ETHIOPIA: 
 
 HER GLOOM AND GLORY, 
 
 AS ILLUSTRATED IN THE HISTORY OF THE 
 
 SLAVE TRADE AND SLAVERY, 
 
 RISE OF THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA, 
 
 PROGRESS OF AFRICAN MISSIONS, 
 
 By DAVID CHRISTY, 
 
 AUTHOR OF "COTTON IS KINO," ETC., ETC. 
 
 itjr o ltttrff&tttti0tt.- 
 
 
 mu 
 
 By W. P. STRICKLAND, D.D., 
 
 AGENT OP THE OHIO STATE COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 CINCINNATI: 
 
 RICKEY, MALLORY & WEBB. 
 
 1857. 
 
ET4 
 
 ■ C6~ 
 
 RECOMMENDATION. 
 
 At a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Ohio State Colonization 
 Society, held June 29, 1855, it was, on motion of the Rev. Charles Elliott, 
 D.D., unanimously 
 
 "Resolved, That the Board approve of, and recommend the publication of 
 Prof. Christy's Lectures on Colonization in book form, for general circulation." 
 Attest: W. P. STRICKLAND, 
 
 General Agent and Cor. Secretary. 
 
 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S57, by 
 
 RICKEY, MALLORY & WEBB, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of Ohio. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Introduction . 
 
 PART FIRST. 
 
 The Slave Trade — Emancipation of Slaves in the United States — Coloni- 
 zation — Influence of Climate on Colored Men — Foreign Emigration — 
 Influence of Slavery, and Foreign Emigration — Free Colored Emigra- 
 tion into Ohio — Necessity of Colonization — Practicability of — Influence 
 of Colonization on the Native Africans — On the Missionary Enter- 
 prize — Relations of England to Liberia 58 
 
 PART SECOND. 
 
 Social and Moral Condition of Africa — Human Sacrifices — Idolatry — 
 Devil Worship — "Witchcraft — Polygamy — Slavery in Africa — Tyranny, 
 Cruelties and Wars — Cannibalism — The Slave Trade — Origin of — 
 Slaves in a Barracoon — The Middle Passage — The Slaver Pons — Re- 
 lations of American Slavery to African Colonization — Religious Views 
 of the Pilgrims — Condition of Slaves in the United States — In Ja- 
 maica — Cuba — Brazil — Mexico — Elements of Colonization — Letter from 
 Governor Pinney 109 
 
 PART THIRD. 
 
 Free Labor in Tropical and Semi-Tropical Countries — Consumption of 
 Slave Labor Products by England, France and the United States — 
 Causes operating to perpetuate Slavery — The Competition of Free with 
 Slave Labor — Africa the Field of such Competition — African Civiliza- 
 tion — Colonization in Liberia — Hope for Africa and the African Race . 179 
 
 PART FOURTH. 
 
 Importance of Reviewing the Past — False Views of Abolitionists— The 
 Anti-Slavery Policy has retarded the Progress of Emancipation — The 
 Indebtedness of the Christian World to Slave Labor — The Consump- 
 tion of Slave Labor Products — Their Influence upon the Commerce of 
 the World — Increased Exportation of Slaves from Africa — West India 
 Free Labor — Suppression of Slave Trade in Brazil — Abolition of the 
 Slave Trade on the Western Coast of Africa — Employments of Libe- 
 rian Citizens— Free Colored Population in the United States— How 
 they supported Slavery— What shall be done— Practical Tendency of 
 Colonization- Horrors of the Slave Trade— The Destiny of Africa in 
 the Hands of the African Race— Note 195 
 
 3 
 
iv CONTENTS. 
 
 PART FIFTH. 
 
 Missions in Africa— Rev. Samuel J. Mills— First Emigration to Africa- 
 Rates of Increase in Emigration — Missions of the Methodist E. Church 
 in Liberia — Appropriations — Progress of— Official Visit of Bishop 
 Scott — American Baptist Missionary Union — Rev. Lot Carey and Collin 
 Tea^e, (colored men) — Labors of the Mission — Mr. Carey elected Vice 
 Agent'of the Colony — His Death — Reinforcement of the Mission — Pro- 
 gress of — The Foreign Missionary Board of the Southern Baptist 
 Convention — Its Operations — Number of Stations, Missionaries — 
 Schools— Communicants— Central Africa— The Presbyterian Board of 
 Missions— Rev. J. B. Pinney — Encouraging Prospects— Alexander 
 Hi^h School — The Mission of the American Protestant Episcopal 
 Church — Bishop Payne — Missionaries — Schools — The Gospel preached 
 to the whole Guebo Tribe, numbering 25,000— Maryland in Liberia— 
 The American Christian Missionary Society— The Missionary a Col- 
 ored Man — Progress — The Associate Reformed Synod of the South- 
 Preparations for Establishing a Mission — Progress — Influence of Mis- 
 sions on Native Tribes— Missions in the English Colonies of Recap- 
 tured Africans — Missions among the Native Tribes beyond the Influ- 
 ence and Protection of the Colonies — Colonies of White Men in South 
 Africa — Conclusion— Appendix — Opposition to Colonization 249 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 That slavery has existed in all ages since the flood, is an unquestioned 
 fact. That it has formed a part of the civil as well as ecclesiastical polity 
 of the most powerful and influential empires of the world, Assyrian, 
 Egyptian, Grecian, Roman, and European, is equally an established fact. 
 And while it has existed in all ages, and among all nations, it has also 
 been associated with all religions, and been the subject of legislative 
 enactments in all countries. We find slavery intimately interwoven with 
 the rites and ceremonies of Paganism, Judaism, and Christianity ; and 
 whatever its origin, whether divine, human, or demonic, this dark feature 
 in the constitution of nations, governments, and churches, has always 
 existed, while every effort to erase it has only deepened the line of its 
 deformity. 
 
 It has been a subject of greater elaboration and controversy than any 
 other which has agitated the public mind. It has been the theme of the 
 pen, the press, the pulpit, the platform, the. ecclesiastical convention, the 
 halls of legislation, the cabinets of kings, emperors, and autocrats. The 
 scholar, the divine, the jurist, the politician, and statesman, have alike 
 been employed in laboring to solve this problem of evil ; and so difficult 
 has been its solution, that after the lapse of centuries, it remains as dark 
 and enigmatical as ever. 
 
 Africa, more than any other country in the world, has been the great 
 mother who has furnished more of her hapless sons for the chains and 
 degradation of slavery, than any other country on the globe ; and the 
 slavery which has existed there, from time almost immemorial, exists in 
 all its odious features to the present day. It may be asked, how shall 
 this dark continent be approached, and what policy shall the friends of 
 humanity adopt to elevate and save its down-trodden millions ? Will the 
 Mahommedanism of the North, which is winning its way southward, and 
 infusing itself among the masses of Central Africa, so as in some degree 
 to modify their barbarism, prepare the primitive tribes for the reception 
 of a civilization and faith which are as true as they are divine ? Will the 
 Republic of Liberia, extending along the western coast, as a fringe, 
 spread its fibers into the interior, and, like veins of life-giving blood, pour 
 new currents into the heart of the great mummy ? Is there hope for a 
 nation which, in the lapse of three thousand years, has scarcely moved its 
 hand or turned in its sleep ? Will Ethiopia ever awake and stretch out 
 her hands to God? Can it be that the identical types of race, servitude, 
 occupation, and character, that now exist in Africa, may be found 
 engraven on the monuments of Babylon and Thebes four thousand years 
 ago, and yet that we may look for the redemption of such a people ? 
 
 The present work of Prof. Christy is designed to throw light on these 
 difficult and mysterious subjects, so far, at least, as they stand connected 
 with the perpetuation of the evils of African slavery, and presents, in our 
 opinion, the only plan suggested by Providence, as indicated in the signs 
 of the times, fiir the suppression and final extirpation of this great evil., 
 The crmdid reader will find, in these page*, such reliable information as 
 
 (5) 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 •will guide him in his researches into the condition and prospects of the 
 enslaved of Africa, as exhibited in this country particularly ; -while the 
 statesman, politician, moralist, and Christian, will see the importance of 
 adopting a different line of policy from that species of moral and legal 
 suasion which has hitherto characterized the movements of those who 
 have professed to be the only friends of the slave. 
 
 We believe it is now conceded by all sober and intelligent minds, that 
 if ever Africa is redeemed and her enormous system of slavery, embracing 
 nine-tenths of her entire population, is broken up, it must be by the co- 
 operation of agencies now so auspiciously begun— through means of 
 Colonization upon her own soil. The abolition of the African slave 
 trade, and the destruction of the factories engaged in that traffic, along 
 the line of coast embraced in the Republic of Liberia, has established the 
 fact, that just so far as that Republic shall be able to extend its bounda- 
 ries, by the annexation of territory, so will the infernal system be crip- 
 pled, and eventually destroyed. 
 
 Seven years ago, Prof. Christy, with a view of forming an additional 
 State, to be connected with the Republic of Liberia, for the purpose of 
 furnishing a home for the colored people of Ohio, proposed the subject to 
 some friends of Colonization in the State, and Mr. Charles McMickex, 
 of Cincinnati, Ohio, with a generosity worthy of so high and benevolent 
 an object, gave $5,000 00. Mr. Solomon Sturges, of Putnam, Ohio, also 
 £ave $1,000 00. To these sums was added a generous donation of 
 $5,000 00, from Mr. Gurnet, of London ; and the territory northwest of 
 Liberia, including the Gallinas, known to be the most active seat of the 
 traffic in slaves, was purchased and forever consecrated to freedom, while 
 the chains were stricken from more than 70,000 slaves. Such was the 
 state of the slave trade, and the wars growing out of it, in this section of 
 country, that the missions established there could not prosper, and all 
 hope was about to be cast off in regard to their success ; but now, that 
 the government of Liberia has been extended over the whole territory, 
 as far as the line of Sierra Leone, the missions are protected and prosper. 
 Thus we have an Ohio in Africa, in a healthy and fertile region, where 
 we hope many of our colored friends will find a home in the enjoyment 
 of all the rights, privileges and benefits of manhood. 
 
 As the author wrote the first part of this work in 1849, the numbers 
 and position of the free colored people are presented as in the census of 
 1840. No material change in the tendencies of the state of things 
 described has occurred since, except that the census of 1850 shows the 
 ratio of their increase to be much lower than that upon which the esti- 
 mates are based, and more unfavorable to that class of our population. 
 Another variation in the results is found in the fact, that Indiana, as a 
 consequence of her recent laws in regard to the colored people, had 
 diminished her free colored population, in 1850, over two thousand, in- 
 stead of having the number increased twofold, as had occurred in every 
 preceding decade. The same result has followed the legislation of 
 Illinois, while in all the other States, there has been but little change. 
 The number assigned to Louisiana, in 1840, was too great, as appears 
 fn>m the census of 1850. 
 
 These explanatory remarks become necessary in an introduction to the 
 following work, as 'the farts were communicated by the author to the 
 
 {, islature of Ohio, at two several sessions, with a view to obtain that 
 
 assistance which had been granted by other States to further the objects 
 of Colonization, and they were also communicated to the Constitutional 
 Convention of this State. W. P. STRICKLAND. 
 
 Cincinnati, O., July, 1855. 
 
PART FIRST. 
 
 Ever since the fall of man, and his expulsion from that Eden of 
 bliss, assigned him in his state of innocence, a warfare has been 
 waged between good and evil. The conflict has been varied in its 
 results, sometimes good and at others evil having the ascendency. 
 But why is it that an all-wise, all-powerful, omniscient and infinitely 
 benevolent Being should have permitted the introduction of moral 
 evil into the world, and in his providence allow its continuance, we 
 cannot determine, nor shall we wait to inquire. 
 
 We believe that errors of judgment and opinion, and all evil 
 actions, and every form of wickedness and injustice in the world, 
 have their origin in the moral depravation of man's nature, and that 
 the contest between good and evil will necessarily continue until 
 there shall be a moral renovation of his heart. This moral deprav- 
 ation of man's nature being general, its effects are universal, and the 
 whole world has been but a theater upon which continued develop- 
 ments of its workings have been exhibited. 
 
 We believe that God has made provision for man's moral redemp- 
 tion, — for creating in him a new heart and renewing a right spirit 
 within him — and that the Gospel is the ordinary medium through 
 which this blessing flows to mankind. And believing this, we have 
 full confidence in the success of all enterprises for the amelioration 
 of the condition of mankind, which embrace the Christian religion 
 as the basis of their operations. 
 
 The history of African slavery forms one of the darkest pages in 
 the catalogue of woes introduced into the world by human depravity. 
 It originated in the islands connected with this continent, in an error 
 of judgment, but, strange to say, from motives of benevolence, and has 
 been productive of an accumulation of human suffering which affords 
 a most painful illustration of the want of foresight in man, and the 
 immensity of the evils which misguided philanthropy may inflict 
 upon our race. 
 
 In attempting to bring up in review this enormous evil in its origin 
 and various aspects, as connected with colonization, the subject 
 naturally divides itself into the following heads : 
 
 (7) 
 
8 The Slave Trade. 
 
 I. The origin of the slave trade, with the efforts made for its 
 
 suppression. 
 
 II. The measures adopted at an early day for the emancipation of 
 
 the slaves introduced into the United States, with the results. 
 
 III. The provision to be made for the people of color when liber- 
 ated. 
 
 IV. The practicability of colonizing the free colored people of the 
 United States. 
 
 V. The effects of colonization on the native Africans, and upon 
 
 the missionary efforts in Africa. 
 
 VI. The certainty of success of the colonization scheme, and of 
 the perpetuity of the Republic of Liberia. 
 
 I. A Portuguese exploring expedition was in progress, in 1434, 
 along the west coast of Africa, having in view the double object of 
 conquering the Infidels and finding a passage by sea to India. Under 
 the sanction of a bull of Pope Martin V., they had granted to them 
 the right to all the territories they might discover, and a plenary 
 indulgence to the souls of all who might perish in the enterprise, and 
 in recovering those regions to Christ and his church. Anthony 
 Gonzales, an officer of this expedition, received at Rio del Oro, on 
 the coast of Africa, in 1442, ten negro slaves and some gold dust in 
 exchange for several Moorish captives, which he held in custody. 
 On his return to Lisbon, the avarice of his countrymen was awakened 
 by his success, and in a few years thirty ships were fitted out in 
 pursuit of this gainful traffic. These incipient steps in the slave 
 trade having been taken, it was continued by private adventurers until 
 1481 when the King of Portugal took the title of Lord of Guinea, 
 and erected many forts on the African coast to protect himself in this 
 iniquitous war upon human rights. 
 
 Soon after the settlement of the first colony in St. Domingo, in 
 1493, the licentiousness, rapacity and insolence of the Spaniards 
 exasperated the native Indians, and a war breaking out between them, 
 the latter were subdued and reduced to slavery. But as the avarice 
 of the Spaniards was too rapacious and impatient to try any method 
 of acquiring wealth but that of searching for gold, this servitude soon 
 became as grievous as it was unjust. The Indians were driven in 
 crowds to the mountains, and compelled to work in the mines by 
 masters who imposed their tasks without mercy or discretion. Labor 
 so disproporlioned to their strength and former habits of life wasted 
 that feeble race so rapidly, that in fifteen years their numbers were 
 reduced, by the original war and subsequent slavery, from a million 
 to sixty thousand. 
 
 This enormous injustice awakened the sympathies of benevolent 
 hearts, and great efforts were made by the Dominican missionaries to 
 rescue the Indians from such cruel oppression. At Length Las Casas 
 espoused their cause; but his eloquence ami all his efforts, both ill the 
 Island and in Spain, were unavailing. The impossibility, as it was 
 supposed, of carrying on any improvements in America, and securing 
 
The Slave Trade. 9 
 
 to the crown of Spain the expected annual revenue of gold, unless 
 the Spaniards could command the labor of the natives, was an in- 
 superable objection to his plan of treating them as free subjects. 
 
 To remove this obstacle, without which it was in vain to mention 
 his scheme, Las Oasas proposed to purchase a sufficient number of 
 Negroes, from the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Africa, to 
 be employed as substitutes for the Indians. Unfortunately for the 
 children of Africa, this plan of Las Casas was adopted. As early as 
 1503, a few Negro slaves had been sent into St. Domingo, and in 
 1511, Ferdinand had permitted them to be imported in great numbers. 
 The labor of one African was found to be equal to that of four 
 Indians. But Cardinal Ximenes, acting as Regent from the death of 
 Ferdinand to the accession of Charles, peremptorily refused to allow 
 of their further introduction. Charles, however, on arriving in Spain, 
 granted the prayer of Las Casas, and bestowed upon one of his 
 Flemish friends the monopoly of supplying die colonies with slaves. 
 This favorite sold his right to some Genoese merchants, 1518, and 
 they brought the traffic in slaves, between Africa and America, into 
 that regular form which lias been continued to the present time. 
 
 Thus, through motives of benevolence toward the poor oppressed 
 native Indians of St. Domingo, did the mistaken philanthropy of a 
 good man, co-operating with the avarice of the Christian world, entail 
 perpetual chains and inflict unutterable woes upon the sons of Africa. 
 
 This new market for slaves having been thus created, the nations 
 of Europe were soon found treating with each other for die extension 
 of the slave trade. 'The Genoese,' as already stated, 'had, at first, 
 the monopoly of this new branch of commerce. The French next 
 obtained it, and kept it until it yielded them, according to Spanish 
 official accounts, the sum of $204,000,000. In 1713 the English 
 secured it for thirty years.' But Spain, in 1739, purchased the 
 British right for the remaining four years, by the payment of $500,000. 
 The Dutch also participated to some extent in the traffic. 
 
 The North American Colonies did not long escape the introduction 
 of this curse. As early as 1020, slaves were introduced by a Dutch 
 vessel, which sailed up the James river, and sold her cargo. From 
 that period a few slaves were introduced into North America from 
 year to year, until the beginning of the 18th century, when Great 
 Britain, having secured the monopoly of the slave trade, as before 
 mentioned, prosecuted it with great activity, and made her own 
 Colonies the principal mart for the victims of her avarice. But her 
 North American Colonies made a vigorous opposition to their intro- 
 duction. The mother country, however, finding her commercial 
 interests greatly advanced by this traffic, refused to listen to their 
 remonstrances, or to sanction their legislative prohibitions. 
 
 But in addition to the commercial motive which controlled the 
 actions of England, another, still more potent, was disclosed in the 
 declaration of the Earl of Dartmouth, in 1777, when he declared, as 
 a reason for forcing the Africans upon the Colonies, that " Negroes 
 cannot become Republicans : — they will be a power in our hands to 
 
10 The Slave Trade. 
 
 restrain the unruly Colonists." The success which a kind provi- 
 dence granted to the arms of the Colonists, in their struggle for 
 independence, however, soon enabled them to control this evil, and 
 ultimately to expel it from our coasts. 
 
 In consequence of citizens of the Colonies being involved in the 
 traffic, in the adoption of the Constitution the period for the termina- 
 tion of the slave trade was prolonged until January, 1808. But 
 Congress, in anticipation, passed a law, on March 3d, 1807, prohibit- 
 ino- the fitting out of any vessels for the slave trade after that date, 
 and forbidding the importation of any slaves after January, 1808, 
 under the penalty of imprisonment from five to ten years, a fine of 
 $20,000, and the forfeiture of the vessels employed therein. This 
 act also authorized the President of the United States to employ 
 armed vessels to cruise on the coasts of Africa and the United States 
 to prevent infractions of the law. 
 
 On the 3d of March, 1819, another act was passed, re-affirming 
 the former act, and authorizing the President to make provision for 
 the safe-keeping and support of all recaptured Africans, and for their 
 return to Africa. This movement was prompted by the exertions of 
 the American Colonization Society, which had been organized on 
 the first of January, 1817, and embraced among its members many 
 of the most influential men in the nation. 
 
 On the first of March, preceding the passage of this act, a 
 gentleman from Virginia offered a resolution in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, which was passed without a division, declaring that every 
 person who should import any slave, or purchase one so imported, 
 should be punished with death. The incident reveals to us, in a 
 very unequivocal manner, the state of public sentiment at that time. 
 In the following year, 1820, Congress gave the crowning act to her 
 legislation upon this subject, by the passage of the law declaring the 
 slave trade piracy. This decisive measure, the first of the kind 
 among nations, and which stamped the slave trade with deserved 
 infamy, it should be remembered, was recommended by a committee 
 of the House in a Report founded on a memorial of the Colonization 
 Society. Thus terminated the legislative measures adopted by our 
 Government for the suppression of the slave trade. 
 
 We shall now turn to Great Britain, the most extensive participator 
 in this iniquitous traffic, and ascertain the success of the measures 
 adopted for its suppression in that direction. 
 
 Through the efforts of Wilberforce and his co-adjutors, the British 
 Parliament passed an act in 1800, which was to take effect in 1808, 
 by which the slave trade was forever prohibited to her West India 
 Colonies. But the want of wisdom and foresight involved in the 
 measures adopted to accomplish this great work, soon became mani- 
 fest. Had Great Britain prevailed upon or compelled Portugal and 
 Spain to unite with her, the annihilation of the slave trade might 
 have been effected. The traffic being abandoned by England, and 
 left free to all Others, was continued under the (lags of Portugal and 
 Spain, and their tropical colonies soon received such large accessions 
 
The Sluvc Trade. 11 
 
 of slaves, as to enable them to begin to rival Great Britain in the 
 supply or tropical products to the markets of the world. 
 
 But the philanthropic Wilberforce persevered in his efforts, and, 
 after a struggle of thirty years, succeeded in procuring the passage of 
 the Act of- Parliament, in 1824, declaring the slave trade piracy. 
 This was four years after the passage of the Act of our Congress 
 which declared it piracy, and subjected those engaged therein to the 
 penalty of deatb. 
 
 This decisive action of the two Governments was hailed with joy 
 by the philanthropists of the world, and their efforts were now put 
 forth to influence all the other Christian powers to unite in the sup- 
 pression of this horrible traffic. Their exertions were ultimately 
 crowned with success, and their joy was unbounded. England, 
 France, the United States, and the other Christian powers, not only 
 declared it piracy, but agreed to employ an armed force for its sup- 
 pression. This engagement, however, was not carried out by all of 
 the Governments who had assented to the proposition; yet, still, the 
 hope was confidently entertained that the day for the destruction of 
 the slave trade had come, and that this reproach of Christian nations 
 would be blotted out for ever. 
 
 But, alas, how short-sighted is man, and how futile, often, his 
 greatest efforts to do good. The vanity of human wisdom and the 
 utter imbecility of human legislation, in the removal of moral evil, 
 was never more signally shown than in this grand struggle for die 
 suppression of the slave trade. Instead of having been checked and 
 suppressed, and the demons in human form who carried it on having 
 been deterred from continuing the traffic by the dread penalty of death, 
 as was confidently anticipated, it has gone on increasing in extent and 
 with an accumulation of horrors that surpass belief. A glance at its 
 history proves this but too fully, and shows that the warfare between 
 good and evil is one of no ordinary magnitude. 
 
 Edwards, the historian of the West Indies, states, that the import- 
 ation of slaves from Africa, in British vessels, from 1680 to 1780, 
 averaged 20,000 annually. In 1792, Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt both 
 agreed in estimating the numbers torn from Africa at 80,000 per 
 annum. From 1798 to 1810, recent English Parliamentary docu- 
 ments show the numbers exported from Africa to have averaged 85, 
 000 per annum, and the mortality during the voyage to have been 
 14 per cent. From 1810 to 1815 the same documents present an 
 average of 93,000 per annum, and the loss during- the middle passage 
 to have equalled that of the preceding period. From 1815 to 1819 
 the export of slaves had increased to 106,000 annually, and the 
 mortality during the voyage to 25 per cent. 
 
 Here, then, is brought to view the extent of the evil which called 
 for such energetic action, and which, it was hoped, could be easily 
 crushed by legislation. Let us now look forward to the results. 
 
 While the slave trade was sanctioned by law, its extent could be as 
 easily ascertained as that of any other branch of commerce; but after 
 that period, the estimates of its extent are only approximations. 
 
12 The Slave Trade 
 
 The late Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton devoted himself with un 
 wearied industry to the investigation of the extent and enormities of the 
 foreign slave trade. His labors extended through many years, and 
 the results, as published in 1840, sent a thrill of horror throughout 
 the Christian world. He proved, conclusively, that the victims to 
 the slave trade, in Africa, amounted annually to 500,000. This 
 included the numbers who perish in the seizure of the victims, in the 
 wars of the natives upon each other, and the deaths during their 
 march to the coast and the detention there before embarkation. This 
 loss he estimates at one half, or 500 out of every 1000. The destruc- 
 tion of life during the middle passage he estimates at 25 percent., or 
 125 out of the remaining 500 of the original thousand. The molal- 
 ity after landing and in seasoning he shows is 20 per cent, or one-fifth 
 of the 375 survivors. Thus he. proves that the number of lives 
 sacrificed by the system, bears to the number of slaves available to 
 the planter, the proportion of seven to three — that is to say, for every 
 300 slaves landed and sold in the market, 700 have fallen victims to 
 the deprivations and cruelties connected with the traffic. 
 
 The parliamentary documents above referred to vary but little from 
 the estimates of Mr. Buxton, excepting that they do not compute the 
 number of victims destroyed in Africa in their seizure and transporta- 
 tion to the coast. The following table, extracted from these docu- 
 ments, presents the average number of slaves exported from Africa to 
 America, and sold chiefly in Brazil and Cuba, with the per cent 
 amount of loss in the periods designated. 
 
 ,, Annual average Av'ge casualties of voyage, 
 
 number exported. Per Ct. Amount. 
 
 1798 to 1805 85,000 14 12,000 
 
 1805 to 1810 85,000 14 12,000 
 
 1810 to 1815 93,000 14 13,000 
 
 1815 to 1817 106,000 25 26,600 
 
 1817 to 1819 106,000 25 26,600 
 
 1819 to 1825 103,000 25 25,800 
 
 1825 to 1830 125,000 25 31,000 
 
 1830 to 1835 78,500 25 19,600 
 
 1835 to 1840 135,800 25 33,900 
 
 This enormous increase of the slave trade, it must be remembered, 
 had taken place during the period of vigorous efforts for its suppres- 
 sion. England, alone, according to McQueen, had expended for this 
 object, up to 1842, in the employment of a naval force on the coasl of 
 Africa, the sum of $88,888,888, and he estimated the annual expen- 
 diture at that time at $2,500,000. But it has been increased since 
 that period to $3,000,000 a year, making the total expenditure of 
 Great Britain, for the suppression of the slave trade, at the close of 
 18 18, more than one hundred millions of dollars! France and the 
 United States have also expended a large amount for this object. 
 
 The disclosures of Mr. Buxton produced a profound sensation 
 throughout England, and the conviction was forced upon the public 
 mind, and "upon Her Majesty's confidential advisers," thai the 
 
The Slave Trade. 16 
 
 slave trade could not be suppressed by physical force, and that it 
 was " indispensable to enter upon some new preventive system 
 calculated to arrest the foreign slave trade." 
 
 The remedy proposed and attempted to be carried out, was " the 
 deliverance of Africa by calling forth her own resources." 
 
 To accomplish this great work, the capitalists of England were to 
 set on foot agricultural companies, who, under the protection of the 
 Government, should obtain lands by treaty with the natives, and 
 employ them in its tillage, — to send out trading ships and oprn 
 factories at the most commanding positions, — to increase and con- 
 centrate the English naval force on the coast, and to make treaties 
 witli the chiefs of the coast, the rivers and the interior. These 
 measures adopted, the companies formed were to call to their aid 
 a race of teachers of African blood, from Sierra Leone and the West 
 Indies, who should labor with the whites in diffusing intelligence, in 
 imparting religious instruction, in teaching agriculture, in establishing 
 and encouraging legitimate commerce, and in impeding and suppress- 
 ing the slave trade. In conformity with these views and aims, the 
 African Civilization Society was formed, and the Government fitted 
 out three large iron steamers, at an expense of $300,000, for the use 
 of the company. 
 
 Mr. McQueen, who had for more than twenty years devoted him- 
 self to the consideration of Africa's redemption and Britain's glory, 
 and who had become the most perfect master of African geography 
 and African resources, also appealed to the Government, and urged 
 the adoption of measures for making all Africa a dependency of 
 the British Empire. Speaking of what England had already accom- 
 plished, and of what she could yet achieve, he exclaims : 
 
 "Unfold the map of the world: We command the Ganges. 
 Fortified at Bombay, the Indus is our own. Possessed of the islands 
 in the mouth of the Persian Gulf, we command the outlets of Persia 
 and the mouths of the Euphrates, and consequently of countries the 
 cradle of the human race. We command at the Cape of Good 
 Hope. Gibraltar and Malta belonging to us, we control the Mediter- 
 ranean. Let us plant the British standard on the island of Socatora 
 — upon the island of Fernando Po, and inland upon the banks of the 
 Niger; and then we may say Asia and Africa, for all their productions 
 and all their wants, are under our control. It is in our power. 
 Nothing can prevent us." 
 
 But Providence rebuked this proud boast. The African Civilization 
 Society commenced its labors under circumstances the most favorable 
 for success. Its list of members embraced many of the noblest 
 names of the kingdom. Men of science and intelligence embarked 
 in it, and, when the expedition set sail, a shout of joy arose and a 
 prayer for success ascended from ten thousand philanthropic English 
 voices. 
 
 But this magnificent scheme, fraught with untold blessings to Africa, 
 and destined, it was believed, not only to regenerate her speedily, 
 but to produce a revenue of unnumbered millions of dollars to the 
 
l± The Slave Trade. 
 
 stockholders, proved an utter failure. The African climate, that 
 deadly foe to the white man, blighted the enterprise. In a few 
 months, disease and death had so far reduced the numbers of the 
 men connected with the expedition, that the enterprise was abandon- 
 ed, and the only evidence of its ever having ascended the Niger 
 exists in its model farm left in the care of a Liberian. 
 
 This result, however, had been anticipated by many of the judicious 
 Eno-lishmen who had not suffered their enthusiasm to overcome their 
 judgments, but who had opposed it as wild and visionary in the 
 extreme, on account of the known fatality of the climate to white 
 
 men 
 
 Thus did the last direct effort of England for the redemption of 
 Africa prove abortive. The slave trade has still been prosecuted 
 with little abatement, and for the last few years with an alarming 
 increase. The statistics in the parliamentary report, before quoted, 
 and from which we have extracted the table exhibiting the extent of 
 the slave trade between Africa and America, down to 1839, also 
 present the following table, including the numbers exported from 
 Africa to America, from 1840 to 1847 inclusive, with the per cent, ot 
 loss in the middle passage and the amount.* It is as follows : 
 
 Years. Numbers. Loss. 
 
 Per Ct. Amount. 
 
 1840 64,114 25 16,068 
 
 1841 45,097 25 11,274 
 
 1842 28,400 25 7,100 
 
 1843 55,062 25 13.765 
 
 1844 54,102 25 13,525 
 
 1845 36,758 25 9,189 
 
 1846 76,117 25 19,029 
 
 1847 84,356 25 21,089 
 
 Here, then, we have the melancholy truth forced upon us, that the 
 slave trade was carried on as actively in 1847 as from 1798 to 1810; 
 while the destruction of life during the middle passage has been 
 increased from 14 percent, to 25; and that while the vigorous moans 
 used to suppress the traffic, during these fifty years, have failed of 
 this end, they have greatly aggravated its horrors. 
 
 And such was the conviction of the total inadequacy of the means 
 which had been employed by the British Government to check or 
 suppress the evil, that the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society 
 at the close of the year 1847, after declaring that the slave trade was 
 then more actively and systematically prosecuted than for many 
 years, and that its horrors had been greatly increased, urged upon the 
 Government, from motives of humanity, the suspension of all 
 physic-al force, and the repeal of all laws indicting penalties upon 
 
 • There is some discrepancy in the authorities from which we quote the figures. 
 We have not had access to the original document One of our authorities gives 
 the whole number of those exports from Africa to Brazil, and a proportional number 
 
 to Culm. This would greatly increase all our estimates hased upon the li-ure» 
 of this tahle. 
 
The Slave Trade. 15 
 
 those engaged in the traffic. It was proved that the slave traders, 
 when closely pursued by vessels of war, often hide the evidences of 
 their guilt, when favored by the darkness of the night, by burying the 
 slaves with which they were freighted in the depths of the ocean; or 
 by persevering in refusing to surrender, force the pursuing vessels 
 to continue firing into them, and thus endanger and destroy the inno- 
 cent victims crowded between the decks of their vessels. It was also 
 urged that the African Civilization Society be revived, but that, instead 
 of white men, the emigrants be taken from the better educated and 
 more enlightened of the West India colored population. By the 
 adoption of this course, and the civilization of the Africans along the 
 coast, they hope to seal the fountain whence the evil flows. 
 
 This brief outline of the slave trade, and of the efforts made by 
 Great Britain for its suppression, and the utter failure of the measures 
 which she had adopted to accomplish that object, prove, conclusively, 
 two points which American philanthropists had lor years urged as 
 settled truths, viz : 
 
 1. That the planting and building vp of Christian Colonies on 
 the coast of Africa, is the only practical remedy for the slave trade. 
 
 2. That colored men only, can with safety, settle upon the 
 dfrican Coast. 
 
 And so fully has the British Government now become convinced 
 ef the truth of these propositions, that Lord Palmerston has not only 
 placed a naval force at the disposal of the President of Liberia for 
 the suppression of the slave trade on territory recently purchased, 
 where the slave traders refused to leave, but has, in connection with 
 others, offered ample pecuniary means to purchase the whole territory 
 between Sierra Leone and Liberia, now infested by those traffickers 
 in human flesh, with the view of annexing it to the little Republic, 
 and thus rescuing it from their hands. 
 
 By this act, Englishmen have acknowledged the superiority of our 
 scheme of African redemption over that of the philanthropists of 
 Britain, and have thus given assurances to the world that their plan 
 of making Africa a dependency of the British Crown has been 
 abandoned, and that a change of policy toward our colony has been 
 adopted. All their own schemes in relation to Africa having failed, 
 they are constrained to acknowledge the wisdom and success of ours, 
 and are the first to avail themselves of the commercial advantages 
 afforded to the world by the creation of the Republic of Liberia. 
 
 But we shall, under another head, revert again to this subject, and 
 present some facts which may serve to explain the course of England 
 in her sudden expression of friendship and sympathy for our Colony. 
 
 II. The efforts made, at an early day, for the emancipation of the 
 slaves in the United States, with the results. 
 
 On this important question there was not the same unanimity of 
 sentiment which had prevailed upon that of the slave trade. The 
 love of ease, the prospect of gain, the fear that so large a body of 
 ignorant men would be dangerous to the public peace, and many 
 
16 Emancipation of Slaves in the United States. 
 
 other considerations, influenced the minds of a large number to 
 oppose the liberation of the slaves. But, notwithstanding this oppo- 
 sition, the work progressed, until Acts of Emancipation were carried 
 through the Legislatures of all the States north ot Delaware, Mary- 
 land and Virginia. Nor was this good work confined to the States 
 vhich were engaged in legislative enactments for emancipation. 1 he 
 alines of humanity which dictated the liberation of the slave in the 
 orthem States, pervaded the minds of good men in the southern 
 
 3tates also. . 
 
 The full extent of the emancipations in the slave States cannot be 
 accurately ascertained. The census tables, however, supply sufficient 
 testimony on this point to enable us to reach a close approximation 
 to the true number which have been liberated since 1790, when the 
 first census of the United States was taken. 
 
 The following table gives the number of free colored people in 
 1790, with the number in all the subsequent periods up to 1840, and 
 the increase in each ten years, together with the increase per 
 cent, per annum. 
 
 I. 
 Table showing the number of the Free colored population of the 
 
 United States. 
 
 1840 
 
 386,235 
 
 60,636 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 1790 
 
 Total number 
 Actual increase 
 Increase per cent, 
 per annum 
 
 |59,466 
 
 1800 I 1810 
 
 108,398486,446 
 48,932] 78,048 
 
 8.22+1 7.20- 
 
 1820 I 1830 
 
 238,197 319,599 
 51,751 81,402 
 
 2.77+ 
 
 3.41 + 
 
 2.08-1- 
 
 In 1790 the feeling in favor of emancipation, it will be seen, had 
 riven us a free colored population of nearly 60,000 persons. V\ hat 
 proportion of these were free-born cannot be determined, but it would 
 probablv not exceed one-half. 
 
 The number of slaves in the free States, in 1790, and the decrease 
 in each period, up to 1840, witli the annual decrease per cent, was 
 
 as follows : 
 
 II. 
 
 Table cvhibiling the number of Slaves in the Free States from 
 
 1790 'to 1840. 
 
 ■\ i: IBS. 
 
 Total number 
 Actual decrease 
 Decrease per cent 
 per annum 
 
 1790 
 
 1(1,21-2 
 
 1800 
 
 35,803 
 4,409 
 
 1.23 + 
 
 1810 
 
 27,181 
 8,622 
 
 3.17 + 
 
 1820' 
 
 18,001 
 
 9,180 
 
 1830 
 
 2,774 
 15,227 
 
 5.04+ 18.88-f 
 
 1840 
 
 761 
 2,010 
 
 26.30+ 
 
 The decrease of the slaves in the free States, after 1790, is not 
 greater than the deaths in a population of such a class of persons. 
 
 "• Bvalawuf Ni'w York 10,000 slaves were emancipated in one daj in l --Minis 
 decreasing the number of slaves, and increasing the free colored, as stated in this 
 
 tabic 
 
Emancipation of Slaves in the United Stales. 17 
 
 Pennsylvania passed her emancipation act in 1780, and the other 
 states soon afterward followed her example, but at what periods wo 
 are not at present informed.* It is probable that the free colored 
 population was not increased by emancipations of the slaves remain- 
 ing in the free states after 1790, because, as before stated, the decrease 
 of these slaves did not exceed the mortality, excepting in 1827, when 
 New York liberated all hers then remaining in bondage. Any in- 
 crease of the free colored population, therefore, over their natural 
 increase will have been produced by emancipations in the slave 
 states. 
 
 The following table, taken in connection with table I, shows, that 
 from 1830 to 1840 the increase of the free colored population was 
 reduced to but a very small fraction over two per cent, per annum. 
 Two per cent, per annum, therefore, may be taken as the ratio of 
 the natural increase of the free colored population. The excess 
 over two percent, must, then, have been derived from emancipations. 
 
 ni. 
 
 Bate per cent, per annum of increase of Population of the United 
 
 States. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Whites. 
 
 Free colored 
 
 Siaves. 
 
 Free colored 
 and Slaves. 
 
 All 
 combined. 
 
 1790 to 1800 
 
 3.56 
 
 8.22 
 
 2.79 
 
 3.22 
 
 3.50 
 
 1800 to 1810 
 
 3.61 
 
 7.20 
 
 3.34t 
 
 3.75 
 
 3.64 
 
 1810 to 1820 
 
 3.43 
 
 2.77 
 
 2.95 
 
 2.93 
 
 3.33 
 
 1820 to 1830 
 
 3.38 
 
 3.41 
 
 3.01 
 
 3.06 
 
 3.32 
 
 1830 to 1840 
 
 3.46 
 
 2.08 
 
 2.32 
 
 2.33 
 
 3.26 
 
 Average 
 
 3.48 
 
 4.73 
 
 2.88 
 
 3.06 
 
 3.41 
 
 Adopting this rule of computation, we find that the emancipations 
 in the slave states, from 1790 to 1830, must have been 131,700. If 
 to this we add one-half of the number who were free in 1790, or 
 30,000, it makes the total emancipations up to 1830 amount to 161, 
 700. The extent of the pecuniary sacrifice made to the cause of 
 emancipation by benevolent men involved in slavery, will be better 
 understood by estimating the number emancipated at $350 each, 
 which gives a product of $56,595,000. This estimated value is low 
 enough. 
 
 To this sum, however, should be added the number of slaves 
 emancipated and sent to Liberia, which, up to 1843, amounted to 
 2,290. If to these are added the emancipated slaves sent out to 
 
 * We find the following statement in relation to the number of slaves in the 
 United States at an earlier period, in the American Almanac. At the time 
 of the Declaration of Independence, in 1776, the whole number of slaves was 
 estimated at 500,000, viz. : 
 
 Massachusetts, 3,000 New Jersey, 
 
 Rhode Island, 4,370 Pennsylvania, 
 
 Connecticut, 5,000 Delaware, 
 
 New Hampshire, 629 Maryland, 80,000 
 
 New York, 15,000 Virginia, 165,000 Total, 
 
 f It should have been stated that Louisiana was admitted between 1800 and 
 1610, bringing in 39,000 Africans. This produced the increase of the ratio for 131 
 
 7,600 N. Carolina, 
 10,000 ' S. Carolina, 
 9,000 Georgia, 
 
 76,000 
 
 110,000 
 
 16,000 
 
 501,539. 
 
18 Emancipation of Slaves in the. United States. 
 
 Africa since that period, the number of which we cannot at present as- 
 ceitain, we shall have more than another million of dollars to add to the 
 above sum, thus making the amount sacrificed to the cause of eman- 
 cipation but little short of fifty '-eight millions of dollars. 
 
 But in granting the slave his freedom, it seemed to be decided by- 
 common consent, that the British statesman was right in asserting 
 that Negroes could not become Republicans. The right of suffrage 
 was not extended to them. The stimulus of entering into competition 
 for the highest posts of honor was not afforded to the man of color to 
 prompt him to great mental effort. Able to find employment only in the 
 more menial occupations, his opportunities for intellectual advancement 
 were poor, and his prospects of moral improvement still more gloomy. 
 These results of emancipation in the northern states were watched 
 with great interest by the philanthropic citizens of the slave states. 
 The liberation of the slaves in the free states had fallen so far short 
 of securing the amount of good anticipated, that the friends of the 
 colored man became less urgent and zealous in their efforts to secure 
 further legislative action, while the opponent of the measure was 
 furnished with a new argument to sustain him in his course of hostil- 
 ity to emancipation, and was soon able to secure the passage of laws 
 for its prohibition, under the specious plea that a large increase of the 
 free colored population by emancipation could not be productive of 
 good either to themselves or to the whites. 
 
 That some powerful cause operated in checking emancipations 
 after 1810, and that it again received a new impulse from 1820 to 
 1830, is undeniable. The number emancipated in the slave states, 
 during the several periods, as is determined by the rule before adopted, 
 was as follows : 
 
 1790 to 1800 emancipations were 37,042 
 1800 to 1810 " " 56,414 
 
 1810 to 1820 " " 14,471 
 
 1820 to 1830 " " 33,772* 
 
 1830 to 1840 " " 000 
 
 From 1790 to 1810 some of the most powerful minds in the 
 nation were directed to the consideration of the enormous evils of 
 slavery, and the effects of their labors are exhibited in the number of 
 emancipations made during that period. The decline of emancipa- 
 tions after 1810, we believe to be due to the cause assigned above — 
 the little benefit, apparently, which had resulted from the liberation 
 of the slaves, and the consequent relaxation of effort by the friends of 
 emancipation. 
 
 The impulse given to emancipation between 1820 and 1830, it is 
 believed, was caused by the favorable influences exerted by the 
 Colonization Society, which enjoyed a great degree of popularity 
 during this period. But from 1830 to 1840, the period when the 
 Society had the fewest friends, the increase of the free colored 
 
 •The 10,000 emancipated in New York being deducted, will leave 23,772 in this 
 period. 
 
Emancipation of Slaves in the United States. 19 
 
 population was reduced to only two per cent, per annum, showing 
 that emancipations must have nearly ceased, or that the deaths among 
 our free colored people are so nearly equal to the hirths, that some 
 decisive measures are demanded, by considerations of humanity, to 
 place them under circumstances more favorable than they at present 
 enjoy. 
 
 It may be well in this place to call attention to the fact, that while 
 the natural increase of our free colored population cannot exceed two 
 per cent, per annum, that of the slaves, notwithstanding the numerous 
 emancipations, has been three per cent, per annum, excepting in the 
 first period, when the disparity in the sexes produced by the slave 
 trade might create a greater mortality than would afterward occur ; 
 and in the last period, between 1830 and 1840, during which the 
 great revulsions in business, producing an immense number of bank- 
 ruptcies in the south, caused thousands of embarrassed debtors to 
 remove their slaves to Texas, beyond the reach of their creditors. 
 The slaves thus removed, not being included in the census of 1840, 
 caused a reduction in the ratio of our slave increase. See table III. 
 
 Thus we find, that in the earlier periods of our history, the 
 promptings of philanthropy and the influence of Christian principle 
 produced a public sentiment which controlled legislation, and broke 
 the chain of the slave. And where legislation failed, it operated with 
 equal power on the hearts of men, and produced the same salutary 
 efl'ects. But while emancipation was found to have produced to the 
 white man the richest fruits, it was observed, with painful feelings, 
 that to the colored man it had been productive of kittle else than the 
 "Apples of Sodom." 
 [/ These results of emancipation led to anxious inquiries in relation 
 to the disposal of the free colored population. It was all-important, 
 in the judgment of the friends of the colored man, that he should be 
 placed under circumstances where the degradation of centuries might 
 be forgotten, and where he might become an honor to his race and a 
 benefactor \o the world. The conviction forced itself upon their 
 minds, that a separate political organization — a Government of 
 his own, where he would be free in fact as well as in name — was 
 the only means by which they could fully discharge the debt due to 
 him, and place him in a position where his prospects of advancement 
 would be based upon a sure foundation. 
 
 These remarks bring us to the consideration of the third branch 
 of our subject. 
 
 III. The provision to be made for the people of color when 
 liberated. 
 
 A separate political organization was decided upon, and Coloniza- 
 tion, at a distant point, beyond the influence of the whites, considered 
 the only means of future security to the colored man. To select the 
 field for the founding of the future African Empire was not such an 
 easy task. The history of the Indian tribes had proved, but to<? 
 forcibly, that an establishment upon the territory of the United States 
 
20 Colonization to Liberia. 
 
 would soon become unsafe, in consequence of the rapid and universal 
 extension of the white population. The unsettled state of the South 
 American Republics was considered as offering still less security. 
 Europe had no room for them, nor desire to possess them. England 
 had already removed those cast upon herself and her Canadian pos- 
 sessions, by the casualties of war, back again to Africa, and founded 
 her Colony of Sierra Leone. The only remaining point was Africa. 
 Its western coast was of most easy access, being but little further from 
 us than Havre or Liverpool. The condition of its native population 
 offered many obstacles to the establishment of a colony. But the 
 inducements to select it as the field of the enterprise in contempla- 
 tion were also many. It was the land of the fathers of those who 
 were to emigrate. It was deeply sunk in both moral and intellectual 
 darkness. The lowest rites of Pagan worship were widely practised. 
 Human sacrifices extensively prevailed, and even cannibalism often 
 added its horrors to fill up the picture of its dismal degradation. 
 And, as though the Spirit of Evil had resolved on concentrating in 
 one point alf the enormities that could be invented by the fiends of 
 the nether pit, the slave trade was added to the catalogue, to stimulate 
 the worst passions of the human heart, and produced developments 
 of wickedness and of cruelty, at the bare recital of which humanity 
 shudders. Except at a few points, no ray of moral light, to guide to 
 a blissful eternity, had yet penetrated the more than midnight moral 
 darkness which had for ages shrouded the land. The deadly influ- 
 ence of the climate, together with the interference of the slave trade, 
 had hitherto defeated the success of missionary effort, and there 
 seemed to be no hope for the moral renovation of Africa but through 
 the agency of men of African blood, whose constitutions could be- 
 come'adapted to the climate, and who could thus gain a foothold upon 
 the continent, repel the slave traders, and introduce civilization and 
 the gospel. 
 
 Here, then was a field for the action of the freed-men of the United 
 States. Here was a theater upon which to exhibit before the world 
 the capacities of the colored race. Here, too, could be solved the 
 problem of the value of the republican form of government. And, 
 above all, here could be fully tested the regenerating, the elevating, 
 and the humanizing power of the gospel of Christ 
 
 In commencing the settlement of a colony of colored persons on 
 the coast of Africa, two objects were to be accomplished: 
 
 I. To improve the condition of the free colored people of the 
 United States. 
 
 'J. To civilize and christianize Africa. 
 
 To these objects the friends of the colored man devoted themselves. 
 The first emigrants were sent out in 1820. The pecuniary means 
 of the society were never very great, and its progress in sending out 
 emigrants and in building up the colony has necessarily been slow. 
 From the first it met with violent opposition from the slave traders on 
 the coasl of Africa, who, by creating the impression upon the minds 
 of the natives that die colonists would prevent their further connection 
 
Colonization to Liberia: 21 
 
 with the slave trade, and thus cut off their chief source of acquiring 
 wealth, inflamed the minds of the chiefs, and prompted them to make 
 war upon the colonists. Soon after the settlement of the colony, the 
 native warriors, one thousand strong, attacked the emigrants, who 
 numbered but thirty-five effective men. But a kind Providence 
 shielded them from the infuriated savages who assailed them, and 
 enabled that handful of men to defeat their foes, in two successive 
 assaults, separated from each other by several weeks of time, and, 
 finally, to establish themselves in peace in all their borders. 
 
 Additional emigrants, from year to year, were sent out. Mission- 
 aries labored, with more or less faithfulness, in establishing schools 
 and in preaching the gospel. The natives, in a few years, became 
 convinced that the colonists were their true friends, and that the 
 adoption of civilized habits would secure to them greater comforts 
 than could be obtained by a continuation of the slave trade. Their 
 children were sent to school with those of the colonists. A moral 
 renovation commenced and progressed until, in the course of twenty- 
 six years from the landing of the first emigrants at Monrovia, the 
 colony attained a condition of strength warranting its erection into an 
 Independent Republic. Accordingly, in July, 1847, its independence 
 Was declared, and a population of 80,000 adopted the constitution and 
 laws, and became members of the Republic. Its newly-elected 
 President, J. J. Roberts, a man of color, in his recent visit to 
 England, France and Germany, was treated with great respect, and 
 found no difficulty in securing the acknowledgment of the indepen- 
 dence of the Republic of Liberia by the two former governments. 
 
 But it may be said, that, after all, but little has been done, compared 
 with the means expended, in this effort to make provision for the 
 free colored people, and for the introduction of a Christian civilization 
 into Africa. A more striking view of the results will be brought out 
 by contrasting the products of the labors of the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society with some of the other efforts which have been made to 
 rescue Africa from the wrongs inflicted upon her. 
 
 England, mighty in power, and possessing the means of executing 
 magnificent enterprises, has expended, as already stated, more than 
 one hundred millions of dollars for the suppression of the slave trade 
 and the civilization of Africa. But her labors and her treasures have 
 been spent in vain. Her gold might better have been sunk in the 
 ocean. The monster, hydra-like, when smitten and one head severed 
 from the body, has constantly reproduced two in its place; and, at 
 this moment, as before shown, it is prosecuted with greater activity 
 than for many years. 
 
 It must be remembered that these efforts of Great Britain have 
 been made during the period of the existence of the American Col- 
 onization Society, and in seeming contempt of its pigmy efforts. For 
 years previous to the independence of Liberia, and while England 
 was aiming at making Africa a dependency of her Crown, she, on 
 several occasions, manifested a disposition to cripple the energies of 
 our colony. And so extensive were the agencies she seems to have 
 
22 Colonization to Liberia. 
 
 employed, that it is now matter of wonder that she had not succeeded 
 in wholly crushing the Colonization enterprise, and securing to herself 
 the control of that richest of all the tropical portions of the world. 
 But all her efforts at checking the progress of this heaven-born enter- 
 prise have been as fruitless as those adopted by her in reference to 
 the slave trade, or for civilizing Africa. The fact stands acknow- 
 ledged before the world, that Great Britain, after the expenditure of 
 more than one hundred millions of dollars, has failed in suppressing the 
 slave trade on one mile of coast beyond the limits of her colonies ; 
 while our colonization efforts have swept it from nearly four hundred 
 miles of coast, where it formerly existed in its chief strength. 
 
 But why is it that there is such a marked indifference in the results? 
 Why is it that the Colonization Society, with a yearly income some- 
 times of only $10,000, and rarely ever reaching $50,000, should have, 
 in twenty -six years, annihilated the slave trade on 400 miles of coast, 
 and secured the blessings of freedom to 80,000 men, formerly slaves, 
 and have succeeded in binding, by treaties, 200,000 more, never again 
 to engage in the traffic in their brethren, — while Great Britain, with 
 all her wealth and power, has accomplished nothing? 
 
 We will not undertake to answer these questions. It cannot 
 always be discerned by men why the Ruler of the Universe often 
 defeats the best devised human schemes, which to them may seem 
 certain of success ; and prospers those which, to human foresight, 
 were the least promising. We need only remind you that Great 
 Britain has relied, almost exclusively, upon the employment of 
 physical force to accomplish her purposes, while the Colonization 
 Society has depended, as exclusively, upon moral means. The 
 agencies it has employed have been the humble mechanic, the hus- 
 bandman, the school-master, the missionary, and the Bible. And, 
 though often thwarted in its purposes by those who felt interested in 
 its overthrow, yet, relying upon moral means, and never resorting to 
 force but in self-defense, it has signally triumphed and put to shame 
 the wisdom of men and the power of kingdoms. Its operations have 
 proved that the schoolmaster, the missionary, and the Bible, possess a 
 moral power infinitely more potent than coronets and crowns. 
 
 These results go very far toward proving the truth of the proposi- 
 tion, announced in the outset, — that the Gospel of Christ is the 
 medium through which God operates in bringing mankind into sub- 
 jection to his will, and that a reliance upon any other means for the 
 moral redemption of the nations of the world, must prove an utter 
 failure. 
 
 In view of all these results, we are fully warranted in maintaining 
 that the Colonization Society, in its measures for benefitting the 
 colored people, has done an incalculable amount of good, and demands 
 our confidence and our support, and that it is justly entitled to the 
 paternity of three measures which have been productive of the great- 
 est good to Africa : 
 
 1. The procuring of the first legal enactments declaring the slave 
 trade piracy. 
 
Influence of Climate on Colored Jfen. 
 
 23 
 
 2. The total extinction of that cruel traffic from near 400 miles of 
 the coast of Africa. 
 
 3. The establishment of an Independent Christian Republic on 
 that continent. 
 
 There is another feature of this question, of the disposal of the 
 free colored population of the United States, which demands attention, 
 and is of the utmost importance in selecting for them a home. The 
 northern latitudes of the United States do not furnish a suitable 
 home for men of African descent. The evidence of the truth of 
 this proposition is furnished by their own movements when left free 
 to act. The census tables supply the testimony upon this subject. 
 
 By referring to table 111, it will be seen that the ratio of the natural 
 increase of the free colored population is two per cent, per annum. 
 The knowledge of this fact furnishes the key to determine the in- 
 crease or decrease, by emigration, in any state or group of states. 
 
 IV. 
 Free colored population in Maine, Neio Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Vermont. 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 1799. 
 13,126 
 
 1800. 
 T7,317 
 
 1810. 
 
 1820. 
 
 1830. 
 217331 
 
 1840. 
 
 Total number 
 
 19,488 
 
 2 1 ,248 
 
 122,634 
 
 Actual increase 
 
 
 4,191 
 
 2,171 
 
 1,760 
 
 83 
 
 1,303 
 
 Increase per cent. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 per annum 
 
 
 3.19 
 
 1.25 
 
 0.90 
 
 0.03 
 
 0.61 
 
 Slaves in do. 
 
 3,886 
 
 1,340 
 
 418 
 
 145 
 
 48 1 23 
 
 In the prosecution of the investigation of the question before us, 
 the effect of climate upon the African constitution, we find that 
 previous to 1790, the desire of the manumitted slave to escape from 
 the scenes of his oppressions had given to the six New England 
 states a free colored population of 13,126. From 1790 to 1800 the 
 census tables show that the line of emigration was still northward, 
 and augmented their ratio of increase more than one-third over the 
 natural rate. But during the next forty years, ending with 1840, 
 their ratio of increase, as shown in table IV, was rapidly dirninisbed, 
 and fell so far below the ratio of their natural increase, that from 1820 
 to 1830, with a free colored population of 21,248, they had an in- 
 crease in these ten years of only eighty-three persons. The aggre- 
 gate for the whole period stands thus: In 1810 they had a free 
 colored population of 19,488, and in 1840 but 22,634, being an in- 
 crease of only 3,146; wbile their natural increase, if retained, would 
 have augmented their numbers to 33,648. This diminution must 
 have been caused by emigration back again toward the south, 
 because we find that New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, had 
 a corresponding increase during this period, with the exception of 
 the last ten yeais, when they also lost a portion of their natural 
 increase. 
 
 But this tendency of colored men to avoid northern latitudes is 
 quite as fully proved by a comparison of the northern parts of New 
 
24 Influence of Climate on Colored Men. 
 
 York, Peni sylvania and Ohio, with their southern portions, as it is 
 exhibited in the case of the New England States, when compared 
 with those further south. Take, for example, a few of the counties 
 in the north-east of Ohio. In 1840, Geauga had only 3 persons of 
 color, Ashtabula 17, Lake 21, Portage 39, Summit 42, Medina 13, 
 Lorain 62, Trumbull 70, and Cuyahoga, including the city of Cleve- 
 land, 121, in all 388. Now look at a few of the counties bordering 
 the slave states and in the more southern part of the state. Belmont, 
 in 1840, had 724, Gallia 799, Highland 786, Brown 614, Ross 1193, 
 Franklin 805, and Hamilton 2546. 
 
 This contrast, which might be extended much further, reveals the 
 fact, that any one of the last named counties, in the southern portion 
 of the state, had nearly double, and several of them more than 
 double the number of colored persons that the whole eight northern 
 counties above named included. 
 
 But to give a more forcible illustration of the truth of our proposi- 
 tion, allow me to extend this contrast between the northern and 
 southern counties of Ohio, so as to include the whole free colored 
 population of the state. By drawing a line east and west across the 
 state, so as to divide its territory into about equal parts, giving an 
 excess of counties, as now divided, to the north, the result is, that in 
 1840, the 38 northern counties, now divided into 42, included only 
 2,360 persons of color, while the 40 counties of the southern half 
 embraced a colored population of 15,000. And if we deduct Stark, 
 Columbiana and Harrison on the east, and Mercer on the west, from 
 the northern counties, they will have left, in the 36 remaining coun- 
 ties, a free colored population of only 1372, or a little more than half 
 the number in Hamilton county. I append the list of all the coun^ 
 ties, that it may be accessible to those who may wish to prosecute 
 this investigation.* 
 
 After making all due allowance for the alledged defect of energy in 
 the colored man, as accounting for his not seeking a residence in the 
 north ; and what has still more influence on his mind — the greater 
 indulgence which he finds from the planter of the south, now settled 
 in our more southern counties, than he does from the northern man 
 who is a stranger to his habits, — there is, we affirm, ample testimony 
 to prove, that t?ie northern latitudes of the United States do not furnish 
 a .suitable climate for men of African blood, and that they are con- 
 gregating as far smith as circumstances will permit. This fact, we 
 insist, proves conclusively the necessity of securing a tropical home 
 for colored men. 
 
 But in addition to all the foregoing details, which prove the inadapt- 
 ation of northern latitudes to the African, we have, very recently, the 
 fact revealed to us in a late census of Upper Canada, that in that 
 province, where we had been a thousand times assured that from 
 20,000 to 25,000 runaway slaves from the United States had found 
 refuge, there were, in 1847, barely 5,571 colored persons in the 
 
 •See Note, page 21. 
 
Influence of Climate on Colored Men. 
 
 25 
 
 colony. In this statement, however, which includes the whole 
 twenty districts, there may be an error in one of them which may 
 vary this result. 
 
 But 1 cannot dismiss this part of our subject without a few remarks. 
 The citizens of our northern counties often charge us, of the south- 
 ern, with being destitute of the ordinary feelings of humanity and 
 benevolence, because we are disposed to discourage the farther immi- 
 gration of colored men into the state, and because we advocate a 
 separation of the races by colonization. And this they do with an 
 apparent seriousness that warrants us in concluding that they believe 
 what they say. Perhaps if we had only three to a county, like old 
 
 The following statement, referred to on the previous page, gives the colored popu- 
 lation of Ohio in the several counties, commencing at the northern and southern 
 extremities, as presented in the census of 1840. 
 
 Hamilton, 2576 
 
 Clermont, 122 
 
 Brown, 614 
 
 Adams, 63 
 
 Scioto, 206 
 
 Lawrence, • • 148 
 
 Gallia, 799 
 
 Meigs, 28 
 
 Jackson, • . . 315 
 
 Pike, 329 
 
 Highland, 786 
 
 Butler, 254 
 
 Warren 341 
 
 Clinton, 377 
 
 Ross 1195 
 
 Hocking, 46 
 
 Athens, • . 55 
 
 Washington, 269 
 
 Monroe, 13 
 
 Morgan, 68 
 
 Perry, . 47 
 
 Fairfield, 342 
 
 Pickaway, 333 
 
 Fayette, 239 
 
 Greene, 344 
 
 Clark, 200 
 
 Montgomery, 376 
 
 Preble, 88 
 
 Darke, 200 
 
 Miami, . . . • 211 
 
 Shelby, 262 
 
 Logan, 407 
 
 Champaign, 328 
 
 Madison, 97 
 
 Franklin, 805 
 
 Licking, 140 
 
 Muskingum, 562 
 
 Guernsey 190 
 
 Belmont", 742 
 
 Jefferson, 497 
 
 Ashtabula, 17 
 
 Lake 21 
 
 Geauga, 3 
 
 Cuyahoga, . 121 
 
 Trumbull, 70 
 
 Portage, 39 
 
 Summit, 42 
 
 Medina, 13 
 
 Lorain, 63 
 
 Erie, • . . . 97 
 
 Huron, 106 
 
 Sandusky, 41 
 
 Ottawa, 5 
 
 Seneca, 65 
 
 Wood, 32 
 
 Lucas, 54 
 
 Henry 6 
 
 Williams, 2 
 
 Paulding, 
 
 Van Wert, . 
 
 Mercer, 204 
 
 Allen, 23 
 
 Hancock, 8 
 
 Hardin, 4 
 
 Marion, 52 
 
 Crawford, 5 
 
 Kichland, 65 
 
 Wayne, 41 
 
 Holmes, 3 
 
 Stark, 204 
 
 Carroll, 49 
 
 Columbiana, 417 
 
 Harrison, 163 
 
 Tuscarawas, 71 
 
 Coshocton, 38 
 
 Knox, 63 
 
 Delaware, 76 
 
 Union, • . . 78 
 
 Morrow, 
 Mahoning, 
 Auglaize, 
 Defiance. 
 
26 
 
 Influence of Climate and Foreign Emigration. 
 
 Geauga, we, too, might be disposed to catch them for pets, to amuse 
 our children, as we do mocking birds and paroquets. But with us 
 the novelty of seeing a colored man has long since passed away, and 
 we no longer make pets of them, on account of color, but treat them 
 precisely as we do other men. The upright and industrious we respect 
 and encourage. The immoral and degraded we wish anywhere else 
 than in our households or as near neighbors. 
 
 Free colored population in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- 
 vania. 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 1790 
 
 1800 
 
 1810 
 "55^668 
 
 1820 
 
 1830 
 
 ioT7To3 
 
 1840 
 
 Total number 
 
 13,953 
 
 29,340 
 
 74,742 
 
 118,925 
 
 Actual increase 
 
 
 15,387 
 
 26,328 
 
 19,074 
 
 26,321 
 
 17,822 
 
 Increase per cent 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 per annum 
 
 
 11.02 
 
 8.97 
 
 3.42 
 
 3.54 
 
 1.76 
 
 Slaves in do. 
 
 m 36,484 
 
 34,471 
 
 26,663 
 
 17,856 
 
 2,732 
 
 742 
 
 But in addition to climate, the colored man has another formidable 
 adversary to contend with. New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- 
 vania, as before stated, and as the figures in table V show us, had 
 accessions to their colored population much beyond the natural in- 
 crease on their original numbers up till 1830. But from 1830 to 1840 
 these states also commenced repelling their free colored population, 
 and their ratio of increase was l-educed considerably below two per 
 cent, per annum — Pennsylvania, however, still having a ratio of 2 / ; f ,, 
 showing that she had not been as much affected as the other two 
 states, though between 1820 and 1830 her ratio had been reduced to 
 1 T 7 /u per cent, per annum. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Free colored popidation of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. 
 1790 
 
 YF.ARS. 
 
 Total number 
 Actual increase 
 Increase per cent. 
 
 per annum 
 Slaves 
 
 24,718 
 
 9.41 
 
 405,350 457,584 
 
 1800 
 l7\979 
 23,261 
 
 1810 
 
 77,633 
 
 29,654 
 
 6.13 
 
 508,197 
 
 1820 I 1830 I 1840 
 
 ~89377, n eTuT 128,781 
 
 12,184, 26,32l! 12,640 
 
 1.55 2.93[ 1.08 
 537,060 576,043 530,087 
 
 VII. 
 
 Free colored population of North Carolina, South Carolina, and 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 TEARS. 
 
 Total number 
 Actual increase 
 Increase per cent. 
 
 I er annum 
 Slaves 
 
 1790 
 "7074 
 
 5.67 
 236,930 338,851 
 
 4.77 
 
 1820 
 
 23,205 
 6,584 
 
 3.96 
 
 170,407 01 3,148 
 
 1830 
 29^950 
 6,745 
 
 2.90 
 
 1840 
 
 33/761 
 3,811 
 
 1.27 
 
 778,533 853,799 
 
Influence of Slavery and Foreign Emigration. 27 
 
 Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
 and Georgia, also repulsed nearly one-half of their natural increase 
 between 1830 and 1840, as exhibited in tables VI and VII, showing 
 that the emigration from the northern states was not passino- in thai 
 direction. & 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Free colored population of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Alabama. 
 
 1840 
 
 74380 
 2.836 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 Total number 
 
 Actual increase 
 Increase per cent. 
 
 per annum 
 Slaves 
 
 1790 
 ~ 475 
 
 15,247 
 
 1800 
 
 1,050 
 575 
 
 12.10 
 
 53,927 
 
 1810 
 
 3,030 
 1,980 
 
 18.85 
 125,096 
 
 1820 
 ~6^353 
 3,323 
 
 10.96 
 
 254,278 
 
 1830 
 
 11,044 
 3,691 
 
 7.35 3.47 
 424,365 618,849 
 
 Kentucky, Tennessee, and Alabama, though for a time, receiving 
 large accessions of free colored people emigrating, probably from 
 Virginia and North Carolina, westward into their bounds, seem also 
 to have checked it, between 1830 and 1840, to a considerable extent 
 But as more energetic measures have since been adopted to repel all 
 immigration, extending even to the selling of the intruders into 
 slavery, as was the case last year in Kentucky ; the census of 1850 
 will no doubt exhibit a reduction of the ratio of these states, also to 
 the natural rate of increase, if not below it. 
 
 Louisiana, alone, of all the larger slave' states, has maintained a 
 uniform increase of her free colored population. Her position on 
 the Mississippi affords great facilities to enterprising colored men 
 wishing to escape from the rigors of northern winters, to penetrate 
 her territory. r 
 
 IX. 
 
 Free colored population of Louisiana. 
 
 VKARS. 
 
 Total number 
 Actual increase 
 Increase per cent. 
 
 per annum 
 Slaves 
 
 1790 
 
 1800 
 
 34,660 
 
 1820 
 
 ~HM)6l) 
 3,375 
 
 4.44 
 
 69,064 
 
 1830 
 
 76/710 
 
 5,750 
 
 5.24 
 
 109.588 
 
 1840 
 
 "257502 
 8,792 
 
 5.20 
 
 168,452 
 
 In the slave states, the prejudices and the rigid laws in relation 
 
 to their free colored people, will account for the losses which thev 
 
 have sustained. But in New York and New Jersey, some other 
 
 cause must have exerted a repelling influence, or there would not 
 
 Have been such a desertion of that region by colored men This 
 
 cause will, we believe, be found to exist in the foreign emio-ration 
 
 into our country. The foreign emigrant, escaping from the fyranny 
 
 , ot the despotisms which have so long crushed his energies, and 
 
 ' where he had been accustomed to work for a mere subsistence, is 
 
 ! overjoyed, on reaching this country, to receive a rate of wages for 
 
 which the colored man is unwilling to labor. He is thus the most 
 
28 Influence of Slavery and Foreign Emigration. 
 
 formidable rival of the colored man, and supplants him in his employ- 
 ments and drives him from his temporary home. But while this 
 Sill foreigner, the prejudice of the save holder and the 
 inZnJof el mate, seem to create insuperable obstacles to the 
 sf ce s of any scheme of securing to colored men a permanent home 
 n the north, t affords a strong proof of the wisdom of the schf me of 
 Africa! ^Colonization, where the rivalry of white men and the m flu 
 ence of climate, or the prejudice against color, can never reach him 
 or interrupt him in his pursuits. 
 
 But there is still another subject connected with the movements of 
 the free colored people which greatly interests the citizens of Ohio. 
 We Ze ? seen that aregular movement of the free colored population 
 from north to south, has been in progress ever since 1800, and that it 
 was only checked, in its southern course, by reaching the borders ot 
 the slave states. But after 1830 this floating mass took a new direc- 
 tion. As the foreign emigration first touches the eastern coast its 
 effects are first felt there, and from thence it rolls westward VV n le 
 the current of the colored emigration, therefore, is setting in from the 
 north, it is met by this opposing tide from the east, and deflected to 
 
 til 6 W6St 
 
 On turning to the west, we find that while this continuous stream 
 of colored emigration has been pouring out of all the states north-east, 
 east, and south-east of us, they have been concentrating with almost 
 equal rapidity in the Ohio valley. 
 
 Free colored popula tion in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 Total number 
 Actual increase 
 Increase per cent, 
 per annum 
 
 1790 
 
 1800 
 500 
 
 1810 
 
 ^90 
 2,405 
 
 48.10 
 
 1820 
 
 "6,598 
 3,093 
 
 12.71 
 
 1830 
 T4~834 
 8,236 
 
 12.48 
 
 1840 
 
 ~2lU05 
 
 13,271 
 
 8.94 
 
 Look at the figures in table X. Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, in 
 1800 had 500 free persons of color in their bounds. In 1840 they 
 numbered 28,105. If the influx, since 1840, has been as great as in 
 the prccedino- period, these three states will have a free colored popu- 
 lation, at present, of over 50,000, of which the share ol Ohio is 
 
 30,000. „ , . . . ... 
 
 To afford a more striking contrast of the position in which we 
 stand, as compared with the six New England States, it is only 
 necessary to say, that the ratio of the annual increase of the free 
 colored population of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, from 1820 to 1830, 
 doubled their numbers in eight years, while that of the former six 
 states would require, to double theirs, a period of tiro hundred and 
 ft ft ii six years. . . ■ 
 
 But to avoid a charge of unfairness in selecting a period of only 
 ten years, and that the most favorable to our purpose, we shall extend 
 the 'contrast to forty years, from 1840 back to 1800, and the result is 
 
Free Colored Emigration into Ohio. 29 
 
 still more startling. During this period of forty years, the six New 
 England Slates did not increase their colored population quite one 
 ll " r(J ' i Jt \ vas tVo ) while Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, have doubled 
 Jj y-M e hmes °n their original numbers. Our increase, therefore 
 when compared with theirs for a period of forty years, stands as 55 
 
 Here, now, is presented a condition of things which demands the 
 attention of the Legislature and the people of Ohio. We have for 
 years, been disposed to evade the question of the provision to' be 
 made for the people of color. The causes operating to concentrate 
 them in the Ohio valley are beyond our control, and they must con- 
 tinue to congregate here. Nor can we check this movement bv any 
 ordinary precautions, were we disposed to make the effort, because 
 we cannot, by any legislation of ours, reach the causes which compel 
 them to leave the other states. We cannot change the climate of the 
 north-east, nor mold the African constitution so that it may endure 
 the rigors of its winters ; and much less can we impart to the colored 
 man a spirit of energy and activity in business which shall enable 
 him to compete with the New Englander. We are still less able to 
 roll back the mighty wave of foreign emigration, which, annually, 
 supplies to the east a surplus of cheap labor, and drives the man of 
 color from his employments, and compels him to wander to the west 
 in search of bread. And it is still more impracticable for us to 
 induce the slave states to repeal the laws and give up the prejudices 
 winch drive out the free colored man from amongst them. The 
 colored people, if disposed, cannot extend westward and southward 
 \ „,. iron wal1 of slavery and the prohibitions in the new constitutions 
 of Illinois and Iowa, will prevent emigration in that direction. They 
 are, therefore, shut up, imprisoned among us, and instead of any 
 diminution, we must prepare for an increase of their numbers. 
 _ It is a fact well understood, that in the slave states, no movement 
 involving emancipation to any great extent, can now take place 
 except in connection with the removal of the freedmen from 
 among them. Some of them at present talk of emancipation and 
 colonization in Africa, but if we should open our doors as widely as 
 many desire, the slave holder need not tax himself with the expense 
 of the passage of his slaves to Liberia. It will be cheaper and less 
 troublesome to let them alone, and they will soon put themselves 
 under the care of their loving brothers across the Ohio river. And 
 m adopting this course, the slave holder may feel that he is conferring 
 a favor upon us, because, on several occasions, where masters had 
 emancipated their slaves, and started them for Liberia, they have been 
 persuaded to escape to Ohio or Pennsylvania. 
 
 Several of the border states will, before many years, become free 
 slates, because of the growing conviction among' the people that the 
 presence oi slaves upon their soil has created a blHmno- influencp— 
 that it has paralyzed the physical and moral energies °of the white 
 youth— that until the slaves are removed, the sons of their yeomanry 
 will not engage in field labor, and that until this revolution is effected 
 
30 Free Colored Emigration into Ohio. 
 
 the slave states cannot prosper as the free states have done. They 
 are further convinced that the presence of colored people, as free 
 laborers, will exert equally as baneful an effect upon the industry of 
 the whites, as the presence of the slave has done. We have failed, 
 in a twenty years war of words, to change these opinions. They 
 know that their sons scorn the idea of laboring upon an equality with 
 men of servile origin. This may all be wrong, but that does not 
 alter the fact. The people of the slave states will never consent to 
 emancipation, but in connection with the removal of the freedraen. 
 This is their fixed purpose : and any measure for the melioration of 
 the condition of the colored man which does not include this fact, 
 and adapt itself to it, will be so far defective. 
 
 Now, it seems evident, that to whatever extent emancipation may 
 take place, whether by individuals or by states ; and further, to what- 
 ever degree the slave states may carry their hostility to the free 
 colored people among them, and succeed in driving them out; to 
 the same extent may we expect to be made the receivers of the un- 
 fortunate wanderers, unless we can divert the current of emigration 
 in some other direction. 
 
 With all these facts before us — the influence of climate — the rival- 
 ry of the foreign emigrant — the prejudices of the slave holder — the 
 adverse legislation of the slave states — the rapid concentration of the 
 free colored people along the southern margin of the Ohio valley— 
 and the impracticability of their emigrating further south or west— it 
 must be apparent, at once, that we occupy a very different position 
 from that of the New England States and the northern counties of 
 Ohio. We are constantly receiving large accessions from the slave 
 states. Many of our towns and villages have had their colored 
 population doubled since 1840, and there is no prospect, at present, 
 of their influx being checked. 
 
 The Ohio Black Laws, though designed, originally, to operate 
 as a check upon colored immigration, have wholly failed of their 
 object, and have only added another to the numerous inefficient 
 me isures adopted for protection against the evils generated by slavery 
 
 evils so numerous and complicated, that, often the remedies applied 
 
 only increase the malady. 
 
 And here we must be allowed to remark, that few men can excel 
 our northern friends in depicting the horrors of slavery. They have 
 studied it chiefly in that point of view. Its degrading and brutifying 
 tendencies, generating vices the most debasing and destructive, have 
 been portrayed, but too truly, in our hearing, by them, a thousand 
 times. They, of course, expect us to believe their statements and to 
 adopt their views of the odiousness of the system. 
 
 Now. in return, we ask of them that they shall believe us. And 
 if <me half they have told us he true, in relation to the low state of 
 morals— the deep and damning depravity of the victims of slavery — 
 then visit us with the plague, or any other physical calami 
 than bring this moral pes into contact with our eh t. We 
 
 , but the common sentiment of the great ma 9 of our citi 
 
Necessity of Colonization. 31 
 
 These sentiments are not generated by hostile feelings to the colored 
 man, any more than the missionary, who wishes to guard well the 
 virtues of his children and impart to them a nobility of thought and 
 sentiment, should be charged with hating the degraded Hindoo or 
 Hottentot, for whose intellectual and moral elevation he risks his life, 
 because he sends his children back to a Christian country to be edu- 
 cated by Christian friends. 
 
 Many of the first settlers of southern Ohio had fled from Virginia, 
 Kentucky, and the Carolinas, to rear their families beyond the reach 
 of the demoralizing effects of slavery, and in the enactment of the 
 Black Laws they hoped to erect an impassable barrier between them- 
 selves and slavery, or any of its fruits. 
 
 It was not prejudice against color, alone, that dictated the passage 
 of the Black Laws of Ohio, and which has kept them so long upon 
 our statute book, but it was a dictate of self-preservation. It was a 
 determination to confine slavery, with all its fruits, within the limits 
 where it existed, and to guard themselves and their children ao-ainst 
 moral contamination by contact with those unfortunate beings whose 
 deplorable degradation has been so eloquently, and often, but too truly 
 delineated to us. 
 
 A repeal of the Black Laws maybe proper;* some modification of 
 them, at least, is demanded. But it forms no part of the task assign- 
 ed us to express an opinion on the subject. This much, however, 
 we can say, that something more is needed than the repeal of these 
 laws, before the colored man can have justice done him, or the public 
 mind be satisfied with the posture of affairs. 
 
 Nor can we be persuaded that he who rarely ever sees a colored 
 person, and who knows nothing of the unfavorable circumstances in 
 which a majority of the colored people are placed, where they are 
 congregated in large numbers, is the proper man to mature measures 
 for their relief. He has not the opportunity of forming a practical 
 judgment in the case, and his schemes, therefore, will be more apt to 
 partake of the visionary than the practicable. 
 
 But we are told that it is our duty to labor for the elevation and im 
 provement of the colored man, and thus prepare him for citizenship. 
 In reply, it is only necessary to say, that of the importance of this 
 duty the friends of colonization are fully aware, and to discharge it is 
 their direct and proposed aim ; but through the unhappy opposition 
 of their enemies, in this good work, who have assumed to be exclu- 
 sively the friends of the man of color, inducing him to believe that 
 we are his "inveterate enemies" we have been, to a great extent, 
 excluded from that access to him requisite to the fulfillment of our 
 wishes. The colored people, therefore, are not accessible to us, and 
 the responsibility of their improvement does not rest upon us, but 
 upon those who have them in charge. And even if they were access- 
 ible to us, and we had their confidence, should the emigration from 
 the other states continue to be as rapid as heretofore, the execution 
 
 ♦This lecture was written before their repeal by the present Legislature. 
 
32 Necessity of Colonization. 
 
 of the task of their education would be a burthen too heavy for Ohio 
 to bear. But had we the means, the circumstances of inequality, to 
 which reference has already been made, and which neither authorita- 
 tive legislation nor the resolves of voluntary associations can remedy, 
 forbid the hope of giving that form and measure of education requisite 
 to qualify any man for the high duties and enjoyments of citizenship. 
 
 What then can we do? No large body of men will long remain 
 contented in the bosom of any community or nation, unless in the 
 enjoyment of equal social and political rights. Ignorant, and vicious, 
 and lazy men are dangerous in any community ; because, not under- 
 standing their true interests, and but little inclined to do their duty, 
 they are easily turned into an engine of evil to society. Our own 
 peace and safety, therefore, demand that we should secure to our 
 colored people the blessings of education and the advantages of 
 political equality. 
 
 But we firmly believe that the first of these objects, the education 
 of the free colored people, can only be accomplished under circum- 
 stances where the colored man can, by the labor of his own hands, 
 provide for his own wants, while he is prosecuting his studies. And 
 we as fully believe, that such a combination of circumstances as will 
 make the thorough education of our colored people practicable, exists 
 only in Liberia. In that climate winter makes no demands, and the 
 labor of one man will easily support three. Schools are already or- 
 ganized, and every parent is required by law to educate his children. 
 In a climate, like ours, however, demanding almost constant labor 
 during summer to provide for winter, and where schools are accessi 
 ble to but few of the colored people, there is but little to encourage 
 the hope that their education can become general. To this conclusion 
 intelligent colored men themselves have arrived, and the erection of 
 the Colored Manual Labor School, near Columbus, Ohio, where 
 200 acres of land have been secured for this object, and paid for, 
 chiefly, by contributions from colored men — where education and labor 
 can go hand in hand — shows the strength of the hold which this convic- 
 tion has upon their minds. But the advantages of such an institution 
 cannot be enjoyed by very many. At most, only a few hundreds can be 
 accommodated at the same time. Such an institution, therefore, while 
 it may be of immense advantage to a few, cannot be relied upon to 
 secure general education; and advantageous as it maybe to those 
 few, still it will be very partial ; far from reaching that high education 
 which gives character, and without which, for the standing and hap- 
 piness of the citizen, mere learning is, comparatively, of little value. 
 
 We are also as fully convinced that it will be equally as impractica- 
 ble, as their general education, to secure to our free colored people the 
 advantages of political equality any where else than in the Republic 
 of Liberia, or in a new one of their own creation upon that continent. 
 
 That the free colored population of our country can be raised to 
 
 that degree of moral and intellectual elevation which they .should 
 
 possess, without the enjoyment of all the social and political privi- 
 
 which are the natural birthright of man, none will pretend to 
 
Necessity of Colonization. 33 
 
 claim. These blessings must be secured to them before any material 
 advancement can be expected from them. But the opposition to 
 granting them equal social and political privileges in Ohio is a "fixed 
 fact." It is believed that no permanent good to the colored man could 
 grow out of such a measure. The granting to him the right of 
 stiff, -age has been productive of no good in the states which have 
 conceded to him that privilege. Instead of increasing their free 
 colored population, since that act of liberality, these states have had a 
 regular diminution of it. The right of suffrage to the colored man, 
 where the whites have a large preponderance of numbers, seems of 
 about the same utility as the tin rattle, or little doll, presented to the 
 discontented child, lo amuse it and keep it from crying. 
 
 It is the settled conviction of nearly all our thinking men, that 
 colored men, intellectually, morally, or politically, can no more flourish 
 in the midst of the whites, than the tender sprout from the bursting 
 acorn can have a rapid advance to maturity beneath the shade of 
 the full-grown oak; while the light of the sun, so essential to its 
 growth, penetrates not through the thick foliage to impart its invigora- 
 ting influences to the humble tenant of the soil; and where, each 
 day, it is liable to be crushed under the feet of those who seek shelter 
 from the noon-day heat beneath the boughs of its lordly superior. 
 
 This is no overwrought picture of the condition of the free colored 
 people among us. Those stimulants to mental and moral effort, 
 which beget such a superiority in citizens of free governments, reach 
 not to the mind of the colored man, to rouse him to action. And so 
 fully convinced of this fact are intelligent colored men themselves 
 becoming, that they are beginning to act in concert in reference to 
 securing the necessary territory to adopt a separate political organiza- 
 tion. This affords strong grounds for hoping that the day of their 
 political redemption is dawning. Heretofore they have been deluded 
 with the hope that their elevation would be effected amono- the 
 whites ; that hope is now fading from their minds. The adoption of 
 measures to secure a distinct political organization is an acknowledg- 
 ment of the truth, that a separation from the whites is essential to 
 the prosperity of the colored man, and that colonization at some 
 point offers to him his only hope of deliverance. This is an impor- 
 tant step in the progress toward a settlement of this vexed question. 
 
 It is true, that, at present, an eye is turned, by many of those who 
 are agitating this subject, toward a grant of land from Congress out 
 of the territory acquired from Mexico. As this is the only territory 
 now at the disposal of Congress, and as the question of its future 
 ownership will be settled during the next year, at furthest, there will 
 soon be a decision of that matter. Out of that territory, if any where 
 on the continent, must the donation of lands be made for the future 
 African state. And upon it, or to Liberia, must the wave of emi- 
 gration roll when it recedes from our borders. 
 
 Here, then, we perceive that this question is assuming a new and 
 definite form. A separate political organization is desired by many 
 of the colored men. But they think Liberia is too distant, and too 
 
31 Necessity of Colonization. 
 
 unhealthy, and therefore wish a grant out of New Mexico or Califor- 
 nia. There is, perhaps, not a man in this audience, nor in the north, 
 who would object to such a grant for such a purpose, so far as the 
 grant of United States' property is concerned. Your speaker, for his 
 part, is willing to raise up both hands and shout at the topmost pitch 
 of his voice, in the ears of Congress, to secure it, if he thought it could 
 be obtained, and that it would, to the occupant, be a peaceful pos- 
 session, and safe for the country. But he believes it is idle, it is 
 wicked, longer to keep the poor colored man pursuing phantoms 
 which always must elude his grasp. We say, frankly, that we have 
 no hope that such a grant of territory can be had from Congress. 
 And even if it could, dare we hope that it would prove a peaceful 
 home, such as prudent Christian men would wish to leave as a legacy 
 to their children ? Its proximity to the slave states, it is feared, might 
 lead to continual collisions. 
 
 It is useless, however, to discuss this question, because, whenever 
 our intelligent colored men are put in possession of the facts in relation 
 to Liberia, they must greatly prefer it to any point on this continent. 
 
 We are aware that some of the colored orators declaim loudly 
 against any attempts to persuade the free colored people to emigrate 
 to Africa, while three millions of their brethren remain behind in 
 slavery. Now, it is very natural that a benevolent heart should dic- 
 tate such feelings, and we must respect their motives. But we would 
 remind all such objectors to emigration to Liberia, that while three 
 millions of their brethren are enchained here, there are, according to 
 the best authorities, one hundred and ten millions in Africa, eighty 
 millions of whom are of their own caste, including, no doubt, their 
 own blood relations, who are mostly crushed under a system of 
 oppression and of cruelty, and reduced to a condition of moral degra- 
 dation, compared with which, American slavery, with all its woes, 
 is bliss itself. These eighty millions of men are nearly all destitute 
 of the gospel of Christ, and, consequently, without the elements of 
 an intellectual and moral renovation. The sale of their brethren 
 into slavery, excepting in a few sunny spots, illuminated by Christian 
 colonies, still continues with all its attendant horrors. The slave 
 trade, baffling the utmost exertions for its suppression, is still prose- 
 cuted with unabated vigor. 'Its wretched victims are still found 
 wedged together in the foul and close recesses of the slave ships, with 
 scarcely space enough to each for the heart to swell in the agony of 
 its despair.' All hope that it can be suppressed by operations on the 
 ocean are at an end. It must be assailed where it originated, — o?i the 
 land. The instrumentality to lie employed must be that which the 
 result of long experience dictates, — the gospel. The agents to per- 
 forra this great work are as clearly designated — colored Christian 
 colonists. This combined agency of the gospel and colonization has 
 already begun to redress the wrongs of Africa. "It is fasl restoring 
 a continent shrouded in the darkness of accumulated centuries, to the 
 lights of civilization and Christianity. It is opening up to tint 
 degraded and impoverished people, new sources of prosperity and 
 
Practicability of Colonization. 
 
 35 
 
 new fields of enterprise in the boundless resources of that great con- 
 tinent.' The agencies so successfully begun by the colonization 
 scheme, need only to be sufficiently augmented to secure the regen- 
 eration of Africa. 
 
 Then, with such ample provision made for the free colored man, 
 and with such a field of future greatness and of glory opening up 
 before him, why should he not be encouraged, and why not aided. 
 to enter upon his rich inheritance, instead of begging for a home on 
 this continent, where, at best, his future prospects would be overcast 
 with gloom. Does the man of color wish to speak to the southern 
 slave-holder in tones that can be heard and will be respected I instead 
 of relying upon the feeble cry of three and a half millions in this 
 country, Africa has eighty millions of voices which he may control, 
 and whose united shout for freedom to the slave, would shake the 
 fetters from his limbs and give him liberty. 
 
 IV. The practicability of Colonizing the free people of color. 
 
 The best mode of discussing the practicability of any scheme, is, 
 first to ascertain what is to be accomplished. The following list of 
 the twenty-four principal states, and the number of free colored peo- 
 ple in each, in 1840, presents the amount of persons to be provided 
 for, and the manner of their distribution throughout the union. 
 
 Maine, 
 
 1,355 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 '47,854 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 5,524 
 
 N. Hampshire, 
 
 537 
 
 Ohio.. 
 
 17,342 
 
 N. Carolina, 
 
 22,732 
 
 Massachusetts, 
 
 8,669 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 7,165 
 
 S. Carolina, 
 
 8,276 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 3,238 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 3,598 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 2,753 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 8,105 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 16,919 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 1,366 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 730 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 62,020 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 1,574 
 
 New York, 
 
 50,027 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 49,842 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 2,039 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 21,044 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 7,317 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 25,502 
 
 It will be seen, under our first head, that the number of human 
 beings torn from Africa, on American account alone, in 1847, all of 
 whom, perhaps, were for the Brazilian market, amounted to 84,350. 
 Now, we would ask whether this fact does not furnish a useful lesson 
 upon the subject of the practicability of Colonization from the 
 United States to Africa. 
 
 The total annual increase of the whole colored population of the 
 United States, slave and free, from 1830 to 1840, was 54,350, or, 
 30,000 less than the exports of slaves, in 1847, from Africa for the 
 American market. 
 
 The whole number of the free colored population of the United 
 States, in 1840, was 386,235, or only a little over four and a half 
 times greater than one year's importation from Africa. 
 
 The total increase of the free colored population of the United 
 States, from 1830 to 1840, was 0,664, annually, making the number 
 torn from Africa, in one year, more than twelve and a half times as 
 ereat as the whole annual increase of the free colored population of 
 the United States. 
 
 77/e total free colored population of Ohio, is, at present, about 
 
i]G Practicability of Colonization. 
 
 30,000, and that of Indiana and Illinois 20,000. The other states will 
 have but a small advance on their free colored population of 1840. 
 The exports of slaves from Africa, in one year, are, therefore, nearly 
 three times greater than the whole number of free colored people at 
 present in Ohio ; more than four times that of Indiana and Illinois ; 
 nearly four times that of the six New England states in 1840; nearly 
 double that of Pennsylvania; thirteen thousand more than that of 
 New York and New Jersey; four thousand more than Delaware 
 and Maryland ; nearly double that of Virginia ; nearly seventeen 
 thousand 'more than double that of North Carolina, South Carolina, 
 and Georgia; nearly six times that of Kentucky, Tennessee, and 
 Alabama ; and nearly four times that of Louisiana. 
 
 If, therefore, a set of desperadoes, not so numerous but that they 
 have eluded detection and capture, can, in one year, accomplish all 
 that is here enumerated, what could not the united efforts of the 
 leo-islatures of the several states accomplish, witbout oppressive taxa- 
 tion, were they simultaneously to commence the work of colonizing 
 the free colored people? 
 
 Suppose each of the states in the foregoing list, were, as a prepar- 
 atory measure, to appropriate to the Colonization Society, one dollar 
 for each colored person in their bounds, the sum of $375,528 would 
 be raised, being about one half the wbole sum expended by the 
 society since its origin. Now, there is scarcely one of the states 
 named, which could not give an annual appropriation of the sum 
 stated, without the tax being felt by its people. 
 
 The sum required by this scheme, to be expended by Ohio, would 
 be only one cent and a half for each of the two millions of her present 
 population. To pay the expenses of the transportation of her whole 
 30,000 free colored people, at $50 each, — the sum for which the 
 colonization society agrees to take out emigrants — would cost but 
 seventy-five cents for each person. But suppose Ohio could prevent 
 all further immigration into the state, and would agree to send out the 
 natural increase only, which, at two per cent, on 30,000, would be 
 600, the tax would be but one cent and a half to each citizen of the 
 State. 
 
 Then, who will say that it will not he practicable to raise this sum 
 in Ohio, on condition that six hundred persons of color, annually, 
 would volunteer to emigrate? And which of the other states would 
 decline entering into a measure of such easy accomplishment? We 
 trust not one. 
 
 As it may amuse the curious, and furnish a rule to determine the 
 quota of each state for paying the cost of emigration of its natural 
 increase, we would here state, that one dollar per head, lor the whole 
 free colored population, is exactly fifty dollars a head for the natural 
 increase, — the ratio of increase being two per cent. One dollar a 
 head, for each free colored person in a state, will, therefore, transfer 
 its natural increase to Africa, and put them in possession of a home- 
 stead upon which to make a living. 
 
 I shall not, here, refer to the probabilities of the free colored people 
 
Influence of Colonization on missionary Efforts. 37 
 
 being willing to accept the offered boon of a home in Liberia, but 
 leave it to another branch of our subject. 
 
 V. The influence of Colonization upon the native Africans, and 
 upon Missionary efforts in Africa. 
 
 On these points we shall study great brevity. The influence of 
 colonization upon the native Africans has been, in all respects, bene- 
 ficial. It is only necessary to state, that in purchasing the lands 
 from the native kings and head men, and thus securing the right of 
 sovereignty over the soil, the inhabitants are at once secured in the 
 protection of the laws of the Liberian government, and in the enjoy- 
 ment of its advantages. Those held in slavery, and they constitute 
 about eight-tenths of the population, are at once emancipated. The 
 same care is taken in promoting their education that is observed in 
 the instruction of emigrants from the United States. When suffi- 
 ciently advanced in intelligence, they are admitted to the rights of 
 citizenship. In this way, 75,000 of the natives have been emanci- 
 pated from slavery, and secured in all the rights of freemen. By 
 treaties with surrounding tribes, 200,000 more are bound not to 
 engage in the slave trade, nor to go to war amongst themselves. 
 These treaties secure to the respective tribes embraced, the protection 
 of the Republic against all other hostile tribes. A breach of the 
 conditions of these treaties, on the part of any tribe, forfeits the pro- 
 lection of the colony. Thus, for ten years past, the colony has 
 preserved peace amongst many petty tribes whose trade formerly 
 was war. Colonization, therefore, in many respects, has done great 
 good to Africa. And, in addition to all this, we may add, that such 
 is the favorable impression which our colonies are beginning to send 
 abroad among the native tribes, that, recently, six kings have com- 
 bined and annexed their territories, including one hundred miles of 
 coast, to the Maryland colony. This statement we have met with, 
 as coming from Rev. Mr. Finney, for a time the governor of Liberia. 
 The motive prompting these kings to annex, is, that they may enjoy 
 the protection of the colony. 
 
 The History of Missionary efforts in Western Africa, fully sus- 
 tains the truthfulness of the pictures which have been drawn of the 
 fatality of the climate to the white man, and of the dreadful moral 
 darkness which overspreads the land.* 
 
 Catholic missionaries labored for two hundred and forty-one years, 
 but every vestige of their influence has been gone for many genera- 
 tions. The Moravians, beginning in 1736, toiled for thirty-four 
 years, making five attempts, at a cost of eleven lives, and effected 
 nothing. An English attempt, at Bulama Island, in 1792, partly 
 missionary in its character, was abandoned in two years, with a loss 
 of one hundred lives. A mission sent to the Foulahs, from England, 
 in 1795, returned without commencing its labors. The London, 
 
 * We have drawn our facts mostly from Mr. Tracy's history of Colonization and 
 Missions. 
 
38 Influence of Colonization on Missionary Efforts. 
 
 Edinburgh and Glasgow society, commenced three stations in 1797, 
 which were extinct in three years, and five of the six missionaries 
 dead. The Church missionary society sent out its first missionaries 
 in 1804, but it was four years before they could find a place out of 
 the colony of Sierra Leone, where they could commence their 
 labors. They established and attempted to maintain ten stations. 
 But the hostility of the natives, who preferred the slave traders to 
 them, drove the missionaries from nine of them, and forced them to 
 take refuge in Sierra Leone, the only place where they could labor 
 with safety and with hope. The tenth station at Goree, was also 
 abandoned and given up to the French. 
 
 " Here, then, without counting Sierra Leone and Goree, are eigh- 
 teen Protestant missionary attempts, before the settlement of Liberia, 
 all of which failed from the influence of climate, and the hostility of 
 the natives, generated by the opposition of the slave traders." And, 
 since the settlement of Liberia, until 1845, when these investiga- 
 tions were completed, all attempts to sustain missions beyond the 
 influence of the Colony have also failed. 
 
 " But while we mourn over these failures in attempts to do good to 
 Africa, it is a source of the most profound gratitude to have the facts 
 placed authentically before the world, that every attempt at coloniz 
 ing Africa tvith colored persons, and every missionary effort con- 
 nected with the Colonies, either of England or America, have been 
 successful." 
 
 These facts prove, conclusively, that while other lands may be 
 approached and blessed by other methods, the only hope for Africa 
 appears to be in Colonization by persons of color. This is the only 
 star of promise which kindles its light on her dark horizon. It is 
 the only apparent means of her salvation. 
 
 "After the presentation of such an array of facts, extending over a 
 period of four centuries, may we not claim that the question is 
 decided — that the facts of the case preclude all possibility of reason- 
 able doubt — that the combined action of Colonization and missions 
 is proved to be an eff'ectiml means, and is the only known means, 
 of converting and civilizing .Africa." 
 
 And who that believes this, will not give heart and hand to the 
 work, and labor, through good report and through ill, for the con- 
 centration of all the talent and piety, belonging to the colored people, 
 upon that coast? Who that truly desires the redemption of the 
 African race from their degradation of accumulated centuries, hut 
 would rejoice to see hundreds and thousands, and tens of thousands, 
 of the virtuous and intelligent of our colored population, like so many 
 angels of mercy, flocking to Africa, and employed in that labor of 
 love which must be performed before Ethiopia can stretch out her 
 hands to God ? 
 
 Alter what has been said, in relation to the low state of morals 
 amongst the slaves, and the new accessions of colored emigrants 
 which we are likely to receive from the slave states, it is proper, in 
 this place, that we should present some explanation. Our observa- 
 
Influence of Colonization on Missionary Efforts. 39 
 
 tions, it will be noticed, were based upon the representations made 
 by our northern friends on the degrading and brutifying tendencies 
 of slavery, and were offered, partly, as a retort upon them for wish- 
 ing to overstock us with such a population as they must necessarily 
 believe will emanate from the midst of slaveiy, while they them- 
 selves scarcely touch the burthen with the tip of the finger. Our 
 views, however, differ materially from theirs, in relation to the 
 moral condition of the slaves. 
 
 While we believe that slavery, like despotism in any other form, 
 in itself considered, contains no one principle which tends to elevate 
 and improve the intellect and the heart, yet wc know that there are 
 accidents connected with it, in this country, as there have been with 
 despotism in Europe, which afford to its victims the means of 
 improvement. We believe that the Providence of God never places 
 men, towards whom he has designs of mercy, in circumstances 
 where the gospel of Christ is not adapted to their condition. That 
 gospel, we know, has spoken peace to thousands of poor slaves, 
 and whispered to their desponding hearts the hope of freedom in 
 heaven. It is undeniable, that an immense degree of intellectual and 
 moral advancement, beyond that of the nativeof Africa, has been made 
 by the slaves of the United States, under all the disadvantages to 
 which they have been subjected. It is true, that thousands of 
 masters are laboring with much success for the moral and religious 
 improvement of their slaves. It is well known, that the moral 
 character and religious principle of many a slave will compare with 
 and excel that of many of the whites, even in the north. It is 
 certain, that the voluntary emancipations which occur, are by this 
 class of masters and from this class of slaves. And it is a fact, that 
 the greater number of the newly emancipated slaves, who come to 
 the free states, have more or less acquaintance with their social, 
 moral, and religious duties, and are more or less disposed to make 
 further efforts for their own advancement. And knowing and be- 
 lievino; all this, we are prepared to take them by the hand and to 
 encourage them to the full extent- of the numbers that we are able to 
 receive. We are also prepared to cooperate with, and do aid them, 
 in their efforts at education. In the village in which your speaker 
 resides, a Presbytery of the church with which he is connected, 
 pays, regularly, from a donation by a deceased member, the half of 
 the salary of a teacher for a colored school. From observation 
 there, and elsewhere, we have learned that though but a small portion 
 of the parents have a right appreciation of the importance of educa- 
 tion and of the arduousness of the task of acquiring knowledge, yet, 
 upon the whole, they manifest fully as much interest in the work 
 as the same number of whites would do, who possess no higher a 
 standard of intellectual attainment. 
 
 Were it in our power, therefore, to increase the facilities for their 
 education a thousand fold, we would do it at once. Because we 
 feel it to be an imperative duty resting on the white men of 
 the United States, allowing of no halfway measures or efforts, 
 
40 Relations of England lo Liberia. 
 
 to labor for the redemption of Africa, and to repair the wrongs 
 that have been done her. 
 
 But to execute this task, we must call to our aid men of African 
 blood. We should have one teacher or missionary for every 1000 
 inhabitants. To supply the whole 80,000,000 of people of color in 
 Africa, with teachers and missionaries, will, therefore, require an 
 educated army of 80,000 colored men, who must be supplied from 
 the United States and from Liberia. While, then, we struggle to 
 elevate and improve the colored man in the United States, we point 
 him to Africa as the field of usefulness in which we wish to see 
 him labor. 
 
 VI. The certainty of success of the Colonization scheme, and 
 of the perpetuity of the Republic of Liberia. 
 
 In the facts which have been already presented, in the course of 
 our investigations, many reasons will be found to encourage our 
 hopes that the colonization scheme must continue to prosper, and 
 that the experiment of an African Republic must succeed. We shall 
 now proceed to offer additional facts and considerations of much more 
 weight and importance on this point, than any which we have, yet, 
 produced. The first and more important is based upon the com- 
 mercial advantages, in Africa, which Liberia is beginning to unfold 
 to civilized nations. But as time will not allow us to enter upon an 
 extended investigation of the peculiar advantages which each nation 
 will derive from the civilization of Africa, Ave shall confine ourselves 
 to those of England, because she is more vitally interested in the 
 success of Liberia than all the others. When the facts in her case 
 are known, it will be easy to make the application to other nations. 
 It will be seen, in the course of these investigations, that it is of the 
 utmost importance to England to aid the Republic of Liberia in 
 extending its influence with all possible rapidity over the continent 
 of Africa. The reasons upon which we base this opinion are briefly 
 as follows : 
 
 Next to the necessity under which the government of Great 
 Britain is laid to create new markets for her manufactures, comes 
 the vast importance which she attaches to having the control of 
 tropical possessions and tropical productions. Their importance to 
 her heretofore, in contributing to give to her the ascendency which she 
 acquired amongst nations, was thus strongly stated by McQueen, in 
 1844, when this highly intelligent Englishman was urging upon his 
 government the great necessity which existed for securing to itself 
 the control of the labor and the products of tropical Africa. 
 
 " During the fearful struggle of a quarter of a century, for her 
 existence as a nation, ag;iinst the power and resources of Europe, 
 directed by the most intelligent but remorseless military ambition 
 against her, the command of the productions of the torrid zone, and 
 the advantageous commerce which that aflbrded, gave to Great 
 Britain the power and the resources which enabled her to meet, to 
 combat, and to overcome, her numerous and reckless enemies in 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 41 
 
 every battle-field, whether by sea or by land, throughout the world. 
 In her the world saw realized the fabled giant of antiquity. With 
 her hundred hands she grasped her foes in every region under 
 heaven, and crushed them with resistless energy." 
 
 If the possession and control of tropical products gave to Eng- 
 land such immense resources, and secured to her such superiority 
 and such power, then, to be deprived of these resources would of 
 course exert a corresponding opposite effect, and she would not 
 yield them to another but in a death-struggle for their maintainance. 
 Now, we expect to prove that this struggle has commenced and 
 progressed to a point of the utmost interest, both to England and to 
 the cause of humanity; and that the present moment finds Great 
 Britain in a position so disadvantageous, arising from the progress of 
 other nations in tropical cultivation, that one principal means of her 
 extrication is in the success of Liberia. 
 
 Mr. McQueen, in proceeding further with his investigations, 
 reveals to us the true position of England by the following startling 
 announcement: 
 
 " The increased cultivation and prosperity of foreign tropical pos- 
 sessions is become so great, and is advancing so rapidly the power 
 and resources of other nations, that these are embarrassing this 
 country (England,) in all her commercial relations, in her pecuniary 
 resources, and in all her political relations and negotiations." 
 
 The peculiar force of these remarks, and the cause for alarm 
 which existed, will be better understood by an examination of the, 
 figures in the following table. They contrast the condition of Great 
 Britain as compared with only a k\v other countries, in the produc- 
 tion of three articles, alone, of tropical produce. 
 
 Sugar — 1842. 
 
 British possessions. 
 West Indies, cwts. 2,508.552 
 
 East Indies, " 
 
 Mauritius, (1841) " 
 
 Total 
 
 940,452 
 
 544,707 
 
 3,993,771 
 
 Foreign countries. 
 
 Cuba, 
 
 Brazil, 
 
 Java, 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 Coffee — 1842. 
 
 West Indies, 
 East Indies, 
 
 9,180,555 
 18,200,448 
 
 lbs, 
 Total 27,393,003 
 
 Java, 
 Brazils, 
 Cuba, 
 Venezuela, 
 
 cwts. 5,800,000 
 " 2,400,000 
 " 1,105,757 
 " 1,400.000 
 
 Torin. 10,705,757 
 
 lbs. 134.842,715 
 
 " 135,000,800 
 
 33,589,325 
 
 34,000,000 
 
 Total 337,432,840 
 
 West Indies, lbs. 
 East Indies. " 
 
 To China, from do. " 
 
 Total 
 
 Cotton— 1840 
 427,529 
 77,015,917 
 60,000,000 
 
 137,443,446 
 
 United States, lbs. 790,479,275 
 Java, « 165,504,800 
 
 Brazil, " 25,222,828 
 
 Total 981,206,903 
 
42 Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 But that this exhibit may convey ils full force to the mind, it 
 must be observed, that nearly three-fourths of this slave-grown pro- 
 duce, has been created, says McQueen, within thirty years prece- 
 ding the date of his writing. (1844.) 
 
 It will be noticed, also, that the whole of these products, with the 
 exception of those of Java and Venezuela, are the produce of slave 
 labor ; and it must be remembered, also, that the perpetuation and 
 increase of this labor is, in a great degree, except in Louisiana, 
 depending upon the slave trade for its continuance. It is easy, 
 then, to perceive, from the foregoing facts, that the slave trade has 
 been very sensibly and very seriously affecting the interests of the 
 British government — that it has been an engine in the hands of other 
 nations, by which they have thrown England into the back ground 
 in the production of those articles of which she formerly had the 
 monopoly, and which had given to her such power — and that Great 
 Britain must either crush the slave trade, or it will continue to 
 paralyze her. 
 
 Here is the true secret of her movements in reference to the slave 
 trade and slavery. Public sentiment, under the control of Chris- 
 tian principle, compelled her in 1808, to a first step in this great 
 work of philanthropy ; and this step, once taken, there could be no 
 retreat. But this first step, the abolition of the slave trade in her 
 colonies, gave to Spain and Portugal all the advantages of that 
 traffic, and the cheaper and more abundant labor, thus secured, gave 
 a powerful stimulus to the production of tropical commodities in 
 their colonies of Cuba and Brazil, and soon enabled them to rival, 
 and greatly surpass England, in the amount of her exports of these 
 articles. 
 
 But the investigations which had led to the knowledge of the 
 enormities of the slave trade, necessarily exhibited the evils of 
 slavery itself. Public opinion decreed the annihilation of both, and 
 the British government had no other alternative but to comply. The 
 means to which she resorted for the suppression of the slave trade, 
 and their failure hitherto, have been already noticed. The measures 
 adopted for the emancipation of her West India slaves, have resulted 
 still more unfavorably to her interests than those for the extinction 
 of the slave trade. 
 
 It was considered absolutely necessary to the prosperity of Eif- 
 land, that she should regain the advantageous position which she 
 had occupied in being the chief producer of tropical commodities. 
 But to effect this, it was necessary that she should he able to double 
 the exports from her own Islands, and greatly diminish those of her 
 rivals. This could he accomplished, only, by an increase of 
 laborers from abroad, or by stimulating those on the Islands to 
 double activity in their work. An increase of laborers from abroad 
 could only be secured by a resort to the slave trade, which was 
 impossible; or to voluntary emigration from other countries to the 
 Islands, which was improbable. The only remaining alternative 
 was to render the labor already in the Islands more productive. 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 43 
 
 This could not be done by the whip, as it had already expended its 
 force, and could not afford the relief demanded. This position of 
 affairs made the government willing to listen to the appeals of the 
 friends of West India emancipation. They had long argued that 
 free labor was cheaper than slave labor — (hat one freeman, under 
 the stimulus of wages, would do twice the work of a slave com- 
 pelled to industry by the whip — that the government, by immediate 
 emancipation, could demonstrate the truth of this proposition, and 
 thus furnish a powerful argument against slavery — that the world 
 should be convinced that the employment of slave labor is a great 
 economic error — and that this truth, once believed, the abolition of 
 slavery would every where take place, and the demand for slaves 
 being thus destroyed, the slave trade must cease. Parliament, yield- 
 ing to these arguments, passed her West India Emancipation act, 
 1833, with certain restrictions, by which the liberated slaves were to 
 be held by their old masters as apprentices, partly until Auo\ 1, 
 1838, and partly until Aug. 1, 1840. This apprenticeship system, 
 however, being productive of greater cruelties than even slavery, the 
 Legislative councils of the Islands, coerced by public sentiment in 
 England, were forced to precipitate the final emancipation of the 
 slaves, and on Aug. 1, 1838, they were declared free. This act at 
 once brought on the crisis in the experiment. The results are 
 stated in the following official table, taken from the Westminster 
 Review, 1844. 
 
 Exported from 
 
 > v t. Vincent, 
 
 Trinidad, 
 
 Jamaica, 
 
 Total W. Indies, 
 
 Average ot 
 
 1831-2-3. 
 
 3 yrs. of Slavery. 
 
 23,400.000 lbs. 
 
 18,923 tons. 
 
 86,080 hhd. 
 
 3,841,153 cwt. 
 
 Average of 
 1835-6-7. 
 3 yrs. of Apprent'ship. 
 
 22,500,000 lbs. 
 
 18,255 tons. 
 
 62,960 hhd. 
 
 3,477,592 cwt. 
 
 Average of 
 
 1839-10-41. 
 
 3 yrs. of Freedom. 
 
 14,100 000 lbs. 
 
 14,828 tons. 
 
 34,415 hhd. 
 
 2,396,784cwt. 
 
 This immense and unexpected reduction of West India products 
 under the system of freedom, was cause of great alarm. The 
 experiment which was to prove the superiority of free labor over 
 that of slave labor had failed. The hope of doubling the exports by 
 that means was blasted. $500,000,000* of British capital, invested 
 in the Islands, says McQueen, was on the brink of destruction for 
 want of laborers to make it available. The English government 
 found her commerce greatly lessened, and her home supply of tro- 
 pical products falling below the actual wants of her own people. 
 This diminution rendered her unable to furnish any surplus for the 
 markets of those of her colonies and other countries which she 
 formerly supplied. These results at once extended the market for 
 slave grown products, and gave a new impulse to the slave trade. 
 
 The government and its advisers now found themselves in the 
 mortifying position of having blundered miserably in their emancipa- 
 tion scheme, and of having landed themselves in a dilemma of sineu- 
 
 * We reckon the pound sterling, here and elsewhere, for convenience, at five 
 dollars. 
 
44 Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 lar perplexity. Had England induced, or compelled Portugal, Spain, 
 and Brazil, — the latter then no longer a colony but an independent 
 nation, — to fulfill the conditions of the treaty declaring the slave trade 
 piracy, and also to abolish slavery, she might have succeeded in her 
 object. But she did not await the accomplishment of this work 
 before she declared the freedom of her own slaves. This act 
 resulted so favorably to the interests of those countries employing 
 slave labor, by enlarging the markets for slave grown products, that 
 the difficulty of inducing them to cease from it, was increased a 
 hundred fold. Nor did the expedients to which she resorted prove 
 successful in extricating her from the difficulties in which she was 
 involved. A duty of near 39 shillings, afterwards raised to 41 
 shillings the cwt., or 4^ pence the pound, levied on slave grown 
 sugar — designed to prohibit its importation into England and secure 
 the monopoly to the West India planter, thereby enabling him to 
 pay higher wages for labor — while it failed to stimulate the activities 
 of the freedmen sufficiently to increase the exports to their former 
 amount — resulted only in taxing the English people, by the increase 
 of prices consequent upon a diminution of the supply, in a single 
 year, savs Porter in his Progress of Nations, to the enormous amount 
 of $25,000,000 more than the inhabitants of other countries paid for 
 the same quantity of sugar. This enormous tax accrued during 
 1840, from the protective duty, but was greatly above that of any 
 other year during its continuance. The whole amount of the bounty 
 to the planter, thus drawn from the pockets of the English people 
 and placed in those of the West India negro laborers in excessive 
 high wages, in the course of six or seven years, says McQueen, 
 1844, amounted to $50,000,000. 
 
 The crisis had become so imminent, that energetic measures were 
 immediately adopted to guard against the impending danger. Eng- 
 land must either regain her advantages in tropical countries and 
 tropical products, or she must be shorn of a part of her power and 
 greatness. This truth was so fully impressed upon the minds of 
 her intelligent statesmen, that one of the best informed on this sub- 
 ject, (McQueen,) declared, that 
 
 "If the foreign slave trade be not extinguished, and the cultiva- 
 tion of the tropical territories of other powers opposed and checked 
 til/ British tropical cultivation, then the interests and the power of 
 such states will rise into a preponderance over those of Great 
 Britain; and the power and the influence of the latter will cease to 
 be felt, feared and respected, amongst the civilized and powerful 
 nations of the world." 
 
 To relieve the English people from the onerous tax of the sugar 
 duties, and at the same time, in obedience to the dictates of public 
 opinion, to continue the exclusion of slave grown products from the 
 English markets, sugar, the product of free labor, it was decided, 
 should be admitted at a duty of 10 shillings the cwt. ' But it was 
 soon discerned, that this policy would only create a circuitous 
 commerce, by which the slave grown sugar of Cuba and Brazil 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. 45 
 
 would be taken by Holland and Spain, for their own consumption 
 and that of Java and Manilla sent to England ; thus creating a more 
 extensive demand for slave grown products and consequently for 
 slave labor, and giving to the slave trade an additional impulse in 
 an increased demand for slaves. 
 
 The necessity for this continuous supply of slave laborers from 
 Africa, for the planters of Cuba and Brazil, will be better understood 
 when the nature of West India and Brazilian slavery is made 
 known. When England prohibited the slave trade in 1806, the 
 number of slaves in her colonies was 800,000. In twenty-three 
 years afterwards, or near the time she emancipated them, they 
 numbered but 700,000. The decrease in this period was, therefore 
 100,000; (Memoirs of Buxton). 
 
 The United States, in 1800, had a slave population of 893,000 
 In 1830 she numbered 2,009,000, being an increase of 1,116 000 
 Thus, in thirty years, the United States had an increase of one 
 million one hundred and sixteen thousand on a population of 
 893,000; while the West Indies, under the English system of 
 slavery, with a slave population nearly equal to that of the United 
 States, in a period only six years less, suffered an actual decrease 
 oj one hundred thousand. 
 
 The destruction of human life in the slavery of Cuba and Brazil 
 will, doubtless, be equal to what it was formerly in the West Indies, 
 inasmuch as the same causes prevail — the great disparity of the 
 sexes amongst those brought by slave traders, from Africa, for the 
 planters. In the slave population of Cuba this disproportion, says 
 McQueen, is 150,000 females to 275,000 males. It is estimated, 
 that to keep up the slave population of Cuba and Brazil, will require,' 
 yearly, 130,000 people from Africa. It is, then, at once apparent,' 
 that Cuba and Brazil are dependent, as we have said, upon the 
 slave trade for keeping up the supply of their laborers; and, that, 
 if this annual importation of slaves should be stopped, then, their 
 foreign exports would be proportionally lessened and their growing 
 prosperity checked. 
 
 Under these circumstances, there could be no doubt, that if Eng- 
 land could suppress the slave trade, she would at once cut off the 
 supply of laborers furnished by that traffic to Cuba and Brazil, and 
 " check " their ability to rival her as producers of tropical com- 
 modilies;^ and, further, if she could increase the number of laborers 
 in the West Indies sufficiently, she could restore those Islands to 
 their former productiveness, and recover her former advantages. 
 She, therefore, renewed her efforts for the suppression of the sfave 
 trade, with greatly increased activity. She also commenced the 
 transfer of free laborers from the East Indies and from Africa to the 
 West Indies. Every slave trading vessel captured, was made to 
 yield up its burden of human beings to the West India planters, 
 instead of to those of Cuba and Brazil ; thus securing to the 
 former all the advantages of laborers which had been designed for 
 the latter. This arrangement was adopted in 1842, and the only 
 
46 Relations of England to Liberia, 
 
 exception to it was in relation to Spanish slavers, which were to be 
 given up, with their cargoes of slaves, to the authorities of Cuba. 
 A premium was paid to her naval officers and seamen for all the 
 slaves thus captured and transported to her West India Colonies. 
 The expenditure for this object, in 1844, says McQueen, had 
 amounted to $4,700,000. 
 
 In this movement an intelligent colored man, Mr. William 
 Brown, of Oxford, Ohio, has remarked, that England seems to have 
 copied the example of the eagle, which disdains to soil his own 
 plumage by a plunge in the water, but, as he must have the fish or 
 die, makes no scruple of robbing the more daring fish-hawk of its 
 prey and appropriating the captive fish to his own use, instead of 
 restoring it to its native element. 
 
 All these efforts, however, failed in relieving England from her 
 difficulties. The slave trade continued to increase, and the slave 
 o-rown productions to multiply. The number of free laborers trans- 
 ported as emigrants from Africa and the East Indies, or captured 
 from the slave traders, and landed in the Islands, were so few, 
 comparatively, as to make no sensible difference in the amount of 
 West India productions, and the scheme, though still continued, has 
 failed of its main object — the increase of British West India pro- 
 ductions. Some other means of replacing England in her former 
 position, must, therefore, be devised. 
 
 But let us look a moment, before we proceed, at the West Indies, 
 and learn more fully, the extent and nature of the influences which 
 have gone forth upon the world as the result of West India Eman- 
 cipation and British policy and philanthropy. 
 
 It seems to have been a great error of judgment in the British 
 philanthropists, who urged West India Emancipation upon the 
 ground that free labor would be more productive than slave labor, 
 — that a freeman, under the stimulus of wages, would do twice the 
 labor of a slave toiling beneath the lash : because this proposition is 
 true only in reference to men of intelligence and forethought, but is 
 untrue when applied to an ignorant and degraded class of men. 
 The ox under the yoke, or the mule in the harness, when spurred 
 on by the goad or the whip, will do more labor than when turned 
 out to shift for themselves. So it will be with any barbarous people, 
 or with the mass of such a slave population as the West Indies then 
 included; where but little more care had been taken of the greater 
 portion of them than if they had been mere brute beasts, and not moral 
 agents. If any higher estimate had been put upon them, than as mere 
 machines to be used in the production of tropical commodities, then 
 it had been impossible for their numbers to have been reduced one 
 hundred thousand in so short a period as before stated. 
 
 The first impulse of the heart of the more intelligent slaves, when 
 they awoke to a consciousness of freedom, would prompt them to 
 withdraw their wives, daughters, and younger children, from the 
 sugar plantations, that the mothers might attend to their household 
 duties, and the children bo sent to school. This would deprive the 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. 47 
 
 planters of much of the labor upon which they had depended. The 
 men, too, would many of them prefer mechanical pursuits, or confine 
 themselves to the cultivation of small portions of land, and decline 
 laboring for their old masters, in whose presence they must still 
 have felt a sense of inferiority. Many, from sheer indolence and 
 recklessness of consequences, would only labor when necessity com- 
 pelled them to seek a supply of their wants. The marriages taking 
 place would withdraw still more of the laborers from the fields, and 
 reduce the amount of the products of the Islands. 
 
 While, therefore, the ease, comfort, and welfare, of the colored 
 man was secured, the interests of the planters were almost ruined by 
 (emancipation, and the influence and power of England put in 
 jeopardy. Little did the 700,000 West India freedmen, who 
 refused to labor regularly for the planters, think, when followincr 
 ttheir own inclinations, or lounging at their ease under the shade trees 
 !of these sunny Islands, that their want of industry, their reluctance 
 to go back to the sugar mills, for the wages offered, was crippling 
 (the power of one of the greatest empires on earth, and robbing Africa 
 of 400,000 of her children, annually, to supply to the world, from 
 Cuba and Brazil, those very commodities which they were refusing 
 to produce. Yet such was the fact, and such the mysterious links 
 connecting man with his fellow, that the want of ambition in the 
 West India freedman to earn more than a subsistence, depriving the 
 planters of the necessary free labor to keep up the usual amount of 
 exports, created a corresponding demand for slave grown products, 
 and robbed Africa, in each two years thereafter, of a number of men 
 more than equal to the whole of the slaves emancipated in the 
 British Islands. 
 
 There would seem, then, to have been but little gain to the cause 
 of humanity by West India Emancipation. This view of its remits, 
 however, would be very erroneous. On the contrary, there is 
 exhibited here, in this result, another mysterious link in the chain of 
 events connected with the redemption of Africa. The failure of the 
 West India experiment, has been a failure, only, of England'' s ex- 
 periment adopted to restore herself to her former position and her 
 former advantages, and will not retard the onward progress of the 
 :ause of humanity. It has, on the contrary, no doubt greatly tended 
 Lo precipitate upon the world the solution of a problem of the first 
 mportance in the great work of its recovery from barbarism. It 
 must now be admitted that mere personal liberty, even connected 
 with the stimulus of high wages, is insufficient to secure the indus- 
 try of an ignorant population. It is Intelligence, alone, that can be 
 iacted upon by such motjves. Intelligence must precede voluntary 
 Industry. This proposition, Ave claim, has been fairly proved in 
 the West India experiment. And, hereafter, that man or nation, 
 may find it difficult to command respect or succeed in being esteemed 
 jWise, who will not, along with exertions to extend personal freedom 
 to men, intimately blend with their efforts adequate means for 
 intellectual and moral improvement. The West India colored 
 
48 Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 population, now released from the restraints of slavery, and accessible 
 to the missionaries and teachers, sent to them from English Chris- 
 tians, are rising in intelligence and respectability; and, thus, West 
 India emancipation has been productive of infinite advantage to du in, 
 though English capitalists may have been ruined by the act. Bu| 
 we will go further, and give it as our deliberate opinion, that as soon 
 as intelligence and morality, growing out of the religious training 
 now enjoyed, shall sufficiently prevail, the amount of products raised 
 in the West Indies will greatly exceed that yielded under the system 
 of slavery. Liberty and Religion can make its inhabitants as pros- 
 perous and happy as those of any other spot on earth. We do not 
 sav, however, that this can take place while they sustain the posi- 
 tion of vassals of the British crown, and their importance in the scale 
 of being continues to be estimated according to the extent to which 
 they can add to its prosperity and its glory. 
 
 Had the West India colored men, under the stimulus of freedom 
 and high wages, each performed twice the labor of a slave, as they, 
 no doubt, might have done, and as was confidently anticipated by the 
 enthusiastic friends of emancipation, more than twice the products 
 of former years would have been exported from the Islands, and 
 England, in that event, restored to her former position, and looking 
 only to self aggrandizement, would have remained content, and con- 
 tinued to employ men as mere machines, as she heretofore had done, 
 nor cared for their intellectual and moral elevation. But the failure 
 of England in the West Indies, forced her to renewed efforts for the 
 acquisition of additional tropical possessions, where, with bet 
 prospects of success, she could bring free labor into competition 
 with slave labor. 
 
 Before tracing the movements of Great Britain, however, in her 
 prosecution of this enterprise, let us again look a moment at her 
 position. "Instead of supplying her own wants with tropical pro 
 ductions, and next nearly all Europe, as she formerly did, she had 
 scarcely enough, says McQueen, 1844, of some of the most impi r- 
 tant articles, for her own consumption, while her colonies were 
 mostly supplied with foreign slave produce." " In the mean time 
 tropical productions had been increased from $75,000,000 to $300. 
 000.000 annually. The English capital invested in tropical pro* 
 ductions in the East and AVest Indies, had been, by emancipation in 
 the latter, reduced from $750,000,000 to $050,000,000; while, since 
 1808, on the part of foreign nations $4,000,000,000 of fixed capital 
 had been created in slaves and in cultivation wholly dependent upon 
 the labor of slaves." 'The odds, therefore, in agricultural and com- 
 mercial capital and interest, and consequently in political power and 
 influence, arrayed against the British tropical possessions, were very 
 fearful — six to one.' 
 
 This, then, was the position of England from 1840 to 1844, and 
 the e the forces marshalled against her, and which she must meet and 
 combat. In all her movements hitherto, she had only added to the 
 strength of her rivals. Her first step, the suppression of the slave 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. 49 
 
 trade, had diminished her West India laborers 100,000 in twenty - 
 three years, and reduced her means of production to that extent, 
 giving all the benefits, arising from this and from the slave trade, to 
 rival nations, who have but too well improved their advantages. But, 
 besides her commercial sacrifices, she had expended $100,000,000 
 to remunerate the planters for 'the slaves emancipated, and another 
 $100,000,000 for an armed repression of the slave trade. And yet, 
 in all this enormous expenditure, resulting only in loss to England, 
 Africa had received no advantage whatever, but, on the contrary, she 
 had been robbed, since 1808, of at least, 3,500,000 slaves, (McQueen) 
 who had been exported to Cuba and Brazil from her coast, making 
 a total loss to Africa, by the rule of Buxton, of 11,666,000 human 
 beings, or one million more than the whole white population of the 
 United States in 1830, and more than three times the number of our 
 present slave population. 
 
 Now, it was abundantly evident, that Great Britain was impelled 
 by an overpowering necessity, by the instinct of self-preservation, to 
 attempt the suppression of the slave trade. It was true, no doubt, 
 that considerations of justice and humanity were among the motives 
 which influenced her actions. Interest and duty Avere, therefore, 
 combined to stimulate her to exertion. The measures to be adopted 
 to secure success, were also becoming more apparent. Few other 
 nations are guided by statesmen more quick to perceive the best 
 course to adopt in an emergency, and none more readily abandon a 
 scheme as soon as it proves impracticable. Great Britain stood 
 pledged to her own citizens and to the world for the suppression of 
 the slave trade. She stood equally pledged to demonstrate, that free 
 labor can be made more productive than slave labor, even in the 
 cultivation of tropical commodities. These pledges she could not 
 deviate from nor revoke. Her interests as well as her honor were 
 deeply involved in their fulfillment. But she could only demonstrate 
 the greater productiveness of free labor over slave labor, by opposing 
 the one to the other, in their practical operations on a scale coexten- 
 sive with each other. She must produce tropical commodities so 
 cheaply and so abundantly, by free labor, that she could undersell 
 slave-grown products to such an extent, and glut the markets of the 
 world with them so fully, as to render it unprofitable any longer to 
 employ slaves in tropical cultivation. Such an enterprise, success- 
 fully carried out, would be a death blow to slavery and the slave 
 trade. " But," says McQueen, " there remained no portion of the 
 tropical world, where labor could be had on the spot, and whereon 
 Great Britain could conveniently and safely plant her foot, in order to 
 accomplish this desirable object — extensive tropical cultivation — but 
 in tropical Africa. Every other part was occupied by independent 
 nations, or by people that might and would soon become independent." 
 Africa, therefore, was the field upon which Great Britain was compelled 
 to enter and to make her second grand experiment. Her citizens 
 were becoming convinced that it was unwise, if not unjust, to abstract 
 laborers, even as free emigrants, from Africa, to be employed in other 
 4 
 
50 Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 parts of the workl, when their labor might be employed to much 
 better advantage in Africa itself. The government could, therefore, 
 safely resort to some modification of her former policy. To confine 
 her efforts for the recovery of her prosperity, within the limits oj her 
 own tropical possessions, would be to abandon the vast regions of 
 tropical Africa to other nations, and thus permit them, by taking 
 possession of it, to redouble the advantages over her which they 
 already possessed. By employing the labor of Africa within Africa, 
 she would cut off the supply of laborers derived by other nations 
 from the slave trade, and would have an advantage over them, not 
 only of the capital expended in the transportation of slaves from 
 Africa, but she would have a gain of seven-tenths in the saving of 
 human life now destroyed by the slave trade. British capital, 
 instead of being directly and indirectly employed in the slave trade, 
 as has been fully shown by the Hon. H. A. Wise, late American 
 minister to Brazil, could be more honorably and safely invested in 
 the cultivation of the richer fields of tropical Africa itself. 
 
 In her West India experiment, however, England had been taught 
 ^ all-important lesson, that intelligence must precede voluntary 
 industry. Her Niger expedition of 1842, already noticed, was 
 based upon this principle, and hence the extensive preparations 
 connected with that movement, for the improvement of the intelligence 
 and morals and industry of the natives. But the terrible mortality 
 which destroyed that enterprise taught her another lesson, that white 
 men cannot fulfill the agency of Africa's intellectual elevation. 
 Since that period, Englamfhas'been mostly occupied with the settle- 
 ment of her difficulties with China, and her war with the Sikhs of 
 India, and she has made but little progress in her African affairs ; 
 excepting by explorations into the interior and negociations with the 
 powers interested in the slave trade. 
 
 In the meantime the colony of Liberia had been pursuing its qmct 
 and unostentatious course, and working out the problem of the colored 
 in m's capability for self-government. The active industry of that 
 handful of men, had created a commerce of much importance, and 
 supplied exports to the value of $100,000 annually. Its declaration 
 of independence was published to the world at a period the most 
 auspicious. France, under those generous impulses so characteristic 
 of her people, had herself trampled the last relics of despotism in the 
 dust, and declared the Republic. Great as she herself is, she did not 
 despise the little African republic, but, extending her view down the 
 stream of time, discerned in it the germ of future empire and greatness, 
 and therefore, she welcomed it into the family of nations. But lest, 
 in i'.s feebleness, it should receive a wound to its honor, or an injury 
 to its commerce, from an attack of the dealers in human flesh infesting 
 its borders, with distinguished liberality she offered the use of her 
 war vessels for their destruction. 
 
 England, too, found herself in a position inclining her to favor the 
 young republic ; nay, not only inclining but imposing upon her the 
 necessity of promoting its welfare. Impelled by her own interests 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. 51 
 
 and wants, to secure extensive tropical cultivation, by free labor, in 
 Jifnca, she had been surveying the whole vast field of that continent, 
 the only country now remaining where her grand experiment could 
 be commenced, and found much of it already occupied. France, fully 
 alive to the importance of the commerce with Africa, had, within a 
 short period, securely placed herself at the mouth of the Senegal and 
 at Goree, extending her influence eastward and southeastward from 
 both places. She had a settlement at Albreda, on the Gambia, a short 
 distance above St. Mary's, and which commands that river She had 
 formed a settlement at the mouth of the Gaboon, and another near 
 the chief mouth of the Niger. She had fixed herself at Massuah 
 and Bure, on the west shore of the Red Sea, commanding the inlets 
 into Abyssinia. She had endeavored to fix her flag at Brava and the 
 mouth of the Jub, and had taken permanent possession of the im- 
 portant island of Johanna, situated in the center of the northern outlet 
 of the Mozambique channel, by which she acquired its command 
 Her active agents were placed in southern Abyssinia, and employed 
 in traversing the borders of the Great White Nile; while Alters on 
 the northern shores of Africa, must speedily be her own. Spain had 
 planted herself, since the Niger expedition, in the island of Fernando 
 Fo, which commands all the outlets of the Niger and the rivers from 
 Cameroons to the equator. Portugal witnessing these movements, 
 had taken measures to revive her once fine and still important colon- 
 ies m tropical Africa. They included 17° of latitude on the east 
 coast, from the tropic of Capricorn to Zanzibar, and nearly 19° on the 
 west coast, from the 20th° south latitude, northward to cape Lopez 
 The Imaum of Muscat claimed the sovereignty on the east coast, from 
 Zanzibar to Babelmandel, with the exception of the station of the 
 J rench at Brava. From the Senegal northward to Algeria was in the 
 possession of the independent Moorish princes. Tunis, Tripoli and 
 Egypt were north of the tropic of Cancer, and independent tributaries 
 oi rurkey. 
 
 Here, then, all the eastern and northern coasts of Africa, and also 
 the west coast from the Gambia north waids, was found to be in the 
 actual possession of independent sovereignties, who, of course 
 would not yield the right to England. Southern Africa, below the 
 tropic of Capricorn, already belonging to England, though only the 
 same distance south of the equator that Cuba and Florida are north 
 ot it, is highly elevated above the sea-level, and not adapted to tropical 
 productions. The claims of Portugal on the west coast, before 
 noticed, extending from near the British south African line to Cape 
 Lopez, excluded England from that district. From Cape Lopez 
 to the mouth of the Niger, including the Gaboon and Fernando 
 fo, as before stated, was under the control of the French and 
 Spanish. 
 
 The only territory, therefore, not claimed by civilized countries 
 which could be made available to England for her great scheme of 
 tropical cultivation, was that between the Niger and Liberia, embra- 
 cing nearly fourteen degrees of longitude. But this territory includes 
 
52 Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 the powerful kingdom of Dahomey and that of Ashantee, whose 
 right to the sovereignty of the soil could not, probably, he purchased, 
 as was that of the former petty kings on the line of coast occupied 
 by Liberia. Their territory, however, and that of Liberia, together 
 with the whole of the vast basin of the Niger, under the hand of 
 industry could be made to teem with those productions, the command 
 of which were of such essential importance to England. But both 
 Dahomey and Ashantee were engaged in the slave trade, and, like 
 other parts of the continent, nine-tenths of the population held as 
 slaves.— (Dr. Goiieen.) This territory, therefore, could not be 
 made available to England until she could succeed in securing the 
 discontinuance of their connection with the slave trade and the abolition 
 of their system of slavery; and not even then, as we have before proved, 
 until intelligence should be introduced and diffused and industry begot- 
 ten—a work of generations. But negotiations in relation to these ob- 
 jects had been commenced', says M'Queen, in 1844, under favorable 
 auspices, and the king of Dahomey had agreed to abolish the slave 
 trade, and had favorably received some Wesleyan missionaries. 
 England has, since that period, successfully exerted her influence in 
 other quarters for its suppression. In the British House of Com- 
 mons, lately, Lord Palmerston announced, that the Bey of Tunis had 
 abandoned within his dominions, not merely the slave trade but slav- 
 ery itself— that the Sultan of Turkey had prohibited the slave trade 
 among his subjects in the eastern seas— that the Imaum of Muscat 
 had abolished 'it within certain latitudes— that the Arabian Chiefs in 
 the Persian Gulf have also abandoned it— and that the Shah of Persia 
 has prohibited it throughout his dominions. Thus, then, though the 
 system of an armed repression of the slave trade has entirely failed, 
 as before shown, yet the hope is springing up that it may soon be so 
 circumscribed that its extermination can be more easily eflected by 
 encircling the remaining parts of the coast with Christian colonies 
 But aU these movements, important as they are to the cause of 
 humanity, do not, in the least, check the slave trade with Cuba and 
 Brazil, and the reason seems to be this : the slave trade is not a 
 business by itself, and the slave traders are not a distinct class of men. 
 The trade is so mixed up with the general business of the world, 
 that it can derive facilities from the most innocent commercial trans- 
 actions. In Brazil it is neither unlawful nor disreputable, and, it is said 
 that nobody abstains from it, or from dealing with those concerned m 
 it, from any fear of law, scruples of conscience, or regard ot charac- 
 ter ; and that to trade with Brazil at all is to deal with a slave trader, 
 or with some one who deals freely with slave traders. Hence, Eng- 
 lish capitalists in loaning money in Brazil, or English manufacturers 
 in filling orders for goods from Brazil, are furnishing facilities lor the 
 slave traders to prosecute their infamous pursuits. The ship-builders 
 of the United States, in selling fast-sailing merchant vessels to Brazil- 
 ians, are furnishing to slave traders the means for transporting slaves 
 from Africa. Thus British capital and industry and American skill, 
 though, to the superficial observer, employed in a lawful way, are 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. 53 
 
 indirectly furnishing the means for the prosecution of the slave trade 
 and affording facilities to those engaged directly in it, which, if with- 
 drawn, would greatly embarrass their operations, and make it much 
 less difficult to suppress it. Nor has the success of England in 
 securing the above named acts for the suppression of the slave trade 
 accomplished anything in her great work of extensive tropical free 
 labor cultivation in Africa, as the means upon which she relies to 
 recover her former position, and to break down the prosperity of her 
 
 rivals sr i j 
 
 rivals 
 
 Iii Sierra Leone, the commercial affairs being in the hands of white 
 men, has prevented that advancement in industry, and in the know- 
 ledge of business among the colored population, which must exist 
 before habits of active industry will be adopted by them. But in 
 Liberia all the business is in the hands of colored men, and some of 
 them have accumulated fortunes. Their success has encouraged 
 others to follow their example, and industry is beginning to prevail. 
 1 he great work of tropical cultivation by free labor has been success- 
 fully commenced by the Freemen, of Liberia. Tropical products 
 have been exported in small quantities, from the colony to England 
 Its coffee was found to be superior to that of all other countries, except 
 Mocha, and about equal to it. The coffee tree, in Liberia, produces 
 double the quantity, annually, which that of the West Indies bears 
 Its cotton, a native of its forests, is of a superior quality. Its capacity 
 for producing sugar has been tested, and found equal to any other 
 country. Capital and labor only are required to make Liberia more 
 than rival Louisiana, because frosts never touch its crops, and labor- 
 ers wdl not be thrown idle in the former, from that cause, as they are 
 in the latter. Such is the nature of the soil and climate of Liberia, and 
 such the easy cultivation of the products used for food, that the labor 
 oi a man, one third of his time, will supply him with necessary sub- 
 sistence, leaving him the remaining two-thirds for mental improvement 
 and to cultivate articles for export. An industrious man in Liberia 
 must, therefore, become rich, and able to indulge his taste for the 
 elegancies of life, leading him to the purchase of foreign commodities 
 Liberia, therelore, offered to England a field in which she could at 
 once commence her experiment. All that is needed in Liberia to 
 develop its resources, and to give it the ascendancy over all other 
 portions of the tropical world, is capital and labor. The first can be 
 abundantly supplied by England ; the second by the United States and 
 Africa. But African labor, beyond the limits of the colony where 
 intelligence prevails, cannot be made productive until the education of 
 the natives has been undertaken. This work, if extended very rapid- 
 ly, must be performed, in a good degree, by emigrant teachers and 
 missionaries from the United States. Hence the wisdom of the policy 
 of England m now favoring our colony. We can supply teachers to 
 aid in civilizing Africa. Great Britain cannot, and, disconnected from 
 our colony, she cannot create intelligence and industry, and there- 
 tore, cannot, at present, commence her scheme of extensive tropical 
 cuhivalion without the aid of Liberia. 
 
54: Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 Here, now, we claim, is the solution of the question of England's pres- 
 ent liberality toward Liberia. Her own interests and purposes, demand 
 an early demonstration of the practicability of employing free labor 
 in opposition to slave labor, on an extensive scale, in tropical Africa. 
 Her own African colonies have been, says McQueen, very injudicious- 
 ly selected for extending an influence into Africa. But the position of 
 Liberia is much more favorable, and will enable her, perhaps, from 
 the head of the St. Pauls, to reach across the Kong mountains, and 
 grasp the tributaries of the upper Niger, and, connecting the two 
 rivers by rail-road, secure the commerce of the interior to the capital 
 of the Republic, as the cities of New York and Philadelphia have 
 secured that of the Mississippi valley. 
 
 England, therefore, at the moment that President Roberts visited 
 London, found herself in a position compelling her to a change of 
 policy toward our colony. Liberia at that moment, was the only 
 territory under heaven, where could be commenced, immediately, 
 her darling scheme of extensive tropical cultivation by free Icdjor. 
 And Liberia only, of all the territory that might be made available, 
 contained the elements of success, — intelligence and industry. 
 Here was England's position and here Liberia's. The old Empire, 
 shaken by powerful rivals, and driven to extremity, was seeking a 
 prop of sufficient strength to support her. The young Republic in 
 the feebleness of infancy was needing a protector. That secret, 
 unseen, hidden, invincible, and all-controlling Power, which had 
 impelled England onward in her giant efforts to extirpate the slave 
 trade and to abolish slavery, and which had inspired the hearts of 
 American Christians to restore the colored man to Africa, and had 
 watched over and protected the feeble colony until it could assume a 
 national position ; that Providence which had made England's crimes 
 of former years, to react upon and embarrass her in all her relations, 
 had now brought, face to face, the Prime Minister of England and the 
 President of die Republic of Liberia. The first, was the representative 
 of that once unscrupulous but powerful government, whose participa- 
 tion in the slave trade, to build up an extensive commerce and to ag- 
 grandize herself, had doomed the children of Africa to perpetual bond- 
 age; but who was now, as a co?iscejuencc of that very slave trade, 
 compelled to the most powerful exertions for its suppression, lo save 
 herself from commercial embarrassment and national decline : the se- 
 cond, was the Executive of a new Nation — himself a descendant, of 
 one of the victims of the English sleive traders — seeking the admis- 
 sion of an African Republic into the family of nations. The old 
 Monarchy and the new Republic thus found themselves standing in 
 the relation to each other of mutual dependence — the one, to secure 
 a field for the immediate commencement of her grand experiment of 
 rendering free labor more productive than slave labor, and of creating 
 new markets for her manufactures, — the other, to obtain protection 
 and to offer the products of the, labor of the freemen of Liberia to 
 the commerce of the world. 
 
 But it may be asked, why Great Britain should be willing to aid 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. of, 
 
 Liberia in extending her influence over Africa, and thus introduce info 
 the world a new nation who, as soon as its eighty millions of people 
 are civilized and stimulated to industry, can have the preponderance 
 over all the world in tropical productions, and consequently, have 
 the means of acquiring power and influence in the world equal' to that 
 of other nations. The solution of this question is not difficult. 
 
 The policy of Great Britain, for a long period, caused her to grasp 
 after foreign colonial possessions, and her glory and her strength was 
 believed to be measured by the extent to which she could multiply 
 her foreign dependencies. When her manufacturing interests began 
 to multiply, she found a great stimulus to this branch of her national 
 resources, in the markets furnished by her colonies. The increased 
 commerce thus created, furnished another channel for the employment 
 of British capital and enterprise. The multitude of sailors required 
 for the merchant service, were readily transferred to her navy in 
 times of war, and gave her immense power on the ocean. * But the 
 unfortunate attempt of England,' says McCulloch, in his statistical 
 account of the British Empire, to compel the American colonists ' to 
 contribute toward the revenue of the empire, terminating so disas- 
 trously, has led her ever since to renounce all attempts to tax her 
 colonies for any purpose, except that of their own internal government 
 and police.' Colonies, therefore, have since been cherished chiefly 
 on account of the outlets they afford to her surplus population; the 
 field they offer to private adventurers for the acquisition of fortunes, 
 to be afterwards transferred to the mother country; the increase they 
 add to her commerce ; the markets which they furnish for her manu- 
 factures ; and the agricultural or mineral products which they supply, 
 in return, for consumption and use in England. 
 
 An opinion, however, is beginning to possess the public mind in 
 England, that the possession of colonies is not of the especial 
 importance to her that they were once considered. The expenditure 
 for their government and defense often outweighs the political and 
 commercial advantages realized from their possession. It is now 
 believed, that her commercial and manufacturing interests can be as 
 well if not better promoted, by a liberal commerce with independent 
 states, than with colonies under her own control. This conviction 
 has been forced upon the English, chiefly by the results which have 
 followed the Independence of the United States. The British go- 
 vernment now derives ten times more advantage, says McCulloch, 
 from intercourse with the United States, than wlten she had a 
 Governor in every state, or than she has derived from all her other 
 colonies put together. In a more comprehensive view of British 
 relations, by Porter, in his Progress of Nations, we find it stated, 
 that, in 1837, the exports of Great Britain to the United States' 
 amounted to more than half the sum of her shipments to the whole 
 of Europe, while of her entire foreign exports, amounting to $233,- 
 01)0,000, only one-third was consumed by her colonies. 
 
 But as other governments have arisen and attained stability, and 
 encouragement has been afforded by them to home industry, the 
 
5G Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 instinct of self preservation has led to the adoption of such restric- 
 tive duties as would protect their people, in the infancy of their 
 manufacturing efforts, against the superiority in machinery, capital 
 and skill of older nations. In this way England has been so much 
 restricted, from time to time, in her commercial operations, that, in 
 1844, (Westminster Review) her exports to the European states, 
 notwithstanding their vast increase of population, were considerably 
 less than they had been forty years ago. 
 
 But England has been embarrassed, not only by the restrictive 
 duties of other governments, but many of them are beginning to rival 
 her, in the sale of manufactures, in those countries whose markets 
 are still open to foreign competition. This rivalry in manufactures 
 is one of more serious import to Great Britain than even the rivalry 
 which opposes her in tropical productions. The latter is to her as 
 the arteries, the former the heart. The truth of this assertion will 
 be seen in the following statements. 
 
 The great leading interest of England, — her principal dependence 
 for the maintainance of her power and influence, — is her manufac- 
 tures. Out of this interest grows her immense commerce, and from 
 her commerce arises her ability to sustain her vast navy, giving to 
 her such a controlling influence in the affairs of the world. ' Wealth, 
 civilization, and knowledge, add rapidly and indefinitely to the 
 powers of manufacturing and commercial industry.' All these Great 
 Britain possesses in an eminent degree. ' It is asserted that the 
 manufactures of England Could, in a short time, be made to quadruple 
 their produce — that so vast is the power which the steam engine has 
 added to the means of production in commercial industry, that it is 
 susceptible of almost indefinite and immediate extension — that 
 Manchester and Glasgow could, in a few years, prepare themselves 
 for furnishing muslin and cotton goods to the whole world — that with 
 England the great difficulty always felt is, not to get hands to keep 
 pace with the demand of the consumers, but to gel a demand to keep 
 pace with the hands employed in the production.'' 
 
 With such resources and capabilities, and with such interests 
 involved in their development and extension — interests involving the 
 very existence of the empire — England is not to be easily defeated 
 in her purposes. When restricted or excluded from one market, 
 she speedily seeks or creates another. The intelligence, the enter 
 prise, and the energies, of her subjects, are called forth by govern 
 ment, and made subservient to the promotion of her interests and \\vj 
 extension of her commerce and her power. The desert or savage 
 Islands of the sea; the bulwarks of India, or tlie walls of China; 
 the frozen regions of the north, or the tropical suns of the south, 
 present few obstacles to her enterprise. Nor need we stop to prove, 
 in detail, that the almost irresistible energies of Great Britain, thus 
 put forth, and embracing in their range all the earth, find their chief 
 motive power in her desire to extend the s<dc of her manufactures 
 Crush her manufactures, and the throne will soon totter to its fall 
 But what gives a tenfold interest and importance to her enterprises 
 
Relations of England to Liberia. 57 
 
 is, that wherever she goes, wherever her standard is planted, a 
 Christian Civilization, though forming no part of her design, 
 almost invariably follows her conquest of, or treaty with, a pagan 
 nation or a savage tribe. The greatness of England, and her con- 
 sequent necessities, are thus compelling her to the fulfillment of a 
 mission of vast moment to the world; and in its execution she seems 
 likely to be driven from point to point until she completes the earth's 
 circuit. Though she » meaneth not so," yet she may emphatically 
 be called the great agent for the extension of civilization. She 
 is now, it seems, compelled to expend her energies upon Africa, so 
 as to secure to herself the advantages arising from its civilization. 
 Two hundred thousand of her own subjects are now annually emi- 
 grating to other countries. This is to England an annual loss of 
 two hundred thousand laborers, whom she cannot profitably employ 
 at home. But were the hordes of barbarians in tropical Africa 
 civilized, and engaged in developing its immense resources, the 
 demand created in the supply of their wants would furnish labor for 
 all unemployed English subjects, and add immensely to the pros- 
 perity of Great Britain. 
 
 It will now be seen that England is not only interested in encour- 
 aging the cultivation of tropical productions by Liberia, as a means 
 of destroying the slave trade and slavery, and of crippling the 
 energies of her rivals, but that she is also most deeply interested in 
 securing the markets which Liberia will open up in Africa for 
 English manufactures. Tropical Africa can never afford an outlet 
 for European emigration, and can, therefore, be of no importance to 
 England for that purpose. Its commercial advantages can be as well 
 secured in the hands of independent states, as if England had posses- 
 sion of it as colonies. Great Britain, therefore, can, consistently with 
 her policy and her interests, employ her influence and her power in 
 promoting the welfare of Liberia. Nay, more, it will be seen, when 
 all the facts stated are considered, that she is compelled, by her own 
 necessities, to use the most energetic measures for the speedy exten- 
 sion of the influence and the sovereignly of the Republic of Liberia, 
 as the point where she can, at the earliest period, commence her 
 important experiment. Other points hereafter, may, and no doubt 
 will be speedily made subservient to her purpose, but Liberia is her only 
 present reliance for the commencement of her great work. Civiliza- 
 tion is here already introduced and begins to radiate into the interior, 
 and only needs the necessary aid and time to extend its blessings 
 throughout Africa. b 
 
 It is true, that England will have rivals, in the sale of her manu- 
 factures, in Liberia. She cares but little for that, however, because 
 her facilities for manufacturing are, at present, and must be for years 
 to come, so much superior to that of all other countries, that she can 
 successfully rival them, even in their own markets, when not embar- 
 rassed by tariffs. She has taken good care to make the first treaty 
 of commerce and amity with Liberia, and thus stands in the fore- 
 ground, as the friend of the young Republic. 
 
58 Relations of England to Liberia. 
 
 Now, then, we repeat, without the fear of successful contradiction, 
 that Great Britain finds herself in a position, at this moment, so 
 disadvantageous, both in her relations to tropical cultivation and in 
 the sale of her manufactures, that one principal means of extrica- 
 tion is in the success of Liberia, and that she is, therefore, vitally 
 interested in having the young Republic extend its influence, with all 
 possible rapidity, over the continent of Africa ; so as, at the earliest 
 practicable day, to have her eighty millions of naked or half-clothed 
 inhabitants subjected to civilization, stimulated to industry, clothed in 
 British fabrics, and, in return, producing abundantly those tropical 
 products now become absolutely necessary, for the manufactures, the 
 luxuries, and the necessities of life, amongst the civilized nations of 
 the temperate zones. And with such interests involved in the suc- 
 cess of Liberia, and with such power and influence enlisted in her 
 support, humanly speaking, how can our Colonization scheme fail I 
 
 But we must hasten to a conclusion of this protracted discussion, and leave many 
 points of additional interest untouched. Indeed nothing but the great importance of 
 the bearings of the questions which have been investigated, can justify the occupa- 
 tion of so much time. The cause of humanity, however, demands that attention 
 shall be given to these topics. Africa has long groaned hopelessly to be delivered 
 from the deluge of woes which has for ages rolled over her. The dawn of her re- 
 demption is now appearing. The light of civilization and Christianity has broken 
 forth upon her shores and begins to dispel the gloom of centuries. The slave traders, 
 like so many spirits of darkness, are compelled to limit their hellish labors to districts 
 yet unillumined by that light. Nothing seems to be wanting to the accomplishment 
 of Africa's redemption but a sufficient increase of the agencies which have already 
 Deen productive of such rich fruits in Liberia. These agencies are being rapidly 
 railed into action. The Providence of God is operating upon the nations, most di- 
 rectly concerned in the question of Africa's future destiny, so as to make it their in- 
 terest to favor the civilization of the inhabitants of that continent. Great Britain, as 
 already shown, is enlisted by considerations, commercial and manufacturing, which 
 she never overlooks, to aid in this great work of philanthropy. She can supply un- 
 limited sums of money to stimulate enterprise and industry, and to promote civiliza- 
 tion in Africa, and she ivill do it as fast as it can be profitably employed. 
 
 The people of France, having achieved their own liberties, soon pronounced the 
 freedom of the slaves in their islands. France did not wait to calculate the political 
 and commercial considerations involved in emancipation, before she obeyed the dic- 
 tates of humanity. Herself free, she desired the freedom of the world. Having pos- 
 session of many important points on the coast of Africa, she will crush the slave 
 trade wherever she has control, and thus greatly aid in its suppression and in the 
 promotion of African civilization. But as she has not within herself, the command 
 of the agencies necessary to civilize the districts which she owns, she mav find herself 
 compelled to call upon the colored people of the United States to commence and carry 
 on the work, and thus promote our colonization enterprise. And as France has al- 
 ready proved herself capable of acts of the greatest magnanimity, we must ask of her 
 one favor, though it may seem, in us, an act of presumption. But as an American 
 Republican, we ran appeal to French Republicans. It is of the utmost importance to 
 the Republic of Liberia, that it should have guaranteed to it, by other nations, the 
 right to purchase and annex the whole line of coast from Sierra Leone to Cape Lo- 
 pez, so that no other power may be allowed to interfere with the extension of its 
 jurisdiction over that region. The Gaboon, now in the possession of France, lies at 
 the southeastern limits of this region, and is one of the most valuable points in Africa. 
 We ask (if France, therefore, that she shall offer the Gaboon country, as a free gift, 
 to the i'rvc colored people of the United States, upon which to form a new state in 
 connexion with Liberia. And, from the circumstances under which her title to tins 
 
Concluding Remarks. 59 
 
 territory was acquired, during the Monarchy, it is believed that the Republic, when 
 the subject is presented for its consideration, will yield it for that purpose. 
 
 The United States is also deeply interested in the success of Liberia, and is being 
 involved in difficulties and perplexities propelling her onward to a point where she, 
 too, must exert herself in behalf of the young Republic. Commercial arid manu- 
 facturing interests will influence her, as they have already influenced Great Britain. 
 But in addition to these, other considerations of far deeper import will soon press 
 themselves upon our attention. The rapid increase of our slave population is begin- 
 ning to alarm the stoutest advocates of the perpetuation of slavery. With their 
 uniform ratio of increase continued, which, it will be remembered, is three per cent. 
 per annum, in 50 years, from 1850, the slave population of the United States, will 
 number l',I,000,000, with an annual increase of 360,000. In 100 years hence, they 
 will have increased to 44,500,000, with an annual increase of 1,300,000. And iii 
 150 years their numbers will be 165,000,000, and the yearly increase 5,000,000. 
 
 Now, it is utterly impossible that this number of slaves can be held in bondage, 
 or be profitably employed, by the southern states of our union, for half the period 
 included in our calculation. But how emancipation is to be ultimately effected, we 
 cannot foretell. This we know, that it must be done. The South is becoming aware 
 of the difficulties of the future of slavery, and are beginning to look at its appalling 
 consequences. Many states have already legislated to prevent the sale and transfer of 
 the slaves of the more northern states into their bounds, and it would not ue unexpected, 
 if, in a few years, the slave holders of the more northern slave states, should be unable 
 to find a market for their surplus slaves. And whenever this event occurs, the masters 
 will soon be over-supplied with laborers which they cannot employ profitably, and 
 emancipation must take place. And when ever this work commences, the work of 
 Colonization to Africa will be greatly increased. Liberia, therefore, is to the south- 
 ern states, as well as to those of the north, and to the nations of Europe, a point of very 
 great interest. Not one of them, scarcely, can carry out their present policy without 
 promoting the interests of our colony. In these facts we find an additional argument 
 for the perpetuity of the Republic of Liberia. 
 
 And further, if the scheme of tropical cultivation in Africa, by free labor, can be 
 successfully carried out, at an early day, and of which we entertain but little doubt, 
 the work of emancipation in this country may be forced to a consummation much 
 more rapidly than many suppose. The United States, it must be borne in mind, have 
 not one acre of tropical lands. Our crops of cotton and sugar, are both liable to 
 blight, by frosts, before they are fully matured and secured. But it is not so in 
 Africa. More than three fourths of the lands of that vast continent are within the 
 tropics, and secure from the action of frosts. The employment of capital, in tropical 
 cultivation in Africa, would long since have been extended to millions upon millions 
 of dollars, but for the error committed in attempting it by white men and amongst 
 an uncivilized people. This error is now detected and will not be repeated. The 
 American Colonization Society has, by its efforts, dispelled the doubts and difficulties 
 overhanging the question of African Civilization. Capital, in a few years, can 
 be employed more profitably in Liberia than in the United States. Capital and labor 
 will soon both find their way to Africa, and perhaps in modes not now anticipated. 
 It is no uncommon occurrence now, for a slave holder, in this country, to let his 
 slave out on parole, to earn a fixed price, upon the payment of which to the master, 
 the slave is a freeman. It is very rare, in such cases, that a breach of faith occurs. 
 Now, it may not be long, if the southern market should be closed against the sale of 
 northern slaves, before this system of self-emancipation may be carried out upon a 
 grand scale, by masters bargaining with their slaves to emigrate to Liberia, there 
 to earn the price of their freedom. Such an arrangement would add to the amount 
 "f free labor products which must come into competition with those of the slave labor 
 of our southern states. In this way Kentucky and Virginia could retaliate, with 
 fearful effect, upon South Carolina and Louisiana. 
 
 But, as we hasten to a conclusion, we can only throw out suggestions without 
 waiting to dwell upon them. We are fully aware, that the idea that tropical culti- 
 vation in Africa, can seriously affect the value of slave labor in the United States, for 
 centuries to come, will be considered visionary. But we must ask all such doubters 
 to recollect, that commercial revolutions occur almost as suddenly, in this age, aa 
 
CO Concluding Remarks. 
 
 political ones. The world has learned how to achieve great things in a short time 
 We western men have witnessed such wonders pass before our eyes, that we believe 
 capital and labor, skill and enterprise, can accomplish any thing within the range of 
 human power, and that what formerly required centuries for its consummation, can 
 now be executed in months or years. Born in Ohio, when it was yet comparatively 
 a wilderness, I, myself, have seen it rise to what it now is, and have also seen State 
 after State called rapidly into existence, in the wilderness of the west, in less than 
 half a century. And yet the sources of this prosperity and this progress are unex- 
 hausted and inexhaustible. No limits can be set to this progress but the impassable 
 barriers of the great Pacific. 
 
 Give to Liberia intelligent and industrious emigrants, and she, too, will advance in 
 prosperity and in greatness. The materials of such an emigration exist in the United 
 States, and our colored men, generally, are only awaiting the evidences of the truth 
 of what is said of Liberia. When convinced that it is not a trap to enslave them 
 again, as they have been told, they will move with the heart of one man, as the Is- 
 raelites of old removed from Egypt to Canaan. The sympathies of our colored men 
 are with England and France. These nations possess their confidence more fully 
 than Americans. England and France are both interested in blessing Africa with 
 civilization. A formal invitation from these two governments, addressed to our free 
 colored people, and asking them to emigrate to Liberia, under their protection and 
 patronage, would enlist tens of thousands to remove at once to the young Republic. 
 These emigrants, being settled at suitable points along the coast, would greatly aid 
 in checking the slave trade, and thus, its risks being much increased, the British 
 capital employed at present in that traffic, would be withdrawn from Brazil and 
 transferred to Liberia. A large concentration of capital and labor in Africa, which 
 are both practicable, would soon be felt, in the markets of the world, by the increased 
 supply of free labor tropical products brought into competition with those of 
 slave labor. When this event shall occur, as occur it will, a reduction of the value 
 of slave labor must follow; and this together with the rapidly increasing bulk of the 
 now unwieldy mass of our slave population, must greatly hasten the period of 
 final emancipation. 
 
 Now, if the possession of the sovereignty of the soil of tropical Africa, and the 
 control of its products, be of such vast political and commercial importance to such 
 governments as France and England, as their policy towards Africa, heretofore, so 
 fully indicates; we would respectfully enquire of our colored people, whether their 
 possession and control are not of equal importance and value to African men them- 
 selves 1 And, if the monopoly of tropical products once secured to Englishmen an 
 ascendancy among nations; will not the same advantages be of equal importance to 
 African men, and afford to them the means of rising into national greatness and na- 
 tional glory } And, further, if Africa is of such importance to European nations, 
 that they will expend millions of dollars to secure to themselves the advantages of its 
 products and its commerce; what will posterity, what will the world say, of those of 
 our African population, who refuse to receive such a rich inheritance, though offered 
 Id their acceptance us a free gift ? And, again, if the destruction of the slave trade 
 and the abolition of slavery, be matters of such vast moral importance as to call for 
 the united efforts of Christian men, throughout the world, to destroy them; and if 
 these greatest of all modern moral enterprises, inferior only to our purely missionary 
 efforts, cannot be accomplished, but by our Christian colored men forming themselves 
 into a rampart around the African coast; and if colored men can, by engaging in 
 this great moral and' religious movement, better their own condition and secure to 
 themselves and their children, and ultimately to the millions of Africa, all the blessings 
 of social, civil, and religious liberty; why should we not urge them to a fair and candid 
 consideration of the question of returning to Africa as civilized and christianized men, 
 t<> take peaceful possession of that ancient inheritance from which their uncivilized 
 and pagan forefathers were forcibly torn? 
 
 But we shall not further weary your patience. We had designed presenting an 
 argument for the success of the Republic of Liberia, bused upon the innate moral 
 principle existing within her, and growing out of the religious freedom secured to 
 her citizens, and the ample means of religious instruction provided for her people. 
 But we forbear. 
 
PART SECOND. 
 
 The close of the last century exhibited the social and moral condi- 
 tion of the world in such an aspect as to prove the excellency of 
 Christianity over all other religious systems. Paganism had lono- 
 since wrought out its legitimate results, and demonstrated its impo- 
 tency to produce a high degree of human happiness. Mohamme- 
 danism, a shade better in its principles, had progressed but little 
 beyond Paganism in promoting the welfiire of its votaries. Both 
 of these systems, constructed on principles consonant with fallen 
 human nature, were,of necessity, becoming effete, and stood before the 
 world as gigantic edifices, whose foundations were giving way, and 
 the whole structures tumbling into ruins. 
 
 Christianity, embracing principles antagonistic to all impurity and 
 every form of injustice, and demanding of men implicit obedience to 
 God, was no welcome visitor upon earth, but had to endure, from its 
 earliest introduction, the most bitter enmity and the most sanguinary 
 opposition. At the end of 330 years from Christ, in addition to the 
 hostility of the Jews, it had passed through ten successive persecu- 
 tions by the Roman Emperors, which, failing to suppress it, only 
 served to prove that the religion of the Saviour of the world was 
 indestructible. 
 
 When, therefore, despots discovered their inability to annihilate 
 the new religion, combinations were formed to adopt it in the room 
 I of preexisting systems, or rather, perhaps, to engraft it upon them, 
 | and mould it to suit their purposes. But notwithstanding that 
 I Christianity was thus corrupted and perverted into an engme of 
 political and ecclesiastical despotism, it still retained much" of its 
 | innate vitality, and greatly advanced the social and moral welfare 
 jof those subjected to its influence; thus proving its superiority over 
 I the false religious systems which had so long prevailed. 
 
 It being an essential element of the religion revealed by Christ to 
 generate independence of thought, its believers were often found 
 i (SI) 
 
62 Introduction. 
 
 holding opinions at variance with those established by law. These 
 tendencies, it was feared, would make the unrestrained toleration 
 of Christianity dangerous to Despotism, because freedom of thought 
 and of speech, allowed to the people, would weaken confidence in 
 the infallibility of the judgment of kings, and thus peril the stability 
 of thrones. The art of printing being undiscovered, the living 
 teacher, for a long period, was the chief agency for the propagation 
 of the new faith. To silence his voice, when not in unison with 
 despotic will, it was conceived, would limit independence of thought, 
 and the desired uniformity of opinion and implicit obedience to rulers 
 be secured. Hence arose efforts, extending through many centuries, 
 and leading to the shedding of torrents of blood, to force upon the 
 world a unity of faith. But the employment of the rack and the 
 dungeon, the gibbet and the stake, only tended more fully to evolve 
 another inherent principle of the doctrines taught by the Son of 
 God — the natural equality of mankind, and the individual respon- 
 sibility of man to God, demanding for the human race equal 
 rights and liberty of conscience. 
 
 A doctrine so inconsistent with preconceived opinions, and 
 fraught, it was perceived, with such dangers to civil and ecclesi- 
 astical despotisms, could not but lead to the most vigorous exertions 
 for its suppression. Success so far attended their efforts, that the 
 light of the Gospel became dimmed and ages of darkness ensued, 
 during which despotism reposed in safety amid the moral night it 
 had produced, until the forgotten Bible, chained within walls of 
 massive stone, as if to hide it from the people, was discovered by 
 the master-spirit of his age, and its divine light made to reillnmine 
 the world. 
 
 The occurrence of this event with the nearly simultaneous dis- 
 covery of the art of printing, which led to a rapid and indefinite 
 multiplication of copies of the Scriptures, now imposed upon despots 
 the double task, of exterminating the living teacher, and of preventing 
 the circulation of the printed Bible. Persecution again followed 
 persecution, until, under the guidance of a kind Providence, a few 
 of the advocates of civil and religious liberty, fleeing for their lives 
 from Europe, Bible in hand, found a refuge in the new world. Here 
 the legitimate fruits of Christianity, when untrammelled by the 
 devices of men, were soon developed, and the American Republic 
 arose, as a beacon to the world, teaching what a Free Clirisiianity 
 can accomplish for mankind. 
 
 In the mean time the principles of religious liberty had gained 
 some favor in a few of the nations of Europe, and produced their 
 appropriate results, though in a more limited degree than in the 
 United States, because religion was left less free. And thus there 
 was a progressive movement on both sides of the Atlantic, leading to 
 a higher civilization and a greater sum of human happiness than the 
 older systems had ever produced, or than has yet been attained 
 where they still prevail. 
 
 Near the close of the last century, therefore, the contrast could be 
 clearly drawn between Paganism, Mohammedanism, a Christianity 
 
Introduction. 63 
 
 excluding the Bible from the people and modeled to fetter the 
 freedom of thought and of speech, and a free Christianity takino- ihe 
 bible alone as its basis, and, without the intervention of any human 
 agent, placing the soul of man directly in communion with God 
 J he eflects ol these various systems, in advancing or retarding human 
 happiness, and in promoting or checking civilization, had°becoine 
 so manifest, that the Christian philanthropist, acting under the im- 
 pulses oi the law of love, resolved upon giving to the world a Free 
 Christianity. 
 
 It is unnecessary, before an intelligent audience, to enumerate the 
 obstacles which impede the progress of the agents employed to bestow 
 a Free Christianity upon the world, with the view of securing to 
 mankind a higher civilization and increased enjoyment in this life as 
 well as to impart to the hearts of men the hope of eternal happiness 
 m the world to come. It is only necessary to our present purpose 
 to say, that, in all these efforts there has been no field selected which 
 was so dark and unpromising, and none that so long baffled all exer- 
 tions, and so utterly failed of success, as that of Africa previous to the 
 colonization ol its coast by civilized and Christian colored men The 
 facts in relation to this subject were fullv presented in our lecture 
 one year ago, in this hall. It is there shown that two hundred and 
 forty years ol effort by the Catholics, and one hundred and forty by 
 I rotes tan t missionaries, including the period of the operations of our 
 Liberia Colony, had proved, conclusively, that the redemption of 
 Africa from barbarism cannot be accomplished by white men but 
 that colored men must be employed in that vast work of benevolence 
 It was also proved, that the slave trade, after the expenditure, by 
 England, of more than one hundred millions of dollars lor its sup- 
 pression, instead of being diminished in extent, has been steadily and 
 rapidly increasing; and that the conviction is forced upon the public 
 mind, that this greatest of crimes against humanity can only be sup- 
 pressed by surrounding the coast with colonies of intelligent colored 
 men, who must be protected and sustained by Christian governments 
 until the civilization of the native population can be effected. 
 
 The important truth being ascertained, that the agents in the civili- 
 zation of Africa must be men of African blood, the great question 
 which presses itself upon the consideration of the philanthropist and 
 the Christian, is this : Where can we obtain colored men in suffi- 
 cient numbers, who are properly educated and enlightened, and who 
 are themselves the subjects of redeeming grace, to act as agents in 
 bestowing a Christian civilization upon Africa? 
 
 To answer this question, is a prominent object of the present lec- 
 ture But, to obtain a just conception of the magnitude of the work 
 that lies before us, it becomes necessary to determine the extent and 
 cnaracter of the social and moral evils existing in Africa; and this is 
 the more necessary, because of the prevalence of the opinion, that the 
 degradation of Africa is chiefly due to the slave trade. Our investi- 
 gations, we believe, will fully sustain the truth of the assertion, that 
 even it it were possible to break up the slave trade by other means 
 than colonization, but little would be gained to the cause of humanity 
 
6-i Social and Moral Condition of Africa. 
 
 and little good accomplished for Africa ; and that if the benevolent 
 designs toward the African race, which so generally prevail among 
 good men, he executed, there must be a union of effort of all the friends 
 of this oppressed people, in supporting and extending the work of 
 colonization in Africa; and further, that the United States is placed 
 in such a peculiar position, as clearly to indicate that we alone, of all 
 the nations in the world, are able to give to Africa that form of Chris- 
 tianity and of civil government which will secure to her the highest 
 degree of civilization and the greatest amount of prosperity. The 
 materials collected have been arranged under the following heads. 
 
 I. The social and moral condition of Africa, independent of the 
 
 slave trade. 
 II. The modifications produced by the slave trade upon the social 
 
 and moral condition of Africa. 
 III. The reladon which the slavery of the United States bears to 
 the recovery of Africa from barbarism. 
 
 I. The earlier travelers in Africa, meeting with many acts of 
 kindness, formed favorable opinions of the natives, and the impression 
 has been created, that the greater part of the evils oppressing that 
 country have had their origin in the slave trade, and are not a neces- 
 sary consequence of her own social and moral condition. A better 
 acquaintance with the state of the interior has tended to correct the 
 first impressions. The iron despotism of their kings, the absolute- 
 ness of their domestic slavery, the objects of their idolatrous worship, 
 the modes of performing their religions rites, the cruel superstitions 
 existing everywhere, their degrading customs, their human sacri- 
 fices, their cannibalism, it was discovered, must have dated their 
 origin far back beyond the period of the commencement of the slave 
 trade, and produced the most debasing effects upon the inhabitants. 
 The slave trade, it was evident, had not originated the greater evils 
 under which Africa groaned, but was itself one of the legitimate 
 fruits of the social and moral degradation previously e.risiing and 
 still perpetuated on that continent. A brief statement of facts will 
 prove the accuracy of the view here presented. 
 
 When England, in 1808, prohibited the slave trade, it was antici- 
 pated that, as this traffic diminished, and a legitimate commerce 
 increased, the civilization of the African people would necessarily be 
 accomplished. While she had the monopoly of the slave trade, she 
 had erected many forts on the coast of Africa, and on declaring it 
 illegal and commencing her operations for its suppression, they were 
 immediately transformed into trading posts for opening up a legal 
 commerce with the natives. This change of policy, requiring many 
 agents to reside on the coast and to visit the interior, soon made the 
 world better acquainted with Africa. 
 
 As the power of Great Britain was considered almost omnipotent, 
 it was not doubted at first, but that the slave trade would be annihi- 
 lated through her influence -and exertions, and the consequent 
 civilization of Africa immediately follow. But the elements oj 
 
Human Sacrifices. 65 
 
 civilization were not then so well understood as at present. It was 
 believed that to extend commerce was to extend civilization. The 
 commerce conducted between the enlightened nations of Europe, it 
 was known, had greatly promoted their civilization. It was soon 
 found, however, that the causes of African degradation lay deeper 
 than had been conceived. The difference between the intellectual 
 and moral capacities of the civilized and uncivilized man was found 
 to be almost infinite. The horrible superstitions by which the 
 minds of the people of Africa had been darkened and bewildered 
 must first be eradicated before civilization could progress. Com- 
 merce, unaided, it was soon demonstrated, could not accomplish this 
 work. An active commerce at Cape Messurado, conducted foi 
 three hundred and fifty years, had failed to advance the natives a 
 single step toward civilization. Similar results had followed else- 
 where. Barbarous tribes, then as now, it was discovered, were in- 
 capable of comprehending moral truth while in the savage state; and 
 could only be brought under its influence by a careful course of 
 moral teaching. But the appetites and passions of their natures 
 being the same as with other men, commerce unavoidably imparted 
 to them the vices of civilization, and introduced among them the 
 elements of physical destruction, instead of planting the seeds of 
 moral renovation. The result of missionary efforts elsewhere, had 
 led to the discovery that the light of the gospel must be let into the 
 soul before the darkness of heathenism, in which it was shrouded, 
 could be dissipated, and the intellectual and moral elevation of the 
 people be promoted. Christianity, the only parent of a pure moral- 
 ity, it had been perceived, was the primary element in raising men 
 from barbarism, and that civilization, industry, and commerce were 
 necessary fruits of the gospel wherever planted. These facts being 
 observed, though as yet but dimly and by few, led to efforts for the 
 introduction of Christianity into Africa, and the missionaries thus 
 employed furnished to the world additional light upon the subject 
 of its social and moral condition. The establishment of colonies 
 upon the coast has also afforded further opportunities of investigation 
 and supplied fuller information in relation to the terrible moral gloom 
 overshadowing- Africa. 
 
 It is, then, from the investigations of British agents, travelers, mis- 
 sionaries and colonists, that we derive our facts in relation to the social 
 and moral condition of Africa. 
 
 We shall begin with their human sacrifices. According to their 
 ideas, the future world will be a counterpart of this ; will present the 
 same objects to the senses, the same enjoyments, and the same dis- 
 tinction of ranks in society. Upon this belief are founded proceed- 
 ings not only absurd, but of the most violent and atrocious description. 
 A profusion of wealth is buried in the grave of the deceased, who is 
 supposed to carry it into the other world: and human victims are 
 sacrificed, often in whole hecatombs, under the delusion that they will 
 attend as his guards and ministers in the future mansion. This sav- 
 age superstition seems to have prevailed to a peculiar extent in those 
 5 
 
G6 Human Sacrifices. 
 
 great interior monarchies, which, in other respects, are more civilized 
 than the rest of Western Africa. 
 
 The Ashantees have two annual customs, as they are called, says 
 Mr. Bowditch, a British agent, of 1819, in which the King, and chief 
 men, seek to propitiate the departed spirits of their ancestors, by the 
 sacrifice of a crowd of human victims. Foreign slaves and criminals 
 are selected in preference, but as each seeks to multiply the number, 
 unprotected persons cannot walk abroad without the hazard of being 
 seized and immolated. At the death of any of the royal family, vic- 
 tims must bleed in thousands ; and the same is the case when the 
 king seeks from the powers above, favorable omens respecting any 
 great projected undertaking. On the death of the king, a most hor- 
 rid scene of human slaughter takes place ; all the sacrifices that had 
 been made for the death of every subject during his reign being 
 required to be repeated, to amplify that for the death of the monarch, 
 and to solemnize it in every excess of extravagance and barbarity. 
 The brothers, sons, and nephews of the king, affecting temporary 
 insanity, burst forth with their muskets, and fire promiscuously among 
 the crowd. Few persons of rank dare stir from their houses for the 
 first two or three days, but drive forth their slaves as a composition 
 for their own absence. The king's household slaves are all murdered 
 on his tomb, to the number of a hundred or more, and women in abun- 
 dance. As the king is allowed three thousand three hundred and 
 thirty-three wives, and as the immolation of the wife on the death of 
 the husband is customary in Africa, it is probable that many of the 
 slaughtered women are the wives of the king, despatched to attend 
 their deceased lord in another world. The king of Ashantee, other- 
 wise a very amiable and benevolent sovereign, on the death of Ids 
 mother, says Mr. Bowditch, devoted three thousand victims to water 
 her grave, two thousand of whom were Fantee prisoners, and the rest 
 levied in certain proportions on the several towns. 
 
 That this is no fabled account of the cruel superstitions of Ashantee, 
 is evident from very recent testimony. As late as 1844, intelligence 
 from Liberia, published in the African Repository, states that at the 
 death of the late king, one thousand human victims were sacrificed. 
 
 The kingdom of Dahomey is governed upon the same system as 
 Ashantee, and with all its deformities — which it carries to a still more 
 violent excess. The bloody customs take place on a still greater 
 scale ; and the bodies of the victims, says Mr. B., instead of being 
 buried, are hung upon the walls, and allowed to putrify. Human 
 skulls make the favorite ornament of the palaces and temples, and the 
 king has his sleeping apartment paved with them. 
 
 This statement is confirmed by the testimony of the Rev. J. L. 
 Wilson, missionary in Western Africa, in 1839, who writes, that 
 "human sacrifices arc still offered in great numbers, not only in Ashan- 
 tee, but in all the petty principalities of the surrounding country. 
 The story that the king of Dahomey has his yard paved with human 
 skulls is no fable. There are Europeans on the coast who have seen 
 it, and can bear witness to the truth of the statement." 
 
 Governor Abson, of (Jape Coast Castle, visited the king of Dahomey 
 
Human Sacrifices. 67 
 
 at a time when six slave ships were at Whydah, anxious to make 
 purchases, and when, owing to the scarcity of slaves, the prices had 
 risen to nearly thirty pounds. But such "was the strength of super- 
 stition over avarice, that the king refused to sell his prisoners to the 
 slave traders, preferring to put them to death for their skulls, in the 
 contemplation of which the people seemed to take a horrible delight. 
 When the governor inquired of the king, if his going to war was not 
 to obtain captives to sell to the slave traders, he replied, "I have 
 killed many thousands without thinking of the slave market, and 
 shall kill many thousands more. Some heads I place at my door, 
 others I throw into the market place, that people may stumble over 
 them. This gives a grandeur to my customs ; this makes my ene- 
 mies fear me ; and this pleases my ancestors, to whom I send them. 
 Dahomeans do not make war to make slaves, but to make prisoners 
 to kill at the customs." 
 
 The king of Dahomey used to hold a constant communication with 
 his deceased father. Whenever he wished to announce to him any 
 remarkable event, or to consult him on any emergency, lie would send 
 for one of his ablest messengers, and after delivering to him his errand, 
 chop oft* his head. It sometimes happened, that after the head was 
 off, he recollected something else which he wished to say, in which 
 case a second messenger was dispatched, in like manner, with a post- 
 script to his former message. Gov. Abson was present on an occa- 
 sion of this kind. The poor fellow selected for the honor of bearing 
 his majesty's message, aware of what was to happen, declared he was 
 unacquainted with the road, on which the tyrant, drawing his sword, 
 vociferated, "I'll show you the way," anil with one blow severed 
 his head from his body — highly indignant that an European should 
 have witnessed the least expression of reluctance in the performance 
 of a duty which is considered a great honor. 
 
 Such seems to have been the inefficiency of British arrangements 
 on the coast, at the period when Mr. Bowditch visited Africa ; and 
 such the want of moral influence exerted by the residents over the 
 natives, that Sir James Yeo informed the committee of African mer- 
 chants, that the impotence of their outposts were such, that they 
 could not even prevent the offering of human sacrifices under their 
 Malls. Two victims, says Mr. B., had been sacrificed, with the most 
 refined barbarity, in broad day, close to the fort of Accra. 
 
 Human sacrifices, on a more limited scale, seem to be of common 
 occurrence. The Rev. Mr. Schon, of the English Church Missionary 
 Society, who accompanied the Niger Expedition in 1843, says that 
 human sacrifices are offered by the Ibo people, residing one hundred 
 and twenty miles above the mouth of the Niger. The usual modes 
 of destroying life are to fasten the victims to the branches of trees 
 close to the river and leave them to famish, or to tie their legs together 
 and drag them from place to place until they expire, when "the bodies 
 are cast into the river to be devoured by alligators. In a tour of 
 exploration along the coast, in 1839, the Rev. J. L. Wilson says, 
 " We were informed that only a few days previous to our arrival, a 
 neighboring chief had, in consequence of an eclipse of the sun, which 
 
68 Human Sacrifices. 
 
 was regarded as ominous of approaching calamity, buried several of 
 his subjects alive; and it was not known how many more would be 
 subjected to the same fate." 
 
 On the gold coast, the shark is worshipped by the inhabitants. 
 Every year, says Dr. Porter, the inhabitants of Bonney doom a guilt- 
 less child to expiate, with its life, the follies and crimes of its destroy- 
 ers. The poor babe is named for this bloody rite at its birth, from 
 which time it is called their Jewjew, and allowed every indulgence 
 that its fancy can wish for, until it arrives at nine or ten years of age, 
 when its sanguinary doom must be fulfilled. Its tears and lamenta- 
 tions avail not; its parents have placed their feelings of nature on the 
 altar of a mistaken devotion ; it is therefore left alone to plead with 
 those that hope to benefit by its destruction. The sharks collect as 
 if in expectation of the dainty meal being prepared for them. The 
 spot chosen is a point of sand, into which a stake is driven at low 
 water mark. The mother sees her innocent offspring bound to this, 
 and as the tide advances, left alone. Various noises are made to 
 drown the cries of the terrified child. Its little hands are seen im- 
 ploring, and its lips calling for her aid ; the water soon reaches the 
 stake, and the greedy monsters are seen by the tender victim quickly 
 approaching with the deepening tide. The shouting mob stand 
 watching the stake until the advancing tide has emboldened the sharks 
 to approach their prey — then their dreadful revelry begins. No tear 
 is shed for the poor sufferer, but the day is concluded with rejoicing 
 and festivities. 
 
 But we will only trespass upon your patience so far as to present one 
 more case under this part of our investigations. The Liberia Lumi- 
 nary, of 1848, gives an account of the sacrifice of a human being, a 
 short time previous, under circumstances which prove that there is 
 no abatement of the power of superstition over men's minds in Africa, 
 where the light of the gospel has not been reflected. 
 
 A famous Goulah chief, anxious for success in a military campaign 
 upon which he was setting out against the Condoes, applied to a Ma- 
 hommedan priest to know what he should do to insure success. The 
 priest inquired of him whether he was able to make the necessary 
 sacrifice, to which he replied that he could make any sacrifice that 
 could be named. The nefarious imposter then told him he must sac- 
 rifice his son ! and, taking his dead body upon his shoulders, his feet 
 swung around his neck, and his head hung behind him, in this man- 
 ner advance before his troops to the contest, and victory would be 
 certain ! ! The directions were complied with. Calling his son into 
 a house, he caught him, deliberately tied him, and then, with his own 
 parental hand, he cut his throat! Having offered this sacrifice, he 
 and his troops prepared to advance toward the jurisdiction of their 
 enemies ; then was this inhuman father seen with his dead son on his 
 back, in the manner directed, without any display of parental affec- 
 tion or of emotion, save that aroused in his barbarous breast by the 
 confident expectation of victory. Being successful in three subse- 
 quent engagements, this horrible sacrifice will, no doubt, be hereafter 
 considered as the sure precursor of victory. 
 
Idolatry. 09 
 
 Such was African superstition in 1848, and such will it continue 
 to be until Christianity dispels the gloom which overcasts the native 
 mind. 
 
 We turn now to African Idolatry. The native Africans, generally, 
 have very obscure conceptions of the nature and attributes of God 
 and of a future state of moral retribution ; while almost every super- 
 stition that can degrade the human mind reigns in full sway. 
 
 To express generally what is sacred, what is forbidden, what is 
 endowed with supernatural powers, either beneficent or malignant, 
 they employ the term fetiche or gri-gri. Everything which strikes 
 the fancy of a negro is made his fetiche. This word is derived 
 either from the Portugese word fetisso, a block adored as an idol, or 
 from feticzeira, an enchantress. The Portuguese gave the name to 
 the idols of the negroes on the Senegal, and afterward the word 
 received a more extensive meaning. The general signification now 
 given to fetiche, seems to be, an object worshipped, not representing 
 any living figure. The grand natural fetiches are rocks, hills, or trees 
 of remarkable size and beauty. But there are fantastic objects of 
 veneration, which each individual adopts and carries about with him. 
 Such are a piece of ornamented wood, the teeth of a dog, tiger, or 
 elephant, a goat's head, a fish bone, or the end of a ram's horn. They 
 believe the material substances which they worship to be endowed 
 with intelligence, and the power of doing them good or evil : and also 
 that the fetichere, or priest, being in council with their fetiche, is 
 made acquainted with all that those divinities know, and thence is 
 familiar with the most secret thoughts and actions of men. The 
 household, or family fetiche, narrowly inspects the conduct of every 
 individual in the house, and rewards or punishes each according to his 
 deserts. The public fetiches are supposed to be equally watchful 
 over community in general. 
 
 These fetiches they set up in the houses, the fields, or the entrance 
 and center of the villages, erect altars to them, and place before them 
 dishes of rice, maize, and fruits. The better sort of families have 
 weekly festivals on which they sacrifice a cock or sheep. This 
 gri-gri or fetiche worship is universal, and hours would not suffice to 
 detail the particulars connected with it, or the debasing influence 
 which it exerts over the mind. The Rev. Mr. Schon found it prac- 
 ticed far up the Niger. He says, 1843, "They showed me their 
 gods. Under a small shade erected before almost every house, 
 among the people of Iddah, were broken pots, pieces of varas, 
 feathers of fowls, horns of animals, broken bows and arrows, knives 
 and spears. Such are their gods ! It is easy to attack them or to 
 expose them to ridicule, but not so easy to eradicate the superstitious 
 belief in them from out of the hearts of men." 
 
 The framing of these fantastic objects of African worship, conse- 
 crating them, and selling them at enormous prices, forms the chief 
 occupation of the African priesthood. Various are the expedients 
 resorted to by these priests, or gri-gri men, to obtain presents from 
 the people, by operating on their superstitious notions. One mode is 
 
70 Devil Worship. 
 
 by teaching that food must be placed at the graves of the dead for the 
 deceased person. The llev. J. L. Wilson visited one town, where 
 the bones of the deceased king, who had been dead many years, have 
 been enclosed in a box, and deposited in a house appropriated exclu- 
 sively for this purpose. Fresh food, water, and every comfort which 
 a living man could wish, are daily deposited in the house. These 
 provisions, the people are told by a gri-gri man, who statedly visited 
 the place to hold converse with the deceased majesty, are devoured 
 by the king. Mr. Wilson, after some difficulty, obtained leave to 
 enter this sacred place, through the small opening affording admit- 
 tance, and found a bed, chairs, table, &c, used, no doubt, by the 
 superintending priest during his visits. 
 
 But in addition to the fetiche idol worship, idolatry of the more 
 common form among pagans, seems also to be practised in Africa. 
 
 In 1833, the Rev. Mr. Schon wrote the Church Missionary Soci- 
 ety, from Sierra Leone, that he had been assured that idol worship 
 was practised in the town, but that those engaged in it, desired to 
 evade detection. Seeing a number of people surrounding a house, 
 he went to the spot and found indications convincing him that some 
 idolatrous ceremonies were being conducted within doors. Attempt- 
 ing to enter, he was repulsed. Returning some time afterward, in 
 company with another missionary, and removing a little of the 
 thatching, he looked in and beheld ten or twelve women prostrated 
 before a hideous idol. Finding themselves discovered, the natives 
 were thrown into the greatest confusion, and opening the door, 
 allowed the missionaries to enter. The mere view, says Mr. 
 Schon, was sufficient to fill the mind with horror. The large 
 idol actually represented the devil, with a blood-stained face and 
 two horns. Before him stood a water pot half filled with the blood 
 of animals that were sacrificed to him. In another corner of the 
 room were smaller idols and gri-gris, lying and hanging in great 
 number; and fowls, which were sacrificed to them, were lying in their 
 blood on the floor of the room. 
 
 Another peculiar form of the African superstition is their Devil- 
 worship. The people cherish the general belief of a future state, 
 little connected, however, with any idea of moral retribution. The 
 question is, whether they have faithfully observed the promise made 
 to the fetiche. They uniformly, says the Rev. J. L. Wilson, ascribe 
 the works of creation to God, but regard the devil as the author of 
 all providence. Hence will be seen at every entrance into their 
 towns, a gri-gri pole, with a rag upon it, or something of the kind, 
 either to prevent his entrance, or conciliate his favor. They never 
 open trade on board of a ship, without pouring a libation of rum 
 into the water, as a portion with which the devil is particularly 
 pleased. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Wynkoop states, that at all the entrances in the 
 enclosure, or roads to the town, are small houses called the grand 
 devil-house, where the people deposite diflferpnt articles in them to 
 conciliate his dreaded majesty. These presents, of course, form a 
 part of the perquisites of the priests. 
 
Witchcraft. 71 
 
 Dr. A. C. Wilson, writing from the station at Fishtown, 1840, 
 says, " Today there was a bullock sacrificed to conciliate the devil, 
 asking those favors of him that should be asked of God, and giving 
 him the honor which belongs to Jehovah alone." 
 
 The God whom the Africans are supposed to worship, says Dr. 
 McDowell, who spent some time at the colonies, has been called the 
 " devil,''' by European visitors. The place selected for the perform- 
 ance of the mysteries connected with his worship, is in the center 
 of some thick forest, called the gri-gri bush, or devil-Lush. The 
 influence which it is made to exercise over the people generally, is 
 partly superstitious, partly political. The chiefs or head men meet 
 once a mouth, ami oiler goats or other animals, as a sacrifice to this 
 evil being or devil. Into this sacred forest no woman or boy is 
 allowed to intrude, the penalty being death, foreign slavery, or a fine. 
 The young freemen of the tribe are initiated into manhood by being 
 taken into the devil bush, where they are shown a wooden cross 
 erected, and a loud hoarse voice addresses them from the deep 
 recesses of the wood, telling them certain things they must not do, 
 upon the penalty of being seized by the evil demon, or spirit, and 
 hung upon the cross to be an example to others. These instruc- 
 tions, as might have been expected, are'of a purely selfish character, 
 having reference to themselves and their own tribe. 
 
 Alter any one has been initiated into these gri-gri mysteries, and 
 offends the chiefs, they are liable to be taken into the devil-bush, 
 from which they never return. Nor dare any one ask, " Where is 
 he ?" " The devil has taken him," ends all further inquiry or hope, 
 and his friends must not mourn for him. If a chief suffers in this 
 way, his people and his wives must suffer along with him, unless by 
 timely notice from the priest, they desert the doomed one, and attach 
 themselves to another chief or tribe before the arrival of the day of 
 execution. 
 
 When Bob Gray, chief at Grand Bassa, sold the devil-bush, which 
 now forms a part of the settlement of Edina, to the Agent of the 
 American Colonization Society, the whole surrounding tribes were 
 about to arm against him for his impiety, and he had to pay a heavy 
 fine, as well as solicit the protection of the colony to save his head. 
 
 The Methodist church now stands not far from the spot where the 
 blood of the victims of their superstition and cruelty has flowed pro- 
 fusely. Many a wretch has been dragged into the depths of that 
 forest gloom never to return. 
 
 The superstitions of the African tribes seem to be the operation 
 of a wild veneration manifested in the form of vague fears of some 
 evil influence being continually impending over them, which they try 
 to obviate by the performance of some ridiculous mummeries, and 
 suspending round their persons their gri-gris. Out of this feeling 
 arses the common belief in (IL'chcraft, and the overwhelming super- 
 stitious credulity which everywhere prevails, affording to the 3 priests 
 immense power over the inhabitants. Dark and magical rites, 
 numberless incantations and barbarous customs, are continually 
 
72 Witchcraft. 
 
 practised, and in the power of which the people have unhounded 
 confidence ; and such is their influence upon the general mind, that 
 they are accompanied by all the terrors that the dread of a malignant 
 being and the fear of unknown evil can invest them. 
 
 In the attempts to bewitch any one, the usual mode of operation is 
 said to be, to take a gourd or vessel, containing, among other ingredi- 
 ents, a combination of different colored rags, cats' teeth, parrots' 
 feathers, toads' feet, eggshells, fishbones, snakes' teeth, and liz- 
 zards' tails. This is secretly placed near the dwelling of the person 
 intended to be brought under its influence, and upon whom the ope- 
 rator wishes to inilict an injury. Terror immediately seizes the 
 individual, and either by resigning himself to despair, or by the 
 secret communication of poison, in most cases, death is die inevitable 
 consequence. 
 
 Upon the death of any one, therefore, suspicion is excited that he 
 has been bewitched or poisoned, by some one, and the friends inva- 
 riably institute an inquiry into the question of who had "made 
 witch," for the deceased. The power of determining this question 
 rests with their priests, and of course constitutes one of the chief 
 sources of their influence over the people. The instances of cruelty 
 growing out of these trials are frequent and horrible. A certain 
 number of witnesses are selected, and every individual who can be 
 an object of suspicion is required to plunge his hand into a pot of 
 boiling oil. If innocent, it is alleged, he suffers no pain ; if guilty, 
 his hand is severely burnt. Should the person thus found guilty, 
 assert his innocence, he is subjected to another, and what everybody 
 regards as a sure and infallible test, that is to swallow a strong and 
 large potation of sass-tvood. It either produces death, or violent and 
 distressing vomiting. The quantity of the tea, says the Rev. J. L. 
 Wilson, 1836, that is given to the man, when his accusers are bent 
 on his destruction, is altogether incredible — enough, were there no 
 poisonous qualities in it, to destroy the life of any one. Several 
 deaths occurred from this practice, near Mr. Wilson's station, but 
 he finally succeeded in putting a stop to such glaring injustice and 
 cruelty. 
 
 But this cruel mode of trial is still prevalent outside of the colonies 
 and mission stations. The journal of the Rev. Mr. Payne, of the 
 Protestant Episcopal Mission, Dec. 9, 1818, records the death of 
 three women, in rapid succession, from this ordeal, who had been 
 accused of causing the death of a man wounded in battle. Upon 
 Mr. Payne remonstrating strongly and endeavoring to put a stop to 
 the work of death, the chief accosted him thus : " Payne, what 
 kind of a man are you ? We are trying to rid ourselves of the 
 witches who have caused our late reverses, and you are angry? 
 We verily thought the dcya, who declared these women to be 
 witches, lied; but, behold, on trial, all prove guilty!!" "Alas," 
 adds Mr. Payne, "for a bloody superstition which receives new 
 strength from every additional victim! Help Lord, for vain is the 
 help of man." 
 
 The eases arising under this means of detecting supposed crhn? 
 
Polygamy. 73 
 
 inals are numerous, one only, in addition, will -be presented. The 
 Liberia Herald, 1844, says, " Directly after the death of King Shaka, 
 oMhe Gallinas, a secret inquisition was set on foot to ferret out the 
 witch-man. For a long time the search was fruitless; at length a 
 gri-gri man, by continued incantations and daring diabolical com- 
 munications, succeeded, and die hapless regicide was brought to 
 light. Confronted with his accuser, he protested that lie was inno- 
 cent — the doctor protested he was guilty^and the all-discovering 
 ordeal was resorted to, to decide the question. Of course the man 
 
 was condemned to die, and as King Shaka was big king too much 
 
 the severity of the punishment was proportioned to the dignity of 
 the deceased. Sentence was pronounced and thus executed — the 
 man was taken to the mouth of the river, his tongue cut out, and he 
 thrown alive to (he sharks. 
 
 "This ordeal," continues the Herald, "is a most powerful engine 
 of state policy in Africa. It is the right arm of an African monarch. 
 He has only to keep on terms with the doctors or gri-gri men, who 
 are the constituted inquisitors, and nothing is easier than to rid him- 
 self, at any time, of a dangerous or aspiring subject. Whether the 
 ordeal be the sassy water, the boiling oil, or the heated iron, they 
 are never at a loss for means to produce any result they wish. If it 
 be the first process, they weaken or strengthen the decoction, and 
 increase or lessen the quantity so as to render it innocent or fatal, 
 just as interest or inclination may lead. If the second or third, they 
 can, by previous application of some preparation to the part to be 
 operated upon, enahle it, for a short time, to resist the effect of heat; 
 and then, by hurrying the ordeal, the accused escapes unscathed. 
 II they conclude to murder the victim, they reverse the operation, 
 and guilt is as clear as noonday. Thus this system puts the life of 
 the whole community in the hands of this class of men, and renders 
 it a formidable fraternity of conjurers." 
 
 Poli/gamy, says the Rev. J. L. Wilson, 1834, is universal. A 
 man's importance in society is according to the number of his wives. 
 These are regarded as his property, and in reality are his servants. 
 They are usually purchased at a very early age. " One of the wives 
 in any family is the mistress of the others, and is honored by them 
 as such. They are all in strict subjection to their husbands, and not 
 unfrequently are severely chastised for the slightest offense. The 
 women perform all the drudgery. At the age of about twelve the 
 females are taken to the devil-bush, and retained for something like 
 two years. They are under the care of the grand devil-man, who, 
 at stated times, rushes out into the midst of them, and utters his ora- 
 cles. They are induced to believe that he is a supernatural being, 
 and his dress and manner both confirm it. So far as the object of this 
 confinement could be learned, it was to prepare them for the duties 
 of life — one of the chief of which is to make a full and unreserved 
 communication of everything they may know to their husbands. 
 
 In 1839, Mr. Burgess, writing from Zanzibar, on the east coast of 
 Africa, says, "That in all the tribes bigamy was common. No 
 sacredness was attached to the marriage relation. Thev retain their 
 
74 Slavery. 
 
 wives as long as they are pleased with them, and then sell them. In 
 some tribes one man would have from one to twenty wives. The 
 Manomoisies sometimes have as high as eighty. Wives are bought 
 and sold. The females do the work ; men work till they obtain 
 wherewith to buy a wife, then work no more, only trade and fight." 
 
 It has been stated already, that the king of Ashantee, 1819, kept 
 three thousand three hundred and thirty-three wives. All the female 
 sex is considered as at the king's disposal, says Mr. Bowditch, and 
 an annual assemblage takes place, when, having made a large selec- 
 tion for himself, he distributes the remainder among his grandees, 
 who are bound to receive them with the humblest gratitude. 
 
 The number of wives possessed by the king of Dahomey equalled 
 those of the king of Ashantee. The stoutest of them, says Mr. 
 Bowditch, were enrolled into a military regiment, regularly trained 
 to the use of arms, under a female general and subordinate officers; 
 and according to the testimony of several Europeans, went through 
 the exercise with great precision. Governor Abson was present 
 at Abomey when the king inarched against the Eyoes, on which 
 occasion he was attended by a body guard of eight hundred women. 
 
 English papers, for May, 1849, brought vis some detads of recent 
 negotiations by an English agent, with the king of Dahomey, fiom 
 which we learn that the number of his armed women is near six 
 thousand at present. They constitute his body guard, and never 
 leave him, and are answerable for the safety of his person. 
 
 It was the boast of the king of Eyeo, that his queens, linked hand 
 in hand, would reach from one end of the kingdom to the other. 
 These women, says Mr. Bowditch, act as the king's body-guards, 
 perform the most menial offices, and are seen in every part of the 
 kingdom, carrying on their heads heavy burdens from place to place, 
 favored only with an exemption from ordinary toil. 
 
 But we need not multiply quotations. Enough is given to prove 
 lhat one of the greatest evils which can mar the social condition of 
 any people — polygamy — prevails to a vastly greater extent in Africa 
 than in any other portion of the world. 
 
 Next in order comes the domestic shivery of Africa. In addition 
 to the degrading customs and cruel superstitions, which cannot 
 have had their origin in the slave trade, slavery, to a frightful 
 extent, exists in Africa, and the wars and demoralization produced 
 by ambition or the hope of making prisoners, for slaves, and to 
 secure plunder, would still continue if slavery in all the world 
 beside were abolished. On this subject the materials are ample, 
 but we must limit ourselves to some of the more prominent facts. 
 This view was forced upon the mind of Burkhnrdt, the African 
 traveler, who, on concluding his labors, says, " Europe will have 
 done but little for the blacks, if the abolition of the Atlantic slave 
 trade, which is trifling compared with the slavery of the interior, is 
 not followed up by some wise and grand plan, tending to the civil- 
 ization of the continent." 
 
 Mr. Burgess, writing from Zanzibar, on the eastern coast of Africa. 
 
Slavery. 75 
 
 says that "slavery is common in all the tribes. They buy their 
 own people. Some Manomoisies own four or five hundred slaves." 
 Major Denham, the English traveler, states, that on the occasion 
 of the marriage of the shiek of Bornou with the daughter of the sultan 
 of Mandara, a combined expedition was sent against the Musgow 
 nation, which, after a desperate struggle, brought in three thousand 
 slaves ; and the nuptials were celebrated with barbaric pomp, fur- 
 nished out of the tears and captivity of so many victims." 
 
 The Major further states, that, "For the last eight years the shiek 
 of Bornou has carried on a very desperate and bloody war with the 
 sultan of Begharmi, who governs a powerful and warlike people, 
 inhabiting a very large tract of country south of Bornou, and on the 
 eastern bank of the Shary. Although meeting with some reverses, 
 and on one occasion losing his eldest son in the wars, who was 
 greatly beloved by the people, he has, upon the whole, been success- 
 ful : and is said to have, from the first to the last, destroyed and led 
 info slavery more than thirty thousand of the sultan of Begharmi's 
 subjects, besides burning his towns and driving off his flocks." 
 
 Kano, the capital of a province of the same name, and one of the 
 principal towns of the kingdom of Soudain, has a population of from 
 thirty to forty thousand inhabitants. Of these, according to Captain 
 Clapperton, who visited it, more than half are slaves. The sale 
 and purchase of slaves is as common as the sale or transfer of any 
 other species of property. He describes the slave market as very 
 extensive. 
 
 Even the wives of the kings, as already stated, are no better than 
 slaves, in the common and harshest acceptation of the word ; and as 
 the pomp of the sovereign consists principally in the multitude of 
 his wives, it is easy to conceive the numbers of one class alone who 
 are reduced to servitude. 
 
 Dr. Goheen, the very intelligent and successful physician to the 
 African mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church of the United 
 States, after more than a year's residence in Liberia, thus writes: 
 
 " Slavery in the United States, in its worst form, and under the 
 lash, is not as bad as slavery here in its mildest form. It is a well 
 known truth, that in Western Africa nine-tenths of the whole popu- 
 lation are in a state of slavery. The females are all sold at an early 
 age, to be, when they grow up, wives, or beasts of burden, as their 
 proprietors may require. If the majority here were not slaves, how 
 would they ever get into the foreign slave dealers' hands ? They 
 are sent in hundreds from the interior to the slave-factories and sold. 
 
 They are not deprived of their liberty when they leave these shores 
 
 l they only change masters. Slaves they are, and such they have 
 j been to the most savage rulers, who inflict upon them the severest 
 I punishments, and feel free to kill, to eat, or to throw them alive upon 
 I the funeral pile, at pleasure. Slavery in the United States, though 
 jan evil, cannot possibly be as great a one as it is here. Here is the 
 country where slavery, with all its legitimate and concomitant hor- 
 rors exists. Africa is the mother that clings to it as her only, her 
 dearest offspring. And here is the country so deeply dyed in the 
 
76 Tyranny, Cruelties, Wars. 
 
 sin of slavery as to require all the Abolitionists and all the Coloniza- 
 tionists, and their united means and labors for centuries, in clearing 
 its skirts and removing the foul stains that make her the prize money 
 of other nations." 
 
 The testimony in relation to the domestic slavery of Africa might 
 be greatly amplified, and the truth of the proposition, that it would 
 continue, though slavery in all the world beside were abolished, be 
 more fully proved, but what has already been presented is deemed 
 quite sufficient for our purpose. 
 
 The evils arising from the tyranny, cruelties, and wars of Africa, 
 have been incidentally presented, in the course of our investigations, 
 and we shall not dwell upon them at length, though volumes might 
 be filled with details of the most shocking character. 
 
 The Rev. J. L. Wilson, 1839, says, "Only a few years since, the 
 king of Ashantee sent the governor of Cape Coast sixty jaw bones 
 of human victims which he had killed, as an evidence of his despotic 
 power, thinking at the same time it would prove to be a present of 
 great value. The king of Ashantee thinks as little of taking off the 
 heads of his subjects as those of his chickens." 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Shrewsbury, an English missionary in South 
 Africa, 1829, thus describes a native chief, recently deceased. "His 
 cruelties almost exceeded belief; he rioted in blood ; and never had 
 higher enjoyment than when killing his own subjects. "When his 
 mother died, immense numbers of his people were summoned to- 
 gether to weep, and the mourning was appointed to continue three 
 days and nights. Every artifice was made use of to provoke sorrow, 
 and cause the tears to flow; but it was impossible for the multitude 
 to continue weeping constantly ; and yet, when any one did not shed 
 what the tyrant considered a sufficient quantity of tears, he was in- 
 stantly despatched for want of affection to his mother's memory. In 
 the course of those three days three hundred persons are said to have 
 been put to death. And whenever a man was killed, his wife or 
 wives, and all his children were destroyed on the same day." 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Champion, missionary in King Dingaan's country, 
 South Africa, says, 1836, " The king holds his eminence by many 
 customs that are in vogue. He eats the first green corn, and at the 
 celebration calls all the nation together to dance before him. Sugar- 
 cane, sweet potatoes, and such like, are cultivated and reserved for the 
 king. No one can sit in a chair but the king. One of Ids captains 
 was here not long since, who was afraid even to sit on a box, lest he 
 should resemble the king. Blankets, except the very meanest de- 
 scription, are royal ones. For the common people to obtain and 
 wear them would be instant death. Anything at all fine goes to the 
 king, and for others to wear or use them is to aspire to be like the 
 kin£. The ivory comes all to the king, and for this purpose he 
 sends out many men to hunt elephants. With the teeth he obtains 
 of the whites presents of beads, cloths, &c, which he bestows on 
 his immense family and his favorite captains. When they return from 
 war, all the cattle are driven to the chief town as the king's property. 
 
Tyranny, Cruelties, Wars. 77 
 
 Some he bestows on the brave and on bis generals, but the many are 
 reserved to increase his immense herds and for slaughter. 
 
 " He has another stern grasp on his people, in that punishment 
 which is inflicted for small as well as great offenses. A word that 
 bears in any way against the king, or is suspected even, and the die 
 is cast, the man is counted for dead. A captain is killed, and often 
 his family and dependents follow him. The king wishes perhaps 
 to show his power, and to see spoils coming in from slaughter, and 
 he sends, as lately, and in one night, after by stratagem he had col- 
 lected all at home, cuts off a rich country of his own tribe or his own 
 
 Subjects. 
 
 " Cases of individuals put to death are almost always occurring. 
 I he people are shy to talk about the subject, after ihev have told 
 you it was by order of the king. It is almost always because they 
 are alleged to have done something wrong, but where or when, no 
 one knows; only when reasoned into a corner, they say the king 
 knows. Always it is, yes, father, it is all right— when even som 
 mother, father, or brother is slain." 
 
 Infanticide of a peculiar nature prevails in Africa: twins are never 
 allowed to live. As soon as they are born, they are put into two 
 earthen pots and exposed to beasts of the forest; and the unfortunate 
 mother ever afterward endures great trouble and hardships. 
 
 The exposure of the aged and infirm, says Mr. Moffat, after they 
 are incapable of supporting themselves, is common. They are left 
 in desert places, with an allowance of food and water to subsist them 
 for a time, after which, if not sooner devoured by beasts of prey 
 they are suffered to perish of hunger. 
 
 "Another sanguinary custom grows out of the superstitious vene- 
 ration of the Africans for the shark. The person upon whom suspi- 
 cion of cume has fallen, is ordered by the king to swim across the 
 river, when, if innocent, he is expected to arrive safe upon the other 
 side; but if otherwise, the sharks are to have him for breakfast 
 1 he trial takes place, says Dr. Porter, before his majesty and an 
 immense concourse of people; the suspected person is brought forth 
 and forced into the river, when the poor victim makes every "exertion 
 to reach the destined goal, but. strange to say, the king has never vet 
 left the beach without being fully convinced of the truth of bis sus- 
 picions, as no instance is on record of the sharks ever allowing him 
 to be in the wrong." & 
 
 The testimony already adduced, proves tint many of the sanguinary 
 wars of Africa have their origin in other causes than the stimulus fur- 
 nished by the slave trade. Were additional testimony needed in 
 proof of this point, much is afforded in Moffat's Southern Africa. 
 The writer, long a resident missionary, and an active agent in many 
 of the scenes described, has given the world a work of great interest 
 and value. The army of fortv thousand Mantatees, who approached 
 and attacked the tribes in which Mr. Moffat was laboring were 
 themselves refugees, robbed of their catde and driven From their 
 homes, by superior force, and compelled, in turn, to rob others, that 
 they themselves might live. Having heard that there were immense 
 
78 Cannibalism. 
 
 flocks of sheep at the English colony -at the Cape, which they wished 
 to possess, they were fighting their way in that direction, when 
 compelled to change their course by the valor of the better armed 
 forces which they encountered. They do not seem to have had any 
 connection whatever with the slave trade. 
 
 The Rev. Dr. Philip says, that king Moselekatse, who had de- 
 scended on the thickly-peopled regions of the north, like a sweeping 
 pestilence, capturing thousands of slaves, and leaving in his course 
 nothing but dilapidated walls and heaps of rubbish, mingled with 
 human bones and skulls, had never traded in slaves. The cruelties 
 of the Matebele nation, of which Moselekatse was king, is thus 
 depicted by Mr. Moffat, and will furnish an appropriate conclusion 
 to these investigations. "Nothing less than the entire subjugation, 
 or destruction of the vanquished, could quench their insatiable thirst 
 for power. Thus, when they conquered a town, the terrified inhab- 
 itants were driven in a mass to the outskirts, when the parents and 
 all the married women were slaughtered on the spot. Such as had 
 dared to be brave in the defense of their town, their wives and their 
 children, were reserved for a still more terrible death ; dry grass, 
 saturated with fat, was tied around their naked bodies and then set on 
 fire. The youths and girls were loaded as beasts of burden, with 
 the spoils of the town, to be marched to the homes of their victors. 
 If the town was in an isolated position, the helpless infants were left 
 to perish either with hunger, or to be destroyed by beasts of prey. 
 On such an event the lions scent the slain and leave their lair ; the 
 hyenas and jackalls emerge from their lurking places in broad day, 
 and revel in the carnage; while a cloud of vultures may be seen, de- 
 scending on the living and the dead, and holding a carnival on human 
 flesh. Should a suspicion arise in the savage bosom that these 
 helpless innocents may fall into the hands of friends, they will pre- 
 vent this by collecting them into a Add, and after raising over them 
 a pile of brushwood, apply the flaming torch to it, when the town, 
 out lately the scene of mirth, becomes a heap of ashes." 
 
 In relation to the cannibalism of Africa, a subject so revolting, we 
 will not be expected to give many details. Of the existence of this 
 practice there can be no doubt. The annual report of the American 
 Colonization Society, 1828, contains the following statement: 
 
 " The most fierce and atrocious conflicts, instigated by slave 
 traders, have prevailed during the last two years, among the tribes in 
 the vicinity of Monrovia. The crime of cannibalism, shocking, it 
 may be supposed, even to barbarous natures, has been perpetrated 
 dining these wars. On the capture of a small town among the Go- 
 rans by the Deys, thirty victims were sacrificed to this detestable 
 practice." 
 
 Many are the witnesses who have borne testimony to the general 
 prevalence of cannibalism over large districts of Africa. Very recent 
 reports of scientific exploring companies sent out from Prance, also 
 give sufficient evidence to prove the truth of the previous repor , 
 leaving us under the painful necessity of believing that all that has 
 been said of cannibalism in Africa is true. — See Appendix. 
 
The Slave Trade. 79 
 
 As stated in the outset, the object of the investigations of the sub- 
 jects coming under our first head, has been to show the true state of 
 Africa's social and moral condition, independent of the slave trade; 
 and to prove that even if it were possible to break up that traffic by 
 other means than colonization, but little would be gained to the cause 
 Df humanity and little good accomplished for Africa. And have we 
 not succeeded ? Have not facts enough been given, to prove that 
 Africa's degradation is complete — that if the slave trade were this 
 hour annihilated, and all the evils which we have enumerated as 
 not dependent upon the slave trade still existing, the social and 
 moral condition of that continent would demand the utmost efforts 
 of Christians everywhere for its recovery from the horrors of 
 barbarism. 
 
 It might, by some, have been supposed that the catalogue of woes 
 oppressing Africa, and belonging legitimately to herself, were 
 enough to atone for her iniquities. But no : such heaven-daring 
 violations of divine law, such impious disregard of the principles of 
 justice and humanity, could not escape the indignation of the 
 Almighty. The sufferings of wicked men, the consequence of their 
 own transgressions, can never make atonement for their sins. There 
 is no principle of God's moral government of nations, that will per- 
 mit the stay of execution of judgment for transgression, but upon 
 repentance. Africa had not repented, but was adding iniquity unto 
 iniquity. Justice, therefore, cried for vengeance, and the slave traders, 
 resembling more the demons of the lowest pit than men, were let 
 loose upon this doomed people, to involve the oppressor and the 
 oppressed in one common ruin. 
 
 We shall see, however, before we close, that mercy teas mingled 
 with judgment. And we shall find that in the history of the African 
 slave trade, and the events connected with it, we have another illus- 
 tration of the truth of the proposition, that when God has designs of 
 mercy toward a wicked people, the judgments with which he visits 
 them for their sins, are adapted to secure their repentance and lead 
 them back to Himself. 
 
 II. The Modifications which have been produced on the Social and 
 Moral Condition of Africa by the Slave Trade. 
 
 Until introduced by the Moors, it appears that the trading in slaves 
 was little known to the inhabitants of the interior of Africa. The 
 prisoners taken in battle were reduced to slavery by the captors, and 
 formed the marriage portions given to their children. It seems that, 
 in general, they were humanely treated, excepting when the cruelties 
 of their superstitions led to opposite results. It is, says Denham and 
 Clapperton, to the pernicious principles of the Moorish traders, whose 
 avaricious brutality is beyond all belief, that the traffic for slaves in 
 the interior of Africa not only owes its origin, but its continuance. 
 The eagerness of the interior population to possess the alluring articles 
 of merchandize offered, tempted them to sell their slaves, while the 
 enormous profits on their sale, in the cities along the Mediterranean 
 
a J "J 'he Slave Trade. 
 
 caused the Moorish traders to refuse to receive anything in exchange 
 for their goods but slaves. 
 
 On the western coast of Africa, as briefly detailed in our former 
 lecture, the slave trade was commenced by the Portuguese. For a 
 long series of years the supply was obtained by forcibly seizing the 
 natives, and confining them on board their vessels, until a sufficient 
 number for a cargo were obtained. This practice, though inconsid- 
 erable at its commencement, became general, says Rees' Cyclopaedia, 
 and was prosecuted by Portuguese, Spaniards, French, English, 
 Dutch, &c. The wretched inhabitants were thus driven from the 
 coast and compelled to take refuge in the interior. But the Euro- 
 peans still pursued them, entering their rivers, and thus penetrating 
 the heart of the country. The increased demand for slaves, how- 
 ever, soon became so great as to require a less precarious mode of 
 securing a supply. Accordingly, forts and factories were established, 
 merchandize landed, and endeavors made, by a peaceable deportment, 
 by presents, and by every appearance of munificence, lo allure the 
 attachment and confidence of the Africans. 
 
 These traffickers were not long in discovering the chiefs or kings 
 of the African tribes, and making treaties of peace and commerce, by 
 which it was agreed that prisoners of war and convicts for crimes 
 should be sentenced to European servitude; and that the Europeans 
 should, in return, supply the kings with the luxuries of the north. 
 These treaties were immediately carried into effect, and the terrible 
 consequences which might have been anticipated were soon developed. 
 Indeed, there can be no doubt but that the results were foreseen by 
 the traders, and this scheme of extending their operations, seemingly 
 under the sanctions of justice, was thrown before the world, in this 
 plausible form, to prevent the indignant frown of public sentiment 
 from prohibiting the further prosecution of the traffic in slaves. 
 
 The number of persons convicted of crimes, fell so far short of the 
 wants of the slave traders, that other means had to be adopted to aug- 
 ment their numbers. Not only those fairly convicted of crime were 
 now sentenced to slavery, but even those who were suspected: and 
 with regard to prisoners of war, they delivered into slavery, not only 
 those who were taken in a state of public enmity and injustice, but 
 those also who were taken in the arbitrary skirmishes of the venal 
 sovereigns of Africa. Wars were made among the tribes near the 
 coast, not as formerly, from motives of retaliation and defense, or 
 from love of conquest, but for the sake of obtaining prisoners alone, 
 and the advantages resulting from the sale of them. When a Euro- 
 pean ship came in sight, this was considered as a motive for war, and 
 a signal for the commencement of hostilities. The despotic sove- 
 reigns of Africa, influenced by the venal motives -of European traffic, 
 first made war upon the neighboring tribes in the violation of every 
 principle of justice; and if they did not thus succeed in their main 
 object, they turned their amis against their own subjects. The first 
 villages at which they arrived were immediately surrounded, and 
 afterward set on lire; and the wretched inhabitants seized, as they 
 were escaping from the flames. 
 
The Slave Trade. 81 
 
 In a few years the traffic in slaves became systematized, and the 
 residents remaining along the coast became the regular agents between 
 the slave merchants and the tribes in the interior, who were better 
 able to procure slaves to send to the ports where they were in de- 
 mand. The slave trade was thus gradually extended from the Atlantic 
 and Pacific coasts into the interior, by Europeans, as it had been from 
 the Mediterranean by the Moors, and it has been no uncommon 
 occurrence for the slaves sold to the traders on the Atlantic coast, to 
 have been brought from the interior a distance of 700 miles. 
 
 The influence of this horrible traffic upon Africa was most perni- 
 cious. Deplorable as was the social condition of her people, inde- 
 pendent of the slave trade, it would seem, at first view, to have been 
 rendered infinitely worse by it. 
 
 On this occasion, however, time will not allow us to present the 
 wide range of facts which we have been able to collect upon this 
 branch of our subject. At present we can only remark, that from the 
 testimony of many witnesses — embracing travelers in Africa, and 
 missionaries, and colonists — it appears that the slave trade, besides 
 vastly aggravating some of the social evils previously existing, and 
 greatly multiplying the causes of war among the different tribes, has 
 exerted a paralyzing effect upon the little agricultural industry which 
 previously existed ; and that there is less of social happiness and less 
 of personal enjoyment in the districts where the traffic prevails,, than 
 in the interior where its influence has not so fully reached ; and fur- 
 ther, that the king of Dahomey is at present largely engaged in sup- 
 plying the slave traders with slaves, amounting to the number of 
 30,000 annually, to obtain which he makes annual slave hunts, the 
 dangers of which he himself shares. 
 
 One case only we shall present, and of recent occurrence, to afford 
 an idea of the cruelties practised at the depots for slaves on the coast, 
 where they are collected for transportation ; and to present a well- 
 attested account of the horrible atrocities, to which the slave trade 
 leads those who are enlisted in it. 
 
 In July, 1842, Rev. J. L. Wilson visited a slave factory on the 
 Gaboon, to inspect its condition. On his arrival at the gate of the 
 barracoon, which was an enclosure of more than an acre, the slaves 
 were talking and laughing cheerfully, but the moment the gate opened, 
 the most profound silence ensued, and they became terrified, suppos- 
 ing that a victim was to be selected to be eaten. Among the slaves 
 were persons of both sexes, from five to forty years of age, not one 
 of the number having any covering. Most of the men were fastened 
 two and two, one ankle of each being fettered. The women, girls, 
 and half-grown boys were made secure by a brass ring encircling the 
 neck, through which a chain passed, grouping them together in com- 
 panies of forty or fifty each. Boys and girls under ten years of age 
 were left unshackled. The poor wretches had to sleep on bamboo 
 platforms arranged round the building, without any covering to protect 
 them from the cold and the musquitoes, both of which were intolera- 
 ble to persons in their situation ajt that season of the year. 
 
 " But there was one company which particularly arrested mv 
 6 
 
82 The Slave Trade. 
 
 attention — affected my heart. It was made up of mothers who had 
 recently been bereft of their children. How they came to be chained 
 together, I cannot tell, unless their keepers, yielding to what they 
 considered an innocent and harmless desire, allowed them to be drawn 
 together by their sympathies and sorrows. 
 
 "Their owner knew, perhaps, what had become of their children, 
 but he was unaffected by the reminiscence. Not so with them. 
 Their countenances indicated an intensity of anguish that cannot be 
 described. Though heathen mothers, a flame had been kindled in 
 their hearts which no calamity could extinguish. 
 
 " When infants are born in the barracoon, or when they are brought 
 there with their mothers — because it is inconvenient to keep them in 
 the factory, and almost impossible to carry them across the ocean — 
 they are subjected to a premature and violent death. I speak 
 advisedly, when I aflirm, that this is a common occurrence in the ope- 
 rations of the slave trade; and it was in this way, I was credibly 
 informed, th.it these sorrowing females had been sundered from their 
 offspring. * * * I left the barracoon with my curiosity amply 
 satisfied, and with emotions which will never allow me to visit 
 another." 
 
 The horrors of the middle passage, as the transportation of the 
 slaves from the ports in Africa, to the countries where they are sold, 
 is called, are so well known to every reading man, that I shall only 
 present one instance of the revelations made by the capture of a 
 slaver, with the view of affording an idea of the capacity of our Libe- 
 ria colony to receive and provide for emigrants who may land upon 
 its territory. 
 
 The Pons, a slave ship on the coast of Africa, was captured by an 
 American vessel, in December, 1845, and her cargo of slaves landed 
 at Monrovia, and provided for by the Liberians. She had eight hun- 
 dred and sixty-six slaves on board, eighteen of whom died during the 
 night after the capture. . The vessel had no slave decks, and these 
 poor wretches were almost literally piled in bulk on the water casks 
 below. As the ship appeared to be less than three hundred tons, it 
 seemed impossible that one-half could have lived to cross the Atlanlic. 
 Forty-five or fifty of the number were females, who were confined in 
 the round-house cabin on deck. Notwiihstamling this crowded state 
 of the vessel, it had been the intention of the captain to take on board 
 an additional four hundred slaves. The stench from below was so 
 great, says Capt. Bell, that it was impossible to stand more than a few 
 moments near the hatchways. The men who went below from ouri- 
 osity, were forced up sick in a few minutes, when all the hatcnes 
 were oil*. What must have been the sufferings of these poor slaves 
 when the hatches were closed? "I am informed," says Capt. Bell, 
 «' that very often, in these cases, the stronger will strangle the weaker ; 
 and that this was probably the reason so many died, or rather were 
 found dead, on the morning after the capture. None but an eye wit- 
 ness can form a conception of the horrors these poor creatures endure 
 in their transit across the ocean." 
 
 The vessel was fourteen days in reaching Monrovia, during which 
 
The Slave Trade. 83 
 
 time one hundred and fifty died. "When they were landed," says 
 the Liberia Herald, " nearly the whole population collected on the 
 beach to witness the sight. The colonists, with the exception of a 
 v-ery few, had never witnessed such a spectacle before. The slaves 
 were much emaciated, and so debilitated that many of them found 
 difficult}' in getting out of the boats. Such a spectacle of misery aid 
 wretchedness, inflicted by a lawless and ferocious cupidity, so ex- 
 cited our people that it became unsafe for the captain of the slaver, 
 who had come to look on, to remain at the beach. Eight slaves 
 died in the harbor the day before they were landed. The prize 
 master says, as soon as a slave became helpless through debility or 
 sickness, those nearest would throttle him, in order that his body 
 removed, they would have more room. They were all, men anil 
 women, with the exception of two or three called headmen, landed 
 in a state of perfect nudity ! " 
 
 Dr. Lugenbeel, the United States' agent, immediately put them all 
 out among the people of Liberia as apprentices. The Methodist 
 mission took charge of eighty boys and twenty girls. The education 
 of many of them has been progressing well, and a number of them 
 are at present, 1849, members of the church, and rejoicing in the 
 faith of the gospel. Oh what a kind Providence to turn the captivity 
 of these poor creatures into a blessing of inestimable value ! 
 
 Since the employment of a naval force on the coast for the capture 
 of slavers, many expedients are adopted by the heartless villians en- 
 gaged in the slave trade to escape detection. One instance only 
 need be noticed to give a true idea of the recklessness of life which 
 prevails. In 1830, Captain Homans, having taken on board six 
 hundred slaves, on the coast of Africa, set sail for Cuba, found him- 
 self about being surrounded by four cruizers who had watched his 
 movements. Favored by the darkness of the night, which soon set 
 in, he extended a heavy chain cable around his vessel outside the 
 railing, with a ponderous anchor attached, and bringing his slaves one 
 by one on deck, by means of their handcuffs of iron he fastened 
 them to the cable. The penwork of the hold and every thing that 
 could create suspicion, was also brought on deck, bound in matting 
 well filled with shot, and thrown overboard. The cable, by a single 
 blow of the axe, was then cut loose, a heavy plunge was heard as the 
 anchor reached the water, and a crash as the cable fell off the side, 
 above which arose one terrible shriek — it was the last cry of the 
 murdered Africans. One moment more, and all was still. Six hun- 
 dred human beings had gone down with that anchor and chain into 
 the depths of the ocean. Two hours after daylight the captain was 
 overhauled. There was no evidence that his vessel was a slaver, 
 and her captors were obliged to let her pass. 
 
 We have said that the slave trade did not originate the degradation 
 into which Africa has been sunk, but that, though it aggravated many 
 existing evils, and introduced some new elements of woe, by arousing 
 the cupidity of the inhabitants, yet it was itself only a legitimate fruit 
 of the social and moral degradation previously existing on that 
 • continent. Listen to the reasons upon which we base our opinion. 
 
84 The Slave Trade. 
 
 Africa, sunk in the gloom of the darkest superstitions known to 
 the world, and neglecting all that industry which creates a surplus 
 of products to constitute the elements of a legitimate commerce, 
 and which secures to nations those comforts and luxuries not pro- 
 duced in their own latitudes; when an intercourse with civilized 
 countries was opened up, had not an adequate supply of agricultural 
 fruits, or mineral wealth, to exchange for the European commodities 
 of which she found herself in want. This neglect of necessary lahor 
 on her own soil, which was so well adapted to yield abundantly the 
 tropical products then beginning to be in demand in civilized coun- 
 tries, left her but one resource to secure the articles she desired — 
 and that resource was the selling of human flesh! Alas, for poor 
 Africa! Human flesh was the only commodity which she could 
 supply, in sufficient quantity, to the commerce of the world. No 
 proposition is more susceptible of demonstration than this, that the 
 slave trade is a legitimate fruit of Africa's degradation. Had 
 she not rejected the gospel which once blessed her, and, as a neces- 
 sary consequence, lost her industry and sunk into barbarism, she 
 •would not have been under the necessity of selling her children, nor 
 would it have been possible to have persuaded her to adopt a measure 
 so unnatural, so cruel, so inhuman, so infernal, and fraught with such 
 a deluge of woe. And there is but one way of suppressing the evils 
 under which Africa groans, and that is, to restore to her that blessed 
 gospel which she rejected, and that industry which she lost; and 
 then, the causes creating the slave trade being removed, that traf- 
 fic itself must necessarily be annihilated, and Africa permanently 
 redeemed. 
 
 Had time allowed the presentation of all the testimony collected 
 in reference to die modifications produced upon the social and moral 
 condition of Africa by the slave trade, the picture, though dark 
 indeed, would have been faint when compared with the sad reality, 
 and limited when contrasted with the vast extent of that traffic and 
 the agonizing sufferings which are its attendants. The slave trade, 
 it will be perceived, had no tendency to check or suppress the 
 domestic slavery of Africa, but made its perpetuation of greater im- 
 portance as furnishing a principal means of keeping up the trallic 
 with the slave trader. It has done nothing to break down the idola- 
 trv, the devil-worship, the witchcraft, the tyranny, and cruelties of 
 Africa, which have deeply degraded her, hut has left these all un- 
 changed. The tropical cultivation employing slave labor, makes a 
 demand upon Africa chiefly for males, and thus the slave trade, 
 leaving an excess of females in that country, has, no doubt, increased 
 polygamy, and the miseries growing out of that social evil. The 
 slave trade did not originate the sanguinary wars of the powerful 
 kings of the interior, who, actuated by ambition of conquest, or love 
 of plunder, laid waste the weaker nations that surrounded them, 
 strewing the earth with their corpses, that they might decorate their 
 rude halls with skulls; hut it has greatly multiplied the petty feuds 
 of smaller tribes and led the larger ones to make regular slave hunts, 
 to supply the increasing demand for slave labor. And though the 
 
Religious Views of the Pilgrims. 85 
 
 slave trade, by awakening the passion of avarice into a predominance 
 over that of superstition, may have limited the number of human 
 sacrifices, it was but to prolong a life that it might be subjected to 
 all the vicissitudes of foreign slavery. 
 
 And thus, while the social and moral condition of Africa, inde- 
 pendent of the slave trade, was truly deplorable, and sufficient to 
 rouse to action every man whose heart can sympathize with human 
 suffering, the slave trade rendered its condition still more dismal, 
 making the call upon the Christian world for relief still more urgent. 
 
 III. The relation which the slavery of the United States bears to 
 the recovery of Africa from Barbarism. 
 
 No great movements of mankind, either voluntary or compulsory, 
 uprooting the population of one country and transplanting it into 
 another, have ever occurred without producing important results, for 
 good or for ill, to the people transferred and to the world. The 
 removal to North America of portions of the populations of Europe 
 and Africa — the first voluntary, and the second compulsory — the one 
 the most enlightened and upright of the human family, and the other 
 the most ignorant and debased — the extremes of humanity — and 
 their coalescence, upon our soil, in the relation of master and slave, 
 was one of those strange and incomprehensible events, the design 
 of which cannot be fathomed by any depth of human wisdom and 
 foresight, but can only be understood when time has wrought out 
 its ultimate results. 
 
 Our first settlers from Europe were the advocates of a Free Chris- 
 tianity, who had been exiled by an intolerant zeal for religious 
 uniformity, and forced to flee from persecution to a land where they 
 could obtain equal rights and liberty of conscience. No sooner had 
 they become fairly seated in their wilderness homes, than they began 
 to afford examples of the practical tendencies of their religious faidi, 
 by attempting the education and conversion of the native Indians ! 
 The substance of their religious belief, so far as it had a controlling 
 influence in modeling their course of policy, may be thus stated. 
 
 They believed that man was originally created a pure and holy 
 being, and in the possession of an extent of happiness that was only 
 limited by his capacity for enjoyment; but that by an act of disobe- 
 dience he lost his original purity of character, and involved himself 
 and all his posterity in moral ruin, and thus the whole race fell 
 under the condemnation of the law of God. They believed, that 
 all the ignorance, suffering, injustice, and oppression existing in the 
 world are a necessary consequence of the depravity of men's hearts; 
 and that these evils must continue until mankind are brought back to 
 their allegiance to God, and the rebel receives pardon and is released 
 from the curse of the divine law. They believed, that notwithstand- 
 ing man's transgression, "God so loved the world, that he gave his 
 only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish 
 but have everlasting life;" and that the Lord Jesus Christ, as the 
 substitute for sinners, by his obedience, sufferings, and death, having 
 
86 Relations of American Slavery 
 
 satisfied the demands of divine justice and made an atonement Ibr 
 sin, thus secured pardon, justification, and eternal life, for all who 
 should believe in his name: but that those who believed not, must 
 forever continue under condemnation and wrath. They believed 
 that human misery would disappear from earth, in the proportion 
 that men could he persuaded to embrace the religion of Christ, and 
 to conform their conduct to the teachings of his gospel; and that as 
 soon as the whole world could be brought under the influence of that 
 gospel, Humanity would dry up her tears and peace and joy become 
 universal. They believed that the command of the Saviour to his 
 disciples, "Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every 
 creature," is as fully binding upon believers in after ages, as it was 
 upon those to whom it was at first delivered, and that the conse- 
 quences which he declared should attend that preaching — "He that 
 believelh and is baptized, shall be saved, and he that believeth not 
 shall be damned" — will continue to accompany it to the latest 
 generations of men; and that, therefore, the responsibility of spread- 
 ing the gospel as fully rests upon all believers, in all time, so far as 
 their circumstances, pecuniary abilities, opportunities, talents, and 
 spiritual gifts will allow, as it did upon Paul, when, in view of the 
 sinfulness of men and their liability to wrath, he exclaimed, "for 
 necessity is laid upon me ; yea, woe is unto me, if I preach not the 
 gospel." 
 
 Entertaining such views of their responsibilities to God and to 
 man, the desire to promote the temporal and eternal interests of 
 their posterity, and of the world, became a ruling principle of action 
 with the first emigrants to New England. They commenced their 
 labors on such a scale as their circumstances permitted, and in a 
 few years mastered the language of the Indians, established schools 
 for their education, and translated and printed the Bible in the native 
 tongue, thus enabling the savage of the forest to read the words of 
 eternal life. Such was the spirit of the Pilgrims, and such the 
 origin, in this country, of that Christian philanthropy which includes 
 within its embrace the whole human family, and is now exerting its 
 energies to give the gospel to the whole heathen world. 
 
 The first of our supply of the population of Africa, dragged from 
 their homes by the promptings of avarice, to gratify an unhallowed 
 commercial cupidity, were landed in the colony of Virginia in 1620, 
 the same year in which the Puritan Pilgrims landed at Plymouth. 
 This is a remarkable coincidence. The first advocates of a Free 
 Christianity, and the first African slaves who touched our coast were 
 landed in the same year. 
 
 In thus bringing together darkness and light — in mingling the 
 lowest form of Pagan ignorance and depravity with the highest 
 development of Christian intelligence and integrity — it would seem 
 that Divine Providence designed to demonstrate to the world the 
 capability of a Free Christianity to transform the grossest material 
 of humanity into the most refined, and thus to prove the unity 
 and natural equality of the human race. 
 
 Our investigations under this head have been directed, though but 
 
To African Civilization. 87 
 
 incidentally, to the facts connected with the solution of this great 
 problem— Me sufficiency of a pure Christianity to restore to man 
 his lost happiness— -with the view, principally, of pointing out the 
 relation which the slavery of the United States bears to the recovery 
 ot Africa Irom barbarism. 
 
 The best authorities make the number of slaves exported from 
 Africa, up to 1847, about seven millions eight hundred and forty-five 
 thousand. Great as this number appears, the estimate is no doubt 
 within the actual number of the victims of the slave trade. And 
 then, to have a proper conception of the extent of the sufferings 
 following m the train of this traffic, it must be remembered, that the 
 number of lives lost in Africa during the wars for the capture 
 of slaves and their transportation to the coast, equals the number 
 exported, making her entire loss fifteen millions six hundred and 
 ninety thousand human beings. This statement will give a just 
 conception of the extent to which Africa has been robbed of 'her 
 children. To obtain the facts which we need in our discussion, our 
 plan has been to follow the more prominent lines alono- which the 
 slave trade h;.s borne the population .of Africa, and ascertain what 
 results have followed, in the several countries to which the African 
 people have been taken, with the view of determining the intellectual 
 and moral progress they may have made, and the present qualifi- 
 cations of each group to act as pioneers in the work of Africa's 
 redemption. 
 
 Passing by, for the present, those transported to the British West 
 Indies to Brazil, to Cuba and to Mexico, we find that those im- 
 ported into the colonies now composing the United States, were 
 very differently situated from each other and from their brethren 
 left behind in the pagan darkness of Africa. A part of them fell 
 into the hands of men, not so scrupulous, perhaps, as others of the 
 colonists, on the subject of equal rights, but who, to say the least 
 were so far under the influence of Christian principle, that they 
 deemed it an imperative duty to teach their households to read the 
 Bible, and to instruct them in the principles of the Christian religion 
 The term household, according to their interpretation, included 
 slaves. At that day apprentices were not masters in the shops 
 where they learned trades, nor students sovereigns in colleges to 
 which they were sent to be educated. The judgment of acre was 
 respected, because the experience of years was supposed to impart 
 wisdom. Implicit obedience to those in authority, whether parents 
 teachers, masters or magistrates, was demanded and yielded; and 
 the consequence was, that while education enlightened the mind and 
 religious instruction moulded the heart, a generation of men were 
 ushered upon the stage of action, with a love of order and submission 
 to law, as unalterable as was their hostility to despotism, and their 
 determination to secure to themselves the rights of conscience and 
 the blessings of civil liberty— of liberty under the restraints of law. 
 But while they rigidly held the doctrine of the natural equality of 
 the human race, they as unchangeably believed that only men 
 oj intelligence and moral integrity are capable of self-government 
 
S8 lielatwm of American Slavery 
 
 The school house and the church, the sources of intelligence and 
 morality, with them were objects of the first importance, because the 
 perpetuity of the free institutions they were founding would depend, 
 they believed, not upon any magic in the mere possession of freedom, 
 but in the intelligence and moral principle of their posterity. While, 
 therefore, they labored for the intellectual and moral elevation of the 
 Indian and the African, they refused to admit them to the privileges 
 of citizenship. No morbid sentimentality upon the subject* of equal 
 rights could induce them to forget the peril into which they would 
 cast the precious jewel of the elective franchise, by conferring it 
 upon savage or half-civilized men, necessarily destitute of the ability 
 through ignorance, of making a discreet use of the privilege. While, 
 then, they believed the savage man to be equal, hy nature, with the 
 civilized man, and that, by education, he could be made his equal, 
 also, intellectually and morally, until thus educated and capable 
 of being controlled by moral principle, they would have conceived it 
 to be madness to make the savage man the equal partner in com- 
 mercial business with the civilized man, and much less woujd they 
 have considered it a measure of safety to make him the equal in the. 
 administration of government. 
 
 It was into the midst of such men as these, though contrary to the 
 principles and wishes of the majority, and in opposition to their 
 remonstrances and legislative enactments, that England forced the 
 population of Africa. And, as if by an instinctive forecast, despotism 
 seems to have anticipated the effects, on this continent, of a Free 
 Christianity, generating independence of thought, and demanding for 
 men equal rights and liberty of conscience, and sought, by casting in 
 a mass of ignorance from Africa, to retard if not to prevent the full 
 development of these great principles. This disposition was clearly 
 indicated by the English statesman, who declared, as a sufficient rea- 
 son for turning a deaf ear to the remonstrances of the Colonists against 
 the further importation of slaves, that " Negroes cannot become 
 Republicans — they will be a power in our hands to restrain the unruly 
 Colonists." 
 
 That such motives prompted England to prosecute the introduction 
 of slaves into the colonies with great activity, was fully believed by 
 the American statesmen of the Revolution, and their views were thus 
 energetically expressed, by Mr. Jefferson, in the first draft of the 
 Declaration of Independence, but which was afterward omitted: 
 
 "He (the king of Great Britain) has waged cruel war against 
 human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty 
 in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating 
 and carrying them into slavery in. another hemisphere, or to incur 
 miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical war- 
 fare, the opprobium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian 
 king of Britain. Determined to keep open a market where men 
 should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for sup- 
 pressing every legislative attempt to restrain this execrable commerce. 
 And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distin- 
 guished dye, he is now exciting those very people to lise in arms 
 
To African Civilization. 89 
 
 among ns, and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them 
 by murdering the people upon whom he has obtruded them: thus 
 paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one peopie, 
 by crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another." 
 
 But that desire to impart the blessings of the gospel to their fellow- 
 men, which had prompted that yet feeble colony to attempt the con- 
 version of the Indians, could not but lead also to efforts for the elevation 
 of the poor African slave. In accordance with this view, we find 
 that the slaves were subjected, more or less, to the rules of their mas- 
 ters' families, affording, to many of them, opportunities of iutellectual 
 and moral improvement, which soon began to elevate them in the 
 scale of being from that of the lowest state of barbarism, which they 
 had occupied in Africa, to one of approximate civilization. Pious 
 ministers, also, being generally allowed free access to the slaves, 
 obeyed the injunction to preach the gospel to every creature, and 
 labored for their improvement and conversion. Thus nearly the 
 whole mass of the victims of the slave trade, who were brought to 
 the territory now forming the United States, were ultimately placed 
 under circumstances which afforded to them advantages of infinite 
 value, and from which, to this day, they might have been excluded, 
 had they not been brought from Africa. 
 
 Many generations of men have been ushered into existence and 
 disappeared again from the earth, while these causes have been in 
 operation. Of the number of thousands of colored men who have 
 lived, during this period, embraced the gospel, and died in the hope of 
 a blessed immortality, we can form no estimate. But the number of 
 professors of religion of African descent, now living in the United 
 States, may be estimated at nearly three hundred and fifty thousand. 
 
 The Methodist Episcopal Church of the United States, many years 
 since, commenced a systematic course of missionary labors among 
 the colored people, but designed principally for the slaves. The 
 Reports of this Church, for 1849, show that a large number of mis- 
 sionaries are employed in this field, and give twenty-eight thousand 
 five hundred and eighty-nine colored persons as members at the North, 
 and one hundred and thirty-seven thousand five hundred and twenty- 
 eight at the South. We find it stated in a southern paper, that the 
 number of colored members, in the slave States, belonging to the 
 Baptist Church, is over one hundred and twenty-five thousand. The 
 Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and Associate Reformed Presbyterians, 
 in the South, have also long been engaged in the religious training 
 of the slaves, and have received many of them into church member- 
 ship. At the present moment, the Sabbath schools of these seve- 
 ral religious bodies are very extensive and very efficient. The 
 Cumberland Presbyterians, we understand, are not inattentive to the 
 religious wants of the slave, but we are without statistics on the sub- 
 ject of their operations. The number of colored members in the 
 Baptist Church at the North is not known to us, but. must amount to 
 several hundreds. Our estimate of ihree hundred and fifty thousand, 
 as the whole of the colored members of churches in the United States, 
 is, therefore, probably not above the true number. 
 
90 Relations oj American Slavery 
 
 But besides these pleasing results of the agencies accompanying 
 slavery in this country, it must be added, that we have at present 
 about four hundred and sixty thousand free persons of color, from 
 whom the shackles of slavery have fallen, and many of whom possess 
 an amount of intelligence which indicates, very plainly, that equal 
 advantages only are needed to enable them to attain a high standard 
 in all that adorns the character of the civilized and Christian man. 
 And, in addition to all this, it must be noticed, that the whole coloied 
 population of the United States, which will number, in 1850, about 
 three millions six hundred and ninety-seven thousand — though the 
 standard of morality, with the larger part, is known to be very low — 
 may be said to be freed from the degrading influences of African 
 superstition and idolatry, and thus made more accessible to the Chris- 
 tian teacher. This result was greatly hastened by another most 
 singular coincidence. Scarcely had the work of the religious train- 
 ing of slaves been fairly undertaken, and its practicability determined, 
 when the further influx of heathenism was prevented by the prohibi- 
 tion of the slave trade, and the task of overcoming their pagan super- 
 stitions and idolatrous customs was thus more easily accomplished. 
 
 But this does not yet complete the catalogue of good results accom- 
 panying the transportation of the population of Africa to this country. 
 In addition to the blessings of Christianity secured to them, in con- 
 nexion with slavery, their captivity among us seems to have been but 
 a preparatory step toward the development of another of the results 
 to be produced in permitting the cupidity of the Christian world to 
 make merchandise of the sons of Africa; and that result is their being 
 constituted a distinct people, a civilized, enlightened and powerful 
 nation. The indications of this are unmistakeable. In the progress 
 of intelligence among the Africans of the United States, that passion 
 for equal rights and privileges which characterized those who laid the 
 foundations of American Independence, was also infused into their 
 breasts, animating them likewise with the love of liberty and the 
 determination to secure to themselves and their children the blessings 
 of free government. But being conscious of the secondary position 
 which they must necessarily occupy in the social relations of this 
 country; and in view also of the important fact, that the respect and 
 esteem of the world could not be secured to the colored race short of 
 the demonstration of their capacity for self-government ; and knowing 
 the impossibility of testing that point where such a preponderance 
 of whites existed; and where, by the more rapid increase of the 
 whites, by foreign immigration, the colored people must necessarily 
 for ever constitute a very small minority,and their influence scarcely 
 be felt, excepting as their votes would be in demand during party con- 
 tests : in view of these and other considerations, after the most mature 
 deliberation, a few colored men were led, thirty years ago, to accept 
 the proposition of making a noble and daring effort for nationality in 
 Africa itself, where eighty millions of their brethren might be civil- 
 ized and incorporated with them, thus i .. . government whose 
 numerical strength would be four-fold that of the one ihsy . i 
 leave. 
 
To African Civilization. 01 
 
 The encouraging success which has crowned this enterprize of the 
 colored people, is well known, and proves as fully that it is of God, 
 as that our own hnppy Republic was planted by the right hand of the 
 Almighty, as a model to the world of the power of a free Christianity 
 to promote human happiness. The Republic of Liberia, now num- 
 bering within its limits one hundred thousand souls, is but a trans- 
 plantment to Africa of American civilization, American views of the 
 rights of man, and American principles in relation to the freedom of ■ 
 religion. These principles are already beginning to produce their 
 ameliorating effects in Africa, and their power to elevate and ennoble 
 mankind are becoming more and more manifest every day. It is a 
 fart, now acknowledged in Europe and America, that the moral influ- 
 ence already exerted by Liberia, has done more for the cause of 
 humanity, in the suppression of the slave trade, and in the aboli- 
 tion of slavery and the other evils afflicting Africa, than has been 
 accomplished by the combined efforts of the civilized world. 
 
 We have now traced the prominent results following the enslave- 
 ment of the Africans in the United States, until we have seen the tide 
 of emigration begin to flow back from our shores to Africa, bearing 
 her children to her again, not as received from her, with minds dark- 
 ened by heathenish superstitions, but, many of them, enlightened and 
 christianized men, able to bless her and redeem her. The plan of 
 our investigations leads us to follow the other lines of dispersion of 
 the population of Africa; to ascertain the results in other countries, 
 with the view of determining the relation which the slavery of the 
 United States bears to the recovery of Africa from barbarism. 
 
 We shall turn first to the British West Indies, and as Jamaica is 
 the most prominent of these islands, and will best, serve as a type of 
 the whole, our inquiries will be chiefly confined to it. We have 
 obtained our facts, principally, from the recently written history of 
 Jamaica, by the Rev. J. M. Phillippo, for twenty years a Baptist 
 missionary in that island. 
 
 The Island of Jamaica, discovered in 1494, was settled by a colony 
 of Spaniards in 1500, who, by their oppressions and savage cruelties, 
 in less than fifty years, wholly exterminated the native population, 
 originally numbering from eighty thousand to one hundred thousand. 
 Afiican slaves seem to have been introduced at an early day as sub- 
 stitutes for the natives, and up to 1655, when the English, then at 
 war with Spain, took possession of the island, forty thousand slaves 
 had been imported by the Spaniards, only fifteen hundred of whom 
 were then surviving. Jamaica, by this change of masters, was not 
 much improved in its social and moral condition, which, under the 
 one hundred and forty-six years of Spanish rule, had been deplorable. 
 It now became the rendezvous of buccaneers and piratical crusaders, 
 a desperate band of men from all the maritime powers of Europe, 
 who continued to perpetrate almost every degree of wickedness, both 
 on sea and land, until 1670, when peace was made with Spain, and a 
 more vigorous administration of law attempted. Twenty-six years 
 after England conquered the island, 1600, up to which period the 
 importation of slaves was still continued, the whites numbered fifteen 
 
92 Relations of American Slavery 
 
 thousand one hundred and ninety-eight, and the slaves nine thousand 
 five hundred. At the end of an additional forty-six years, 1742, du- 
 ring nearly ihe whole of which time the monopoly of the slave trade 
 was held by England, the whites numbered fourteen thousand, and die 
 slaves one hundred thousand. The annual importation of slaves into 
 Jamaica now reached sixteen thousand, so that, at the end of another 
 twenty-eight years, they numbered two hundred thousand, while the 
 whites had scarcely increased two thousand. These numbers show, 
 that from 1742 till 1770, a period of twenty-eight years, the number 
 of slaves who sunk under the lash of the Jamaica task-master, must 
 have been two hundred and forty-eight thousand, or almost nine 
 thousand annually. The whole number of slaves imported by the 
 English, up to 1808, when the slave trade was forbidden by Parlia- 
 ment, was eight hundred and fifty thousand, to which must be added 
 the forty thousand imported by the Spaniards, making the total num- 
 ber of the population of Africa, transported to Jamaica, amount to 
 eight hundred and ninety thousand men. And yet, the startling truth 
 must be told, that when the census of the slave population of this 
 island was ordered by government, in 1835, under the emancipation 
 act, instead of an increase on the numbers imported, they amounted 
 to only three hundred and eleven thousand six hundred and ninety-two. 
 
 It will be an easy task for any person of ordinary intelligence, to 
 picture to himself the state of morals and the social condition of the 
 white inhabitants of Jamaica, during the several periods of its history 
 to which we have referred ; and what must have been the reflex 
 influence of such a population upon the poor ignorant savages from 
 Africa. To say that the moral character of the whites of Jamaica 
 was the extreme reverse of that of the early settlers of the United 
 Stales, would, perhaps, be strictly true. On this point, however, we 
 shall not dwell. Our object is to see what were the results to the 
 Africans introduced into that island, that their progress, intellectually 
 and morally, may be contrasted with that of the colored population 
 of the United Slates, that we may learn their qualifications to give to 
 Africa a Christian civilization. 
 
 On this point we are not left to conjecture. The Rev. Mr. Phil 
 lippo is very full upon the subject of their social and moral condition, 
 and the facts stated by him in his history, before referred to, are con- 
 firmed by the missionary history of the island. lie represents the 
 slaves as having retained, in full practice, all the gross and debasing 
 superstitions which were capable of being transferred from Africa, 
 and that "upward of one hundred years after Jamaica became an 
 appendage of the British crown, scarcely an effort had been made to 
 instruct the slaves in the great doctrines and duties of Christianity; 
 and although, in 1096, at the instance of the mother country, an act 
 was passed by the local legislature, directing that all slave owners 
 should instinct their negroes, and have them baptised, 'when fit for 
 it,' it is evident, from the very terms in which the act was expressed, 
 that it was designed to be, as it afterward proved, a dead letter — a 
 mere political maneuver, intended to prevent the parent state from 
 interfering in the management of the slaves." 
 
To African Civilization. 93 
 
 From this time to 1770, a period of seventy-four years the 
 question of slave instruction lay dead in Jamaica, "when Parliament 
 put certain questions to Mr. Wedderburn as to the actual state of the 
 le.igious mstruction of slaves in the Island. He replied "There 
 are a few properties on which there are Moravian parsons; but in 
 general there is no religious instruction." The same testimony was 
 borne at the same time by Mr. Fuller, Agent of Jamaica, and two 
 others, who, when asked, " What religious instructions are there for 
 the negro slaves," answered, « We know of none such in Jamaica." 
 
 1 he Rev. Dr. Coke, who was sent out on a missionary exploration 
 in 1787, says, « When I first landed in Jamaica, the form of Godli- 
 ness was hardly visible; and its power, except in some few solitarv 
 instances, was totally unknown. Iniquity prevailed in all its form* 
 JJoth whites and blacks, to the number of between three hundred 
 thousand and four hundred thousand, were evidently living without 
 hope and without God in the world. The language of the Apostle 
 seems strikingly descriptive of their entire depravity: "There is 
 none righteous, no, not one; there is none that understandeth, there 
 is none that seekelh after God. Their throats are an open sepulcher ■ 
 with their tongue they have used deceit; the poison of asps is under 
 their hps; their feet are swift to shed blood, and the way of peace 
 they have not known." 
 
 In 1796, Mr. Edwards, the historian of the West Indies, in his 
 place in the House of Commons, when speaking of sending mission- 
 aries to a certain point in Jamaica, said, " I speak from my own 
 knowledge when I say, that they are cannibals, and that instead of 
 listening to a missionary, they would certainly eat him." 
 
 But this must complete our testimony of the effects of slavery upon 
 its subjects in Jamaica. Mr. Philippo shows very conclusivelv, 
 that the colored population of Jamaica, up to a very recent period] 
 were elevated scarcely a jot above the natives of Africa. They had 
 brought with them from Africa nearly all its gross and debasing 
 superstitions, and all its social moral evils, making their new homes 
 in Jamaica almost a facsimile of those from which they had been 
 torn in Africa. 
 
 One additional fact, however, must not be overlooked; and that is, 
 that this fearful moral degradation of the slaves of Jamaica, and 
 their total destitution of all the means of religious instruction, did 
 not render them peaceful and contented, and secure the safety of their 
 masters. This is abundantly proved in the fact, that durino- the 
 period in which the Island was held by England, nearly thirty insur- 
 rections of the slaves took place. This fact, when contrasted with 
 the comparatively few attempts at insurrection which have taken 
 place in the United Slates, where religions instruction among the 
 slaves has been common, should teach the slaveholder, that the 
 perpetuation of the ignorance and degradation of the slaves, is no 
 safeguard against servile insurrections, but that the teachings of 
 Christianity, while it opens up the way of eternal life to the slave, 
 and prepares him to take upon himself the duties of a freeman, do 
 not necessarily endanger the safety of the master. 
 
94 Relations of American Slavery 
 
 We have already stated the fact, that commerce is incapable of 
 civilizing savage men. In the history of Jamaica, we have still 
 more positive evidence that slavery is equally powerless in the 
 promotion of civilization, and that it can only be considered as a 
 link in the chain of events which may bring savage tribes into the 
 midst of a civilized people, but that the civilization of savages, under 
 such circumstances, is no more a necessary result of slavery, than 
 it is of their imprisonment in the slave ship that transported them 
 across the ocean, or the manacles that bound them during the voyage. 
 Let us look at the facts. The English conquered the Island in 1665. 
 The last testimony on the subject of the want of religious instruction 
 for the slaves, dates in 1796. The Island, therefore, had been under 
 British rule for a period of one hundred and forty years. If, then, 
 slavery could elevate, and improve, and civilize its victims, surely 
 there was time enough for it to have produced these fruits in the one 
 hundred and forty years of British rule in Jamaica. But no such 
 fruits had been borne. The slaves were still savage. Now, to these 
 one hundred and forty years must be added at least twenty more of 
 British rule, because missionary operations, introducing the Gospel, 
 were not actively commenced until twenty years after this period. 
 But if longer time is claimed, then add the one hundred and forty-six 
 years during which the Island was under the Spaniards, to the one 
 hundred and sixty under the British, and we have three hundred 
 years of absolute slavery in Jamaica, and yet the slaves made no 
 advancement in the scale of moral being beyond the condition m 
 which they had been originally found in Africa. The results of 
 African slavery in Jamaica, at the end of these three hundred years, is 
 thus graphically described by Mr. Phillippo, " It may be emphatically 
 said, that darkness covered the land, and gross darkness the people. 
 And if one ray of light glimmered in its midst, it only served to render 
 the surrounding darkness siill more visible — more clearly to exhibit 
 tiie hideous abominations beneath which the Island groaned." 
 
 This particular reference has been made to this point, because of the 
 fact, that many have a vague, indefinite, ill-defined notion, that the 
 great good which has resulted to the slaves of the United States, in 
 connection with slavery, is a fruit of slavery. And should it still 
 1)0 claimed, that the moral elevation attained by the African race in 
 the United States, is a necessary fruit of slavery, with equal pro- 
 priety it can be urged, that the moral degradation of the slaves of 
 Jamaica, for the three hundred years preceding the beginning of the 
 present century, was also due to slavery. Both these propositions 
 cannot be true. The fact is, that they are untrue in both cases. 
 That the intellectual and moral elevation of the slaves of the United 
 Stales is nol due to slavery, is amply proved by the fact, that the 
 Itu.st advancement has been made by I hem where slavery crisis in 
 its greatest strength, and where the Chris! tan teacher has been (he 
 most carefully shut out fn rn them. And so far as Jamaica is con- 
 cerned, il is Iru I all doubt, that its shivery did not degrade 
 African population i It found them savages, but was 
 wholly powerless for their moral elei ■ on, as long as the only 
 
To .African Civilization. 95 
 
 influences exerted over them were from a white population destitute 
 of a Christian morality. 
 
 But if slavery, of itself, be powerless in the moral elevation of its 
 subjects, it does not necessarily prevent all moral improvement. The 
 truth of this proposition is fully sustained by the results in both the 
 United States and Jamaica. It is further proved by the effects 
 following the introduction of Christianity into all the British West 
 India Islands. The work of missions in Jamaica, as well as in the 
 oilier Islands, met with the most rancorous opposition from the 
 planters, who viewed the religious instruction of the slaves as "in- 
 compatible with the existence of slavery." The mission work, 
 though begun in Jamaica, by the Baptists, in 1813, and by the 
 Methodists, under Dr. Coke, in 1789, and again in 1815 — made but 
 little progress, being resolutely opposed, until about 1820. In 1824, 
 the Moravians, who had commenced in 1754, had four stations and 
 four missionaries; the Wesleyan Methodists eight stations and eight 
 missionaries; and the Baptists five stations and live missionaries. 
 
 Here then, are the dates of the commencement of regular religious 
 instruction in Jamaica. Though overawed by the mother country, 
 the planters stid manifested bitter hostility to the religious instruction 
 of the slaves, and in 1832, on a partial insurrection of the Blacks, 
 their wrath overflowing all bounds, they destroyed fourteen chapels, 
 with private houses and other property, belonging to the Baptists, 
 amounting in value to $115,250, and six chapels, belonging to the 
 Methodists, and property worth $30,000. Every species of cruelty 
 and insult weie inflicted upon the missionaries. The emancipation 
 act of the next year, 1833, for ever put it out of the power of the 
 planters to repeat such acts of injustice and violence, and the mis- 
 sionary work, uninterrupted, has been eminently successful. In 
 1842, says the Rev. Mr. Phillippo, the whole number of converts in 
 Jamaica was one hundred thousand, out of a population of near half 
 a million ; the number of regular places of worship were two hun- 
 dred and twenty-six, and the out stations swelling them to three 
 hundred; while the number of missionaries were over one hundred 
 and seventy, with nearly an equal number of native assistants. Thus 
 stood the question of the religious instruction of the* African popula- 
 tion of the Island in 1842. Superstitions and immoralities were fast 
 disappearing under the influence of the gospel, and the marriage 
 relation was respected. But the fewness of the missionaries and teach- 
 ers, in proportion to the population, rendering it impracticable to bring 
 all under a course of instruction, makes the progress slower than is de- 
 sirable, and leaves many portions of the Island still sunk in ignorance. 
 
 Previous to the year 1823, there were not more than one or two 
 schools for the colored people on the whole Island. In 1824, the 
 whole number of missionaries was seventeen, in a slave population 
 of three hundred and eleven thousand, and a free colored population 
 of forty thousand. H-ere, then, were the educational agencies of 
 Jamaica, twenty-five years ago — not over nineteen missionaries and 
 teachers to a population of ihree hundred and fifty-one thousand 
 souls, or only one to each eighte< n thousand four hundred. 
 
9G Relations of American Slavery 
 
 In this brief outline of the history of Jamaica, ample evidence is 
 furnished lo show that slavery is powerless for good to its victims. 
 It also proves, that a free Christianity can transform, and elevate, 
 and civilize, even slaves. But, as a barbarous people cannot make 
 much progress in a single generation, Jamaica, at present, can supply 
 litde aid in the bestowment of a Christian civilization upon Africa. 
 In relation to Cuba, the tale is soon told. According to McQueen, its 
 slave population, some years ago, was four hundred and twenty-live 
 thousand, of whom one hundred and fifty thousand were females, 
 and two hundred and seventy-five thousand were males. This dis- 
 proportion of the sexes will sufficiently indicate the social evils 
 growing out of such a condition of things. Since that period, the 
 slave Irade has received a great stimulus, by the opening of the 
 English markets to slave-grown sugar, and the continued importation 
 of slaves into Cuba, gives her at present six hundred thousand. Slip 
 has also one hundred thousand free colored persons, and six hundred 
 and ten thousand whites. 
 
 A report read before the London Anti-Slavery Society, 1843, 
 represents the plantation slaves of Cuba as never receiving the least 
 moral or religious instruction. " Most of them are baptized, because 
 the curate's certificate of baptism serves as a tide deed in the civil 
 courts of the Island. They live, in general, in a state of concubinage. 
 They have not the most distant idea of Christianity. The annual 
 decrease by deaths over births is, among the plantation slaves, from 
 ten to twelve per cent., and among the others from four to six per 
 cent. The births exceed the deaths among the free colored popula- 
 tion, from five to six per cent. The hours of labor were from lour, 
 A. M. until ten, P. M., including eighteen hours of the twenty-four, 
 with an allowance of an hour for dinner." 
 
 An extract of a letter from an eyewitness in Cuba, which was 
 addressed to Lord John Russell, and copied into Blackwood's Maga- 
 zine, February, 1818, says, "It was crop time: the mills went 
 round night and day. On every estate, (I scarcely hope to be 
 believed when I state the fact,) every slave teas worked vnder the 
 whip, eighteen hours of the twenty four, and in the boiling-houses, 
 from live to six, P. M., and from eleven o'clock till midnight, when 
 halt' the people were concluding their eighteen hours' work, the sound 
 of the hellish lash was incessant; indeed it was necessary, to keep 
 the overtasked wretches awake. The six hours which they rested, 
 they spent locked in a barracoon — a strong, foul, close sty, where 
 they wallowed without distinction of age or sex. While at work, the 
 slaves were stimulated by drivers, armed with swords and whips, 
 and protected by magnificent bloodhounds. There was no marry- 
 ing among the plantation slaves. On many estates females were 
 entirely excluded. Ii was cheaper and less troublesome to buy than 
 to raise slaves." : * * " Religious instruction and 
 
 medical aid were not earned out generally beyond baptism and 
 vaccination." 
 
 But a sense of propriety forbids that we should complete the quo- 
 tation. Enough, truly, is given to show that the social and moral 
 
To African Civilization. 97 
 
 condition of the slaves in Cuba is most deplorable. Nor have any 
 ameliorating agencies been introduced to work a change In a 
 careful inspection of the operations of English and American mis- 
 sionary societies, we cannot find that any missionaries of a free 
 Christianity have gained a foothold in Cuba. The exclusiveness 
 of the established religion of Spain, which forbids freedom of relioion 
 has, no doubt, been extended to her colony, and the poor Afncan 
 still toils beneath the lash of his merciless taskmaster, unconscious 
 of his accountability to God, and of the offer of salvation through 
 faith in the Saviour. to 
 
 After this picture of the results accompanying the enslavement of 
 
 the Africans in Cuba, no one will look to that island for aid in the 
 
 1 civilization of Africa, until the self-denying missionaries of a free 
 
 Christianity, are permitted to labor therein, for the instruction and 
 
 salvation of the poor slave. 
 
 The slaves transported from Africa to Brazil have been subjected 
 to influences as unfavorable to intellectual and moral improvement as 
 those taken to any other country. Unfortunately for Brazil, a free 
 Christianity was not secured to its early settlers from Europe, and the 
 consequences have been deplorable. In accordance with the views 
 and policy of the times, the most rigid and extreme measures were 
 adopted to preserve unity of faith. Two ministers and fourteen stu- 
 dents, sent out to Brazil by the Protestant Church of Geneva, were 
 prevented, by the sanguinary fanaticism of the adherents of the estab- 
 lished religion, from introducing a Bible Christianity. The leading 
 men of the party of Huguenots, who fled to Brazil in 1555, from per- 
 secution in France, were thrown into prison, and after eight years' 
 confinement, John Boles, the most prominent of the prisoners, was 
 martyred, at Rio de Janeiro, " for the sake of terrifying his country- 
 men, if any of them should be lurking in those parts." The Meth- 
 odist Episcopal Church of the United States, a few years since, 
 attempted to enter into Brazil as a missionary field, but the effort, 
 proving unsuccessful, has been abandoned. 
 
 Without the Bible as a moral instructor of youth, and without the 
 presence of the advocates of a free Christianity, as rivals to stimu- 
 late and liberalize the state religion, it is not a matter of wonder 
 that the Brazilians should have sunk in the scale of moral being. The 
 rising generations, coming more or less under the influence of the 
 native heathenism, could not attain as high a standard of intelligence 
 and morals as those which had preceded them. It was to be expected, 
 therefore, that the costly church edifices, erected by the pious zeal 
 and profuse liberality of the early Portuguese emigrants, should often 
 be perverted from the use to which they were originally consecrated; 
 and, as is asserted in Kidder's Brazil, that the preaching of the gos- 
 ipel should not be known among the weekly services of the church ; 
 ■and, also, as is declared by Southev, that its practices should be 
 Ithose of polytheism and idolatry. 
 
 Details of the social and moral condition of the Brazilians is 
 uncalled for on such an occasion as this. But, as connected with our 
 investigations, we must be permitted to say, that such were the evil 
 7 
 
98 Relations of American Slavery 
 
 tendencies of the religious system of Brazil, that, in 1843, the min- 
 ister of justice and ecclesiastical affairs, addressed the Imperial 
 Legislature as follows : 
 
 " The state of retrogression into which our clergy are falling is 
 notorious. The necessity of adopting measures to remedy such an 
 evil is also evident. On the 9th of September, 1842, the government 
 addressed inquiries on this subject to the bishops and capitular vicars. 
 Although complete answers have not been received from all of them, 
 yet the following particulars are certified : 
 
 "The lack of priests who will dedicate themselves to the cure of 
 souls, or who even offer themselves as candidates, is surprising. In 
 the province of Para, there are parishes which, for twelve years and 
 upward, have had no pastor. The district of the river Neo-ro, con- 
 taining some fourteen settlements, has but one priest; while that of 
 the river Solimoens is in similar circumstances. In the three comar- 
 cas of Belem, and the Upper and the Lower Amazon, there are tlnrty- 
 six vacant parishes. In Maranham, twenty-five churches have, at 
 different times, been advertised as open for applications, without 
 securing the offer of a single candidate. 
 
 "The bishop of St. Paulo affirms the same thing respecting vacant 
 churches in his diocese, and it is no uncommon experience elsewhere. 
 In the diocese of Cuyaba, not a single church is provided with a 
 settled curate, and those priests who officiate as stated supplies, 
 treat the bishop's efforts to instruct and improve them with great 
 indifference. 
 
 " In the bishopric of Rio de Janeiro, most of the churches are sup- 
 plied with pastors, but a great number of them only temporarily. 
 This diocese embraces four provinces, but during nine years past not 
 more than five or six priests have been ordained per year. 
 
 _ " It may be observed, that the numerical ratio of those priests who 
 die, or become incompetent through age and infirmity, is two to one 
 of those who receive ordination. Even among those who are ordained, 
 few devote themselves to pastoral work. ^They either turn their 
 attention to secular pursuits, as a means of securing greater conven- 
 iences, emoluments, and respect, or they look out for chaplaincies, and 
 other situations, which offer equal or superior inducements, without 
 subjecting them to the literary tests, the trouble and the expense 
 necessary to secure an ecclesiastical benefice. 
 
 " This is not the place to investigate the causes of such a state of 
 tilings, but certain it is, that no persons of standing devote their sons 
 to the priesthood. Most of those who seek the sacred office are indi- 
 gent persons, who, by their poverty, are often prevented from pursu- 
 ing the requisite studies. Without doubt, a principal reason why so 
 lew devote themselves to ecclesiastical pursuits, is to be found in the 
 small income allowed them. Moreover, the perquisites established 
 as the remuneration of certain clerical services, have resumed the 
 voluntary character which they had in primitive times, and the priest 
 who attempts to coerce his parishioners into payment of them, almost 
 always renders himself odious, and gels little or nothing for his 
 trouble." 
 
To African Civilization. 99 
 
 After such a picture of the inefficiency of the established religion 
 of Brazil, and such evidences of its decay and want of sufficient vital 
 energy to preserve it from extinction, it will excite no surprise to find 
 the government, in 1836, proposing to employ Moravian missionaries 
 to catechise the Indians of the interior. 
 
 An American in Brazil, writing to the Boston Advocate from Rio 
 Sept., 1849, says: "Every one, on his first landing at Rio, will be' 
 forced to the conclusion that all classes indiscriminatelv minole to- 
 gether ; all appearing on terms of the utmost equality, "if the-e be 
 any distinction, it is perceptible only between freedom and slavery 
 I here are many blacks here quite wealthy and respectable, who amal- 
 gamate with the white families, and are received on a footing of per- 
 fect equality. The mechanical arts are at least half a century behind 
 those of our own. The churches, some fifty in number, are fallino- 
 to decay, which gives to the city a look of dilapidation ; few are still 
 observant of its ceremonies ; but little or no attention is paid to the 
 Sabbath. The stores do business, and the workshops are open the 
 same as on other days. A few may be seen going to worship on the 
 Sabbath but a greater number resort to billiard tables in the afternoon 
 and to theaters at night. The slave population is estimated at three 
 times the number of that of the whites. They are allowed to *o 
 almost naked, the upper part of the body of both male and female 
 entirely so. J 
 
 ! Amid this general dearth of religious interest among the Brazilians 
 it will oi course be expected that the moral training of the poor slave' 
 has been totally neglected, and that he yet remains in all the darkness 
 and degradation of African heathenism. Treated as a beast of burden 
 he can know but little more of his moral responsibility to God than 
 the mule he drives.* 
 
 We find no evidence, thus far, that will warrant our adopting any 
 other agency than Christianity as a primary means of mora! im- 
 provement lor the African slave, or in the civilization of any barbar- 
 ous people. Nor do we find any agency elsewhere than in the 
 United States, upon which reliance can be placed for extending a 
 Christian civilization to Africa. 
 
 "But," says one, "you have passed by an element of human pro- 
 cess, more certain in its operation than any you have named. Give 
 the slave but liberty, and he will vindicate his humanity, and rise to 
 bo equality with his imperious oppressor. This language once seemed 
 Dracular, but time, which tests opinions and theories, has fully shown 
 that there is no magic power in liberty and equality, any more than 
 m trade and commerce, to originate civilization and produce a moral 
 revolution among a savage or semi-barbarous people. 
 
 In proof of this proposition, it is only necessary, to our present 
 
 ' * The population of Brazil, at present, is as follows : 
 
 Slaves. ...... 3,000,000 
 
 Indians and Free Negroes a,500|000 
 
 VV IlltCS. 1 C(1A AAA 
 
 iescent 86 maj ° rjty ° f ^ " ajt " ^ "«■**« « P**^ are 'of African 
 
100 Relation* of American Slavery 
 
 purpose, to refer to Hayti, where, after enjoying liberty and equalit\ 
 for nearly half a century, the people have with apparent willingness 
 submitted to despotism, and bid fair, if regenerating agencies from 
 abroad are not introduced, to relapse into barbarism. Hayti, like 
 Brazil and Cuba, having only a fettered Christianity, derived from 
 France, made no provision for the instruction of the slaves. School 
 houses for the people, those earliest off-shoots of a free Christianity, 
 •iad not been provided by the French proprietors for their slaves. 
 Hence, when the shackles of slavery were removed from the slaves 
 of Hayti, by the act of the Constituent Assembly of France, Intelli- 
 gence not prevailing, the Industry of the Island, formerly compulso- 
 ry, was soon abandoned. Before emancipation, says Blackwood's 
 Magazine, 1848, the exports from Hayti, of sugar alone, reached six 
 hundred and seventy-two millions of pounds, and the consumption of 
 French manufactures, in the island, reached $49,450,000 ; but at 
 present, she neither exports a single pound of sugar, nor imports a 
 single article of manufactures. 
 
 In this result we have a startling confirmation of the truth of the 
 proposition stated in our former lecture, when discussing the results 
 of West India emancipation, that intelligence must precede volun- 
 tary industry. 
 
 Nor has the Christian world neglected to offer to Hayti a free 
 Christianity, that she too might be blest by its transforming power. 
 The offer was made and rejected, and this day she is reaping the 
 bitter consequences. In 1835, the American Baptist. Missionary 
 Society made an attempt to establish a mission in Hayti, which at 
 first promised success, but was abandoned in 1837. When Mr. 
 Phillippo visited that Island in 1842, about a dozen members, fruits 
 of this mission, yet remained. 
 
 As early as 1816 the English Wesleyans commenced a mission in 
 Hayti, but in 1819 the missionary had to leave on account of perse- 
 cution from the adherents of the prevailing religion. The converts, 
 left behind, faithful to the truth, endured a series of persecutions, bitter 
 and relentless, only stopping short of actual martyrdom. In 1830, 
 they numbered only ninety members, under the care of a native 
 preacher ordained in England. 
 
 The missionaries found ignorance and immorality predominant at 
 this period, and, in one or more instances, had evidence sufficient 
 afforded to prove that idolatry was practised in Hayti. 
 
 Between 1820 and 1829, a brisk emigration from the United 
 Stales to Hayti, was conducted, transferring, according to Benjamin 
 Lundy, eight thousand free colored persons to that Island, the ex- 
 penses of six thousand of whom being paid by the Haytien gnvern- 
 ment. But this infusion of Republican leaven, though equaling in 
 number the whole of the emigrants sent to Liberia, seems not to 
 have wrought any wonders in the civilization of their brother 
 Republicans. All have quietly sunk down together into despotism. 
 
 The present social and moral condition of Hayti may be inferred 
 from the following extract of a letter from the Rev. Mr. Graves, one of 
 the editors of the Christian Reflector, who recently visited the Island. 
 
 
To African Civilization. 101 
 
 "The Sabbath is the great business day of the week to the middle 
 and lower classes, while the rich employ it as a holiday. It is the 
 day especially devoted to military parade and marketing. The 
 public squares are crowded with buyers and sellers, and all the 
 phops thronged with customers as on no other day of the week. 
 The marriage relation is, for the most part, sustained without a 
 marriage contract, and divorce and polygamy are too common to 
 excite attention. The faithful husband of a wife is a character so 
 rare as to be a marked exception to the general rule. * * * * 
 In a word, the institutions of the Sabbath and of marriage, are alike 
 prostrate. Both have a name; but the divine object of neither is 
 secured, with a vast majority of the population. As a legitimate 
 consequence, profaneness, intemperance, and vulgarity extensively 
 characterize all classes of society." 
 
 The revolution in Hayti, which expelled Eoyer from the Island, 
 led to a correspondence having in view the introduction of mission- 
 aries from the United States. One of the letters from a prominent 
 citizen of Jeremie, 1843, says, "You have exactly hit on the essen- 
 tial points in recommending the establishment of individual families 
 by marriages, to serve as a basis of the great social family, the 
 establishment of institutions for the diffusion of moral and religious 
 instruction," &c. 
 
 The inference to be drawn from this letter is, that in 1843, as in 
 1849, the marriage relation was not established and respected in 
 Hayti. 
 
 Here, then, in Hayti, we have the proof that liberty and equality, 
 enjoyed socially and politically, to its fullest extent, are also power- 
 less in the promotion of civilization. Even its newly made emperor, 
 we are told, still practises some heathenish rites allied to the devil- 
 icorship of Africa. We shall not go to despotic Hayti for agents to 
 help to build up Republican Liberia. 
 
 But shall we go to Mexico for aid in the civilization of Africa ? A 
 part of the population, torn by the slave trade from Africa, was taken 
 to Mexico. As our plan contemplates the tracing of the various 
 lines of dispersion, so as to inquire into the results, a glance at 
 Mexico will be appropriate, especially as we have in that govern- 
 ment still a different phase of the movement exhibited to us for our 
 instruction. 
 
 The character of the earlier Spanish adventurers and colonists in 
 Mexico, and the means by which they subdued and enslaved the 
 natives, is too familiar to all to need a notice at present. From a 
 statement in Jay's Review of the Mexican War, we learn that the 
 population of Mexico stands as follows: 
 
 Indians, . . 4,000,000 
 
 Whites, . . 1,000,000 
 Negroes, . . 6,000 
 
 Mixed breeds, . 2,009,509=7,015,509. 
 
 Judge Jay, it must be remembered, is a warm abolitionist, and of 
 course not disposed to asperse the character of the descendants 
 of Africa anywhere. By this statement it will be perceived, that 
 
10:5 Relations of American Slavery 
 
 one important object has been gained in Mexico, and which, in the 
 opinion of many, constitutes the sole barrier to the colored man's 
 elevation in the United States. We refer to prejudice against color. 
 In Mexico it seems to have had no existence, but that, on the con- 
 trary, amalgamation, on an extended scale, has been practised, 
 producing a population of mixed breeds, amounting to more than 
 two millions of souls, out of seven millions, and reducing the pure 
 negro stock, imported from Africa, to the meager number of six 
 thousand. But this was not the only point gained for the African in 
 Mexico. In due time, liberty and equality were also bestowed. 
 Mexico, in 1813, threw off the yoke of Spain, and declared herself a 
 Republic. But the attempt of Iturbide, to restore a despotism, raising 
 up a race of military chieftains for his overthrow, afterward pro- 
 duced a struggle for power, resulting, in 1824, in the prohibition of 
 the slave trade, and the adoption of a constitution declaring free all 
 born after that date. Pedraza being elected President, Santa Anna 
 at the head of the military, interposed, and placed in the presidential 
 chair the defeated candidate, Guerrero, who, to strengthen himself, and 
 the better to resist an invasion from Spain, then in process of execu- 
 tion, issued a decree, September, 1829, emancipating all the slaves. 
 Thus was liberty and equality at once secured to the slaves of Mexico. 
 
 But Mexico, under Spain, had a fettered Christianity, trans- 
 planted to her soil, which is still retained, and she has carefully 
 excluded from her limits a free Christianity, with its schoolhouses 
 and Bibles for the people. The third article of her constitution 
 of 1824, declares, that, "The religion of the Mexican nation is, and 
 will be perpetually, the Roman Catholic Apostolic. The nation will 
 protect it by wise and just laws, and prohibit the exercise of any 
 other whatever." It is true, that when Bustamente, who deposed 
 Guerrero, was overturned in 1833, by Santa Anna, tills general 
 attempted to pursue a liberal course of policy, and abolished ecclesi- 
 astical tithes, monastic vows, and the authority of the Pope ; and 
 took the education of youth out of the hands of the priests, appointing 
 the professors in the five free colleges which he established, without 
 regard to country or religious faith. But this effort to liberalize the 
 religion of Mexico proved an abortion, the President, after pulling 
 down several revolts, being forced to readopt the old system as the 
 established faith of Mexico. 
 
 Now let us see what has been gained for the Africans who Mere 
 taken to Mexico. First, the abolition of prejudice and the adoption 
 of amalgamation ; and second, emancipation with liberty and 
 equality, including the right of suffrage, Here, then, in the opinion 
 of many, is a vast gain for the African, above what he has had granted to 
 him elsewhere ; because, though, in Hayti, he had liberty and equality, 
 yet all being African together, there was not the honor conferred 
 which was secured in Mexico, by making him the equal to the de- 
 scendants of the proud Castilians who had conquered Montezuma. 
 IMow for the results of these favoring circumstances. But, happily for 
 us, Judge Jay has drawn the picture of Mexico, for 1846, to the life. 
 
 "The Republic of Mexico had long been the prey of military 
 
To African Civilization. 103 
 
 chieftains, who, in their struggles for power, and the perpetual 
 revolutions they had excited, had exhausted the resources of the 
 country. Without money, without credit, without a single frigate. 
 without commerce, without union, and with a feehle population of 
 seven or eight millions, composed chiefly of Indians and mixed 
 breeds, scattered over immense regions, and for the most part sunk 
 in ignorance, and sloth, Mexico was certainly not a very formidable 
 enemy to the United States." In addition, the Judge states, that the 
 exports from Mexico, in 1842, were, exclusive of gold and silver, 
 $1,500,000, or a little over forty-nine and a half cents per head to 
 her population, excluding the Indians. To those who are curious 
 in seeking for contrasts, it may be interesting to them to know, that 
 the export commerce of Liberia is about $100 per head for each 
 emigrant residing in the Republic. 
 
 Here, now, are the results of the movements in Mexico. She 
 adopted a Republican form of government, denounced the foreign 
 slave trade, and emancipated her slaves, placing the whole population 
 in a condition of social and political equality. But in thus obeying the 
 dictates of one of the fundamental principles of the North American 
 confederacy, which declares the natural equality of mankind, she 
 overlooked the other still more important one, that only men of in- 
 telligence and moral integrity are capable of self-government. This 
 fatal error, the source of all her misfortunes, was the result of another 
 oversight which Mexico committed in the outset of her career. In 
 casting off the shackles of political despotism, she retained the 
 fettered form of Christianity which had been adopted to give security 
 to crowned heads, and which is so antagonistic to the spirit of repub- 
 lican institutions. This system, where not stimulated by the rivalry, 
 of a free Christianity, makes no provision for general education. The 
 Republican leaders, therefore, who wished to advance the general intel- 
 igence of the people, could not accomplish the task, nor take the educa- 
 tional interests out of the hands of those who had previously possessed 
 their control. The ignorance of the masses being thus perpetuated, 
 the severing of the ties binding the slave to the master left the freed 
 man, in consequence of his ignorance, a constant prey to the 
 intrigues of military chieftains. The right of suffrage was thus 
 rendered almost utterly valueless in Mexico, because the decisions 
 of the ballot-box were repeatedly set aside, and the power of the 
 sword interposed to give to the nation its rulers. How far emanci- 
 pation in Mexico may have arrested the prosperity of the nation, 
 and tended to destroy its internal peace, rendering property and life 
 insecure, by letting loose a large number of semibarbarous and 
 savage men from the restraints of slavery, to be controlled at will by 
 ambitious chieftains, we shall not wait to inquire. Our concern is 
 with the effects produced upon the Africans by their transfer to 
 Mexico. Their history tells us, that liberty and equality in Mexico, 
 have fallen far short in the production of the good to the slave which his 
 wants require ; not that these privileges are valueless and ought to be 
 withheld, but because that the intellectual and moral culture, which 
 impart intelligence and moral integrity, were not included in the gift 
 
104 Relations of American Slavery 
 
 We have now completed the circuit of oui investigations. The 
 facts revealed in relation to the intensity of the wretchedness of the 
 African race, not only in Africa itself, but in many of the countries to 
 which they have been transported, are well calculated, at first view, 
 to cause the philanthropic heart to shrink from making an effort to 
 afford relief, because of the immensity of the obstacles to be over- 
 come, before their deliverance can be accomplished. But, upon a 
 closer view of the subject, it would seem that their dispersion to the 
 different countries in which they have been enslaved, was permitted 
 by Divine Providence, with the view of teaching the world some 
 great lessons upon the subject of the true elements of human pro- 
 gress, and at the same time to make ample provision for the recovery 
 of Africa from barbarism. Let us see. 
 
 Without at present recapitulating the facts upon which we base 
 our opinions, or stating the arguments by which they may be sup- 
 ported, the investigations, just completed, afford much material to 
 sustain the following conclusions : 
 
 I. That a Free Christianity — revealing the individual responsibility 
 of man to God, producing a pure morality, generating independence 
 of thought, begetting a spirit of philanthropy, and teaching the natu- 
 ral equality of mankind — is the primary element of civilization 
 and all useful human progress. 
 
 II. That the secondary but essential elements of civilization and use- 
 ful human progress, and which are included in and necessarily 
 dependent, for their full development, upon the primary, are these: 
 
 1. Liberty of conscience in the worship of God 
 
 2. Both secular a'nd religious education. 
 
 3. Personal freedom. 
 
 4. Social and political equality. 
 
 5. The sacredness of the marriage relation, and the possession and 
 control, by parents, of their offspring. 
 
 0. The right of property in the fruits of industry. 
 
 7. Time, for the operation and development of these elements. 
 
 From the possession of these rights and privileges, and their con- 
 stant exercise, there necessarily is produced among men : First, The 
 fear of God and just conceptions of moral responsibility. Second, 
 An enlightenment of conscience, begetting moral integrity and a pure 
 morality, thus securing confidence between man and man, and creat- 
 ing the basis of the safety of society. Third, A proper estimate of 
 man's relations and responsibilities to his fellow-man. Fourth, Phi- 
 lanthropy, or the desire of the welfare of our neighbor. Fifth, The 
 love of home and of offspring, leading to untiring efforts for their 
 welfare. Sixth, Industry, to accumulate property for the individual's 
 or the family's use. Seventh, Trade and commerce, to supply the 
 artificial wants which advancing civilization creates. 
 
 The truth of these conclusions being admitted, it will follow, that 
 just so far as the primary and secondary elements of civilization 
 and useful human progress are possessed, or not possessed, in whole 
 or in part, by a barbarous or semi-barbarous people, to the same 
 
To African Civilization. 105 
 
 extent and in the same proportion may we expect them to advance or 
 retrograde. And if we find that the progress or non-progress of the 
 Africans, who form the subject of our inquiries, has been in the pro- 
 portion in which they have enjoyed, or not enjoyed, all, or some, or 
 none, of the blessings, rights, and privileges named, then we have 
 evidence to establish the truth of the proposition, that the catalogue 
 given, constitutes the elements of civilization. And further, it being 
 thus proved, that a free Christianity necessarily begets intelligence 
 and moral integrity, and therefore tends to restore man to his original 
 state of knowledge and uprightness ; and as such a moral condition 
 necessarily secures the welfare of society, it follows, that our propo- 
 sition, heretofore stated, is true, viz : that Christianity, imcorrupted, 
 is capable of restoring to man his lost happiness. Now let us see 
 how far our conclusions are sustained by the facts brought out in our 
 investigations. 
 
 In the United States, where the primary element, a free Christian- 
 ity, had its birth, the commencement of the slave's elevation is of 
 equal date with his touching the shore. But as the secondary ele- 
 ments of progress have been mostly denied to the slave, and the pri- 
 mary often enjoyed but imperfectly, his advancement has been 
 impeded, and his progress falls short of what it would have been, had 
 his privileges been more extended, so as to include more of the ele- 
 ments of civilization. This view is fully sustained by the fact, that 
 the greater advancement made by ihe free colored man over the slave, 
 in the United States, is about in the proportion of the extent of the 
 additional privileges which he has enjoyed. 
 
 In Jamaica, which, for three hundred years, was emphatically 
 without religion, and where, during that time, neither the primary 
 nor a single one of the secondary elements of civilization were in 
 the possession of the slaves, no progress was made by them until a 
 free Christianity was introduced and their religious education com- 
 menced. Nor was the progress rapid until the emancipation act, of 
 1833, put them in possession of an increased number of the elements 
 of civilization. As they still lack an essential element, social and 
 political equality, and as secular and religious education is not sup- 
 plied to the extent of the wants of the population, retarding causes 
 exist in Jamaica, which will prevent that high intellectual and moral 
 development that should be secured to the African. ^ 
 
 In Cuba and Brazil, it does not appear that the slaves possess 
 either the primary or secondary elements of civilization, and, conse- 
 quently, the first step in human progress remains to be taken. Un- 
 like Jamaica, which was without religion, Cuba and Brazil had a 
 fettered Christianity, but sunk so low as to have lost what little vital- 
 ity it once possessed, and consequently, in these countries no one 
 has cared for the soul of the slave, but he is still left to toil on in 
 mental and moral night, and in anguish and in woe, until a premature 
 death kindly wrests him from the oppressor's grasp. 
 
 In Hayti, one fact presents itself, of peculiar importance in proof 
 of our proposition, that a free Christianity is the primary element of 
 civilization. The primary element alone existed among the slaves 
 
106 Relations of American Slavery 
 
 of the United States, and all the secondary, except liberty of con- 
 science, and religious education, were wanting; yet progress was 
 made, and an approximation to civilization attained. But in Hayli, lor 
 nearly half a century, all the secondary elements of progress, except- 
 ing liberty of conscience and secular and religious education, were in 
 possession of the people, but instead of progress under these advan- 
 tages, there has been retrogression ; and no other sufficient reason 
 can be assigned for it, but that the primary element, a free Christian- 
 ity, which alone can develope the moral powers of man and impart 
 life and activity to the secondary elements, was wholly excluded from 
 the island. Had Hayti, when she became republican, possessed the 
 primary element of progress, she would have been dotted over with 
 schoolhouses and churches ; secular and religious education would 
 have prevailed everywhere; the sacredness of the marriage relation 
 would have been respected ; the welfare of offspring promoted ; vol- 
 untary industry adopted, and the energies of its inhabitants roused 
 into action. Under these circumstances despotism could not have 
 reentered the island. 
 
 The facts in relation to the colored population of Mexico, are so 
 strictly the same with those of Hayti, that wo need not state them. 
 Twenty years' possession of nearly all the secondary elements of 
 civilization, but in complete destitution of the primary, has scarcely 
 impelled them forward a step beyond their original barbarism. To 
 the white population of Mexico, the results have been very similar to 
 what has occurred in Brazil. In both countries, there is danger, it 
 would seem, from the natural tendencies of fallen human nature to 
 barbarism, that the civilization transplanted from Europe, in the ab- 
 sence of the primary element of progress, may greatly retrograde, ifl 
 consequence of the overpowering influence of heathenism, by which 
 it is surrounded. This remark will equally apply to nearly all the 
 South American governments, which, on throwing off the European 
 yoke of political despotism, and giving freedom to the slave, made no 
 provision for public education, either secular or religious. 
 
 But this examination of the different results that have grown out 
 of the various degrees, in which the African has been brought under 
 the influence of the elements of civilization, in the countries where 
 he has been enslaved, may now be closed. Eacts enough are given, 
 certainly, to teach us important lessons in relation to the elemeiUs of 
 useful human progress — facts enough to show that Christianity is the 
 primary element of civilization ; not Christianity, as fettered and 
 made an engine of despotic sway over mankind, holding them in 
 ignorance of their rights and obligations ; but a free Christianity! 
 based upon the Bible, demanding for men, equal rights and liberty of 
 conscience, and teaching them that respect for the rights of others, 
 and that moral integrity which gives security to governments, based 
 upon law — facts enough, too, to prove, that unless all the elements of 
 progress, primary and secondary, lie enjoyed unrestrained, and in 
 full exercise, by a people, there will exist impediments to their 
 advancement — facts enough, further, to prove that it is dangerous to 
 
To African Civilization. 107 
 
 withhold from men, the elements of moral progress, when conferring 
 npon them those of social and political advancement — and facts 
 enough, furthermore, to prove, that for a civilized community, or state, 
 or nation, to admit a barbarous or semi-barbarous people into its 
 bosom, or to retain them when forced upon it, without supplying to 
 them the elements of intellectual and moral elevation, is to cherish 
 an agent antagonistic to civilization, and which must react unfavorably 
 upon itself, in retarding, if not preventing, its further prosperity. 
 
 Our investigations also show, that tbe African race is not in posses- 
 sion of all the elements of civilization in any of the countries to which 
 they have been transported. A further investigation would show that 
 there is no prospect, at present, of their ever attaining them in these 
 countries. But as their possession and free exercise, is essential to 
 the production of the highest mental and moral developments of 
 which the race is susceptible, the establishment of the Republic of 
 Liberia, becomes a matter of the highest importance, and most pro- 
 found interest to the colored race. 
 
 In the Republic of Liberia, and in Liberia only, can the colored 
 man obtain possession and the free exercise of all the elements of 
 civilization, and useful human progress. In the Republic of the 
 United States, and in the United States only, can the white man 
 obtain possession and the free exercise of all the elements of civili- 
 zation, and useful human progress. Here are two facts, not to be 
 controverted. There exists at present, no European government, 
 whose population possesses all these elements of progress. France 
 has put herself in possession of the secondary, but is destitute of the 
 primary. England may be said, in a good degree, to possess the 
 primary, but withholds a part of the secondary from a large portion 
 of her people. We repeat the assertion, therefore, that the Republic 
 of the United States, is the only nation under the sun, where the 
 white man can enjoy all the elements of useful human progress, and 
 that the Republic of Liberia, is the only point, on the whole earth, 
 where the colored man can enjoy them. And, further, we assert, 
 that the United States is the only country, where the colored man has 
 had the opportunity of enjoying any part of these blessings, and of 
 witnessing the workings of the whole, and of comprehending their 
 nature, and learning their value. 
 
 And now we aie prepared also to assert, that the United States, 
 only, of all the governments of the earth, possesses the necessary 
 agents, in the persons of intelligent and industrious colored men, 
 to recover Africa from barbarism, and to bestoiv upon that be- 
 nighted land, as we are now doing in Liberia, all the elements ne- 
 cessary to the production of the highest degree of civilization, and 
 of thus securing to her, the greatest amount of prosperity, and of 
 happiness. 
 
 Here, then, are the results of bringing together, on the soil of the 
 United Slates, the highest developments of Christian intelligence and 
 integrity, and the lowest form of pagan ignorance and depravity. 
 Here are the results of the experiment which, seemingly, was to test 
 
108 Relations of American Slavery 
 
 the capability of a free Christianity to transform the grossest material 
 of humanity into the most refined — proving the unity and natural 
 equality of the human race. Here is ample testimony, to prove the 
 sufficiency of a pure Christianity, to restore to man his lost happi- 
 ness. And here, now, is unfolded to view, the solution of the great 
 question involved in all our investigations, the relation which the sla- 
 very of the United States bears to the recovery of Africa from 
 barbarism. 
 
 The people of Liberia are themselves a standing wonder to the 
 world. The greater part of them were slaves, until the hour they 
 left our shores, and of all men in the world, would have been pro- 
 nounced, and were pronounced, the least able to accomplish the work 
 they were sent to perform. But the elements of progress were borne 
 along with them. The missionaries of a free Christianity offered 
 themselves as a willing sacrifice, from year to year, to plant the ele- 
 ments of civilization in Africa, that there, amid moral darkness and 
 degradation, the evidence might be furnished, that the religion of 
 their Lord and Master was divine; and able, not only, to secure 
 eternal life to the soul of the believer, but to redeem the world from 
 oppression and woe. 
 
 Europe stands astonished at the mighty progress of the United 
 States, in all that is ennobling and great. Its people imitate our ex- 
 ample, and aim at our results, without understanding the secret of our 
 success, and therefore fail. They seem to be wholly incapable of 
 comprehending the nature of our free institutions. Liberty, under 
 the restraints of law, is an enigma they cannot solve. Thus far, we 
 have stood alone, as a monument of the power of Republican Insti- 
 tutions, to advance the welfare of man. And, indeed, such seemed 
 to be our unique position, that we were ready to boast that only the 
 Anglo-Saxon could be safely free. But now Liberia, as if to rebuke 
 us for our pride, stands forward, and begins to loom up as another 
 monument of the power of free institutions. He that was once a 
 poor slave, and cowered beneath the voice of the white man, now 
 stands erect in Liberia, like his own native palm tree, nor bows in 
 meek submission but to the voice of the Eternal. 
 
 The citizens of Liberia are beginning to realize the relations and 
 responsibilities of their new position, and call loudly for help to exe- 
 cute the high destiny to which they are called. Said the Rev. Mr. 
 Paine, of Liberia, when on a visit to New York, with President 
 Roberts, 1848: "Nearly every one of the officers, from the least 
 even to the greatest, are communicants in some evangelical church, 
 and adorn their life: by a holy walk and conversation. You do not 
 find them on the Sabbath day, strolling about the streets, and seeking 
 ior pleasure, as I have seen your people in this country, but they are 
 found in (lie school and sanctuary. As an evidence of their being a 
 strictly moral and religious people, he would state, that out of eleven 
 members in the House of Representatives, and six in the Senate, 
 seventeen in all, only one was not a professor of religion. Intelli- 
 gent Liberians," continued Mr. Paine, "are impressed with the con- 
 viction, that the Supreme Disposer of events, has called them to a 
 
To African Civilization. 109 
 
 high mission; that they have transferred Plymouth to Africa, and 
 that civilization, republicanism, and Christianity, are to proceed from 
 them over a vast continent that lies in the shadow of death. They 
 are nerving themselves to the fulfillment of such a destiny. They 
 have grasped the great idea, and have incorporated it with the foun- 
 dations of the Republic." 
 
 The following important letter, from the Rev. J. P. Pinney, for- 
 merly Governor of Liberia, was not received in time for insertion in 
 the proper place : 
 
 David Christy, Esq. 
 
 Dear Brother — Your interesting letter of the 16th ult., lingered, and 
 then my absence for a few days, to attend a meeting at Annapolis, 
 delayed a reply until it is probably too late to do you a service. In 
 Mr. Tracy's pamphlet, entitled " Missions in Africa," there is a note 
 with some interesting facts relative to cannibalism. 
 
 1 never saw men eating human flesh, but have heard of its being 
 done in the vicinity of Liberia. 
 
 The letters of Sion Harris and Rev. G. Brown, who were attacked 
 at the mission of the M. E. Church, at Heddington, in 1840, by 
 Gotorah, the famous Condo warrior, (he had threatened to eat the 
 missionary), state that the dried limbs of men slain previously were 
 thrown away in their flight. 
 
 This same warrior visited Gov. Buchanan, in 1839, to treat for a 
 peace, and while there gave, in public council, as an objection to 
 making peace, that he would have nobody to eat. 
 
 In 1835, while I was agent of the Colonization Society, I sent two 
 Methodist ministers, who were men of high standing, each having 
 before been elected to the office of Vice Governor of the Colony, as 
 commissioners to negotiate a peace between the Veys and Condoes. 
 While they were at Bo-poro, the chief town of the Condo nation, 
 they stated that human flesh was offered in the market fur food. 
 
 In 1833, I made a tour sixty or seventy miles, to a king north-east 
 of the Bassa Cove Colony. My purpose was to proceed several 
 hundred miles, but the king resolutely refused leave, and no bribe or 
 importunity prevailed to change his decision. The reason assigned 
 was, that as I came with letters from tile Governor, the King was 
 responsible for my safety, and the neighboring tribe, Pessa men, 
 would kill and eat me. 
 
 The missionaries from England to Coomassie, capital of Ashantee, 
 stated in their published journal, in 1841, that they saw men return- 
 ing from the market with human limbs for food. 
 
 Of the Gallinas, I know nothing from actual observation. I im- 
 agine that Cape Mount would furnish you as good a point for a 
 .settlement. By occupying Gallinas, you would more surely exter- 
 minate the greatest slave mart in western Africa. 
 
 Very respectfully, yours, 
 
 J.' B. PINNEY. 
 
 New York, March 2, 1850. 
 
PART THIRD. 
 
 Our readers will observe that we have presented the leading inci- 
 dents connected with the enslavement of the African race, and pointed 
 out the great advantages secured to them in the United States, over 
 those afforded in any other country. The facts presented therein 
 also show, that the work of Africa's redemption from barbarism has 
 been encouragingly commenced by our Colonization scheme. It is 
 natural, therefore, that we should cast about to see whether the im- 
 pelling forces, tending to promote and perfect this great work, possess 
 sufficient power to insure its success. For it must be confessed, that, 
 in view of the vastness of the work to be accomplished — including 
 the secular and religious education of perhaps more than one hundred 
 and sixty millions of savage men — if no more numerous agencies can 
 be brought to the execution of the task, than the noble little band of 
 Liberians, hope would almost sicken and die, in contemplating the 
 length of time that must elapse before civilization and the gospel can 
 be made to reach the whole population of Africa. 
 
 In tracing the causes now in operation, which must rapidly propel 
 the work of Africa's civilization, we lind that the facts may be brought 
 most forcibly to view, by-contrasting the present relations of Free 
 Labor to Slave Labor, in the cultivation of those tropical and semi- 
 tropical products, upon which slave labor has been and is now chiefly 
 emploved. 
 
 We may be told — indeed we have already been warned by a 
 friend, to whom the statistics have been shown— that by arraying such 
 facts, before the public, as we have collated, we shall greatly strengthen 
 slavery. But we must beg leave to say, that we apprehend nolsuch 
 results. The facta arc such as the friends of African freedom, every 
 where, should know, to enable them to adopt some practical and 
 efficient remedy for the evils of the slave trade and slavery. It is 
 not necessary to publish the fact to the slaveholder of Cuba and 
 Brazil, that free labor, in die English and French West Indies, has 
 (110) 
 
Jntroctuctwn. Ill 
 
 failed to supply to commerce an amount of tropical commodities 
 equal to what had been furnished by slave labor before emancipation 
 They already know this fact. Slaveholders, whether engaged in 
 the production of cotton, sugar, or coffee, have known it, and profited 
 by it. The slave trader, also, has known the result of West India 
 emancipation, and has quadrupled his business and his profits by 
 possessing that knowledge. And shall the Philanthropist, alone, be 
 debarred from knowing truths of such moment? 
 
 The facts which we shall present may be unwelcome to some, yet 
 they cannot be controverted. They may detract somewhat from the 
 honors claimed by many who boast of their success in checking the 
 progress of slavery, and may prove that they were more benevolent 
 than wise, but it cannot be avoided. The day has come for decisive 
 action upon the subject of the suppression of the slave trade, and the 
 civilization of Africa. All schemes hitherto adopted have signally 
 failed. The wisest statesmen have been baffled and defeated in their 
 attempts. It is time, therefore, that a review of the actions of the 
 past should be taken, and the results spread out be/ore the public. In 
 the execution of this task, if faithfully performed, it is believed that 
 there may be found some common ground upon which all the friends 
 of Africa and of humanity may cordially cooperate. 
 
 The evidence which we have been enabled lo collect upon this 
 subject, is all from undoubted authorities, and we believe will clearly 
 establish the following propositions : 
 
 I. That Free Labor, in tropical and semi-tropical countries, is lailin^ 
 to furnish to the markets of the world, in any thing like adequate 
 quantities, those commodities upon which slave labor is chiefly 
 em ployed. 
 
 II. That the governments of England, France, and the United States, 
 at the present moment, are compelled, from necessity, to consume 
 slave labor products, to a large extent, and thus still continue to be 
 the principal agents which aid in extending and perpetuating slavery 
 and the slave trade. 
 
 III. That the legislative measures adopted for the destruction of the 
 slave trade and slavery, especially by England, have tended to 
 increase and extend the systems they were designed to destroy. 
 
 IV. That the governments named, cannot hope to escape from the 
 necessity of consuming the products of slave labor, except by call- 
 ing into active service, on an extensive scale, the free labor of 
 countries not at present producing the commodities upon which 
 slave labor is employed. 
 
 V. That Africa is the principal field where free labor can be made 
 to compete, successfully, with slave labor, in the production of 
 exportable tropical commodities. 
 
112 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 VI. That there»are moral forces and commercial considerations now 
 in operation, which will, necessarily, impel Christian governments 
 to exert their influence for the civilization of Africa, and the pro- 
 motion of the prosperity of the Republic of Liberia, as the prin- 
 cipal agency in this great work ; and that in these facts lies our 
 encouragement to persevere in our Colonization efforts. 
 
 VII. That all these agencies and influences being brought to bear 
 upon the civilization of Africa, from the nature of its soil, climate, 
 products, and population, we are forced to believe that a mighty 
 people will ultimately rise upon that continent, taking rank with 
 the most powerful nations of the earth, and vindicate the character 
 of the African race before the world. 
 
 Not the least interesting result, growing out of the investigations 
 upon which we are entering, when taken in connection with those of 
 our two preceding lectures, is the conviction that has been produced 
 in our own mind, and which we believe will be made upon all, that 
 England and the United States, the two governments at present most 
 capable of exerting the greatest moral influence over Africa, and of 
 calling into activity her latent but giant energies, are at this moment 
 involved in positions of so much embarrassment, in consequence of 
 their having been connected with the slave trade and slavery, that 
 they cannot extricate themselves, but by the civilization of Africa. 
 
 France, also, in the case of her former colony of Hayti, has had 
 poured out to her a portion of the cup of bitterness, which, it seems, 
 must be pressed to the lips of all the nations who have participated 
 in oppressing Africa. By her late act. of emancipation, in her re- 
 maining tropical colonies, France has still farther embarrassed herself, 
 and, like England and the United States, must soon be compelled 
 cither to supply herself almost exclusively with slave-grown cotton, 
 and other tropical products, or lend her aid in promoting free labor 
 cultivation in tropical Africa. 
 
 In this remarkable condition of things, we are reminded of the 
 great truth, that God presides among the nations, and overrules their 
 actions to promote his own purposes of judgment and of man/ to 
 mankind, and that governments, like individuals, are hindered in 
 their designs here and have free progress there, only so far as corres- 
 ponds with his great scheme of displaying his hatred of sin, vindica- 
 ting his justice, and of manifesting his love to a fallen world, and his 
 determination to redeem it to himself. 
 
 A brief review of some of the leading events, relating to the 
 action of the nations of Europe, in their connection with the slave 
 trade and slavery, will bring us to the statement of the facts upon 
 winch we base our propositions. 
 
 The records of history put it beyond all question, that the rapid 
 rise of Great Britain, during the 18th century, which secured to her 
 the superiority over other nations in naval power, in commerce, and 
 ultimately in manufactures, was due, principally, to her havi 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 113 
 
 acquired by the treaty of Utrecht, 1713, the monopoly of the slave 
 trade. The traffic in slaves being, by this treaty, placed under the 
 control of England, her rivals were deprived of the means of supply- 
 ing slaves to their tropical possessions, excepting through her mer- 
 chants, while she could add to her colonies any number required by 
 the planters. And when we call to mind the fact, that the average 
 period of life of the imported African slave, as a profitable laborer in 
 the West India colonies, is not over seven years, it will be seen that 
 this treaty most effectually crippled the rivals of England, and of ne- 
 cessity gave to her, as is the boast of McQueen, the principal monop- 
 oly of the markets of the world for her West India tropical products. 
 And, indeed, so seriously were the other powers affected by this 
 measure, that in 1739, Spain paid to Great. Britain a half million of 
 dollars to secure a release of her monopoly for the remaining four 
 years to which it extended ; and thus the nations of Europe once 
 more became equal participants in this unholy commerce. 
 
 A true idea of the immense value of England's commercial inter- 
 ests, ivhich ivere based upon the slave trade and slavery, may be 
 learned from the fact, that in 1807, the export products of her West 
 India possessions employed 250,000 tons of English shipping, and 
 that these islands sustained a population which consumed annually 
 $17,500,000 worth of British manufactures.* It was the possession 
 of such resources as these, coupled with her East India acquisitions, 
 that enabled England, whose navy at the opening of the 18th century 
 was one thousand guns less than that of France, to increase it in one 
 hundred years to near its present extent, and shortly after the begin- 
 ning of the present century, to bid defiance to the combined oppo- 
 sition of the powers of Europe. But it must not be forgotten, that 
 much of this wealth, securing to England such prosperity and such 
 glory as she attained, was wrung from African sinews m her West 
 India colonies. 
 
 But now begins the era when the power of Great Britain is to 
 become arrayed on the side of African freedom. The year 1808 
 terminated the connection of both Great Britain and the United 
 States with the slave trade. Whatever may be said of the motives 
 prompting these governments to this act, it must be admitted, that a 
 great work of philanthropy was accomplished. But its prohibition 
 by these powers, unfortunately, left the monopoly of the traffic in 
 slaves in the hands of Spain and Portugal, who prosecuted it with 
 the greatest activity, and soon made the soil of Cuba and of Brazil to 
 groan beneath the cultivation of those exportable tropical products 
 which England had so successfully commenced, and so advantage- 
 ously prosecuted. Being then in its infancy, the government of the 
 United States could exert but little influence upon other nations, and, 
 consequently, the control of this great question rested with England. 
 It was a capital error in her policy, to neglect securing an abandon- 
 ment of the slave trade by the other European governments. Their 
 
 * Blackwood's Mag., 1848, p. 5. 
 
114 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 success in rivaling her in tropical cultivation, together with the sub- 
 sequent legislative errors of Great Britain, and the consequent de- 
 struction of the prosperity of her West India colonies, has been fully 
 discussed in our first lecture. Since its publication, however, many 
 additional facts have been ascertained, and many new developments 
 have been made, in connection with English and French West India 
 emancipation, which enable us to understand more clearly its work- 
 ings, and to foresee more certainly the final effects of that great work 
 of philanthropy upon the African race. 
 
 The prohibition of the slave trade, and the emancipation of her 
 West India slaves,* greatly embarrassed the commercial interests of 
 England, and forced her to grapple with the giant evils of the slave 
 trade and slavery, and to attempt their destruction. But each step 
 taken, after the prohibition of the slave trade, while it certainly pro- 
 moted, locally, the cause of human liberty, dealt a death-blow to some 
 of the vital interests of the government. And, as if the Almighty 
 had designed to record, in letters of living light, his disapproval of the 
 motives prompting England to enslave the African race, these blows 
 have fallen upon the identical interests which had been created and 
 built up by the slave trade and slavery, viz: her West India sugar, 
 cotton, and coffee cultivation, and the markets for her manufactures 
 which these islands afforded. 
 
 Previous to 1808, England's West India colonies were supplied 
 with laborers from Africa, by means of the slave trade. The slaves 
 in these islands numbered 800,000, in that year; but in 1834, when 
 their emancipation had been effected, there were only 700,000. t 
 This diminution of the slaves, while it very seriously affected the 
 exports from the colonies, served to reveal the true character of West 
 India slavery, and the means by which colonial prosperity had been 
 sustained, and can only be accounted for from overworking, and the 
 great disparity of the sexes always consequent upon the supply of 
 laborers by the slave trade.J 
 
 After the supply of slave labor had been cut off, by the prohibition 
 of the slave trade, it was discovered that a vast decrease of exports 
 was taking place in the colonies. The remedy proposed for this evil 
 was emancipation ; by means of which it was conceived that the lib- 
 erated slaves would, as freemen, perform twice the labor that had been 
 wrung out of them while under the lash, and also that double the 
 quantity that had been supplied, of British manufactures, while in 
 slavery, would be required to clothe them if free.§ Such a conceit 
 as this could never have originated but in a mind entertaining unsound 
 views of human nature, and unacquainted with the impossibility of 
 controlling, by moral suasion, a halt-civilized or savage people, and of 
 inducing them to give up long-established habits. But the scheme 
 was adopted, and England committed her second legislative error in 
 
 * See Part 1, for a full discussion of this subject. 
 t See Life of Buxton, and our Firsl Part, p. 41. 
 X See Tart I, p. 44. § See Part J, p. ."9. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 115 
 
 anti-slavery effort. The emancipation of the West India slaves 
 Avas decreed in 1833, and fully executed in 1838. 
 
 The movements of France in relation to African freedom, must 
 also be noticed, to obtain a clear view of the present relations of free 
 labor to slave labor. The history of the island of St. Domingo sup- 
 plies materials of great interest upon this subject. The French por- 
 tion of that island, in 1789, consisting of 30,826 whites, and 27.548 
 free colored persons,* had 480,000 slaves t employed in agriculture, 
 and furnished three-fifths of the produce of all the French West India 
 colonies, amounting in value to more than $50,000,000, and consumed, 
 of French manufactures, $49,430,000. ± The Spanish part of the 
 island employed in agriculture only 15,000 slaves.§ 
 
 The political troubles of St. Domingo began in 1790, between the 
 mulattoes and the whites, the slaves remaining industrious, quiet, and 
 orderly. But in August, 1792, the slaves joined in the rebellion, and 
 the massacre of the whites was commenced. The most dreadful 
 scenes of cruelty and bloodshed continued to be enacted until 1801, 
 when a constitution was adopted, and the island, under the name of 
 Hayii, formally proclaimed an independent neutral power. At the 
 close of this year, Bonaparte made an effort to reconquer the island, 
 and, in order to succeed, the French general, Le Clerc, first attempted 
 to restore the planters to their former authority over the negroes, 
 many of whom, in the preceding struggles, had been granted°their 
 freedom ; but, failing in this, he was forced, as a last resort, on the 
 25th of April, 1802, to "proclaim liberty and equality to all the in- 
 habitants, without regard to color." The Haytien chieftains, Touis- 
 sant, Dessalines, Christophe, &c, being immediately deserted by the 
 blacks, were forced to submit, and the French sovereignty was again 
 recognized throughout Hayti. As a first step to deprive the people 
 of their efficient leaders, Le Clerc seized Touissant and his family, in 
 the night, about the middle of May, and hurried them on board a ves- 
 sel, which sailed immediately for France.^ This act of perfidy at 
 once aroused the population to resistance, and the French, after a loss 
 of 40,000 men, by disease and war, were compelled to capitulate, 
 Nov., 1803, and, with a remnant of the army, of only 8,000 men, 
 beg leave to depart from the island. Dessalines now assumed the 
 authority, and a general massacre of the remaining French inhabitants 
 took place.** 
 
 From this period, 1803, dates the independence of Hayti. Its 
 population was, at this time, 348,000.tt Christophe was declared 
 king in 1811. Petion succeeded him and died in 1818, when Boyer 
 came into power and annexed the Spanish part of the Island. From 
 this period until 1843, when Boyer abdicated, the Island enjoyed a 
 fair degree of tranquility. The legislation was rigidly directed to 
 
 * Westminster Rev., 1850, p. 261. f Macgregor, p. 1152. 
 i Blackwood's Mag., 18l8, p. 6. § Macgregor, p. 1152. 
 
 IP Confined to a loathsome dungeon, he died the next year. 
 ** See Life of Benjamin Lundy, and also Macgregor. 
 tf Macgregor, p. 1152. 
 
116 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 secure the industry of the inhabitants, but with little success as we 
 shall see. 
 
 In 1848, the whole of the slaves in the remaining; French colonies 
 were emancipated by a decree of the Republic. Their population, 
 including; free persons and slaves, we find stated as follows :* 
 
 Colonics. 
 
 Free. 
 
 Slaves. 
 
 75,330 
 89,349 
 62,154 
 
 Colonies: 
 
 Free. 
 
 Slaves. 
 
 Martinique, ..(1846), 
 Gaudaloupe,. . .(do), 
 
 Nossi Be and 
 Nossi Cumba, . (do) 
 
 47,352 
 40,428 
 45,512 
 
 Nossi Falli and 
 Nossi Mitsou, (1846), 
 St. Mary Mag- 
 Algiers, (estimate). 
 
 14,512 
 
 3,465 
 
 8,427 
 
 7,698 
 
 2,415 
 10,113 
 10,000 
 
 Total, 
 
 
 
 159,696 
 
 257,059 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 We are now enabled to state the amount of the colored popula- 
 tion, in the English and French colonies, to whom freedom has 
 been secured, and upon whom, since their emancipation, free labor 
 tropical cultivation has devolved. It was as follows : 
 
 British West Indies, . . . 1834, 700,000 
 
 Hayti 1804 348,000 
 
 Other French Colonies, 1848, _257,000 
 
 Total, 1,305,000 
 
 Here we shall terminate our preliminary historical retrospect and 
 proceed to demonstrate our first proposition, which is this : 
 
 I. That free labor, in tropical and semi-tropical countries, is failing 
 to furnish to the markets of the world, in anything like adequate 
 quantities, those commodities upon which slave labor is chiefly 
 employed. 
 
 We shall commence with the British West Indies. The following 
 table embraces the exports from Jamaica alone. We cannot ascer- 
 tain the amount exported from the whole English West India col- 
 onic-;, including the period of the slave trade. But as Jamaica is 
 much the largest and most important Island, and as nearly the same 
 results have followed in all the islands, it may justly be taken as the 
 type of the whole, and as fully exhibiting the influence which the 
 legislation of the mother country, on the subject of the slave trade 
 and slavery, in its several stages of progress, has exerted upon her 
 own commerce and manufactures, and upon the prosperity of the 
 colonies. The quantities stated are the average annual exports for 
 periods of five years each, embracing the last five years of the slave 
 trade, the last five of slavery, and the first five of freedom j We 
 
 *Anti-S!avery Reporter. 
 
 +\V here the BUgar is given in hogsheads, we have reduced it to pounds, esti- 
 mating the hlid. at I GOO lbs. nett. 
 
Present delations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 117 
 
 are also enabled to bring down the results to the close of 1848. 
 including the three last years separately. 
 
 Years of Exports. 
 
 Ann. average, 
 
 exports 
 
 1803 to 1807* 
 
 1829 to 1833* 
 
 1839 to 1843* 
 
 ]846f 
 
 1847+ 
 
 1848+ 
 
 lbs Sugar. P. Rum. 
 
 211,139,200 50,426 
 152,564,800, 35,505 
 
 67,924,800 
 57,956,800 
 77,686,400 
 67,539,200 
 
 14,185 
 14,395 
 18,077 
 20,194 
 
 lbs Coffee. 
 
 23,625,377 
 17,645,602 
 7,412,498 
 6,047,150 
 6,421,122 
 5,684,921 
 
 Ann. Value 
 
 $19,263,105 
 
 13,957,390 
 
 6.066,420 
 
 *Blackwood's Mag., 1848, p. 225. 
 
 fLittel's Living Age, 1850, No. 309, p. 125.— Letters of Mr. Bigelow. 
 
 We add also the exports from British Guiana, because it includes 
 the article of cotton, and exhibits the decline in its production.* 
 
 Years. 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 Pun. Rum. 
 
 Ck's. Molas. 
 
 lbs. Cotton. 
 
 Coffee, lbs. Dutcli, 
 
 1827 
 1830 
 1833 
 1836 
 1839 
 1843 
 
 113,868,800 
 
 111,248,200 
 
 101,464,000 
 
 91,427,200 
 
 61,585,600 
 
 57,180,800 
 
 22,362 
 32,939 
 17,824 
 24,202 
 16,070 
 8,296 
 
 28,226 
 21,189 
 44,508 
 37,088 
 12,134 
 24,937 
 
 6,361,600 
 2,169,200 
 1,479,600 
 1,278,400 
 541,600 
 9,600 
 
 8,063,752 
 9,502,756 
 5,704,482 
 4,801,352 
 1,583,250 
 1,428,100 
 
 The rate at which the cultivation of cotton has declined in the 
 British West Indies, is indicated by the imports of that article from 
 them into England, in the periods stated below, t 
 
 1829 
 
 1S30 
 
 1831 
 
 1632 
 
 1833 
 
 1634 
 
 1S40* 
 
 4,640,414 
 
 3,449,247 
 
 2,401,685 
 
 2,040,428 
 
 2,084,826 
 
 2,296,525 
 
 427,529 
 
 *McQ.ueen, see Lecture, 1. p. 37. 
 
 The total amount of the imports of sugar and coffee, into England, 
 from all her West India Colonies, but not embracing the period of 
 the slave trade, were as follows :| 
 
 Years of importation. 
 
 Ann. aver, in the 5 yrs, 1827 to 1831,. 
 
 « « « « 1832 to 1836,. 
 
 « « « « 1837 to 1841,. 
 
 « « " « 1842 to 1846,. 
 
 Tn the year 1847, 
 
 « " 1848.§ 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 448,765,520 
 411,869,056 
 313,570,144 
 277,252,400 
 358,379,952 
 313,306,112 
 
 26,670,601 
 19,904,536 
 13,473,38!! 
 
 7,985,1 53 
 6,770,792 
 
 "Blackwood's Mag., 1S48, p. 225. +See table of imports, p. 16, of this Part. 
 ^Westminster Review, 1850, p. 279. ^London Quar. Review, 1850, p. 97. 
 
118 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 "In 1831 the British West India Colonies produced 459,022,600 
 lbs. of sugar;" being nearly eleven millions of pounds more than the 
 average of that and the preceding four years. This amount seems to 
 have been sufficient for the home consumption, because the importa- 
 tion of 65,320,192 lbs. of foreign sugar, during that year, was for 
 re-export only.* But in 1848, such had been the increased con- 
 sumption of that article, in the seventeen years which had elapsed, 
 that the imports of sugar amounted to 769,604,416 lbs., of which 
 there was taken for consumption 690,213,552 lbs.t Of this amount 
 the British West Indies supplied only 313,306,1 12 lbs,} and 229,748,- 
 096 lbs. were of foreign slave grown sugar.§ We shall here close 
 our statements in relation to the failure of free labor cultivation in 
 the British West India Colonies, and turn to those of France. 
 
 The following statistical table of exports from Hayti,^f tells, but 
 too forcibly, the results of emancipation upon the commercial pros- 
 perity of that Island, and shows the magnitude of the loss sustained 
 by France in having this colony wrested from her. It includes the 
 exports of the three principal products from 1789 to 1841. 
 
 Years. 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 lbs. Coffee. 
 
 lbs. Cotton. 
 
 Remarks. 
 
 1789 
 
 141,089,931 
 
 76,835,219 
 
 7,004,274 
 
 Island tranquil. 
 
 1790 
 
 163,318,810 
 
 68,151,180 
 
 6,286,126 
 
 Wh'sand Mul. at war. 
 
 1801 
 
 18,534,112 
 
 43,420,270 
 
 2,480,340 
 
 Slaves freed in 1793. 
 
 1813 
 
 5,443,765 
 
 26,065,200 
 
 474,118 
 
 Boyer in power. 
 
 1819 
 
 3,790,300 
 
 29,240,919 
 
 216,103 
 
 it (( 
 
 1820 
 
 2,517,289 
 
 35,137,759 
 
 346,839 
 
 tt u 
 
 1821 
 
 600,934 
 
 29,925.951 
 
 820,563 
 
 << a 
 
 lb22 
 
 200,451 
 
 24,235,372 
 
 592,368 
 
 '( <( 
 
 1823 
 
 14,920 
 
 33,802,837 
 
 332,256 
 
 (I << 
 
 1S24 
 
 5,106 
 
 44,269,084 
 
 1,028,045 
 
 <( it 
 
 1825 
 
 2,020 
 
 36,034,300 
 
 815,697 
 
 tt (( 
 
 1826 
 
 32,864 
 
 32,ls9,784 
 
 620,972 
 
 tt tt 
 
 1835 
 
 1,097 
 
 48,352,371 
 
 1,649,717 
 
 Ex's for whole Island. 
 
 1836 
 
 16,199 
 
 37,662,672 
 
 1,072,555 
 
 
 1837 
 
 
 30,845,400 
 
 1,013,171 
 
 <( <( 
 
 1838 
 
 
 49,820,241 
 
 
 (t a 
 
 l*-.M 
 
 
 7,889,092 
 
 1,635,420 
 
 <( (.' 
 
 1840 
 
 741 
 
 46,126,272 
 
 922,575 
 
 Republic. 
 
 1841 
 
 1,363 
 
 34,114,717 
 
 1,591,454 
 
 <( 
 
 1848 
 
 very little 
 
 33,600,0()0t 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 *JS T o statement yet received, f Campbell, Arnoft & Co. 
 
 iiv — — w.~..v^ , n.v, j-iin^^iKji i^iijiwiuuii main: tuu 
 
 attempt, on a grand scale, to produce beet-root sugar in France itself. 
 But this experiment did not meet the public wants, and the cultivation 
 
 "London Quar. Review, 1850, p. 97. fib. p. 88. *Ib. p. 97. §Ib. p 88. 
 FMacgregor, London Ed. 1847. 
 
Present Felations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 119 
 
 of sugar, by slave labor, was necessarily rapidly increased in the 
 remaining French colonies. The slave trade being actively prose- 
 cuted at that period, it afforded a full supply of slaves to the French 
 planters, and the exports of sugar, from her remaining colonies, must 
 have rapidly increased, as we find, that in the first nine months of 
 1847, they had increased to an amount exceeding by five millions 
 and a half of pounds, the exports from Hayti, for the whole year, 
 in 1790. 
 
 The effects of the recent emancipation of her slaves by the French 
 Republic* bids fair to prove as disastrous to the commerce of her col- 
 onies and to the interests of France, as were the iesults of the rebel- 
 lion of Hayti. We find it stated, in the current news of the day, 
 that, " according to official data, the amount of sugar imported into 
 France, from her colonies in Guiana, the West Indies, and the Island 
 of La Reunion, has fallen from 168,884,177 ibs., the quantity im- 
 ported during the first nine months of 1847, to 96,929,336 lbs., for 
 the same period of the year 1849, being a falling off, for the nine 
 months, of 71,854,841 lbs. 
 
 We wish here to state distinctly that our leading object in pre- 
 senting, so fully the evidences of the failure of free labor tropical 
 cultivation, is not to prove that slavery should not be abolished ; be- 
 cause that would involve the absurdity of insisting, that one-third the 
 world should be enslaved, to secure to the other two-thirds their 
 coffee, sugar, and cotton, at a reduced price. But our aim is to 
 impress the great truth on the mind of the christian public, that mere 
 personal freedom is insufficient to elevate and ennoble an unen- 
 lightened people, and that intellectual and moral culture should 
 accompany all emancipation schemes, otherwise they must fail in 
 the accomplishment of the great good which personal freedom, 
 under other circumstances, secures to man. 
 
 Having now presented the principal instances where free labor has 
 failed in tropical cultivation, upon territory formerly employing slave 
 labor, we may pause and state the extent of that failure, so far as to 
 include the articles of coffee, cotton, and sugar. But as we have not 
 had access to any statement of the exports from the whole of the 
 British West India Islands, for the perioil of the slave trade, we must 
 take those of Jamaica as the type of the whole. From 1807 to 1831 
 the exports of sugar fell off", in Jamaica, 38, T Yo per cent., and that of 
 coffee 33, y 8 ,,. By adding this amount to the exports from all the 
 Islands in 1831, will give us their probable exports in 1807. The 
 article of cotton cannot be brought under this rule, for want of accu- 
 rate data, previous to 1829. 
 
 The deficit of free labor tropical cultivation, as compared with 
 slave labor while sustained by the slave trade, including the territorial 
 limits upon which England and France have liberated their bondsmen, 
 stands as follows : — a startling result, truly, to those who expected 
 emancipation to work well commercially. 
 
 *See page 122. 
 
120 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 Contrast of Slave Labor and Free Labor Exports from the West Indies. 
 
 Slave Labor. 
 
 Years. 
 
 1807 
 1790 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 lbs. Coffee. 
 
 lbs. Cotton. 
 
 British West Indies, 
 
 636,025,643 
 163,318,810 
 
 31,610,764 
 76,835,219 
 
 17,000,000* 
 7,286,126 
 
 
 
 Total, 
 
 
 809,344,453 
 
 108,245,983 
 
 24,286,126 
 
 
 
 
 Free Labor 
 
 1848 
 1848 
 
 313,306,112 
 very little 
 
 6,770,792 
 34,114,717$ 
 
 40,8S5,509 
 
 427,529t 
 1,591,454$ 
 
 
 
 
 313,306,112 
 
 2,018,983 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 496,038,341 
 
 67,360,474 
 
 22,267,143 
 
 * 1800. + 1840. $ 1847. 
 
 We have not included the French Islands emancipated in J 848, 
 because the information possessed in relation to them is not suffi- 
 ciently accurate. When the decline of free labor, in them, reaches 
 its maximum, at least another 100,000,000 lbs. of sugar must bo 
 added to the sum of free labor failures.* 
 
 To understand the bearing which this decrease of production, by 
 Free Labor, has upon the interests of the African people, it must be 
 remembered that the consumption of sugar has not diminished, but 
 increased, vastly, and that for every hogshead that free labor sugar is 
 diminished, a hogshead of slave labor sugar is demanded to supply 
 its place ; and more than this : for every additional hogshead de- 
 manded by the increased consumption of sugar, an additional one, of 
 slave labor production, must be furnished, because the world will not 
 do without sugar. It must be noticed, also, that, at the present 
 moment, the greater portion of all this double demand for sugar, falls 
 upon the people of color. It seems to be a settled rule, that if the 
 African race will not supply to the world its sugar, /;/ voluntary 
 labor, receiving for themselves all the profits on its production; then 
 the world compels them to do it, by compulsory labor, and votes the 
 whole profits to the white man who applies the whip that stimu- 
 lates them to industry. 
 
 These remarks will apply to coffee and cotton, also, or to any 
 oilur exportable tropical commodity upon which slave labor is em- 
 ployed. We now close our investigations in relation to our first pro- 
 position, believing that we have fully demonstrated its truthfulness, 
 and shall proceed to the second. 
 
 » See Parts First and Second, for our views of the causes of the failure of 
 the type of free labor which exists in the West Indies. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 121 
 
 II. That Christian governments, at the present moment, are compelled, 
 from necessity, to consume slave labor products to a large extent, 
 and thus still continue to aid in extending and perpetuating slavery 
 and the slave trade. 
 
 The discussion of our first proposition closed with a statement of 
 the deficit of free labor tropical cultivation, within the territorial limits 
 upon which the emancipation of the slaves, formerly held in bondage 
 by England and France, had been effected. 
 
 In discussing the second proposition, we shall first ascertain the 
 extent of the consumption of tropical commodities, by the three gov- 
 ernments most deeply interested in the questions of slavery and the 
 slave trade, (England, France, and the United States,) and then the 
 sources from which their supplies are obtained, and the proportions 
 that are the product of free labor or of slave labor. And, first, of 
 Cotton : 
 
 The manufacture of raw cotton into fabrics for clothing, was intro- 
 duced into England at an early period ; but it was confined chiefly to 
 operatives in families, until about 1785, when the discovery of the 
 power of steam, and the improvements in machinery, gave to manu- 
 facturing industry an impulse that has extended it with almost mirac- 
 ulous rapidity. 
 
 The best information that can be gained from the English custom- 
 house books, gives from one to two millions of pounds of cotton as 
 the amount annually imported between 1697 and 1751. In 1764, 
 the imports had reached 3,870,000 lbs., and in 1784, over 11,480,000 
 pounds.* 
 
 Previous to 1795, the supplies of cotton were obtained by England 
 from the West Indies, South America, India, and the Levant.t It 
 was not until 1791, that any cotton was shipped to England from the 
 United States. In this year, 189,316 lbs. were sent over, and in the 
 year following only 138,328 lbs.| 
 
 The importation of cotton into England maintained a nearly equal 
 annual progressive increase, from 1784 to 1805, when it had reached 
 60,000,000 lbs., and in 1817, near 125,000,000 lbs., a small part of 
 which (8,156,000 lbs.) was re-exported. § 
 
 The quantity of cotton consumed by Great Britain, from 1817, the 
 period last stated, to 1836, is embraced in the following table, which 
 is extracted from that very able work, Porter's Progress of the 
 Nation. That from 1840 to 1849 is also added, and is taken from a 
 very elaborate and valuable article in the London Economist,!! a pe- 
 riodical that has no superior for accuracy. The whole table is one 
 of great value in our discussion, and presents the important fact, that 
 
 * McCulIongh's account of British Empire, Vol. I, p. 643. 
 
 t lb., p. 648. % lb., p. 648. 
 
 f) McCullough, Vol. I, p. 649. 
 
 y Supplement to London Economist, Jan. 5, 1850. 
 
122 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 the consumption of cotton in England, in 1849, was 624,000,000 lbs.* 
 The imports for the year reached 755,409,008 lbs.; of which there 
 were re-exported 98,893,536 lbs., leaving for home consumption 
 656,575,472 lbs.,t of which only the quantity above stated was 
 used within the year. 
 
 Table exhibiting the quantity of Cotton annually consumed in England, from 
 1818 to 1838, i and from 1840 to 1849. § 
 
 Years. 
 
 Cotton, lbs. 
 
 Year. 
 
 1828 
 
 Cotton, lbs. 
 
 ^T^86oTo"oo — 
 
 Yeajis. 
 1840 
 
 Cotton, lbs. 
 
 1818 
 
 109,902,000 
 
 517,254,400 
 
 1819 
 
 109,518,000 
 
 1829 
 
 219,200,000 
 
 1841 
 
 460,387,200 
 
 1820 
 
 120,265,000 
 
 1830 
 
 247,600,000 
 
 1842 
 
 477,339,200 
 
 1821 
 
 129,029,000 
 
 1831 
 
 262,700,000 
 
 1843 
 
 555,214,400 
 
 1822 
 
 145,493,000 
 
 1832 
 
 276,900,000 
 
 1844 
 
 570,731,200 
 
 1823 
 
 154,146,000 
 
 1833 
 
 287,000,000 
 
 1845 
 
 626,496,000 
 
 1834 
 
 165,174,000 
 
 1834 
 
 303,000,000 
 
 1846 
 
 624,000,000 
 
 1 825 
 
 166,831,000 
 
 1835 
 
 326,407,692 i 
 
 1847 
 
 442,416,000 
 
 1 826 
 
 150,213,000 
 
 1836 
 
 363,684,232 
 
 1848 
 
 602,160,000 
 
 1827 
 
 197,200,000 
 
 1838* 
 
 460,000,000 
 
 1849 
 
 624,000,000 
 
 •■Lectures of George Thompson, Esq., England. 1339, p. 93. 
 
 The cotton consumed in the United States, in 1848, including an 
 estimate of that manufactured in the cotton-growing States, and in 
 those along the tributaries of the Mississippi, estimating the bales at 
 400 lbs. each, was 260,000,000 lbs.|| Our average annual increased 
 consumption of cotton is 14,000,000 lbs.,^[ which, for 1849, will aug- 
 ment the quantity consumed in the United States to 274,000,000 lbs. 
 
 The consumption of cotton in France, in 1832, was 68,725,961 lbs., 
 and in 1833, 72,767,551 lbs.** The exports from the United States 
 to France, in 1849, were 151,340,000 lbs. tl" The whole amount 
 delivered for consumption that year was 156,000,000 lbs., of which 
 147,000,000 lbs. were from the United States, and the remaining 
 9,000,000 lbs. from other countries,^ — from Brazil, say 3,000,000 lbs. 
 
 The whole amount of cotton taken for consumption, in 1849, in 
 the remaining continental countries, was 129,920,000 lbs., of which 
 128,800,000 lbs. were from the United States, §§ leaving of that from 
 oilier countries, only 1,020,000 lbs. 
 
 The consumption of cotton from the United States, on the whole 
 continent of Europe, now reaches 280,000,000 lbs.|||| 
 
 * In the table of the Economist, published before the whole consumption of 
 1 i49 had been ascertained, it is estimated at 659,984,000 lbs., the editor having 
 i ik< n, as his data, the consumption of the first eleven months of the year. Sub- 
 sequently, the actual quantity was ascertained and published, and we have 
 i b I- I the figures to the true amount. 
 
 t London Economist, 1850, p. 195. \ Porter's Progress of the Nation. 
 
 § Supplement to the London Economist, Jan. 1850, p. 36. 
 
 || New < (rleans Bulletin. 
 
 f Supplement to London Economist, Jan. 1850, p. 35. 
 
 • • Porter's Progress. *j London Economist, 1850, p. 103. 
 tfSee page 123. |||| Sup. to L. Econ., Jan. 1850, p. 35. 
 
 §§ London Econ., 1850, p. 103. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 123 
 
 We are now prepared to state the amount of cotton, from all 
 sources, actually consumed by the United States and Europe, in 
 1849. It was as follows : 
 
 Great Britain, lbs. . 624,000,000 
 
 France and other Continental countries, . . . 285,920,000 
 
 The United States, 270,000,000 
 
 Total Cotton Consumption, lbs. 1,179,920,000 
 
 The next point of inquiry is, Whence are these supplies of cotton 
 obtained? " Next to the United States, but at a very great distance 
 from them, Brazil, the East Indies, and Egypt, are the countries which 
 furnish the largest supplies of cotton for exportation." * The ad- 
 vantages possessed by the United States, in the growing of cotton, 
 and the superior qualities of our staple, render it difficult, if not 
 impossible, for the other countries producing that article, to compete 
 with us in its cultivation. The subjoined table is full of instruction 
 on this subject. 
 
 Imports of Cotton into Great Britain, during each of the six years, ending with 
 1834, specifying the countries whence imported, the re-exports, and quantity left 
 for consumption.^ 
 
 Countries whence 
 Imported. 
 
 Germany, Holland, ) 
 Belgium, J 
 
 Portu gal, Proper. 
 
 Italy and Italian Islands, 
 
 Malta, 
 
 Turkey and Continent- ) 
 al Greece, J 
 
 Egypt, (Ports on Med- ) 
 iterraneaii,) J 
 
 Mauritius. 
 
 East Indies and Ceylon, 
 
 Philipine Islands. 
 
 British N. A. Colonies,- 
 
 British West Indies,- • • • 
 
 1829. 
 
 7 
 
 ■ 27.893 
 
 • 61,234 
 91.905 
 
 Ilayti, 
 
 Cuba and other foreign > 
 
 West Indies. J 
 
 U. States of America,- 
 
 Colombia, 
 
 Brazil, 
 
 Chili & Rio de la Plata. 
 Various other countries. 
 Peru, 
 
 Total imported, • • 
 Amount exported, 
 
 • -5,394,480 
 
 50.599 
 
 •24,481.761 
 .. - 16,011 
 
 32,419 
 
 ■•4 040,414 
 
 • • ■ 149,048 
 
 • • • 128,896 
 157,187 366] 210,885,356 
 
 lbs. 
 . • • 77,135 
 
 • • • 85.967 
 15 
 
 • • • 27,073 
 
 • • 353,077 
 
 •3,048,633 
 
 • ■•14,056 
 12,481,761 
 ...29,672 
 
 • ••■ 2.473 
 
 • 3.429.247 
 ■ • 100,260 
 
 • • • 10,174 
 
 697.504 
 ■ 28,878,386 
 
 • 1.931 
 69,378 
 
 222.767,111 
 30.2-9.115 
 
 221,381 
 '33,092,072 
 
 • 4.063 
 45,029 
 
 203.961 .452 
 • -8.534,976 
 
 Left for consumption. 192,478,296 255,420,470 260.306.29fc 268.804.555 286,292,955 302,413,462 
 
 • • • 35.040 
 
 • ■ 843.895 
 
 • • 366,550 
 •7,714,474 
 
 ■25,805.153 
 
 8,420 
 
 ••• 310,016 
 
 • -2.400 085 
 •••251,179 
 
 219,333.028 
 
 • ••334.691 
 
 • 31,095,701 
 .... 10,024 
 110 
 
 • • • ■ 57,027 
 
 lbs. 
 116.727 
 
 • 59.050 
 
 • 21 ,739 
 
 • 28,063 
 
 259,779 
 
 • -8 : 824,111 
 
 lbs. 
 
 ■ • • 3.909 
 
 943.381 
 
 • 15.705 
 
 • 17.298 
 
 ■ 433.89S 
 553.304 
 
 ■35.178.625 
 ■ • • - 40.579 
 
 7.153, 
 
 ••2.040,428 
 ■•••59,413 
 
 314 
 
 32.755.164 
 ... 37.908 
 
 ... 145.520 
 .2.0-4. 862 
 
 ... 389,791 
 
 219,750,753,237.596.756 
 • • • 293,602! • • • 305,033 
 ■20.109,560|. 28,463,821 
 .....3.729 
 
 1.446 
 
 1,194 
 
 '88,074.853 280.832.525 
 22.305.556 -18 027,940 
 
 303.050.S37 
 ■17.303,882 
 
 • • 7,290 
 
 • ■ 5.524 
 820,458 
 
 •• 410,730 
 • • 444,437 
 
 •32.920,866 
 
 3 332 
 
 ••2,290.525 
 
 • • • 2^3.004 
 
 3,794 
 
 269.203,075 
 ..i;004.840 
 
 •19,291.390 
 
 • • ■ ■ 75:257 
 
 • •■ 154. ,-39 
 4.053 
 
 326,875.425 
 
 24.461.903 
 
 The following table, added to the above, affords all the information 
 that is necessary to a full understanding of the question, whence the 
 supplies of cotton are obtained : 
 
 * McCullough, Vol. I, p. 651. t lb. 
 
124 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 Imports of cotton into Great Britain, from all foreign countries, presenting the an- 
 nual average during periods of Jive years, from 1830 to 1849, inclusive.* 
 
 Years 
 
 
 1830 to 1834 
 1835 to 1839 
 1840 to 1844 
 1845 to 1849 
 
 5,510,000 
 
 12,909,600 
 
 9,430.800 
 
 3,586,400 
 
 59,590,800 
 51,474,800 
 37,698,000 
 39,654,800 
 
 Pgyp'. 
 
 7,959,600 
 13,842,400 
 16,633,200 
 17,967,200 
 
 32,318,000 
 57,612,000 
 93,383,600 
 71,940,800 
 
 247,356,400 
 
 344,6*8,800 
 464,226*400 
 
 734,244,560* 
 
 When the cotton of the United States had been fairly tested in 
 England, it was found to be very much superior to that from the East 
 Indies. The seed of our cotton was, therefore, introduced into India, 
 and its cultivation so far succeeded, as to warrant the belief that, with 
 proper encouragement from government, it might be grown in any 
 quantities. In 1839, a vigorous effort was made, headed by George 
 Thompson, Esq., § to enlist Parliament in the enterprise. It was 
 urged that all the elements of successful cotton cultivation existed in 
 the East Indies, and that the English nation might soon obtain its 
 supplies of cotton from that country, and repudiate that of the United 
 
 States. 
 
 The introduction to the American edition of the Lectures delivered 
 by Thompson on that occasion, which was written by Wm. Lloyd 
 Garrison, contains the following sentences. || They sufficiently indi- 
 cate what were the anticipations of the advocates of the measure : 
 
 " If England can raise her own cotton in India, at the paltry rate 
 of a penny a pound, what inducement can she have to obtain her 
 supply from a rival nation, at a rate six or eight times higher? It is 
 H;ited that East India free labor costs three pence a day — African 
 slave labor, two shillings ; that upward of 800,000 bales of cotton 
 are exported from the United States, annually, to England; and that 
 the cotton trade of the United States with England amounts to the 
 enormous sum of $40,000,000 annually. Let that market be closed 
 to mis slaveholding Republic, and its slave system must inevitably 
 perish from starvation !" 
 
 Mr. Thompson, throughout the whole course of his lectures, seems 
 not to doubt the success of East India cotton cultivation, and also that of 
 sugai and coffee, and that the result would be the destruction of the slave 
 trade, and the downfall of slavery everywhere. He thus exclaims :«f 
 
 " The battle-ground of freedom for the world is on the plains of 
 Ilindostan. Yes, my friends, do justice to India; wave there the 
 scepter of justice, aiid the rod of oppression falls from the hands 
 of the slaveholder in America; and the slave, swelling beyond the 
 
 * Supplement to the London Economist, 1850, pp. 34, 35. — Bales estimated at 
 400 lbs. each. 
 
 f Chiefly the British Colonies. 
 
 * We have substituted the average imports of 1848 and 1849, from the United 
 States, instead of from 18 l"> to 1849, because it gives a nearer approximation to 
 the truth. 1847, In the U. S., made only three-fourths of a crop, and it was 
 the year of famine in Great Britain. 
 
 6 The great Abolitionist. || Lecture by George Thompson, Esq., 1839, p. 9. 
 F Lecture, pago 121. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 125 
 
 measure of his chains, stands disenthralled, a free man, and an 
 acknowledged brother ! " 
 
 We need not trace the history of this effort to promote the cultiva- 
 tion of cotton in India. It is of such recent occurrence, that all 
 intelligent men are familiar with the results. Paragraphs like the 
 following frequently meet the eye of the general reader. It is taken 
 from a reliable periodical. 
 
 "Late accounts from India [through the English press,] represent 
 that the attempts of the British capitalists, during the last two or 
 three years, to cultivate cotton in the district of Dharwar, from which 
 much was expected, have signally failed. In 1847-8, about 20,000 
 acres were cultivated. It is now ascertained that the crop has rapidly de- 
 creased, only 4,000 acres having been under cultivation the past year." 
 
 It is unnecessary to discuss the causes operating in the East 
 Indies, to make it impossible to stimulate its free laborers much 
 beyond their wonted rules of industry. Our views upon this ques- 
 tion will be found in our two former lectures, where we present the 
 causes of the failure of West India free labor. We need but state, 
 here, that the East Indies have only a Pagan civilization, which has 
 long since attained its full maturity. Any efforts, therefore, aside from 
 the introduction of Christianity, and a Christian civilization, or 
 the reduction of the population to slavery, must fail in securing a 
 much greater degree of industry than exists at present. If left to 
 their own free will, all attempts to introduce improvements in agri- 
 culture and manufactures, will probably result like the following effort 
 made to improve their mode of plowing. Under the head of " Cot- 
 ton in India," the London Times of the present year, says : 
 
 "The one great element of American success — of American en- 
 terprise — can never, at least for many generations, be imparted to 
 India. It is impossible to expect of Hindoos all that is achieved by 
 citizens of the States. During the experiments to which we have 
 alluded, an English plow was introduced into one of the provinces, 
 and the natives were taught its use and superiority over their own 
 clumsy machinery. They were at first astonished and delighted at 
 its effects, but as soon as the agent's back was turned, they took it, 
 painted it red, set it up on end, and worshipped it." 
 
 Another anecdote, confirmatory of the impossibility of effecting a 
 change of habits in the people of India, was told by the Rev. J. II. 
 Morrison, missionary in India, during his late visit to this country. 
 An English gentleman, resident in India, had commenced an improve- 
 ment, requiring the removal of a large quantity of earth. Employing 
 native laborers, they commenced the task in their usual way, by car- 
 rying the earth to the place of deposit, in baskets, upon their heads. 
 Pitying them, and wishing to facilitate the work, he had a number 
 of wheelbarrows constructed, and taken upon the ground. Showino- 
 the laborers how to use them, they appeared pleased with the nov- 
 elty, and worked briskly. Gratified that he had relieved them from 
 a toilsome system of labor, the gentleman left them to pursue their 
 work. But on returning some days afterwards, he was astonished 
 
12G Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 and mortified, to see them filling their wheelbarrows, and then, lifting 
 the whole burden upon their heads, deliberately carrying it off as they 
 had done their baskets. Such is Pagan stupidity and Pagan attach- 
 ment to custom. 
 
 The successful cultivation of cotton in the United States, and the 
 better adaptation of the lands in Cuba and Brazil, to the production 
 of sugar and coffee, has led the planters of these two countries to 
 devote their labor chiefly to the production of the last named com- 
 modities. The preceding tables of imports into England, (page 10.) 
 proves the truth of this statement, and shows a great diminution in 
 the production of cotton, except in the United States. In reviewing 
 the results in the several cotton-growing countries, the London Econ- 
 omist remarks : * 
 
 4i From Brazil, therefore, our annual supply has diminished nearly 
 20,000,000 lbs. ; or if we compare the two extreme years of the 
 series, 1830 and 1848, the falling off is from 76,906,800 lbs. to 
 40,097,600 lbs. or 36,800,000 lbs. 
 
 " The supply from Egypt, however, seems to have reached its 
 maximum in 1845, in which year we received 32,537,600 lbs. This 
 vear it does not reach half that amount. Moreover, this country, 
 from the peculiar circumstances of its government, is little to be 
 relied upon, — the supply having varied from 16.116,000 lbs. in 1832, 
 to 1,027,600 lbs. in 1833 ; and again, from 7,298,000 lbs. in 1842, 
 to 26,400,000 lbs. in 1844. 
 
 " For many years it was the custom of the Pacha of Egypt, to 
 require a certain amount of cotton from his tenants, or, in fact, to 
 compel them to pay the whole, or a fixed portion of their rent, in 
 cotton. Under this forcing system, the cultivation was extensively 
 introduced. Of late years, however, the Fellahs have been allowed 
 to grow the article, or not, at their option ; and such is their natural 
 indolence and want of enterprise, that even where they still continue 
 the growth, they do so in a very careless manner, t 
 
 " Our supply from the East Indies varies enormously, from 36,- 
 000,000 lbs. to" 108,000,000 lbs. per annum, inasmuch as ice only 
 receive that proportion of the crop which our prices may divert front 
 China, or from internal eo)isicmp/ion. 
 
 " The summary of our supply, from all these quarters combined, is : 
 
 1840 to 1844, 157,145.600 lbs. 
 1845 to 1849, 133,120,800 lbs. 
 
 1830 to 1834, 105,410,400 lbs. 
 1835 to 1839, 136,088,000 lbs. 
 
 " The result of this inquiry, then, is, that our average annual sup- 
 ply from all quarters, except the United States, was, in the live years 
 ending 1849, less by 2,943,200 lbs. than in the five years ending 
 1839, and less by 24,000,000 lbs. than in the five years ending 1844. 
 Of this diminished supply, moreover, we have been exporting an 
 increasing quantity, averaging, annually, in the last five years, 31,- 
 680,000 lbs. against 27,300,000, annually, in the previous five years." 
 
 * Supplement to Jan. o, 1850, p. 34. t lb. p. 38. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 127 
 
 The imports of cotton into the United States, mostly from the 
 Dutch West Indies, is very inconsiderable in amount, being, for 1848, 
 only 317,742 lbs., or less than 800 bags, of which 51,000 lbs. were 
 re-exported. 
 
 The exports of cotton from the United States, affords the key to 
 the chief source of supply of that article to European countries. 
 
 Exports of Cotton from the United States, to Foreign Countries, for the years 1846, 
 1847, 1848, and 1849, the years ending June 30.* 
 
 Whither Exported. 
 
 Russia, 
 
 Prussia, 
 
 Sweden and Norway,. . . 
 
 Denmark, 
 
 Hanse towns, 
 
 Holland 
 
 Belgium 
 
 England, 
 
 Scotland, 
 
 Ireland, 
 
 Gibralter, 
 
 British Amer. Colonies,. 
 Franco on the Atlantic, 
 " Mediterranean, 
 
 Spain, 
 
 Cuba, 
 
 Portugal, 
 
 Italy,' 
 
 Sardinia, 
 
 Trieste and Austrian ports 
 
 Mexico, 
 
 Cent. Repub. of America 
 China and South Seas, . . 
 
 Total, lbs 547,558,055 
 
 Value, $42,767,341 
 
 Lbs.— 1846. Lbs— 1847. Lbs.— 1848. ! Lbs.— 1S4U 
 
 4,292,680 
 
 2,555,788 
 
 32,287 
 
 7,543,017 
 
 3,849,859 
 
 7,408,422 
 
 326,365,971 
 
 13,312,850 
 
 6,379,746 
 
 1,054,310 
 
 47,3^0 
 
 124,185,369 
 
 7,867,480 
 
 117,885 
 
 10,102,969 
 
 19,533 
 
 11,212,093 
 
 2,387,264 
 
 13,389,043 
 
 4,39:2 !?2i 
 
 85,760 
 
 5,618,365 
 
 2,887,693 
 
 660,732 
 
 10,889,543 
 
 1,978,324 
 
 10,184,348 
 
 338,150,564 
 
 12,683,738 
 
 424,497 
 
 90,199 
 
 226,493 
 
 98,421,966 
 
 4,695,492 
 
 12,313,658 
 
 3,139,156 
 
 8,720,718 
 
 4,494.594 
 
 11,780,673 
 
 848,998 
 
 "527,219,958 
 $53,415,884 
 
 10,266,911 
 
 116,523 
 
 4,978,024 
 
 69,020 
 
 17,420,498 
 
 4,851,509 
 
 15,279,676 
 
 546,911,132 
 
 25,091,965 
 
 I0,650,6ol 
 
 133,202 
 
 22 352 
 
 129,263^272 
 
 7,034,583 
 
 19,323,425 
 
 4,557,474 
 
 774 
 
 6,077,621 
 
 2,514,364 
 
 20,643,690 
 
 12,953 
 
 814,274.431 
 $61,998,294 
 
 7,030,305 
 
 4,779 
 
 13,844,494 
 
 11,877,386 
 
 28,113,309 
 
 696,669,474 
 
 3S,706,884 
 
 3,968,547 
 
 5,725,812 
 
 97,104 
 
 144.481,949 
 
 6,858,2S3 
 
 23,285,804 
 
 1,584,784 
 
 240,895 
 
 10,604,462 
 
 6,053,707 
 
 13,279,384 
 
 2,208,704 
 
 524,721 
 
 760,861 
 
 1026,602,269 
 $66,396,976 
 
 We must bring this discussion of the cotton question to a close. 
 If we take the table of imports into England,! as the guide, it will 
 be seen that she was importing, annually, during the last period 
 named, ending with 1849, the following proportions of slave labor 
 and of free labor cotton : 
 
 The product of Slave labor. 
 
 From Brazil, 39,654,800 lbs. 
 
 From United States, .... 734,244,560 " 
 
 773,899,360 lbs. 
 
 The product of Free labor. 
 
 From Egypt, 17,967,200 lbs. 
 
 From East Indies, 71,940,800 " 
 
 From Miscellaneous, .... 3,586,400 " 
 
 93,494,400 » 
 
 England's excess of imports of slave labor cotton, 680,404,960 
 
 * Reports of Sec. of Treas. of U. S. on Commerce and Navigation, 
 t Present Part, page 120. 
 
128 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 The actual consumption of cotton, by England, in 1849, as before 
 stated, was 624,000,000 lbs. Of the imports of 133,149,200 lbs. * 
 cotton not the growth of the United States, there were re-exported 
 31,680,000 lbs., t leaving thereof, for consumption in England, 101,- 
 469,200 lbs. Deducting this amount from the quantity consumed in 
 1849, leaves 522,530,800 lbs. as the amount of England's consump 
 tion of cotton derived from the United States. 
 
 But of the 101,469,200 lbs. above named, at least 30,000,000 lbs. 
 must have been from Brazil, and consequently of slave labor origin, 
 leaving for the English manufacturer, only 71,469,200 lbs. of free 
 labor cotton. 
 
 The result of this investigation may now be stated thus : 
 
 Slave Labor Cotton consumed in 1849. 
 
 By England, from Brazil, . . 30,000,000 lbs. 
 By England, from United States, 522,530,800 " 
 By France^ from United States, 147,000,000 " 
 By France, from Brazil, say, 3,000,000 " 
 
 By other continental countries, 
 
 from United States, . . . 128,800,000 " 
 By United States, growth of 
 
 United States, 270,000,000 " 
 
 Total slave labor consumption, 1,101,330,800 lbs. 
 
 Free Labor Cotton consumed in 1849. 
 By England, from all sources, 71,469,200 lbs. 
 
 By France, say, 6,000,000 " 
 
 By other continental countries, || 1,120,000 " 
 
 Total free labor consumption, 78,589,200 lbs. 
 
 Grand total cotton consumption, 1,179,920,000 " 
 
 That this exhibit of the cotton question is not an exaggerated 
 statement, got up for effect, but is within the limits of the truth, will 
 appear evident when the extent of the production of cotton is taken 
 into consideration. By the Custom House books of commercial 
 nations, all imports and exports of merchandise are easily ascertained. 
 
 The following statement, embracing only the quantity of cotton 
 consumed in the United States and exported from it, and the amount 
 imported into England from other countries than the United Stales, 
 in 1849, will be sufficient for our purpose. 
 
 Exports of cotton from the United States, . . 1,026,602,209 lbs 
 Amount consumed in the United States, . . . 270,000,000 " 
 Amount imported into England from East Indies, 
 
 Egypt, Brazil, &c, 133,120,800 " 
 
 Total, 1,429,723,069 " 
 
 Amount included in our estimates, . . . 1,179,920,000 " 
 Surplus over our estimates, 249,803,069 " 
 
 » See table, page 120, present Tart. t Present Part, p. 122. 
 
 X Present Part, p. 118. || London Economist, 1S50, p. 103 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 129 
 
 After this exhibition of facts, we have no fears that the fairness of 
 our statements will be called in question. Indeed, a close scrutiny 
 will show that we have not pressed into the tables of slave grown 
 cotton, all that we might have clone. All the foreign imports of cot- 
 ton, not the growth of the United States, that were not re-exported by 
 England, are counted as consumed, thus reducing the proportion of 
 the slave labor cotton of the United States by the amount of the 
 former remaining unconsumed. We wish it also to be noticed, that 
 we have included in the list of slave labor cotton consumed in Eng- 
 land, in 1849, only 522,530,800 lbs. from the United States, while in 
 that year, she imported of our cotton, 755,469,008 lbs., being an 
 excess over the amount included in the quantity consumed, nearly 
 equal to the surplus above stated, and proving that that surplus must 
 be mostly the product of slave labor. 
 
 We may now safely place, in contrast, the figures representing the 
 proportions of Free Labor and of Slave Labor Cotton consumed by 
 the United States and Europe, in 1849, and claim, that, so far as this 
 commodity is concerned, our second proposition is triumphantly 
 sustained. Look at the figures : 
 
 Total slave labor cotton consumption, . . . 1,101,330,000 lbs. 
 Total free labor cotton consumption, . . . 78,589,200 " 
 
 Excess of consumption of slave labor over free 
 
 labor cotton, 1,022,741,600 " 
 
 Your attention is now called to the article of Coffee. As England 
 occupies the most prominent position upon the subject of African 
 freedom, and is making the most determined struggles to stimulate 
 free labor, and make it compete with slave labor, her connection with 
 tliis question, as with all the others, becomes one of great interest. 
 Up to 1825, a discriminating duty of 56 shillings per cwt. was levied 
 upon coffee from British India, for the benefit of the English West 
 India colonies. At that time, this duty was but little felt, because, 
 owing to the excessive duty levied upon all descriptions of coffee, 
 the consumption of the kingdom was below the supply from the 
 West Indies, and the surplus had to seek a market elsewhere. In 
 1825, the discriminating duty was reduced to 28 shillings the cwt. 
 The duty after this time stood thus : 
 
 West India coffee paid 6(7. per lb., or 56s. per cwt. 
 East India " " 9d. " or 84s. " 
 and all other kinds were, and still are, charged Is. 3(7. per. lb., or 
 140s. per cwt., amounting to a prohibition. 
 
 The consumption of coffee in Great Britain, after these changes in 
 the tariff, increased from 8,000,000 lbs., in 1824, to 22,000,000, in 
 1830. The demand created by this increased consumption, could 
 
 * Rep. Sec. Treas. U. S., on Commerce and Navigation, 
 t Present Part, p. 1 10. i See table, p. 119, present Part. 
 
 || Present Part, p. 122. § Present Part, p. 118. 
 
 IT Loudon Economist, 1850, p. 103. ** Present Part, p. 118. 
 9 
 
130 Present Relations of Free Labor and Slave Labor. 
 
 not be supplied by the West India planters, and the price rose 39 per 
 cent., so as to bring the East India coffee into use. 
 
 At the time of the reduction of the duties, West India coffee sold 
 at 00s. the cwt., but it advanced to 125s. without effecting an in- 
 creased production. The quantity annually imported from the West 
 Indies, in the five years that preceded the reduction of the duty 
 in 1825, averaged 30,280,360 lbs., and from 1832 to 183G, only 
 19,812,100 lbs., being a reduction of 34 per cent, in the supply, 
 notwithstanding an advance of 39 per cent, in the price. This result 
 led to another modification of the coffee duties in 1835, when East 
 India coffee was admitted on equal terms with that of the West Indies. 
 
 While the duty on East India coffee was 9d. per lb., the amount 
 increased, because of the increase of price of West India coffee, from 
 about 300,000 lbs. a year, to 1,500,000 lbs. In 1835, the consump- 
 tion of East India coffee amounted to 5,590,791 lbs., and in 1837 
 reached 9,114,793 lbs.* 
 
 The following table, embracing the whole field of the extent of 
 the production and consumption of coffee, is so full and satisfactory, 
 that nothing more can be needed to a clear understanding of the sub- 
 ject. It was prepared in December, 1849, by Campbell, Arnott & 
 Co., the great Liverpool coffee merchants, and may be relied upon 
 as possessing much accuracy. 
 
 Comparative View of Production and Consumption of Coffee. 
 
 COUNTRIES PRODUCING. 
 
 Brazil, 
 
 Java and Sumatra. 
 
 Cuba, 
 
 Porto Rico, Laguayra, and Costa Rica,- 
 
 St. Domingo, 
 
 British West Indies, and Ceylon, 
 
 Dutch West Indies. 
 
 French East and West Indies. 
 
 Mocha, India, &c, 
 
 Total Production,- 
 
 Deduct consumption of United Slates, 
 Balance for Europe, 
 
 COUNTRIES CONSUMING 
 
 Great Britain, 
 
 France and transit, and Switzerland, 
 
 Holland, lie le, i mil. and (Jerinnny, 
 
 Russia, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, •• • 
 Italy, Austria, Levant. Greece, and Turkey, 
 Spain and Portugal, 
 
 Total Consumption, 
 
 Surplus on the litlih of D-ei-niher. 
 
 1)00 112 
 
 000j 9S 
 
 000 4!i 
 
 000 22 
 
 000 38 
 
 OOO 21 
 
 000 ( 3 
 
 000 8 
 
 .IMI0 6 
 
 lbs. 
 
 000.000 
 
 500 000 
 •2-0 000 
 Hi' .i 00 
 
 0811.000 
 952.000 
 360.000 
 OOOOOO 
 ,720,000 
 
 1843. 
 
 lbs. 
 
 160,000 
 
 SOO.OOQ 
 
 •2-0,00(1 
 640.000 
 320.000 
 
 010.000 
 
 60 i 
 
 960000 
 720000 
 
 (01,728.000 361,312,000 497,280,000 
 
 49,280.000 89,600,000 
 
 252,448,000 271,712,000 
 
 23.520.000 25,312.000 
 
 33,600.000 360 '1 000 
 52.320.000 I90.4O0.O00 
 112200.000 15,680.000 
 34,720.000 40.320.000 
 6,720,000 s "Ciii (Kin 
 
 1S43 
 
 31.360.000 
 40.320.000 
 219 520 1)00 
 22 400000 
 51.520.000 
 11,200,000 
 
 '080.000 316,736,000 376,320 000 II 1,400.1 00 
 
 lbs. 
 
 2S0.0OO.000 
 131 -I "iii iii) 
 22,400,000 
 33,600.000 
 33.600.000 
 :;-.() -ii (i (0 
 
 1848 
 
 3.9.080.000 
 44,800 000 
 23 1960.01 ii 
 26 860 000 
 58.240,000 
 13.440.000 
 
 lIT.OdO.I 00 01 7.V2OO0 I?7ii:l2 1 . ■ '.W. i ( 
 
 * roller's Pro;rivs.s of the Nation, Vol. II., i>. 1 KS, 1 ill. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 131 
 
 In 1821, the United States consumed 11,866,063 lbs. of coffee. 
 The duty was then five cents per lb. and remained at this rate until 
 1831, when it was reduced to two cents, and in 1832 to one cent. 
 
 In 1833 coffee was admitted free of duty, and has so remained 
 ever since that date. The consumption of that year was 75,057,906 
 lbs., to which it had gradually risen from the 11,886,000 lbs. of 1821. 
 From this date, the consumption of coffee in the United States, had a 
 rapid increase until 1847, when it had reached 150,332,992 lbs.* In 
 1848 the consumption was 156,000,000 lbs.t 
 
 As all our investigations have reference to the question of the ex- 
 tent to which Christian governments are consuming slave labor 
 products, it becomes necessary to refer to the sources whence the 
 coffee imported by each is obtained. It stands thus : 
 
 England, by her discriminating duties, almost entirely excludes 
 Have labor coffee, and derives nearly the whole amount of her con- 
 sumption of that article from her own colonies. Of the 34,431,074 
 !bs. of coffee imported for England for home consumption, 29,769,730 
 bs. were from her own colonies, and only 4,661,344 from elsew here. || 
 I According to the table of Campbell, Arnott, and Co., the quantity 
 )f coffee produced in slave labor countries, including Brazil, the 
 Putch West Indies, Cuba, Porto Rico, &c, in 1848, was 338,240,000 
 bs., while in the remaining coffee growing countries, which were all 
 ree labor, (France, in that year, having emancipated the slaves in her 
 colonies,) the production was only 217,800,000 lbs., being less than 
 hat of the product of slave labor, by nearly one-third, or 120,440,000 
 bs. As Holland, Belgium, and Germany, consume 98,560,000 lbs. 
 )f coffee more than is produced in Java and Sumatra, this excess is 
 )robably all slave grown produce. Looking at the small product of 
 le colonies of France, and her large consumption, the conclusion is, 
 hat the greater portion of what she uses must be the product of 
 lave labor. 
 
 The following table points to the sources whence the United States 
 lerives its coffee, and the extent to which she is dependent upon 
 lave labor for that article. 
 
 Imports of Coffee into the United States, for the year 1848. % 
 
 Countries whence imported. 
 
 Swedish West Indies. . . . 
 
 Danish do. do 
 
 Dutch do. do 
 
 British do. do 
 
 Dutch East Indies 
 
 British do. do 
 
 Holland 
 
 Manilla and Phillipine Is. 
 
 Cuba 
 
 Other Spanish W. I 
 
 Coffee, lbs. 
 
 510 
 
 56,702 
 
 2,001 
 
 3,037,373 
 
 141,077 
 
 710,331 
 
 2,381,773 
 
 25,484 
 
 2,258,710 
 
 384,393 
 
 Countries whence imported. 
 
 Hayti 
 
 New Granada 
 
 Venezuela 
 
 Brazil 
 
 Cisplatine Republic. 
 Chili 
 
 Africa generally . . . 
 
 Asia generally 
 
 France on Atlantic . 
 
 Total, lbs. 
 
 Coffee, lbs. 
 
 16,990,976 
 
 328,971 
 
 12,720,613 
 
 111,657,395 
 
 507,810 
 
 37,136 
 
 57,567 
 
 167,400 
 
 1,923 
 
 151,412,125 
 
 * Rep. Sec. Treas. U. S., Dec. 1, 1847. f Campbell, Arnott, and Co. 
 
 I Rep. Sec. Treas. on Com. & Nav., 1848 &, 9, the year ending June 30, 1848 
 
 || London Qr. Rev. April, 1650. 
 
132 Present Relations uf Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 Of the coffee imported, as above, that from Brazil, Cuba, and 
 other Spanish and Dutch West Indies, amounting to 114,294,214 
 lbs., was all slave labor produce. Taking all the remaining imports 
 as the product of free labor, and they only afford us 37,117,911 lbs., 1 
 or a half million less than one-fourth of the amount imported. Thus 
 stands the coffee question in the United States. 
 
 From the preceding statistics it appears that the United States and 
 
 the nations of Europe are now consuming, annually, or have as stock 
 
 on hand, about 555,520,000 lbs. of coffee, divided as follows: 
 
 The product of slave labor .... 338,240,000 lbs. 
 
 The product of free labor 217,280,000 lbs. 
 
 Difference in favor of slave labor . . 120,960,000 lbs. 
 
 Next, and last, the article of Sugar claims attention. "It was 
 unknown to the ancients, as an article of consumption. In Europe 
 it was introduced as late as the fifteenth century." The first sample 
 of West India sugar was manufactured in Jamaica, in 1673. The 
 rapidity with which its production, and consumption, has increased, 
 will be indicated by the following table, showing the exports of 
 sugar from Jamaica. This table is made up from one in Martin's 
 British Colonies, a work of great research ; the facts of which are 
 derived from official sources. The statistics have been condensed so 
 as to give the average annual exports from 1772 to 1836, and there 
 is added, from Blackwood's Magazine, those from 1839 to 1843, and 
 from 1846 to 1848.* A few years omitted in the earlier periods, 
 are blanks in Martin's tables. From 1804, onward, where differ- 
 ent results from the general average are found, we give the years 
 separately. This arrangement is important, to enable us to judge 
 of the influence which the prohibition of the slave trade exerted 
 upon the prosperity of that and the other West India Islands ; and 
 to determine the period when the decline in the amount of Jamaica 
 exports had its origin. 
 
 Average annual exports of Sugar from Jamaica, for the periods stated. f 
 
 Years. 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 Years. 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 1772 to 1775 
 
 123,979,700 
 
 1809 to 1810 
 
 180,963,825 
 
 1788 to 1791 
 
 113,794,837 
 
 1811 alone. 
 
 218,874,600 
 
 1793 to 1798 
 
 145,598,850 
 
 1812 to 1821 
 
 183,706,280 
 
 1799 to 1803 
 
 193,781,140 
 
 1822 to 1832 
 
 153,760,431 
 
 1804 alone. 
 
 177,436,750 
 
 1833 to 1835 
 
 131,129,100 
 
 1805 alone. 
 
 237,751,150 
 
 1836 alone 
 
 75,990,950 
 
 1806 alone. 
 
 231,656,650 
 
 1839 to 1843|| 
 
 67,924,800 
 
 1807 to 1808 
 
 197,963,825 
 
 { 1846 to 1848§ 
 
 67,539,200 
 
 || Present Lecture, p. 10. § Ibid. 
 
 As heretofore stated,:]: the effects of the abolition of the slave trade, 
 in 18(!8, and of the emancipation of the slaves in 1834, upon the 
 
 * See present Part, p. II.'!. X Page 110, Present Part. 
 
 t The tables of Martin give tbe exports in hhds. tierces, and bbls. We have 
 reduced the whole to lbs., estimating the hhd. at 1600 lbs., the tierce at 900 lbs. 
 uiul the barrel at 250 lb:-:., as per best authorities. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 133 
 
 commercial interests of Jamaica, will serve as a true index to the 
 results in all the English West India colonies. 
 
 The course of legislation in England, for several years past, has 
 tended to increase the consumption of sugar by augmenting the 
 supply. Up to 1844 all foreign sugars were excluded, and her 
 own colonies enjoyed a strict monopoly of her markets. But the 
 failures of her West India possessions, after emancipation, to furnish 
 their usual supplies, led, in 1844, to the admission of foreign free 
 labor sugar for consumption, and, in 1846, to that of slave labor 
 sugar also. 
 
 In 1848, the London Quarterly Review* says, that the amount 
 taken for consumption, of foreign slave grown sugar, was 229,748,- 
 090 lbs. We have been unable to ascertain the total annual con- 
 sumption of slave grown sugar, in England, since 1840, but find, by 
 the London Economist,! that, for the first eleven months of each 
 year, it has been as follows : 
 
 1840 lbs. 57,902,544 
 1847 " 104,838,048 
 
 1848 lbs. 118,366,970 
 
 1849 " 63,517,888 
 
 The total imports of sugar into England, and the amount re-ex- 
 ported, were as follows : 
 
 English imports. \ English re-exports.^ 
 
 1846 lbs. lbs. 29,624,432 
 
 1847 " » 96,613,992 
 
 1848 " 852,792.976 " 48,735,008 
 
 1849 " 928,002,208 « 84,768,096 
 
 The difference between the imports and re-exports is the amount 
 taken for consumption, and the difference between this and the actual 
 consumption indicates the stock left on hand at the close of the year. 
 
 The whole amount of sugar consumed in England, in 1831,§ 
 was over 450,000,000 lbs. From 1844 to 1849, the consumption 
 of this article, including molasses at its equivalent in sugar, was as 
 follows : % 
 
 1844 lbs. 486,648,960 
 
 1845 " 570,127,040 
 
 1846 " 609,781,760 
 
 1847 lbs. 675,329,120 
 
 1848 " 692,256,320 
 
 1849 " 728,931,000 
 
 By taking the average consumption of 1848 and 1849, a true idea 
 of the present annual demand for sugar, in the English market, will 
 be afforded : 
 
 It was, per annum, lbs. 710,593,960 
 
 Of which slave-grown sugar** constituted, say, 146,000,000 
 
 Leaving England's consumption of free labor sugar, 504,593,900 
 
 * Sec present Part, p. 114. t 1850, p. 86. 
 
 X London Economist, 1850, p. 1G9. || lb., p. 170. 
 
 § Present Part, p. 114. IT Lond. Economist, 1850, p. 170. 
 
 ** See page 130. — Allowing all the exports from the English Colonies to 
 be imported and consumed bv her, the whole amount is less than her con- 
 sumption, by about 146,000,000 lbs. 
 
134 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 The sources of England's supply of sugar can be seen at once, in 
 the annexed table. The amounts stated, however, are only for the 
 first eleven months of each year, and do not give the whole quantity 
 imported and entered for consumption. 
 
 Sugar entered in the first eleven months of each year, for consumption.* 
 
 Year. West Indies. Mauritius. East India. Total colonial. I Total foreign 
 
 1846 
 1847 
 1848 
 1849 
 
 244,737,136 
 261,306,080 
 283,772,036 
 319,032,896 
 
 93,879,520 
 112,783,216 
 
 86 086,896 
 106,993,152 
 
 150,773,616 
 124,300,144 
 140,658,572 
 138,867,792 
 
 489,390,272 
 498,399,440 
 510,517,404 
 564,893,616 
 
 57,902,544 
 104,838,048 
 134,046,976 
 
 47,837,888 
 
 We add another table, which embraces the whole of the exports 
 from all the British colonies, from 1840 to 1849, and exhibits their 
 extent for the twelve months of each year. 
 
 Exports of Sugar from all the British Colonial Possessions.^ 
 
 Years. 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 Remarks. 
 
 Years. 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 Remarks. 
 
 1840 
 1841 
 1842 
 1843 
 
 1844 
 
 365,060,192 
 473,177,488 
 463,220,064 
 459,557,728 
 459,495,696 
 
 Strict monopoly 
 
 ft a 
 
 l( R 
 
 (( (( 
 <( (I 
 
 1 1845 
 1846 
 
 1847 
 1848 
 1849 
 
 551,336,992 
 501,061,904 
 700,906,576 
 566,077,792 
 583,024,400 
 
 Fr. lab. sug. adm. 
 
 Foreign, of all 
 
 kinds, adm. 
 
 (( (C 
 
 This table includes the entire sources of supply possessed by Eng- 
 land within her own colonies, and shows that their exports of sugar, 
 were 
 
 Short of her consumption, in 1849, by 145,907,200 pounds. 
 
 Short of her total imports, do. 344,977,808 " 
 
 But it must here be remarked, that the whole exports from the 
 British colonies are not always imported into England, because a 
 portion of their products are taken by other countries. In 1848, 
 the United States imported from the British West India Islands, 
 1,258,222 lbs. of sugar, and in 1849, 1,245,492 lbs. It must be re- 
 collected, then, that the exports from her colonies are not always 
 the measure of England's imports from them, and that, therefore, 
 the amount of her supplies of cotton, sugar, coffee, &c, from her 
 colonies, are not always equal to their exports. 
 
 The production of cane sugar in the United States, until recently, 
 was confined to Louisiana. The rapidity with which it has pro- 
 gressed, in this country, furnishes a useful lesson for the little Re- 
 public of Liberia. She possesses the best quality of sugar lands, 
 and has around her an unlimited amount of labor that may be made 
 available. 
 
 The following table presents the amount of the crops of sugar 
 produced in Louisiana, at nearly equal intervals, during thirty years : 
 
 * London Economist, 1850, p. 86. 
 
 t London Economist, from Pari. Rep. 351, 1850- 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 135 
 
 and shows the extent of our domestic supply of cane sugar* The 
 production of maple sugar, in 1840,t was about 30,000,000 lbs. 
 
 Table of crops of Louisiana Sugar. 
 
 Years 
 
 1818 
 
 1824-5 
 
 1829-30 
 
 1834-5 
 
 1839-40 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 18,000,000 
 
 30,000,000 
 
 73,000,000 
 
 110,000,000 
 
 119,457,000 
 
 Years. 
 
 1844-5 
 
 1848-9 
 1849-50* 
 " Texas.f 
 Lou. gals, molas. 
 
 lbs. Sugar. 
 
 204,916,000 
 
 220,000,000 
 
 269,769,000 
 
 10,000,000 
 
 12,000,000 
 
 * New Orleans Commercial Bulletin. f Ibid. 
 
 The imports of foreign cane sugar into the United States, for the 
 last two years, were as follows : J 
 
 1848 . . " . 257,138,230 
 
 1849 .... 259,324,126 
 
 Of these amounts the following were the proportions of free and 
 of slave labor : 
 
 Imports of Free and of Slave Labor Sugar into the United States.\\ 
 
 Slave labor. 
 
 lbs. 1848 
 
 lbs. 1849 
 
 Free Labor. 
 
 lbs. 1848 
 
 lbs. 1849 
 
 From Cuba. 
 other Sp.W.I. 
 
 Brazil. 
 Dutch W.L 
 
 Guiana. 
 
 Total slv. gr. 
 " free lab. 
 
 Excess si. lb. 
 
 181,058,107 183,011.744 Sw. & Dan W.I. 
 
 47,778,973 51,483,166 Dh.E.I.,Hol. etc. 
 
 6,687,657 11,131,457 Hayti. 
 
 513,977 737,855 Manilla, &c. 
 
 32,455 209,755 China. 
 
 236,071,169246,573.977 fe" W " *"* ^°-' 
 21,067,061 12,695,355 0ther countnea 
 
 2,734,970 
 2,432,305 
 
 357,091 
 12,546,098 
 
 352,032 
 2,096,683 
 
 547,882 
 
 215,025,548;233,878,622 (Total free labor. 21.067,061 
 
 2,695,899 
 
 665,050 
 
 4,617 
 
 6,649,132 
 
 1,060,372 
 
 1,292,761 
 
 327,524 
 
 12,695,355 
 
 The exports of domestic sugar from the United States is very 
 limited, being for 1848 only 3,522,779 lbs., and for 1849 but 
 2,356,104 lbs. 
 
 Of the foreign imports, there were re-exported for 1848, 13,686- 
 510, and for 1849, only 6,473,800 lbs. § 
 
 To arrive at the amount of the consumption of sugar in the United 
 States, the quantity exported must be deducted from the amount of 
 the imports and of the domestic production. In doing this, we 
 have allowed the re-exports of foreign sugar all to have been of the 
 slave labor production, and thus afford an advantage to the figures 
 representing the free labor sugar consumed in the United States. 
 Making these deductions, the following results are produced : 
 
 *Ed. D. Mansfield, Esq., of Cincinnati Chronicle. 
 
 r See Census, 1840. 
 
 i Rep. Sec. Treas. U. S., on Com. and Nav. 
 
 11 Rep. Sec. Treas. U. S., on Com. and Nav. 
 
 § The molasses imported into the United States, amounted, in 1849, to 23,- 
 796,806 gallons, of which only 756,339 gallons were of free labor. Of these 
 imports 793,535 gals, were re-exported. 
 
136 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 Consinnplion of Cane Sugar in the United States. 
 
 lbs. 1848 lbs. 1849 
 
 Growth of the U. S., less the exports, 216,477,221 277,402,896 
 
 Slave labor imports, « " 222,384,759 240,099,177 
 
 Slave labor Sugar consumed, U. S., 438,861,980 517,502,073 
 
 Free labor Sugar, " " 21,067,061 12,695,355 
 
 Total Sugar consumption, 459,929,041 530,197,428 
 
 Excess of slave grown, do. 417,794,919 504,806,718 
 
 The consumption of sugar in France, in 1848, was about 290,- 
 000,000 lbs. Of this quantity, 140,000,000 lbs. were of beet root 
 sugar, produced in France. The production of eane sugar in the 
 French colonies, in 1840, was 161,500,000 lbs.* P'or the first nine 
 months of 1847, they supplied to France 168,884,177 lbs., but for 
 the same period of 1849, only 96,929,336 lbs, being a falling oft', 
 as heretofore stated, of 71,854,841 lbs. the first nine months after 
 freedom.! The production of beet root sugar is increasing every 
 year. A heavy duty upon foreign sugar nearly excludes it from the 
 French market, and thus, since her emancipation act of 1848, France 
 may be considered as consuming very little slave grown sugar. 
 
 "We have been unable to procure the statistics of the production 
 and consumption of sugar as fully as those of coffee and cotton. i 
 But they are sufficiently accurate for all practical purposes. For 
 England and the United States they are ample, but for the continent 
 somewhat imperfect. The August number of Hunt's Merchant's 
 Magazine contains a statement, from the House of Eaton, Safford 
 & Fox, of Cuba, of the production and consumption of sugar through- 
 out the world. Although imperfect in a few cases, it enables us to 
 reach a close approximation to the amount of slave and free labor 
 sugars annually produced. Taking the whole of the authorities we 
 have consulted, and they warrant us in stating the production of slave 
 grown sugars as follows : 
 
 Cuba and Porto Rico 672,000,000 lbs. 
 
 Brazil 268,000,000 " 
 
 United States 280,000,000 " 
 
 Total slave grown sugar 1,220,000,000 lbs. 
 
 This amount does not include the production of the Dutch colo- 
 nies in the West Indies and Guiana, where slavery still exists. The 
 statement is short by that amount, and we have been unable to find 
 it given separately from that of the Dutch East India possessions. 
 Of this slave grown sugar England and the United States consume 
 063,502,000 lbs. annually. This leaves, of slave grown sugars for the 
 continental countries of Europe, 556,498,000 lbs. The whole con- 
 sumption of these countries, excepting France, but including Russia, 
 
 * We are indebted to M. Dureau, a French gentleman engaged in the collec- 
 tion of sugar statistics, for these facts. f See present Part, p. 115. 
 
 J In obtaining our cotton statistics, we have been much indebted to Mr. 
 Thomas Frankland, of the Society of Friends, recently from England, whoso 
 acquaintance we made at the Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, in Cincinnati. 
 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 137 
 
 Turkey, and Egypt, is estimated by Eaton, Safford & Fox, at 765, 
 375,000. From this, deduct the above balance of slave grown sugar, 
 snd there is left to be supplied by free labor, a demand of 208,877,0 & Oo! 
 To determine the probable accuracy of the result last stated, we 
 have taken the exports of free labor sugar from the British posses- 
 sions, as determined by our former investigations, and those of die 
 other sugar-producing countries, as estimated in the article in Hunt's 
 Magazine. The result is as follows : 
 
 5S3.024.000 lbs. 
 
 120,000,000 '■' 
 20,000,000 « 
 30,000,000 " 
 
 30,000,000 « 
 
 English possessions 
 
 Holland possessions 
 
 Danish and Swedish possessions 
 
 German and Belgian, including beet sugar 
 
 Excess of production over consumption in the South American Republics, 
 Egypt, and China 
 
 Total free labor sugar for European and United States consumption 7,s3,024,ouO lli< 
 
 Be luct free labor sugar consumed by United States and England 577.2S ( .i'.000 " ' 
 
 Balance left for continent, exclusive of France 205 735 000 lb= 
 
 But this statement of free labor sugar contains some of the beet 
 root and all of the slave-grown sugar of the Dutch slave labor colo- 
 nies. The estimates of Brazil, on the other hand, have no deduction 
 for home consumption, so that the figures above given, no doubt rep- 
 resent, very nearly, the consumption of free and slave labor sugars 
 on the continent. 
 
 We may now sum the whole results of our labors in one con- 
 densed table, so as to exhibit the present relations of free labor to 
 slave labor, and the indebtedness of the christian world to slavery 
 for these articles of prime necessity. 
 
 Total consumption of Free Labor and of Slave Labor Cotton, Coffee, and Cane Sugar, by the 
 countries named in the foregoing investigations. 
 
 Countries 
 consuming. 
 
 Slave labor 
 lbs. cotton. 
 
 Free labor iSlave labor 
 lbs. cotton. libs, coffee.* 
 
 Free labor 
 lbs. coffee. 
 
 33,418,156 
 
 37,117,911 
 
 147,213,933 
 
 Slave labor 
 lbs. sugar. 
 
 Free labor 
 lbs. sugar. 
 
 564,593,960 
 
 12,695.355 
 
 Great Britain 
 
 552.530,800 
 270,000.000 
 150,000,000 
 
 123,S0O.000 
 
 71,469,200 
 
 4,661,344 
 119,682,189 
 
 146,000.000 
 
 
 
 none. 
 556,498,000 
 
 Other continental 
 
 213.S96,647 
 1,120,000 
 
 150,000,000 
 205,735,000 
 
 Total of each 
 
 1,101,330,800 
 
 78,589.200 
 
 338,240,000 
 
 217,800,000 
 
 1,220,000,000 
 
 933,024,315 
 
 Slave lbs. excess- • 
 
 1,022,741,600 
 
 
 120,440,000 
 
 
 286,975,685 
 
 
 Add the consumption of the United States to that of England, and deduct the amount 
 ttvm the total Slave Labor consumption, to find the amount of Slave Labor coffe« consumed 
 by 1 ranee and the continent. 
 
 III. That the legislative measures adopted for the destruction of the 
 slave trade and slavery, especially by England, have tended to 
 increase and extend the evils they were designed to destroy. 
 
 In the outset of the investigations demanded to sustain this propo- 
 sition, it is necessary to refer to the condition of slavery and the slave 
 trade before measures had been taken to arrest their progress. The 
 statistical tables, in the present lecture, show that the commereial 
 prosperity of the English and French West India colonies had reached 
 its maximum about the period when the first acts having reference to 
 the removal of the oppressions which had afflicted the African peo- 
 ple, were adopted by these governments. England's act, prohibiting 
 the slave trade, was passed in 1807, and took effect in 1800. In 
 
133 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 1805 and 1806, the exports of sugar from Jamaica were over 230,- 
 000,000 lbs.,* for each year, and from the whole English West Indies, 
 it was about 636,000,000 lbs. The article of sugar is referred to, be- 
 cause it is the principal one exported from these islands. From 18*27 
 to 1831, the period preceding the emancipation of the English West 
 India slaves, the exports of sugar from these colonies were reduced to 
 an annual average of 448,665,520 lbs., or nearly one-third, and from Ja- 
 maica alone, from 1 829 to 1833, to 1 52,564,800 lbs.,t or more than one- 
 third. This was twenty-five years after the prohibition of the slave 
 trade, when ample time to show its effects had elapsed. The act of 
 emancipation was passed in 1833, took effect in 1834, and the free- 
 dom of the slaves was perfected in 1838. 
 
 The effect of emancipation was a still farther reduction of the ex- 
 ports from these colonies — the whole exports, in 1848, being only 
 313,506,112 lbs.,$ or more than one -half less than in 1807, and 
 Jamaica itself but 67,539,200 lbs., or nearly three-fourths less than 
 
 in 1807. 
 
 The first direct act of the French, in reference to African freedom, 
 was the proclamation of General Le Clerc,§ in 1802, proclaiming 
 liberty and equality to all the inhabitants of Hayti, without regard 
 to color. The exports of sugar from that island in 1790, were 
 163,318,810 lbs. || Its prosperity was at once greatly impaired 
 by the revolution, and at present its exports of sugar are almost 
 nothing. 
 
 Had a reduction of the quantity of sugar, coffee, or cotton, conse- 
 quent upon the suppression of the slave trade and the emancipation 
 of the slaves, been the only effects of these efforts to benefit the Afri- 
 can race, the world would have submitted to the sacrifice without a 
 murmur, because the present cheap and abundant supplies of these 
 articles would have been unknown. But far different from the re- 
 sults anticipated, were the consequences of these measures upon the 
 welfare of the African people. We shall proceed to trace them. 
 England and the United States, in prohibiting the slave trade, did 
 but obey the dictates of a moral power emanating from a philan- 
 thropic public sentiment. It was an act demanded by the Christian 
 principle of these countries. But in the plan of its execution, we 
 have lamentable evidence of the limited wisdom and foresight of man 
 in grappling with evils of great magnitude. 
 
 In 1808, when the slave trade was prohibited by England and the 
 United States, Africa was annually losing 85,000 ; - of her population 
 by the slave trade. Of this number 19 per cent, perished in ihei 
 middle passage, making available, to the slave purchasers, 77,000 
 slaves. But the discontinuance of the slave trade, by these two pow- 
 ers, by no means diminished the evil sought to be destroyed. From 
 that day the export of slaves from Africa increased, and from 18U 
 to 1815, she was robbed yearly of 93,000 of her population; and 
 
 • See present Part, pair's 116 ami 135. 
 
 t See present Part, p. 113. }1>>. 61H. r>. Hi. II Tk p. ill. 
 
Present delations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 139 
 
 fiom 1815 to 1819 of 106,000 annually. Of the latter, 25 per 
 cent, perished in the. "middle passage," so that out of 106,000 torn 
 irom Africa, but 79,400 reached the planters, or only 2,400 more 
 than they had obtained when the exports from Africa were but 85,000 
 With the exception of 1830 to 1835, the exports of slaves from 
 Africa continued to increase until the close of 1839, when thev 
 reached the appalling number of 135,800 a year, with a continued los"s 
 of 25 per cent, of the number in their transportation. 
 
 The following tables, prepared by a select committee of the House 
 of Commons, showing the state of the African slave trade with rela- 
 tion to America, for the last sixty years, convey a clear view of the 
 state of this traffic during that period.* 
 
 Number of Slaves computed to have been Exported and Imported westward from 
 Africa, from 1788 to 1840. 
 
 
 
 Average casual- )~g _ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ties durinsr the "§ .22 
 
 a © 
 
 
 a 
 
 DATE 
 
 Am'nt of 
 
 Slaves 
 Exported. 
 
 Voj 
 
 ra ge. 
 
 £5 o 
 
 O fc. o 
 
 orted ii 
 
 other 
 
 nntries. 
 
 3 8 -o 
 § >1 
 
 
 Av'rg 
 
 
 Total a 
 of si 
 impo 
 
 
 
 pr'p i- 
 tion. 
 
 Am'nt. 
 
 > a « 
 
 o-o g 
 
 ft, o 
 
 a « 
 
 In 1788 
 
 100,000 
 
 14 p. c. 
 
 14,000 
 
 25,000 
 
 18,000 
 
 44,000 
 
 86,000 
 
 
 l/y«lol8U5 
 
 85,000 
 
 14 " 
 
 12,000 
 
 15,000 
 
 20,000 
 
 38,000 
 
 73,000 
 
 F 
 
 1805 to 1810 
 
 85,000 
 
 14 " 
 
 12,000 
 
 15,000 
 
 25,000 
 
 33,000 
 
 73,000 
 
 o 
 
 1810 to 1815 
 
 93,000 
 
 14 " 
 
 13,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 20,000 
 
 80,000 
 
 
 1815 to 1817 
 
 106,600 
 
 25 " 
 
 26,600 
 
 32,000 
 
 31,000 
 
 17,000 
 
 80,000 
 
 he 
 
 C3 
 
 1817 to 1819 
 
 106,600 
 
 25 « 
 
 26,600 
 
 34,000 
 
 34,000 
 
 12,000 
 
 80,000 
 
 <D -i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 capt'd. 
 
 
 Si 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 by 
 
 
 >. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 crus'rs 
 
 
 1- 
 
 03 
 
 1819 to 1825 
 
 103,000 
 
 25 « 
 
 25,800 
 
 39,000 
 
 37,000 
 
 1,200 
 
 77,200 
 
 |SH 
 
 lb25 to 1830 
 
 125,000 
 
 25 « 
 
 31,000 
 
 40,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 94,000 
 
 
 1830 to 1835 
 
 78,500 
 
 25 " 
 
 19,600 
 
 40,000 
 
 15,000 
 
 3,900 
 
 58,900 
 
 
 J835tol840 
 
 135,800 
 
 25 " 
 
 33,900 
 
 29,000 
 
 65,000 
 
 7,900 
 
 101,900 
 
 Number of Slaves computed to have been annually Exported and Imported 
 westward from Africa, from 1840 to 1848. 
 
 
 Am'nt 
 
 
 of 
 
 DATE. 
 
 
 
 slaves 
 
 
 expt'd. 
 
 1840 
 
 64,114 
 
 1841 
 
 45,097 
 
 1842 
 
 28,400 
 
 1S43 
 
 55,062 
 
 1844 
 
 54,102 
 
 1845 
 
 36,758 
 
 1846 
 
 76,117 
 
 1847 
 
 84,356 1 
 
 Average casualties 
 during the voyage. 
 
 Average 
 proportion 
 
 Am'nt. 
 
 25 pr cent. 
 
 25 « 
 
 25 " 
 
 25 » 
 
 25 " 
 
 25 " 
 
 25 » 
 
 25 " 
 
 16,068 
 11,274 
 
 7,100 
 13,765 
 13,525 
 
 9,189 
 19,029 
 21,0S9 
 
 Slaves 
 import- 
 ed into 
 Spanish 
 colonies 
 
 Import- 
 ed into 
 Brazil. 
 
 14,470 
 11,857 
 3,150 
 8,000 
 10,000 
 1,350 
 1,700 
 1,500 
 
 30,000 
 16,000 
 14,200 
 30,500 
 26,000 
 22,700 
 52,600 
 57,800 
 
 Captur- 
 ed by 
 
 3,616 
 5,966 
 3,950 
 2,797 
 4,577 
 3,519 
 2,788 
 3,967 
 
 Total 
 amount 
 of slaves 
 import \1. 
 
 48 086 
 33,823 
 21,300 
 41.297 
 40,577 
 27,569 
 57,088 
 68,267 
 
 * Westminster Review, 1850, p. 263. 
 
140 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 But why this disastrous defeat of the benevolent designs of Eng- 
 land and the United States, in their efforts to suppress the slave 
 trade? The question is easily answered. The diminution of the 
 exports from the British West Indies, being more than one-half, 
 equaled a loss of 420,000 of her former 800,000 slaves. France 
 had lost three-fifths* of her annual colonial supplies of sugar and 
 other products, in the emancipation, or death by war, of her 480,000 
 slaves in Hayti.t The 163,300,000^ lbs. of sugar lostby these events, 
 had to be supplied to France by increased production in her remain- 
 ing colonies. This required an additional amount of labor, equal- 
 ing what had been rendered unavailable in Hayti, or 480,000 men; 
 and this number, added to England's equivalent loss of 420,000, 
 making in all 900,000 slaves, had to be procured from Africa, and 
 to be renewed every seven years.§ 
 
 Following the example of France, Spain and Portugal immediately 
 commenced extending their cultivation, in Cuba and Brazil, by a 
 vigorous prosecution of the slave trade. They were encouraged in 
 the execution of this design, in the opening markets created for their 
 products by the diminishing exports of the English and French colo- 
 nies. The withdrawal of the English and American slave merchants 
 from the African coast, removed all rivalry, except that of France ; 
 and in a little over thirty years, slave grown products increased nearly 
 three-fourths above what they had been when the slave trade was 
 prohibiled.|| 
 
 These facts being stated, it is easily seen why the slave trade 
 should have increased with such rapidity, and to such an amazing 
 extent. For each slave emancipated by England and France, who 
 refused to labor as he had done while a slave, (for which no man will 
 blame him, but which, it was predicted, he would do out of gratitude 
 to his benefactor,) another had to be obtained from Africa to make 
 up the loss to commerce. 
 
 But in addition to the diminished supply of tropical products, 
 occasioned by the prohibition of the slave trade and the emancipa- 
 tion of the slaves in the West Indies, there has been a vastly increased 
 consumption of some of the commodities upon which slave labor 
 has been employed; and, as before remarked, all this rapidly increas- 
 ing demand had to be supplied by slave labor. Hence, the enormous 
 increase of the slave trade, notwithstanding the efforts made for its 
 suppression. 
 
 But where was the error, in the legislation by England, on this 
 subject? It was in this : She should, before taking any action her- 
 self, have obtained the consent of the other European powers, to unite 
 in disallowing the slave tiade to their subjects. At that day some of 
 the articles now so profitably employing slave labor, were compara- 
 tively unimportant to commerce. People, then, were more desirous 
 of escaping from the evils of slavery than they are at present, and 
 
 tPresent Part, p.lll. tH>. J lb. p. 118. § lb. p. 114. 
 || See Part First, p. 42, for McQueen's statement of this fact. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 141 
 
 efficient measures for emancipation could have been more easily- 
 executed. 
 
 But England's first act of philanthropy was done at a moment 
 when her manufacturing operations were rapidly growing up into 
 great national interests, that could not be checked or dispensed with, 
 and the ultimate importance of which could not then be foreseen. 
 While, therefore, on the one hand, she was afterward pleading the 
 cause of humanity, and urging the abandonment of the slave trade 
 and of slavery, upon other nations ; on the other, her own di- 
 minishing supplies of tropical products, and increasing cotton 
 manufactures and sugar consumption, were creating, at home and 
 abroad, that increasing demand for slave labor products, which sup- 
 plied the chief aliment that sustained the foreign slave trade and 
 foreign slave labor cultivation. And even when Great Britain par- 
 tially succeeded, by bonus* or by treaty, in gaining over a nation to 
 her measures, alas ! there was not that virtuous public sentiment, 
 such as had existed in England and the United States, to act over 
 upon that nation, and to encourage or impel it onward in the execu- 
 tion of its noble and humane engagements. 
 
 An outline of British legislation, in reference to the admission of 
 tropical commodities to her markets, will show how effectually her 
 legislation at home defeated negotiation abroad. 
 
 Up to 1844, the British colonies enjoyed a practical monopoly of 
 the British markets. The duty on foreign sugar was 63 s. per cwt., 
 on sugar the growth of her East India possessions and Mauritius, 
 37 s. per cwt., and on that of her West India Colonies, only 27 s.per 
 cwt.t In 1844 the first inroad was made, the act taking effect in 
 November of that year, by which foreign free labor sugar was 
 admitted at a lower duty 4 This act terminated the monopoly which 
 the British colonies had in the markets of the mother country, and 
 allowed the introduction of the free labor sugars of Java and Manilla 
 for consumption in England; while Holland and Spain compensated 
 themselves for the amount of their usual supplies thus diverted to a 
 profitable market, by sending to Cuba and Brazil for a sufficient quan- 
 tity of their cheaper slave labor sugar to make up the deficiency. § 
 
 In 1845, a general reduction of the sugar duties was made, which 
 reduced the protection against foreign slave grown sugars one-half, 
 and in 1846, the final act was passed, admitting all foreign sugars on 
 advantageous terms. This act made a progressive reduction, during 
 three years, of the duties on foreign sugar, until in 1849, when those 
 on foreign and colonial were to become equal to each other. || In 1848 
 however, another act was passed by Parliament, postponing, for three 
 years, the equalization of the duties to be levied on foreign and colo- 
 
 * A bonus was paid to Portugal, in 1815, to conclude a treaty to abandon 
 the slave trade, and near the same time, by a similar treaty with Spain, she 
 received from England $2,000,000, and afterward evaded her engagement.—" 
 Ed. Rev., July 1836. 
 
 f Westminster Rev. 1850, p. 276. X London Economist, 1850, p. 85. 
 
 § See Part first, p. 41. || Blackwood's Mag. 184, p. 5. 
 
142 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 ninl sugars, and thus, seemingly, affording a slight protection to the 
 colonies until 1854. But the difference in duties, owing to the man- 
 ner in which the scale is arranged, and the greater cheapness of 
 slave-labor cultivation, makes the law afford only a nominal protec- 
 tion and be of little practical value. The duties, per cwt., on for- 
 eign and colonial sugars, stand as follows since the last enactment, 
 and will be equal on all kinds in July, 1854.t 
 
 MUSCOVADOS. 
 
 To 5 July, 
 
 1850. 
 
 £. s. d 
 
 British 11 
 
 Foreign 17 
 
 British 14 
 Foreign 19 10 
 
 British 16 
 Foreign 14 8 
 
 British 4 6 
 Foreign 6 4 
 
 To 5 Julv, 
 
 1&51.' 
 
 £. 5, d. 
 
 11 
 15 6 
 
 Too July. 
 
 1852. 
 
 £. s. d. 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 To 5 July, 
 
 1953. 
 
 £. s. d. 
 
 10 
 
 13 
 
 WHITE CLAYED. 
 
 12 10 I 11 8 I 11 8 
 18 1 16 4 15 2 
 
 14 
 
 1 2 
 
 WHITE REFINED. 
 
 13 4 I 13 4 
 
 1 8 19 4 
 
 To 5 July, 
 
 1854. 
 
 £ . S d 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 11 8 
 14 
 
 13 4 
 17 4 
 
 Fr'm 5 July, 
 
 1854. 
 
 £. s. d. 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 11 8 
 11 8 
 
 13 4 
 13 4 
 
 MOLASSES. 
 
 3 9 1 
 5 3 
 
 3 9 
 
 4 10 
 
 3 9 
 
 4 6 
 
 3 9 
 3 9 
 
 The immense falling off in the exports of the British West India 
 colonies, which had taken place after emancipation, and the impossi- 
 bility of her East India possessions supplying the deficiency, left the 
 government of Great Britain no other alternative but a reduction of 
 the sugar duties, and the admission of slave grown sugar. A strug- 
 gle to stimulate West India industry had been continued thirteen 
 years, from 1833 to 1846, resulting only in taxing the English people 
 by protective duties, $150,000,000;): more than the consumers of 
 other countries had paid for an equal quantity of sugar, and the effort 
 had to be abandoned. 
 
 Tor many years her West India colonies had supplied to England 
 more sugar than was necessary for home consumption, allowing the 
 government to force off that of her East India possessions into other 
 markets, by a differential duty of 10 shillings the cwt. in favor of her 
 "West Indies. But in 1840, her own consumption of sugar was 009.- 
 781,7(50 lbs.,§ and the total exports of all her West India colonies only 
 277,252,400 lbs.,[j and with that of the East Indies and Mauritius 
 added, but 501,001,904 lbs.,^1 an amount, even if England received it 
 all, not sufficient for her home consumption by 108,1 19,850 lbs. 
 By this result the whole field of the foreign markets, form erly supplied 
 with English si/gar, was left open for that of slave labor products. 
 
 The impulse given to the efforts of other nations, in the prosecu- 
 tion of the slave trade, when it was abandoned by England and the 
 United States, received no check, as is shown by the foregoing 
 
 t Westminster Rev. 1850, p. 270. 
 i Westminster llrv. 1850. p. :J7:>. 
 H Present Part, p. 113. 
 
 § Present Part, p. 129. 
 ? Present Part, p. 130. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 143 
 
 table,* until 1830, when a reduction of the price of sugar from 445. 6d. 
 the cwt. to 24s. Sd., diminished the export of slaves from Africa 37 
 per cent. But this depression lasted only during the time that the 
 price of sugar continued at that reduced rate. In 1836, sugar again 
 rose to 29s. 3c/. the cwt., and gave an impetus to the slave trade that 
 increased the export of slaves from Africa 73 per cent., or to 135,800 
 per annum from that till the close of 1839. t 
 
 But 1840 constitutes an epoch in the history of the slave trade, 
 because, during that year, the first successful check was given to it, 
 and the hope created that it could be annihilated. From that period 
 until 1847, the varying results will be found in the foregoing Parlia- 
 mentary tables. By the first table it will be seen, that the African 
 slave trade had reached its maximum from 1835 to 1839, when the 
 average annual exports were 135,800, and that in 1840 it was sud- 
 denly reduced to 64,114. 
 
 This reduction was effected through the unwearying efforts of 
 England, stimulated, in a great measure, it is believed, by the com- 
 mercial considerations referred to in our first Lecture. Be this as it 
 may, by her influence, the authorities of Brazil, in 1840 and 1841, 
 made the attempt to suppress the slave trade, and the effect was 
 immediate.! General Espartero being in power in Spain, also acted 
 in good faith in the execution of the conditions of the treaty with 
 England, and appointed General Valdez, Governor of Cuba. When 
 Valdez entered upon his duties, the imports of slaves into Cuba were 
 about 14,000 annually. The first year of his government reduced 
 the imports 8,000; and in 1842, the last year, the number imported 
 was only 3,100 men.§ Political changes occurring, the plans of these 
 governments were soon abandoned, and the increasing demand for 
 slave grown products, which was soon after created, by their admis- 
 sion into the English markets, gave renewed activity to that traffic, 
 increasing it, in 1847, to within a trifle of what it was from 1798 to 
 1810, and in 1848 and 1849, it is believed, to an extent nearly equal 
 to what it has been at any former period. || 
 
 With these facts before us, a true conception can be formed of the 
 past and present condition of the slave trade. 
 
 It is evident that if England could have persisted in her exclusion 
 of slave grown products from her markets, and could have rejected 
 such free labor products as would have been replaced in other mar- 
 kets by an equivalent of those of slave labor origin, that a death-blow 
 would have been given to the slave trade, and, in its suppression, to 
 the slavery of Cuba and Brazil. But, unfortunately, at the moment 
 when negotiation abroad, combined with protective duties at home, 
 had enabled England to reduce the exports of slaves from Africa, in 
 1845, to 30,758, and the imports into Brazil to 22,700 ; the clamor 
 in England, for a full supply of sugar, forced the government, first 
 
 * See tabic, present part, p. 135. t London Times, 1849. 
 
 i Speech of Sir R. Peel in British Parliament, 1844. § Ibid. 
 |) Westminster Review, 1859, p. 265, states that the imports of slaves into Bra- 
 zil in 1848 were 72,000, a larger number than at any former period. 
 
144 Present Relations of Free Labor and Slave Labor. 
 
 to admit free labor sugar, and next, through the predominance of 
 free-trade principles, slave labor sugar also. These acts at once 
 opened up a market of such importance to countries employing slave 
 labor, that an irresistible impetus was given to the slave trade, stimu- 
 lating those engaged in it to break through every treaty stipulation, 
 and hid defiance to all the physical force that can be arrayed against 
 them. 
 
 It was the advancing demand for slave grown products, created by 
 the causes before stated, that made it impossible for the governments 
 of Spain and Brazil to act in good faith in the suppression of the slave 
 trade. Governments cannot go much in advance of the public senti- 
 ment of their people, nor can they long remain much behind it. The 
 positions of England and the United States, on the slave trade, were 
 the result of the correct moral sentiment existing among their people. 
 But the people of Spain and Brazil, governed only by commercial 
 considerations, and not by motives of philanthropy or the principles 
 of equity, looked only to the profits to be made by continuing the 
 slave trade, and cared nothing for the amount of human woe induced, 
 if they could but amass fortunes to themselves. These governments, 
 therefore could not resist the tide of public sentiment; and their 
 policy being changed, a rapidly-increasing flood of misery has 
 continued to roll on, wave after wave, until humanity shudders at 
 beholding the dark and dismal deluge continually dashing in upon the 
 shores of the southern portion of our continent. 
 
 That the legislative measures adopted for the suppression of the 
 slave trade and the abolition of slavery, have tended to increase and 
 extend the evils they were designed to destroy, is not an opinion of 
 recent origin, but one of very general belief in England. The pres- 
 ent is, perhaps, the first effort to classify the facts and demonstrate 
 the proposition. But that British legislation directly tended to this 
 result, has been frequently asserted, by many of the most intelli- 
 gent Englishmen,* with great positivcness ; and more than this, it was 
 predicted, with equal positiveness, by men who understood human 
 nature better than those controling the movement, that their mea- 
 sures would certainly produce the results which have followed. In 
 proof of this we need only quote a few paragraphs. The first is one 
 embracing predictions of the consequences that would follow the 
 adoption of the course of legislation proposed It will be found in 
 the Westminster Review, 1849. 
 
 " We cannot abolish slavery and the slave trade — we can only 
 clear ourselves of them ; and we may clear ourselves of them, say- 
 ing we are abolishing them, in a way to strengthen them. It is not 
 abolishing them to shift them from the West Indies to Cuba. By 
 our way of ridding ourselves of slavery, we are making slaves more 
 valuable and the slave trade more profitable, and increasing the inter- 
 est of all other nations in buying, and selling, and keeping slaves. 
 We shall pay $100,000,000, and millions on millions besides, in 
 the price of sugar and loss of capital for confirming slavery and the 
 slave trade. To expect oilier nations to follow our example by 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 145 
 
 making it their interest not to do it, is not very wise. The way to 
 abolish slavery is to make it contrary to the interest of the slave- 
 dealer and slaveholder." 
 
 The remaining paragraphs are confirmatory of our proposition, 
 and are from sources entitled to great respect. 
 
 " Fifteen years ago we thought we had done with the slave trade 
 and slavery. But these odious subjects come back to us. The 
 dark specters are not laid. One hundred and forty millions is the 
 estimate of the sum of money spent to destroy them. Hundreds of 
 associations, thousands of committees, public speeches, sermons, 
 prayers, &c, &c, &c, have all been used as exorcisms to lay the 
 specters of the bondage and the traffic which degrade men to the level 
 of domestic animals. Our poorer people have been deprived of 
 comforts which would have sweetened, literally and figuratively, their 
 existence, because we would deal heroically with slavery and the 
 slave trade. The chains of the negro have long been broken in mar- 
 ble. The fame of many renowned names have been won by feats 
 of eloquence and zeal in this sacred cause. We celebrated many 
 victories over the iniquity. But lo ! slavery and the slave trade are 
 stronger than ever, and more horrific than ever. On this subject, 
 England has done two noble things, and committed two blunders. 
 The nobleness has been ethical, and the blunders have been econom- 
 ical. Narrowness has been the source of the evils. Christian ethics 
 had highly cultivated the consciences of the abolitionists, but they 
 were ignorant of economical science."* 
 
 After referring to the modifications of the sugar duties, by Parlia- 
 ment, and the scarcity of the supplies of sugar in the French mar- 
 kets consequent upon emancipation in Hayti, Blackwood's Magazine 
 says : t 
 
 "To provide against the evidently approaching crisis in the supply 
 of sugar in the British market, we have thrown open our harbors to 
 slave-grown sugar from every quarter of the globe; and from the 
 rapid decline in the West India Islands, even before this last coup-de- 
 grace was given them by the application of free-trade principles to 
 their produce, it is painfully evident that a result precisely similar (to 
 what occured in Hayti.) is about to take place in the British colonies. 
 And it is little consolation to find that this injustice has recoiled upon 
 the heads of the nation which perpetrated it, and that the decline in 
 the consumption of British manufactures by the West India islands 
 is becoming proportioned to the ruin we have inflicted on them. 
 
 "But most of all has this concatenation of fanaticism, infatuation, 
 and injustice proved pernicious to the negro race, for whose benefit 
 the changes were all undertaken. Happy would it have been for 
 them if the British slave trade had never been abolished; and they 
 had crossed the Atlantic chiefly in Liverpool or Glasgow slave-ships, 
 and been brought to the British West India Islands ! For then the 
 
 * Westminster Review, Oct. 1849. f January, 1843, p. 6, 7. 
 
 10 
 
146 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 slave trade was subject to our direction, and regulations might have 
 been adopted to place it upon the best possible footing for its unhappy 
 victims. But now we have thrown it entirely into the hands of the 
 Spaniards and Portuguese, over whom we have no sort of control, 
 and who exercise it in so frightful a manner that the heart absolutely 
 sickens at the thought of the amount of human suffering at the cost 
 of which we have reduced the price of sugar to sixpence a pound. 
 Compared with it, the English slave-ships and English slavery were 
 an earthly paradise. Mr. Buxton, the great anti-slavery advocate, 
 admitted, some years ago, that the " number of blacks who now 
 cross the Atlantic, is double what it was when Wilberforce and 
 Clarkson first began their benevolent labors."* Noiv, under the fos- 
 tering influence of free-trade in sugar, it may reasonably be expected 
 that in a few years, the whole, or nearly the whole sugar consumed 
 by Europe, will be raised by the slave colonies, and wrung by the 
 lash from the most wretched species of slaves — those of Cuba and 
 Brazil ! Moreover, the slave trade, to supply them, will be triple 
 what it was in 1789, when the movement in favor of the negro popu- 
 lation began ! Thus, by the combined effects of fanaticism, igno- 
 rance, presumption, and free trade, we shall have succeeded, by the 
 middle of this century, in totally destroying our own sugar colonies; 
 adding, to no purpose, $100,000,000 to our national debt ; annihilating 
 property to the amount of $650,000,000 in our own (colonial) do- 
 mains ; doubling the produce of foreign slave possessions ; cutting off 
 a market of $17,500,000 a year for our manufactures; and tripling 
 the slave trade in extent, and quadrupling it in horror, throughout the 
 globe." 
 
 Another writer specifies more fully the effects of these measures.! 
 
 "The impulse which the government act of 1846 has given to the 
 slave trade in every part of the world, is something perfectly enor- 
 mous ; but its mischievous and inhuman effects will be best understood 
 by a reference to ascertained facts. Prior to 1846, the traffic in 
 slaves between the African coast and the Spanish colonies had been 
 gradually declining, and had in fact almost disappeared. The exclu- 
 sion of slave-grown sugars from our home market had nearly forced 
 the Cuban proprietors into a different system, and arrangements were 
 pending in that Colony for the emancipation of the slaves, just at the 
 time Lord John Russell came forward in favor of the chain and the 
 lash, and all was changed. "The value of field negroes in Cuba had 
 risen (in the course of the two years, from 1846 to 1848) from 300 
 to 500 dollars each, a price that would speedily bring a supply from 
 the coast." " We will not, forsooth, permit foreign nations to traffic 
 in slaves, and yet we give them the monopoly of our market, know- 
 ing all the while that upon that importation alone we are dependant 
 for a cheap supply — cheap sugar means cheap slaves.'''' "Why 
 did we oestroy that market in Jamaica which we so eagerly sieze in 
 
 « Buxton on the Slave trade, p. 172. 
 
 t Blackwood's Magazine, Feb. 1818, p. 235, 236 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 147 
 
 Brazil ? " « Great Britain, after forcing the Emancipation Act or 
 her colonies, and in the most solemn manner announcing, in a voice 
 of thunder, her future determined opposition to the existence of the 
 traffic in slaves, at once took a course which made her the customer 
 of less scrupulous countries, and the largest encourager of that odious 
 traffic in the world, thus ruining her own colonies." 
 
 Quotations of similar expressions of opinion might be multiplied 
 indefinitely, but enough have been given. It may be added, however, 
 that the North British Review, in a careful digest of the evidence 
 contained in the six Reports on the Slave Trade and Slavery, made 
 to Parliament, within the last two years, is led to this conclusion: 
 That England's coersive measures have not merely failed to check 
 the supply of slaves to Brazil, but that, on the other hand, they have 
 had the effect of greatly aggravating the horrors of the middle 
 passage, and the sufferings endured by the negroes in the barracoons 
 on the const of Africa, as well as very materially prejudicing the 
 interests of British merchants trading to that country. This failure 
 of the coercive policy for the suppression of the slave trade, the 
 Reviewers contend, "results from its unsoundness in principle." 
 
 IV. That the governments named, cannot hope to escape from the 
 necessity of consuming the products of slave labor, except by call 
 ing into active service, on an extensive scale, the free labor of 
 countries not at present producing the commodities upon which 
 slave labor is employed. 
 
 In the discussion of our first proposition, we proved that the tropical 
 countries, where slavery has been abolished, have failed to furnish to 
 commerce, since emancipation, an amount of products equal to what 
 they had previously supplied. In discussing some of the other pro- 
 positions, it appeared that the whole free labor exports from the 
 Asiatic portion of the Eastern Hemisphere, added to those of the 
 Western, had fallen far short of supplying the demands of Europe 
 and America. It also appeared that to this cause was principally 
 due the vast increase of the slave trade during the present century. 
 
 To sustain our fourth proposition, it will be necessary to show, 
 that the free labor to which we have referred, cannot be'so stimulated 
 as to make it sufficiently productive to compete with, and displace, 
 the fruits of slave labor in the markets of the world. 
 
 When the non-progressive character of the population of Pagan 
 countries is considered, but little aid will be expected from the Asi- 
 atic portion of the Eastern Hemisphere,* in efforts to make free labor 
 compete with slave labor, in tropical cultivation. The inquiries into 
 this subject, may, therefore, be confined to the Western Hemisphere. 
 To understand the relations which the free labor and the slave labor, 
 of this hemisphere, bear to each other, and the capability of the first 
 to compete with the last, it is necessary to state the proportion which 
 the number of persons of the one class bear to those of the other. 
 
 •Present Part, p. 121. 
 
148 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 The amount of the population of the English and French West 
 India Colonies, emancipated from slavery, has been already stated,* 
 and comprehends nearly the whole of the free labor employed in the 
 cultivation of the commodities we have been considering. Estima- 
 ting the increase of the population of Hayti, since emancipation, at 
 40 per cent., and that of the English colonies at 20 per cent., will 
 give them a present population of 1,400,000. To this must be added 
 the persons emancipated by France, in 1848, making the total free 
 labor forces, within the limits under consideration, about 1,657,000 
 persons. Against this free population there is arrayed the following 
 number of slaves : t 
 
 United States, 3.252.000 
 
 T> rfl7i ] 3,2o0,000 
 
 Spanish ^nie-;,: ::::::::..: mono 
 
 Dutch Colonies 85,0 00 
 
 South American Republics innnn 
 
 African Settlements, 30,0110 
 
 Total slave population, I'£-I'n™ 
 
 Free labor do. above stated, I,b57,000 
 
 Excess of slave population 6,000,000 
 
 Of the number of slaves in the United States, about 1,000,000 are 
 in States which do not produce cotton and sugar. Deducting these, 
 will leave 6,657,000 slaves arrayed against 1,657,000 free persons, or 
 5,000,000 more slaves than freemen. 
 
 These figures testify, with unequivocal distinctness, that the free 
 population, above named, cannot be made to compete with the slave 
 population, in tropical cultivation. In addition to the immense dis- 
 parity of numbers, a moment's consideration will make it evident, 
 that, even were their numbers equal, the circumstances under which 
 the people, called free, are placed, would still make it impossible to 
 stimulate them to such a degree of industry, that their voluntary 
 labor would be equally productive with the compulsory labor of the 
 
 slaves. 
 
 A very brief examination will show, that this is not an exaggerated 
 view of the condition of the people under consideration. In refer- 
 ring to Hayti, we need only direct attention to a preceding table}: as 
 an Index of its industry, and to our second lecture|| for a correct view 
 of its social and moral condition. The other French colonies, in nine 
 months of their first year of freedom, have diminished their exports 
 of sugar, nearly 72,000,000 lbs.§ 
 
 The British West Indies, it may safely be said, have a free popu- 
 lation whose industry cannot be made to compete with even an equal 
 amount of slave labor. In addition to the extensive array of facts 
 
 • Present Part, p. 112. „ ,. 
 
 t Tenth Report of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. We add 
 for Texas only 22,000, and estimate the other States up to 1850, at 3 per cent 
 pel annum, since 1840. But Texas has at least 40,000. 
 
 {Page 11 || Pages 42, 43. $ Present Part, p. 115. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor 149 
 
 submitted in the present and former lectures, the public have recently 
 been supplied with much new and important information from Ja- 
 maica, by Mr. Bigelow, one of the editors of the New York Evening 
 Post, a leading Anti-Slavery paper. 
 
 This gentleman has recently visited Jamaica, and made a careful 
 examination of its condition. He represents industry as at the lowest 
 ebb; and that the downward tendencies of the island cannot be more 
 rapid than at present. A degrading estimate is put upon labor, and a 
 white man is never seen at work, upon the estates. The blacks, 
 " with the average sequence of negro logic, infer that if gentlemen 
 never work, they have only to abstain from work to be gentlemen." 
 In the city of Kingston, he says, one looks and listens in vain for 
 the noise of carts and the bustle of busy men ; no one seems to be in 
 a hurry ; but few are doing anything ; while the mass of the popula- 
 tion are lounging about in idleness and rags. Nor is there any present 
 Itope that these habits of indolence will be abandoned ; because there 
 is absolutely nothing to stimulate the majority of the people to in- 
 dustry and to efforts for intellectual and moral advancement. The 
 greater portion of the lands under cultivation is held by owners of 
 immense estates, and but little encouragement is extended to the people 
 to cultivate small tracts, because this policy would draw off the labor 
 from the sugar estates. The property qualification of voters is fixed 
 so high as to exclude the mass of the people from any participation in 
 the government of the island, or in the enactment of the laws that are to 
 control them. Out of a population in Jamaica, of 400,000, of whom 
 16,000 are white, the average vote of the island has never exceeded 
 3,000. The center of legislative control is in London, and the mem- 
 bers of the colonial legislature are mere shadows, destitute of the vital 
 funcuons of legislators. The veto power of the governor, who is ap- 
 pointed by the Queen, enables him practically to control all legisla- 
 tion. The enormous property qualification required to make a man 
 eligible to a seat in the legislature, excludes all but the landholders 
 from that body. By this arrangement all the energies of legislation 
 are exerted to promote the growth and sale of sugar and rum. In ad- 
 dition to other depressing influences, young men of moderate means, 
 <>r who are poor, cannot reach the profession of the law, because none 
 ran practice at the bar except such as have pursued their studies in 
 England, and been admitted there. So little do those who control 
 public affairs, comprehend the principles of human action, that though 
 wages are only 18f to 25 cents a day, (the laborer boarding himself,) 
 the planters all imagine that a reduction of wages is essential to the 
 revival of agricultural prosperity. 
 
 Such are the disadvantages under which these poor, oppressed 
 ifricans labor in the West Indies, and such the utter hopelessness 
 ol theii being able to make much progress, that, next to their brethren 
 yet in slavery, they demand, and should receive, the sympathies of 
 the christian world. 
 
 It would have been difficult to convince the world, that such utter 
 rum, as has occurred in Jamaica, could have been produced by any 
 
150 Present Relations of Free Lobor to Slave Labor. 
 
 course of legislation. But Mr. Bigelow reveals facts upon this sub 
 ject that are truly astounding. He says : 
 
 "Since 1832, out of the six hundred and fifty-three sugar estates 
 then in cultivation more than one hundred and fifty have been aban- 
 doned and broken up. This has thrown out of cultivation over 200,- 
 000 acres of rich land, which, in 1832, gave employment to about 
 30,000 laborers, and yielded over 25,600,000 lbs. of sugar, and over 
 6,000 puncheons of rum. During the same period, over five hun- 
 dred co (lee plantations have also been abandoned and their works 
 broken up. This threw out of cultivation over 200,000 acres more of 
 land, which in 1832 required the labor of over 30,000 men." 
 
 An estate formerly selling for $90,000, in 1845, sold for $5,000. 
 Another, which once cost an equal sum, has been offered by its 
 present owners for $7,500, and finding no purchaser, was abandoned. 
 A multitude of such cases are embraced in Mr. Bigelow's letters, 
 showing a general prostration of the commercial interests of the 
 island. That an over-crowding of population can have no influence 
 in checking the prosperity of Jamaica, is proved by the fact, that out 
 of her 4,000,000 acres of land, all being of the most fertile kind, not 
 over 500,000 acres have been brought under cultivation, or even 
 appropriated. 
 
 The low state of civilization, leaves the population of the British 
 West Indies with few wants. It is asserted that the people of these 
 islands are enabled to live in comfort, and acquire wealth, without, 
 for the most part, laboring on the estates of the planters, for more than 
 three or four days in the week, and from five to seven hours in the 
 day, so that they have no stimulant to perform an adequate amount 
 of labor.* 
 
 This condition of things puts it out of the power of the planters to 
 produce sugar for less than £20 per ton, on the average, while the 
 cost in slave countries is only £12t per ton. 
 
 This discloses the fact that the planters of Cuba, employing slave 
 labor, can manufacture sugar for £8 the ton less than those of Jamaica 
 can produce it by free labor. As one of the immediate results of this 
 condition of things, it was asserted in 1848, that " the great influx of 
 slave-grown produce into the English markets has, in the short space 
 of six months, reduced the value of sugar from £'26 to £14 per ton ; 
 while, under ordinary circumstances of soil and season, the cost to us 
 of placing it in the market is not less than £20 per ton. "J 
 
 It is well, here, to explain why it is that the duties on foreign 
 sugar afford no real protection to the English West India planter. 
 
 "The slave sugars are all so much better manufactured, which the 
 great command of labor enables them to do, that, to the refiner, they 
 are intrinsically worth more than ours. In short, they prepare their 
 sugars, whereas we cannot do so, and we pay duty at the same rate 
 on an article which contains a quantity of molasses. So that, if the 
 
 « Blackwood's Mag. 1848. p. 227. + lb. p. 230. 
 
 X Blackwood's Mag. 1648, p. 230. Resolutions of a meeting at St. David'*. 
 Jamaica. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 151 
 
 duties were equalized, there would virtually be a bonus on the 
 importation of foreign sugar. The refiners estimate the value of 
 Havanna, in comparison with West India free sugar, as from three to 
 five shillings per cwt. better in point of color and strength. The 
 reason is, that these sugars are partially refined or clayed."* 
 
 The relation in which foreign sugars stand to colonial, in the mar- 
 kets of England, taking into account the protective duties, will be 
 clearly seen by the following statement of the cost of production of 
 each, with the duties added, and an allowance made for the extra 
 value of the Cuban sugar over that of the English colonies, taking the 
 period from July. 1850 to July, 1851 : 
 
 British Muscovado costs planters per ton, £20 00s. 
 
 Duty on do. per ton, 11 00 
 
 Total cost in market, £31 00s. 
 
 Cuban Muscovado, do. per ton £12 00s. 
 
 Duty, per ton, 15 10 27 10 
 
 Balance in favor Cuban planter, 3 10s 
 
 Add extra value of Cuban sugar, £4 per ton, 4 00 
 
 Slave labor advantage over free labor, £7 10s. 
 
 By reference to the table of duties, on a preceding page, it will be 
 seen that if the present relations of the cost of production shall be 
 maintained, when the duties become equalized, slave labor will have 
 an advantage in the English market, if no change occurs in the duties, 
 of £12 the ton.t The duty on both kinds will be, in 1854, 10s. the 
 cwt. or £10 the ton, and the extra value of Cuban sugar being the 
 same, the profits of the slave labor sugar will be £12 the ton as above 
 stated, viz : 
 
 Cost of production of free labor, per ton, £20 00s. 
 
 Duty on do. per ton, 10 00 
 
 Cost in market to planter, £30 00s. 
 
 Cost of slave labor, do £12 00s. 
 
 Duty on do., 10 00 22 00 
 
 Surplus profit of slave labor, S 00s. 
 
 Extra value of do., 4 00 
 
 To f al excess of profit to slaveholder, £12 00s. 
 
 Who cannot see that such advantages as the Cuban and Brazilian 
 slaveholders now possess, may enable them to banish free labor sugars 
 from the English markets ! But to gain a clear understanding of the 
 reason why the slaveholding planters of Cuba, Brazil, &c, can pro- 
 duce sugar at a cost so much lower than those of Jamaica, and other 
 free labor tropical countries, it is necessary again to call attention to 
 the difference in their ability to command labor. In the former 
 countries, not including the United States, the planters can command 
 
 * Blackwood's Mag. 1848, p. 23U. 
 
 t The estimates have been made for Muscovadoes only, and the expense of 
 freights not included. 
 
152 Presort delations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 the labor of a slave population of 4,100,000, while the latter have 
 only 1,657,000.* It must be noticed, also, that this slave population 
 is compelled, under the lash, to perform a full day's work every day 
 in the week, and that in crop time the labor is often extended to 
 eighteen hours per day ;t while the free men of Jamaica, &c, igno- 
 rant, depressed, and discouraged, by unequal laws, content themselves 
 with leisurely putting in from five to seven hours in the day, during 
 only three or four days of the week.J 
 
 We certainly need not add anything more in support of the propo- 
 sition, that free labor, under present circumstances, cannot compete 
 with slave labor in tropical cultivation, and that, therefore, christian 
 governments cannot escape from the necessity of consuming slave 
 labor products, except by calling into active service, on an extensive 
 scale, the free labor of countries not at present producing the com- 
 modities upon which slave labor is employed. 
 
 V. That Africa is the principal field where free labor can be made to 
 compete, successfully, with slave labor, in the production of 
 exportable tropical commodities. 
 
 To demonstrate the truth of this proposition it is demanded ; First, 
 that it be shown that the sod and climate of Africa are well adapted 
 to the production of Sugar, Coffee, and Cotton ; and Second, that the 
 natives can be successfully employed in their cultivation. 
 
 In relation to the first point, there is no longer any doubt among 
 intelligent men. Coffee, equal, if not superior, to that of Java or 
 Mocha, is raised in Liberia, and can be easily cultivated to any 
 extent. The shrub bears fruit thirty or forty years, each producing 
 ten pounds annually. Cotton, of a superior quality, yielding two 
 crops a year, is indigenous, and thrives twelve or fourteen years 
 without renewing the plant. Sugar Cane grows in unrivaled lux- 
 uriance; and, as there are no frosts to be dreaded, can be brought to 
 much greater perfection than in our Southern States.§ Other articles 
 of great value are raised in Liberia, but it is unnecessary to specify 
 them, or to enlarge this branch of our investigations; as Dr. J. IV. 
 Lugenbeel, late United States Agent, in Liberia, and Superintendent 
 of the Medical School of the Colony is publishing a series of essays 
 upon the subject. The Doctor resided five or six years in Africa, 
 and had an excellent opportunity for employing his eminent talents 
 to examine the Geography, the Productions, the Climate, as well as 
 the Diseases of the New Republic. His essays embrace all these 
 topics, and afford ample information, in relation to Liberia, for all 
 who wish to learn the facts. 
 
 On the second point much information has been collected, and it 
 is no longer doubted in Liberia, that the labor of natives can be made 
 available. The Colony numbers about 150,000 souls. || Ml 
 
 i am 
 
 * Present Part, p. 144. + Second Part, p. 92. 
 
 t Present Part, p. 146. $ African Repository, July, 1850 
 
 || President Roberts' message to Liberia Legislature, Dec, 1H49. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 153 
 
 of these natives are becoming industrious, by the example of the 
 colonists, and the desire to possess the comforts of civilized life. 
 Some are partially educated, and one, a few years ago, occupied a 
 seat in the Legislature. Many of them have married persons born 
 in the United States, and thereby become more identified with the 
 citizens of the Republic. The colonists, of ability, can secure, from 
 the natives, all the labor necessary, at very low wages. This is now 
 so well understood as to discourage those emigrants, from the United 
 States, who desire to go as day laborers. 
 
 Mr. Ed. J. Rove, a merchant of Monrovia, fully confirms this 
 statement, in a letter to Mr. W. H. Burnham, of Zanesville, Ohio. 
 He mentions it as the chief discouragement to emigrants dependent 
 upon labor for a subsistence, but adds, that many of the poor Ameri- 
 cans in the colony " are already turning their attention to farming, 
 which pays well." " To men of character, education, wealth, and 
 enterprise, nothing can be considered beyond their reach, and no 
 station, in the Republic, too high to be attained." * 
 
 At first view this seems disheartening to the poor colored man ; 
 but to discerning men, Liberia presents stronger claims on this 
 account. Mr. Roye's statement proves two things important to 
 Europe and America. 1. That native labor can be had cheap. 2. 
 That those emigrants who engage in agriculture, can do well. 
 
 What is most important to elevate and ennoble the poor emigrant, 
 is, to forget the days of his bondage, stand erect as a freeman, and 
 depend alone upon the strengtli of his own arm, and the blessing of 
 God. Cringing to others unmans him. To place him in circum- 
 stances which will force him to agricultural or mechanical pursuits, 
 is best calculated to create in his breast a feeling of manly indepen- 
 dence. And, God willing, this is what Colonizationists are determined 
 to do for the free colored people of the United States. 
 
 The desire to possess the commodities supplied by the commerce 
 of civilized nations is evidently much stronger in the people of 
 Africa, even where the influence of the Colonies is but little felt, 
 than in those of any other barbarous country. This desire has been 
 generated by the slave trade, and is the principal obstacle to its sup- 
 pression. Having no fruits of agricultural labor to offer for the arti- 
 cles they desire, slave hunts are made the means of procuring slaves 
 to give in exchange. And such is the strength with which this 
 desire for traffic with foreigners operates, and such their unwilling- 
 ness to be deprived of it, that in the late purchase of Gallinas, when 
 the chiefs sold their territory to President Roberts, they expressly 
 stipulated for the establishment of commerce upon a permanent basis. 
 They knew very well that the slave trade was to cease from that 
 moment, and, as an equivalent, demanded, not only a large sum of 
 money, but that commissioners should be immediately appointed " to 
 settle the wars in the country, (because wars will now no longer be 
 
 *This seems to have been prophetic language, as. since it was written, Mr. 
 Rove lias held a seat in the Legislature of Liberia, and been chosen Speaker of 
 the House of Representatives. 
 
154 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 useful when the captives taken cannot be sold,) and open the trades 
 in Camwood, Ivory, and Palm oil, with the interior tribes; and also to 
 settle among them, as soon as convenient, persons capable of instruct- 
 ing them in the arts of Husbandry."* 
 
 But can the native labor of Africa be made to compete with the 
 slave labor of other tropical countries, and supply the christian world 
 with that immense amount of coffee, sugar, and cotton, it now con- 
 sumes ? This is the great question. If the native be left, without 
 the aid of foreign intelligence, to develop his intellectual and moral 
 powers, he must remain fitted only for a life of slavery abroad, or of 
 savage indolence at home. But if the Republic of Liberia be sup- 
 plied with a sufficient number of industrious, intelligent, and moral 
 emigrants, to enable it to extend its settlements and its laws around 
 the coast, and into the interior, a few years only will elapse before 
 the natives, coming under the influence of civilization, will experi- 
 ence such an increase of wants as can be supplied only by industry. 
 What has already occurred in the present settlements of Liberia will 
 follow in all new ones, and a spirit of industry be awakened as far 
 and as rapidly as the colonization of the country shall be accomplished. 
 
 We have previously shownt that the stereotyped character of the 
 Pagan nations of Eastern Asia, renders it difficult to stimulate the 
 inhabitants to a much greater degree of industry than already exists, 
 and that such free labor cannot compete with slave labor. Why, 
 then, should we expect that the native labor of heathen Africa should 
 be more available, and made to compete with slave labor? The 
 answer to this question is obvious. Without the introduciion of 
 Christian civilization, neither of them can progress. But the hum- 
 ble African yields more readily to the instruction of the Christian 
 missionary than the proud Asiatic. The hope of Africa's earlier 
 civilization is, therefore, daily brightening, and the probability of 
 exciting its inhabitants to industry becoming more certain. 
 
 We close this part of the inquiry by a quotation from the Annual 
 Report of the American Missionary Association, for 1849, which not 
 only affords an explanation of the causes that make Asia less acces- 
 sible to the Gospel than Africa, but supplies additional testimony in 
 regard to the adaptation of the soil of Africa to the product ion of 
 sugar and cotton. This mission had its origin in the liberation, and 
 return to Africa, of the Jlmistad slaves. It is located at Kaw-Mendi, 
 on the Western coast of Africa, some distance from the sea, and lies 
 between Sierra Leone and Liberia. The Rev. Mr. Thompson, once 
 imprisoned in the Penitentiary of the State of Missouri, for aiding 
 slaves to escape from their masters, is now at the head of this mis- 
 sion. This testimony is valuable, coming, as it does, from Aboli- 
 tionists, from whom colonization in Africa has leceived but little 
 countenance. The Report says : 
 
 " The sugar cane and cotton grow well in that country, and if 
 American Christians could send out business men, who could teach 
 
 • Lt-ttcr of President Roberts, May 17, 1850. t Page 121. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 155 
 
 natives the manufacture of sugar, and the best method of raising 
 cotton, it would contribute much to the overthrow of slavery, and 
 facilitate the progress of the gospel. The mission makes earnest 
 appeals for such assistance." The Report also says, that " Africa 
 presents some peculiar advantages for missionary work, and some 
 strong- claims upon American christians for help." It sums them up 
 as follows : 
 
 " 1. That country is nearer to us than any other foreign mis- 
 sionary field. 
 
 " 2. The country is apparently open to us, and its governments 
 will offer no serious opposition to our entering any part of it. 
 
 " 3. The people see and appreciate the superiority of men in civil- 
 ized life, and desire the cultivation which will raise them 10 ine same 
 grade. 
 
 " 4. There is there, no hoary and venerated system of supersti- 
 tion, inwrought into the forms of society, and presenting at every 
 point opposition to change. 
 
 "A reason more powerful, perhaps, than any other, to induce us to 
 engage in this work, is the deep degradation of Africa, superinduced by 
 the slave trade, in which Americans have taken so prominent a part." 
 
 Much additional testimony on this subject might be presented, but 
 time will not permit. We shall, therefore, close our discussion of 
 this proposition with a brief statement of the main facts by which its 
 truth is sustained. 
 
 Could England and the United States be induced to engage ener- 
 getically, to promote the growth of coffee, sugar, and cotton, in Africa, 
 they would gain an immense advantage over the planters of Cuba 
 and Brazil, and be able to strike an efficient blow at the slave trade 
 and slavery. What are the facts ? 
 
 For every 300 men made available, by the slave trade, to the 
 Cuban and Brazillian planters, Africa loses 1,000;* or the proportion 
 may be stated as three to ten. In the transfer of the three to Cuba 
 and Brazil, their constitutions are impaired by the " middle passage," 
 and in seven years they sink beneath the oppressive labor to which 
 they are subjected. Their places must be supplied, at least every 
 seven years, by three others from Africa, subjecting her to the loss of 
 another ten. At every point in Africa, occupied by a colony, the 
 slave trade is at once excluded, and its agents are driven to other 
 points to secure their victims. This will leave, at the places occu- 
 pied, the whole ten men who had formerly been sacrificed to supply 
 three to the Cuban planters. 
 
 Now, though the industry of the native African should fall far 
 below the standard of the ever-active and enterprising Jinglo Saxon; 
 yet a little consideration will enable us to perceive that, under the 
 circumstances, the native population of Africa will be able, not only 
 to compete with the staves of Cuba and Brazil, but will constitute the 
 only reliable force for the suppression of the slave trade. 
 
 * Buxton, see Lecture First, p. 8. 
 
156 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 The maximum of labor required of the three slaves in Cub?, is 
 eighteen hours a day.* By preventing the transfer of these three 
 men, we shall have ten to employ in Africa. If these ten men can 
 be induced to labor only Jive hours and a half per day, the product 
 will more than equal that of the three in Cuba. The case would 
 stand thus : 
 
 3 slaves in Cuba, laboring 18 hours per day = 54 hours. 
 10 freemen in Africa " 5^ " " =55 " 
 
 The ten men in Africa, laboring but 5^ hours per day, would, there- 
 fore, be able to compete with the three in Cuba or Brazil. 
 
 The reason that Jamaica, or any of the other free labor colonies, 
 cannot compete with Cuba, Brazil, &c, is, that the freemen of the 
 former, either from indolent habits, or from attention to cultivating 
 their own small tracts of land, or from being engaged in other pur- 
 suits, do not choose to labor for the sugar planters more than from 
 Jive to seven hours a day, and from three to four days in the week.\ 
 It is not asserted, that while engaged, the free laborer does not per- 
 form as much work as a slave. The difficulty in Jamaica is, that the 
 planters, out of the free population, cannot find men enough, to put 
 in as many hours labor, as those of Cuba, by a free use of the whip, 
 are able to obtain from their slaves. Laboring so irregularly, even 
 were their numbers equal, it would be impossible for the 1,657,000 
 colored freemen of the Western Hemisphere to compete with the 
 7,657,000 slaves which it includes. J The difficulty in making the 
 free labor of the British and French West Indies compete with the 
 slave labor of Cuba and Brazil, arises, therefore, from the want of an 
 equal number of hands willing to perform an equal amount of labor 
 at an equal cost. The American Colonization Society has discovered 
 that this discrepancy can be remedied by a direct attention to Africa, 
 which shall call into activity, as free laborers, its 160,000,000 of 
 people, as rivals, in tropical cultivation, to the before mentioned 7,657,- 
 000 slaves. But to obtain a clear conception of the economical 
 advantages of employing the people of Africa upon their own soil, 
 over that of transporting them to Cuba and Brazil, it must be recol- 
 lected, that as soon as the ten men in Africa could be persuaded to 
 labor ten hours a day, they would double the products of the three 
 in Cuba. It must also be remembered, that the ten, remaining in 
 their native climate, and belonging to a race of the greatest long- 
 eiity known, could be relied upon as regular laborers, for a much 
 longer period than the three enfeebled and overworked slaves of 
 Cuba. This remark applies equally to the whole African population. 
 Under these circumstances, it is certain that the free labor of Africa, 
 tinder proper regulations and stimulants, can be made to compete with 
 the slave labor of Brazil and the Spanish Colonies. 
 
 But there is another fact, of much importance, to be considered. 
 
 • Sec Part Second, p. 92. + Present Part, p. 146. 
 
 X Present Part, p. 143 to 147. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 157 
 
 Jl'nn'nnn P°P u,ation L of Bra ^ and the Spanish Colonies, numbering 
 4,100 000, or more than one half of the whole number in the West- 
 ern Hemisphere, is maintained alone by the slave trade. Destroy 
 this trade, and their plantations would dwindle into insignificance, or 
 become ext.nct. From the rapid mortality of the imported slaves, 
 these plantations require restocking from Africa every seven years. 
 Cut oft this supply, and Cuba and Brazil would at once be rendered 
 incapable of flooding the markets with cheap slave labor products, to 
 the exclusion of free labor commodities. 
 
 We have seen that the exports from the British West Indies began 
 to decline from the prohibition of the slave trade, in 1808, and reached 
 their minimum since the emancipation in 1838.* The diminution 
 of the exports of coffee and sugar from the British and French West 
 Indies, from the periods above stated, tended to increase slavery and 
 encourage the slave trade.t The constantly increasing demand for 
 these products must be supplied. Cuba and Brazil endeavored by 
 increasing their number of slaves, to supply the deficiency. This 
 extended the slave trade, and it has continued to increase, with two 
 or three slight variations, until the present moment. J Interrupt the 
 kidnapping of slaves from Africa, and no new field can be found to 
 supply the market. Hence, to destroy the slave trade, would directly 
 diminish the exports of sugar and coffee from Cuba and Brazil 
 
 But if these prolific fountains are dried up, how is the continually 
 increasing demand for these products to be supplied ? How are the 
 United States, England, and the Continent of Europe to be furnished 
 with these indispensable articles ? Africa seems to furnish the only 
 hope. Let England, France, and the United States, make a united 
 effort to extend the benefits of Christian civilization, not only around 
 the coast, but into the heart of this hitherto benighted portion of the 
 earth, and the most cheering results might be anticipated. Let ac- 
 cumulated wealth pour her exhaustless treasures in the lap of the 
 Colonization Society, enabling it to send out to Africa multitudes of 
 civilized and enlightened men, to diffuse intelligence and freedom 
 along the shores of its rivers, and over its mountains and plains' 
 Let England, with her commerce, her wealth, her public spirit, and 
 her Christianity, exert her powerful influences in extending her com- 
 merce, her enterprise, and her civilization, among the natives of this 
 extensive continent ! Let France unite her energies in these im- 
 portant efforts, and soon Africa, free and prosperous, might almost 
 supply the world with the products to which we have referred. 
 
 From the facts before stated, it is evident that the free labor of the 
 West Indies is powerless for the suppression of the slave trade. It 
 furnishes but a limited supply of coffee and sugar, and cannot lessen 
 the immense demand for these products, which gives to that trade its 
 profitable character. These products are of prime necessity and im- 
 portance to the Christian wor ld; and, while such a large proportion 
 
 * Present Part, p. 128. + See p. 133 to 140, present Part. 
 
 X Present Part, p. 135. 
 
158 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 of them are produced by Cuba and Brazil, we are compelled to up 
 hold slavery and the slave trade by their consumption. But establish 
 their cultivation and supply, by free labor, upon a permanent basis, 
 and we shall ere long be released from this dire necessity. Africa 
 presents the principal, if not the only field, where all the means of 
 thus extensively cultivating sugar, coffee, and cotton, by free labor, 
 can be commanded, and from which the great markets of the world 
 can be successfully supplied. The reasons for this opinion may be 
 thus stated : 
 
 If the products of free labor can be increased, they wdl displace an 
 equal amount of the products of slave labor. This will diminish the 
 demand for slaves, and, consequently, lessen the extent of the slave 
 trade. But the hands now employed in free labor cannot, to any 
 great degree, increase their products, even at the present cost, and 
 things must remain as they now are until additional free labor is else- 
 where employed. These additional laborers, willing to work for 
 low wages, can only be found in sufficient numbers among the teeming 
 population of Africa.* 
 
 Africa, then, is the field, and its 160,000,000 of men must supply 
 the laborers necessary to accomplish this great work. The increasing 
 demand for sugar and coffee has placed the wants and interests of 
 Christendom in opposition to the destruction of the slave trade. 
 Cuba and Brazil furnish these great staples for the market, by slaves, 
 as we have seen, brought from Africa. Hence, the Christian world, 
 by consuming these products, have indirectly sustained both slavery 
 and this abominable traffic. But let ample plantations be opened and 
 cultivated in Africa, sufficient to supply the market, and you have 
 removed the grand obstacle to the entire destruction of this trade in 
 
 blood. 
 
 To accomplish an object so desirable, more extensive plans must 
 be devised ; the Colonization Society must enlarge the sphere of its 
 operations, the number and character of emigrants must be increased, 
 and a universal effort put forth, commensurate with the great object 
 to be accomplished. 
 
 But the direct suppression of the slave trade, as a preliminary step 
 in the progress of African redemption, is impossible. The combined 
 efforts of Christendom, in a forty years' struggle, have failed even in 
 checking this enormous outrage upon humanity. It may be circum- 
 scribed, diminished, and partially suppressed, but it must depend, for 
 its final destruction, upon the political regeneration, together with the 
 intellectual elevation and moral redemption of the entire continent. 
 
 The alternative seems already forced upon Christendom, either to 
 encourage slavery and the slave trade, by continuing to consume the 
 produce of Brazil and Cuba, or to set about speedily accomplishing 
 the civilization of Africa. 
 
 * The cultivation of cotton has been commenced at the British Colony of 
 Port Natal, in S. E. Africa, says the London Economist, and the labor of the 
 Zooloos can be had at ten shillings the month. The wages of native laborers is 
 about the same at Liberia. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 159 
 
 The peat theater, then, upon which the battle between free labor 
 and slat* ubor is to be fought, is in Africa; and colonization is the 
 all-poten, .gent which is to marshal the free labor forces, and lead 
 foem or, to victory. But this warfare, unlike all preceding contests, 
 is one literally demanding that every sword shall be bea'en into 
 a plowshare, and every spear into a pruning/wok. In this cam feaiffri, 
 tilling the soil, and not slaying men, is the duty required; and The 
 advantages are so decidedly with free labor, that ultimate success is 
 certain. Each industrious emigrant to an African colony, will more 
 than equal a dozen slaves laboring elsewhere. His example and his 
 influence, acting upon the native population, will excite to industry a 
 dozen, or twenty, or a hundred more; and these, again, will exert an 
 influence upon others, and so on indefinitely. 
 
 Who can doubt, under such circumstances, that Africa, with its 
 multitudinous population, is the field where free labor may be made 
 successfully to compete with slave labor, in the productions to which 
 we have so often referred, and that the Colonization Society is the 
 medium through which, in the Providence of God, the slave trade is 
 to be finally destroyed ? 
 
 VI. That there are moral forces and commercial considerations 
 now in operation, which will, necessarily, impel christian govern- 
 ments to exert their influence for the civilization of Africa, and the 
 promotion of the prosperity of the Republic of Liberia, as tie 
 principal agency in this great work, and that in these facts lies our 
 encouragement to persevere in our colonization efforts. 
 
 This proposition opens up a wide field of discussion, but in its 
 consideration we must be brief. 
 
 There have been moral forces acting upon England and the Uni- 
 ted States, for many years past, to such an extent that these govern- 
 ments have been driven to the adoption of energetic measures for 
 ameliorating the condition of the people of Africa. Much has been 
 done in these efforts, and much more remains to be done. In the 
 United States, 460,000 colored people have obtained their freedom 
 and in the English Colonies nearly 800,000 rejoice in being released 
 from bondage. The slave trade has been prohibited, declared piracy, 
 and costly efforts for its suppression long prosecuted. But though 
 the measures devised, for the relief of the African race, by these 
 governments, have failed in the accomplishment of all the good anti- 
 cipated, and in some respects, most sadly failed ; vet these moral 
 Jorces have lost none of their power, but are still propelling the two 
 nations onward to the final accomplishment of the great work of 
 Africa's redemption from barbarism. During the course of these 
 efforts much light has been thrown on this subject, and it is believed 
 that, through the agency of the Colonization Society, the proper 
 principles have been developed by which the suppression of the slave 
 trade and the civilization of Africa may be effected. 
 In making this declaration, we do not intend to claim more of 
 
160 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 wisdom and philanthropy for the United States than for England. The 
 difference in the character of the measures adopted, and the difference 
 in the results attained, have been caused by the difference in the 
 circumstances of the people of the two countries. Fifty years ago 
 the English people looked to the Crown and Parliament, to execute 
 almost every enterprise of a religious or benevolent character. That 
 government, like all others, in all its movements, has to consider well 
 the promotion of its own interests. To adopt any other rule of 
 action, is deliberately to aim at self-destruction. The danger, then, 
 with nations, as with individuals, when suffering humanity makes its 
 appeal, is that the measures adopted for relief, may include more 
 of the sel/ish than of the benevolent principle, and failure, or only 
 partial success, attend the efforts made. 
 
 When the moral forces directed against the slave trade and slavery, 
 by the people of England, reached the government in sufficient power 
 to compel it to action, that great leading interest of the British nation, 
 the commercial element, became too closely blended with the benev- 
 olent, and the policy adopted proved to be too narrow to remove the 
 evils sought to be destroyed. 
 
 In the United States, the moral forces commenced their opera- 
 tions at a very early period, and our independence had scarcely been 
 attained, when the government enacted iis laws for prohibiting the 
 slave trade, and declared it piracy.* Since that period, they have 
 acted with less force upon the government, and nearly all subsequent 
 efforts have either been by a few of the States, separately, or by the 
 people. This course of action seems more in accordance with, and 
 necessarily to grow out of, the spirit of our free institutions. While 
 the government suppresses great public evils, and oversees the civil 
 and military affairs of the nation, it only protects citizens in all their 
 benevolent enterprises and religious interests, but never undertakes to 
 conduct or control these movements for the people. The people, 
 therefore, do not depend upon the government to conduct such affairs, 
 but execute, freely, their own purposes, in accordance with their 
 own peculiar views. The efforts of our people, in behalf of the 
 African race, have been conducted by associations of individuals, 
 and, consequently, the schemes adopted have borne the impress of 
 the minds that conceived and conducted them. This has been em- 
 phatically true of the American Colonization Society. Individual or 
 governmental interests being in no way involved in this enterprise, 
 and it being, in its origin, chiefly under the control of christian men, 
 it took the broadest possible ground that christian philanthropy dic- 
 tated, and thus a scheme was devised broad enough to accomplish the 
 destruction of the slave trade, and the work of Africa's redemption. 
 The religious element predominated in its organization, and the 
 commercial was excluded. 
 
 Had this work been undertaken by our government, it would, no 
 doubt, have adopted the policy of England, and made the colony in 
 
 *• See Tarts First aud Second. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 161 
 
 Africa subservient to the interests of the parent country. Such, it 
 must be expected, would have been the action of all governments in 
 like cases. But the Colonization Society, originating solely in chrir, 
 tian benevolence, has only sought the welfare of the African people, 
 and aimed at creating for them an independent government, to be 
 conducted wholly by themselves. In this it has succeeded ; and not 
 hi this only, but it has developed a practical plan for the suppression 
 of the slave trade, in the success of which all the nations are equally 
 interested, and all may equally cooperate. 
 
 This view of the tendency of colonization in Africa, is now 
 generally entertained. Besides many other authorities of the highest 
 order, it is very fully admitted by a commitiee of the British Parlia- 
 ment, in a recent Report on the Slave Trade. The committee first 
 show that England's long-cherished plan of an armed repression of 
 the slave trade — costing her one hundred and forty millions of dol- 
 lars, and hundreds of the lives of her subjects — had failed in its 
 object, and that no modification in the system can be expected to 
 succeed, and then close with the following testimony to the system of 
 colonization, as the most effective mode of destroying that traffic : 
 
 "Your committee entertain the hope, that the internal improve- 
 ment and civilization of Africa will be one of the most effective 
 means of checking the slave trade, and for this purpose, that the 
 instruction of the natives by missionary labors, by education, and by 
 all other practical efforts, and the extension of legitimate commerce, 
 ought to be encouraged wherever the influence of England can be 
 directed, and especially where it has already been beneficially 
 exerted."* 
 
 This, then, is the position, in reference to the African question, 
 into which we have been conducted by the operation of the morcu 
 forces upon England and the United States. Our scheme of Coloni- 
 zation, being wholly independent of national interests, except what 
 are common to all; and including within itself all the elements 
 necessary to secure the civilization of Africa and the destruction of 
 the slave trade ; now receives the approbation of the philanthropists 
 of both countries, and secures to the Republic of Liberia, from the 
 government of England, that countenance and aid which is the surest 
 guarantee of its rising importance in the benevolent work of African 
 regeneration. If, therefore, Colonization can receive sufficient aid to 
 develop, fully, the elements of its organization, a speedy consum- 
 mation of the great work it has in view may be anticipated. 
 
 From whence, then, are the additional aids to come, which, added 
 to the moral forces in operation, shall propel, with sufficient rapidity, 
 this great work of African civilization, and free the world from the 
 reproach and the curse of the slave trade ? They exist, principally, 
 it is believed, in the commercial considerations which begin to 
 demand, most imperiously, that the rich lands of tropical Africa shall 
 De brought under cultivation, and made to yield to commerce those 
 
 * North British Review, August, 1849, p. 255. 
 11 
 
162 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 articles, which free labor and slave labor, both combined, are now 
 incapable of furnishing, in adequate quantities, from the fields at 
 present cultivated. 
 
 The mural forces, though acting with much energy, and in other 
 respects, doing much good, have been unable to destroy the slave 
 trade, because ot the counteracting influence of the commercial con- 
 siderations enlisted in its behalf. But the wants of commerce are 
 beginning to demand the execution of the plans which the moral 
 forces alone could not perform. Then, as the two great elements of 
 success now coincide, it seems that their influence must be irresisti- 
 ble, and the effect certain. The moral forces must continue to exert 
 their full effect, because they cannot become quiescent, while the 
 Christian world is dependent upon slave labor annually,* 
 
 For cotton, to the amount of . . . . 1,101,330,800 pounds. 
 For coffee, to the amount of ... . 338,240,000 " 
 
 For sugar, at least 1,220,000,000 " 
 
 and largely for many other articles of prime necessity. That com- 
 mercial considerations are beginning to act, in the direction of 
 African amelioration, with much urgency, is easily shown. The 
 increased production of coffee and cotton, throughout the world, is 
 by no means keeping pace with their increased consumption. In 
 former years, there was often a large stock of coffee remaining on 
 hand at "the close of each year. But latterly the increased consump- 
 tion has been so rapid that it has gained on the production, and left a 
 greatly diminished stock at the year's end. The deficit of coffee in 
 the markets for 1849 advanced the price very largely, and the supply 
 for the present year, as estimated by the most competent authorities,! 
 will be 70,000,000 pounds below the present knoim consumption of 
 Europe and the United States. 
 
 The extensive range of statistics which have been presented, in 
 relation to the production of cotton, have been mostly taken from the 
 London Economist, for January 1850; and we must allow us able 
 editor to sum up the results of his elaborate investigations.:]: He 
 says : § 
 
 " Now, bearing in mind that the figures in the above tables arc, 
 with scarcely an exception, ascertained facts, and not estimates, let 
 us sum the conclusions to which they have conducted us ; conclu- 
 sions sufficient, if not to alarm us, yet certainly to create much 
 uneasiness, and to suggest great caution on the part of all concerned, 
 directly or indirectly, in the great manufacture of England. 
 
 " 1 'That our supply of (.otton from all quarters, (excluding the 
 United States,) has for many years been decidedly, though irregularly, 
 
 "2. That our supply of eotlon/rom all quarters, (including the 
 
 United States,) available for home consumption, has of late years 
 
 « See Pn senl Part, p. 133. t Hunt's Merchant's Magazine, Aug. 1S50. 
 
 J Page L38. $ The italics are his own. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 163 
 
 been falling off at the rate of 400,000 pounds a week, while our con- 
 ! U "K" has b f » ^creasing during the same period at the rate of 
 l,4itJ,000 pounds a week. 
 
 "3. That the United States is the only country where the growth 
 of cotton is on the increase ; and that there even the increase does 
 not on an average exceed 3 per cent, or 32,000,000 pounds annually, 
 which is barely sufficient to supply the increasing demand for its 
 own consumption, and for the continent of Europe. 
 
 "4. That no stimulus of price can materially augment this annual 
 increase, as the planters always grow as much cotton as the narro 
 population can pick. to 
 
 "5. That, consequently, if the cotton manufacture of Great Bri- 
 tain is to increase at all— on its present footing—it can only be 
 enabled to do so by applying a great stimulus to the growth of cot- 
 ton in other countries adapted for the culture."* 
 
 The writer also presents the following historical sketch of the 
 cotton trade of England, and closes with a statement of the reason 
 why other countries have diminished their production of cotton 
 It will be seen that it is due to the fact, that they are unable to com- 
 pete with the United States in its production. We can supply the 
 markets so much cheaper than they are able to do, that our cotton is 
 driving theirs from the English market. The writer says : 
 
 " Within the memory of many now living, a great change has 
 taken place in the countries from which our main bulk of cotton is 
 procured. In the infancy of our manufacture our chief supply came 
 from the Mediterranean, especially from Smyrna and Malta. Neither 
 of these places now sends us more than a few chance bags occasion- 
 ally. In the last century the West Indies were our principal source 
 In the year 1786, out of 20,000,000 pounds imported, 5,000,000 
 came from Smyrna, and the rest from the West Indies. In 1848 the 
 West Indies sent us only 1,300 bales, (520,000 pounds.) In 1781 
 Brazil began to send us cotton, and the supply thence continued to 
 increase, though irregularly, till 1830, since which time it has fallen 
 off to one half. About 1822, Egyptian cotton began to come in 
 considerable quantities; its cultivation having been introduced into 
 that country two years before. The import exceeded 80,000 bales 
 (32,000,000 pounds,) in 1845. The average of the last three years 
 has not been a third of that quantity. Cotton has alwavs "been 
 grown largely in Hindostan, but it did not send much to England till 
 about thirty years ago. In the five years, ending in 1824, the yearly 
 average import was 33,000 bales; in 1841 it reached 274,000; and 
 may now be roughly estimated at 200,000 bales a year, (80,000,000 
 pounds.) v 
 
 " Now what is the reason why these countries, after having at one 
 time produced so largely and so well, should have ceased or curtailed 
 
 jm ha l u°l C °F ied "L 1 the tables of fi " llres from which ^ese opinions have 
 d en lormed, but only such as were needed in our argument. 
 
164 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 their growth within recent years ? It is clearly a question of price. 
 Let us consider a few of the cases : 
 
 At the close of the years. 
 
 Lowest 
 price of 
 Pernambuco, 
 
 Fall 
 
 per 
 cent. 
 
 Lowest 
 
 price of 
 
 Maranham 
 
 Fall i Lowest 
 per J price of 
 cent. Egyptian. 
 
 Fall Lowest 
 per price of 
 cent. Surat. 
 
 Fall 
 
 per 
 
 cent. 
 
 1H36-1839 inclusive 
 1840 1843 
 
 $\d 
 
 Id 
 
 bid 
 
 36 " 
 
 8id 
 bid 
 A\d 
 
 .... md 
 
 .... Id 
 42 1 bid 
 
 .... 4§d 
 .... 3.W 
 43 1 2|d 
 
 
 1844-1848 
 
 40 
 
 "Here, surely, may be read the explanation of the deplorable fall- 
 ing off in our miscellaneous supply." 
 
 From these facts, thus clearly stated by the Economist, and which 
 can be supported from many other authorities, it is plain that there 
 are at least two commodities, Coffee and Cotton, which are not. sup- 
 plied in adequate quantities, even by the combined efforts of both free 
 and slave labor; nor can the commercial demand, especially for cot- 
 ton, be met but by an extension of its cultivation to other countries 
 not engaged in its production. 
 
 Cotton, is so essential to England, that she must have a supply 
 upon which she can depend. A short crop in the United States, 
 like that of 1847, or the occurrence of any event which would di- 
 minish our production to any extent, would affect the commercial 
 and manufacturing interests of Great Britian most seriously— so 
 seriously, indeed, that, as a wise government, she is bound to protect 
 herself against such a contingency. The truth of this assertion is 
 made apparent, at once, on taking a view of the value of her exports 
 of cotton goods, as compared with those of her other manufactures. 
 
 Exports of Cotton Goods, by England, in the years stated 
 1834* value . $102,507,930 1837* value . $102,940 
 1835* " . . 110,408,665 1848t " . 
 1836* " • . • 153,014,560 1849t " ■ 
 
 Woollen Goods. 
 1848t value . $32,554,815 | 1849t value . $42,096,650 
 
 Silk Manufactures. 
 1848t value . $2,940,585 | 1849t value . $5,001,785 
 
 IAnen Manufactures. 
 1848t value . $16,481,190 | 1849t value . $20,517,215 
 
 Truly, her Cotton Manufactures is the right arm of England, be- 
 cause it is the principal element in sustaining her commerce. This 
 great leading interest, then, she will never consent to sacrifice. But 
 it is now threatened with an insufficient supply of the raw material. 
 The efforts to extend the cultivation of cotton in India, by native labor, 
 have been abortive ; that for introducing it into the heart of Africa, by 
 the agency of white men, at the time of the Niger expedition, proved 
 disastrous ; and the British government is now anxiously looking 
 
 •M'Cullough, vol. 1, p. 054. tLondon Economist, Feb. 1850, p. 196. 
 
 $102,940,410 
 114,406,000 
 139,453,970 
 
Present delations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 165 
 
 abroad for the means of placing its cotton manufactures in a condition 
 of greater security. The diminishing production in all other countries, 
 but ours, is alarming to her, when she considers that the increased 
 production in the United States, has been, and will probably continue 
 to be, only equal to the increase of the slave population— viz : 3 per 
 cent per annum*— and that this increased production is all required 
 by the increased demand consequent upon the multiplication of 
 spindles and looms in the United States and on the Continent of 
 Europe. It must also be noticed, that the demand for cotton fabrics 
 is increasing id proportion to the increase of wealth and the extension 
 of civilization. Without an increased supply of the raw material, 
 Ureal Britain, therefore, cannot participate in the advantages of this 
 increasing demand, and must suffer los s. This is a position she will 
 
 *At a subsequent date, from that before quoted, the London Economist 
 prompted by the suggestions of many English friends, resumed the consideration 
 
 Tin £% J t T, , 16 /T bable iUC TT e ° f the ratio of cotton Production in the 
 United States It had been urged, that by the transfer of the slave population 
 from other districts and other pursuits to that of cotton, the ratio of increase 
 might be augmented so that the production in the United States should be made 
 to equal the increasing consumption. But the conclusion arrived at is adverse 
 to this view, and his opinion strengthened that the United States cannot meet 
 the growing demands of commerce. 
 
 But there is one consideration which the Economist has overlooked, and which 
 seems to have been but seldom noticed, that will be found to present an impassa- 
 ble barrier to the unlimited extension of cotton production in the United States 
 We refer to the Geology of the cotton region of this country; and we do so be- 
 cause the importance of the facts we state will be understood in England 
 
 Public duties have taken us over many parts of the cotton growing States 
 including North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama! 
 A considerable portion of the uplands of the three first-named States, are com- 
 posed of Primary rocks, having often but a light covering of soil, which, from its 
 loose porous nature, on cultivation, is easily swept away by heavy rains, or soon 
 becomes exhausted by a succession of crops. The more common plan of renew- 
 ing such exhausted lands, is to abandon their cultivation until a new growth of 
 timber, arising and maturing, and shedding its foliage from year to year, restores 
 a new soil, to be again cultivated and again abandoned. There are lands in North 
 Carolina which have been thus turned out and re-enclosed three or four times 
 since the settlement of the country. 
 
 Another portion of these States" consists of the sands, clays, marls, &c, of the 
 lertiary formation, some of which furnish more permanent soils than the Pri- 
 mary; but all of which are liable to exhaustion, to a greater or less extent, under 
 cultivation, and demand manuring to keep them productive. 
 
 The. valleys are mostly of Alluvial deposites, and often of inexhaustible fertility 
 And last, there is a limited extent of these States composed of the Chalk or 
 Kotten Limestone, as it is locally called. This formation usually affords rich soils. 
 In Mississippi and Alabama, and the cotton growing portion of Tennessee the 
 Primary rocks do not appear; but the Silurian, Devonian, and Carboniferous 
 limestones, sandstones, and shales, mostly constitute the highlands. In the lime- 
 stone districts the soils are generally rich, and, with proper attention to manur- 
 ing, will remain inexhaustible. The sandstone and shale districts of course 
 afford soils liable to exhaustion, unless recourse is had to liming as well as man- 
 uring. A considerable portion of the surface, in the mountainous and hilly 
 regions occupied by these formations, is too rugged and rocky for cultivation. 
 1 he less elevated districts of these States, are composed of alternate beds of 
 pure sands and clays, and of ferruginous sands and clays, and marlite, of the 
 JertMry formation ; or the massive Chalk deposites ; or of Diluvium, Post- 
 Vdutium ( ?) and Alluvium. The soils of the Tertiary are very variable in th.ir 
 
1GG Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 not long occupy — that she does nolneed to occupy — because she can 
 release herself from it. 
 
 But in the efforts hitherto made by England, and seconded by other 
 Christian nations, she has been driven from measure to measure — 
 each seeming to promise success, and each, in succession, partially 
 or totally failing — until this moment, when commercial considera- 
 tions are pressing, with their strongest force, for the extension of 
 cotton cultivation to other countries than those now engaged in its 
 production. Now, the most remarkable feature in the partial successes 
 and complete failures of the national schemes for the destruction of 
 the slave trade, and kindred evils, is the evidence they afford of a 
 superintending Providence, overruling in the affairs of men for the 
 accomplishment of His own purposes through the agency of individ- 
 uals or nations. It now begins to appear, as clear as the sun at 
 
 qualities— the clay and sandy strata soon becoming exhausted and the ferruginous 
 and marly portions often being very durable. The chalk supplies some of the 
 richest soils known, but in places having only a thin covering of soil and being 
 nearly pure carbonate of lime, in dry seasons, the cotton, as the planters express 
 it, is often burnt out. With abundance of manure, this formation can be kept 
 perpetually fertile. It is of considerable extent in Mississippi and Alabama- 
 The fertility of the Alluvium of the valleys is, of course, mostly inexhaustible- 
 The Diluvium is of limited range and the Post-Diluvium more extensive. Both 
 afford some good soils and much that are soon exhausted. 
 
 The indispensable article of manure, throughout the three States first named, 
 is difficult to obtain. The cultivation of cotton affords nothing but the meager 
 supply of its own seed for restoring the fertility of the soil, and this seed is mostly 
 used on the corn crop. The chief remaining method of supplying manures, is 
 tedious and expensive, and is accomplished by collecting the fallen leaves from 
 the forest trees of the mountains or nearest uncultivated lands. These are 
 thrown in bulk into the farm yards, where cattle are confined, until sufficiently 
 rotted and intermixed with excrement, when the mass is strewed in the drills 
 miring the planting of the cotton crop. 
 
 Manuring has nut yet been much resorted to in the fresher lands of the south 
 western States. All these lands, except the Alluvium, in all these States, will 
 n< ed manures to sustain their fertility- But in cultivating cotton exclusively, 
 manures, in sufficient quantities, cannot be produced, as they may in grain-growing 
 districts, to keep up the productiveness of the lands ; and, consequently, the 
 production of cotton cannot be increased in a ratio much beyond that of the. 
 lit. If cotton only is cultivated, the lands become exhausted ; and if a sys- 
 tem of rotation of crops be adopted, to prevent the exhaustion of the soil, the 
 quantity of cotton is diminished. It will be amusing to the English Scientific 
 Agriculturist to know, that so far as any reference is had to the restoration of 
 in;- fertility of the soil, in the Carolina^, by a change of crops, the system of 
 rotation has been Cotton and Pine ! Cotton and Vine!! Arkansas and Texas 
 possess nearly the same geological characteristics as Georgia, Mississippi, and 
 Alabama. 
 
 \\ ithoul ruining into further details, we are convinced that, as a Geologist, 
 we haaard hut little in saving, that a considerable portion of the cotton lands, of 
 thi ol ■ i- Bouth in States, must continue to wear out under constant cultivation; 
 and thai Bimilar results, though loss rapid in their operation, owing to difl'er- 
 ences in their Geology, musl also follow in the newer Slates ; and that, therefor.', 
 the diminution in the quantity of lands that will remunerate the cultivator, though 
 for the present not equal to the quantity of new lands brought into use, will, 
 nevertheless, reach io such an extent as to render it impossible, for any yreat 
 number oj yean, to Increase the production of cotton much beyond the present 
 ratio of three per cent, per annum. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 167 
 
 noonday, that all these combinations of events — succeeding as they 
 have done, each other — have tended to one grand result, worthy of the 
 wisdom of Deity ; and that result the involving of the principal nations 
 of Christendom in such difficulties and perplexities — all seeming to be 
 the natural fruits of their former connection with African oppression — 
 as must impel them forward, from necessity, moral and commercial, 
 to the civilization of Africa. 
 
 The London Economist, in the article before quoted, after having 
 shown that Brazil, Egypt, and the East Indies, cannot be relied upon 
 to meet the wants of the English manufacturers, says : 
 
 "Our hopes lie in a very different direction ; we look to our West 
 Indian, African, and Australian colonies, as the quarters from which, 
 would government only afford every possible facility, we might, ere 
 long, draw such a supply of cotton, as would, to say the least, make 
 the fluctuations of the American crop, and the varying proportions of 
 it which falls to our share, of far less consequence to our prosperity 
 than they now are." 
 
 But we must hasten to a conclusion. Commercial considerations, 
 of overwhelming force, are impelling England to powerful efforts to 
 secure to herself a certain and adequate supply of cotton. This 
 she cannot obtain but in promoting its growth in other countries 
 than those now producing it. The West Indies, in their present 
 circumstances — nor until the missionaries now laboring there succeed 
 in elevating the people, and more equal laws prevail — cannot supply 
 this demand, nor even then without an increase of population. There 
 will, therefore, be only two fields remaining, Australia and Africa. 
 Of the two, without entering into detail, we must insist that Africa is 
 the more promising, and success in it the more certain ; not only from 
 the character and abundance of its population, but because the moral 
 forces will be exerted in behalf of Africa more fully than for Australia. 
 The reason is obvious : though Australia may be adapted to cotton, 
 its cultivation there, and the civilization of its natives, cannot be made 
 to act so directly and efficiently upon the slave trade, as the promotion 
 of its growth will do in Africa. And, besides this important consid- 
 eration, the population of Australia, including emigrants and convicts 
 transported thence, is only 300,000 — a number too insignificant to 
 accomplish much in cotton cultivation after producing necessary arti- 
 cles ot subsistence. In the native population of Australia, " human 
 nature wears its rudest form," and they are declared to be, both phy- 
 sicully and intellectually, the most degraded of any savage tribes. 
 Their numbers have been estimated at 100,000,* and it may safely be 
 said, that it is useless to take them into the account in estimating 
 free labor agencies for tropical cultivation. It must be apparent, 
 therefore, that both the moral forces and commercial considerations, 
 operating in England in behalf of an extended Cotton cultivation, 
 must be directed to Africa, almost exclusively, and, in turning to 
 Africa, must, necessarily, be concentrated upon Liberia as the great 
 center of action. 
 
 » Encyclopedia of Geography, vol. 3, p. 127. 
 
1G8 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 Thus stands the Cotton quesiion in England. Her supply ol that 
 article from the United States has reached its maximum, and from all 
 other quarters has been steadily diminishing; placing her under the 
 necessity of securing, from Liberia, the demands of her increasing 
 consumption. In the production of Sugar and Coffee in Africa, 
 Great Britain is not so deeply interested — her chief supplies of these 
 articles heing obtained from her colonies. But i'rom moral and com- 
 mercial considerations she would prefer to substitute 140,000,000 
 lhs. of Liberia Sugar for that amount of slave labor product now eon-« 
 sumed by her; because she desires to discountenance slavery, and 
 because freemen in Liberia will need more of her fabrics, in exchange, 
 than the Brazilian planters will purchase for their half-naked slaves. 
 We may, therefore, rely upon England as the fast friend of Liberia 
 and of African civilization. 
 
 In the United States the moral forces have long been operating 
 with great efficiency for African civilization. The commercial con- 
 siderations are now also beginning to be felt with a good degree of 
 power.* On this subject, however, we cannot at present enlarge, 
 but must be content with calling special attention to one point. 
 
 The great element in the United States, for the promotion of Afri- 
 can civilization, consists in our industrious and intelligent free colored 
 population. The facts presented in the present Lecture, with the 
 inducements previously existing, should incline them to flock to Africa. 
 In Liberia, the colored man bus secured to him all the privileges of a 
 freeman. There he can have schools and colleges for the education 
 of his children, and enjoy civil and religious liberty. He can assist 
 in the great work of African civilization, and aid in destroying the 
 slave trade. He has there a fair field for the acquisition of wealth, 
 and the enjoyments it secures. That these promises are not illusive, 
 but will be fulfilled, is easily proved. Our investigations show, that 
 the demand for an increased amount of Cotton, affords a guaranty 
 that the labor of the Liberians would pay, if directed to its produc- 
 tion. The increasing demand for Coffee cannot be supplied but by 
 its cultivation in Liberia, or by an increase of slaves in Brazil, and a 
 corresponding increase of the slave trade. The consumption of this 
 article has increased in a ratio of five per cent, per annum. The 
 demand for 1850 is estimated at 630,000,000 lbs. The production 
 of 1840 was only 426,000,000 lbs., and the stock of old Coffee on 
 hand but 134,000.000 lbs., leaving a deficit for the present year, 1850, 
 of 70,000,000 lbs.t Brazil now supplies over two-Jiftlis of the whole 
 amount of Coffee consumed, and cultivates it at a cost one-third less 
 than other countries. But she cannot extend her cultivation at pres- 
 ent, for want of slaves, and should Great Britain compel her to sus- 
 pend the slave trade, which is probable, there must be a diminution 
 ol' her production. Its cultivation in other countries, where it has 
 been declining, cannot be revived for many years.! It is almost 
 
 » See the Report of a Committee of Congress on the establishment of a lino 
 of Bteam vessels between the United States and Liberia. 
 
 * Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, Aug., 1850. {Ibid. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 169 
 
 certain, therefore, that the production of Coffee within the present 
 limits of its cultivation, can do no more than make up the deficiency 
 
 nnn V n 6 n X n' S n ,lg ' ^ ^ 6P Up ^ ^^ t0 the P reSGnt demand of 630,- 
 
 000,000 lbs annually ; and it is more than probable that even this 
 cannot be effected, because, if the crop of 1850 only equals that of 
 1849, the deficit for 1851 will be 200,000,000 lbs., being nearly 
 equal to one-third the consumption. This, then, will leave at least 
 the increasing demand of five per cent, per annum to be supplied by 
 Liberia; and, behold, what a vast source of wealth even this one 
 article opens up to the citizens of that Republic ! 
 
 t H} e £ X{ ™ mg tabular statement ' Prepared at our request, by Mr. 
 J. M. M. Wilson, a graduate of Miami University, presents at one 
 view, the extent and value, during the next fifteen years, of this five 
 per cent, ratio of annual increasing consumption of Coffee : 
 
 Tabular Statement of the amount and value of Coffee which will be demanded hv 
 a ratio oj increase of Jive per cent, per annum on the present consumption. 
 
 1850, 
 1851, 
 1852, 
 1853, 
 1854, 
 1855, 
 1856, 
 1857, 
 1858, 
 1859, 
 1860, 
 1861, 
 1862, 
 1863, 
 1864, 
 1865, 
 
 Amount required, 
 lbs. 
 
 630,000,000 
 
 661,500,000 
 
 694,575,000 
 
 729,303,750 
 
 765,768.937 
 
 804,057,384 
 
 844,260,252 
 
 886,473,265 
 
 930,786,928 
 
 977,336,674 
 
 1,026,503,508 
 
 1,077,513,233 
 
 1,131,388,895 
 
 1,187,958,340 
 
 1,247,356,257 
 
 1,309,724,070 
 
 Annual increase, 
 lbs. 
 
 31,500,000 
 33,075,000 
 34,729,750 
 36,465,185 
 38,288,447 
 40,202,869 
 42,213,013 
 44,323,663 
 46,539,746 
 48,866,834 
 51,310,175 
 53,875,662 
 56,569,445 
 59,397,917 
 62,367,813 
 
 Increase over 
 
 1S50. 
 
 31,500,000 
 64,575,000 
 99,303,750 
 135,768,937 
 174,057,384 
 214,260,253 
 256,473,265 
 300,796,928 
 347,336,674 
 399,203,50S 
 447,513,233 
 501,388,895 
 557,958,340 
 617,356,257 
 679,724,070 
 
 Value — Dollars, 
 at 6 cts. per lb. 
 
 $1,890,000 
 3,874,500 
 5,958,225 
 8,146,136 
 10,443,443 
 12,855,615 
 15,388,395 
 18,04,7,815 
 20,840,200 
 23,772,210 
 26,850,793 
 30,083,333 
 33,477,500 
 36,841,375 
 40,783,307 
 
 We should not have introduced this table, but for its value in 
 affording a true idea of the growing commercial importance of the 
 cultivation of the lands of Liberia. It shows that the annual ratio 
 of increase, aside from the large deficit in the supply of Coffee, is at 
 this moment, worth nearly two millions of dollars, and that in fifteen 
 years it will be worth over forty millions ! ! The increased demand 
 for Cotton will be of nearly equal importance. To this must be 
 added her sugar, indigo, dye-woods, palm oil, ivory, &<•., &c, and 
 the new Republic assumes an importance, in the commercial world, 
 only surpassed by the moral influence she is destined to exert over 
 the whole continent. Indeed, her commercial progress already has 
 been astonishing. Five or six years ago, her exports were about 
 $100,000, but now they are $500,000, and rapidly increasing. Libe- 
 nans comprehend the advantageous position they have secured, and 
 
170 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 are eager to develop the resources of their country. Their greatest 
 want is men. They appeal to us for industrious, intelligent, enter- 
 prising, upright emigrants, to aid them in unfolding to the world the 
 long-hidden treasures of Africa, and to participate in the advantages 
 that her riches will bestow. Are not colored men, in this country, 
 able to comprehend the value of these resources ? Must we con- 
 clude that they will remain indifferent, and reject the rich inherit- 
 ance offered in Liberia, and tell the world that they have less 
 foresight, energy, and enterprise, than other races of men ? We 
 oannot believe this. 
 
 But the discussion of this proposition must be closed. Our Re- 
 public occupies a very peculiar and important position. We have 
 the agents necessary to effect the moral regeneration of Africa; and 
 if they be treated as men, and liberal provision be made for emigra- 
 tion, by the States and the General Government, our intelligent colored 
 men will not shrink from duty. 
 
 A crisis has arrived in the commercial world, in which there is an 
 inadequate supply of two of the leading staples upon which slave 
 labor is employed. Free and slave labor combined have failed to 
 supply the consumption, and an increase of price has occurred suffi- 
 cient to give a stimulus to their production. This increased produc- 
 tion must occur either in Brazil and Cuba, or free labor must be 
 sufficiently stimulated to meet the demand. But where and how is 
 this to be accomplished ? There is little hope of its soon occurring 
 in the East or West Indies. Already at one point in Liberia, nearly 
 ,">0,000 coffee trees are maturing, and will soon afford 300,000 lbs. a 
 year for export. There might, and would have been, had the peopl-e 
 of the United States performed their duty, 700 such plantations in 
 Liberia at this moment, ready to supply 200,000,000 lbs. of Coffee 
 annually. Had the growth of Liberia not been retarded by the nar- 
 row policy that opposed Colonization, it requires little discernment 
 to perceive, that this increasing demand might have been supplied bv 
 the labor of the freemen of the African Republic, instead of being 
 left as a tempting prize, to be seized by the Brazilian planter and the 
 African slave trader. The crisis now existing, therefore, demands 
 the united exertions of all the friends of humanity, both at the North 
 and the South, to push forward, with the utmost energy, the work of 
 Colonization, as the only means of checking the extension of slavery 
 and the slave trade. The wants of commerce demand, and must 
 receive, an adequate supply of Coffee and Cotton, and we must 
 cither secure that supply from Liberia, or submit to see an increase 
 of cruelty and oppression in Cuba and Brazil. 
 
 We might greatly enlarge upon the extent to which moral forces 
 and commercial considerations are pressing the English and American 
 people to promote African civilization, through the agency of Liberia, 
 but what has been said mnst suffice. 
 
 A II. That all these agencies and influences being brought to bear 
 upon the Civilization of Africa, from the nature of its soil, climate, 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 171 
 
 products, and population, we are forced to believe that a mighty 
 people will ultimately rise upon that continent, taking rank with 
 the most powerful nations of the earth, and vindicate the character 
 ol the African race before the world. 
 
 We cannot, at present, enter upon the discussion of this proposi- 
 tion It includes a field of great interest, which would be amply 
 broad for a whole discourse. But we must leave it as an expression 
 of our anticipation of the ultimate destiny of Africa, and close with 
 a few remarks. 
 
 Our last Lecture presented the African under the influence of de- 
 grading superstition, and the brutalizing effects of the slave trade 
 1 he picture was dark indeed. In the present Lecture we had desired 
 to present many evidences of his nobleness of character, when iuch 
 debasing causes do not influence his actions. But we must defer 
 them, and limit ourselves to a few points more closely connected with 
 the subjects we have been discussing. 
 
 4 It has been fashionable to charge upon the slaveholder equal crim- 
 inality with the African kidnapper and slave trader, because the fore- 
 fathers of the slaves held in bondage were originally brought from 
 Africa. As our diploma does not bear date from Mount Ebal* and 
 we are not trained to cursing, we shall be excused for speaking more 
 calmly upon this point, and taking a more comprehensive view of its 
 relations. Let the criminality of the slaveholder be what it may it 
 will be proper to examine the facts and ascertain whether others are 
 not equally implicated in the guilt. Slaveholders are now producing 
 annually, more than eleven hundred millions of pounds of Cotton 
 and more than twelve hundred and twenty millions of pounds of Su- 
 gar, and nearly three hundred and forty millions of pounds of Coffee 
 Do they consume these articles themselves ? Are these products so 
 pointed that the world will neither touch, taste, nor handle them I 
 Wot at all. The great struggle everywhere is as to who shall obtain 
 the greatest quantity of them, who make the greatest profit, and who 
 derive most comfort from their consumption. This is especially 
 true : of London Liverpool, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Paris, Vienna, 
 Berlin, Brussels, Hamburgh, Stockholm, Amsterdam, and St. Peters- 
 burg, as well as of Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Pittsburgh, 
 and Cincinnati. I he early abolitionists endeavored to prove, that 
 the slaveholder was equally guilty with the slave trader and kidnap- 
 per, because the former received his slaves from the hands of the lat- 
 ter ; and that those who now hold in bondage the descendants of the 
 stolen slaves, are equally guilty with the original kidnapper. Ac- 
 cording to this logic, that « the fathers have eaten sour grapes and the 
 children s teeth are set on e^ is a true proverb -and the men of 
 he seventh generation, involved in an evil without their consent, by 
 ft* actions of their forefathers, are equally guilty with its originators. 
 It his be sound logic, then the manufacturer who buys slave grown 
 CmuDmjm^mike^ with ^ slaveholder 
 
172 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 himself who produces it. But the" implication in guilt, if guilt there 
 be, does not stop here. He who purchases and wears the goods 
 manufactured from slave grown cotton, is also implicated ; and as 
 there is annually consumed over eleven hundred millions of pounds 
 of slave grown cotton, and barely seventy-eight millions of free labor 
 growth, it follows that all Christendom is involved in the same con- 
 demnation. These facts serve to illustrate one of our positions — - 
 that the Christian world cannot avoid consuming the products of 
 slave labor, and thereby encourage slavery and the slave trade, but by 
 civilizing Africa. 
 
 There is one plan to avoid this great evil, and in an hour free our- 
 selves from it, and that is to burn down all the cotton factories in 
 Europe and America, and suffer none to be erected in their stead. 
 But what would the world gain by the sacrifice? or rather, what 
 would it lose ? Commerce, the great agent in the world's civiliza- 
 tion, would be destroyed. A check upon commerce is a check upon 
 civilization. Human progress and human happiness materially de- 
 pend upon commerce. But it is not practicable, even were it desi- 
 rable, to destroy these factories to eradicate slavery. It is impossible 
 to destroy them. The pecuniary considerations involved are more 
 powerful than the moral. The owners of these factories will con- 
 tinue to manufacture slave grown cotton; commerce will continue to 
 transmit the products of the looms to every corner of the world ; 
 and the earth's population will continue to wear these fabrics. The 
 slave grown sugar and coffee ivill also be consumed ; because a sup- 
 ply from free labor cannot be obtained. As it is impracticable, then, 
 to prevent the consumption of slave grown coffee, sugar, and cotton, 
 on account of the pecuniary profit and personal comfort they afford 
 to mankind, so it is alike impossible to abolish slavery while the 
 world continues to consume the products of its labor. Our own 
 view, as expressed in the outset, is, that the whole Christian world 
 is involved in this evil. Is there any more criminality in superin- 
 tending the production of slave grown cotton, than in overseeing its 
 manufacture, or in being clothed with the fabrics into which it has 
 been transformed ? Is the Louisiana or Cuban planter more criminal 
 in raising, and sending to market, his crop of sugar, than the aboli- 
 tionist of London or Boston is for sweetening his coffee, his tea, or 
 his poundcake with the same article ? Is the Brazilian slaveholder 
 more guilty for furnishing coffee, by the labor of his slaves, than the 
 merchant is for purchasing and selling it to all the anti-slavery men 
 in Ohio? Are they innocent for greedily drinking it, knowing it to 
 be procured by the lash of the task-master ? If eolfee were not 
 consumed, none would be raised. If sugar were not used, none 
 would be made. If cotton were not manufactured and worn, none 
 would be grown. Hence slavery would be abolished! Who thefl 
 supports slavcrv and the slave trade, but the one who consumes 
 its products? We Leave these questions to every man's conscience. 
 In the present crisis wo would approach our southern brethren in 
 the language of the sons of Jacob, and say : « IVe are verily guilty 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 173 
 
 concerning our brother, in that we saw the anguish of his soul, when 
 he besought us, .and we would not hear; therefore is this distress 
 come upon us; and in the spirit of christian liberality, propose 
 some plan that would equalize the burden of relieving the country 
 from the distracting evils of slavery. Capitalists at the south buy 
 negroes because the investment is profitable, and they can no more 
 be expected to emancipate their slaves, while their labor is profitable 
 than northern men can be expected to burn their factories or banks' 
 wilh all their valuable contents. 
 
 But what is there to prevent a change in this condition of things ? 
 Must it remain forever? Must slavery, acknowledged on all hands, 
 except by a very kw, to be an evil, continue as a perpetual source 
 of discord, endangering the safety of the Union, or affording a 
 fruitful theme of excitement for fanatics and demagogues ? Men 
 may transfer their property, at pleasure, into cash, whether it be in 
 lands, manufactories, or slaves. They are governed only by interest 
 and inclination in such matters. Convince the slaveholder that he can 
 do better than to invest his money in slaves, and he will not buy them. 
 But when the investment is made, and you ask him to emancipate, 
 without compensation, he considers it an unreasonable demand 
 Emancipation m the West Indies, he knows, has resulted in pecun^ 
 iary rain to the master, and has increased slavery in the ajnrreo-ate 
 instead of diminishing it. It is of the first importance, therefore, in 
 the adoption of any emancipation schemes, that an adequate number 
 of efficient free laborers should be secured to supply the place of the 
 slaves Unless this can be done with safety to the planter, he will 
 not risk the change; and unless the plan be such an one as will not 
 create a fresh demand for slaves elsewhere, and produce an increase 
 ot the slave trade, humanity would forbid its adoption. Then devise 
 a plan by which a productive free labor can be substituted for slave 
 .labor, and the master receive compensation for his slaves, and he 
 would no doubt gladly free himself from the inconveniences and 
 want of safety of his position. 
 
 t, l h % G T ^l ^T Why SUch a chan £ e would be acceptable 
 to the South. A feeling favorable to emancipation, independent of 
 compensation, has long existed there, and legislative action has been 
 denned necessary to prevent too great an increase of free blacks 
 Hie laws forbidding emancipation, except on condition of the 
 removal of the freed man, have been approved by the friends of 
 emancipation ; because the two leading objects they have in view are 
 to better the condition of the slave, and to throw their own sons' in a 
 position of self-dependence, that would lead them to industry To 
 secure both these objects, demands the removal of the colored peo- 
 ple. But as no efficient system exists in the slave States, for the 
 encouragement of white labor, and as none can be adop.ed while the 
 blacks remain, many of the enterprising whites, of small means, have 
 yearly emigrated to the free States. This has been most injurious to 
 ine slave Slates. Each white man, who emigrated, was 'a loss to 
 them and a gain to the free States. Thousands upon thousands of 
 
174 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Laoor. 
 
 the Heat citizens of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, are from the slave 
 States, and abandoned their former homes on account of their dislike 
 to place their sons, as laborers, on an equality with slaves, and in the 
 midst of the demoralizing influences that slavery generates. It is 
 this tide of emigration which is so seriously checking southern pros- 
 perity and keeping the numerical strength of the slave States so much 
 below that of the free. But this dislike of freemen to labor on an 
 equality with slaves, influences not only the southern white man of 
 moderate means, but it prevents foreign emigrants from choosing their 
 homes in the "sunny south" instead of the chilly north. Neither 
 can emancipation, alone, check this tide of white emigration from 
 the slave States, nor attract the foreign emigrant to them. The free 
 colored people exert as paralyzing an effect upon industry there, as 
 the presence of the slaves ; and, to secure the objects aimed at, colo- 
 nization must be connected with emancipation. This effect of the 
 presence of emancipated slaves, upon the industry of the whites, is 
 not confined alone to the United States. It has been a legitimate 
 result of African slavery wherever it has existed. According to Mr. 
 Bigelow, whose letters have been already quoted, it has been pecu- 
 liarly the case in Jamaica. In summing up the causes which have 
 continued to depress the prosperity of that island, since emancipation, 
 he places, first in the list, the dislike of the whites to labor with a 
 people of servile origin, and the aptness of the blacks to adopt their 
 idle habits. His first cause of industrial depression is thus stated : 
 
 " 1. The degradation of labor, in consequence of the yet compar- 
 atively recent existence of negro slavery upon the Island, which 
 excludes the white population from almost every department of pro- 
 ductive industry, and begets a public opinion calculated to discourage, 
 rather than promote industry among the colored population." 
 
 Mr. Bigelow is of the opinion that the English Government takes 
 this view of the subject ; and, with the design of correcting the evils 
 and restoring the prosperity of the Island, is contemplating the with- 
 drawal of the white population, and allowing the colored people to 
 become the proprietors of the soil. Now, if it be so, that the pros- 
 perity of the West India Islands demands a separation of the races, 
 where it is the boast that so little prejudice against color exists, how 
 much more imperiously is the separation of the blacks and whiles 
 demanded in this country, where prejudice against color is supposed 
 to be so much stronger; but which, in fact, may be called by another 
 name, because it is founded, not so much in relation to color as to 
 the habits engendered by slavery, and to which, color is supposed 
 to be a certain index, as it reveals the servile origin of its possessor. 
 Colonization is the true remedy, to the colored people, for this social 
 evil, as it is also the true means of stimulating the industry of the 
 whites where slavery has existed. 
 
 But there is another depressing cause, weighing down the eolored 
 man, for which Colonization is the only remedy. While he remains 
 among those to whom he, or his fathers, were formerly in bondage, 
 his presence not only continues to degrade labor, and prevent industry 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 175 
 
 among the whites, but he continues to feel a sense of inferiority that 
 retards improvement. The remedy for this, is his removal from the 
 scenes that remind him of his former servile condition, and especially 
 his separation from the race which held him in bondage. This opinion 
 of the unfavorable condition in which the colored people are placed, 
 is becoming general. It is a great truth, which is fast forcing itself 
 upon minds that hitherto would not admit it for a moment. Even the 
 National Era, the Abolition organ, has been led to embrace views 
 corresponding so closely with this as to be its equivalent. In an 
 article headed " Free Labor versus Slave Labor," the editor expresses 
 the opinion, that emancipation in the United States would lead to the 
 concentration of the colored people in the South, and the displace- 
 ment of the laboring whites, and produce beneficial results. He 
 says : 
 
 " The aggregation of the negroes would necessarily build up a 
 public opinion of their own, a feeling of nationality, which is es- 
 sential to the development of character. This they never can have 
 while dispersed over so wide an extent of country, among an 
 unfriendly people, who trample on their rights and treat them as 
 outcasts."* 
 
 It will be apparent, on slight examination, that the aggregation of 
 the colored people and the displacement of the whites., must be a 
 very different thing in the United States from what it would be in 
 Jamaica. The removal of 16,000 whites, (about 3,000 families,) in 
 that Island, from a colored population of nearly 400,000 persons, 
 will be a trifling task compared with the rooting out of the immense 
 white population of one-third of the States of this Union ! The 
 former is practicable, the latter impossible ; and the sooner it is dis- 
 missed from any part of the public mind the better. The truth is, 
 that the only hope of placing the colored people of the United States 
 beyond the influence of those " who trample on their rights and treat 
 them as outcasts," and where there would necessarily grow up " a 
 public opinion of their own, a feding of nationality, which is es- 
 sential to the development of character," is not to retain them as 
 free laborers in the service of the southern planter, as the Era's 
 scheme contemplates, but to afford them the means of reaching Libe- 
 ria, where they may, themselves, be the landed proprietors in a 
 Republic of their own, instead of remaining here as serfs in the land 
 of their former bondage. These are the different destinies that Colo- 
 nization and Abolition have in store for the African race. 
 
 But can such a substitution of free labor for slave labor, as we 
 have contemplated, be made with equal profit to the southern cap- 
 italist? Can there be found a sufficient number of freemen, to 
 replace the slaves, so that there shall be no diminution of products 
 to serve as a fresh stimulus to slavery and the slave trade elsewhere ? 
 Will southern men, in such circumstances, be willing to emancipate, 
 on condition of receiving compensation ? Could the States and the 
 
 * National Era, May 16, 1850. 
 
176' Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 General Government provide for the expenses of the emigration of all 
 the colored people ? 
 
 These are the great questions of the day in reference to the whole 
 subject of emancipation. We shall not undertake, formally, to ans- 
 wer them. Colonies of foreigners, recently settled in Texas, have 
 commenced the cultivation of cotton without the aid of slaves. The 
 agent of the "Free Produce Society," Levi Coffin, of Cincinnati, 
 assures us that these colonists, together with many other persons 
 thus engaged in cotton raising at the South, find it a profitable busi- 
 ness, and that they can fully compete with their neighbors who em- 
 ploy slave labor. From personal observation, we are prepared to 
 say, that the value of the proceeds of small farms, on which but 
 few laborers are employed, is twice as great in the North as in the 
 South. We have less acquaintance with the operations of the large 
 planters at the South, but suppose that the contractors on our public 
 works at the North, who employ an equal number of hands, and 
 possess equal business talents, after paying full wages, realize the 
 greatest profits. AVe mean to be understood as claiming, that free 
 labor, under the most favoring circumstances, is twice as productive 
 as slave labor ; and that the southern planters, in substituting an intel- 
 ligent white laboring population, and paying full wages, would realize 
 a better profit than they do under their present system. With a kw 
 years' experience, the foreigner is as profitable a" laborer as the native 
 American. The present annual influx of near a half a million of 
 foreigners, into the country, would furnish many laborers to the 
 South, were the objections to settling there removed. The adoption, 
 by the General Government, of a system of emancipation, allowing 
 compensation for the slaves, and connecting with it their coloniza- 
 tion in Liberia, would at once attract foreigners to the southern 
 States, to an extent fully equal to the number of colored people that 
 could annually be safely settled in Africa. The number of emi- 
 grants that can be provided for in Liberia, will be an hundred per 
 cent, greater, in proportion to its population, than can be received in 
 countries where protection has to be made against winter. In a few 
 years that Republic can be prepared to receive an immense emigra- 
 tion. The opening of the South to free labor, would give a vast 
 stimulus to the spirit of emigration in European countries, and bring 
 a flood of useful emigrants from their teeming populations ; including 
 mechanics, manufacturers, and agricultural laborers, which might 
 equal, as soon as desirable, the whole number of our slaves, and 
 constitute a body of operatives much more profitable. Europe, at 
 present, is annually pouring out more than a half a million of her 
 people, without feeling any sensible diminution; nay, without losing 
 a tithe of her increase. The greater part of that emigration is to the 
 United States; and as there is not such an attractive field furnished 
 in the world, to foreign emigrants, as our southern States afford, were 
 a system adopted for the emigration of the African population, we 
 would receive a greatly increased number of Europeans. How long 
 it would take for three millions of foreign emigrants to find their way 
 

 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 177 
 
 nfo the South, to take the place of the three millions of slaves, we 
 cannot say ; but there exists little doubt that their ingress would be 
 as rapid as the colored people could possibly leave for Liberia. 
 
 It is thus that free labor might be substituted for slave labor, and 
 the slaveholder be rendered more prosperous and happy. The res- 
 toration to the planter, by the General Government, of his capital 
 invested in slaves, and the introduction of a system of free labor 
 which would require a much less outlay of money than the present 
 system, would, doubtless, be approved at the South, and a proposition 
 of this kind be accepted by acclamation. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Constitutional Convention: 
 
 In closing, we must call your attention to the question of making 
 provision for the emigration of the colored people of Ohio, or for 
 such of them as may, from time to time, desire to remove to Liberia. 
 The late purchase of territory for a new colony, by Charles 
 McMicken, Esq., to be called Ohio in Africa, is attracting the atten- 
 tion of the colored people, and considerable anxiety prevails to obtain 
 reliable information about Liberia, and especially in relation to the 
 lands now offered to them as their future homes. The general feel- 
 ing among those who take an interest in this movement, is, that a 
 committee of their own choosing, which should be approved by the 
 agent of the Colonization Society, shall be sent to explore the country. 
 This seems a reasonable request, and should be complied with. 
 The Colonization Society have in their offer a larger number of 
 slaves than they can colonize, and we cannot ask that its funds shall be 
 diverted from so sacred an object as securing their freedom. The as- 
 sistance for our colored people must come from the State itself. But 
 the voluntary contributions of individuals are insufficient for this 
 purpose, and too precarious to be relied upon. Public sympathy, 
 throughout the Union, cannot be aroused in behalf of the free col- 
 ored people, as it can for the slave, so as to make their removal a 
 national question. And yet their agency, as pioneers to aid the 
 Liberians in making provision for new emigrants, is essential to the 
 success of any great national emancipation scheme. The cost of 
 emigration of the free colored people must, then, be borne by the 
 Stales in which they reside. This view has already been adopted 
 by some of the States. Maryland has established a colony at Cape 
 Palmas, upon which she has expended a large sum. Its prosperity 
 amply repays her liberality. Virginia, last winter, also made a large 
 appropriation, ($30,000 a year,) to colonize her free colored people. 
 But in addition to this, she has levied a poll tax upon them, which 
 will, doubtless, lessen the task she has undertaken, by driving over 
 upon the adjoining free States, all those who do not wish to emigrate. 
 Ohio has done nothing yet for colonization. Her recent legislation 
 has all been directed so as to invite the largest emigration of colored 
 people from abroad.* 
 
 *See first Part, pages 19 to 26. 
 
 12 
 
178 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 
 
 Taking all the circumstances connected with the subject into view, 
 it is evident that the means of promoting the cause of Colonization 
 in Ohio, must be obiained within the State, and that an application to 
 the Legislature for aid will be necessary. It is all important, then, 
 that, the question of legislative power to appropriate money for this 
 object, he put beyond all dispute. To bring the question of affording 
 aid to Colonization directly before the people, for their approval, it is 
 respectfully requested on behalf of the friends of that cause, and on 
 behalf of the colored people who wish to emigrate, that you, gentle- 
 men, in the discharge of your duties, as members of the Constitu- 
 tional Convention, will insert a clause in the new Constitution, 
 empowering the Legislature to grant an appropriation of money to 
 the American Colonization Society, under such restrictions as will 
 best promote the noble enterprise in which it is engaged, and encour- 
 age the emigration of the colored people from this State to Liberia. 
 
 There is certainly much, at this moment, gentlemen, to excite en- 
 couraging hopes for the colored race, and to stimulate their friends to 
 forget all minor differences, and press onward to the accomplishment 
 of the grand results new evidently attainable through Colonization. 
 Nor are we left without hope, that our own beloved country may yet 
 be freed from the reproach of African slavery, which has been en- 
 tailed upon her by the cupidity of the mother country. Take a view, 
 for a moment, of the signs of the times, and the present position of 
 affairs. The despotisms of Europe are being shaken to their centers. 
 The crowned heads seem to have gained a momentary respite. The 
 want of safety in property and life in the old world is greatly stimu- 
 lating emigration to the new. Here, only, can while men enjoy all 
 the rights of freemen, and be brought under the inliuence of all the 
 elements of useful human progress.* The recent vast enlargement 
 of our territory, may have been permitted to afford room for the op- 
 pressed millions of Europe, who are sighing for peace and for freedom. 
 Our national councils have been directed to a peaceful adjustment of 
 the questions threatening the safety of the Union. The opening up 
 of the untold riches of California is placing in the possession of the 
 nation the means of accomplishing great things for the world. This 
 most singular combination of events, points very significantly to the 
 great work devolving upon the nation. To substitute free labor for 
 slave labor is in oar power. To give compensation to the master 
 for his slaves will not be beyond our at ility. The foreign emigrants 
 pouring into the country will perform the first great work. The 
 immense revenues that will hereafter flow into our national treasury 
 will enable us to execute the last. Is it doubted I The appropriation 
 of an annual sum only equal to half the amount expended in the 
 Mexican War, would, in seventeen years, colonize all the slaves, and 
 pay to the masters $300 each, for young and old, as compensation. 
 To substitute free labor for slave labor need produce no commercial 
 derangerm nt with us that would encourage the slave trade or slavery 
 
 ♦See Part Second, pngo 113. 
 
Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 179 
 
 elsewhere. There need be no diminution of products, but the im- 
 proved tillage would yield an increase. England and France, when 
 freeing the slaves in their Colonies, found no such tide of intelligent 
 foreigners as we are receiving, flowing into them, to take the place of 
 dieir slaves, and prevent a decrease of agricultural products. We 
 can do what no other nation woidd be capable of doing. It is in our 
 power not only to free ourselves from the evil of slavery, and the 
 whole world from the necessity of consuming slave-grown products ; 
 but, in the execution of this great work, to hasten the redemption of 
 Africa from barbarism ; and, in doing this, to crush the slave trade 
 and slavery everywhere, and establish our own glorious republic upon 
 a foundation as enduring as the everlasting hills. No one, we think, 
 can calmly examine the present relations of free labor to slave labor, 
 in tropical and semi-tropical countries, as embodied in the mass of 
 facts we have collated, and not be convinced that Emancipation in the 
 United States, and the Colonization of the colored people in Liberia, 
 to develop its resources and civilize its inhabitants, would give a 
 death-blow to the slavery of Cuba and Brazil, and to African oppression 
 throughout the world. And who would not be delighted to aid in 
 such a glorious work? Who would not be overjoyed to witness 
 such a sublime achievement of Republican principle? Who would 
 not devoutly adore that Divine Wisdom which had wrought out such 
 deliverance for Africa. 
 
 And now, gentlemen, we commit this subject into your hands. 
 The first step, in the agency which Ohio should have in this great 
 work, must be taken by you. Our lands for the Colony of Ohio in 
 Africa, are included in the Gallinas, hitherto the greatest mart of the 
 slave trade on that coast. To secure its purchase, Great Britain, with 
 profuse liberality, for more than a year, blockaded all its principal 
 trading points and thus kept off the slave traders until the chiefs and 
 kings were induced to sell. That blockade is now raised — the pur- 
 chase having been made. The country is once more exposed to the 
 approaches of the slave traders, who may again succeed in renewing 
 the traffic. This can only be prevented by the settlement of the 
 points liable to be visited by them. This territory being in the offer 
 of the colored people of Ohio, will for a time, not be offered to others. 
 It is important, therefore, that decisive steps be taken to secure the 
 execution of the enterprise of establishing an Ohio Colony in Africa. 
 The failure of an application to the Legislature, last winter, for aid 
 to begin this work, was, in some degree, owing to an opinion held 
 by a few of the members, that they had not constitutional power to 
 appropriate money for this object. Our appeal, then, must first be to 
 you. The failure to confer upon the Legislature the power for which 
 we ask, will leave us in doubt and perplexity, and cast a blight upon 
 our prospects. But the insertion of a clause in the Constitution, such 
 as is desired, will ensure Legislative action, and may lead the State 
 to adopt and cherish this offspring of benevolence — Ohio in Africa 
 • — and thus create a new and efficient agent for the overthrow of 
 oppression and the promotion of human liberty. W r e commend it to 
 your care, and to the blessing of the Ruler of Nations. 
 
PART FOURTH. 
 
 It is a dictate of prudence, in all human pursuits, to pause, at times, 
 and review the past, that we may ascertain whether our efforts Lave 
 been successful, or whether a change of policy may not be demanded to 
 accomplish our purposes. The more important the interests involved, 
 the greater is the necessity for the adoption of this rule. Let us apply 
 it to the efforts which have been made in behalf of the oppressed people 
 of Africa. Except the propagation of the Gospel, few benevolent enter 
 prises have enlisted so many hearts as those for the destruction of the 
 African slave trade and the abolition of slavery ; and, in none have the 
 active agents been so often foiled, and doomed to see their brightest 
 hopes decay and almost die, as in these twin offsprings of benevolence. 
 
 An impression has gone abroad, of late, among a certain class, that 
 much progress has been made in overturning the system of slavery ; and, 
 that, in a little time, the task will be done, and the oppressed go free. 
 It is proposed, in the space of a few pages, to notice the more prominent 
 events connected with the subject, with the view of showing that this 
 belief is not warranted by the facts in the case; and that the Anti- 
 Slavery policy, so far as it has opposed Colonization to Africa, has re- 
 tarded emancipation, by checking the extension of free labor tropical 
 cultivation, and thus rendered slave labor more and more necessary, 
 and more and more profitable, in the cultivation of those tropical products 
 which the constantly increasing wants of commerce now so imperiously 
 demand. 
 
 In performing this task, we shall direct attention to the enormous in- 
 debtedness of the Christian world to slave labor, at this moment, for 
 certain articles of prime necessity ; then show the inability office labor, 
 in tropical and semi-tropical countries, to compete with the slave labor 
 of those regions so as to afford any relief; present facts to prove, that 
 the tendency of the efforts of Great Britain, in behalf of the African 
 race, up to a recent date, has been to increase the evils she was attempt- 
 ing to destroy ; offer some considerations which make it probable, that 
 the suppression of the African --lave trade, an event now considered cer- 
 
 (180) 
 

 Facts for Thinking Jlen. 181 
 
 tain, will be of immense pecuniary benefit to the* slave holders of the 
 United States; and, in concluding, demonstrate that the only hope for 
 any great increase of free labor tropical cultivation, at an early day, is 
 in Africa, and that the main prospect of making it available there, is by 
 colonization to Liberia. 
 
 As the field of investigation is an extensive one, we must study great, 
 brevity ; and, to render our labors less complicated, we shall refer to 
 three articles of slave labor product, only, viz. : Coffee, Suo-ar, and 
 Cotton. First, then, as to the indebtedness of the Christian world to 
 slave labor. 
 
 According to official documents, and other reliable sources of informa- 
 tion, the consumption of Cotton in Europe and the United States for 
 1849,* was 1,179,920,000 lbs. Of this amount, only 78,589,200 
 lbs. were the product of free labor countries, leaving the Christian world 
 indebted to slave labor, for this article of prime necessity, to the extent 
 of 1,101,330,800 lbs. 
 
 Of this amount England consumed 624,000,000 lbs., of which only 
 71,409,200 lbs. were from free labor countries, leaving her indebted to 
 slave labor countries for 552,530,800 lbs. of Cotton. The amount of 
 this article consumed by Great Britain, being more than one half of the 
 whole consumption of the Christian world, shows that she is the greatest 
 prop to slavery in the world. Her patronage to the slave holders of the 
 United States, alone, for 1849, was, for Cotton, 734,244,560 lbs., of 
 which she manufactured 522,530,800 lbs. and exported the remainder 
 to the Continent. 
 
 But why is this ? we may be asked. "Why is it that England, after 
 making such immense sacrifices for the overthrow of slavery in her own 
 dominions, should be the principal purchaser of the products of the 
 slave labor of a rival nation? We answer, that her greatness and 
 "power, the ability to meet the payment of the interest upon her na- 
 tional debt and to sustain the throne itself, is dependent upon her com- 
 merce ; and that her commerce is based upon her exports of manufac- 
 tures. ^ These exports stood as follows, for the year 1849, and that 
 year will serve as the index to other years : 
 
 Silks Exported, $5,001,785 
 
 Woolen Goods, Exported, 42.096,650 
 
 Linen " " 20,517,215 $67,615,650 
 
 Cotton " " $139,453,970 
 
 It will be seen, therefore, that Cotton is indispensable to Great Britain, 
 and that to cut off her supply of that article, would be to destroy nearly 
 two thirds of ber commerce, manufactures of Iron excepted. 
 
 The United States is also dependent upon Cotton, to a large extent, 
 as the basis of her foreign commerce, not only as it respects the raw 
 material, but in the manufactured article. 
 
 * This Tract is a condensed enumeration of the facts embraced in the pamphlet addressed to 
 the Ohio Constitutional Convention, in 1850, on " the present relations of free labor to slave 
 labor,"' and their bearing on African Colonization. The authorities, for the facts stated, are all 
 given in that document, and are to be relied upon as correct, both there and here. The suppres- 
 si( n of the slave trade, then in anticipation, has now been nearly realized, ansi the arguments 
 baeed upon this event will be found worth considering. 
 
182 Facts for Thinking Me 
 
 To understand the full indebtedness of tL. Cori-sHuti iavu 
 
 labor and to free labor, respectively, at tins moment, the following ngures 
 must be given : 
 
 CONSUMPTION OF COTTON, SUGAR, AND COFFEE, IN 1849. 
 
 Slave Labor. Free Labor. Slave Labor Excess. 
 
 Cotton, lbs. 1,101,330,800 78,589,200 1,022,741,000 
 
 Sugar, " 1,220,000,000 933,024,000 286,975,000 
 
 Coffee, " 338,240,000 217,800,000 120,440,000 
 
 These figures show the relation in which the Christian world stood, to 
 these two systems of labor, in 1849, and that relation has not since 
 undergone any material change. Nor is there any practicable mode of 
 immediately altering this relation, now apparent to the eye of the 
 Christian philanthropist. Much dependence has hitherto been placed 
 on the application of moral suasion, for the removal of slavery from our 
 country. But the demands of commerce now far outweigh the moral 
 forces operating against that institution, and it must continue, as fax 
 as man can judge, until a change in the sources of supply, of the com- 
 modities upon which slave labor is employed, can be accomplished. 
 
 But there is no prospect of such a change being effected in the 
 countries now producing these commodities. Their production by slave 
 labor has been rapidly increasing for many years, while that by free 
 labor has been as regularly decreasing, so that no material change is to 
 bo expected very soon. The truth of this assertion will be evident when 
 it is stated, that the forces employed within the western hemisphere, in 
 the cultivation of Coffee, Sugar, and Cotton, for export, stand about 
 thus : * 
 
 Slave population 0,057,000 
 
 Free colored population 1,057,000 
 
 The latter class, standing only as one to six, cannot, by any possibil- 
 ity, compete with the former, and no revolution in the supplies of the 
 commodities named, is to be expected from that quarter. 
 
 In confirmation of this view, it is only necessary to say, that while 
 the slave trade supplied the English West India planters and those of 
 Ilayti with laborers, the exports in a single year, of the articles under 
 consideration, from these Islands — the latter in 1790 and the former in 
 L807— amounted to 928,000,000 lbs. ; while under freedom, from L838 
 to 1848, their exports averaged, annually, only 356,000,000 lbs., — 
 being a decrease of 572,iHiO,(i()0 llis. As there was. during the periods 
 named, no diminution in the consumption of these articles, but a steady 
 increase, this falling off in the amount of free labor products operated 
 as a great stimulus to the slave holder, and also to the slave trader. Is 
 this doubted ? Then loot at a few facts connected with this subject. 
 
 When England prohibited the slave trade to her citizens, and thus cut 
 off the supply of laborers to her West [ndia planters, in 1S0S, the ex- 
 
 • 'I'ln-i il.-w I,,,! in, in, I,- the free colored people "f the United States, nor the one million of slaves 
 In tlii-< country, who reside north of the Cotton aad Sugar line. The whole number of African 
 ,,i the v, e i ru Hemisphere it; about 7.')00,000. 
 
Facts for Thinking Men. 153 
 
 ports of slaves from Africa, were but 85,000 annually; but, instead of 
 
 undf in in i^fV; J / hat fi that bl ° Cdy traffic ™* 0n incre ^g 
 SSq 3 I? ' :Ul re f C ' lied an avera S e of 125 > 000 annually. In 
 
 1833, the Emancipation Act was passed by Parliament, and it was fol- 
 lowed by a still farther increase of the slave trade, running up the ex- 
 ports of slaves from Africa, between 1835 and 1840, to 135 800 nor 
 annum. ' 1 
 
 But why this result? Cuba, Brazil, and the French West India 
 Colonies, continued to purchase imported slaves, that they might extend 
 heir cult.vation and reap all the advantages of the decreased produc- 
 tion, under-free labor, in Hayti, and the British West India possessions 
 lo give a clear idea of the rapidity with which the demand for the=e 
 products has increased, one instance only need be given which will 
 serve as an index to the whole. In 1805, the English consumption of 
 Cotton was but 00,000,000 lbs. In 1833 it was 287,OoToO0 lbs 
 and in 1845 it had risen to 626,000,000 lbs. But in 1849 it was 
 reduced to 624,000,000 lbs. To this fact we shall recur a^ain at 
 present merely stating, that as the cultivation of Coffee Su*ar and 
 Cotton, went down in Hayti and the British West Indies, it went up in 
 the countries employing slave labor. * 
 
 Being in the possession of such facts as these, a just conception can be 
 formed of the present indebtedness of the Christian world to slave labo- 
 and ttie character of the obstacles in the way of effecting any immedis 
 change in that relation. In the article of Cotton, alone, the excess of 
 the consumption of the products of slave labor over free labor is more 
 than ane thousand millions of pounds ; and, in all three of the products 
 named, it is oyer fourteen hundred and thirty millions of pounds 
 
 Attention must now be directed to another aspect of this subject and 
 one that is indispensable to the proper understanding of the present 
 posture of slave labor. 1 
 
 It had become apparent, at the close of 1849, that slave labor, and 
 free abor both combined, were about to fail in producing an adequate 
 supply of Cotton and Coffee, to meet the demand for these commodities ■ 
 and, as a necessary consequence, the prices of both advanced largely 
 beyond what they had been for years. It was also known that ex- 
 cept so far as more favorable seasons might afford larger crops occa- 
 sionally, no increased ratio of production was to be expected in the 
 countries engaged in the cultivation of these articles; and that their 
 consumption had been increasing in a greater ratio than their production 
 so that a short supply must become permanent, unless additional laborers' 
 | in other countries, not now producing them, could be induced to engage 
 1 m their cultivation. ° ° 
 
 ! There was one mode, indeed, by which an increased production of 
 | these commodities might have been secured, in the present producing 
 ! countries ; and that was by an unlimited and untrammeled increase of 
 j the slave trade, adding, annually, two or three hundred thousand slaves 
 to the plantations of Brazil, Cuba, and other slave labor countries 
 | And such was the pressing necessity for an increased supply of Cotton 
 ■England m 1850, that this course of policy was very nearly adopted, 
 lhe philanthropists, despairing, at that moment, of the suppression of 
 the slave trade, and anxious to relieve it of the horrors induced by tho 
 
184 Facts for Tin til lag Men. 
 
 fear of capture on the part of the traders ; and, moreover, being mostly 
 " peace men," and opposed to the shedding of blood ; had commenced 
 to urge the withdrawal of the naval squadrons from the African coast, 
 so as to leave the traffic in slaves once more unmolested, that it might 
 be prosecuted with care and deliberation and less loss of human life. 
 During 1850 and each of the four preceding years, Brazil received from 
 Africa^ from 50,000 to 60,000 slaves for the supply of her planters, 
 notwithstanding the efforts of the squadrons to prevent it. But, as the 
 mortality of her slaves is ten per cent, per annum, she needed 200,000 
 at least, to keep pace with the demands which commerce was making 
 upon her for slave grown products. The English Cotton lords, foresee- 
 ing, doubtless, that the movement would at once double the supply of 
 laborers to Brazil, and increase her ability to export Cotton, readily 
 united with the philanthropists, and, in the name of humanity, demanded 
 that the government should withdraw its African squadron. The adop- 
 tion of this measure by Parliament, would have given to the slave 
 trader an uninterrupted field for renewing his horrid traffic in human 
 flesh. But Lord John Russell brought the whole weight of his influence 
 against it, as Premier, and refused, any longer to have the action of 
 government controlled by men who had proved themselves, throughout 
 the anti-slavery movement, as ignorant of the principles of political 
 economy, as they were erroneous in their notions of human nature. 
 
 To afford a true idea of the embarrassments under which the English 
 manufacturers labor, in reference to a supply of Cotton to keep then- 
 looms in motion, it is only necessary to state : that from 1830 to 1845, 
 omitting 1837 and 1841, the increase in the consumption of Cotton in 
 England, averaged, annually, nearly 35,000,000 lbs. The whole con- 
 sumption, in 1830, was 247,600,000 lbs. and in 1845 it had risen as 
 before stated, to 626,496,000 lbs. But in 1845 her consumption of 
 Cotton had reached its maximum, and she has not since manufactured 
 so large a quantity, in any one year, by two or three millions of pounds. 
 The reason of this is fully explained in the London Economist and other 
 British periodicals., Her supplies of Cotton from all other countries, 
 except the United States, had been diminishing for many years, save 
 when excessively high prices diverted a larger portion from India to 
 England. The ratio of increase in the production of Cotton, in the 
 United States, has been only about three per cent, per annum, or nearly 
 equal to the natural increase of her slave population. Beyond this ratio 
 of increase, the production of Cotton in the United States cannot extend, 
 excepting so far as new and richer lands are obtained and cultivated ; 
 and, even then, an increase from this cause cannot be permanent, as 
 much of the Cotton lands of the South have been worn out and aban- 
 doned, and much more must share the same fate. The ratio of increase 
 in the production of Cotton, in the United States, cannot, therefore, rise 
 permanently much beyond three per cent, per annum. 
 
 Now, we wish it noted, particularly, that the ratio of increase in the 
 manufacture of Cotton, in the United States and the continent of Eu- 
 rope, equals this three per cent, per annum, and takes up the whole 
 increased production of the United States. Owing to the disturbances 
 in Europe, of a political nature, the manufacturing interests on the con- 
 
Facts for Thinking Men. 185 
 
 tincnt have been somewhat deranged, but at the opening of 1850, the 
 condition of this question was as we have stated. 
 
 • England, then, has been left without the means of procuring a suffi- 
 cient supply of Cotton for her manufactories ; and has been driven to 
 extraordinary efforts, for some years past, to remedy this evil. These 
 efforts need not be noticed in detail : they were begun in India, extended 
 to Australia, to South Africa, and last of all to Liberia. The results of 
 these attempts have been rather discouraging, generally, and, in some 
 instances, total failures, except in Liberia ; where the soil, climate, and 
 population, afford hopes of complete success, when the new Republic 
 shall have sufficient capital to employ the native labor within its borders. 
 
 And here we may be allowed to remark, that it does not appear to 
 be so much from a dislike to the use of the slave grown Cotton of Brazil 
 and the United States, that England is seeking supplies from other 
 countries, as because she cannot obtain enough of it to meet her wants. 
 After using 552,500,000 lbs. of slave grown cotton annually, and but 
 71,409,000 lbs. of free labor origin, it need not be claimed that tho 
 Cotton lords of England have any scruples of conscience on that score. 
 
 But we must advert to another aspect of this great question. 
 
 When a skillful general has to contend with a powerful foe, he never 
 rushes recklessly on to the contest, relying for victory upon mere bravery ; 
 but surveys the enemy's movements and position with care, aims at 
 discovering his plans, and then attacks the posts of most vital importance 
 to his adversary. It cannot, justly, be claimed that the English auti- 
 slavery efforts have been conducted upon this principle; but it can be 
 shown that the slave trader, and those interested in sustaining his unholy 
 traffic, have acted upon it, and, until very recently, have gained strength 
 and superior advantages from every movement made for the suppression 
 of that traffic. 
 
 It can also be shown that the signal failure of West India free labor, 
 so unexpected to the emancipationists, and so destructive to the West 
 India planters, was, in a good degree, the legitimate result of the slave 
 rade. Look at the facts. The constant and cheap supply of slaves to 
 he planters of Cuba, enabled them to produce Sugar at £12 the ton; 
 Iwhile in the English West Indies, under freedom, the planters have been 
 tenable to produce it for less than £20 the ton, though paying the free 
 laborer but 18f to 25 cents per day, as wages, the workman boarding 
 himself. Such wages being insufficient to allure the freeman to the toils 
 pf the sugar mills, or to induce him to allow his wife or daughters to go 
 (there, except from necessity, the planters, unable to pay more, at the 
 pices their Sugar bore in market, could not compete with the Cuban 
 Islave holders, and had to abandon their estates. It was thus that the 
 Wave trade crippled English West India cultivation, and rendered it 
 •wholly powerless as a competitor to slave labor; and it was thus, again, 
 [chat slavery was made to react so as to sustain the slave trade. 
 
 The same remarks will apply to the cultivation of Coffee, and the same 
 results, nearly, have followed, in all cases, where either manumitted 
 jfree labor, or Pagan free labor have come into competition with African 
 
 flave labor, in the production of the commodities which we have been 
 onsidering. Hero are the facts : 
 Brazil and the Spanish West Indies, excluding Cuba, exported, in 
 
186 Facts for Thinking Men. 
 
 1832, only 94,080,000 lbs. of Coffee; but after the English emancipa- 
 tion of 1833, the enormous importation of slaves into the former coun- 
 tries enabled them to run up their production so as to export, in 1848, 
 the immense quantity of 313,000,000 lbs. of this article. See the enor- 
 mous power of the slave trade ! In 16 years it enabled these countries 
 to increase their coffee exports from 94,080,000 lbs. to 313,600,000 lbs.! 
 On the other hand, Hayti, the British West Indies, Ceylon, Moeha, 
 and India, all free labor countries, exported less in 1848, by 6,000,000 
 lbs., than they had done in 1832. 
 
 Java and Sumatra, also free labor countries, though increasing their 
 exports of Coffee from 60,480,000 lbs., in 1832, to 156,800,000 lbs. 
 in 1843; yet, owing to the extreme low prices, in the following years, 
 arising from the heavy supplies from Brazil, they allowed their exports 
 to falf off, in 1848, 12,400,000 lbs. below what it was in 1843. _ 
 
 Cuba employing slave labor, diminished her coffee exports, it is true, 
 from 49^280,000 lbs., in 1832, to 22,400,000 lbs. in 1848; but it was 
 only to increase her sugar exports from about 100,000,000 lbs. to near 
 600,000,000 lbs. per annum, and to give the death blow to its produc- 
 tion! by free, labor, in the British West Indies. 
 
 Here, now, without further details, are facts enough to enable think- 
 ing men to discern how far the failure of free labor tropical cultivation 
 is*due to the slave trade; and to convince them that not only in Sugar 
 and Coffee, throughout the whole field of their production, but in Cotton, 
 too, has manumitted free labor, as well as pagan free labor, failed to 
 sustain itself in competition with African slave labor; and that the slave 
 trade has embarrassed, discouraged, and almost ruined free labor tropi- 
 cal cultivation. 
 
 But let us look a little more closely at the position into which tins 
 tremendous agent of evil, the slave trade, has thrown the Christian world. 
 By introducing a savage population into new and rising Christian States, 
 where labor was much in demand, it has checked the progress of civiliza- 
 tion, and entailed evils that the wisdom of man is unable to remove. 
 By multiplying at will the number of slaves in the world, it has cast a 
 blight upon free labor within the tropics. By rapidly augmenting the 
 supplies of slave labor products, at cheap rates, it has driven those of 
 free labor from the markets, except at ruinous prices, and thus has it 
 successfully paralyzed the arm of the freeman. By securing to slave 
 labor the monopoly of the markets for its products, it has compelled the 
 Christian world to become the prop of that system, by making it uecessarj 
 thai she should consume its fruits. By this decrease of free labor pro- 
 ducts, it has placed slavery, apparently, upon an immovable basis, 
 enabling it to bid defiance to its enemies, and to force England, the 
 most deeply interested of all nations in its destruction, to become its 
 principal supporter. Thus, the day of freedom for the slave, it would 
 sen:), is prolonged, and the hope of the philanthropist almost ready to 
 expire. Here," now, is the position in which tins momentous questioi 
 stood at the opening of L851. 
 
 Bui before the olose of thai year, we heard the cheering declaration;! 
 by the British Prime Minister, thai the slave trade was virtually at an 
 end. Tired of diplomacy with Brazil, and wearied with repeated ndm 
 lions of treaties, on the part of thai government, the English squadral 
 
Facts for Thinking Men. 187 
 
 was sent to her coast, and, by firing into the slave trading vessels in her 
 ports, brought her to terms. Brazil at once agreed to prohibit the traffic 
 in slaves to her citizens, and it is confidently believed that she will now 
 act in good faith, inasmuch as she will be closely watched by England 
 That the boast of the British Premier was no idle one, is proved by 
 the parliamentary reports of the present year, on the Brazilian slave 
 trade; which show that only about 3,000 slaves had been smuggled into 
 B.razil during the past year, while the number introduced during the five 
 preceding years, had been from 50,000 to 60,000. 
 
 The Queen of England, in her speech of the 15th August, 1852 at 
 the prorogation of Parliament, says: "Treaties have been concluded' by 
 my naval commanders, with the king of Dahomey and all the African 
 chiefs whose rule extends along the Bight of Benin, for the total abolition 
 of the slave trade, which at present is wholly suppressed upon that post." 
 The recent purchase of the territory between Liberia and Sierra 
 Leone, by President Roberts, upon which our Ohio colony is to be 
 planted, has placed the whole of that part of the coast under the juris- 
 diction of the Liberian authorities, and forever rendered the slave trade 
 illegal throughout its former strong holds in the Gallinas and Grand 
 Cape Mount. 
 
 We may, therefore, say, remarks the editor of a leading Boston paper 
 that there is not now, on the whole coast of Africa, a single open, legal- 
 ized slave mart for the foreign trade. Slaves may, and no doubt will 
 be smuggled from Africa, as long as Cuba encourages the traffic ; but 
 there is no longer any place on that continent, where slaves can be 
 openly collected and kept for the foreign market and sold to foreign 
 traders, under cover of African laws. ° 
 
 This, then, is a new and most important fact, to be added to those 
 which we have noticed in our rapid review of the present condition of 
 free labor and slave labor, and it must produce great revolutions in the 
 questions we have been considering. Let us, therefore, proceed to take 
 a cahn and dispassionate review of the history of past events and results, 
 so as to form a sound judgment of what will be the practical effects of 
 the suppression of the slave trade, upon the interests of free labor and 
 slave labor respectively. As the prosecution of that traffic, by supply- 
 ing an abundance of laborers, at cheap rates, has paralyzed free labor 
 tropical cultivation, every where, and secured to slave labor the principal 
 monopoly of the markets of the world for its products, let us see what 
 results may be anticipated from the suppression of the slave trade and 
 the consequent suspension of the supplies of slaves from Africa to the 
 planters of Cuba and Brazil. 
 
 As like causes produce like effects, under similar circumstances, we 
 must see if a like event with the present suppression of the slave trade, 
 has before occurred, and then ascertain the results that followed. A 
 case precisely parallel, is afforded in the history of the prohibition of the 
 slave trade, to the British West India planters, by the Enolish Parlia- 
 ment. & 
 
 These planters, up to 180G, had received from the slave traders an 
 uninterrupted supply of laborers, and had rapidly extended their culti- 
 vation as commerce increased its demands for their products. Let us 
 take the results in Jamaica as an example of the whole of the British 
 
183 Fads for Thinking Men. 
 
 West India Islands. She had increased her exports of sugar from a 
 yearly average of 123,979,000 lbs. in 1772-3, to 234,700,000 lbs. in 
 1805-6. No diminution of exports had occurred, as has been asserted 
 bv some anti-slavery writers, before the prohibition of the slave trade. 
 The increase was progressive and undisturbed, except so far as affected 
 by seasons more or less favorable. But no sooner was her supply of 
 slaves cut off, by the Act of 1806, which took effect in 1808, than the 
 exports of Jamaica began to diminish, until her sugar had fallen off from 
 1822 to 1832, to an annual average of 131,129,000 lbs., or nearly to 
 what they had been sixty years before. It was not until 1833 that the 
 Emancipation Act was passed ; so that this decline in the exports of 
 Jamaica, took place under all the rigors of West India slavery. 
 
 The cause of this decline in the exports of the British West India 
 colonies, is easily explained. The planters preferred males as laborers, 
 and the slave traders imported males, principally, from Africa, to sell to 
 them. As soon, therefore, as the supplies were withheld, the slave 
 population began to diminish, by the usual mortality among the adults ; 
 so that, at the end of about twenty-three years, according to Buxton, 
 instead of any increase, they had decreased from 800,000 to 700,000. 
 The result of this movement was, that the exports from the whole Brit- 
 ish West Indies, were reduced one-third below what they had been before 
 the prohibition of the slave trade. 
 
 Now, let us inquire a moment into the condition of Cuba and Brazil, 
 which have been as fully dependent upon the slave trade for their supply 
 of laborers, as the British West Indies were before 1808. 
 
 A census of Cuba, a few years since, showed that out of a slave pop- 
 ulation of 425,000 there were but 150,000 females. The slave popula- 
 tion of Brazil is believed to be composed of about the same disproportion 
 in the sexes as that of Cuba. The rate of mortality among adult slaves, 
 imported from Africa, is very great, being in Brazil, as before stated, 
 near ten per cent, per annum, and requiring a renewal of that class of 
 slaves, on the plantations, once in ten years. 
 
 It is very easy, with these lights before us, to foresee what must be 
 the effect of the suppression of the slave trade on Cuba and Brazil. 
 The supply of slaves being cut off, the deaths must, in a few years, 
 equalize the sexes, and result in a great decrease of the slave population. 
 This must produce a corresponding diminution in their exports, for many 
 years, extending, annually, to at least one-third their former amount. 
 This decrease in the supply of slave labor products, will create a corres- 
 ponding increase of their prices in the markets. But this enhancement 
 of their value will not compensate the Cuban and Brazilian slave hold- 
 ers for their diminished production and the losses in the number of their 
 slaVSB. The suppression of the slave trade, then, will be a serious pecu- 
 niary loss to the slaveholders of these two countries. 
 
 But who are to be benefited by this revolution in slave labor coun- 
 tries, hitherto dependent upon "the slave trade? Undoubtedly, the 
 benefits will be enjoyed by free labor, wherever it is employed in the 
 cultivation of similar products; and by slave labor in countries not 
 depending upon the African slave trade. This stimulus to industry, 
 thin, will reach Hayti, the British West Indies, and Liberia, to prompt 
 their freemen to greater industry, by the prospect of better compensation 
 
Facts for Thinking Men. 189 
 
 for their labor. As the supplies of slave-grown products diminish, and 
 the prices increase, free labor products must be multiplied, and free labor 
 itself, in some degree, be released from its embarrassments. 
 
 But this stimulus of higher prices will reach the United States in a 
 much greater degree, because our slaveholders are prepared, at once, to 
 avail themselves of these advantages, and it will add to the stability of 
 slavery, by increasing the price of its products, and enhancing the value 
 of the slaves. Already the short supply of Cotton, before noticed, has 
 vastly increased the value of both Cotton and slaves, and the suppression 
 of the slave trade, at this juncture, must greatly add to the advantages 
 of the slaveholder of the United States. 
 
 After all the efforts, therefore, that have been made for the destruc- 
 tion of slavery, during a half century of unwearied exertion, the progress 
 of events has so complicated this great problem, that at the very moment 
 when the slave trade is supposed to be extinguished, or nearly so, and 
 tropical free labor left unshackled, the Christian world is more deeply 
 indebted to slave labor than at any former period, and the slavery of the 
 United States rendered more permanent and profitable, to all human 
 appearance, than at any time since its origin. 
 
 If any one doubts the justness of this conclusion, as a fair deduction 
 from the facts which have been presented, we most sincerely and earnestly 
 invite him to show us our error, as our only aim is the discovery of 
 truth, in the light of which alone, can we hope to discover the path of 
 duty, in relation to the great questions connected with the redemption 
 of the African race. 
 
 The investigations now completed, have conducted us to a most inter- 
 esting conclusion, and brought out results wholly different, no doubt, 
 from what most of our readers have been anticipating. They are, how- 
 ever, legitimate deductions from the facts connected with the subject, 
 and show, most conclusively, that the question of slavery, in our country, 
 is placed upon new grounds. 
 
 It shows, also, that those who have had the control of the anti-slavery 
 movements, have manifested little foresight in their policy, as nearly 
 every measure adopted to check or suppress the evils of slavery and the 
 slave trade, have been followed by results the reverse of what they 
 expected, and were laboring to secure. But we have no disposition to 
 find fault, our only aim being to point to the bearing that the new order 
 of things must have upon African Colonization and the prosperity of the 
 Republic of Liberia. 
 
 While our researches have revealed the immense extent to which the 
 Christian world is now consuming slave-grown products, at the same time 
 the utmost capacity of slave labor, to meet the demands of commerce, 
 has also been discovered. This is something gained. In the United 
 States, the ratio of increase in the annual production of Cotton, keeps 
 even pace with the natural increase of the slaves, and nothing more. 
 Our sugar growers cannot go beyond this, except as they draw off the 
 laborers from the cotton fields. Thus stands the slave labor of the 
 United States. 
 
 The slave population of Cuba and Brazil, should the slave trade lie 
 effectually suppressed, will soon be placed upon the same basis as that 
 of the United States. The planters there, will have no increase of 
 
190 Facts for Thinking 3Ien. 
 
 laborers, excepting from the natural increase of the slaves. The reduc- 
 tion of the slave population, by the death of the excess of males, judging 
 from the results in the English colonies, after 1808, will not be made up 
 by the natural increase, in less than thirty years. Until that occurs, 
 Cuba and Brazil will be unable to keep their exports up to the present 
 amount. The exports of the English colonies, upon the prohibition of 
 the slave trade, fell off one-third, and a like result may now be expected 
 in Brazil and Cuba. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the utmost capacity of slave labor, in 
 tropical and semi-tropical cultivation, can be accurately estimated, and 
 the extent of its supplies to commerce be clearly foreseen. This will 
 enable the friends of free labor to measure the strength and resources of 
 the forces with which they must compete — a thing that was impossible 
 under the reign of the slave trade. But on this point we shall not 
 speculate. 
 
 The present inability of free labor and slave labor, both combined, to 
 meet the demands of commerce, and the reduction of cultivation that 
 must occur in Cuba and Brazil, will leave a vaccuum in the markets, 
 for tropical products, to be filled from other sources, or to give an 
 increased value to the amount that can be supplied from the present 
 fields of cultivation. 
 
 But who is to be enriched by this result? Who is to supply the 
 deficit, and reap the golden harvest it will afford? Or, in default of 
 augmented cultivation, who are to have their coffers made to overflow 
 by an increase in the price of the productions they are able to furnish ? 
 These questions are worth considering, and we must give them a 
 moment's attention. 
 
 The English West India free labor colonies cannot be much benefited, 
 at present, by this increased demand for tropical products, as they can- 
 not, immediately, increase their cultivation to any great extent. This 
 will be readily admitted, when it is stated that the lands in these colo- 
 nies are mostly held by white men, who reside in England ; and that 
 the colored men in the islands own but a few acres each — barely enough, 
 generally, to afford the necessary amount of food for their families. 
 
 But already the West India landholders are bestirring themselves at 
 the brightening prospects, and are appealing to the free colored people 
 of the United States, to rush over to the islands, become loyal subjects 
 of Queen Victoria, and faithful laborers on the plantations of English 
 gentlemen! Our free colored men, however, deserve something better 
 than this, and they know it : and they give indications of a determina- 
 tion to reject the proffered boon of becoming mere laborers in the sugar 
 mills of the West Indies, especially as they cannot expect over Jifty 
 cents per day, as wages. 
 
 Doubtless, an increase of wages will now command more of the native 
 labor of these islands, than at any time since emancipation, and tend to 
 multiply their exports; hut no great advancement can be made until the 
 intelligence of the colored people is raised much above the present 
 standard, by more extensive means of education than now prevail, nor 
 even then, until they become the owners of the soil. 
 
 As J lay t i still exports about one-third of her former amount of Coffee, 
 she will be benefited I rise in the price of that article ; but as her 
 
Facts for Thinking Men. 191 
 
 Sugar and Cotton cultivation has been greatly neglected for many years, 
 she will derive little present advantage from that quarter by any in- 
 creased demand. 
 
 Liberia, with only eight or nine thousand colonists, and eighty 
 thousand partially civilized natives, mostly engaged in trade, or in pro- 
 ducing food for home consumption, cannot derive any material benefit 
 from an increased demand for Coffee, Sugar, and Cotton, for some years 
 to come. Her citizens, however, are now turning attention to their 
 cultivation with encouraging success ; and British capitalists offer to 
 her citizens any amount of means for the employment of native labor 
 in the cultivation of Cotton. Liberia can command an unbounded 
 extent of fertile tropical lands, well adapted to the cultivation of all the 
 three great staples upon which slave labor is now chiefly employed. 
 She has within her own jurisdiction at least 300,000 natives, mostly 
 uncivilized, and is backed in the interior and flanked on the west and 
 east by untold millions who must ultimately be redeemed from barbarism. 
 All this labor she must one day control. But as she has not now a 
 sufficient number of men to carry on the work of civilization, and to 
 control this labor, her wealth cannot be greatly augmented by any 
 extent of demand for articles she is not producing. 
 
 Recent experiments in Australia, for the cultivation of Cotton, are 
 said to have been eminently successful, but the still more recent dis- 
 covery of gold in that country has drawn off the laborers from the cotton 
 cultivation to the more tempting occupation of gold digging. 
 
 It appears from these statements, that no tropical free labor country 
 can derive much immediate benefit from an increased demand for tropical 
 products ; and that the great practical good derived from it is only a 
 consciousness that the slave trade can no longer paralyze tropical free 
 labor and render the fruits of its industry valueless in the markets of 
 the world. This, however, is one great point gained, and constitutes 
 an era in the history of the African race. 
 
 The parties, then, who will necessarily be benefited in the greatest 
 degree, by the suppression of the slave trade, will be the native popula- 
 tion of Africa and the slaveholders in the United States. All free 
 labor countries, it is true, will be stimulated to immediate action, but 
 they will require time to realize much of the benefits of the coming 
 changes in the condition of slavery. The natives of Africa will merely 
 be freed from their greatest curse, and be better prepared for civilization. 
 Then, it is evident, that in the suppression of the slave trade, the slave- 
 holders of the United States, alone, of all the parties named, will at 
 once enter upon the enjoyment of the benefits of these changes, and 
 will continue to be enriched thereby, until free labor multiplies its forces 
 and throws into the markets a sufficient amount of products to supply 
 the demand and reduce the prices. 
 
 But can free labor do this in a day, a year, or ten years? Certainly 
 not. The task, however, has been begun, and iu the ^nly mode, and 
 on the only territory in which it can succeed ; and, but for the unfor- 
 tunate opposition of the Abolitionists, this work might have been in a 
 much greater state of forwardness than we now find it. That mode is 
 to employ the labor of Africa within Africa. Many moderate anti- 
 slaverv men, who have hitherto opposed us in this i Ebrt to call out free 
 
102 Facts for Thinking Men. 
 
 labor in Africa, are now giving np their opposition to Colonization; 
 bfiing convinced that the good of the colored men themselves, as well 
 as the interests of free labor, can be most efficiently promoted by emi- 
 gration to Liberia. But others are still violently opposed to Colonization. 
 
 Leaving out the 500,000 free colored persons of the United States, 
 and there are but about one million and three quarters of African free- 
 men employed in the cultivation of Coffee, Sugar, and Cotton, for export , 
 while the slave population, now similarly employed, is not less than six 
 millions and three quarters! Allowing the decrease of the slave popu- 
 lation, in Cuba and Brazil, that will follow the suppression of the slave 
 trade, only to equal that in the English colonies, after 1808, and there 
 will still be left at least six millions of slaves as competitors against one 
 million and three quarters of freemen. 
 
 Now, the contest, if conducted with these forces alone, will be an un- 
 equal one, as the degree of intelligence among the majority of the eman- 
 cipated West India people is but a few degrees higher than that of the 
 natives of Africa, and their voluntary industry will be proportionally 
 unproductive. 
 
 In stating the strength of the free labor forces, employed as rivals to 
 slave labor, we have not included the 500,000 free colored men of the 
 United States. This was intentional, as they do not belong to the forces 
 'practically arrayed against slavery. On the contrary, they are, to the 
 utmost of their pecuniary ability, as a body, engaged in its support. 
 We speak knowingly, and mean what we say and beg to he heard. 
 
 It is the extensive demand for slave labor products, and the profits 
 on their sale, which is the main prop of slavery. Destroy this demand, 
 and slave labor becomes valueless. Let the consumers become producers, 
 and the task is accomplished to the full extent of the change eflei I. 
 Draw off enough of the consumers into the ranks of the producers, to 
 supply the demand for slave grown products, at lower rates than slave 
 labor can afford them; and the whole system must be paralyzed, just as 
 certainly as the cheap slave labor, supplied by the slave trade, was ruin- 
 ous to free labor. 
 
 But the free colored people of the United States, instead of being 
 thus arrayed against slavery, by remaining here, are practically sus- 
 taining thai institution, and perpetuating it as far as the patronage of a 
 half million of customers can lend it support. 
 
 Bow are they doing this ? The colored people have sworn eternal 
 enmity to slavery, and have pledged themselves to struggle lor its 
 downfall ; how is it, then, that they can he thus engaged, perseveringly, 
 in the support of an institution towards which they hear an unbounded 
 hatred? 
 
 Well, they are doing it in this way. and, like the Christian world at 
 large, they are supporting slavery from necessity. At a moderate estir 
 mate, each \\-rr eolored person purchases annually, three dollars' worth 
 of cotton goods lor clothing. This gives a support to slave labor, and 
 its manufacturing allies, of One million ami a hah of dollars a year; an 
 amount more than equal to the whole sum expended in founding the 
 blic of Liberia; and which, if invested in the hire of native labor 
 in Africa, would employ over 00,000 freemen in the cultivation of Cot- 
 ti q, and give a tremendous impulse to free labor. 
 
Facts for Thinking Men. 193 
 
 We know the free colored people did not mean so, but for all practical 
 purposes, in the contest for African freedom, they have, all alon"-, been 
 fighting on the wrong side ! 
 
 But what can these 500,000 free colored people do, to prevent the 
 profitable extension of slave labor, now appearing so inevitable in conse- 
 quence of its advantageous position! Shall they fight? That is a 
 hopeless remedy. Shall they remain here to agitate the question, and 
 continue the consumption of slave grown products? The past history 
 of this mode of warfare, proves it powerless in promoting their object. 
 What can they do, then, to secure to free labor at least the benefits of 
 the increasing demands for tropical products, and thus limit slavery to 
 its present advantages, and prevent its further extension ? Surely, the 
 answer is a plain one. Let these 500,000 free colored persons become 
 producers of free labor products, instead of consumers of those that are 
 slave grown,_ and let them call to their aid ten times their own numbers, 
 and soon their weight, as a people, would be felt and acknowledged by 
 the Christian world. But there is no country in the world, °except 
 Africa, where a sufficient amount of laborers can be found to affect this 
 great question. 
 
 And here now, allow us to say, that the whole practical tendency of 
 Colonization, so far as it has reference to the free colored people, from 
 the day of its origin, has been to array them on the side of free labor; 
 and that, too, under such circumstances as would best promote their own 
 interests and that of their children, and advance the cause of human 
 freedom in Africa and throughout the world. For, so long as Africa 
 remains barbarous, just so long will the people of color, scattered through- 
 out the world, be reckoned as an inferior race, not capable of enjoyino- 
 equal rights with the white races among whom they dwell. 
 
 And allow us to say, further, that we do not expect that these 500,000 
 free colored persons, by emigrating to Liberia, will be able, by the labor 
 of their own hands to compete with the slave labor still employed in 
 tropical cultivation, and to secure to themselves, at once, all the benefits 
 of the increasing demands of commerce for the productions of the tropics : 
 but we do say, that they will be equal participants in it, and that there 
 is no other possible mode of employing the African free labor within 
 Africa, and making it rival African slave labor in other countries, but 
 by the emigration of intelligent colored men to that continent, to take its 
 labor under their care and give it a proper direction. 
 
 And is not the control of the labor of Africa sufficiently valuable to 
 tempt the enterprise of intelligent colored men to secure its possession? 
 Heretofore nations have contended for its monopoly, and is it not worth 
 the attention of individuals ? Look at what African labor has done out 
 cf Africa, and then judge of its capabilities if employed within Africa ; 
 and judge, also, of the priceless boon which southern slaveholders be- 
 stow upon their bondmen, when they offer them freedom in Liberia ! 
 
 Hitherto the thousands of millions of dollars' worth of products, trans- 
 ported by commerce to the ends of the earth, from the tropical and semi- 
 tropical districts of the Western Hemisphere, to aggrandize the nations 
 who possessed their control, have all been created by the strong arms 
 and broken hearts of the sons and daughters of Africa. Century after 
 century, Africa's children have been torn from her bosom, to labor for 
 13 
 
194 Facts for Thinking Men. 
 
 the enrichment of strangers, and to die and be forgotten as the brutes 
 of the field ! Nor was this accomplished but by dreadful losses of human 
 life — losses, which, if occurring in any ordinary branch of commerce, 
 would lead to its abandonment as a ruinous speculation. Look at these 
 losses but a moment : for each 300 men, made available to the planter, 
 by the slave trade, Africa had to lose 1,000 — the 700 perishing in the 
 casualties attending the traffic. Tropical cultivation must be vastly 
 profitable to bear such losses as this. And yet, with all these disadvan- 
 tages, what has not slave labor accomplished in the production of wealth ! 
 Take as an example, the slave grown crops of Coffee, Sugar, and Cotton, 
 for a single year, namely, 1849, and their market value, at only eight 
 and one-half cents per pound, was over tivo hundred and thirty millions 
 of dollars ! ! 
 
 Now if African labor, after the destruction of seven-tenths, to make 
 three-tenths available, has enriched half the nations of the world, and 
 now supplies the basis of two-thirds of their commerce, what may not be 
 expected for Africa herself, when all her labor shall become available 
 for her own aggrandizement? 
 
 And, need we repeat, that Colonization is but a broad scheme of 
 intervention, for securing to Africa the benefits of her own labor ; that 
 Liberia is but the foundation stone of the glorious temple, yet to be 
 reared in Africa, to freedom and to God ; that the part we ask our freo 
 colored people to perform, is but to perfect this work of benevolence and 
 love ; that without their aid, the development of the resources of Africa 
 must be slow, and slave labor be left, almost without a rival, to extend 
 itself upon this continent, crushing free labor and the colored freeman 
 both into the dust ; and that, though there will be six millions of slaves, 
 against whom to do battle in the markets of the world, the free colored 
 people, by removing to Africa, will have one hundred millions of their 
 own race to summon to their aid, in sustaining themselves in this final 
 struggle for the social, civil, and religious redemption of themselves and 
 of the long benighted land of their fathers. 
 
 And who will now dare to oppose Colonization, and say, that Africa, 
 after enriching the world by her labor, shall not now receive back to her 
 embrace, enough of her captive children to secure to herself the profits 
 of her industry! Who will be bold enough to deny to her enough of 
 her enlightened sons, to organize her scattered tribes into one great 
 nation, enabling her to become the gigantic commercial country, for 
 which she is so eminently fitted by her immense population and wonder- 
 ful agricultural resources ! 
 
 With such facts before him, as arc embraced in these pages, who can 
 fail to foresee the results of the new contest that is commencing, and to 
 realize that the triumph or defeat of tropical free labor, is dependent upon 
 the course of action adopted by the colored freemen of the United States. 
 Truly, may it be said, that the destiny of Africa, and the African race, 
 is now in their hands ! And, with equal truth, may we not assert, that 
 opposition to Colonization, is opposition to the extension of Free Labor 
 and must tend to the perpetuation of slav-"- 
 
NOTE 
 
 Does the Slave Trade and Slavery exist among Liberians? 
 
 reKt^b1n\*^K * ** «"■ -rcial 
 
 SJToflS^Tda^; "ttSS^T — P^ledtorelinquisU its claims to the 
 
 MHBHB5R 
 
 apt' w ii ™ ere , la 'u no slaTer - v fa the Commonwealth." 
 Wtt ^^ttrfMSS.* 1- "" b >' -»— «f th. Commonwealth, either 
 i t /;Stulio e n COl ° Uy deelareJ itS6lf an ^Pendent Republic, with the following language In 
 
 of hTs-pLs^o^law'o^t^ SSP - ° f m " e ' libert) ' »T' "^ ^ ^'judgment 
 
 w | aas?^ SisaassttKir T ™ 7 ** ^^ «* 
 
 pre^sfaytSL^'a^aX ^ ST***^ ^ "^ingha« been done more to sun- 
 SSte^td ,;,."',• th:m , the c ° nrt . ant intercourse of the natives with the>e indus- 
 
 iiiiiilill 
 
 Captain Irvmg, R. N., in a letter to Dr. Hodgkin, August 3d, 1840, observes- "Yon »* m» !* 
 I found a great dXen^^fopSeSng IS « and^t'ox^ ° t? 7 ^ l "* ss ° ra > 
 
 iig^Ilipisiiill 
 
 T^rfl« in nT„ <■„!! • ' - ' „ > tne same Officer gave las testimony before the House of 
 
 ^^^^^!^^^^^^"^T ** the >«» a ' 1 ™ SASSiS 
 
 trade ha fi ben e X tingu J °hed. F ' ' * L ' bman ttmtX,Ty mterTOnM , and there the slave 
 
P AKT FI FT H. 
 
 In temporal affairs, experience supplies the best rule for the guidance 
 of man. In spiritual concerns, the word of God is the law by which 
 his conduct must be governed. In relation to the spread of the Gospel 
 while the Saviour has given a few general directions, as to the mode ot 
 its propagation, he has left much to human wisdom, as to the measures 
 by whiclf it is to be extended. Pagan countries differ so widely in 
 their civil relations, social customs, superstitions, and degrees ot intel- 
 liaence that corresponding variations must be made in the plans tor 
 their evangelization. Africa, when first visited by the Missionary, was 
 one broad field of ignorance and barbarism. Its condition differed so 
 widely from that of any other country, where missions had been estab- 
 lished, that the efforts made for its redemption, could be little else than 
 experiments. ^ ^^ ^^ we may sa f e i y proceed to contrast the 
 results of the several classes of missions in Africa, ascertain what ex- 
 perience teaches, and determine the rule by which the greatest progress 
 is to be made, in the extension of Civilization and Christianity, in that 
 land of darkness and desolation. This task we now propose to exe- 
 cute, and shall take up the several missions in the following order : 
 
 1 The missions founded in Liberia. 
 
 2 Those in the English colonies of Recaptured Africans _ 
 
 3. Those among native tribes, beyond the protection of the colonies. 
 
 4. Those to the natives of South Africa, within the hnghsh colonies 
 of white men. 
 
 I. The Missions founded in Liberia. 
 Rev. Samuel J. Mills is called the father of our Foreign Missionary 
 scheme. His heart first received the Divine impress of the spirit ot 
 missions, and through him it was communicated to others 1 tnmK 
 I can trust myself in the hands of God, and all that is dear to me; 
 but I Ion- to have the time arrive, when the Gospel shall be preached 
 to the 2wor Africans." This language, entered in his diary, while a 
 (196) 
 
The Missions founded in Liberia. 197 
 
 student at College,* proves that the thought of Africa was foremost in 
 his mind. He beheld her captive children, dwelling in our midst, 
 deeply degraded. From this condition they could not be elevated to 
 the dignity of freemen. Christian philanthropy made the effort, but 
 whs unable to afford them relief.f Their country, too, was yet a 
 bleeding victim, with few to pity and none to protect. 
 
 With the National Independence of our country, there arose higher 
 conceptions of the individual man. This was a logical inference from 
 the principles maintained. People found themselves capable of self- 
 government ; hence, the individual must possess the capacity for self- 
 elevation. So reasoned the founders of our Republic ; and, to this 
 end, equal laws and privileges were secured to every citizen, that the 
 improvement of all might be promoted. But in the case of the col- 
 ored man, the National Government was powerless. It possessed 
 neither the means, nor the constitutional authority, to change the rela- 
 tions in which he stood to the whites. It only remained, therefore, to 
 make the colored man, himself, the instrument of his own redemption. 
 \ No sooner had this thought sprung into existence, than it was seized 
 by the Philanthropist ; and, in his grasp, it suddenly expanded into 
 the grand idea of making him also the agent for the deliverance of 
 his country. 
 
 The time had come for Samuel J. Mllls to act. Five years had 
 rolled away since his companions, whom he had enlisted in the cause — 
 Judson, Newell, Nott, Hall, and Rice — had gone to their fields of 
 labor, in the East.]; Africa, as well as Asia, was now remembered 
 by the friends of Foreign Missions ; and Mills offered himself,§ to open 
 the pathway for the colored man's return, with the Gospel of peace, to 
 the home of his fathers. He accomplished his object, only to find his 
 grave in the ocean, thus marking the way the captive must pursue to 
 reach a land of freedom. 
 
 The exploration of Mr. Mills, was made in company with the Rev. 
 Ebenezer Burgess, under a commisson from the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society. His death was deeply lamented by the friends of 
 Foreign Missions, but the importance of the cause in which he fell, 
 justified the sacrifice. The favorable report made by Mr. Burgess, 
 enabled the Society to proceed in its enterprise. The first emigrants, 
 8G in number, sailed for Africa, February, 1820; and the Colony was 
 first planted at Monrovia, January, 1822. The pecuniary income of 
 the Society being small, || the emigration was slow — only 1,232 persons 
 having reached the Colony during the first 10 years. The average 
 number of Colonists, up to the period when the Colony became inde- 
 pendent, was only about 170 per annum: the average from the first 
 
 * 1806. 
 
 tMr. Mills enlisted in this cause himself, but on the organization of the 
 American Colonization Society, he embarked in it as the more practicable 
 scheme. $1812. §1817. 
 
 || The receipts, for the first six years, averaged only $3,276 per annum. 
 
193 The Missions founded in Liberia. 
 
 of January, 1848, to the close of 1852, has been o40 per annum: 
 and for 1853, alone, it has been 782 : thus showing a rapid increase 
 since the establishment of the Republic. Previous to that date, three- 
 fourths of the emigrants had been emancipated slaves, who received 
 their freedom on condition of going to Liberia ; but, since its independ- 
 ence, a largely increased proportion have been freemen. 
 
 We shafl not enter upon the history of the trials to which Liberia 
 has been subjected, as the main facts are familiar to every one. Her 
 extermination by war, on the one hand, has been thrice attempted by 
 the slave traders, through the agency of the native Africans; and, on 
 the other hand, her ruin has been sought, in the destruction of the 
 Colonization Society, by an immense moral force, at the head of which 
 stood men who are now the avowed enemies of the Bible. Good nun, 
 who, for a time, were arrayed in opposition to Colonization, finding 
 themselves involved in a crusade against the introduction of the Gos- 
 pel into Africa, have, mostly, given in their adhesion to the cause, and 
 left the repudiators of Christianity and the traffickers in human flesh, 
 as the only enemies to African Colonization. The prayer of Samuel 
 J. Mills, for the introduction of the Gospel into Africa, has been 
 heard, and Ethiopia now stretches forth her hands unto God. 
 
 In proceeding to the missionary history of Liberia, we shall begin 
 with the Methodist Episcopal Church. The mission in the Republic 
 of Liberia, is her oldest in the Foreign field. The nucleus of this mis- 
 sion, consisted of several members, and one or two local preachers, of 
 the Methodist Church, who went out with the first emigrants. In 
 March, 1833, the Rev. Melville B. Cox, the first ordained missionary, 
 landed in Monrovia. To maintain this mission, has cost much trea- 
 sure, and many precious lives ; but the fruits of it are inestimable. It 
 is now formed into a regular Annual Conference, composed of three 
 districts, each with a presiding elder, and having its circuits, stations, 
 and day and Sunday schools. The mission now covers the whole ter- 
 ritory of Liberia and that of Cape Palmas.* The Conference con- 
 sists of 21 members in full connection and on trial, all of whom are 
 colored men. Its churches, according to the Agent's Report, L853, 
 embrace 1,301 members, of whom 116 arc natives, and there are 115 
 probationers. The Mission has 15 Sunday schools, with 83!) pupils, 
 of whom 50 are natives ; and 20 week-day schools, with 513 scholars. 
 There are' also 7 schools among the natives, with 127 pupils. 
 
 The sums appropriated to sustain this mission were, for 1851, 
 $22,000; for 1852, $26,000 ; for 1853, $32,957; and for 1854, 
 $32,957. This liberality is sufficiently expressive of the confidence 
 of the Methodist Church in Liberia. The Report of the Board of 
 Managers, for 1851, says: 
 
 * CapePiilnms, h, its political organisation, is a distincl colony from Liberia. 
 It was established by Maryland, and has recently declared its independence. 
 We shall speak <>f it," however, as a part of Liberia. Their territories la- con- 
 tiguous and the Missions of most of the Societies are common lo both colonies. 
 
The Missions founded in Liberia. ~[% 
 
 "All eyes are now turned toward this New Republic on the 
 Western coas of Africa, as the star of hope to the colored people, 
 both bond and free, in the United States. The Republic is establish: 
 ing and extending itself ; and its Christian population is in direct con- 
 tact with the natives, both Pagans and Mohammedans. Thus the 
 Republic has indirectly, a powerful missionary influence, and its 
 moral and religious condition is a matter of grave concern to the 
 Church Hence, the Protestant Christian missions in Liberia, are 
 essential to the stability and prosperity of the Republic ; and the sta- 
 bility and prosperity of the Republic are necessary to the protection 
 and action of the missions. It will thus appear, (concludes the Re- 
 port ) that the Christian education of the people, is the legitimate 
 work of the missions." a 
 
 Governed by these considerations, the Methodists have erected a 
 seminary building, m Monrovia, at a cost of $10,000, which is now 
 affording instruction to youth in the higher departments of science and 
 literature. 
 
 The Report for 1853,* speaks still more encouragino-ly of the mis- 
 sion in Liberia. It says : 
 
 "The value of this mission is, perhaps, inconceivable : it not onlv 
 dispenses the word of life to the people* but it contributes largely to 
 the maintenance of good morals and good order in the Republic and 
 thus strengthens and assists in preserving the State. In this way it 
 indirectly contributes to make the Republic of Liberia a steady licit 
 beckoning the free colored people of this country to a land where they 
 can be truly free and equal, and where only they can be truly men 
 and govern themselves. The mission is thus assisting the State to 
 give a triumphant answer to our Southern States when they ask If 
 we set the slave population at liberty, where can they go and be free 
 and prosperous ? This is a result of immense value. It probably 
 contains the solution of the question of American slavery— that o T eat 
 mystery of iniquity which dims the otherwise resplendent light of our 
 glorious Republic. And yet, further, this African mission in the Re- 
 public of Liberia is a steady and shining light to the western portion: 
 ot Africa, where now reigns the most degrading, cruel, and destructive 
 superstitions to be found in the world. Until within a quarter of ; 
 century past, many thousands of human victims have been sacrificed 
 annually, m their cruel and dark religious rites, within sight of the 
 coast ; and not very far removed from the coast these sacrifices still 
 continue, to an extent of which it makes one shudder to think, much 
 less to behold. Can the Church waver in her support of such a mis- 
 sion on the Western coast of Africa. She will not." 
 
 By order of the General Conference, Bishop Scott made an official 
 visit to Liberia, at the close of 1852, and returned in April, 1853 — 
 having spent seventy days in the Colouies. He represents the spirit- 
 
 * Missionary Advocate, April, 1853. 
 
200 The Missions founded in Liberia. 
 
 ual condition of the Mission as, generally, healthy and prosperous ; 
 and the work as going steadily onward. In relation to the civil 
 and social condition of the Colony, the Bishop bears the following 
 testimony : 
 
 " The government of the Republic of Liberia, which is formed on 
 the model of our own, and is wholly in the hands of colored men, 
 seems to be exceedingly well administered. I never saw so orderly a 
 people. I saw but one intoxicated colonist while in the country, and 
 I heard not one profane word. The Sabbath is kept with singular 
 strictness, and the churches crowded with attentive and orderly 'wor- 
 shipers."* 
 
 But, as regards the missions among the natives, the Bishop says, 
 very little indeed has been done— much less than the friends of the 
 mission seem to have good reason to expect— much less than he him- 
 self expected. The result of his inquiries is by no means flattering, 
 and he felt, and feared that the Board would feel, disappointed. These 
 results, however, he says, are not due to any want of faithfulness on 
 the part of the missionaries ; as other denominations have not been 
 more successful— perhaps not quite so much so— but are the result of 
 the peculiar condition of the native population. These peculiarities 
 will be noticed under the head of the native missions. 
 
 The American Baptist Missionary Union, commenced its mission 
 in Liberia, in 1822, under the care of the Rev. Lot Carey and the Rev. 
 Collin Teage ; who had been ordained to the ministry, in Richmond 
 Virginia, January, 1821. They were both colored men, and possessed 
 of much intelligence and energy. They commenced their labors in 
 Monrovia, in the infant colony of Liberia, and founded a Church dur- 
 ing the first year. Lot Carey was chosen pastor of the Church, and 
 .dr. Teage removed for a time to Sierra Leone. "In the performance 
 of his duties as a missionary, Mr. Carey evinced remarkable energv and 
 faithfulness. He was born a slave in Virginia, but many years before 
 raying Richmond he had purchased his freedom and that of his two 
 -•hildren, and had acquired the rudiments of a superior education, and 
 proved himself worthy of the highest trusts in the business with which 
 .ie was charged. On the pestilential shores of Africa he soon found 
 occasion for all the knowledge he had acquired, both among his fellow 
 emigrants and the rude barbarians from the interior with whom they 
 [ecame associated. By his acquaintance with medicine, he healed 
 iic.ir maladies ; by his sagacity in civil affairs, he settled their disputes 
 <nd aided m the organization of their infant society ; and by his earn- 
 > stness and power as a preacher, he commended the Gospel to their 
 ■arts and consciences with unusual success. "f 
 In 1825, the Rev. Calvin Holton, a white man, went out as a mis- 
 
 * Letter to the Colonization Herald— October, 1853. 
 
 t Ganunel's History of the American Baptist Missi 
 
 ! 
 
The Missions founded in Liberia. 201 
 
 sionary, but died almost immediately after his arrival. " The mission 
 continued to be sustained by Mr. Carey, with the aid of two or three 
 pious assistants from among the emigrants. The resources by which 
 it was kept alive were supplied almost entirely by his own efforts, as 
 the funds which were furnished by the Board were of necessity at this 
 time exceedingly limited. The labors of the mission were bestowed 
 upon the emigrant colonists, and also, as far as possible, upon the na- 
 tives of the country, who had either been rescued from slave-ships 
 and settled upon the coast, or had voluntarily come in from the neigh- 
 boring wilderness to join the colonies of their more civilized brethren. 
 Mr. Carey in this manner preached and maintained schools at Monro- 
 via, and also at Grand Cape Mount, among the Veys, one of the most 
 powerful and intelligent of the tribes on the coast. At these and 
 other settlements he was the life and soul of nearly all the religious 
 efforts and operations that were carried on. He preached several 
 times every week, superintended schools both for religious and secular 
 instruction,— in some of which he taught himself,— -traveled from one 
 settlement to another, and watched with constant vigilance and unre- 
 mitting care over all the spiritual and the social interests of the 
 colonists. 
 
 "In September, 1826, he was unanimously elected vice-agent of 
 the colony, and on the return of Mr. Ashmun to the United States, in 
 1823, he was appointed to discharge the duties of Governor in the in- 
 terim—a task which he performed during the brief remnant of his life 
 with wisdom, and with credit to himself. His death took place in a 
 manner that was fearfully sudden and extraordinary. The natives of 
 the country had committed depredations upon the property of the col- 
 ony, and were threatening general hostilities. Mr. Carey, in his capac- 
 ity as acting Governor, immediately called out the military forces of 
 the colony, and commenced vigorous measures for repelling the assault 
 and protecting the settlements. He was at the magazine, engaged in 
 superintending the making of cartridges, when, by the oversetting of 
 a lamp, a large mass of powder became ignited, and produced an°ex- 
 plosion which resulted in the death of Mr. Carey and seven others who 
 were engaged with him. In this sudden and awful manner perished 
 an extraordinary man, — one who in a higher sphere might have devel- 
 oped many of _ the noblest energies of character, and who, even in the 
 humble capacity of a missionary among his own benighted brethren, 
 deserves a prominent place in the list of those who have shed luster 
 upon the African race. 
 
 " At the period of Mr. Carey's death, the Church, of which he was 
 the pastor, contained 100 members, and was in a highly flourishing con- 
 dition. It was committed to the charge of Collin Teage, who now re- 
 turned from Sierra Leone, and of Mr. Waring, one of its members, who 
 had lately been ordained a minister. The influences which had com- 
 menced with the indefatigable founder of the mission continued to be felt 
 long after he had ceased to live. The Church at Monrovia was increased 
 
202 The Missions founded in Liberia. 
 
 to 200 members, and the power of the Gospel was manifested in otlier 
 settlements of the Colonization Society, and even among the rude na- 
 tives of the coast, of whom nearly 100 were converted to Christianity 
 and united with the several churches of the colony."* 
 
 In December, 1830, Rev. B. Skinner, a white man, with his wife and 
 two children, reached Monrovia, to take charge of the mission. They 
 were all seized with the African fever, soon after landing, and Mrs. 
 Skinner and the children died. Mr. S. so far recovered as to embark 
 for home, in July following, but died the twentieth day of the passage. 
 
 In 1834, Dr. Skinner, the father of the missionary, went out as a 
 physician, and was afterward appointed governor of the colony. Soon 
 after his arrival, he recommended the Baptist Board to establish their 
 mission, for the benetit of the natives, among the Bassa tribe. 
 
 In 1835, two other white men, Rev. G. W. Crocker, and Rev. Mr. 
 Mylne, were sent out to the Bassas. Mrs. Mylne, who had accom- 
 panied her husband, died in a month, and Mr. M., after laboring nearly 
 three years, was forced, by ill health, to return to the United States. 
 Mr. Crocker continued his labors, and was married, in 1840, to Miss 
 Warren, who had gone out as a teacher. She died soon afterward, 
 and the declining health of Mr. Crocker compelled him to leave for the 
 United States. 
 
 In 1838, two years before Mr. Crocker left, he had been joined by 
 Rev. Ivory Clarke and wife, whites, who continued to occupy the 
 station, and labored with great success for several years. 
 
 In December, 1840, Messrs. Constantine and Fielding, with their 
 wives, all whites, reached the Bassa mission. Mr. and Mrs. F. both 
 died in six weeks ; and Mr. and Mrs. C. were so much debilitated by the 
 fever that they were compelled to return home in 1842. 
 
 In 1844, the health of Mr. Crocker had become so far restored, that 
 he resolved to return to Africa ; and, having been united in marriage 
 to Miss Chadbourne, he sailed for Liberia, but died two days after 
 landing. " Thus fell, in the midst of high raised hopes, and at an un- 
 expected moment, a missionary of no common zeal and devotion to the 
 cause." j- 
 
 On the death of Mr. Crocker, his widow attached herself to the mis- 
 sion, and labored for its advancement for two years ; when the wreck 
 of her constitution, under the influence of the climate, compelled her 
 to abandon the work, in 184G, and return home. 
 
 In 1818, Mr. Clarke and his wife found their constitutions so com- 
 pletely shattered, and their strength so nearly exhausted, that they left 
 the mission to return to the United States. But he had tarried at his 
 post too long ; death overtook him on the passage, and the sea supplied 
 him a grave. 
 
 Tims, after thirteen years' labor, and the sacrifice of a noble band 
 of martyrs to the cause of African redemption, was the Bassa mission 
 
 Gammel's History of the. American Baptist Missions, fluid. 
 
The Missions founded in Liberia. 203 
 
 left without a head, except so far as it could be supplied by the native 
 converts. A«mongst them, there was one preacher and four teachers, 
 who kept up the organization of the little church, and continued the 
 schools. 
 
 It was not until 1852, that the Board had any offers of missionaries 
 for Bassa, to supply the place of those who had fallen or retreated. In 
 that year, however, Rev. J. S. Goodman, and Rev. W. B. Sbermer, and 
 their wives, offered themselves to the Board, and were accepted. They 
 set sail November 27, 1852, and were accompanied by Mrs. Crocker, 
 who longed to return to the mission and devote her life to the service 
 of her Lord and Master. 
 
 This Mission family was permitted to reach its field of labor in safety; 
 but recent information brings the painful intelligence of the death of Mrs. 
 Crocker and Mrs. Shermer ; and that Mr. Shermer himself, had also 
 been very ill, and had left Africa to return home by way of England. 
 In writing from London, under date of January 13, 1854, he says: 
 " That during the past twelve months, six missionaries of different de- 
 nominations have died, and eight have been and are obliged to return 
 to America ; all of whom had gone to Africa within the last year. 
 This is indeed a fearful mortality among African missionaries. Yet 
 God has a people there, and if the white man can not live to evangel- 
 ize them, he can and will raise up other agencies. Educated colored 
 men, in all probability, must and will be the only'instrumentality em- 
 ployed in the conversion of Africa."* 
 
 The mission, before the recent deaths, consisted of 2 stations, 2 mis- 
 sionaries, 4 female assistants, and 4 native assistants. Its Church has 
 16 members ; and it has 2 day-schools with 36 pupils, and 2 Sabbath- 
 Schools with 60 pupils. 
 
 The Foreign Missionary Board of the Southern Baptist Con- 
 vention, came into existence in 1845. Its organization was a result of 
 the differences of opinion, on the subject of slavery, among the mem- 
 bers of the American Baptist Missionary Union. The Liberia Churches, 
 which were founded by Lot Carey, Collin Teage, and their succes- 
 
 i sors, connected themselves with the Southern Board, while Bassa, alone, 
 continued its adherence to the Northern Board. This arrangement 
 gave the Southern Board, at once, a strong missionary force in Liberia ; 
 and the mission has continued to prosper under their supervision. At 
 present, it is composed of 13 stations, 19 missionaries and teachers, 11 
 day-schools, 400 scholars, and 584 communicants. As far as we can 
 
 I learn, all these missionaries are colored men. 
 
 The Board proposes to occupy three stations* in Central Africa, by 
 six missionaries, four of whom are already secured, and have departed 
 for their field of labor. The mission field in Africa, is represented as 
 very important and very inviting, both on account of the constantly 
 
 * Baptist Missionary Magazine, March, 1854. 
 
20-4 The Missions founded in Liberia. 
 
 increasing emigration from the United States, and the facilities enjoyed 
 for the evangelization of the heathen tribes. During the meeting of the 
 Convention at Baltimore, in June, 1853, the advantages of Central Africa 
 were discussed at length ; and the Rev. T. J. Bowen,* who had ex- 
 plored the held, delivered an address, in which he spoke particularly of 
 Yoruba, as a country with a delightful climate, apparently healthy, and 
 moderately fertile. The people, he said, are far above savages, polite 
 in their manners, quite intelligent, and dwelling in walled cities, some 
 of which cover an area as large as the city of New York. They are 
 prepared by their religion, he conceives, to appreciate the value of the 
 great Sacrifice and Mediator, Jesus, and are willing and anxious to hear 
 the Gospel ; and some of them, during his short stay of eight weeks, 
 gave evidence of a change of heart and of faith in Christ. He was 
 the first white man who had visited some parts of that country ; and 
 "his narrative was at once surprising and encouraging." 
 
 The Presbyterian Board of Missions, (0. S.,) sent their first mis- 
 sionaries to West Africa, in 1833. The Rev. J. B. Pinney was the 
 pioneer in this mission. In the earlier years of its existence, it was 
 greatly interrupted and retarded by the sickness or death of its mis- 
 sionaries ; but within the last few years its prospects are more en- 
 couraging. In 1837, attempts were made to establish missions among 
 the natives, and the efforts continued throughout a series of years. 
 Much labor and several valuable lives were sacrificed in the work, and 
 the only remaining fruit is a single station, at Settra Kroo, with a small 
 school for native children. In 1850, a new mission to the natives was 
 commenced at Corisco Island, which, thus far, is very promising. 
 
 The mission in Liberia, for colonists and natives, was the first estab- 
 lished and has been more prosperous. It now embraces 116 church 
 members, 2 ordained ministers and 1 licentiate, 3 congregations, and 
 flourishing Sabbath-schools. The day-schools are well attended, by 
 both colonists and natives. The Board, 1852, sent out the Rev. D. A. 
 Wilson, a white man, of finished education, to take charge of the Alex- 
 ander High School, and raise it to the grade of a college. At Mon- 
 rovia, the press for admission into the English school of Mr. James, is 
 represented as so great, that it had been found almost impossible to 
 keep tlu- number as low as fifty scholars — the number had averaged 
 70, and in consequence of the inadequacy of teachers, the progress of 
 the pupils had been less rapid than, under other circumstances, must 
 have been the case. 
 
 The Board urges the necessity of multiplying the number of educate! 
 ministers and teachers in Liberia; and offers, as an argument in favoi 
 of that held, and the one on Corisco Island, that these missions are 
 likely soon to yield abundant fruits of Gospel culture. The following 
 
 * Mr. Bowen was in Abbeokuta, when the king of Dahomey attempted its 
 
 destruction, us detailed hereafter. 
 
 
The Missions founded in Liberia. 205 
 
 is the closing sentence of the Report: "Their past and touching his- 
 tory ; their sphere of labor on a continent so benighted, and yet sepa- 
 rated from this country only by the Atlantic ; and the residence among 
 us of so many of the children of Africa, many of whom are in the 
 communion of our churches ; — all seem to direct a large share of the 
 missionary strength of our body to be employed hereafter in connec- 
 tion with these missions, and in the general field of labor to which they 
 are doors of entrance." 
 
 The Mission of the American Protestant Episcopal Church, in 
 Liberia, was regularly commenced in the year 1836, at Cape Palmas. 
 It now embraces 6 clergymen, including Bishop Payne. A high school 
 has been established for training colonist teachers and missionaries. 
 Connected with this school are 5 candidates for orders, 3 of whom are 
 natives. The number of youth in this school at present, is 10 ; who 
 are supported at the expense of the mission. The children of the col- 
 onists, to the number of 15 or 20, are admitted as day scholars. A 
 female colonist day school is also in operation, with an attendance of 
 45 to 50 children. The mission includes 4 stations, at all of which 
 native boarding-schools are, or have been, maintained with some good 
 degree of regularity. The average attendance of scholars here has 
 been over 100, and the number instructed in the way of salvation at 
 least 1,000. Day-schools are and have been taught, in which many 
 heathen children have learned to read, and also acquired that know- 
 ledge which maketh wise unto salvation. Sunday-schools, composed 
 of boarding scholars, and children from heathen towns, have been 
 another means of good. The Gospel has been, and is still, preached 
 to nearly the whole Grebo tribe, numbering a population of some 
 25,000 ; besides which, a congregation in Maryland, in Liberia, has 
 been supplied with stated services. More than 100 have been admitted 
 to baptism, or having previously received this rite, been enrolled as 
 communicants of the Church. Some of these have apostatized, others 
 have died in the faith ; while about 80 still remain members of the 
 Church militant. The Grebo dialect has been reduced to writing, and 
 many portions of the Scriptures, and other books, published in it. A 
 printing press is in operation, from which, besides other publications, a 
 small Missionary paper is issued. It should be named, as one of the 
 most important fruits of the Mission, that a wide-spread conviction of 
 the truth of Christianity has been produced in the native mind, and 
 an expectation that, at no distant time, it must supersede the religion 
 of the country.* 
 
 Such is the prosperous condition of this mission, that the Rev. John 
 Payne, long at its head, was, in 1 850, appointed a Missionary Bishop 
 for Africa. He is a white man, highly educated, and eminently quali- 
 fied for the sacred office to which he has been chosen. Since entering 
 
 * Report of Bishop Payne, June 6, 1853. 
 
206 The Missions founded in Liberia. 
 
 upon his duties, the agencies for extending the mission have been 
 greatly increased. A station has been commenced at Monrovia, under 
 the care of a colored clergyman, formerly of New York city, whose 
 education was finished in England ; and a large additional "force of 
 white missionaries has been sent out to occupy other posts. The 
 foundation of an Orphan Asylum, to cost $2,000, has been laid at Cape 
 Palmas ; and the funds to erect two church edifices have been sup- 
 plied to the Bishop. Of the white missionaries, one male and one 
 female have recently died ; in other respects the prospects of the mis- 
 sion are very encouraging. 
 
 Mrs. Payne and one of the other ladies of the mission, have returned 
 during the last year, to recruit their health. 
 
 _ In speaking of the necessity of extended effort in the Republic of 
 Liberia, the Bishop makes this important statement : " It is now 
 very generally admitted, that Africa must be evangelized chiefly by 
 her own children. It should be our object to prepare them, so far as 
 we may, for their great work. And since colonists afford the most ad- 
 vanced material for raising up the needed instruments, it becomes 
 us, in wise co-operation with Providence, to direct our efforts in the 
 most judicious manner to them. To do this, the most important points 
 should be occupied, to become in due time radiating centers of Chris- 
 tian influence to Colonists and Natives."* 
 
 The American Christian Missionary Society, sent a missionary to 
 Liberia, in November, 1853. The Christian Church has several of its 
 members in that Republic, as Colonists. The missionary now sent is a 
 colored man, and will not only look after their spiritual interests, but 
 attempt the performance of missionary labor in general. His name is 
 Alex. Cross ; and he was a slave until within a short time of his 
 having been appointed to the mission work. The friends of the cause 
 in Kentucky, where he lived, purchased him and offered him to the 
 Society — his master generously accepting half his value as a servant. 
 His wife and child were free, and accompanied him to Liberia. Mr. 
 Cross is a man of more than ordinary talent ; and with such additional 
 education as he can obtain at Monrovia, he must make a useful man. 
 
 The Associate Reformed Synod of the South, have resolved on 
 establishing a mission in Liberia; and have four native boys in the 
 course of instruction, at the expense of the Synod, in the school of Mr. 
 Erskine, at Kentucky, in Liberia. The Synod entered upon this work, 
 a few years since, with earnestness and" energy, but have met with 
 many serious obstacles in the accomplishment of their purpose. 
 
 This closes our inquiries into the condition of the missions in Liberia. 
 A remark or two, only, need be offered as to its social and civil 
 
 Report of Bishop Payne, June G, 1853. 
 
The Missions founded in Liberia. 207 
 
 condition. The citizens of the Republic are colored men, and enjoy a 
 perfect equality under its constitution. They possess all the attributes 
 of sovereignty, enacting and administering their own laws ; but in pur- 
 chasing territory from the African kings, the right of sovereignty and 
 of soil is acquired, not to exclude the native people from the lands, but, 
 as they adopt habits of civilization, to put them in possession of fee 
 simple titles to their homes, on the same conditions allowed, to the 
 colonists. 
 
 By the influence of the colony over the native tribes, and the terms 
 of its treaties with them, it has abolished human sacrifices, and the 
 trials for witchcraft within its jurisdiction ; driven the traffic in slaves 
 from more than 600 miles of coast ; exerted a controlling influence in 
 suppressing native wars ; and affords protection to 300,000 people, now 
 within its purchased territory, or in treaty with the Republic. 
 
 The history of a single case will illustrate the manner in which Li- 
 beria exerts her influence in preventing the native tribes from warring 
 upon each other. The territory of Litttle Cape Mount, Grand Cape 
 Mount, and Gallinas, was purchased, three or four years since, and 
 added to the Republic* The chiefs, by the terms of sale, transferred 
 the rights of sovereignty and of soil to Liberia, and bound themselves 
 to obey her laws. The government of Great Britain had granted to 
 Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., of London, a contract for the supply of 
 laborers, from the coast of Africa, to the planters of her West India 
 colonies. This grant was made under the rule for the substitution of 
 apprentices^ to supply the lack of labor produced by the emancipation 
 of the slaves. The agents of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., visited 
 Grand Cape Mount, and made an offer of $10+ per head to the chiefs, 
 for each person they could supply as emigrants for this object. The 
 offer excited the cupidity of some of the chiefs ; and, to procure the 
 emigrants and secure the bounty, one of them, named Boombo, of Lit- 
 tle Cape Mount, resorted to war upon several of the surrounding tribes. 
 He laid waste the country, burned the towns and villages, captured 
 and murdered many of the inhabitants, carried off hundreds of others, 
 
 * The funds for this purpose were supplied as follows: Charles McMicken, 
 Esq., of Cincinnati, $5000 ; Solomon Sturges, Esq., of Putnam, Ohio, $1000 ; 
 and Samuel Gurney, Esq., of London, England, $5000. 
 
 t This system, in its moral bearings upon the Islands, is little better than 
 the old African Slave trade. The disparity in the sexes is fully as great under 
 the apprenticeship system, as it was during the prevalence of the slave trade, and 
 it must be equally as demoralizing. Take, as an example, a few imports of 
 apprentices from India and China, for the supply of English planters. The 
 cargoes of five vessels, were composed of 1,433 males, 257 females, and 84 
 children. 
 
 The practical effect of this system upon Africa, in exciting wars, and carry- 
 ing off the male population, is identical with that of the slave trade. See 
 President Roberts' letter on that subject in Appendix. 
 
 i This sum is about equal to the price usually paid by the slave traders for 
 slaves. 
 
208 The Missions founded in Liberia. 
 
 and robbed several factories in that region, belonging to merchants of 
 Liberia. On the 26th of February, 1853, President Roberts issued 
 his proclamation enjoining a strict observance of the law regulating 
 passports, and forbidding the sailing of any vessel, with emigrants, 
 without first visiting the port of Monrovia, where eacb passenger should 
 be examined as to his wishes. On the first of March the President, 
 with 200 men, sailed for Little Cape Mount, arrested Boombo and 50 
 of his followers, summoned a council of the other chiefs at Monrovia for 
 his trial on the 14th, and returned home with his prisoners. At the time 
 appointed, the trial was held, Boombo was found guilty of " High Mis- 
 demeanor," and sentenced "to make restitution, restoration, and repa- 
 ration of goods stolen, people captured, and damages committed : to 
 pay a fine of $500, and be imprisoned for two years."* When^the 
 sentence was pronounced, the convict shed tears, regarding the ingre- 
 dient of imprisonment in his sentence, to be almost intolerable. These 
 rigorous measures, adopted to maintain the authority of the Govern- 
 ment and majesty of the laws, have had a salutary influence upon the 
 chiefs. No outbreaks have since occurred, and but little apprehension 
 of danger for the future is entertained. 
 
 The missionaries and teachers in Liberia, are nearly all colored men, 
 and citizens of the Republic, who yield a cordial support to its laws, 
 and enjoy ample protection under its government. These missionaries 
 have the control of the schools and churches ; and, consequently, they 
 possess the entire direction of the intellectual, moral, and religious 
 training of the youth. Liberia, therefore, may be denominated a Mis- 
 sionary Republic. And such is the influence the colony has exerted 
 over the natives, that their heathenish customs and superstitions are 
 fast disappearing before the advancing Christian civilization. In the 
 country of Messurado, including the seat of government, there no 
 longer exists a single temple of heathen worship. \ 
 
 * African Repository, August, 1853. [See Appendix.] 
 
 t Officer of IT. S. Navy, in Gurley's Report. Vice President Benson also bears 
 the following testimony to an improvement in the character of the natives. 
 
 " It is also gratifying to know that the natives are becoming increasingly as- 
 similated to us in manners and habits ; their requisitions for civilized produc- 
 tions increase annually; they are seldom satisfied with the same size and 
 quality of the piece of cloth they wore last year — some of them habitually 
 wear a pair of pantaloons, shirt or coat, and others all of these at once : and of 
 the thousands that have intercourse with our settlements, and used to glory in 
 their greegree, and were afraid to utter an expression against it, very many of 
 them are now ashamed to be seen with a vestige of it about them, and if a par- 
 ticle of it should be about them, they try to secrete it, and if detected, it is 
 with mortification depicted in their countenances; they disclaim it, or make 
 some excuse. There is also manifestly, a spirit of commendable competition 
 among them throughout the country ; they try to rival each other in many of 
 the civilized customs, a pride ami ambition that I feel sure will never abate 
 materially, till they are raised to the perfect level of civilized life, and flow in 
 one common channel with us, civilly and religiously. It is certainly progress- 
 ing, and though some untoward circumstances may retard its consummation, 
 yet nothing shall ultimately prevent it." 
 
The Missions founded in Liberia. 209 
 
 The religious and educational statistics of Liberia are not complete, 
 but are sufficient to show, that the different churches have more than 
 2,000 communicants; the Sabbath-schools more than 1500 children, 
 of whom 500 are natives; while in the day-schools there are not less 
 than 1,400 pupils. 
 
 Of the white missionaries who entered the field in Liberia, during 
 the first thirty years of its existence, but two or three remained at the 
 close of that period — all the others having died or been disabled by the 
 loss of health. Take, as an example, the Episcopal Mission. Twenty 
 white laborers, male and female, entered that mission, up to 1 849, of 
 whom only the Rev. Mr. Payne and his wife, and Dr. Perkins remain- 
 ed. All the others had fallen at their posts or been forced to retreat. 
 Take that of the Presbyterian Board also: Of nineteen white mission- 
 aries, male and female, sent out, up to May, 1851, nine had died, seven 
 returned, and three remained; while of fourteen colored missionaries, 
 male and female, employed, but four have died, and one returned on 
 account of ill health. Take the Methodists likewise: Of the thirteen 
 white missionaries sent out, six had died, six returned, and one re- 
 mained, in 1848; while of thirty-one colored missionaries employed by 
 this church, only seven had died natural deaths, and fourteen remained in 
 active service. The extent of this mortality among the white mission- 
 aries will be comprehended, when it is stated, that their average period 
 of life, up to nearly the last named date, has been only two years.* 
 The mission work in Liberia, therefore, has necessarily fallen into the 
 hands of colored men; and, thus, the Providence of God has afforded 
 to that race an opportunity to display their powers, and to show to 
 the world what, under favorable circumstances, they are capable of 
 achieving. 
 
 In relation to the influence exerted by Liberia, on the cause of 
 African Missions, Bishop Scott testifies as follows : 
 
 " In my judgment, the bearing of African Colonization on the cause 
 of Christian Missions, in that vast peninsula of darkness and sin, ought 
 to be sufficient, in the absence of every other consideration, to secure 
 for that great enterprise, the warm and steady support of every lover 
 of Christ"." f 
 
 If, then, a Colony of colored men, beginning with less than 100, and 
 gradually increasing to 9,000, has, in 30 years, established an Inde- 
 pendent Republic amidst a savage people ; destroyed the slave trade 
 on 600 miles of the African coast ; put down the heathen temples in 
 one of its largest counties ; afforded security to all the missions within 
 its limits ; and now casts its shield over 300,000 native inhabitants ; 
 what may not be done in the next 30 years, by Colonization and Mis- 
 sions combined, were sufficient means supplied to call forth all their 
 energies ? 
 
 * The details of mortality connected with the Baptist mission, have been given 
 full, as an example of the effects of the climate on white missionaries. 
 f Letter to the Colonization Herald, October, 1853. 
 14 
 
210 The Missions in the English Colonies. 
 
 II. The Missions in the English Colonies of Recaptured Africans. 
 
 These Missions are next in importance, and have been next in sue 
 cess, to those of Liberia. The term, recaptured, has reference to the 
 natives rescued from the slave-ships, on the coast of Africa, by the 
 English squadron. The principal Colony of this class, is at Sierra 
 Leone. It was first established as a private enterprise, through the 
 exertions of Granville Sharp, afterwards placed under the control of 
 a chartered company, and, finally, taken under the care of the British 
 government. It had for its object, chiefly, the suppression of the 
 slave trade and the civilization of Africa. 
 
 The origin of this Colony has such an intimate connection with the 
 rise of the Anti-Slavery sentiment in England, and the adoption of the 
 measures which have done so much toward the redemption of Atrica, 
 that the principal facts of its history must be stated. 
 
 On the 22d of May, 1772, Lord Mansfield decided the memorable 
 Somerset case, and pronounced it unlawful to hold a slave in Great 
 Britain.* Previous to this date, many slaves had been introduced 
 into English families, and, on running away, the fugitives had been 
 delivered up to their masters, by order of the Court of King's Bench, 
 under Lord Mansfield ; but now the poor African, no longer hunted as 
 a beast of prey, in the streets of London, slept under his roof, miser- 
 able as it might be, in perfect security. j- 
 
 To Granville Sharp belonged the honor of this achievement. By 
 the decision, about 400 negroes were thrown upon their own resources. 
 They flocked to Mr. Sharp as their patron ; but considering their num- 
 bers, and his limited means, it was impossible for him to afford them 
 adequate relief. To those thus emancipated, others, discharged from 
 the army and navy, were afterwards added, who, by their improvi- 
 dence, were reduced to extreme distress. After much reflection, Mr. 
 Sharp determined to colonize them in Africa. 
 
 Here, then, was first conceived the idea of African colonization ; 
 but this benevolent scheme could not be executed at once, and the 
 blacks — indigent, unemployed, despised, forlorn, vicious — became such 
 nuisances, as to make it necessary they should be sent somewhere, 
 and no longer suffered to infest the streets of London. \ Private be- 
 nevolence could not be sufficiently enlisted in their behalf, and fifteen 
 years passed away, when Government, anxious to remove what it re- 
 garded as injurious, at last came to the aid of Mr. Sharp, and supplied 
 the means of their transportation and support. § 
 
 *" Immemorial usage preserves a positive law, after the occasion or accident 
 •winch gave rise to it, has been forgotten; and tracing the subject to natural 
 principles, the claim of slavery never can lie supported, 'the power claimed 
 never was in use here, or acknowledged by the law. Upon the whole, we can 
 not say the cause returned is sufficient by the law; and therefore the man must 
 be discharged." — Close of Lord Mansfield's decision in the Somerset case. 
 
 t Clarkson'a History of the slave trade. J Wadstrom, page 220. 
 
 § Memoirs of Granville Sharp. 
 
The Missions in the English 211 
 
 In April, 1787, these colored people, numbering over 400, were put 
 on shipboard for Africa, and, in the following month, were landed in 
 Sierra Leone. A plentiful supply of rum had been furnished, and, for 
 reasons unexplained, they were accompanied by 60 whites, most of 
 whom were females of the worst character.* Intemperance and de- 
 bauchery so generally prevailed, during the voyage, that nearly one 
 half of them died on the passage and within four months after land- 
 ing. The sickness of their chaplain, the deaths of their agents, and 
 the consequent desertions of the emigrants, reduced the Colony, during 
 the first year, to 40 persons, and endangered its existence. The next 
 year, 39 new emigrants arrived, with abundant supplies, and the de- 
 serters returned, so as to secure a force of 130 persons to the Colon y. 
 During the following year, internal discord, succeeded by an attack 
 from a native chief, dispersed the colonists throughout the country ; 
 and, again, through Mr. Sharp's exertions, an agent was sent to their 
 relief, who collected them together, and furnished arms for their 
 defense. 
 
 In March, 1792, a reinforcement of 1,131 blacks, from Nova Scotia, 
 arrived at Sierra Leone. These men were fugitive slaves, who had 
 joined the English during the American Revolutionary war, and had 
 been promised lands in Nova Scotia ; but the government having failed 
 to meet its pledge, and the climate proving unfavorable, they sought 
 refuge in Africa. A fever which had attacked the emigrants in Hali- 
 fax, and from which 65 had died on the passage, still prevailed among 
 them after landing ; so that, from its effects, tooether with the influence 
 of the climate, 130 more died the first year in Sierra Leone. 
 
 About this time the Colony passed from the care of Mr. Sharp, to 
 that of the Company. This led to the sending of 119 whites, along 
 with a Governor, as counselors, physicians, soldiers, clerks, overseers, 
 artificers, settlers, and servants. Of this company 57 died within the 
 year, 22 returned, and 40 remained.} 
 
 As soon as health would permit, the Nova Scotia fugitives proceeded 
 to work vigorously, in clearing lands and building houses ; and, in the 
 succeeding year, two churches were erected, and a school of 300 pupils 
 established. 
 
 These fugitives must have been men of more than ordinary energy 
 of character. This opinion is sustained by the subsequent events of 
 their history. When the French fleet, in 1794, burned their houses 
 and destroyed their property, it was but a short time until the Colony 
 was again in a prosperous condition. But their physical energy and 
 industry, were not their most remarkable characteristics. When Gran- 
 ville Sharp's mild system of government, admitting colored men to 
 share in its administration, was superseded by the more rigid laws of 
 the Company, which excluded them from office, they resisted the 
 change. Though, in America, they had fought on the side of Britain, 
 
 * Wadstrom, page 221 . + Wadstrom. 
 
212 Colonies of Recaptured Africans. 
 
 in Africa, they espoused the cause of Republican principles. Their 
 disappointment in not receiving the promised lands in Nova Scotia, had 
 given them no very favorable opinion of English justice. When re- 
 quired to submit to the authority of the Governor, and to a different 
 policy from what they had embraced on emigrating, they denied they 
 owed subjection to the new laws, or to any laws except of their own 
 enactment. Ascertaining that the legal powers of the Company were 
 inadequate to the enforcement of its authority, they boldly asserted 
 their claim to the sovereignty, and their right to exclude from the ad- 
 ministration all but officers of their own choice. Parliament, on learn- 
 ing the posture of affairs, at once granted the Company ample powers 
 to extinguish this little blaze of Democracy ; but the Colonists as reso- 
 lutely determined to resist; and, on September 10th, 1800, announced 
 their purpose of assuming all political power in the settlement. The 
 Governor, left in the minority, had to employ the natives to aid him. 
 As the insurgents refused all accommodation, there was no alternative 
 but a resort to force. At this moment, 550 Maroons, (free negroes,) 
 from Jamaica,* were landed ; and, joining the Governor, he was 
 enabled to defeat the rebels. Three of the leaders in this struggle 
 were taken and afterwards executed ; and so well pleased was Parlia- 
 ment, at seeing Democracy cut up by the roots, that it voted the Gov- 
 enor $105,000, to erect a fortification and aid in paying the Company's 
 debts. 
 
 Two subsequent attacks by the natives, together with the urgent 
 appeals of the Company, led the Government, the first of January, 
 1808, to assume the sovereignty over the Colony, and provide for its 
 safety. This measure was the more agreeable to Granville Sharp and 
 the Company, as he had sunk $7,000 and it $410,000 in the enter- 
 prise. The arrangement was equally necessary to England, as, in that 
 year, she rendered herself illustrious by the abolition of the slave 
 trade ; and needed Sierra Leone to carry on her operations, and to pro- 
 vide for the slaves she might rescue from the traders. 
 
 Missions for the benefit of this Colony, were first attempted in 1792, 
 again in 1795, and in 1797; but all these efforts failed ; because of 
 the disaffection of the Nova Scotia fugitives, and because the slave 
 trade, then a legal traffic to British subjects, was prosecuted every- 
 where upon the African coast, and even within Sierra Leone. In 1804, 
 the Church Missionary Society sent out its missionaries, with orders to 
 seek for stations out of the colony, because of the opposition within it ; 
 but in this they did not succeed. In 1808, when the slave trade was 
 abolished, these missionaries commenced ten stations beyond the limits 
 of the Colony, according to their instructions, but were unable to sus- 
 tain them. The natives, interested in the slave trade, burned the mis- 
 sion houses and churches, destroyed the growing crops of the 
 
 * They bad first gone to Nova Scotia, from whence they sailed to Sierra Leone. 
 
The Missions in the English 213 
 
 missionaries, threatened their lives, and otherwise persecuted them. 
 When England abandoned the traffic in slaves, she but surrendered its 
 monopoly to France, Spain and Portugal ; hence, there was no diminu- 
 tion of its extent, or abatement of its horrors, but a vast increase of 
 both :* and, as the missions from 1792 to 1808, failed both in and out 
 of the Colony ; so the continuance of the trade, beyond its limits, after 
 1808, drove the missionaries within its jurisdiction, to enjoy its pro- 
 tection. But these stations were not abandoned, until after a long 
 struggle to sustain them — the last one having been maintained until 
 1818. 
 
 From 1 808, the work of missions in Sierra Leone, was successfully 
 begun ; and the first dawn of hope for oppressed Africa, arose with 
 the first blow aimed at the slave-trade. Up to this date, the slave- 
 trader had held undisputed sway on the coast of Africa, and the intro- 
 duction of the Gospel was impossible. The slave-trade, it would seem, 
 is an evil so horrid, that the Almighty refused to give success to the 
 missionary, unless that outrage upon humanity should first be sup- 
 pressed. 
 
 The Episcopal mission, established in Sierra Leone, in 1808, has 
 been continued without interruption, except what necessarily arose from 
 the great mortality among the missionaries. A college and several 
 schools were established at an early day, in which orphan and destitute 
 children were boarded and instructed. \ Besides teaching the schools, 
 the missionaries preached to the adults, a few of whom embraced the 
 Gospel ; but no very encouraging progress was made for many years. 
 In 1817, however, the labors expended began to unfold their effects, 
 and the mission to make encouraging advances; so that, by 1832, it 
 had 638 communicants and 294 candidates in its churches, 684 Sabbath 
 school scholars, and 1,388 pupils in its day-schools. 
 
 Thus, in 45 years after the founding of Sierra Leone, and 24 after 
 the abolition of the slave-trade, was the basis of this mission broadly 
 and securely laid. Since that period it has been extended eastward to 
 Badagry, Abbeokuta, and Lagos. In connection with all these mis- 
 sions, but chiefly in Sierra Leone, the Episcopal Church, in 1850, had 
 54 seminaries and schools, 6,600 pupils, 2,183 communicants, and 
 7,500 attendants on public worship. Of the teachers in the schools at 
 Sierra Leone, it is worthy of remark, that only five were Europeans, 
 while fifty-six were native Africans. Such is the prosperous condition 
 of these missions, at present, and the amount of superintendency they 
 require, that the Rev. Mr. Vidal has been ordained a Bishop for West 
 Africa, and sent forth to his field of labor. 
 
 * See Part 1st, on African Colonization, and Part 2nd, the Relations of Free 
 Labor to Slave Labor, for the main facts in relation to the increase of the Slave- 
 trade. 
 
 t It does not appear that the Nova Scotia fugitives sent their children to 
 these Schools. 
 
214 Colonies of Recaptured Africans. 
 
 The English Wesleyan Methodists, through the influence of the Rev. 
 Dr. Coke, sent a missionary, in 181 1, to the Nova Scotia free blacks, in 
 Sierra Leone ; and, in the course of a year, the converts were reported 
 it 60.* In 1831, twenty years after the commencement of the mission, 
 it included but 2 missionaries, 294 church members, and about 160 
 pupils in its schools. The Wesley an Mission, like the Episcopal, pro- 
 gressed slowly at first; but, as it collected the elements of progress 
 within its bosom, it also, began to expand, and is now advancing pros- 
 perously. Its stations have been extended westward to the Gambia, 
 md eastward to various points, including Cape Coast Castle, Badagry, 
 Abbeokuta, and Kumasi. In connection with these missions, the Wes- 
 !eyan Methodists, in 1850, had 44 chapels, 13 out-stations, 42 day- 
 schools, 97 teachers, 4,500 pupils, including those iu the Sabbath 
 schools, 6,000 communicants, on trial 580, and 14,600 attendants on 
 public worship. 
 
 But these colonies of Recaptured Africans, are too important an 
 agency in the redemption of Africa, to be passed over without further 
 consideration ; so that their position and that of Liberia, in this respect, 
 may be clearly comprehended. In addition to Sierra Leone, they in- 
 clude several minor stations ; two of which are on the Gambia, and 
 the others on the coast east of Liberia. 
 
 From documents presented to Parliament, it appears, that, in 1850, 
 there was a Christian population, in Sierra Leone, of more than 36,000, 
 out of about 45,000. In this population, it was estimated, that there 
 were representatives of no fewer than one hundred different tribes, 
 speaking different languages and dialects ; bo that there are already 
 converts prepared, as far as the knowledge of the languages is con- 
 cerned, to go forth in every direction, and to explain to their country- 
 men, in their own tongue, the truths of revelation. Since the subject 
 was before Parliament, Bishop Vidal has commenced his labors, and 
 this question has received particular attention. It has been ascertained 
 that no fewer than 151 distinct languages, besides several dialects, are 
 spoken in Sierra Leone. They have been arranged under 26 groups; 
 but there still remain 54 unclassified, which are more distinct from 
 each other, and from all the rest, than the languages of Europe are 
 from one another ; thus unfolding to the view of the Christian philan- 
 thropist, an agency, in the course of preparation, which, under Divine 
 Providence, may carry the Gospel to the unnumbered millions of im- 
 mortal souls inhabiting the continent of Africa. 
 
 A few facts will show that this is not an idle speculation, but that 
 she has successfully entered upon her great mission. 
 
 * Although these Nova Scotia free blacks, — or rather these American fugitive 
 slaves, — had gone to work so freely at first, in building churches and establish- 
 ing schools, nothing farther is heard of them, in the history of missions, until 
 the Wesleyana, 18 years afterwards, undertook their spiritual oversight. Their 
 failure in securing the civil privileges for which they took up arms, seems to 
 have placed them in a position of antagonism to the English Church. 
 
The Missions in the English 215 
 
 Among the Recaptured Africans introduced into Sierra Leone, and 
 brought under the civilizing influences of its Christian institutions, none 
 have made such rapid progress as the people of Yoruba, a country lying 
 eastward of the kingdom of Dahomey. Their first appearance in the 
 Colony was about 1822. Many of them soon acquired a considerable 
 amount of intelligence and a little property. In 1839, they had be- 
 come quite numerous, and a party of them purchased a vessel, hired 
 a white captain, and commenced a traffic with Badagry. This town 
 is at a point on the coast from which the Yoruba country can be most 
 easily reached. The trade thus begun soon led to a rapid emigration 
 from Sierra Leone, and the planting of missions at both Badagry and 
 Abbeokuta, the capital of Yoruba. 
 
 Abbeokuta is a walled city, founded in 1825, from the fragments of 
 the tribes of the kingdom of Yoruba, who escaped the invading armies 
 of the Fellatahs, while this powerful people were the principal "slave 
 hunters" for the traders of the western coast of Africa. It contains 
 the remains of 130 towns, and at present embraces a population of 
 nearly 100,000. Badagry, in 1850, contained about 11,000 inhab- 
 itants. The Sierra Leone emigrants, at the former city, numbered 
 three thousand, and, at the latter, several hundred. At the period 
 when the emigration commenced, and for several years afterward, the 
 slave-trade prevailed on the coast ; and the people of Badagry and 
 Abbeokuta were engaged in supplying the market with slaves. This 
 led them to wage frequent wars, and kept up feelings of hostility 
 throughout the country. In these slave hunts, the people of Lagos 
 bore a conspicuous part. This town is about 36 miles to the eastward 
 of Badagry, is large and populous, and had hitherto been the head- 
 quarters of the slave-trade in the Bight of Benin. The river Ossa, a 
 lagoon, running parallel with the coast, unites these two places. 
 
 The Episcopal Mission at Sierra Leone, sent an exploring committee 
 to Abbeokuta in 1842, and early in 1845 its first missionaries landed 
 at Badagry. In both instances they found the Wesleyans in advance 
 of them. Being unable to reach Abbeokuta, on account of existing 
 wars, a mission was founded at Badagry. In 1846, a noted slave 
 dealer of the coast, forced the warring tribes to cease hostilities, that 
 he might collect his slaves from the interior ; and the missionaries, 
 embracing this moment of peace, were enabled to reach Abbeokuta. 
 
 Among the Episcopal Missionaries, was the Rev. Samuel Crowther, 
 a native of Yoruba, who had been captured by the Fellatahs, in 1821, 
 and sold to the traders at Lagos. Shipped on board a slaver for Bra- 
 zil, recaptured by an English cruizer, educated at Sierra Leone, or- 
 dained to the ministry of the Gospel in England, he had now returned, 
 after twenty-five years of sanctified captivity, to proclaim the way of 
 salvation to his relatives and countrymen ; and he had the inexpressi- 
 ble gratification of finding his mother and two sisters, soon after his 
 arrival, and of being instrumental in her conversion to Christianity. 
 The chiefs of Abbeokuta received the missionaries with kindness; 
 
216 Colonies of Recaptured Africans. 
 
 and, no wonder, as some of them had relatives of their own, sitting by 
 them, who had been liberated by the English. 
 
 With the favorable regard of the chiefs, and the co-operation of 
 many of the emigrants from Sierra Leone, the Gospel, for a time, bad 
 free course in Abbeokuta ; and its population listened with a willing 
 ear to the offers of eternal life. But, in 1848, the native priests, 
 priestesses, and slave-catchers, stirred up a spirit of persecution against 
 the converts, and the Gospel was greatly hindered. This persecution 
 continued, with some intervals in its violence, throughout the two suc- 
 ceeding years. In January, 1851, the British consul, Mr Beecroft, 
 visited Abbeokuta, and his presence had a salutary effect in overawing 
 the enemies of Christianity, and disposing the chiefs to abandon the 
 slave-trade. He gave them notice, also, that the king of Dahomey 
 had projected an attack upon their city, in his next campaign for cap- 
 turing slaves, and that his Amazons had doomed it to destruction. 
 
 Thus warned, the walls were somewhat repaired, and the population 
 roused to a sense of their danger ; when, on March 3d, 1851, the Da- 
 homian army, of 10,000 men and 6,000 women, made an assault upon 
 the city. Abbeokuta had only 8,000 warriors to oppose this force ; 
 but many of its women ran to and fro, amidst the flying bullets, with 
 food and water for the soldiers on the walls, that they might remain at 
 their posts to fight for life and liberty. For six long hours the mur- 
 derous strife continued, when the Dahomians began to waver, and the 
 Abbeokutans, rushing out, put them to flight ; and, pressing closely 
 on their rear, continued the slaughter until darkness led them to return. 
 At early dawn the pursuit was renewed, and, at seventeen miles dis- 
 tance, another battle ensued in which the Abbeokutans were again 
 victorious. The loss of the Dahomians was 3,000 killed and 1,000 
 taken prisoners. Of the slain nearly 1,800 were left before the walls 
 of Abbeokuta. These were the flower of the enemy's army, chiefly 
 women, who are always placed foremost in the battles, as more reliable 
 than the men.* 
 
 Thus was Abbeokuta and its missionaries mercifully delivered from 
 destruction. Even the heathen openly acknowledged that they owed 
 the victory to the God of the Christians ; and all felt that the mission- 
 aries were their truest friend s.j- 
 
 *" Abbeokuta, or Sunrise in the Tropics." 
 
 f" Where are your charms?" said a Mohammedan chief, under whom part 
 of the Christian converts fought against the Dahomians. " You will all be 
 killed." " We have no charms," -was the simple reply, " hut our faith in the 
 %od of God, who died for sinners." A watchful eye was kept upon them in 
 the field of battle, for it was said that Christianity was making women of 
 them; but they acquitted themselves like men: so much so, as to gain the 
 praise even of those who persecuted them; and the result showed that it was 
 po sible to lie brave, and yet Christian, ami to escape the risks of battle wilh- 
 oul amulets. — Church Msssionary Intelligencer, Oct. L853. 
 
 When, in the midst of the battle, another chief, addressing one of the i,ou- 
 rerts, exclaimed: "Ah, Kashi, if all fought like you, they mighl follow what 
 religion they like." — "Sunrise in the Tropics." 
 
The Missions in the English 217 
 
 In November, following, Capt. Forbes, of her Majesty's navy, was 
 commissioned to negotiate treaties with the authorities of Abbeokuta. 
 He found but little difficulty in persuading the chiefs to sign a treaty 
 for the abolition of the slave-trade and human sacrifices — enormities 
 which had extensively prevailed — and for the extension of the missions 
 into the interior, and the toleration of religion. Having taken with 
 him several cannon, he planted them on the walls of the city, and 
 taught some of the citizens how to use them. 
 
 The mission in Abbeokuta, being thus freed from embarrassment, is 
 prospering, and the missionaries are extending their operations to the 
 neighboring towns. It would seem, indeed, as if the whole of the 
 Yoruba territory were bidding the missionary welcome, and encouraging 
 him onward in the work of its evangelization.* The Gospel, it is true° 
 still meets with opposition ; but the chiefs, mostly, are friendly and send 
 their children to the schools. Open persecution is no longer permitted ; 
 and, but for the continual apprehension of another attack from Dahomey, 
 the missionaries would seem to be secured against farther interruptions. 
 
 But while the missions are prosperous at Abbeokuta, far different 
 have been the results at Badagry. The events'that have transpired 
 at the two places, have also been very different. Akitoye, the lawful 
 king of Lagos, was driven away in 1845, and fled first to Abbeokuta 
 and then to Badagry. Kosoko, the usurper, being in league with the 
 king of Dahomey, engaged largely in the slave-trade and kept up con- 
 stant wars on the neighboring towns. Some of the chiefs at Badagry 
 espoused the cause of Akitoye, while others resolved to support Kosoko. 
 Akitoye was friendly to the missions and attended the Sabbath-school 
 and preaching ; but his opponents were the enemies of the missionaries 
 and engaged in the slave-trade. In June, 1851, Kosoko and his parly 
 attacked Akitoye, in Badagry, and for two days the demons of cruelty, 
 rapine, and murder, reigned triumphant in the town ; and only left it 
 when it was reduced to ruins. Fire and sword had done their utmost 
 on Badagry ; and nothing escaped the devouring element but the two 
 mission premises, and the chief part of the English trading house. 
 During the remainder of the year, all was confusion and ruin. The 
 Abbeokutans sent 800 men to the aid of Akitoye, and by one party or 
 the other, the towns along the Ossa were destroyed without mercy. 
 
 It is worthy of remark, that at Badagry, as at Sierra Leone, the mis- 
 sion made no progress while the population were engaged in the slave- 
 trade. Neither of the three Episcopal missionaries, who labored in Bad- 
 agry, either alone or conjointly, were permitted to see any satisfactory 
 fruit of their spiritual labors. j The town yet remains nearly in ruins 
 — a few of the inhabitants, only, having returned and rebuilt their 
 houses. Lagos, therefore, was selected as the head-quarters of the 
 mission, and Badagry reduced to an out-station, with only a catechist. 
 
 * Church Missionary Intelligencer, June, 1853. 
 t Abbeokuta, or Sunrise in the Tropics. 
 
218 Colonies of Recaptured Africans. 
 
 The treaty between the chiefs of Abbeokuta and Captain Forbes, 
 u-»und them to promote the interests of the missions, and to abolish 
 the slave-trade. It secured to them, in turn, the protection of Eng- 
 land. But Kosoko, of Lagos, and his confederates, resolved to prevent 
 the introduction of Christianity, civilization and legitimate traffic into 
 that region, to destroy Abbeokuta, and to persevere in the slave-trade. 
 The British squadron, therefore, having found its efforts by sea, to sup- 
 press the traffic, altogether unavailing, and to save its ally, Abbeokuta, 
 from destruction, proceeded to Lagos, December, 1851, bombarded the 
 town, took it in possession, dethroned Kosoko, and restored Akitoye to 
 his rightful possessions. So imminent was the danger to Abbeokuta, 
 that Kosoko had marched at the head of a large army to destroy it, 
 and was only diverted from his purpose by the attack upon his capital. 
 The Portuguese slave-dealers were immediately expelled, and thus, for 
 the moment, the slave-trade was suppressed in the Bight of Benin. 
 
 But the hateful slave-trade, of which Lagos had long been the chief 
 mart, had thoroughly engrained itself in the thoughts, habits, and 
 hearts of the people. Taught by the slave-dealer to consider the English 
 as natural enemies, they only awaited a suitable opportunity to renew a 
 trade so lucrative as the capture and sale of their fellow men. Accord- 
 ingly, about nine months after the expulsion of Kosoko, the Portuguese 
 traders returned and secretly renewed the traffic in slaves. Akitoye, 
 faithful to his treaty with the English, interposed his authority for its sup- 
 pression. This led to an insurrection against him and for the restoration of 
 Kosoko. The Portuguese supplied the insurgents with arms and ammu- 
 nition ; and, on the morning of August 6th, 1853, the war commenced in 
 the streets of Lagos. The contest was kept up till night, many were killed 
 and wounded on both sides, and the greater part of the town destroyed 
 by tire. One of the mission houses was consumed, with nearly all of 
 its contents ; and the other would have shared the same fate, but for 
 the protection afforded by the army of x\kitoye, and by Capt. Gardner, 
 of the British navy, then in port with his vessel. A cessation of hos- 
 tilities took place for a few days, during which Kosoko entered the 
 town and joined the rebels. The union of his forces with theirs, gave 
 him a great superiority over Akitoye ; and the missionaries, and the 
 English consul, had no other expectation but that they would all be 
 murdered. At this critical moment, Admiral Bruce, with a part of 
 his scpiadron, appeared in sight, landed nine gun-boats, well manned, 
 and sent a detachment of marines to protect the missionaries. This 
 alarmed Kosoko, and, on the night following, August 13, he and his 
 allies stole out of Lagos. Thus was the mission once more providen- 
 tially delivered from destruction.* 
 
 On the 2d of September, King Akitoye died suddenly, and his son, 
 Dosumu, was elected in his stead. How far he may be able or willing 
 to resist the renewal of the slave-trade remains to be seen. The 
 
 * Church Missionary Intelligencer, December, 1853. 
 
The Missions in the English 219 
 
 missionaries, at the latest advices, were greatly discouraged, bein^ 
 worn down with fatigue and anxiety, and almost shut out from the hope 
 of planting the Gospel in Lagos, as it has been done in Abbeokuta. 
 
 These important movements show how the English Colonies are oper- 
 ating as agencies in extending civilization and the Gospel in Africa ■ 
 and how the Providence of God is overruling the wicked actions of 
 men tor the advancement of the kingdom of Christ. 
 
 But while we present these cheering evidences of the success of the 
 missions in this field, we would call attention to an important dif- 
 ference in the results here and in Liberia. Sierra Leone and Liberia 
 were founded with similar objects in view : the removal of a class of 
 persons unhappily situated, the improvement of their condition, the 
 civilization of Africa, and the suppression of the slave-trade. In both 
 cases the colonies were founded in the midst of barbarous tribes • and 
 with men but recently escaped or liberated from the bonds of slavery 
 Sierra Leone received her emigrants nearly all at once ; while Liberia 
 was more than ten years in obtaining an equal number. With the ex- 
 ception of the few survivors of the London expedition, the settlers in 
 both colonies had the same early training, under the slavery of Virginia 
 Maryland, and the Carolinas. Up to 1800, the emigrants to Sierra 
 Leone had been enlightened men, mostly from the same region which 
 subsequently, supplied to Liberia her citizens. From that period, the 
 population of Sierra Leone has been increased, not by additions of civil- 
 ized men,* but first by the Maroons, and afterward by natives intro- 
 duced by the English cruizers ; until, at present, sixty-six years from 
 the founding of the colony, it includes 45,000 people, reckoned subjects 
 of Great Britain. With the exception of a few recaptured slaves 
 landed in Liberia, by American cruizers, its population, each succeed- 
 ing year from the first, has received accessions of civilized men, who 
 have won the confidence of the surrounding tribes, added them to their 
 communities, instructed them in the arts of civilization, allowed them 
 .the benefits of their schools, and a participation in civil affairs ; until, 
 at present, thirty-three years after the commencement of the colony, it 
 (includes 80,000 people, recognized citizens of the Republic. 
 1 Now, mark the difference : in 66 years, Sierra Leone, aided by a 
 large naval squadron, has grown into a British Colony of 45 000 
 subjects; while, in 33 years, or half the time, Liberia, with an in- 
 flux of only 1,044 recaptured Africans, has become a Republic of 
 80,000 citizens.f r 
 
 > As to the success of the Missions in the two colonies, accurate sta- 
 tistics are not at hand; but from what has been stated, it appears that 
 
 * Capt. Paul Cuffee, a wealthy colored man of Boston, in 1815, took out 38 
 ataigrants to Sierra Leone. 
 
 ' + ^'^nn™!? 01 ^ 1 ^ 1 , 011 on the P resent enlarged territory of Liberia, is esti- 
 K at - 300 - 000 J but the partly civilized population, called citizens, is only 
 piUJUu. •* 
 
2J0 Colonies of Recaptured Africans. 
 
 for the first 30 years of their existence, the increase in Liberia has 
 been more than double that in Sierra Leone. 
 
 With these facts before us, it becomes a matter of great moment to 
 deter mU what has been the cause of the difference in the prosper, y 
 of th ^ Colonies. It can not be attributed to any great inequahty 
 between their emigrants, as, mostly, they had an identity of origin , 
 nor to any great difference among the natives, as the diversity of lan- 
 guages ir! The one, would be balanced by the greater degradation of 
 the other.* Then as there was, originally, no material difference 
 teir populations, the greater success of the citizens of Liberia, in 
 maintain* their civil and religious institutions, can not be a result of 
 Satiainments under the slavery of the United B*. .but, -«t be 
 a consequence of their intellectual advancement after reaching the 
 Co W Neither can the cause of the difference be found in the edu- 
 cational and religious institutions of the two Colonies, as these are iden- 
 tical in both. The difference, therefore, can exist, only, in the greater 
 ext nt of the social and civil privileges which the ^eriaB^ave^- 
 ioved in their form of government. Look at the facts. From the time 
 Sit Leone passed oft of the hands of Granville Sharp, the colored 
 people have been excluded from participating in the government. 1 he 
 S have been filled with white" men, who reside among the .negroes, 
 in the position and attitude of a superior race, born to conimand 
 while the colonists are made to feel that their destiny is to obey. ^ hence 
 m Prosecuting their education, the youth of that Colony have had then 
 mental powers dwarfed, by the absence of the f°^"***» 
 hope of social and political advancement afford. In Liberia the policy 
 has been the reverse. From the beginning the ^^ ™ ^ 
 by the colored men ; and for the past twelve years no whe man has 
 held any office, civil or military, in the Colony. Thus the pet of 
 honor have been open to the competition ot every Libeiian . nd 
 catching the progressive spirit of the age, the colonists have aspired M 
 the dignity ofNationality ; have established an Independent Republic 
 and have progressed, in their civil and religious relations, with a la- 
 pidify doubly as great as Sierra Leone.f 
 
 * The native population, along the coast, are found to be more degraded thaJ 
 
 ■TKi^KS'*. anniversary meeting of our Missic „ S«dety J dd 
 in Cincinnati, 1853, paid the following just compliment to the Republic ol Li 
 
 Nations reared under religious and political restraint are not capable of selP 
 
 ^vSnnTt, while those ,1,,, enjoy onfy partially *™*£™^£Jl. 3 
 
 Sranmleofsuchcapabilitv. Wehave in illustration oi tnisaweli-authemicaua 
 
 ;;•,!,■ 2 the colored people of this country, who, hough they 
 
 :;:;.;„•„ t under the most unfavofabG circumstances wer^nabled ^to sue- 
 
 ceed in establishing a sound republican governmen in Africa. .". u ; l \. e 
 
 i v n , e bob 3ea? and indubitable evidence of their cap bihtv of self-goy! 
 
 frnment! and in this respeel have shown ahigher grade ol manhood than the 
 
 polished Frenchman himself."-^ Metiudid Mm. Adv. 
 
 
The Missions among the Xative l y ribes, 221 
 
 But time will not allow us to extend our comparisons. The superi- 
 ority of the free institutions of Liberia, as an agency for overcoming 
 the obstacles to civilization and Christianity in Africa, will be farther 
 noticed in the progress of our investigations. At present we need only 
 say, in relation to both Colonies, that, as the result of English and 
 American philanthropy, there is now a line of coast of more than 
 1,800 miles, from the Gambia on the West, to Lagos on the East, where 
 the slave-trade is suppressed, and Christianity is introduced ; and, that 
 within this region, once the undisputed empire of the slave-trader, 
 there are now 30,000 attendants on public worship, 10,300 church 
 members, 152 schools, 13,600 pupils, and a band of teachers, nearly 
 all of whom are natives or Liberians. 
 
 Such are the results within these Colonies, where the missionaries 
 have enjoyed the protection of Government, and the aid of civilized 
 colored men ; such are the fruits of the English and American Coloni- 
 zation of the African race on the soil of their Father-land ; and such 
 the prospects of the moral redemption of the people of that continent, 
 by the return of its captive sons, bearing in their hands the lamp of 
 the Gospel. 
 
 III. The Missions among the Xative Tribes, beyond the Influence and 
 Protection of the Colonies. 
 
 A full history of these missions, including the facts illustrative of 
 the obstacles to the progress of Christianity, where the restraints of 
 civil government are not felt by the population, would be of thrilling 
 interest. But this would require a volume. We must limit ourselves 
 to two or three ; and shall first direct attention to those of the Ameri- 
 can Board on the Gaboon, in West Africa, and among the Zulus, in 
 South Africa. 
 
 The first of these missions was begun in 1834, at Cape Palmas; but 
 owing to mistaken impressions in relation to the influence of the Colo- 
 nies on the work, it was removed, in 1842, to the Gaboon, 1200 miles 
 eastward. On entering this region, the missionary, the Rev. J. L. 
 Wilson, encouraged by the attention of the chiefs, entertained such 
 hopes of success, as to lead the Board to send additional missionaries 
 to his aid. Some of the native converts at Cape Palmas, accompany- 
 ing him to the Gaboon, served as a nucleus for a church at the new 
 station. But on trial, the difficulties inherent in African heathenism 
 were found to be much more perplexing and insurmountable, in his 
 new held, than those he left behind in his old one. 
 
 The Report of the Board for 1850, says : "There is yet but one 
 Church in the mission, and this contains 22 members, 11 of whom 
 were received on profession of their faith, in 1849 — a greater number 
 than have been received in all the years since the removal of the mission 
 to the Gaboon. Here, as in South Africa, the habit of taking many wives, 
 or rather concubines, operates as a great hindrance to the Gospel ; and 
 
222 Beyond the Influence and Protection of the Colonics. 
 
 the evil is much aggravated by the late free introduction of American 
 Rum, which has exerted a most pernicious influence all along the 
 coast." 
 
 A letter from the Rev. Mr. Wilson, of March, 1851, draws a still 
 more discouraging picture of the prospects of the mission : "In some 
 respects," he says, "our missionary operations seem to be quite sta- 
 tionary. We have had no accessions to our church for some time 
 past ; and some who were added last year, do not give us all the satis- 
 faction we had hoped for. If we had other converts, we should be 
 almost afraid to receive them into the church, by reason of the many 
 temptations to which they are exposed ; growing out of the loose and 
 perverted state of morals in this community. Nor do Ave see. how soci- 
 ety can be placed on such a footing, as to make it possible for us to 
 organize a pure Church, until there is a general outpouring of God's 
 Spirit upon, the people." Then, depicting the general prevalence of 
 polygamy, or what is worse, Mr. Wilson thus concludes : " Demoraliz- 
 ing as this state of society is, the people are, nevertheless, firmly at- 
 tached to it, and will continue to be so, until they are inspired with 
 better and purer feelings by the Holy Ghost." 
 
 Dr. Ford, another member of this mission, in an appeal for more 
 female laborers, draws a still darker portraiture of the deep moral 
 degradation existing around him. " The condition of African women 
 is beyond description deplorable. No one can appreciate it without 
 seeing it. They are bought and sold, whipped, worked, and despised. 
 Unquestionably they become surly, malicious, and perverse ; and under 
 the detestable system of polygamy which prevails everywhere, they 
 are perfectly faithless to their husbands. They are our most bitter 
 enemies, bearing a great dislike to religion, and this they communicate 
 to their children. 
 
 The Report for 1851, speaks more encouragingly, though it records 
 no increase of members. The Report for 1852, shows that the mission 
 stood thus : 4 stations, 6 missionaries, 1 physician, 4 female assistants, 
 5 native helpers, and 5 schools with about 100 pupils. One member 
 had been added during the year, two Christian marriages solemnized, 
 and four persons baptized. A considerable reduction of the mission- 
 ary force had occurred during the year, from deaths and the failure of 
 health ; so that only two of the stations had been sustained during the 
 whole year. The Report for 1853, records no new admissions to the 
 church. Only two ordained missionaries were left in the mission, and 
 only two stations have been occupied since July.* It is remarked, that 
 though the intelligence from the mission " is less cheering in some re- 
 spects than we might wish, in others it is satisfactory and encouraging. 
 Two things, however, are greatly needed. The converting energy of 
 the Spirit is a constant and palpable necessity ; and the mission should 
 be hugely reinforced without delay. Who will cry mightily unto the 
 
 * Missionary Herald, January, 1854. 
 
The Missions among the Xative Tribes, 22.' 
 
 Lord for his quickening grace ? Who will devote themselves to the 
 missionary work among the benighted children of Africa ? " * 
 
 Mr. Preston has settled 60 miles above the Baraka station, which i- 
 near the mouth of the Gaboon, to study the Pangwe language, and U- 
 explore the hill country ; where the mission has been directed to 
 establish a new station, on account of its greater healthiness, and to 
 operate among the Pangwe people. He has found the country (lis 
 turbed by wars, and that the Pangwe tribe are cannibals. Prisoners of 
 war and persons condemned for witchcraft, had been eaten, to Mr. 
 Preston's own knowledge. Such things, he says, are of frequent oc- 
 currence ; and yet these people work very neatly in iron of their own 
 smelting, and in brass obtained from traders — thus affording evidences 
 of a nearer approach to civilization than the tribes on the coast. 
 
 Though the progress of this mission has been slow, and but few con- 
 verts have been gathered into the church ; yet the labors of the mis- 
 sionaries have, by no means, been unproductive of good results. The 
 native languages have been mastered, portions of the scriptures trans- 
 lated into them, and the pupils in their schools will soon be able to read 
 the sacred word, to their parents and friends, in their native tongue. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Wilson, the founder of this mission, has been obliged 
 to retire from the work, on account of ill health. At the meeting of 
 the American Board, in 1852, he was present, explained the condition 
 of the mission, its encouragements and discouragements, and urged an 
 extended effort to take advantage of the present friendly disposition of 
 the natives to gain footholds for schools and churches throughout the 
 country. In relation to the discouragements, he said, that in penetrat- 
 ing the interior, they found the difficulty of traveling very great — then- 
 progress being embarrassed by the want of an organized government. 
 They were thus exposed to the attacks of robbers and marauders, who 
 might kill them without being amenable to any power on earth. 
 
 From these facts it would seem, that Civil Government is greatly 
 needed for the protection of the Gaboon Mission ; and, that instead of 
 its being considered an obstacle, as was the case at Cape Palmas, it 
 is now viewed as necessary to its success : and, if necessary at the 
 Gaboon, it must be equally so in all other parts of Africa. 
 
 If this view were generally admitted, a great impulse would be given 
 to our system of African Colonization. Civil government has not been 
 organized in Africa, except by Colonization from either Europe or 
 America ; nor can it exist, except among civilized men. Before it can 
 be organized at the Gaboon, an emigration of civilized men must sup- 
 ply the necessary population ; or a generation or two pass away, while 
 the work of education prepares the natives for the adoption of civilized 
 customs. The climate forbids the settlement of white men at the 
 Gaboon, or upon any part of the western coast of Africa ; and civil 
 government, therefore, can not be introduced by them. Colored men, 
 
 * Missionary Herald, August, 1853. 
 
224 Beyond the Influence and Protection of the Colonies. 
 
 alone, can live in the enjoyment of vigorous health in that region, and 
 they alone can accomplish this work. As the United States, alone, 
 can supply a sufficient number of intelligent colored men to fill it with 
 colonies ; it follows, that colonization, from the United States to Africa, 
 is necessary to the speedy organization of civil government and the 
 more rapid extension of Christianity in that country. 
 
 The Mission of the American Board to the Zulus, in South Africa, 
 was begun in 1835. One station was commenced among the maritime 
 Zulus, under king Dingaan, who resided on the east side of the Cape, 
 some 70 miles from Port Natal ; and the other among the interior 
 Zulus, under king Mosilikatsi.* This station was broken up in 1837, 
 by a war between the Zulus and the Boers, who were then emigrating 
 from the Cape. The missionaries were forced to leave, and join their 
 brethren at Natal ; but, in doing this, they were compelled to perform 
 a journey of 1,300 miles, in a circuitous route, 1,000 of which was 
 in ox wagons, through the wilderness, while they were greatly enfee- 
 bled by disease, and disheartened by the death of the wife of one of 
 their party. 
 
 The missionaries to the maritime Zulus, when their brethren from 
 the interior joined them, had succeeded in establishing one station 
 among king Dingaan's people, and another at Port Natal, where a 
 mixed population, from various tribes, had collected among the Dutch 
 Boers, then settling in and around that place. In 1838 a war occurred 
 between Dingaan and the Boers, which broke up the missions and 
 compelled the missionaries to seek refuge on board some vessels, prov- 
 identially at Natal, in which some of them sailed to the United States, 
 .uid others to the Cape. 
 
 Peace being made in 1839, a part of the missionaries returned to 
 Natal and resumed their labors. But a revolt of one half the Zulus 
 i 1840, under Umpandi, led to another war, in which the new 
 chief and the Boers succeeded in overthrowing Dingaan. His death 
 y the hand of an old enemy, into whose territory he fled, left the 
 Kolas under the rule of Umpandi. This chief allowed the mission in 
 is territory to be renewed in 1841. But, in 1842, a war broke out 
 • etween the Boers, at Natal, and the British ; who, to prevent the 
 iJoers from organizing an independent government, had taken posses- 
 ion of that place. In this contest, the Boers were forced to submit to 
 : British authority, and British law was extended to the population 
 round Natal. This led to large desertions of the Zulus to Natal, to 
 -cape from the cruelties of Umpandi ; and he, becoming jealous of 
 •he missionary, attacked the mission and butchered three of the prin- 
 :pal families engaged in its support. Thus, a second time, was this 
 .Mission broken up and the mission family forced to retreat to Natal. 
 Here, then, at the opening of 1843, nearly eight years after the 
 
 *See Moffat's South African Missious. 
 
The Missions among the Xative Tribes, 225 
 
 missionaries reached Africa, the»y had not a single station in the Zulu 
 country, to which they had been sent ; and they were directed, by the 
 Board, to abandon the field. From this they were prevented, by the 
 timely remonstrances of the Rev. Dr. Philip, of the English mission at 
 the Cape. 
 
 A crisis, however, had now arisen, by which the conflicting elements, 
 hitherto obstructing the Gospel, were rendered powerless or reduced to 
 order, by the strong arm of Great Britain. The fierce Boers had de- 
 stroyed the power of both Mosiiikatsi and Dingaan, and taught the 
 Zulu people that they could safely leave the standard of their chiefs ; 
 while the Boers, in turn, had been subjected to British authority, along 
 with the Zulus whom they had designed to enslave. The basis of a 
 colony, under the protection of British law, was thus laid at Natal, 
 which afforded security to the missionaries, and enabled them to estab- 
 lish themselves on a permanent basis. An attempt was also made to 
 renew the mission in the Zulu territory, but Umpandi refused his as- 
 sent, and the strength of the mission was concentrated within the 
 Natal Colony. 
 
 Owing to the continued cruelties of Umpandi, the desertions of his 
 people to Natal increased, until the Colony included a native popula- 
 tion, mostly Zulus, of nearly 100,000. 
 
 No serious interruptions have occurred, since the British occupied 
 Natal ; and opportunities have been afforded for studying the Zulu 
 character, and the remaining obstacles to missionary success among 
 that people. Time has shown, that the tyranny of the chiefs, and the 
 wars of the tribes with each other, or with the whites, are not the 
 most obstinate difficulties to be overcome. 
 
 From the Report of the Board for 1850, we learn, that though there 
 were then, in this field, 12 missionaries, 14 assistants, 6 native helpers, 
 18 places of preaching, and 8 schools ; there were but 78 church mem- 
 bers and 185 pupils. The Report attributes the slow progress made, 
 to the extreme moral degradation of the population ; and, in mention- 
 ing particulars, names polygamy as the most prominent. As among 
 the native Africans generally, so is it here, superstition and sensuality 
 are the great barriers to the progress of the Gospel. 
 
 But these difficulties do not deter the American Board from perse- 
 vering in their great work of converting Africa. The men composing 
 the Board know, full well, that the evils existing in all mission fields 
 can only be removed by God's appointed means, the Gospel ; and, 
 that to withdraw it from Africa, would be to render its evils perpetual. 
 Hence, as obstacles rise, they multiply their agencies for good : and, 
 in view of the consistent conduct and piety of the native converts, the 
 Report of 1850, recommends the establishment of a Theological school 
 for training a native ministry for that field. The Reports for 1851 and 
 1852 are more encouraging, and show an increase of 86 church mem- 
 bers, 16 children baptized, and 15 Christian marriages solemnized. 
 The Report for 1853 is less encouraging. The whole number of church 
 15 
 
22 G Beyond the Influence and Protection of the Colonies. 
 
 members is now 141, of whom only ,3 were received during the year. 
 Family schools are sustained at all the stations ; but none of the heathen 
 send their children. Three day-schools are taught by native converts, 
 in which the children of those residing at the stations, where they are 
 located, receive instruction. One girls' school, consisting of about 20 
 pupils, is taught by Mrs. Adams.* The Christian Zulus are advanc- 
 ing in civilization and in material prosperity ; but the heathen popula- 
 tion are manifesting more and more of stupid indifference or bitter 
 hostility to the Gospel. This is more particularly indicated in their 
 refusal to send their children to school. 
 
 The passage of this mission from the class beyond the protection 
 of the Colonies, to that of those deriving security from them, released 
 it from the annoyances occasioned by native wars, and left it to con- 
 tend with the obstacles, only, which are inherent in heathenish bar- 
 barism. It had, consequently, begun to progress encouragingly. But 
 a new element of disturbance has recently been introduced, which 
 threatens to be no less hurtful than the old causes of interruption and 
 insecurity. We refer to the immigration of the English into the Natal 
 Colony, and their efforts to dispossess the Zulus of their lands. 
 
 Before taking any further notice of this threatening evil, we must 
 call particular attention to another point, the importance of which has, 
 perhaps, been too much overlooked. In January, 1 853, the Rev. Mr. 
 Tyler thus wrote : 
 
 " I have many thoughts, of late, concerning the great obstacle 
 which lies in the way of elevating the Zulus. It seems to me that it 
 is their deep ignorance. We find it exceedingly difficult to throw even 
 one ray of light into minds so darkened and perverted by sin. * * 
 Of the great mass who attend our services on the Sabbath, but few, 
 probably, have any clear knowledge of the plan of salvation through 
 faith in Christ. Especially is this true of the female sex, whose con- 
 dition, both temporal and spiritual, seems almost beyond the reach of 
 improvement." 
 
 Mr. Tyler proceeds to show, that the Zulus, in their religions belief, 
 their worship, and their blind submission to the icilch-doctors, evince the 
 most deep, gross, and stupid ignorance imaginable ; but he presents 
 nothing as belonging to that people, which is not common to the African 
 tribes generally. Without, at present, remarking on the relation 
 which the ignorance of barbarism bears to the progress of missions, we 
 shall recur to the effects of the immigration of the whites into the 
 Colony of Natal. 
 
 When the Zulus deserted their king and took refuge at Natal, there 
 were but few whites present to be affected by the movement, and allot- 
 ments of lands were readily obtained for them. Soon afterwards, 
 however, an emigration from Great Britain began to fill up the country. 
 The main object of the whites was agriculture, and the best unoccu- 
 
 * Missionary Herald, for December, 1853, and January, 1854. 
 
The Missions among the Xative Tribes, 227 
 
 pied lands were soon appropriated. The new immigrants then com- 
 menced settling on the possessions of the Zulus. The designs of the 
 whites soon manifested itself so openly, that the missionaries have been 
 obliged to interpose for the protection of the natives. Accordingly, a 
 committee of their number was deputed to wait upon the Lieutenant 
 Governor, to learn his intentions on the subject. The report of the in- 
 terview, as made to the American Board, reads as follows : 
 
 " He plainly gave us to understand, that instead of collecting the 
 natives in bodies, as has hitherto been the policy, it was his purpose to 
 disperse them among the colonists, and the colonists among them. The 
 natural result will be, to deteriorate our fields of labor, by diminishing 
 the native population, and by introducing a foreign element, which, as 
 all missionary experience proves, conflicts with christianizing interests. 
 Nor did he assure us that even our stations would not be infringed by 
 foreign settlers ; but our buildings and their bare sites, he encouraged 
 us to expect, would at all events remain to us undisturbed. But lest 
 this statement convey an impression which is too discouraging, we 
 would say, that many of our fields embrace tracts of country so bro- 
 ken, as not to be eligible as farms for the immigrants ; and, hence, no 
 motive would exist for dispossessing the native occupants, unless it 
 would be to transfer them to the more immediate vicinity of the white 
 population, in order to facilitate their obtaining servants ; which at pre- 
 sent is so difficult as to be considered one of the crying evils of the 
 colony. So deep is the feeling on this subject, that many and strenuous 
 are those who advocate a resort to some system of actual imprison- 
 ment. This seems a strange doctrine to be held by the sons of Britain !" 
 
 Then, after expressing an opinion that the obstacles in the way of 
 this measure may prevent its execution for some years to come, the 
 report concludes : 
 
 " Yet it is more than probable, that some of our stations will expe- 
 rience the disadvantages of the too great proximity of white settlers. 
 The evils of such a proximity are aggravated by the prejudices which 
 exist against missionaries and their operations. And perhaps we should 
 say, that, as American missionaries, we are regarded with still greater 
 jealousy. We fear it will require years to live down these prejudices. 
 Public opinion is more or less fashioned by the influence of unprinci- 
 pled speculators, alike ignorant of missionaries, their labors, or the 
 native people. Such men, greedy of the soil of the original proprie- 
 tors, are naturally jealous and envious of those who, they suppose, 
 would befriend the natives in maintaining their rights. If we speak 
 at all, of course we must say what we think to be justice and truth. 
 If we remain silent, as we have hitherto done, we are misrepresented, 
 and our motives are impugned. So that whichever course we take, we 
 cannot expect to act in perfect harmony with all the interests of all the 
 men who, within the last few years, have come to the colony." * 
 
 * Missionary Herald, February, 1853. 
 
228 Beyond the Influence and Protection of the Colonies. 
 
 The danger from the inroads of the whites must he imminent, when 
 the missionaries venture to speak so freely in their official report. The 
 grounds of these fears will be understood, when we present the facts 
 connected with our next class of missions. The fate of the Kaffirs, 
 doubtless, awaits the Zulus, if English cupidity is not restrained by a 
 merciful Providence. 
 
 The Bishop of Cape Town, in speaking of the disastrous effects of 
 the late Kaffir war, has recently expressed the opinion, that, in less than 
 five years, another equally terrible in its results, in all probability, will 
 occur between the whites and the 2ulus ; and as a consequence of the 
 large number of Europeans who are mixing among them, and whose 
 chief object appears to be their own enrichment, at the expense of that 
 people. 
 
 The American Missionary Association, which is organized on 
 strictly Anti-Slavery principles, has a mission at Kaw-Mendi, 50 or 60 
 miles north-west of Liberia, which belongs to the class of native mis- 
 sions. This mission had its origin in the return of the " Amistad 
 Slaves," to their native country, in 1842. The Rev. Mr. Raymond 
 went out at the head of this mission. On reaching Africa, he found 
 wars everywhere prevailing to such an extent, that he could not reach 
 the Mendi country, to which these people belonged, and was forced to 
 settle at Kaw-Mendi, but 40 miles from the coast. The continuation 
 of these wars greatly hindered the progress of the mission, as long as 
 Mr. Raymond lived, and for more than a year after his successor, the 
 Rev. George Thompson, took charge of the station, in 1848. Mr. 
 Thompson thus became painfully familiar with African warfare ; and 
 represents it as having been conducted with the utmost cruelty — whole 
 towns being depopulated and multitudes driven to the coast and sold 
 to the slave-traders of the Gallinas. Mr. Thompson was in Africa 
 about two years and a half, and was also greatly hindered by these 
 wars in his efforts to instruct the people ; until, happily, the British 
 squadron forcibly suppressed the traffic in slaves, at Grand Cape 
 Mount and the Gallinas, and thus put an end to the market. The sup- 
 plies of European merchandise being thus cut off from the slave-trad- 
 ing kings, along the coast, they were induced to sell their territory to 
 President Roberts, and place themselves under the jurisdiction of Li- 
 beria. One of the stipulations in the treaties, requires the Liberians 
 to establish trading posts in the territory, for the supply of goods to the 
 native population ; that they might no longer have any excuse for con- 
 (inuing the slave-trade. 
 
 Kaw-Mendi is in the rear of the Gallinas. The termination of the 
 iemand for slaves, at once disposed the tribes around the mission to 
 make peace with each other; and Mr. Thompson was eminently suc- 
 cessful in reconciling the waning parties to each other. But several 
 months elapsed, from the date of the destruction of the slave-factories, 
 before peace could be restored or the Galliuas purchased. Though 
 
 
The Missions among the Native Tribes, 229 
 
 of en attempted, neither of these objects could be accomplished during 
 the existence of the slave-trade ; and, when effected, both were the re- 
 sult of the adoption of measures for the purchase of Gallinas, as a new 
 field for the operations of the American Colonization Society. It, is a 
 curious coincidence, that the letter of the Rev. Mr. Thompson, inform- 
 ing the Board of his success in making peace among the tribes ; and 
 that of President Roberts to the Colonization Society, announcing the 
 purchase of Gallinas, were both written on the same day. 
 
 Mr. Thompson had so many urgent solicitations from the chiefs, for 
 missionaries to come and reside in their territory, that the society sent 
 out a reinforcement of eight males and females, in December, 1850; 
 and he, himself, returned to the United States, during the same month, 
 to remove his family to Kaw-Mendi. The new missionaries reached 
 the mission in safety, in February, 1851, and found Mr. Brouks, in 
 whose care it had been left, in the peaceful pursuit of his duties, and 
 the people urgent for more teachers. Before the close of the year, 
 however, the mission was shrouded in gloom. " The war had recom- 
 menced its ravages ; and sickness and death had performed a fearful 
 work among the little company of missionaries." Three of the females 
 had died by the 10th of June. The Board report the condition of the 
 mission, at the close of 1851, as encouraging, and that some additions 
 had been made to the church during the year. 
 
 The Report for 1852, says, that the mission has labored under 
 serious embarrassments, and that its operations have been retarded 
 throughout a great part of the year, by the illness of many of its mem- 
 bers ; and that it has been impossible to commence the new stations 
 authorized the last year. The Board, during this year, appointed a 
 large number of new missionaries, so as to increase the Mendi mission 
 to 17, including males and females. This reinforcement was accom- 
 panied by the Rev. Geoige Thompson and his family, who now returned 
 to the field of his former labors. 
 
 The Report for 1853, informs us that the new missionaries had 
 reached Africa, early in February ; and that all of them had suffered 
 more or less from sickness during the acclimatinp- season. The older 
 missionaries, too, continued to suffer from the debilitating influence of 
 the climate. In June the eldest son of Mr. Thompson died, and soon 
 afterwards Mrs. Thompson's health so far failed that she had to be 
 removed by her husband to the United States. Mr. Arnold and his 
 wife have also been compelled to ask for a dismission from the service, 
 on account of the state of his health. 
 
 During the, whole of the year reported, the country has been suffer- 
 ing under one of the most wide-spread and desolating wars that has 
 been known there since the establishment of the mission. It has so 
 far hindered the progress of the work, as to allow of the opening of 
 but one of the stations contemplated, that of Tissana, up the Big 
 Boom river. The latest advices from the mission, says the Report, 
 encourage the hope that the war will soon be brought to a close ; 
 
230 Beyond the Influence and the Protection of the Colonies 
 
 and the opinion is expressed that the infamous slave-trade was at the 
 bottom of it.* 
 
 The school at Kaw-Mendi has received several additions to its num- 
 bers during the year, and the new one at Tissana has been commenced 
 with encouraging prospects. The chiefs, with but a single exception, 
 have consented to the establishment of missions and schools amono- their 
 people. The Report closes by remarking, "that the published obser- 
 vations of other laborers on that continent serve to show, that white 
 men can live and labor there ; and that there are in the interior, 
 towards which they are pressing, more civilized, intelligent, and pow- 
 erful nations and regions of country, not only less inimical than those 
 they now occupy, to the health of the Avhite man, but even more 
 healthy than many parts of the United States. The Spirit and provi- 
 dence of God thus beckon us onward, and woe will be upon us if we 
 falter in our course." 
 
 The Report is dated September, 1853, and Mr. Thompson, in com- 
 pany with Mr. Condit, sailed again for Africa, in November. Letters 
 have been received from him at Sierra Leone, where he landed in Jan- 
 uary, on his way to Kaw-Mendi. Thus has this devoted missionary, 
 for the third time, braved the dangers of the African climate. 
 
 Intelligence from Kaw-Mendi, as late as October, 1853, has been 
 received. The mission at Tissana has been abandoned, on account of 
 the distracted state of the country between it and Kaw-Mendi, pro- 
 duced by the continuation of the wars ; and, in lieu thereof, a station 
 has been commenced at Sherbro Island, where peace and safety pre- 
 vail. The school at Kaw-Mendi, is prospering, writes Dr. Cole ; but 
 "of the one hundred children there gathered, the mass," he says, "are 
 yet heathen, with the habits that ignorance, superstition and nakedness 
 beget. Bad as these are, they form the most hopeful material for mis- 
 sionary culture, and it is for their elevation and purification our mis- 
 sionaries toil. Oh ! how much they need the sympathies and prayers 
 of God's people."! Mr. Gray, who went out three years since, has 
 returned with his wife to recruit his health. 
 
 To gain a clear view of the hindrances to the missions among the 
 natives, we must add the testimony of Bishop Scott, to that already 
 presented. 
 
 The first difficulty which meets the missionary, he says, on goino- to 
 this people, is an unknown and uncultivated tongue; a tongue, too, 
 which varies so much, as he passes from one tribe to another, within 
 
 * Recent developments at Sierra Leone, have proved, beyond all question 
 that certain persons, in that English Colony, have long been secretly engaged 
 in the slave-trade. Their is reason to believe, however, that these wars have 
 l-een excited by the English scheme of restocking their West India plantations 
 by purchasing emigra nte, at $10 per head, from the African chiefs. See the 
 letter ol President Roberts, on this subject, in Appendix 
 
 t American Missionary, March, lbo3." 
 
The Missions among the Xative Tribes, 231 
 
 the space of only a few miles, that it often amounts to a different lan- 
 guage. The nature of this obstacle will be so easily comprehended, 
 that the details given by the Bishop, need not be quoted. He thus 
 proceeds : 
 
 "But now another difficulty assails him — one which his knowledge 
 of men in other parts of the world had given him no reason to antici- 
 pate. Though he may in some way get over the difficulty presented 
 in a rude foreign tongue, yet he now finds, to his utter surprise, that 
 he can not gain access to this people unless he dash them, (that is, 
 make them presents,) and only as he dashes them. When, where, or 
 how this wretched custom arose I can not tell, but it is found to pre- 
 vail over most parts of Africa, and, so far as I know, nowhere else. 
 But what shall our missionary now do? Will he dash them? 
 Will he dash them 'much plenty?' Then they will hear him — they 
 will flock around him — nay, he may do with them almost as he wists, 
 and a nation may be born in a day. But let him not be deceived, for 
 all is not gold, here especially, that glitters. So soon as he withholds 
 his dashes, ten to one they are all as they were. But is he poor and 
 can not dash them ? — or able, but on principle will not ? Then, as a 
 general fact, he may go home. They will not hear him at all, nor treat 
 him with the least respect. Indeed, they will probably say, ' He no good 
 man,' — and it will be well for him if they do not get up a palaver 
 against him and expel him from their coasts. This dashing is a most 
 mischievous custom — dreadfully in the way of missionary labor, and I 
 know not how it is to be controlled. I am sick of the very sound of 
 the word. The Lord help poor Africa ! 
 
 " But the difficulties multiply. Now a hydra-headed monster gapes 
 upon our missionary, of most frightful aspect, and as tenacious of life 
 as that fabled monster of the ancient poets. It is polygamy. He finds 
 to his grief and surprise, that every man has as many wives as he can 
 find money to buy. He must give them all up but one, if he would 
 be a Christian. But will he give them up ? Not easily. He will 
 give up almost any thing before he will give up his wives. They are 
 his slaves, in fact ; they constitute his wealth. And then it is difficult, 
 not to say impossible, to persuade him that it is not somehow morally 
 wrong to put them away. ' Me send woman away ? — where she go 
 to ? — w 7 hat she do ?' This I consider the hugest difficulty with which 
 Christianity has to contend in the conversion of this people, and makes 
 me think that she must look mainly to the rising generation. 
 
 " But here, too, a difficulty arises. The female children are con- 
 tracted away — are sold, in fact — by their parents while they are yet 
 very young, often while they are infants ; and if the missionary would 
 procure them for his schools, he must pay the dower — some fifteen or 
 twenty dollars. 
 
 " But our missionary finds that the whole social and domestic organ- 
 ization of these people is opposed to the pure, chaste, and comely spirit 
 of the Gospel, and that, to succeed in this holy work, it must not only 
 
232 Beyond the Influence and Protection of the Colonies. 
 
 be changed, but revolutionized— upturned from the very foundation. 
 Is there no difficulty here ? Are habits and customs, so long estab- 
 lished and so deeply rooted, to be given up without a struggle ? The 
 native people, both men and women, go almost stark naked, and they 
 love to go so— and are not abashed in the presence of people better 
 dressed ; they eat with their hands, and dip, and pull, and tear, with 
 as little ceremony and as little decency as monkeys, and they love to 
 eat so ; they sleep on the bare ground, or on mats spread on the 
 ground, and they love to sleep so ; the men hunt or fish, or lounge 
 about their huts, and smoke their pipes, and chat, and sleep, while their 
 wives, alias their slaves, tend and cut and house their rice— cut and 
 carry home their wood— make their fires, fetch their water, get out 
 their rice, and prepare their 'chop,'— and all, even the women, love to 
 have it so. And to all the remonstrances of the missionary, they 
 oppose this simple and all-settling reply. ' This be countryman's fash.' 
 They seem incapable of conceiving that your fash is better than theirs, 
 or that theirs is at all defective. Your fash, they will admit, may be 
 better for you, but theirs is better for them. So the natives of Cape 
 Palmas have lived, in the very midst of the colonists, for some twenty 
 years, and they are the same people still, with almost no visible 
 
 change." ... 
 
 The Bishop next notices their superstitions and idolatries, and the 
 evils connected with their belief in witchcraft ; and says, that though, 
 by the influence of the colony and missions, their confidence is, in some 
 places, being shaken in some of them; they generally even yet think 
 you a fool, and pity you, if you venture to hint that there is nothing in 
 them. But we must not quote him farther than to include his closing 
 remarks : 
 
 "But what! Do you then think that there is no hope for these 
 heathen, or that we should give up all hopes directed to that end ? 
 Not I, indeed. Very far from it. I would rather reiterate the noble 
 saying of the sainted Cox : ' Though a thousand fall even, in this at- 
 tempt yet let not Africa be given up.' I mention these things to show, 
 that there are solid reasons why our brethren in Africa have accom- 
 plished so little ; and also to show, that the Churches at home must, 
 in this work particularly, exercise the patience of faith and the labor of 
 love. We must still pound the rock, even though it is hard, and our 
 mallets be but of wood. It will break one day." 
 
 Our inquiries into the condition of the Missions among the natives, 
 where civil "overnment exerts no influence, must now be closed. The 
 Btate of things is about this: The chiefs, ambitious of distinction and 
 avaricious, often favor the settlement of missionaries, on account of the 
 consequence it gives them, or from mercenary motives ; the division of 
 the population into small tribes, and their marauding dispositions, leads 
 to frequent wars ; the tyranny of the chiefs, and their fear of losing 
 their influence, often leads them, after having admitted the missionary, 
 
 
The Missions among the Xatiue IVibes, 233 
 
 to oppose his work and deter their people from attending his preaching ; 
 the existence of slavery and hereditary chieftainism, leaves the mass 
 of the population incapable of independent action ; the ignorance of 
 barbarism, overshadowing- their minds, renders them incapable of com- 
 prehending moral truth ; the superstitions of ages are not to be given 
 up, readily, for a religion they can not comprehend ; the custom of re ■ 
 ceiving dashes, tends to prejudice the native against the missionary ; 
 and, above all, the practice of polygamy, ministering to the indolence 
 and sensuality of the men, and reducing the women to the condition of 
 slaves, stands as a wall of adamant in the way of the progress of the 
 Gospel. 
 
 These are the more prominent barriers to the success of missions in 
 Africa, where civil government exerts no power, and the influence of 
 Christian society is not felt. 
 
 It will not be improper here, to pause and observe, that there seems 
 to be a marked difference between the agencies necessary to secure suc- 
 cess in propagating the Gospel among an Asiatic and an African popu- 
 lation. Both, it must be remembered, are heathen ; but the minds of 
 the one are enlightened, of the other barbarous. In Asia, where a 
 knowledge of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and the mechan- 
 ical and tine arts prevail, the mental culture of the people renders them 
 accessible to the Gospel. Many of them can comprehend its truths, 
 when heard from the lips of the preacher, or when read in the printed 
 Scriptures. For this reason, some of the prominent missions in India 
 have relied upon the preaching of the word, as their principal agency ; 
 while circulating the Scriptures and teaching the youth, have been em- 
 ployed only as auxiliaries. Others have relied mainly upon the mul- 
 tiplication of facilities for educating the youth ; while spreading the 
 printed word, and employing the foreign preacher, have been con- 
 sidered as secondary matters — the chief hope being in the preparation 
 of a native ministry, who should ultimately enter largely upon that 
 work. Others, ao-ain, have combined all these agencies, as means 
 which God has blessed in the conversion of sinful men. The whole of 
 these systems have been successful in Asia, and their supporters, re- 
 spectively, see but little cause for changing their measures. 
 
 But in Africa, and among the North American Indians, where the 
 intellectual faculties of the population are shrouded in the darkness of 
 barbarism,* the preaching of the word, in the commencement of a mis- 
 sion, has been but rarely successful in producing conversions ; while 
 the total ignorance of letters among these people, has rendered the cir- 
 culation of the Scriptures useless. Christian missionaries, therefore, in 
 attempting to introduce the Gospel among the Indians or Africans, 
 have been forced to rely upon the education of youth as the means of 
 success. 
 
 * Barbarism is the ignorance of infancy prolonged into adult age. This defi- 
 nition will convey a true idea of its relations to moral and religious truth. 
 
234 Beyond the Influence and Protection of the Colonies. 
 
 But whether in North America, Africa or Asia — whether converted 
 while training in the schools, or under the reading or preaching of the 
 word — the multiplication of native agents to take part in the work, 
 greatly promotes the progress of the Gospel. So well is this now un- 
 derstood, that the preparation of native teachers and preachers, has 
 become the chief aim of all missions to the heathen ; and the persist- 
 ence in one or the other of the systems of operations to which we 
 have referred, is due to the importance they respectively attach to an 
 educated ministry. 
 
 While, however, teaching, reading, and preaching, are the chief in- 
 strumentalities for the conversion of the world ; the progress of the 
 Gospel, everywhere, is greatly accelerated by the presence of a Chris- 
 tian population, whose example aids in overturning the customs and 
 superstitions of the people, and commends the religion of Christ to 
 their confidence. As a mission, then, adds to the number of its con- 
 verts, or receives additions of civilized emigrants, its ability of becoming 
 more and more aggressive is increased, and its powers of progression 
 multiplied. 
 
 Where reliance is placed upon education, mainly, for introducing 
 the Gospel, its progress is necessarily slow; because a generation, or 
 two, is needed to bring forward a competent number of agents to take 
 possession of the field. The drawbacks, too, are very great — much 
 seed being sown, which falls upon stony ground. If schools are con- 
 ducted upon a large scale, the children must be supported by their pa- 
 rents ; and, in such cases, the superstitions and vices of heathenism 
 have, but too often, an easy victory over the doctrines and precepts of 
 Christianity. In this respect no new principle has been discovered. 
 In Christian countries, where custom, law, and the example of parents, 
 combine to give the ascendency to virtue, who can hope that his children 
 will escape moral contamination, if they be permitted to mingle, at will, 
 with the vicious and depraved. How much more, then, are the chil- 
 dren of the heathen endangered, if left in the care of licentious and 
 idolatrous parents, among a population where the laws of virtue are 
 unknown ? 
 
 To avoid these evils, Bishop Scott urges, that the native children, 
 attending the Methodist schools in Liberia, be taken into the families 
 of the missionaries — a system which has been pursued with success, 
 by some of the other societies. 
 
 But we need not extend these observations. It is not difficult to 
 comprehend the connection which exists between Colonization and the 
 more rapid extension of the Gospel in Africa ; and to see the superior- 
 ity of the missions in Liberia, to those among the natives. Look but 
 a moment at its advantages. Liberia contains ;i greater number of the 
 elements of success, than are embraced in the missions to the natives, 
 or in those of any other class ; and, consequently, nnisi he more effici- 
 ent in promoting the evangelization of the African people. The over- 
 awing influence (if its laws upon the natives — the permanency of its 
 
The Missions in Connection with the 235 
 
 schools — the circulation of the Scriptures and religious tracts among 
 those taught to read — the protection afforded by its government to the 
 missionaries — the constant preaching of the word — the high morality 
 of its Christian population — the influx of civilized emigrants who are 
 the descendants of those cruelly torn from their shores in former years 
 — all tend directly to promote the work of missions. Colonization, 
 therefore, supplies to the missions in Liberia, at once, the instrument- 
 alities which those among the natives are only able to acquire after 
 many years of toil. 
 
 IV. The Missions in Connection with the Colonies of White Men in 
 
 South Africa. 
 
 We must refer a moment to the civil history of South Africa, as it is 
 essential to the proper understanding of its Missionary history. 
 
 The Dutch took possession of the Cape in 1650, and this occupancy 
 was followed by an extensive emigration of that people to Cape Town 
 and its vicinity. The encroachments of the emigrants upon the Hot- 
 tentots, soon gave rise to wars, which resulted in the enslavement of 
 this feeble race. The English captured Cape Town in 1795, ceded it 
 back in 1801, retook it in 1808, and still hold it in possession. 
 
 The climate of South Africa being favorable to the health of Euro- 
 peans, an English emigration to the Cape commenced soon after it 
 became a British province. This led to further encroachments upon 
 the native tribes, and to much disaffection upon the part of the Dutch, 
 who were designated by the term Boers* They remained in the 
 Colony, however, until 1834, when the emancipation act, of the British 
 Parliament, set the Hottentots free. This so enraged the Boers, that 
 they emigrated in large bodies beyond the limits of Cape Colony. In 
 seeking new homes, they came in contact with the Zulus, as already 
 stated, and aided in the subjugation of that powerful people. 
 Driven by the English from the Zulu country, the Boers passed on to 
 the north-west, far into the interior, where we shall soon hear from 
 them again. 
 
 The English, in extending their settlements to the north-east of Cape 
 Town, soon came into collision with the Kaffirs ; who, being a powerful 
 and warlike race, made a vigorous resistance to their advances. The 
 Kaffirs stole the cattle of the whites, and the whites retaliated on the 
 Kaffirs. These depredations often resulted in wars, each of which gave 
 the English government a pretext to add a portion of the Kaffir terri- 
 tory to its own. As war followed on war, the Kaffirs improved in the 
 art, acquired something of the skill of their enemies, and learned the 
 use of European weapons. Thus every Kaffir war became more for- 
 midable, requiring more troops, costing more money, and, of course, 
 demanding more territory. In consequence of these various annexa- 
 tions from the Kaffirs, Zulus, and others, the English possessions in 
 
 *Tho German terra for farmers. 
 
236 Colonies of White Men in South Africa. 
 
 South Africa now cover a space of 282,000 square miles ; 105,000 of 
 which have been added since 1847 — the year of the great failure in 
 the cotton crop of the United States. 
 
 The Missionary History of South Africa, though of great interest, 
 must also be very brief. 
 
 A Moravian mission, begun in 1736, among the Hottentots, was 
 broken up at the end of six years, by the Dutch authorities, and its 
 renewal prevented for 49 years. Having been resumed in 1792, it 
 was again interrupted in 1795, but soon afterwards restored under 
 British authority. Here, the hostility of the Dutch government to 
 Christian Missions excluded the Gospel from South Africa during a 
 period of half a century. 
 
 A mission to the Kaffirs, begun in 1799, by Dr. Vanderkemp, was 
 abandoned in a year, on account of the jealousies of that people to- 
 wards the whites, and their plots to take his life. The other missions, 
 of various denominations, begun from time to time, in South Africa, 
 have also been interrupted and retarded by the wars of the natives 
 with each other, and more especially with the whites. 
 
 The pecuniary loss to the English, by the war of 1835, was 
 $1,200,000; and by that of 1846-7, $3,425,000. This, however, 
 was a matter of little importance, compared with the moral bearings 
 of these conflicts. The missions suffered more or less in all the wars, 
 either by interruptions of their labors, or in having their people pressed 
 into the army. In that of 1846-7, the London Society had its four 
 stations in the Kaffir country entirely ruined, and its missionaries and 
 people compelled to seek refuge in the Colony. 
 
 But the most disastrous of all these conflicts, and that which has cast 
 the deepest gloom over the South African Missions, was the Kaffir war 
 of 1851-2-3. These missions, with the exception of that to the Zulus, 
 are under the care of ten missionary societies, all of which are Euro- 
 pean. They had recovered from the shocks of the former wars, and 
 were in an encouraging state ; when, in December, 1850, the Kaffir war 
 broke out. In consequence of that war, many of the missions have 
 been reduced to a most deplorable condition ; and afford a sad com- 
 mentary on the doctrine that the white and black races, in the present 
 moral condition of the world, can dwell together in harmony. 
 
 The missions of the Scotch Free Church were in the very seat of war, 
 the buildings of two of them destroyed, and the missionaries forced to 
 flee for their lives ; while the third was only saved by being fortified. 
 
 The Berlin Missionary Society, had its missionaries driven from two 
 of its stations, during the progress of the war. 
 
 The Mission of the United Presbyterian Synod of Scotland, which 
 consisted of three stations, were all involved in ruin. The war laid 
 waste the mission stations, scattered the missionaries and converts, sus- 
 pended entirely the work of instruction, and has done an amount of 
 evil which can scarcely be exaggerated. The Report for 1853, says, 
 
The Missions in Connection xcith the 237 
 
 that the mission can not be resumed on its old basis, as the Kaffirs 
 around their stations are to be driven away ; and though the native 
 converts, numbering 100, might be collected at one of the stations, it 
 is deemed better that a delegation visit South Africa, and report to the 
 Board a plan of future operations. 
 
 The London Missionary Society also suffered greatly, and some of 
 their missionaries were stript of every thing they possessed. The Re- 
 port, for 1853, says : " This deadly conflict has at length terminated, 
 and terminated, as might have been foreseen, by the triumph of British 
 arms. The principal Kaffir chiefs, with their people, have been driven 
 out of their country ; and their lands have been allotted to British sol- 
 diers and colonists. And on the widely extended frontier there will be 
 established military posts, from which the troops and the settlers are to 
 guard the colony against the return of the exiled natives." 
 
 Such, indeed, was the hostility of the whites toward the missionaries 
 themselves, at one of the Churches in the white settlements, that bul- 
 lets were not unfrequently dropped into the collection plates.* 
 
 Both Moravian and Wesleyan Missions have been destroyed. In one 
 instance, 250 Hottentots perished by the hands of English soldiers, in 
 the same Church where they had listened to the word of God from the 
 Moravian missionaries ; not because they were enemies, but in an at- 
 tempt to disarm a peaceable population. Such are the cruelties inci- 
 dent to this war ! 
 
 The Paris Missionary Society, has thirteen stations in South Africa. 
 Its Report, for 1853, complains of the interruptions and injuries which 
 its missions have suffered, in consequence of the military commotions 
 which have prevailed in the fields occupied by its missionaries. In al- 
 luding to the obstacles to the Gospel, which everywhere exist, Dr. 
 Grandpierre, the Director of the Society, says : " But how are these 
 obstacles multiplied, when the missionary is obliged to encounter, in the 
 lives of nominal Christians, that which gives the lie to his teachings. 
 Irritated by the measures which are employed against them, may not 
 the aborigines rightfully say to the whites, with more truth than ever, 
 ' You call yourselves the children of the God of peace ; and yet you 
 make war upon us. You teach justice ; but you are guilty of injustice. 
 You preach the love of God ; and you take away our liberty and our 
 property.' " 
 
 One of the Scotch Societies, near the close of the Kaffir war, when 
 summing up the effects it had produced, draws this melancholy pic- 
 ture : 
 
 " All missionary operations have been suspended ; the converts are 
 either scattered or compelled, by their hostile countrymen, to take part 
 in the revolt ; the missionaries have been obliged to leave the scenes 
 of their benevolent labors ; hostile feelings have been excited between 
 the black and white races, which it will require a long period to sooth 
 
 *Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October, 1853. 
 
-1$ Colonies of While Men in South Africa. 
 
 •!own ; and the prospects of evangelizing Kaffirland have been rendered 
 'lark and distant." 
 
 Bat we are not yet done recounting the obstacles to the progress of 
 ! he Gospel in South Africa, and the oppressions to which its population 
 ire subjected. Our last reference to the Boers, left them emigrating 
 oward the interior of Africa. It appears that they have selected ter- 
 i itory and organized themselves into a government, under the title of 
 ■he "Free Republic;" and that, in the course of the last year their 
 ^dependence has been acknowledged by Great Britain. The Boers, 
 •dthough recognized as a nation, seem little disposed to peace ; but 
 have, lately, proceeded to destroy some of the stations of the London 
 Missionary Society, and to drive two English missionaries from their 
 territory. They have also attacked and plundered three of the native 
 tribes, kdling 60 men and taking a number of women and children 
 prisoners. Their movements seem to indicate that they are determined 
 ;o prevent the English from extending northward into their vicinity ; 
 and it is feared they will enslave or ruin the native tribes among whom 
 ihey have settled. When charged with this design, they denied it, and 
 claimed that the servitude they adopt is not slavery, but a system of 
 apprenticeship — such, we suppose, as the English have established, to 
 secure laborers for their West India plantations. The missionaries, how- 
 ever, have ascertained that the natives are bought and sold by them ; 
 and from this fact it is inferred, that the fate of the Hottentots, in for- 
 mer years, will, doubtless, be the lot of the natives who are now in the 
 power of the Boers. Alas ! for poor Africa ! 
 
 Referring to these events, the London Society expresses the opinion, 
 that, hereafter, the missionaries will not be left untrammeled, or the 
 liberty of the natives preserved, in the "Free Republic," unless the 
 British nation shall utter its voice distinctly and earnestly in behalf of 
 these unoffending myriads.* In that event, doubtless, the liberty of 
 the natives might be prolonged, until English emigrants should de- 
 mand their lands; and then, the fate of the Kaffirs would await them. 
 
 We must here close these investigations. In reflecting upon the 
 consequences attending the emigration of the English and Dutch into 
 South Africa, we can not but be struck with the sameness of the re- 
 sults there, and those connected with European emigration among the 
 North American Indians. Unlike the emigration of the colored people 
 into West Africa, that of the whites into South Africa and North 
 America, has tended to the destruction of the native heathen, and not, 
 as in Liberia, to their moral redemption. Nor are the inducements to 
 exchange heathen customs for those of Christianity, as strong in South 
 Africa as in Liberia. The natives, in the former, on abandoning 
 heathenism only become subjects of British law, and not freemen, as 
 
 *Roport of Aunual Meeting, May, 1853. 
 
Conclusion. 2o9 
 
 in the latter, participating in the affairs of government. The^ South 
 African chief, has even less reason than his people, to forsake his bar- 
 barism ; as he only thereby loses his power, and, from being him- 
 self a king, he becomes a subject, and compelled to bow to the white 
 man, who has robbed him of his greatness. These obstacles to mis- 
 sionary progress in South Africa, are daily on the increase, by addi- 
 tional European emigration ; as each white man, who sets his foot 
 upon the Cape, but adds to the necessity for robbing the natives of 
 additional lands. On the contrary, each colored emigrant to Liberia, 
 by adding to the strength of the Republic, is aiding in extending to the 
 natives the blessings of freedom and of peace, and securing to them 
 their rio-ht to their homes under the sanction of Christian laws. 
 
 Thus" it appears, that, as the colonization of colored men in Liberia 
 
 elevates the native population, secures harmony of feeling and unity 
 
 I of interest between the parties, gives distinction to the race, and secures 
 
 I the more rapid extension of the Gospel ; so the emigration of white 
 
 I men into South Africa, tends to degrade the natives, produces enmity 
 
 of feeling and diversity of interest, destroys whatever of nationality 
 
 1 they possessed, and erects a mighty barrier against their conversion to 
 
 Christianity. 
 
 The total missionary force in South Africa, is under the care of 
 eleven Missionary Societies, ten of which are European, and one 
 American. Their condition, in 1850, before the commencement of the 
 Kaffir war, was as follows:* Missionaries 214, assistant missionaries 
 155, native assistants 8, communicants 12,116, schools 60, scholars 
 20,100. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Here Ave must close our inquiries, sum up the results, see what ex- 
 perience teaches, draw the contrasts between these several classes of 
 Missions, and determine the best mode of employing human instru- 
 mentalities for the extension of the Gospel in Africa. 
 
 These Missions, as we have shown, had to be planted upon a broad 
 field of barbarism ; where the civil condition, the objects of worship, 
 the social customs, the intellectual state of the people, were the antag- 
 onists of what prevail under a Christian civilization. The missionary's 
 task embraced much of toil, privation, danger, patience, perseverance. 
 Wars were to be turned into peace, superstitions overthrown, polygamy 
 abolished, ignorance dispelled, before civilization and Christianity could 
 be established. This was the work to be accomplished. The results 
 have been given in detail, and now they must only be recapitulated 
 and contrasted. 
 
 The Missions to the natives, beyond the protection of the colonies, 
 have made the least progress. They are established upon the proper 
 
 * Baird's Retrospect, pases 400-2. 
 
2iO Conclusion. 
 
 basis, but have fewer agencies employed than the other missions, and 
 a corresponding inefficiency is the result. Common schools, Sabbath 
 schools, and preaching, are means used for promoting the Gospel in all 
 the African missions. Those to the natives, are limited chiefly to these 
 three plans of operation, while the other missions possess many subor- 
 dinate means that greatly facilitate their progress. Preaching to 
 adults, though not altogether unsuccessful, has won but few converts, 
 and done but little for the overthrow of superstition. Education lays 
 the axe at the root of ignorance, but from the fewness of the teachers 
 and schools, the small attendance of pupils, and the reaction of hea- 
 thenism upon them, it has made very little impression on the surround- 
 ing barbarism. Less, still, has been done by these missions, in pre- 
 venting native wars ; while polygamy remains almost wholly unaffected 
 by them. The greatest difficulty, however, is, that the missionaries, 
 with very few exceptions, are white men, whose constitutions, gener- 
 ally, yield to the effects of the climate, and the missions are constantly 
 liable to be weakened and broken up. This is true of the Gaboon and 
 Mendi Missions, particularly, and can be remedied, only, by substitut- 
 ing colored missionaries, since they, alone, have constitutions adapted 
 to the climate. The mission to the Zulus differs from these two, in 
 having a climate better adapted to the Anglo-Saxon ; but it has to 
 contend with the additional obstacle of a hostile white immigration, 
 which threatens its existence. As the customs and morals of Chris- 
 tianity become better understood, at these missions, the enmity of the 
 natives continues to increase ; and the missionary, after years of toil, 
 feels, more and more, the indispensable necessity of multiplying the 
 agencies for removing the barriers to the Gospel by which he is 
 surrounded. 
 
 The Missions in South Africa, by their early success, and the pro- 
 gress they have always made in times of peace, afford ample evidence 
 of the practicability of Christianizing Africa, wherever civil govern- 
 ment protects the missionary, and prevents the prevalence of native 
 wars. But while we may here derive a powerful argument in favor of 
 increased effort for the extension of Christianity, where the conditions 
 of society are thus favorable ; the additional lesson is impressed upon 
 the mind, with tremendous force, that the white and black races — that 
 Englishmen and Africans — can not dwell together as equals ; but thai 
 the intelligence and active energies of the one, when brought into co 
 flict with the ignorance and indolent habits of the other, must make 
 the Negro an easy prey to the Anglo-Saxon. The sad results ol thisi 
 conflict of races, in the wars of the last few years, casts a deep gloonj 
 over the future prospects of South Africa, and renders it doubtful 
 whether the missions can be sustained among the natives as indepenj 
 (hut tribes. It would appear, that, under British policy, the loss on 
 liberty is the price at which the African must purchase Christianity. 
 
Conclusion. 24 1 
 
 The immigration of Englishmen into South Africa, then, instead of 
 diminishing the obstacles to the success of the Gospel, is adding a new 
 one of an aggravated character. Nor can the difficulty be obviated. 
 When Christian missions harmonize with the policy of England, she 
 grants them protection ; but when they stand in the way of the 
 execution of her schemes, they are brushed aside as objects of in- 
 difference, and treated with no higher regard than pagan institutions. 
 While her soldiers were slaughtering the Christian Hottentots, in the 
 church of the Moravians, her revenues were upholding the heathen 
 temples of India. As she designs to build up an extensive white col- 
 ony, in South Africa, the main obstacles to these missions will be ren- 
 dered as immovable as the British throne. In this respect, they are 
 more discouraging than those to the natives, the barriers to which must 
 be broken down by time and perseverance. 
 
 How strangely the cruelty of Great Britain, towards the Kaffirs, 
 contrasts with her humanity towards the recaptured Africans of Sierra 
 Leone ! In the former case, she robbed the blacks of their posses- 
 sions, to give lands to her white subjects ; in the latter, Cuba and 
 Brazil were deprived of their cargoes of slaves, to build up a colony 
 for herself. But how much stranger, still, does England's conduct 
 contrast with the policy of American Colonization ! Liberia, instead 
 of robbing the Native African of his rights, was founded, expressly, to 
 rescue him from oppression and superstition, and to bestow upon him 
 liberty and the Gospel of Christ. 
 
 The Missions in the English Colonies of Recaptured Africans, have 
 been more successful, and are more promising, than either of the two 
 just noticed. The cause of this difference should be considered. The 
 foundations of Sierra Leone were laid, when Africa was literally "the 
 land of the shadow of death." Its corner stone inclosed the last link 
 of the shackles of slavery in England. Its founder looked forward to 
 the redemption of the land of Ham, as a result of the scheme he had 
 projected. A large majority of the emigrants who founded the Col- 
 ony, had been trained where Religion was free, and where Liberty was 
 struggling into birth. They had caught something of the spirit of 
 freedom, and wished to realize its blessings. These hopes were blasted; 
 and, in anger, they abandoned the churches they had built, rather than 
 accept religion at the hands of those who had denied them freedom. 
 They failed to discriminate between the unchristian policy of the Eng- 
 lish government, and the Christian charity of the English Church. 
 The slave-trade was carried on under the flag that brought them the 
 missionary ; and they turned coldly away from the man of God, to let 
 him re-embark for his English home, or sink to the grave beneath a 
 tropical sun. Thus did the Gospel fail in its establishment among the 
 emigrants of Sierra Leone. Neither could it succeed among the 
 surrounding natives, while the hunters of slaves kept the tribes in 
 perpetual hostilities. Thus twenty years rolled away, before the traffic 
 16 
 
-42 Conclusion. 
 
 in human flesh was suppressed ; and then, only, could Christianity 
 gain a foothold. 
 
 But the gift of equal rights was not included in the gift of the Gos- 
 pel ; and half the stimulants to mental improvement remained unsup- 
 plied. The agencies established, however, were not powerless for 
 good. Security was gained for the missionary, and the population 
 could dwell in peace. The Episcopal missionaries were driven into 
 the Colony, to prosecute their labors under its protection. The preju- 
 dices engendered by the early collisions with the civil authorities, wore 
 away with the lapse of time. The American fugitives, who had re- 
 fused the Gospel from the Episcopalians, now accepted it from the 
 Wesleyans. The denial of civil rights to themselves, could not justify 
 their refusal of eternal life for their offspring. The children were 
 gathered once more into the schools, and education commenced. 
 Sierra Leone was made the " city of refuge," for all who should be 
 rescued from the horrors of the slave-ships ; and thus it became a 
 central sun from which the light of the Gospel could radiate to the far- 
 thest limits of Africa. 
 
 Sierra Leone, as a mission field, is free from some of the most seri- 
 ous difficulties which retard the progress of the Gospel among the 
 Natives and in South Africa. Its chief advantages consist in its free- 
 dom from war ; in the absence of white Colonists ; and in the accumu- 
 lating progress of civilization. Its inhabitants possess such a unity of 
 races, such a social equality, as to prevent hostile collisions on account 
 of color. Its officers and principal merchants, only, are white ; and, 
 hence, fewer occasions arise here than in South Africa, where the black 
 man is made to feel his inferiority to the white. The intellectual im- 
 provement of its people has been much more rapid than that of the 
 population in the South African Missions ; and, as a consequence, the 
 teachers of the schools and seminaries, in Sierra Leone and its connec- 
 tions, are, mostly, colored men ; while few, indeed, of the natives in 
 the Colonies of the Cape, have been able to attain such positions.* 
 
 In these facts are we to find the causes of the superiority of the 
 Sierra Leone missions, over those to the Natives and to the South of 
 Africa. 
 
 Sierra Leone, however, when contrasted with Liberia, is found to 
 1 ick some of the essential elements of progress possessed by the Re- 
 public. The liberty secured to the citizens of Liberia, extends to all 
 
 * The comparative condition of the missions in West Africa, South Africa, 
 mid the West Indies, according to Baird's Retrospect for 1850, was as follows : 
 
 W. Africa. S. Africa. W. Indies. 
 
 Missionaries, 93 214 283 
 
 Assistant Missionaries, 170 155 36 
 
 Native Assistants, 75 8 349 
 
 Communicants, 9,625 12,116 75.503 
 
 Schools, 152 60 160 
 
 pnpila 13,631 20,102 11,042 
 
Conclusion. 24 3 
 
 their relations, personal, social, political. The people of Sierra Leone, en 
 joy but two of these elements of progress. They have personal freedor: 
 and a fair degree of social equality, but are deprived of the third- 
 political equality — which, above all, exerts the most potent influence t< 
 stimulate the intellectual faculties of men. The young convert in fch 
 seminary at Sierra Leone, doubtless, finds great encouragement t. 
 mental improvement, in the prospect of becoming a teacher, or ii 
 entering the ministry ; but to the unconverted youth, in the absent 
 of the prospect of political promotion, there is, absolutely, nothing ti 
 stimulate to efforts at high attainment in science and literature. Thus 
 the political system of Sierra Leone, supplies but half the elements bl 
 progress to its people. Had it been otherwise, had the aspirations o! 
 its early emigrants been cherished, and its civil affairs committed 
 mainly to their hands, the Colony might now be in a far more advanced 
 situation. This will be apparent on a fuller contrast of its condition 
 with that of Liberia. 
 
 Thirty years after the waves of the Atlantic had closed over the re- 
 mains of Samuel J. Mills, it was proclaimed from the top of Montse- 
 rado, that the star of African Nationality, after ages of wandering, 
 had found its orbit in the galaxy of Nations. On that eventful day, a 
 multitude of grateful men, with their wives and little ones, were lifting 
 up their voices in thanksgiving and praise, to their Father in Heaven. 
 •Over their heads waved a banner bearing the motto, "The love of 
 liberty brought us here." The barbarism that excited the pity of 
 Mills and Burgess had disappeared; the superstitions over which they 
 grieved had vanished ; a Christian Nation had been born ; and the 
 vault of heaven re-echoed to their shouts of joy. 
 
 It was thus that the Republic of Liberia was ushered into existence. 
 Sixty years were gone, since the establishment of Sierra Leone. How 
 wide the contrast between its history and that of Liberia ! Liberty, at 
 Sierra Leone, had been rudely driven to the "bush." Its people were 
 held in pupilage, bound by laws not of their own enactment, and gov- 
 erned by officers of a race who had ever claimed the lordship over 
 them. Taught Religion, but deprived of Liberty, the manhood of 
 mind could not be fully developed. Uninstructed in human rights, 
 they now yielded a slavish submission to a distant throne. Not so in 
 Liberia. Here, Liberty and Religion had been rocked together in the 
 same cradle. It was Religion that had given Liberty to the Liberian. 
 He knew nothing of the one unconnected with the other. The Re- 
 ligion that had broken his fetters, was itself free. Religious and poli- 
 tical freedom, therefore, was a principle dear to his heart. He spurned 
 the idea, that man must submit to dictation in religion and government ; 
 and, from the first, had looked forward to the day, when his country 
 should become a Christian Republic. That day has come, and gone : and 
 there the Liberian stands, a citizen — a Christian ; with no law — no re- 
 straint — no rule of conduct — but what emanates from himself or his God. 
 
244 Conclusion. 
 
 The Republic stands, pre-eminent, as an auxiliary to missions. Its 
 political system, embraces all the known elements of civil, social, and 
 intellectual advancement ; while its citizens are controlled by the pre- 
 servative element of Christian morals. Its policy makes it but one 
 grand agency for overturning African barbarism. Its advantages over 
 every other scheme are so obvious, that it must be regarded as the 
 model system, to which all others should be conformed ; and as the 
 rule by which, alone, missions to Africa must hereafter be conducted. 
 
 The conquests of Liberia, over African barbarism, have been legiti- 
 mate results of the principles involved in her social and civil organiza- 
 tion. She offered to the natives an asylum from the merciless slave- 
 catchers : they removed within her limits to enjoy her protection. She 
 employed them in household affairs, agriculture, and the mechanic 
 arts : they were thus incorporated into her social system, attended the 
 Church, and sent their children to school. They wore gri-gris and 
 practiced polygamy : these customs debarred them from political privi- 
 leges. They offered human sacrifices to their deities, and compelled 
 those suspected of witchcraft to drink a poisonous tea : the laws pun- 
 ished the taking of life, in such modes, with the penalty of death. The 
 surrounding tribes, for their own safety, sought alliances with her : by 
 ihe terms of the treaties, she has kept them at peace, and prevented 
 the trafficking in slaves. 
 
 Thus has Liberia, by offering the natives political equality, induced 
 rhem to abandon polygamy and superstition ; thus has the fear of pun- 
 ishment deterred them from the practice of t'heir murderous cruelties ; 
 t bus has war been prevented and the slave-trade suppressed within her 
 hounds ; and thus has American Colonization solved the great problem 
 oi African Redemption. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The Opposition to Colonization and African missions. 
 
 We quote the following remarks, on the primary sources of opposition 
 to the Civilization of Africa, from the Church Missionary Intelligencer, 
 December, 1853. This periodical is the organ of the English Episcopal 
 Church, and the opinions expressed are entitled to the most grave con- 
 sideration. Whatever interest the slave-trader may have in driving 
 English missionaries from Africa, will apply equally to those from 
 America, and to the labors of our Colonization Society. The writer, 
 after noticing the efforts made to withdraw the English squadron from 
 the coast of Africa, so as to leave the slave-trade once more free to the 
 traffickers in human flesh, says : 
 
 " But we have something more to say on this subject. The Mis- 
 sionary element has also been introduced into the comments which have 
 been made on this affair, and has received no small amount of con- 
 demnation. Our Missionaries at Lagos have thus been placed between 
 two fires. The efforts of Kosoko's attacking party were evidently 
 directed against their dwellings, and this we can understand, for Kosoko 
 and his abettors well know that the extension of the Gospel carries 
 with it the eventual destruction of the slave-trade, and of every other 
 enormity under which human nature suffers. Christianity does that 
 which the squadron can not do. The latter cuts down the branches of 
 the poison-bearing tree, but the former kills it in its root. If this lat- 
 ter be not done, it will sprout again. The strength of the slave-trade 
 lies in the latent sympathy of chiefs and people ; and Christianity, by 
 indisposing them to it, and by directing their energies into other and 
 wholesome channels, is drying up the secret sources from whence its 
 power has been derived. The greatest benefit which the squadron has 
 conferred upon Africa has been to afford opportunity for the introduc- 
 tion of this beneficial influence ; and after a time, by the blessing of 
 God, that influence will have so increased, and the African mind, in 
 consequence, have undergone so complete a revolution, that the further 
 presence of the squadron on the coast will become unnecessary. That 
 time has not come yet, but it will do so, perhaps more rapidly than 
 we could venture to anticipate. We can, therefore, easily understand 
 Kosoko's antipathy to Missionaries, and the exultation with which he 
 would have seen them compelled to quit the coast. 
 
 "But there is an unfriendly feeling on the part of some at home, 
 which is not so intelligible. It betrays itself in a readiness to entertain 
 serious charges against Missionaries on ex-parte evidence * * * 
 
 245 
 
-4G Appendix. 
 
 "We fear that in many quarters there is much misapprehension as to 
 he character and tendency of Missionary operations, and that by 
 ome they are distrusted as being far otherwise than tranquilizing in 
 heir influence. Has the Missionary element a tendency to complicate 
 natters, and render them more difficult of adjustment than they would 
 ■therwise be ? Is it irritating and war-producing ? It has been so in- 
 inuated, if not openly asserted. And we can understand from whence 
 uch insinuations originate. The Gospel, in its action, must be subver- 
 ive of the plans and objects of numbers, especially in connection with 
 vfrica and the slave-trade. There have been many sleeping partners 
 •ii that traffic, men who never touched a slave, but who have often 
 •hatched the gain ; men who have fed the traffic in secret, and furnished 
 uhe materials for its prosecution. It has been a wide-spread conspiracy 
 .'or the degradation of the African family. Men in Europe, America, 
 Vfrica, have been bound together in this unholy compact, each having 
 assigned to him his own particular department, and each full of energy 
 in the prosecution of it. Where were the printed goods fabricated that 
 were used in barter between the foreign and native slave-dealer ? 
 Where were forged the bolts, and fetters, and chains, by which the 
 limbs of the captured African were constricted, and he was reduced to 
 an incapability of resistance ? Perhaps nearer home than we could 
 have imagined.* Where was launched the well-found bark, with such 
 admirable sailing powers, the floating prison of the poor slave ? Whence 
 the nautical skill that designed the craft, and the able workmen who 
 wrought it out, until she sailed from the port which gave her birth, in 
 every respect equipped and fitted for the slave-trade, but not to be so 
 used until, on the African coast, transferred to other hands than those 
 which took her there ?f How various and extensive the interests which 
 were engaged in the prosecution of the slave-trade, all which have been 
 interfered with by the interruption of the traffic on the coast. Many 
 of these, to save themselves from stagnation, have engaged in lawful 
 commerce ; but it is with regret they have done so. Of course, in the 
 eyes of such parties, everything that interferes to prevent a return to 
 the palmy days of slave-trading prosperity, when abundant opportunity 
 was afforded for the gratification of more than one evil passion, be- 
 comes an object of antipathy. The squadron on the coast, and the 
 Missionaries on shore, are alike detestable. If both could be removed 
 something might be done, and what so likely means as misrepresenta- 
 tion ? The Missionaries are self-interested, and obstruct the develop- 
 ment of lawful traffic. The squadron is unnecessary, and its interfer- 
 ence on such occasions as that of Lagos is in the highest degree 
 mischievous. Credulous ears are not wanting to become the deposi- 
 tories of whisperings such as these ; and soon the whole gloss finds its 
 way into the columns of the daily press, and influential journals become 
 the exponents of charges which would be serious indeed if they could 
 be proved. But these misstatements require to be promptly met, 
 
 * In England. t United States, 
 
Appendix. 247 
 
 otherwise their effect might soon appear in a gradual diminution of the 
 repressive force on the coast, until it became materially weakened. 
 Meanwhile, the devastations of the cholera in Cuba have been seriously- 
 diminishing the supply of working hands, and many eager eyes are di- 
 rected towards Africa to see whether the attempt could be made to re- 
 open the traffic with any prospect of success. Already new vessels 
 have been fitted out, and we may soon have painful evidence that the 
 trade is not extinct, and that, if we remove our foot from the neck of 
 our prostrate but not slain foe, he will rise up to resume the contest." 
 
 The English Apprenticeship System. 
 
 President Roberts has written the following letter, to a gentleman 
 in England, in explanation of the influence exerted on the natives, by 
 the practice of purchasing apprentices, from the African chiefs, to serve 
 as laborers on the plantations of the British West Indies. Is not this 
 system virtually a renewal of the slave-trade, and a violation of Eng- 
 aand's treaty with the United States for its suppression ? 
 
 Government House, Monrovia, September, 1853. 
 
 I assure you, sir, the Government of Liberia has no desire to, nor 
 will it interfere improperly with the operations of Messrs. Hyde, 
 Hodge & Co., nor will it place any unnecessary obstacles in the way 
 of their obtaining emigrants from the Liberian coast. The only object 
 the Government had in issuing the proclamation referred to, was, and 
 still is, to see that emigration from within its jurisdiction shall be free 
 and unconstrained. 
 
 It is proper I should remark, that no facts have come to the 
 knowledge of the Government to induce the belief that Messrs. Hyde, 
 Hodge & Co., or their agents, have actually sent off persons, or that 
 they°would, knowingly, send off any, without the voluntary consent of 
 their natural guardians. But the Government had good grounds for 
 believing that attempts were about to be made to force certain unfor- 
 tunate persons to emigrate without the facts of their coercion coming 
 to the knowledge of the emigration agents. 
 
 During last year, serious disturbances rose between certain Vey and 
 Golah chiefs in the neighborhood of Grand Cape Mount. And, in the 
 early part of the present year, Boombo and George Cane, Vey chiefs, 
 residing respectively at Little and Grand Cape Mount, attacked and 
 captured some three or four native towns in the Dey and Golah dis- 
 trict, and carried away as captives several hundred of the inhabitants. 
 Soon after these occurrences, a report was rife here that George Cane 
 had contracted with the agents of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., to 
 supply a number of emigrants. Complaint was also made to the Gov- 
 ernment — by the chiefs who had suffered — that Cane's intentions were to 
 •send off to the West Indies the captives he had taken from the towns. 
 
248 Appendix. 
 
 Now, that the agents of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., would coun- 
 tenance constrained emigration, or that they would have received those 
 persons, knowing them to be captives, we had no reason to believe. 
 But it is more than likely that nine out of ten that would have been 
 offered as emigrants, at that time, would be of this unfortunate class. 
 And the chances were a hundred to one that the emigration agents 
 would be deceived in regard to the real condition of the people. Very 
 possibly, no complaint then and there would have been uttered by 
 them. They were suffering painful captivity; and whatever their 
 feelings might be in regard to emigration, they would gladly, perhaps, 
 have availed themselves of that or any other opportunity to escape the 
 cruelties of their captors. And, further, sir, I am assurred these poor 
 fellows were given to understand that when they should be offered as 
 emigrants, if they disclosed their real condition, or refused to emigrate, 
 their lives would be sacrificed. Many of these captives have since 
 been released, and returned to their homes and families ; and all, I 
 am told, corroborate this statement. Now, sir, under these circum- 
 stances, was it unreasonable to suppose that many might be sent off 
 without their voluntary consent ? And was it not the duty of the 
 Government to provide as far as possible the means of checking such 
 outrages ? Of course, in all this there is no blame to be attached to 
 Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., or their agents. 
 
 But, my dear sir, with respect to this emigration business, the strict- 
 est watchfulness must be observed ; otherwise, the enterprise may 
 lead to abuses and evils of the most painful character. Not that re- 
 spectable British agents would knowingly be the means of producing 
 such results ; but let the chiefs along the coast find that they can send 
 off captives, as emigrants, to the British West Indies, and obtain an 
 advance of only ten dollars each, and the old system — war — of pro- 
 curing slaves will again be renewed. J. J. Roberts. 
 
 [From 'the Liberia Herald.] 
 Trial and Sentence of Boouibo. 
 
 Monrovia, April 6th, 1853. 
 We have seldom witnessed the trial of a case producing so much 
 interest as that of Boombo's. The readers of the " Herald," need not 
 be told, that Boombo is a chieftain of Little Cape Mount, that he had 
 voluntarily entered into an arrangement with the Government of Li- 
 beria, and subscribed to demean himself according to the laws and 
 constitution ; also, that he and his people lived on lands purchased by 
 the Government of Liberia from the native owners. Boombo, though 
 bound by his solemn engagements to refrain from wars, and not to dis- 
 turb the peace and quietness of the country, has repeatedly, since he 
 placed himself under the laws of Liberia, broken his engagements by 
 carrying on predatory wars, destroying towns and murdering and 
 
Appendix. 249 
 
 carrying into captivity hundreds of inoffensive men, women and chil- 
 dren. To all the remonstrances of Government, Boombo gave no heed, 
 and his bloody career did not end until he was brought to this city a 
 prisoner. George Cain, of Grand Cape Mount, is also amenable to the 
 laws of Liberia ; and it is now well ascertained that he was the prin- 
 cipal actor in all the disturbances created in the Little Cape Mount 
 country. Boombo, it appears, acted under his direction. 
 
 At the last Court of " Quarter Sessions," Boombo was indicted for 
 "High Misdemeanor" — the indictment set forth a general allegation and 
 three special counts. The first count charged the prisoner with violat- 
 ing his obligations and allegiance to the Government, and that he did 
 procure and make war upon and against one Dwarloo Bey and certain 
 other Goulah chiefs, occupying a portion of the territories of Grand 
 and Little Cape Mount — that he murdered the inhabitants — carried 
 into captivity large numbers of the defenseless ; sacked, burned and 
 pillaged towns and villages, and laid waste the country. The second 
 count charged, that Boombo violated, etc., as before, that he did pro- 
 cure and make war upon and against one Weaver, a Dey chieftain — 
 crossing the Little Cape Mount river, and entering the Dey country 
 for that purpose ; that he murdered inhabitants, carried others into 
 captivity, and sacked, burned, and pillaged towns and villages, and 
 laid waste the country. The third count, charged that Boombo did 
 violate, etc., as before, and that he committed felony, by seizing and 
 carrying off merchandise from factories belonging to citizens of Mon- 
 rovia. The Attorney- General, Wm. Draper, Esq., was assisted in this 
 case by David A. Madison, Esq., of Buchanan, Grand Bassa. D. T. 
 Harris, and J. B. Phillips, Esquires, appeared for the prisoner, and 
 we are pleased to say that these gentlemen did all that honest and 
 patriotic men could do for a man under such circumstances. They 
 ably and eloquently defended the prisoner upon every point that for- 
 mality and technicality would admit of, but as they could not argue 
 the lock off the door, and as the evidence, especially that given by 
 prisoner's witnesses, was point blank against Boombo, the verdict was, 
 guilty of each count. 
 
 The sentence was — restitution, restoration, and reparation of goods 
 stolen, people captured, and damages committed ; to pay a fine of 
 $500, and be imprisoned for two years. When the sentence was pro- 
 nounced the convict shed tears, regarding the ingredient of imprison- 
 ment, in his sentence, to be almost intolerable. It is hoped that this 
 will prove a salutary example to all other chieftains under the juris- 
 diction of this Government, that they may, henceforward, be convinced 
 of the determination and power of the Government to administer jus- 
 tice in the premises. It is the belief of many, that Boombo's punish- 
 ment, as per sentence, is too great, but we believe to the contrary. 
 Until rigorous measures are used to deter chieftains from carrying on 
 their predatory wars, there can not be any guarantee, but that some 
 part of our coast will always be in a state of savage warfare. 
 
MEMORIAL ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 
 
 To the Honorable the General Assembly of the State of Ohio: 
 
 Your Petitioners would beg leave respectfully to call the attention 
 of your honorable body, to the wants of the Ohio State Coloniza- 
 tion Society; and, in so doing, would offer a few remarks embodying 
 the reasons upon which they found their claims to assistance from 
 the State. 
 
 The conflict of Civilization and Barbarism — of power and intelli- 
 gence with weakness and ignorance — has been productive of results 
 as diverse as the differences in the religious systems and moral 
 habits of the dominant parties. The Pagans of civilized Egypt, 
 Greece, and Rome, having no knowledge of the true God, or of 
 man's moral responsibility and immortality, treated their slaves, 
 whether made captive in war, born in their houses, or bought with 
 their money, as they did the lower animals — merely as cupidity, 
 fear, or pleasure dictated. The oppressions of merciless taskmasters, 
 the murder of infants, the assassination of Helots, the butcheries in 
 the gladiatorial arena, all bear terrible testimony to the fearful con- 
 sequences of the conflict between the weak and the strong where 
 Pagan principles predominated. 
 
 Not so were the results of Hebrew civilization when brought into 
 contact with the surrounding barbarism. The Law of God was the 
 rule of action to the Hebrews. It enjoined, equally, the circum- 
 cision of males, whether sons or servants, and the careful education 
 of all. So urgent was this duty, that it was made imperative on 
 parents, not only to teach the Law of God diligently, but to write it 
 upon the posts of the houses, and upon the gates, so as to be ever 
 kept in remembrance. Thus the contact of the civilized and the 
 barbarous, under Hebrew law, was meliorating, elevating, redeem- 
 ing — the result the richest blessing that a subject of the heathen 
 tribes could then attain. 
 
 In modern times, too generally, the contact of the civilized and 
 
 barbarous has been destructive of the latter. Take, as an example, 
 
 the Indians of the North American Continent and its adjacent 
 
 Islands. The Pagan principle of treatment was, mostly, applied to 
 
 (250) 
 
(251) 
 
 them by the civilized intruder, and their destruction was the conse- 
 quence of their refusal to minister to his cupidity. A few excep- 
 tions now happily prevail. The Hebrew rule, in its more expanded 
 form under Christianity, has been applied to some of the Indian 
 tribes, who are rising intellectually and morally under the teachings 
 of the Christian Missionary. Take another example. The Africans, 
 torn from their country and reduced to slavery, have but too often 
 been subjected to the Pagan rule, destruction following as an inevi- 
 table result. One instance of that kind, only, need be referred to. 
 There were imported into the British West Indies, from Africa, 
 1,700,000 slaves, of whom and their descendants only 660,000 
 remained for emancipation. This result was not due to their subjec- 
 tion to slavery, as was argued by Mr. Buxton. Slavery is not 
 necessarily destructive of human life. Hebrew servitude was not 
 so, neither has American slavery been so. This is proved by the 
 fact that less than 400,000 Africans were landed in the territory 
 now constituting the United States, from which we had, in 1850, a 
 population of 3,638,808 persons of African descent. That is to 
 say: "In the United States, the number of Africans and their 
 descendants is nearly eight or ten to one of those that were 
 imported, whilst in the British West Indies there are not two per- 
 sons remaining for every five of the imported."* Thus, our colored 
 population, on 400,000 imported, has increased more than three 
 millions and a quarter, while that of Great Britain, on 1,700,000 
 imported, has diminished a million. Surely, men who could so far 
 violate the laws of humanity, as to produce such results as occurred 
 in the West Indies, must have been actuated by mercenary motives 
 alone, and could only have treated their slaves on the Pagan prin- 
 ciple, in all its fearful disregard of human life. How far the slave- 
 holders of the United States have adopted the Pagan instead of the 
 Hebrew system, in the treatment of their slaves, we shall not 
 attempt to determine. That much instruction, however, has been 
 imparted to them, directly or indirectly, is proved by the intellectual 
 progress they have made; and that their general treatment has been 
 comparatively humane, is evident from the fact that their increase 
 has equalled that of the best conditioned people in the world. Were 
 the Hebrew rule adopted entire, in reference to our slavery, doubt- 
 less all the evils complained of in the system would disappear, and, 
 in time, the system itself be dissolved. 
 
 The point to which we wish mainly to direct attention is this: 
 The Hebrew rule, founded in the Law of God, is obviously the one 
 by which the people of Ohio should be governed in their treatment 
 of the colored people. The provision made by the State for the 
 education of this class of our population, is a close approximation to 
 this rule. The school law makes as liberal a provision for the edu- 
 cation of colored children, in most cases, as it does for the whites. 
 The law is philanthropic and should be sustained. The common 
 
 * Compendium of the United States Census, 1S50, page S4. 
 
(252) 
 
 schools, with their adjuncts, the school libraries, should be left 
 intact as the great element of intellectual and moral progress to 
 both blacks and whites. Thousands will thus be made intelligent, 
 who otherwise would be doomed to comparative ignorance. The 
 establishment of District Libraries corresponds to the writing of the 
 statutes and the commandments of God upon the door-posts and 
 gates of the Hebrews, since it lays open the sources of knowledge 
 to all. 
 
 But here arises a practical question. The taxation for the sup- 
 port of the schools falls mainly upon the whites. How far will 
 they bear the extension of this charity? Would the citizens of the 
 State assent to a proposition to receive and educate the great body 
 of the free colored population of the other States? Could they bear 
 the burden that such a measure would impose? It is believed they 
 could not be persuaded to extend their charities so broadly. And, 
 yet, there are causes in operation which are practically producing 
 such a state of things. Look at the facts. The surrounding States, 
 slave and free, have not only failed to make adequate provision for 
 the education of their free colored people, but have adopted a course 
 of legislation recently, which is adverse to allowing them to remain 
 within their limits. Even before the adoption of this policy by the 
 other States, the tide of immigration of the blacks flowed so rapidly 
 into Ohio, that it gave her an increase of that population amounting 
 to nearly forty-six per cent, in the ten years ending with 185U. 
 The actual increase made to her population, in that ten years, 
 amounted to two thousand more than the total increase of colored 
 persons in all the six New England States since the year 1 800.* 
 
 The immigration of the colored* people into Ohio, since 1850, 
 must have increased more rapidly than at any former period. This 
 belief is founded on the following facts: The legislation of Indiana, 
 Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin, forbidding citizenship to the free 
 colored people in these States, has gone into effect, mostly, since 
 1850. The slave States, too, since that date, have been making 
 their laws, relating to this class of their population, more stringent 
 than formerly, expecting thereby to drive them to the free States. 
 As Ohio not only opens her arms widely to receive all the colored 
 people who may bo banished from the other States, but makes ample 
 provision for their education when they arrive, the inducements for 
 them to concentrate among us are very strong. Indeed there is no 
 other point where they can expect so hearty a welcome. 
 
 There is another fact to be noted. Many of the free States have 
 made appropriations of money to encourage Colonization to Liberia. 
 This is understood by the colored people at large, as an expression of 
 sentiment unfavorable to their ultimate admission to an equality with 
 the whites. They have been led to believe that such an equality is 
 attainable in the midst of the whites; and, hence, as Colonization 
 promises them full political privileges only in Africa, the majority 
 
 * Seo Compendium of U. S. Census, 1850. 
 
(253) 
 
 of the blacks have an unbounded hatred of the system, and are de- 
 serting the States which give it their patronage. This leads them to 
 prefer emigrating to States supposed to be hostile to Colonization, 
 and pledged to promote what they are led to regard as the colored 
 man's best interests. The Ohio Legislature passed a bill through its 
 lower House, a few years since, to aid African Colonization; but it 
 was defeated in the Senate, by being laid over among the unfinished 
 business of the session. All subsequent attempts to pass the bill 
 having failed, the colored people consider the policy of the State as 
 settled adversely to Colonization, and that Ohio has become their 
 "Land of Promise." 
 
 All these stimulants to the immigration of colored men into the 
 State are now in active operation, and the demands upon our educa- 
 tional funds will be increased in a corresponding degree, so as to 
 require an increased taxation for the support of this charity. Atten- 
 tion is called to this point, because the main argument employed to 
 defeat the Colonization Bill, was an alleged want of power in the 
 Legislature to tax one class of the population for the benefit of an- 
 other. The passage of the present school law settled this principle, 
 as it taxes the whites, largely, for the benefit of the colored people. 
 We would, then, respectfully inquire, if it be constitutional so to 
 legislate as to attract additional colored immigrants to the State, to 
 receive its charities, why it should not be equally so to aid those 
 born in the State to emigrate to Liberia, where they can educate their 
 own children and no longer be a burden here ? 
 
 Your honorable body will readily understand the importance of 
 taking action on this subject. We have a constantly increasing black 
 population drifting in upon us from the slave States. We can not, 
 if we would, roll it back whence it comes, or turn its tide to the 
 right or to the left of our borders. Impassable barriers are every- 
 where erected to prevent its flow into other States. Ohio is the 
 interior sea into which its waves must continue to rush, until a 
 broader and deeper outlet is created for its escape to some wider 
 ocean. We plead not for any relaxation of the efforts making for 
 the intellectual and moral culture of the colored people of the State. 
 We would urge the augmentation rather than the diminution of the 
 educational facilities now afforded them, since an increase of intel- 
 ligence will but prepare them for engaging in wider fields of enter- 
 prise, and tend more rapidly to develope the capacities of the race. 
 This is the more essential, as their capacity for elevated mental and 
 moral culture is called in question. Colonizationists have based all 
 their action on the belief in the unity of the human race, and the 
 natural equality of the whites and blacks. But the doctrine of the 
 inferiority of the African to the Caucassian is becoming popular, 
 and is urged as an objection to emancipation. Whether true or false, 
 this doctrine is gaining ground, and its advocates insist that it re- 
 ceives confirmation from the results of emancipation itself. The 
 free blacks, residing among the whites, give themselves up to 
 pleasure and to servile employments, rather than to the practice of 
 
(254) 
 
 the self-denying endurance of the toil necessary to success in me- 
 chanics and agriculture. This state of things is everywhere observ- 
 able. With some honorable exceptions, they rarely attempt to com- 
 pete with the white man in productive industry. This is true of 
 those in the enjoyment of political equality, as well as of those where 
 this boon is withheld. Frederick Douglass, Gerritt Smith, and 
 abolitionists generally, lament this state of things. The failure of the 
 free colored people of the North, in this respect, after, seventy years 
 of freedom * enables the South to point to the result as affording an 
 argument against emancipation. Their argument is strengthened, 
 they conceive, by the results in the West Indies. The Coloniza- 
 tionist dissents from this judgment, and claims that the colored man 
 must have a fair field for the trial of his capacities. He insists that 
 the blacks are not to be judged by any thing that has occurred under 
 the circumstances mentioned, as they are overshadowed by the white 
 man in the United States, controlled by foreign lawgivers in the 
 French and English West Indies, and oppressed by an ignorant semi- 
 barbarian in Hayti. Give the colored man a nationality, continues 
 the Colonizationist, before you judge of his capacity for compe- 
 ting with the more highly cultivated races. Select your field, then, 
 says the opposer of the Unity doctrine, I am willing to test the ques- 
 tion, and if* the negro fails again, talk no more to us forever about 
 his equality with the white man. Thus has Liberia become the 
 colored man's state of probation, in which he is to fix his destiny as 
 it regards an equality with the Caucassian. If he fails there, if the 
 little beacon light kindled by that republic should be extinguished, 
 and darkness again cover the African continent, alas! for the hopes 
 of the Negro race! 
 
 Your memoralists, in view of all these considerations, would 
 respectfully ask your honorable body to pass a law appropriating 
 means sufficient to enable the Ohio State Colonization Society to send 
 its emigrants from the State to Liberia. We found our claims to 
 assistance from the State on such grounds as these: that it is not the 
 purpose of the people of Ohio to tax themselves for the education 
 of the free colored people of the surrounding States: that so long as 
 Ohio stands pledged against Colonization, so long will the colored 
 people continue to emigrate into her bounds, as to their " land of 
 Canaan:" that an appropriation in aid of Colonization, by your 
 honorable body, would discourage immigration, as it would be 
 received by the colored people as an indication that civil and social 
 equality was not to be expected here, but that the people of Ohio 
 preferred to promote the establishment of a nationality for them in 
 Africa: that on the passage of such a law, the neighboring States, 
 instead of contenting themselves with legislating for the expulsion 
 of their colored population, would be forced to make provision for 
 their colonization in Liberia: that an extensive emigration of the 
 
 *It is seventy-six years since Massachusetts emancipated her slaves uncon- 
 ditionally. 
 
(255) 
 
 more enlightened free colored people to Liberia, by adding to lier 
 industrial population, would- aid, proportionally, in developing the 
 resources of that country, extending the area of civilization and 
 Christianity, and elevating the colored race: that as two races dif- 
 fering so widely as to prevent their amalgamation by marriage, can 
 never live together but as superiors and inferiors, the removal of 
 our colored people to Liberia will afford them incentives to virtuous 
 action they never felt before: and that the contact of Civilization 
 and Barbarism in Africa, will not be destructive of the native inhab- 
 itants, but tend to their redemption, because the government of Li- 
 beria discards the Pagan principle of action, and adopts the Hebrew 
 rule, in the expanded form it has assumed under Christianity. 
 
 In conclusion, your memorialists would submit to the judgment 
 of your honorable body, whether justice to all concerned does not 
 demand that the policy of the State, in reference to Colonization, 
 should now be definitely settled. Other States are contributing 
 from $2,000 to $10,000 a year in aid of emigration to Africa. For 
 the present your memorialists do not need a large amount, but if 
 the State decides on Colonization as its settled policy, an increased 
 liberality will be needed. 
 
 SAMUEL W. FISHER, Chairman, 
 DAVID CHRISTY, Cor. Secretary, 
 of Board of Directors of 0. S. Col. Society. 
 Cincinnati, March 1, 1856. 
 
&77-1