nil ibat m past attempts of this kind grnt 
 mistakfs have been made both in opiiii n ml piac 
 tice Over tbt v. de held of tb e operatioi s w i 
 rarely find the Atrican in a condiuon to sitisfj tbt, 
 best VI islies All e\p riiiieiils of c nniKip ition th il 
 have left 1 i i tii il i d in tb ui e i l^ 
 wheie he 1 I i b 1 i I i I \ \ bub ri 
 
 filled toelc\ I I 1 1 I m (1 I t I r L 11 
 
 ditnn Tbi ilU s ,, ilu 1 iiilt t tin rue 
 
 which in suth rirmnisi-mce- sfnds oppis d to Ills 
 highest and best mtere tb \\ b ther in b d these 
 obblacles are uisup rable b )Oiid hope ol being re 
 nio\ed is not mateiiil in tliib argiinKnt,su long ib 
 they aie in fact bO forniid ible An\ pi in ( ir tbt im 
 pro\enitnt of tbe cil mied people, u I i h I is t in 
 flict witb tbe inter sts prrjiilites <m 1 t istt s t the 
 desc-< lit r r e 
 
 llie s 1 
 
 IS ih 
 
 niaj lit} 1 111 iikii 1 LJiii Jt h credilt t f i i I t 
 rested uil tiiih Cliristiaii le^iid t) the il i t 
 
 Bocialiubt a I so 1 ng ab the ;»ear/ini/ ot \l 1 i i 
 cairiLsn t v\ itb it the mm late ot civil mtli iity ml 
 tbe mem rt \ I5bicil coercnn it ib pifl i le that 
 tbe cliiiiib t the Afucin race to a lull Liiiialit} of 
 sociil [1 \ le" with a people bO dibtinrt and appa 
 riiith \ II be di appointed \\ e rejoict f r 
 
 all tbt I e and bball rejoic" f)r ill that 
 
 111 u 111 t tlie improvement and elevation 
 
 ot t 1 ( I 1 I I le in suih tircumstanceb 'Mill, 
 
 in \RU t (11 bistorv ot this kind and as sincere 
 v^ ell u isbers to tb it portion ot the human family, we 
 are fire d to the following conclubion — 
 
 That the great secrft of all the disap- 
 pointments that hai e rebuhed fi om ihe^e en- 
 deavoui ', and of the discouragements which 
 ouhnait' I u npany them, however well in- 
 tend I I planned, oj vnrormisly pro- 
 sec uh I II til j obaoly be f mind in the uttei 
 unpossibihty of elevating the Jfucan rrce, *o 
 the satisfaction of benevolence, while they ie- 
 main in juxtaposition and in the same society 
 with the descendants of Europeans, and so 
 
 long as they are denied the prospects .of inde- 
 pendent empire in a slate of civilization. 
 
 VVliPlber tbe African is natiiially inferior to the 
 European, is a quest-inn wbkh we think iiiiiieres- 
 sary, iinbeconiing, and ini'liirions to disriiss: certainly 
 so, to maintain it in the allirmative. niidir all the dis- 
 advantages of his position. It will niidoiibti-illy be 
 admitted, that we have given bini as iiiiicb credit in 
 such comp:irison, in our o|ii!iiiiu: rimiarks, as either 
 himself or anyhmly else eoni,! ilaiiii. His bing-de- 
 prosseil :uiil iiiVpi rn'r r.wi./;//..// i-- ;ii!:i.iriil, from moral 
 causes. !'i IL' iii'iiii I'll- i.i- |ji ■-■;M i-lii,il iiiferiorilv 
 of intellect ,111,1 in. Mill r.'ir,,. \\rii;iiik Ibi.-rc is no 
 good ri;;is,,;; 1 , ,|,,s,,iii|- ul 
 
 lis, 1,111 111 his libiiig to a respectable 
 mil siiiir. \\hrii once a fair chance 
 shall be iiii'.nii'il liiiii. iiiiiler tbe advantages of ci- 
 vili/.alinii. ;i,i,l ill a run liiimi where he shall not have 
 to encounter tbe ilirrl.s iind liindrrMiices of a rival- 
 ship w'ilb tliat rair wliali lias su lung been above 
 liim, and wliii'h pusscssi s a iii.nal mperiorily, acci- 
 dentally derived, tliat has liillirrtu aued and kept 
 him down. An impediment of ibis description is no 
 less insiipeiable tbm a pbjsicil obstacle , ind they 
 who have to contend with it, are doomed to a like 
 disadv intage * 
 
 III \ lew of these firts it can liir'h be denied— it 
 is I ven a wondei tb It i\ I i I I d n\ — tb it Colo- 
 I 17 111 m ( pens I iiK st I iiri p 1 t for this race. 
 Itbisahi-hei ai I I i ii lb ml i rddle w itli tli« 
 d me tic conditi ii t ii w n i iiiiliv In pitv to 
 tb Aliitan Itr i It tli \ ikui there and de- 
 spairing ol ati\ tl 1 il ]iiti and eflectiial relief 
 t 1 either It ha pi it t \ rid i m I the kind- 
 t t and one it the ml I t li i i s that 
 
 f\ r was deMsed— a s 1 \1 i 1 i||i ved 
 
 an! atti ictb a imiiati i 1 tb I | iiinent, 
 
 and eniitb additional ra\ i \ ii H 111 ' 't 
 
 uhaiiteb It coinpi limis wiihiii tb i I !s , 
 
 leiie\ lent dtsigi s til tdtinentit \l i i 1 .11 
 
 b r tb Idren at hi nie i i t r aw av It | I in 
 
 the hist ilatc t 1 11 \ tie tl 1 i 1 | | le of 
 
 tills t 111 M\ r I I till uid of 
 
 tlinr t Ih 1 wl r 1 II | I m the ^ 
 
 ri\al«bii 1 tb ^ 1 1 t I h 1 1 111 m 
 
 ililLp I I lit P||i[iie t il 
 w tbthelle sii t umIi/ 
 t mv He md all mn am 
 to inspiit hem with lU lau I 
 
 * It must be evident to all that such is the condi- ■ 
 tl MI of the tree coloured people of tins tountr) We 
 e|eik not of tvhat o/(^ Mo bt but of w bat is, md is 
 likely to be A stifling straii5.ling incnbus seems to 
 rist up II all their tieuUi s Kaiel\ is there to be 
 fnuidamin of wealth mi n^ tlieiii, fi vv possessed 
 ot coml rt, the gitat j r and wittch- 
 
 ed, and depravity m I i find a home 
 
 among them In ^ u i l r re 3S 000 tree 
 
 I 1 1 kb and only 200 \ I I 1 As lO the 
 
 I 1 itivp =tate rt 111 1 I I 1 I i iscer- 
 
 I 1 I) I leaitiilh b lew ih t 1 If the 
 
 Pb In Mis ach isetts wh 1 ( 1 I pu- 
 
 ti n lb less tbm -000- lb ut nb of 
 
 I vvli le— one siMh I ait ot tl t tl ~-t te 
 
 I siie blieks In ( un I tl 1 i 1 1 i- 
 
 I tion is one thirtv t uitboill nil 111 i o- 
 
 I rtionot convicts one tl u I In N u \ ik \ ibo 
 pr poitions are o le tbirt f urtli ol the p piilitiin, 
 and one tmrth ofthec iivKt« In ^e\\ Jersev one ■ 
 111 rteenth ot population and on thud if convicts. 
 I Penn vivania onethiit\ I iiith nd oi third 
 The iverage niimiei il nvi Is m \ i i iii one in 
 every lb 000 of the white in \ M-Mlllotthe 
 
 slues, md one m e\ i j n 10 t tr e bl cks In 
 Siuth Car Una the w b te p |nil iti n is J j OIjO, of 
 wli im2-000 ire cr nil 111 1 iitsindii rent churches; 
 the i^lave jiopulati n lb 3IjI00 it w hem 40 000 are 
 Lommunicmts A c Imn I c! i.Mi m of PbiUdel- 
 phii native it Chark ^ i th ( irolina wrote a 
 
 1 ciing letter dUtd M i h (th Is I t i stitesman 
 of that city of bigh st ii dii i tl i IKii imiluing 
 an alteration m tbt I ws t ibit --t He th U would 
 admit hill and i thei n un es t i return as thev ntre 
 = rilj disapp iiitel at lleNtith He saj s \ cry 
 tew of lib in cimf itibl mi m st of us are tAi\- 
 I ns t tl 1 1 un trei tisij that not one 
 
 t 1 1 u with I 1 Ii expect itions, 
 
 1 It I The native C irolini la 
 
 I 1 hipp 1 esb in these cold re- 
 
 (.11 , J e igaiiifct the tolouied coin- 
 
 pleviou rei„i s inumphanl ' 
 
COLONIZATION AND 
 
 to excite in them personal aspiration and the pride 
 of national character; to rear them to the growth 
 of natioual sovereignty ; to extend their jurisciic- 
 tion indefinitely by the incorporation of the native 
 tribes ; to prepare them for the reception of 
 such emigrants as may be disposed to flock 
 from this country, when their prosperity shall be 
 secured beyond any probable impediment ; to an- 
 nihilate the slave trade ; to develope the physi- 
 cal capabilities of the African Continent; to es- 
 tablish such relations between the United States 
 and Africa, as may promise to be of importance 
 for political and commercial purposes, and to the 
 mutual advantage of both parties ; to make the 
 African a man, to respect himself and be re- 
 spected as a peer among his feliow-nien; to se- 
 cure to him all tho_sc rights which are claimed 
 and enjoyed by the most civilized and free 
 States; to convert the wide regions of African 
 barbarism, heathenism, cruelty, and desolation, 
 into a garden of civilization, and to make it an 
 eminent portion of Chiisiendom ; to substitute 
 the songs of freedom and of true religion, for the 
 groans of the slave and the despairing cries of the 
 victims of superstition ; and finally, as we hope, to 
 save our own country from that wreck, into which 
 the Abolition crusade of the North would plunge 
 us, by enforcing a collision with the constitutional 
 lights of the South. An eflbrt that aims to re- 
 deem one continent, and to save another, with 
 the faintest prospects of contributing to these 
 sublime results, is worthy of all honour. Al- 
 ready can we announce an advanced stage to- 
 ward the achievement of these ends ; ahead)', 
 the world looks with admiring approbation on the 
 scene. The blow which has recently been given 
 to the slave trade at Little Bassa by the arm of 
 Governor Buchanan and his heroic band, is 
 enough to immortalize the expedition, and to 
 rouse alj Christendom to strengthen and encou» 
 rage those colonies in their noble deeds. 
 
 MR. BUXTON'S DISCOVERY. 
 
 It seems likely that public attention, both in 
 Great Britain and in the United States, is abuut 
 to be directed more than ever to the importance 
 of introducing civilization around the entire 
 coast and in the heart of Africa, as far as practi- 
 cable, and as fast as possible, as the only means 
 of accomplishing the abolition of the slave trade. 
 It is a favourable and hopeful event, that Thomas 
 Powell Buxton, the Wilbeiforce of the age, has 
 become wise on this subject. He seems to have 
 established incontrovertibly, in his late woik on 
 the Slave Trade, that the whole system hitherto 
 pursued for its suppression, is radically and fun- 
 damentally at fault for the attainment of the 
 end; and that it has only increased the amoimt, 
 and immeasurably aggravated the honors, of the 
 traffic. 
 
 The argument may be expressed as follows : — 
 Mr. Buxton assumes the axiom of the Custom- 
 house, that no trade c;in be suppressed by author- 
 ity, where the profits exceed 30 per cent., and 
 shows that the profits of the slave trade are more 
 than/i-e /imesthat amount, afterdeducting all the 
 risks, losses, and forfeitures occasioned b}' the 
 action of law against it. Consequently, the risks 
 will be encountered, and the market supplied ; and 
 the means adopted for the evasion of law, and of 
 publTc vessels engaged for the suppression of the 
 trade, lead to the most astounding inhumanities 
 and sacrifice of human life. The profits are abun- 
 dant, if the lives o( one-half v{ the victims cram- 
 med on board these vessels are saved! Aud 
 
 the sacrifice is often greater than this !* More- 
 over, it appears, that there is no good faith among 
 the authorities acting under the powers engaged 
 for the suppression of this traffic, nor among the 
 powers themselves, as a general rule, so far as 
 this matter is concerned ; so that the violators of 
 the law are protected in the deed, and are accus- 
 tomed to purchase immunity for their crimes of 
 those very authorities whose business it is to 
 bring them to punishment ! No nation. Great 
 Britain excepted, is faithful to this engagement. 
 
 And, strange as it may seem, this trade is ren- 
 dered more active, and the demand for slaves in- 
 creased, not only by the operation of the law for 
 its suppression, but by the Emancipation Act for 
 the abolition of slavery in the British West In- 
 dies ! It was by slave traders foreseen, and the 
 anticipated fact practically acted upon, that the 
 failure of the emancipated negroes of the British 
 West Indies to work, would induce a failure of 
 the staple exports of those islands ; consequently, 
 that the deficit in this quarter must be supplied 
 from slave labour in other quarters; and,, conse- 
 quently, that a great increase of slaves from Africa 
 would be required above former demands ! Anfl 
 thus the British I^mancipalion Act itself has 
 greatly augmented the slave trade ! 
 
 Mr. Buxton declares the opinion, that the union 
 of all natiol»s, in good faith, even if it could be 
 obtained, for the suppression of this trade, on the 
 present system, would be unavailing, and only 
 increase the evil. He says : — 
 
 " It has been proved by documents which can- 
 not be controverted, that for eveiT cargo of slaves 
 shipped towards the end of the last century, two 
 cargoes, or twice the numbers in one cargo, 
 wedged together in a mass of living corruption, 
 are now borne on the waves of the Atlantic; and 
 that the crAielties and horrors of the traffic have 
 been increased and aggravated by the very efforts 
 ite have made for its abolition. Each individual 
 has more to endure^ aggravated suffering reaches 
 multiplied numbers. At the time I am writing, 
 there are at least twenty thousand human beings 
 on the Atlantic, exposed to every variety of 
 wretchedness which belongs to the middle pas- 
 sage . . .1 am driven to the sorrowful conviction, 
 that the year from September, l'837,to September 
 1S3S, is distinguished beyond all preceding years 
 for the extent of the trade, for the intensity of 
 its miseries, and for the unusual havoc it makes 
 of human life." 
 
 It is remarkable, that this increased activity of 
 the trade should occur on the eve of the emanci- 
 pation in the British West Indies. In coincidence 
 
 * The Result of Mr. Bnrton's investig-utiovs re- 
 avecti-nir the Slave Trade. Fifty years ago the Chris- 
 tian (!) slave trade was 80,000 annually ; now 20(),0(/0 ! 
 Mohammedan slave trade, 50,000 annually. The as;- 
 aregate loss of life, in the Christian trade, in the 
 successive stages of seizure, niarcli, deiemion, mid- 
 dle passage, after landing, and seasoning, Is 145 per 
 cent, or 1450 for every 1000 available tor usi; in the 
 end ; and 100 per cent, loss of lite, by the same 
 irvfi'''. i'l till' At"lriM!'n"(ljni trade; conseiin('nllv the 
 aiirf ' ■ 1 '11 ! I 111! :Mn slave trade, are :!75'.(;00; 
 .,1' ! Mi : I I. 'MIOO. Total loss to AlVica 
 
 ■17. .1" .i.i:i> : 1 . .:. -.(1.000 in half a .■eiilnry at 
 
 till' sairii' rail'!;: lii is reasonable to suppose, lliat 
 Africa has already lost. In llie last 200 years, 30,000,000 
 of her population in this way !) 
 
 .\ slavi! shi|), named .Ieuovah, (I ! !) made three 
 v(.\;i ■. : li.iuc-..ii Hrazil and Anaola in 1."! inonths 
 ofl-i. 7 ; ii.l 1-, mini 7110 sliivcs tlie first voyage: COO 
 
 il— i 
 
 ('I'll.. >iii^'li' \n\\u of l.ivi'rponl (Knglaiiil) realized 
 in this liallic, lielurc its almlilion in that empire, a 
 nett profit of more than $li}ii,mo,mO '.—Jlistunj of Li- 
 vcrpuol.) 
 
ABOLITION CONTRASTED. 
 
 with this fact, the London Quarterly Review for 
 March, 1839, has the lollowiii^ declaration: 
 " The slave emancipation act has given an extra- 
 ofdinary impulse to the slave trade, and weaken- 
 ed the hopes of seeing it crushed ; and should the 
 production of 'sugar in the West Indies give way, 
 the mischief must be far greater; and our eman- 
 cipation will rank, next to Las Casas' origination 
 of the slave trade, as the greatest calamity ever 
 inflicted on humanity. It may fail suddenly ; at 
 best, its success is problematical." It happens, 
 unfortunately, that the production of sugar in the 
 British West Indies is " giving way" rapidl}-. 
 
 But to Mr. Buxton: "Our present system has 
 not failed by mischance, from want of energ.v, or 
 from want of expenditure ;* but the system itself 
 is erroneous, and must necessarily be attended 
 with disappointment. We will suppose all na- 
 tions shall have acceded to the Spanish treaty, 
 and that treaty shall have been rendered more 
 effective ; that they sh ill have linked to it the 
 article of piracy ; that the whole shall have been 
 clenched by the cordial concurrence of the author- 
 ities at home, and of the populace in the colo- 
 nies ; with all this, we shall be once more de- 
 feated and baffled by a contraband trade. The 
 power which will overcome our efforts, is the ex- 
 traordinary profits of the slave trader. But we 
 shall never get the consent of the powers to the 
 Spanish treaty. This confederacy must be uni- 
 versally binding, or it is of no avail. It will avail 
 us little, that ninety-nine doors are closed, if one 
 remains open. To that single outlet, the whole 
 slave trade of Africa will rush." 
 
 Mr. Buxton again supposes that all nations 
 shall have decreed the slave trade piracy ; it 
 would still be necessary to make that piracy 
 punishable with death — a measure, he thinks, 
 too strong* to be hoped for. And even in that 
 case, the severity of the law would only be the 
 occasion of its being suflCered to sleep by com- 
 mon consent, and aggravate the evil by its dor- 
 mant terrors, as is the case with the law as it now 
 exists, and in a thousand-fold excess. Thus half 
 a century more might be wasted in fruitless treat}', 
 and in that lime more than eleven millions of 
 Africans carried into hopeless captivity, at the 
 present annual rate of the traffic, and an equal 
 number of lives destroyed; and, after all, we 
 should be no nearer the end in view, than at this 
 moment. 
 
 MR. BUXTON'S REMEDY. 
 
 " Our system hitherto has been to obtain the 
 co-opefation of European powers, [he resigns all 
 hope of gaining that of the United States !] while 
 we have paid very little attention to what might 
 be done in Africa herself, for the suppression of 
 the slave trade. To me it appears, that the con- 
 verse of this policy would have offered greater 
 probabilities of success ; that while no reasonable 
 expectations can be entertained of overturning 
 this gigantic evil through the agency and with 
 the concurrence of the civilized world, there is a 
 well founded hope, amounting to almost a cer- 
 tainty, that this object may be attained through 
 the medium, and by the concurrence of Africa 
 herself" 
 
 Mr. Buxton goes on to show, by numerous and 
 the best authorities, and by an overwhelming 
 accumulation of facts — which we have no room to 
 quote — that Africa is the most inviting field in 
 the world, with which to form commercial rela- 
 tions and intercourse. " Africa and Great Bri- 
 
 tain," he says, "stand in this relation to each 
 other : Each possesses what the other requires ; 
 and each requires tvhat tlie other possesses." He 
 brings to view the exuberance of her soil and the 
 exhaustless wealth of her mineral treasures ; the 
 spontaneous, rich, bounteous productions, and the 
 everlasting verdure, of her tropical regions ; her 
 lifteen thousand miles of seaboard, all accessible; 
 her numerous and noble rivers, which nature has 
 formed for the commercial uses of civilized in- 
 tercourse ; the fondness of the natives for traffic ; 
 and how easily they might be made to see the 
 greater profit of man as a labourer, than as an 
 article of trade ; that the latter is a positive and 
 irreparable loss, apart from the crime, and the 
 former a gain of inestimable value. In a word, 
 Mr. Buxton proposes to make Africa the school 
 of her own education, and the field of her own 
 victory over the nations that h;ive so long op- 
 pressed her, by imposing upon her, through the 
 channels of lawful commercial transactions and 
 the facilities they aflbrd, the blessings of civiliza- 
 tion and the morality of Christianity. " I firmly 
 believe," says he, " that Africa has within her- 
 self the means and the endowments which might 
 enable her to shake off and to emerge from her 
 load of misery, to the benefit of the whole civil- 
 ized world, and to the unspeakable improvement 
 of her own now barbarous population. It is 
 earnestly to be desired, that all Christian powers 
 should unite in one great confederacy for the pur- 
 pose of calling into action the dormant energies 
 of so great a people. f A legitimate commerce 
 with Africa would put down the slave trade, by 
 demonstrating the superior value of man as a la- 
 bourer on the soil, to man as an object of mer- 
 chandise. Great Britain and other countries have 
 an interest in the question only inferior to Africa 
 itself; and if we cannot be persuaded to sup- 
 press the slave trade for the fear of God, or in 
 pity to man, it ought to be done for the lucre of 
 gain." 
 
 Here, then, is an Abolitionist that has come to 
 his senses, and at last discovered that it is vain 
 only to preach to such a world as this that the 
 slave trade is wrong ; and that the interests of 
 mankind must be considered in any plan to sup- 
 press so great, wide-spread, and complicated an 
 evil. Sixty years the Wilberforce school had 
 been labouring in this cause on the ground of 
 sentiment, and had thought to awe the offenders 
 by the terrors of authority. Now, one of that 
 school, himself the chieftain, elect and undis- 
 puted, by a single blow upsets the labours &f 
 more than half a century, and pronounces them 
 mischievous and ruinous ; that they have never 
 done aijy good ; that they have done only evil ! 
 
 It is not too much to say, that this is a g}-eat 
 discover.v, and one of practical, momentous conse- 
 quence ; and it evinces equally a rare honesty and 
 a signal sagacity; for it was a conflict with the 
 whole drift of his former sentiments, and a con- 
 version, the announcement of which must neces- 
 sarily astound the world of his former adherents, 
 and might, peradventure, dislodge him forever 
 from that eminent position which he occupied at 
 the head of British and American Abolitionists. - 
 Having once broken loose from the mazes ia 
 which he had been perplexed — or, more properly, 
 perhaps, having attained to the maturity of his 
 honest research — and stepped forth into light, &nd 
 under a clear heaven, he sees by intuition the 
 only practicable remedy, confesses to the princi- 
 ples, and plants his foot at once on the ground, 
 of the American Colonization Societv ! 
 
 * They have expended §-30,000,000 in this effort. 
 
 t 100,000,000. 
 
COLONIZATION AND 
 
 COLON! NATION AND THK ST,AVF, T1;ADE. 
 
 I'RHVIOrs to the fs':'.' 'l 'I'l ; "i" ll;-- I li.ny of 
 
 LiheriM, more than 'J'l' • l^^• r.v- 
 
 porle't from the two n i < ; ' ' :ii! Mf> 
 
 surado; and in 1631, 1. n i,i-.i (a, \ is |)ur- 
 chascd, 500 slnves were s^hi(lpell fnnii tli.it point in 
 one month. This had always been the centre of an 
 extensive and active slave trade. Tn 1836, Governor 
 Buchanan concluded n tr.niv \viUi si-ven head inen 
 of the natives in Ihi; \ i^ ;;i--;i Cove. siL'iiing 
 
 tlieiiiselves by their //./ ' ■ '•' < -.iiimho, Bottle 
 
 Heer, .lackFrepnian,.!:: i i i'V.Orando.and 
 
 New Jumbo, ph-^i-'ir- .',:,; . i,,,: ii,\vs of Li^ 
 beria, they hriM • ' . ; , i ' ' ;-'p. and inaUing 
 
 the slave'lr:'-'! ■ il'le with death. 
 
 We lind the luli-\, n- |m > ■ l,ii.i;i. mn on this subject, 
 in 1839 : 
 
 " Whereas, the laws and constitution of this Com- 
 monwealth forbid any intercourse of any kind or na- 
 
 Ihe lav.- : 'lir r. -.• ir. '., ^ it ;,iimv, ::. ,,;:■! ;,li : .i, - :nui 
 enaclin.Mits. and or,!iii,in<r.s of tlu' (•o:nn..iii\vpalili, 
 in relation to the slave trade, will be most riciilly en- 
 forced upon every person wiio may he found aruilty 
 of violating them. All persons, tiierefore, are ad- 
 monished to abstain from aiding or abetting llie slijve 
 trade, and from all intercourse vsith persons ei'gaged 
 in that traflic. Tiie ofticers of the Commonwealth, 
 civil and military, and all good citizens, are expected 
 and called upon to support the dignity and aulhorlty 
 of the laws, and assist in ehforcing a prompt obe- 
 dience to them. 
 
 "Given at Monrovia, this fifih day of June, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
 ibirly-nine. Thomas Buchan.^n, Governor." 
 
 On the 13th of August, 1839, the governor v.rites 
 that he had just returned from ; :i r .p. ili -i \\ ii!i 
 an armed force, military and i i : i , ~ i, 
 
 where he had broken up a Slav. . i i . i! 
 
 the factories, recovered four i , ■ - : m ! i.ii'_ 
 Bah-Gay and I'l hm .' ni i ;; i; , - . l '-■ i hr .!;.• no- 
 ticed above, ai ,:, ■ ,. i. • i -r, : ;mim' uhuially 
 wounded on in . i I i ': '. i- i and u.i'nly 
 
 wounded on thi' i;ii r..! r'j;i;;i:- in iiii.ir nwii con- 
 fessions. The L'overnor's ilespatch'S were f.>r- 
 wnrded by the Euphrates, an American slaver, cap- 
 tured by the British brig Harlequin, Capt. Sir Francis 
 Russell, and consigned to Governor Bucliaiian, for 
 adjudication in the United States. This vessel was 
 employed by the governor in this e.\peditioii, and 
 thus made the instrument of suppressing the traflic 
 in which she had been eng:iged. 
 
 The Commonwealth of l,iberia extends its juris- 
 diction along 300 miles of coast, and back into the 
 interior from ten to forty miles— having the pledge of 
 BUbjection by treaty (regarded as a privilege) of nu- 
 merous surrounding tribes, in the names of their 
 head men — and is allowed to have suppressed the 
 nlave trade, principally, to the extent of 700 miles on 
 the coast. When, therefore, we consider the facts 
 relating to the former slave trade of liassu Cove, Me- 
 surado, and Cape Mount; that the whole repion of 
 Liberia was little else thati a storehouse and outlet 
 of slaves ; that the slave station, at the Gallinis, on 
 Ihe northern border of Liberia, still exports 4.ii00 an- 
 nually ; and that the slave trade wa-; never more 
 active than now, carrying off 21)0,000 a y( ir; it is 
 reasonable to suppose, and seems nniM hI li.le to 
 conclude, if Liberia had not hien m rii|iir i a, i; now 
 is, it would at this moment sn|i;.l;, Imm I., lo vil.iiiin 
 elaveg annually for the weslein w mil. 'J'alui.t^ into 
 account, therefore, the number annually emancipated 
 in the United Stales fi/r Liberia, and the number ac- 
 tually kept bank from slavery, by its power ami influ- 
 ence, that couimonwea.ltli |iie.;..|iiu.- i, ,.||,,,.vi||,, „agis 
 
 in the midst of siirrouii-' i ■ ' . l :< •. "■ ■.:■■<' < 
 
 satisfy the friends of ( I n i 
 
 heaven are on the woi >. -i i n i • . i, , 
 
 sent good, and the animal Hi^: luo.-^pei is oi ai 
 her chililren. Say, that ihe suppression of i 
 trade on this coast of 700 miles, has only i 
 much more lo other quarters, it is enough 
 purpose that this great fut )h established. 
 Mr. fluxton: Go on, (.real Hrilaiti I (;o 
 friends of Colonization in America! Go 
 •world; and the work will Boon be done I The 
 American Colonization Society has lij:lile<l up the 
 path, aa pioneer in this greyt enterprise; and Great 
 Brilair., with Thomas I'owcU Buxloii, leader, shows 
 
 IV well 
 niesof 
 le pre- 
 ca and 
 e slave 
 liled so 
 
 ye 
 
 symptoms of coming lo our aid. Thanks to heaven 
 for the token ! 
 
 SUCCESS OF OUR AFRICAN COLONIES. 
 
 The following brief sketch of ihe first settlements 
 of our own country, will show how much more pros- 
 perous have been the colonies of Liberia :— Nearly 
 one-half ilie lirst I'lvurouth emigrants died in the 
 
 course oi i .ni enini;., ,-inil at the end often years 
 they hail niv .- ■ .,• msi ihn-e aitempts lo platit 
 
 of'the'lli.i .sci.li .- V- .. >l-,l:-i.] ;n .iiwieMoun, pe- 
 rished. Subseiiiii : ■; . ; . .; .1 ; md, tliey were 
 reduced from SiM i i -' . n ' .> n ' |,;.,,pi|. dad 
 been sent thither, ni !;, l -nn', n, .,i^ In Uie ( olony 
 of North Carolina, iwe.nty-six years alter its first 
 .settlement, there were only 7fc7 taxable inhabitants. 
 At Ibberville, Louisiana, of 2,500 colonists landed in 
 thirteen years, only 400 survived. At New Orleans, 
 :'i' > II lished by hundreds. And yet, what a nation, 
 111 empire, has arisen from these small begin- 
 
 exceeded 6,000. \'i"i 
 
 fifth y< 
 
 of 
 
 „i!is\nlli 
 
 .Millsiiiir'.'h.twoat 
 at .Marsln]l,tuoat 
 1 all 1W( iity ; forty 
 n, and sev.'ral mis- 
 
 niiweuUt 
 
 ■dlllM^lllS 
 
 ,\\ilhtlieirreii!noug 
 the children and 
 
 prnvidei 
 
 «'iih schools; tliere 
 ■ j-^llO to 1500 vols.; 
 
 ■Ws|)apel 
 
 s ; a reL'iilarlv con- 
 
 d goven 
 K trade 
 
 inent; a comiieteiit 
 with Europe .and 
 
 a piildh- press an- 
 f-lilnted and well 
 military; an it 
 
 America ;— in tlnirt. a good degree of civili/.at mii and 
 lirosperity, " 'i'he militia," Governor I'uclianan re- 
 luesents as "well organized, efiicient, and enthusi- 
 astic ;"' .anil "llie volunteer corps," he says, " would 
 l.ise nolhiii^' liy ciiniparisun with tlie city guards of 
 I'liilaiii l|iliia." The morals of the people are spoken 
 of by the governor as better than in any equal por- 
 tion of the United States. "More than "one-lifth of 
 the population are cnnininnicanls in their respective 
 
 ther 
 
 the 
 
 Sabbath more strictly observed, or the places of wor- 
 ship better attended." 
 
 From January 7, 1826, to June 15, 18'26,*flie nett 
 profits on wood and ivory alone, passing through the 
 hands of the settlers, were S:i0,786. In 1629, we find 
 (he exports of African ^products to amount to .§60,000. 
 In Is'.'A, 40 vessels, 21 of which were American, visit- 
 ed the (dlony, and the exports were ^S8,911. During 
 ilie year ending May 1, 1832, 59 vessels had visited 
 til. pi rt of Alonrovia,"and the exports of the same pe- 
 iinil ucre .^iy.'i.rilO Imports. 's-sO, otto. Since this last 
 
 and engaged in a coasting trade, though they hav 
 flag to protect them. 
 
 The people of Liberia, in a circular letter addr 
 ed to their free coloured brethren of Ihiscont 
 
 11 tl 
 
 ledj^e either." One would think that the Abolitir 
 ists uf this country should be ashamed, rebuked 
 
ABOLITION CONTRASTED. 
 
 hey are by this independent and free people, in a 
 tone nt' lofty and virtuous inrii^ination, for their wiclv- 
 ed o|)pnsilioii to suclr a cause. To l)e looked down 
 upon from sucli a quarter, with feelings of pity and 
 emotions of sorrow, and to he pronounced liy such 
 autliority "too ignor:int to know,Moo weak to dis- 
 cern, or too dishonest to acknowledge" the triilli, 
 ouglit to make any white man among us to whom 
 the charge applies, blush at the view of his own 
 position, think meanly of himself, and repent. 
 
 What, then, has Colonization done 1 It has 
 laid the foundation of an empire in the Common- 
 wealth of Liberia. T/ie7-e if. is — on the coast of 
 Africa, a little north of the Equator, in the cen- 
 tral regions of African barbarism, and of the 
 slave trade. There are four Colonies and twelve 
 Christian settlements, dotting a coast of abotit 
 300 miles, extending their domain, by fair ne- 
 gotiation, back into the interior and along the 
 Atlantic shore, the whole incorporated into a 
 federal republic, after the model of our own, with 
 like institutions, civil, literary, and religious, and 
 composed of Africans and descendants of Afri- 
 cans, most of whom were emancipated from 
 bondage in this country for the purpose, some 
 of whom were recaptured from slave ships, and 
 a small part of whom are adopted natives that 
 have come in to join them. There is Christian 
 civilization and ihn government of law ; there is 
 a civil jurisprudence and polity ; there are courts 
 and magistrates, judges and lawyers ; there are 
 numerous Christian churches, well supplied 
 with ministers of the Gospel ; there are schools, 
 public libraries, and a respectable system of pub- 
 lic education ; there is a public press and two 
 journals, one weekly, and one semi-monthly ; 
 there are rising towns and village.s^; there are 
 the useful trades and mechanic arts, a productive 
 agriculture and increasing commerce ; in their 
 harbours are to be foiind ships trading with Eu- 
 rope and America, and the exports are increas- 
 ing from year to year ; and all this the creation 
 of somewhat less than twenty years — an achieve- 
 ment of which there is no parallel in history. 
 Not one of the first settlements of our own 
 country, at the north or south, ever accomplish- 
 ed so much in so short a time ; not one of them 
 that did not suffer more in its early history by 
 sickness, and famine, and war, and other disas- 
 ters incident to Colonization. In a word, they 
 constitute the germ of a rising and prosperous, 
 and pcrad venture, of a mighty empire. And 
 though last, yet not least, they have done more 
 for the suppression of the slave trade than Great 
 Britain with her Spanish Treaty, and all the 
 world put together. They have done much in 
 this cause ; they began the right way ; while all 
 else that has been done, by all the world, is lite- 
 rally worse than nothing. And theae deeds are 
 the product — the work of the American Coloni- 
 zation Society. 
 
 But what has Abolition done 1 It has agi- 
 tated the country — that is beyond a question. 
 But has it redeemed oxf, slave ! We have ne- 
 ver heard of one. It may have enticed some 
 away, and concealed fugitives, in violation of 
 the laws of the land. We know that it has done 
 this ; and that this is one of the modes of its 
 operation. 
 
 But what has Abolition done 1 It has uttered 
 many hard wtirds, called liard name.i, and ex- 
 cited much bad feeling. Has it made any ad- 
 vances towards persuading the slave states to 
 abandon slavery 1 Let Judge Lynch answer the 
 question. Has it united the North to ynn in the 
 movement? Three-fourths, we imagine, per- 
 haps more, have been forced by this agitation 
 into a dead set against it. Has it inclined the 
 ear of the public authorities of the nation to 
 listen to its demands 1 Look at the doings of 
 Congress in answer to Abolition petitions. 
 
 But what has it done 1 It has produced no 
 sinall excitation in the religious world, and then 
 jumped over the pale that divides the two, to 
 stir up the political ; it has made schism in the 
 church and schism in the state; it has sent 
 adrift Christian pastors who refused their creed, 
 and gone earnestly to work to dislodge the legis- 
 lators and magistrates of the land that stand in 
 their way ; it has cast a fire-brand on the floor 
 of Congress, and reviled the Senators of the na- 
 tion; it has done much to array the North 
 against the South, and the South against the 
 North ; it has divided the nation, divided states, 
 divided counties and election districts ; divided 
 towns, cities, villages, neighbourhoods, and fami- 
 lies ; separated friends and made them enemies. 
 
 But what has Abolition done "! Has it aine- 
 liorated the condition of the slave? On the 
 contrary, it has made fast his fetters, increased 
 the vigilance and rigour of his discipline, 
 abridged the means of his intellectual and moral 
 improvement, and aggravated the severity of his 
 bondage. Has it softened the temper of the 
 slaveholder 1 On the contrary, it has hardened 
 his heart, and barred the avenues to his con- 
 science. Has it inclined him to listen to season, 
 and regard the voice of persuasion ? He points 
 to the bulwark of the national constitution, and 
 says, " We know our rights ;" and that is the 
 end of argument. 
 
 Has Abolition relieved the condition of our 
 free coloureil people, secured them more advan- 
 tages, or made them more happy 1 Those states 
 which were before inclined to extend the fran- 
 chise in favour of this race, are now inclined to 
 abridge it, and Pennsylvania has actually done 
 so. They had a sympathy before which they 
 have not now ; they are discontented and un- 
 happy ; they are made jealous of the whites, and 
 the whites of them ; they are not so good ser- 
 vants or citizens ; the line of caste is more deep- 
 ly drawn, and the barrier that separates the two 
 races made higher and stronger ; they are ex- 
 cluded from our schools and seminaries ; and 
 but for Abolition, we have good reason to say 
 and believe, that all their privileges, social, civil, 
 and political, would have been gradually ex- 
 tended, as their character should improve. 
 
 And where is the spirit of Abolition, in the 
 old and pure sense of the term, which, a little 
 while since, was fast revivingin the more northern 
 of the slave states, and spreading over the South, 
 growing up on the soil of slavery, and advocated 
 with eloquent tongue by the slaveholder himself ? 
 Where are the Abolition strains of the Old Do- 
 minion, and of her foster child in the West, that 
 
 ^^ i 
 
w 
 
 COLONIZATION AND 
 
 began to be hrard in their legislative halls ? Si- 
 lenced — all silenced, since the Abolition move- 
 ment of the North began to interfere with their 
 concerns, and to demand what they were dis- 
 posed to grant, while left to their own discretion 
 and constitutional rights. They saw a storm of 
 violence coming from the North, and a flood of 
 ' revolution lifting up its waves to overwhelm 
 them, and they turned and said, " We must take 
 care of ourselves." Such are some of the fruits 
 of modern Abolition. 
 
 SUMMARY CONTRAST. 
 
 Colonization has done something. Abo- 
 lition has done nothing but agitate. 
 
 Colonization has founded an empire. Abo- 
 lition has laboured hard to upset one. 
 
 Colonization has redeemed some thou- 
 sands of slaves, and set them up in an indepen- 
 dent Commonwealth. Abolition has not re- 
 deemed one, but has rivetted the chains of those 
 it professes to pity, and aggravated their bon- 
 dage. 
 
 Colonization interferes not with the poli- 
 tical institutions of our own country, but ac- 
 quiesces with the public authorities, and solicits 
 their counsels and control. Abolition has set 
 up an imperium in imperio, a State within the 
 State,* to revolutionize the State, and made war 
 on the national Constitution. 
 
 * QUERIES. 
 
 Since the American Ami slnvprv Pnrintv lins re- 
 solved itself into a politir;>.i liAdy — nr wliiili is the 
 
 same thing, resolved to ■_'.« miu |ii>liiir:il mt —the 
 
 query must have presfiiU'il iisrir i.i muny iiuiids, as 
 to the latcfulvess of their oniiuiiziitioii in relatinn to 
 the federal Constitution. Are not the attributes and 
 powers of this instinuion, as a political body, those 
 of an independent State within a State— within the 
 Kepubtlc 1 Is it not a State machinerv for all the 
 purposes requisite? Is it not perpetually adrfJTio- to 
 that machinery, as occasion requires? Where is the 
 limilincr or controlling power which it recognizes ? 
 Is not its business purely political, and the appro- 
 priate business of the confederacy and its members, 
 according to the distribution or limitation of their re- 
 spective powers as determined by the Constitution ■? 
 What does rt lack of a. proridonal political government 
 except physical force •" What prevents the assump- 
 tion of this laBt resort at a convenient opportunity, 
 or by indirection the mustering thereof ? Is not the 
 erection of such a permanent and indepenilciit or- 
 ganization, designed as it is to absorb as much of 
 power and influence as it ca^l, and fur such purposes, 
 an anomaly 7 Is it authorized, or is it forbiddi-n, in 
 the Constitution? The only rule that ap|)lies to the 
 case, is the following :—" Congress shall make no 
 law abridging freedom of speech, or of the press, or 
 the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to 
 petition the government for a redress of grievances." 
 
 Has this Society.as s«c/t, petitioned the government, 
 or formed any coiine\ir.n u iih the j:(iveriimeiit, which 
 this law of the r',,ii,i;i;iiiiiM ,ii|:|i .^cs ? I)n(>s the 
 government know m I , , , , , rii by rumour? 
 Does thislawolllH' ( MM mi,,,,,,, • i hat the people 
 may erect a.periii,nn „i |.m1ii i- :, 1 m, ■, hm/;ii icm imleiien- 
 dentofthe goveriimeiii > Is s1:umi\ ,i l'j h \ iiiuf. per- 
 gonal or political, to tlx; memhirs Ml lui- s,,, \,\\ ) is 
 
 ilper.iovol? And how? Is it 7<i./(.'/<<;/. ;i - I - inilieir 
 
 res[„Ttive commonwealths, and eMnlIni^ ilum to 
 
 I" I'll I ;i'i lliereon, according to the terms and 
 
 1"' ■ "I I lie federal compact? Wliicli party is 
 
 ' "' I' ' '' ' ' I" I II Ion or remonstrance, under this law — 
 'II; Ml •_.|,,,,iMr>! of Ibis movement, or tlioHe on wlKiih 
 tliis inoveiiient operates? Does freedom of sfieech 
 and at the press authorize the action of an unlawful 
 organization in these fwiiiR? Does not the law which 
 MMiiuf.ii pretcribed forms of action for certain purposes, 
 pruhihit those hnv'ng live same objecta wliirh are not 
 licenced J Id iioi a licciUious extension of the law by 
 
 Colonization proposes a practicable good, 
 on safe grounds, and is safe and good in every 
 stage of progress. Abolition is necessarily 
 bad till it has gained its end ; and it is the end 
 that .sanctifies the means. 
 
 Colonization is a comprehensive scheme 
 of benevolence, embracing Africa with its tribes, . 
 as well as her children within our own bosom. 
 Abolition may be very benevolent, but it has 
 a queer way of showing it. It makes the free \ \ 
 coloured people discontented and unhappy, and ;■!, 
 keeps far off from the slave. : 
 
 Colonization approaches the slaveholder, 
 and reasons with him kindly. Abolition 
 sends him abusive letters and pamphlets, but 
 keeps away for fear of being Lynched. 
 
 Colonization presents to the free coloured 
 man the strongest motives for rising in the 
 world, by opening to him all the avenues to the 
 highest conditions of society. Abolition makes 
 promises, but always disappoints. It tells the 
 coloured man he is equal, but dooms him to re- 
 main where he must be forever unequal and un- 
 happy. 
 
 Colonization has nothing to break down, 
 but its task is to build up. Abolition's only 
 task is to break down, and it strikes »t high 
 game — the political fabric of a nation. 
 
 Colonization, in its history, is peaceful, in 
 its labours, godlike, and it commends itself to 
 all. Abolition starts on fight, lives by fight, 
 and can succeed only in the midst of ruin. 
 
 Colonization has laboured twenty years, 
 and has nothing to repent of. Abolition, in 
 its brief career, has done much to repent of, un- 
 less it can carry matters through by force ; and 
 then it will be too late to repent. Abolition 
 in Great Britain, has laboured half a century, 
 and has just discovered, that in one direction, 
 at least, its labours are worse than lost ; and 
 with Buxton, a leader, is about to engage in Co- 
 lonization. 
 
 Colonization takes a field unoccupied, and 
 therefore, has no rival to conflict with. Abo- 
 lition sets out to occupy the place of the 
 American Union, after dissolving it. 
 
 Colonization has actually set up the stan- 
 dard of liberty, the lights of civilization, and 
 the banner of Christianity, on the shores of 
 Africa. Abolition has roused, nourished, and 
 inflamed strife, religious and political, in the 
 midst of our own republic, to the peril of its in- 
 stitutions. 
 
 As Colonization advances, slave owners 
 are more inclined to erriancipate their slaves for 
 
 the people as criminal as an arbitrary nbridfrmevt 
 Ihereof'liy the government? And is it not eciually 
 iiiipoitaiit that the law should not be travsmuled, as 
 tliat it should he maintained? Where is the balance 
 ot' irillnence against an tinlawful political organiza- 
 tion, excejit in setting iipa counter organization of the 
 same kind, or in the authority of government ? Is it 
 consistent with the exclusive jurisdiction of a State 
 or nation, to admit upon its own territories an orga- 
 nized, political antagonist, of unlimited and irrespon- 
 sible powers, making formidable and nisnacing de- 
 iionslrations of influence? [For the siiiroc.-lt,,,! vf 
 these i/uvries ire are indebted to a little vnrj; entitled 
 Adolition a Sedition. By a JVorthern Man. Pub- 
 lished by Geo. IV. Donahue, rhiladelphia.} 
 
ABOLITION CONTRASTED. 
 
 II 
 
 emigration to Liberia. As Abolition ad- 
 vances, all its influence is against emancipation, 
 and puts far oft' the day. 
 
 " A more complete failure of sixty years' sys- 
 tematic agitation, it is difficult to conceive," says 
 a London journal over Mr. Buxton's proofs. — 
 God grant that American Abolition may not 
 have so protracted a history of disaster to be re- 
 corded. 
 
 As the British Abolitionists have made so 
 great a mistake in their mode of abolishing the 
 slave trade, it is possible they have also made a 
 mistake in their mode of abolishing slavery. It 
 is to be hoped that our American Abolitionists will 
 profit by the scene and prospects thus laid open. 
 
 It is discovered, at last, by Mr. Buxton, that 
 great and comprehensive measures only, having 
 a regard to the recognised rights and interests 
 cf all parties, can be effectual in suppressing the 
 slave trade ; and that an isolated effort, without 
 regard to consequences, may do infinitely more 
 hurt than good. But the measures of the Abo- 
 htionists of this country are in direct contraven- 
 tion to this rule. " Do evil that good may 
 come," is their only authority ; and that, too, 
 when it is very unlikely that good luill come. 
 
 By Mr. Buxton's facts and reasonings, the 
 principles and system of the American Coloni- 
 zation Society, are proved conservative to ge- 
 neral society, and the only effective mode for 
 the abolition of the slave trade. By tlie same 
 authority, the Abolition principles and measures 
 of this country are proved destructive to so- 
 ciety, the greatest impediments in the way of 
 abolition, and the very bulwaik of the slave 
 trade and slavery, by their tendency to per- 
 petuate, increase, and aggravate both. 
 
 CoLoxizATiox strikes at the slave trade, the 
 root of the tree. Abolition nibbles, like a 
 worm, at the ends of the branches, at the hazard 
 of being shaken off into an uncomfortable and 
 despairing plight. 
 
 Abolitio.v repudiates responsibility for the 
 disastrous consequences of its measures. In the 
 same manner he is innocent who applies a 
 lighted match to a powder magazine, to the peril 
 of the lives and wealth of mankind. 
 
 A CRISIS IMPENDING. 
 The American Board of Commissioners for 
 Foreign Missions evinced their sagacity in assum- 
 ing the permanence and growth of Liberia, and 
 its future ascendancy over the regions and tribes 
 round about, " as unquestionable fucts," for the 
 framing .of their own future measures in that 
 quarter. It is, doubtless, a settled question. We 
 may go farther, without being liable to the charge 
 of extravagance, and assume, that that new re- 
 public will, in a brief period, become the most 
 important, enterprising, and efficient govern- 
 ment on the Continent of Africa ; .that it will ra- 
 pidly extend its jurisdiction, influence, and sway, 
 to absorb the native tribes, to develope the phj'- 
 sical resources and capabilities of Africa, and to 
 command the richest and most productive com- 
 merce of the Continent. The ver)' constitution 
 of their government and society secures to them 
 this pre-eminent advantage. There is no other 
 
 civilized community in Africa that is free, and 
 that sets up the African as a man to govern him- 
 self. All the rest are either under an arbitrary 
 despotism, or mere colonies of remote powers 
 that will of course govern them for their own 
 advantage. Consequently, they will have no 
 chance of competition with this infant empire, 
 which sunnnons the African at once to freedom 
 and self-government, calls into action all his 
 powers, and secures to him the reward of his 
 ambition and the control of his own destiny, in 
 possession of all the advantages of civilization. 
 
 Let, then, the following facts and suggestions 
 be observed. First, that nation which main- 
 tains a close connexion and intimate alliance 
 with Liberia, will be likely to command the 
 most important portions of the commerce of 
 Africa. Secondly, it is impossible to read Mr. 
 Buxton's book, and not be convinced, that this 
 commerce will be of great value to any natiou — 
 the richest and most extensive in the world that 
 is yet unopened. Thirdly, the same authority 
 will show, that this commerce may be easily and 
 soon opened, by the application of the right 
 policy. Fourthly, it will also be apparent, 
 through the same medium, that the British go- 
 vernment at this moment has its eye upon Afri- 
 ca, to monopolize these stupendous advantages. 
 Fifthly, such a design is accordant with the ge- 
 neral policy and with the interests of the British 
 empire. Sixthly, we are advised by Mr. Bux- 
 ton, that some great project of this kind has ac- 
 tually been submitted to that government. Se- 
 venthly, on this point Mr. Buxton has cautiously 
 maintained great reserve : " Upon considera- 
 tion," he says, "it appeared, that a premature 
 disclosure of these suggestions would be incon- 
 venient." Again : "I am of opinion, that the 
 time has not yet come, when it would be expe- 
 dient to publish the measures in detail . . . These 
 views have been communicated to her Majesty's 
 government." Eighthly, the British govern- 
 ment are as well aware of the importance of Li- 
 beria, as tiie American Board of Commissioners 
 for Foreign Missions, though their purposes are 
 widely different. Ninthly, they know also, that 
 the commonwealth of Liberia has no protection 
 for her commerce, and no recognised flag ; and 
 that it is impossible for it long to dispense with 
 such protection. Tenthly, there is no law to 
 foriiid the British government to offer it, and to 
 receive the Commonwealth under its wing as a 
 British colony. Eleventhly, it would be a strong 
 temptation to those colonies to accept such an 
 orter, unless we, Americans, can so manage, 
 either to assume that office, as a nation ; or else, 
 by our active patronage, and efficient aid, in the 
 forms heretofore pursued, we can put them for- 
 ward with such rapidity, as to secure their re- 
 cognition at an early period, as an independent 
 and sovereign state. 
 
 We, therefore, feel warranted to announce this 
 crisis as not very remote, and to say, that it now 
 becomes a question of deep and momentous na 
 tional concern. Who does not see, that, to be 
 superseded in our claims and influence there, is 
 to be cut off from one of the most affluent com- 
 meroial prospects that ever opened upon us as a 
 
13 
 
 COLONIZATION AND 
 
 nation; and next — the most important considera- 
 tion of all — to have the great safoty-valve of 
 our domestic slave question fastened down upon 
 us, to (he peril of being blown up 1 Such 
 is the crisis to which we are rapidly hastening, 
 in regard to our connexion with the common- 
 •wealih of Liberia. 
 
 That connnonwealth is ours, as having been 
 planted and established by us ; it is ours, as be- 
 ing allied to us by mutual affection, by sympa- 
 thy, and by interests of great value and of mo- 
 mentous consequence ; and it may be ours for- 
 ever, for all the purposes which we could desire, 
 if we cxtcn<J to it that fostering and protecting 
 care, which its infant and orphan condition so 
 necessarily require, and which, if we cannot ren- 
 der in our national capacity, we can yet bestow 
 under the present system. 
 
 The case is clearly before us, and makes its 
 urgent appeals, as well to the best afl'ections 
 and sympathies, as to the most important inte- 
 rests of this whole nation. Help and protection 
 tliey must have from some quarter ; and if for a 
 moment we suppose ourselves in their situation, 
 we could hardly hesitate to accept the proll'ered 
 bounty and care of the British nation, if we 
 were compelled to despair of it from our mother 
 country. Since, therefore, it seems to be de- 
 cided — at least for the present — that our national 
 government will not go into action upon this 
 subject, so far as to render the requisite assist- 
 ance ; and since there is a system of patronage 
 and care already established, which has the con- 
 fidence of the public, and which can do that 
 which is most necessary, till higher aid shall 
 come to their assistance, or till their independ- 
 ence shall be declared and recognisetf, let the 
 rich and wealthy of the land come forward to 
 this great exigency, and all ranks of the people, 
 according to their ability, and according to their 
 sense of the claims and importance of the 
 cause. 
 
 Somewhat more than one million of dollars is 
 annually contributed to the various benevolent 
 societies of our country ; and yet the Coloniza- 
 tion Society, which combines mostof their ob- 
 jects — and which, perhaps, is more important 
 than all of them put together — is compelled to 
 take rank in class No. 9 of these institistions, as 
 to the proportion of aid it receives from the pub- 
 lic. And several of these more favoured socie- 
 ties are receiving two, three, four, and some of 
 them five times the amount bestowed on Colo- 
 nization. If the government of this country 
 ishould from this moment appropriate several 
 millions a year to this cause, it would be no 
 more than commensurate with our national in- 
 terest therein. On the single colony of Sier- 
 ra Leone, the British government expended 
 $2.5,000,000 between 1792 and 1830; in all 
 down to this time, probably about $.35,000,000. 
 Could such munificence, if it should be ten- 
 dered, be despised by the commonwealth of 
 Liberia, in connexion with the advantages of 
 such ])rotection as they would enjoy, and with 
 the additional motive of being part and parcel 
 of the most powerful and most influential em- 
 I)irc in the world? Will it not bo a strong 
 
 temptation for the British government to make 
 the offer, if the door should be left open by us, 
 knowing as they do the paramount import- 
 ance of Liberia to their pending project in re- 
 gard to Africa] 
 
 From 1820, the beginning of Colonization in 
 Liberia, to 1834, the sum of the contributions 
 to the Colonization cause was only $295,000 ! 
 Since that time they have perhaps averaged 
 about $50,000 a year— in all $545,000. But 
 what is this for so stupendous an undertaking, 
 in which our whole nation, Africa with her 
 100,000,000, and so many vast, political, social, 
 and commercial interests, are concerned 1 Is it 
 not a libel on the generosity of the American 
 people, and on the wisdom and justice of our 
 republic, that it should abandon such a cause to 
 mere charity 1 
 
 It is proper, perhaps, here to notice, that the 
 Hon. John Quincy Adams has thought proper 
 to sound an alarm, in view of the fact, that an 
 association of gentlemen in the Unhed States 
 should exercise such anomalous powers, as to 
 hold jurisdiction over a foreign colony, and en- 
 dow it with the high prerogatives of a state. 
 But the comfort and safety of this alarming fact 
 is, that this association will be very happy at 
 any time to resign their responsibilities and task 
 to the government of the United States ; and their' 
 pi-ayer is, that the government will please to as- 
 sume them. The second article of the constitu- 
 tion of the American Colonization Society, is 
 tantamount to an oath of allegiance to our na- 
 tional and state authorities, and necessarily in- 
 volves the principle of subjection to their will. 
 
 THE GOLD OF AFRICA. 
 Captaijt Sudbury, of the British navy, re- 
 ceived a consignment of gold dust, worth 
 §60,000, a present from an African prince whom 
 he had liberated from slavery. Solid lumps of 
 gold ornament the persons of the Cabooceers, at 
 the court of the king of Ashantee. On state oc- 
 casions, great men so load their wrists with these 
 lumps, that they are obliged to support them on 
 the heads of boys. Mrs. Lee saw one lump at 
 Cape Coast, which weighed fourteen ounces, 
 very pure. Much gold, and the richest of Africa, 
 comes from Gaman. The exports of Soudan 
 consist principally in gold dust, in rings of ex- 
 quisite workmanship, made at Sinriie, in twisted 
 rings of Wingara, bars of gold, &c. — {Buxton.') 
 An African prince, being sold to a slaver, dis- 
 closed masses of gold under his hair, which he 
 offered for his ransom, not thinking that the gold 
 would be taken, and his offer disregarded. He 
 committed suicide in his despair. 
 
 REORGANIZATION. 
 The nF.oiiKAxizATioN of the American 
 Colonization Society, and of the commonwealth 
 of liiberia, which was effected in January, 1839, 
 is an important event. It has given new life to 
 the affairs of the society at home, and fresh dig- 
 nity, importance, and vigour to the government 
 of the colonies. An effort is now l)eing made 
 to wean the colonists from too much dependence, 
 and to throw them upon their own resources and / 
 
ABOLITION CONTRASTED. 
 
 13 
 
 powers — which, it is expected, will at the same 
 time abridge expense, and call forth the moral 
 and physical energies of the people into more 
 vigorous and efllcient action, for private and 
 public good. It is deemed essential to a free 
 people, that they should nourish the spirit of 
 personal independence and self-reliance. It is 
 also important, that all the benevolent contribu- 
 tions to this enterprise, should be so appropriated 
 as to effect the greatest amount of good. 
 
 TWENTY REASONS FOR THE SUC- 
 CESS OF LIBERIA. 
 
 1. The African is there placed in a new and 
 most favourable position — the very position 
 which calls forth the energies of man, makes 
 him respect himself, and causes him to be re- 
 spected. 
 
 2. The enterprise has the favour, and will 
 realize the aid of the civilized world — especially 
 of the people of the United States. 
 
 3. It has the benefit of the greatest wisdom 
 and most eminent virtue of this country to guide 
 its counsels and to sustain its interests, i 
 
 4. Common and universal education is made 
 a leading object. 
 
 5. They arc a very moral and religious people. 
 
 6. The political and civil polity of Liberia is 
 securely established, in successful operation, and 
 modelled after the best of English and Ame- 
 rican law. 
 
 7. The design of this enterprise is to develope 
 African character, and to give full scope to its 
 action, independent of the rivalship of the Eu- 
 ropean race. 
 
 8. This great and single aim will he prose- 
 cuted, as we trust, wiih increased vigour, by 
 the patrons of this cause in the United States. 
 
 9. It will be seen, therefore, that the fatal im- 
 pediment to the improvement and elevation of 
 the African race, which European superiority 
 has so long interposed in the juxtaposition of 
 the two races, is for once, and at last, out of 
 the way, in this interesting experiment. 
 
 10. Their past success and present prospects 
 are sufiiciently auspicious to augur a successful 
 ..'nd triumphant result. 
 
 11. 'i'he commonwealth of Liberia imbodies 
 all and the very elements essential to its success. 
 They are a people living and working for them- 
 selves and their posterity, with a sense of the im- 
 portance of their privileges, and the value of 
 their hopes. 
 
 12. The very smallness of their beginning, 
 and the difficulties they have encountered, in- 
 stead of being a discouragement, are an earnest 
 and the security of their ultimate success. 
 
 13. The success of this undertaking, under 
 Anierkan counsels and patronage, is indispen- 
 sable to our domestic tranquillity and future 
 prosperity, as a nation. 
 
 14. Africa, after all, is one of the richest and 
 best countries in the world, and Liberia may 
 now be regarded as the eye and key of the con- 
 tinent, on the West. 
 
 15. The natives cannot oppose, and the civil- 
 ized world will not. 
 
 16. They are secure of the increase of their 
 
 numbers and of the extension of their jurisdic- 
 tion, indefinitely, by emigration from the United 
 States, and by the incorporation of native tribes. 
 
 17. The United States and Great Britain 
 will be rival competitors for their commerce, and 
 are likely to be so as patrons and guardians. 
 
 18. Religion and philanthropy are both com- 
 bined in their behalf. 
 
 19. The Christian world will feel the debt 
 they owe to Africa, for the wrongs tli'-y have 
 done her, long enough, at least, to atiain this 
 great end. % 
 
 20. The civilization of Africa is indispensa- 
 ble to important political and commercial in- 
 terests of the civilized world. 
 
 EXTRACTS IN EVIDENCE. 
 
 " The slave trade will cease, as the colony 
 progresses, and extends its settlements. The 
 very spot where now exists a fi'ee people, was a 
 depot for the reception of manacled slaves. This 
 fact alone is entitled to consideration, luul ought 
 to rouse the friends of humanity everywhere. 
 The importance of this colony, ns rpij-iids the na- 
 tive tribes of the coast, is, in my estiniatiiip, gieat. 
 They already begin to see, that it is civilization, 
 and the blessings of religion, wliich give siipeiior- 
 ity to man over his fellow-man," &c. — Captain 
 Nicholson, U. S. Navy. 
 
 " VVhoiever the influence of this colony ex- 
 tends, the slave trade has been abandoneii by the 
 natives, and the peaceful fruits of legitimate com- 
 merce established in its pl:ice.''' — A London paper, 
 
 " The impoitance of this settlement is daily de- 
 veloping itself, in vaijous ways, and is always 
 felt as a refuge of security and hospitality, both 
 to the oppressed natives and to the shipwrecked 
 mariner." — Capt. Voorhes, U. S. Navy. 
 
 " They (the colonists) considered that they had 
 started into new existence; felt proud of their 
 attitude; and seemed conscious, that wliile they 
 were founders of a new empire, they were pro- 
 secuting the noble purpose of the regeneration of 
 the land of their fathers. I was pleased to ob- 
 serve, that they were impressed vvitti the import- 
 ance of education, not only for tlieir own child- 
 ren, but for those of the natives:. That there 
 are many vast resources yet undevelopeil in Li- 
 beria, no one can doubt; and that they will soon 
 be brought forth and made available by I^*" enter- 
 prise and intellisjence of the colonists, is equally 
 unquestionable." — Capt. Kennedy, U. S. Navy. 
 
 " The character of these industrious colonists 
 is exceedingly correct and moral; their minds 
 strongly iinpressed with religious feelinjis ; their 
 rnanneis serious and decorous; and their domes- 
 tic habits remarkably neat and comfortable. The 
 complete success of this colony is a proof, that 
 ne^Toes are,, by proper care and attention, as sus- 
 ceptible of tlie habits of industry and the im- 
 provements of social life, as any other race ; and 
 that the melioration of the condition of the black 
 people on the coast of Africa, by ine;ins of such 
 colonies, is not chimericjl." — A British Naval 
 Officer. 
 
 " Nothing struck me as more remarkable than 
 the great superiority in intelligence, m.inners, 
 conversation, dress, and general appearance, in 
 every respect, of the people, over their coloured 
 brethren in America ... I saw no intemperance, 
 nor did I hear a profane oath uttered by any one 
 . . . 1 know of no place where the Sabbath ap- 
 pears to be more respected than in IMoniovia . . . 
 Most of the settlers appear to be rapidly acquir- 
 ing propetty." — Capt. Abels, Emigrant ship. 
 
14 
 
 COLONIZATION AND 
 
 " No white people nre pormitted to reside in 
 the colony for the purpose of trade, or for pur- 
 suing any mechanical business, such being in- 
 tended for the exclusive benefit of coloured peo- 
 ple. The Court holds its sessions on the first 
 Monday of every month, and its jurisdiction ex- 
 tends over the whole colony. Jurors are empa- 
 nelled as with us. To the honour of the emi- 
 grants be it mentioned, that but five of their 
 number have been committed for stealing or mis- 
 demeanour in three years. Two native kings 
 have put themselves and their subjects (supposed 
 to amount to 10,000) under the protectimi of the 
 colon^y. There is much hospitality at Monrovia, 
 and among the inhabitants a greater proportion 
 of moral and religious character than in this 
 city, (Philadelphia.) Dr. Mecklin assured me, 
 that the bills of mortality would show a less 
 proportion of deaths than those of Baltimore, 
 Philadelphia, or New York. — Capt. Sherman, of 
 the ship Liberia. 
 Thefolloicing is from the evidence of Mr. Devany, 
 
 High Sheriff of Liberia, taken by a committee 
 
 of Congress : 
 
 "A very active trade is carried on at Monro- 
 Tia. A colonist by the name of Waring, will 
 have sold this year (1S30) to the amount of 
 $70,000. Mr. Devany's sales amounted to be- 
 tween 24 and $25,000. He (I\Ir. Devany) com- 
 puted his property at $20,000 — had been in Libe- 
 ria seven years, and had little property when he 
 went . . . Mr. Devany had travelled up the St. 
 Paul's river, till he came to a series of falls, ex- 
 tending ten or twelve miles, in which place the 
 ■water falls perpendicularly twenty, thirty, and 
 fifty feet. . . They gave the master of one of their 
 schools a salary of $450. This he did not con- 
 sider sufficient, and engaged in business as public 
 surveyor. No white persons admitted as resi- 
 dents, except public teachers and clergymen. 
 Much activity and emulation prevail — each en- 
 deavouring to push his own fortune, and have the 
 best house.. . No instance of capital crime among 
 the colonists had yet occurred. He knew only 
 two intemperate persons. Several of the neigh- 
 bouring tribes had voluntarily put themselves 
 under the laws of the colony, and sought its pro- 
 tection . . . The average range of Ihe thermometer 
 throughout the year is from 68 to fS8 — never 
 down to 60 — rarely up to 90 — [no frost] — a con- 
 stant sea-breeze." — Sheriff Devany. 
 
 " The youth of the colonies discover an eager 
 desire for improvement; and their progress, con- 
 sidering their opportunities, is almost incredible. 
 Among the young men of Monrovia, there is a 
 larger proportion of good accountants and elegant 
 penmen, than in any town (American) of his ac- 
 quaintance." — Got'. Buchanan. 
 
 At a public meeting of tiie citizens of Monro- 
 via, Sept. 29th, 1S36, it was — " Resolved, that 
 this meeting entertain the warmest gratitude for 
 what the Colonization Society have done fof the 
 people of colour, and for us particularly; that we 
 regard the scheme as entitled to the highest con- 
 fidence of every man of colour ; that we believe 
 it the only institution that can, "in existing cir- 
 cumstances, succeed in elevating the coloured 
 people ; and that advancement in agriculture, 
 mechanism, and science, will enable us speedily 
 to aspire to a rank with other nations of the 
 earth." The following sentiment was moved on 
 this occasion, and carried with acclaim : " Suc- 
 cess to the wheels of Colonization. May they 
 roll Ofcr every opposer ; and roll on, till all the 
 "-^ppressed sons of Africa shall be rolled home .''' 
 \From Governor Matthias: " The climate, with 
 exception of the acclimating process, is the 
 
 ^nCXC 
 
 finest imaginable. There is scarcely any varia- 
 tion in the temperature. It is now the 24th of 
 December; the birds are singing; a greater va- 
 riety of song or plumage I never heard or saw ; 
 and nature, the year round, wears the liverj' of 
 freshness and life. Our colon}' (Bassa Cove) is 
 gradually assuming the state and consequence of 
 an organized government. Could you be present 
 at our Courts of justice, our military exercises, 
 the transaction of business by our merchants, 
 &c., you would lose sight of colour, &c., and be- 
 lieve fully, from fair experiment, that the mind 
 of a coloured man, when untrammelled, is as 
 good as a white man's. IVrite : this is the land 
 for the coloured man. He can be comfortable and 
 happy here." 
 
 After reciting a variety of proofs of the happy 
 influence of the missionary establishments among 
 the natives, in a letter to the Rev. Dr. Bangs, of 
 New York, the Rev. Mr. Seys adds : " Away, 
 then, with the notion, that Colonization does 
 nothing for the native African;" and presents the 
 following incident: " Among the native converts 
 of the school is a lad, named Nathan Bangs, the 
 son of an African prince. The father came to 
 see his boy. Both being missing, it was disco- 
 vered that the boy had secretly taken his father 
 to the chamber, and was pleading, with tears in 
 his eyes, that he would look to the American's 
 God, and secure the salvation of his soul." 
 
 Dr. Turk, United States Navy, says, " I visit- 
 ed Monrovia in February, some years since, 
 in a U. S. frigate. We were received by some 
 of the leading men of the town, and conducted 
 to the house of the gov>rnor. Our chaplain, a ma- 
 rine officer, and myself, accepted an invitation to 
 attend public worship, when, upon repairing to 
 the place, we found the church filled. The front 
 seat was reserved for us. Our chaplain entered 
 the pulpit with one of their ministers, who, after 
 prayer and singing, made a very appropriate ad- 
 dress. When the psalm was given out, a book 
 was handed to me open at the proper place. The 
 singing was very fine. I was much interested in 
 a female voice, which poured forth some of the 
 sweetest tones I almost ever heard. A more 
 orderly, attentive, and apparently pious congre- 
 gation, I never met with — all decently, and some 
 handsomely dressed. When I looked round upon, 
 this large, and truly solemn assembly, and re- 
 flected upon what they had been, and what they 
 are now, a society of civilized and Christianized 
 fieemen on the shores of Africa, worshipping 
 God according to the dictates of their own con- 
 science, governed by their own laws, my feelings 
 were overpowered, and I secretly thanked God 
 that so much was done for elevating the long de- 
 pressed and afflicted African. I was invited by 
 one of their most influential and respectable in- 
 habitants to call at his house. I found his resi- 
 dence to be ve\y comfortable ; a pale fence be- 
 fore the door, inside of which stood a cofiee tree, 
 answering for shade and fruit. I was conducted 
 into a room well furnished with a mahogany 
 side-board, &c. In this room sat the wife and 
 daughter of the proprietor of the house. Wine, 
 cake, and other refreshments were soon placed 
 liefore me iti handsome style. I asked the mother 
 if she was happy in her present condition, when 
 she replied, that she was not only satisfied, but 
 delighted. She dwelt with much feeling on the 
 advantages enjoyed bj' the coloured people in 
 Africa, and thanked God and the Colonization 
 Society for their present independent and happy 
 lot." 
 
 It was well observed by an English authority: 
 " It matters not on which side of the Atlantic 
 
 .1 
 
ABOLITION CONTRASTED. 
 
 15 
 
 the ne^ro is made enlightened, virtuoiis, and hap- 
 py, if he is actually so far blessed ; but it does 
 matter on which side of the ocean you place him, 
 wlien there is only one where he will be happy 
 and respectable, as benevolence would wish to 
 see him ; and certainly there a rij^htly applied 
 morality and religion would sanction his being 
 placed." 
 
 GOOD OUT OF EVIL. 
 
 It has been a subject of regret, that Abolition has 
 so much prcjiidiced ilie coloured people of t4|e North 
 against ('■ildiiizatinii. After all. it may he a question, 
 whrlhri 11, IS f;,(t will not opt'iale tor the E.u.d of the 
 coiiiiiii.iiwtalili i.f l.iheria. lii the tirst phice, this 
 opiKisitiiMi lias forced the enterprise through a fiery 
 and perhaps protitalde ordeal, from which it is gradu- 
 ally eiiiergiiig in triumph. Next, it would seem iiuite 
 probable, that it may be better and safer for the colo- 
 nies in their early history, to be sup[)lied principally 
 from the South, as the coloured people there have 
 been in the habits of subordination, and are generally 
 of a better character. The character of the first emi- 
 grants is of the greatest importance. It seems to be 
 decided, that the disposition to emancipate, alone, is 
 likely much to e.xceed the means of transfer. Theie 
 must of necessity be a reaction at the Ntjrth, and the 
 coloured people here, when once they shall liave dis- 
 covered how tffey have been deceived, will be thank- 
 ful to be advntted into the conunonweallh of Liberia. 
 
 APPROBATION OF HIGH AUTHORITIES. 
 CoLONiz.\TioN has been approved in this coun- 
 try by formal resolutions, after full discussion, 
 in the following public bodies, poliiical and ec- 
 clesiastical: By Congress repeatedly; by the 
 legislatures of Tennessee, of Maryland, Connecti- 
 cut, New Jersey, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, In- 
 diana, New York, Delaware, Ohio, Massachusetts, 
 Virginia, and Louisiana. Several of these states 
 have acted upon it repeatedly, and Maryland has 
 appropriated $20,000 annually for ten years. 
 Nearly all denominations of Christians in the 
 country, in their higher and minor ecclesiastical 
 assemblies, have given it their distinct approval, 
 and continue so to do — of which we might name 
 Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, 
 Methpdists, Baptists, Dutch Reformed, Lutherans, 
 Moravians, and Friends. And when we look at 
 the names of the officers and members of the Pa- 
 rent Society, and its auxiliaries, vie find the most 
 eminent talent and worth of the nation en- 
 listed in the cause, and pledged to its support. 
 To be assured of the moral influence of such a 
 phalanx, and of their growing atfection for the 
 enterprise, is enough to inspire confidence in its 
 wisdom and importance. 
 
 For a little period the interests of Colonization 
 seemed to flag. Many, perhaps, were influenced 
 by the outcries of Abolition ; some imagined the 
 society was languishing for want of merit in the 
 cause ; and the great mass thought little about it. 
 But within a year Colonization has started up to 
 new life and vigour; the society and the com- 
 monwealth of Liberia have been reorganized ; 
 thousands of tfie most influential men in the land 
 are waking up to the vast importance of the 
 cause ; they see it is a grand national inteiest — a 
 humane, philanthropic, Christian enterprise — hav- 
 ing equally in view the good of our own country, 
 the good of Africa, and of the African race. The 
 pi:oofs of this character are now overwhelming. 
 The cause is stupendous, and is beginning to be 
 appreciated. 
 
 THE INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIAN MIS- 
 SIONS. 
 The civilizing influence of missions on the 
 commonwealth of Liberia and the surrounding 
 native tribes, is an important fact. Nearly all 
 
 the foreign missionary societies of our country 
 find the field open to them there, and are already 
 at work in it. It may be calculated, perhaps, 
 that their influence is as great as that of the civil 
 establishment, and both are mutual auxiliaries. 
 A missionary is called by the natives " a God 
 man," and his pacific, religious character is ge- 
 nerally appreciated. Missionaries can set up 
 establishments of education and religion among 
 the native barbarians with safety and great eflcct. 
 
 A REMARKABLE FACT. 
 The Abolitionists have republished a part of 
 Mr. Buxton's late work, and are passing it ofT'for 
 a. true copy. iThe whole of the Second Part, 
 which comprehends the very purpose of the work, 
 viz., the proposal of a remedy for the bad work- 
 ing of the old system, by the adoption of Coloni- 
 zation principles, is suppressed ! Also, other 
 detached portions which lead to the development 
 of this scheme. The horrible part of Mr. Bux- 
 ton's tale was too tempting an aliment for the 
 tastes of Abolition, to be lost; but the nire they 
 choose to have in their own wa}'. We doubt not, 
 there will be a loud call for a true copy of the 
 book. And we beg leave to suggest the import- 
 ance of an Expository Introduction by some one 
 who will appreciate the peculiar, critical, and de- 
 licate position of the author in this etibrt; and 
 show why he did not make all the revelations 
 which he would ; but only what he could, with- 
 out sacrificing his influence in a quarter where it 
 was important to be maintained. 
 
 WHAT SHALL BE DONE ;• 
 The Hon. John Tyle[, President of the Vir- 
 ginia Colonization Society, said, in a speech deli- 
 vered at the annual meeting of that institution, 
 in 1838, " to appeal to Congress for aid, is to ap- 
 peal to a body having no power to grant it." At 
 present, no reliance can be placed upon that 
 source ; and the cause, vast and important as it 
 is, for political as well as philanthropic purposes, 
 rests principally on the basis of voluntary con- 
 tributions. It is a cause, however, which can be 
 appreciated as identified with the dearest and 
 most valuable interests of our country, as well 
 as with the objects of humanity, and the benevo- 
 lent designs of Christian effort. It must also be 
 seen, that it is an undertaking sufficiently great 
 for the care and treasury of a ijation. But since 
 the nation, as such, cannot assume these respon- 
 sibilities and this burden ; and since it is seen 
 and acknowledged to be a national object, indis- 
 pensable to tlie "peace of the country, and perad- 
 venture to its prosperity, may it not reasonably 
 be expected, that the public, rich and poor, ac- 
 cording to their ability, will make it a matter of 
 principle to pledge themselves to a regular, an- 
 nual contribution to this cause, so long as it may 
 seem to require it ? Unless a systematic effort 
 of this kind can be established it is obvious, that 
 the wheels of this enterprise must drag heavily, 
 and possibly come to a dead stand ; or that its 
 wants will furnish an apology for those colonies 
 to alienate their relations from this country, and 
 transfer them to a power that will better appre- 
 ciate their importance for political and commer- 
 cial purposes, and atlbrd them the necessary aid 
 and protection. ' We do not think that the alter- 
 native o( failure can now be predicated on any 
 reasonable grounds. That commonwealth will 
 be a prize of inestimable value to any nation that 
 shall have the most intimate relations therewith. 
 At present it is bound to us as its parent, and 
 will not break away unless we give them reasons 
 of neglect, and the alternative of necessity. 
 
16 
 
 COLONIZATION AND ABOLITION CONTRASTED. 
 
 Tlie urgent necessities of this cause, and the 
 indispensable importance of having sutne more 
 secure reliance than the ficldeness of rommoii 
 charity, have compelled its nri;inagers lo make an 
 appeal to ihe American people for a systematic 
 etl'ort in the way of pled^cing, as a common stan- 
 dard for individuals, ten dollars a year for ten 
 years. What citizen of this republic, in ordinary 
 prosperity, is not able to do this, without feeling 
 it a burden ? Twenty thovsand names would 
 give $200,000 a year ; fifty tkousand would give 
 half a million; and a hundred thousand would 
 give a million annually. And who docs not see, 
 if there be any sobiiety in the facts and consider- 
 ations brought forward in these pages, tlr.if one 
 million a year to this cause would be trifling 
 compared with its importance to our own crmutry, 
 not to speak of motives of philanthropy ? And 
 not to notice that other momentous consideration, 
 viz., its importance as a safety-valve to our do- 
 mestic slave question, it is reasonable to expect 
 that the commercial advantages thus appropriated 
 and secured to ourselves, would pay us back a 
 manifold principal rnd interest for all those ex- 
 penditures, before half a generation sl;;ill have 
 gone from the stage; and in the end, t!ie c;tusc 
 will sustain itself, and the colonies become nn in- 
 dependent and prosperous republic. J.Inny of tli.' 
 more wealthy patrons of this enterprise v>,il, 
 doubtless, give $100 annually for ten years : and 
 this e.xample, in numerous instances, h:is already 
 been made. This appears to be the only system 
 on which the cause may securely rest, as .47711'- 
 rican, till the states and nation sliall UVo it 
 under their own charge, if ever a sufiicitnt una- 
 nimity shall warrant it. i 
 
 We have before stated, that the sum of contri- 
 butions to this cause, from 1S"20 to 1834, a p"iiod 
 of fourteen years, was only $295,000 ; and that 
 the average of contributions from 1834 might 
 probably amount to $50,000 a year. We have 
 jiince ascertained, that the sum of conliibi' ms 
 to the Parent Society, froin 1834 to 1S38 ii-.<\;:i- 
 Rivp,is as follows: For 1834, $22,864 ; for 1635, 
 $37,049; for 1836, $32,963; for 1S37, $05 270 ; 
 for 1838, $11,394; in all $129 540. If wo add 
 to tills the $20,000 a year from the State of .Mary- 
 land, and other items furnished by some two or 
 three state societies, in their independent action, 
 of which we have no account, it would stem 
 probat^le, that our conjectural estimate for the 
 time since 1834, was not far from the truth ; and 
 that the sum of all the contributions to Coloniza- 
 tion, from the beginning down to 1839, would not be 
 much in excess of half a million of dollars. Of 
 course, we do not take into this account the pro- 
 perty surrendered by omancipation, and the pro- 
 visions made by their masters to establish the' 
 liberated slaves in Litieria, together witii sundry 
 other endoivm.ents and bequests in connexion 
 •with these acts of emancipation. These have 
 been exhibited in another place. 
 
 Other slave states besides Maryland, particu- 
 larly Virginia and Tennessee, had ordered some 
 generous appropriations to Colonization, which 
 have been withholden in consequence of the Abo- 
 lition agitation of the North. These and other 
 ilave states will, doulttless, come up to this 
 work, when they shall be satisfied that Coloniza- 
 tion and Abolition have been identified wiihuut 
 c?.use. It is Kjualiy erroneous and unjust for the 
 South to be jealous of Colonization as being 
 Sillied to Abolition, as for Abolition to oppose Co- 
 lonization as being allied to the slaveholding in- 
 terests of the South. Roih are equally false; for 
 Colonizati<jn has nothing to do with (uther ; and 
 yet its doom has been to fall unacr the bau of 
 
 I both. Doubtless the public, both at the North 
 and South, will by-and-by get to understand the 
 ' truth of the case, and be *ble to trace the 
 I boundary line of Colonization just where its de- 
 clared principles and objects necessarily define ' 
 it. It is enough for Colonization that it is doing 
 the work assigned and accredited to it in these 
 pages, and that it is equally innocent of the 
 charges brought against it by the Abolition of the 
 North (which we have before demonstrated) and 
 by the slaveholding interests of the South. 
 
 It shfuld not be forgotten by those who take 
 an interest in the commonwealth of Liberia, that 
 lyceums, academies, colleges, and libraries are to 
 be founded, endowed, built, and furnished. Are 
 there not some among our wealthy citizens, who 
 \i'ould feel a satisfaction and a pride in having 
 their names inscribed on the face of such institu- 
 tions as founders and benefactors ? Are there 
 none among us, whose hearts will incline them to 
 any other acts of beneficence, in some specific 
 channels, and towards specific objects, of their 
 own choice ? Shall we not, as a Christian people, 
 having undertaken so great and so good a work, 
 ;:nd carried it on to such hopefulness as now 
 dawns upon its prospects, convfiice^thaf interest- 
 ing; people, by the constant and inPi'easirg flow 
 mI' ,,111- bounty towards them, that they live in our 
 :)!icciiuns, in our sympathies, and in our prayers 
 l';>r their welfare, and thus bind them to us and 
 ourselves to them by ties never to be dissolved .' 
 
 " A Concise HisToitT of the Commence- 
 inent, Progress, and Present Cu:dition of the 
 American Colonics in Liberia, by Samuel Wil* 
 I keson," General Agent of the socieiy, has just 
 lieen published, which is a comprehensive st-ite- 
 ment of all the important facts, appertaining; to 
 this subject, down to the beginning of 1839. 
 Trice twenty-five cents. It is exceedingly de- 
 sirable and necessary' to all who would acquaint 
 themselves with tlie details cf this enterprise from 
 the beginning. It is always in the hands of the 
 agents of the society, and at the depositories. 
 
 It is proper to remark, that the author of this 
 pamphlet is a nqfthern man, in no way con- 
 nected with or interested in slavery, and one 
 who, like northern men generally, has always 
 been opposed to slavery. 
 
 THREE QUESTIONS ANSWERED. 
 
 BY MRS. SIGOURNEV. 
 
 Winds ! what have ye gather'd from Afric's strand 
 As ye swept the l)reniiih of that fragrant land 1 
 The breath of the spice-buil— lh« rich perfume 
 Of balm, and of gum, and of flowerets' bloom ? 
 " We have gallier'd na'uglit but the heathen's prayer, 
 And the hopeless sigh of the heart's despair." 
 Waves '. what have ye heard on that ancient coast. 
 Where Egypt the niiglit of her fame did boast? 
 Wliere the statue of Memiion saluted the morn, 
 Ai:d the pyramids lower in their gi.iril scorn ! 
 "We have heard the curse of the slave-ship'* 
 
 crew. 
 And the shriek of the chain'd, as the shores with- 
 drew." 
 Stars; wlmt have ye seen with the glancing eye, 
 Fr.piM your burning lliroiies In the sapphire sky 1 
 " \Vi' havL' iir.irk'il a gem, as it brightly glow'd 
 On .\lVii"s Iprcast, wlieiice the blood-drop tlow'd; 
 Pure liglit it slieil on the dreary sod, 
 J, ike Ihe iDyslic-eioiius of the prieet of God ; 
 And we cliiuited that hymn which we sang at first, 
 When the sun from the midnight of chaos burst." 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS